RECORDS OF THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS
UNDER THE PENAL LAWS.
CHIEFLY

FROM THE ARCHIVES

OF THE SEE

II.

OF

WESTMINSTER.

B.
A4319a1
THE

L E T T E R S AND M E M O R I A L S
OF

WILLIAM

CARDINAL

ALLEN.

(1532—1594).

EDITED BY

FATHERS OF THE CONGREGATION OF THE LONDON ORATORY.

WITH AN

HISTORICAL

INTRODUCTION
BY

THOMAS FRANCIS KNOX, D.D.,
PRIEST OF THE SAME CONGREGATION.

LONDON:
DAVID NUTT, 270, STRAND.
MDCCCLXXXII.

3067
LONDON :
PRINTED BY WERTHEIMER, LEA AND CO.,
CIRCUS PLACE, LONDON WALL.

D.

A4319a.1

B.
A4319A1

PREFACE.
T H E Letters and Memorials of Cardinal Allen now published consist
of 284 documents, of which 225 are printed for the first time, three have
^ been in part printed beforehand the remaining 56 are already in print.
Thirteen of the 56 have been collated anew with the original MSS., and
^ will be found to be more accurately rendered than the copies which exist
in books. Besides these documents the foot-notes not unfrequently contain
v in illustration of the text extracts from unedited MSS. or rare books.
The chief sources from which the MS. documents have been derived
y
"are the archives of the see of Westminster, the State papers and the Roman
transcripts in the Public Record Office, London, the Spanish archives at
Simancas, the British Museum, the archives of the kingdom of Belgium at
Brussels, the archives of the English College at Rome, the archives of
Stonyhurst College, and the MS. collections belonging to the old Brotherhood of the English Clergy, formerly known as the English Chapter.
The documents, whether MS. or printed, are in English, Latin,
Spanish, Italian, or French. Many however of those in Italian and almost
all the Spanish ones have been translated into English and incorporated
into the " Historical Introduction."
The Table of Contents has been drawn up in chronological order : an
arrangement which it was unfortunately impossible to follow so far as the
^documents themselves were concerned.
i
The Index has been compiled by the Rev. Father Keogh, who has
^ carefully gone over the proof sheets of the whole work and collated them
-jS in many cases with the originals.
With regard to future volumes of these Records all that can be said is
•JO

'

^ t h a t valuable materials abound in the archives of the see of Westminster;
i but two things are necessary in order to turn these to account, first, com^ p e t e n t labourers, and secondly sufficient interest on the part of the public
in this kind of publication to secure their labours from resulting in
-* pecuniary loss.
<£
A2

PKEFACE.

I n conclusion the Editors desire to express their gratitude to the Very
Reverend Dr. O'Callaghan, rector of the English College at Rome, to the
Very Rev. Provost H u n t and the Old Brotherhood of the English Secular
Clergy, to the Very Reverend F a t h e r William E y r e , S.J., rector of Stonyhurst College, to Monsieur Grachard, archiviste-general du royaume de
Belgique, to Don Pascual Gayangos and to other friends mentioned in the
course of the work, for the m a n y important papers which they have either
allowed them to copy or of which they have procured for them transcripts.
T H E ORATORY, LONDON,

S.W.,

Feast of St. Agnes, 1882.

The Kev. Father Knox sank under a heart disease of long standing on the 20th
March, whilst the last sheets of his " Historical Introduction " were passing through
the press. The work of preserving and making known the remaining memorials of
the martyrs and confessors of England had long been to him a labour of love. There
are unfortunately but few whose tastes and opportunities lead them in this direction,
and whatever may be done hereafter in continuation of this series of publications, his
special qualifications for the work will be sorely missed. The preparation of the
present volume occupied much of his time during the last four or five years of his life,
and he did not entirely cease working at it until within a few days of his death.
He was one who worked from high motives and for an eternal recompense, but
among lesser rewards it would have been grateful to him to know that his memory
would be associated, as it is not too much to hope it will be, with the Life of Cardinal
Allen—that great-hearted and apostolic man whose character he so much admired
and whom he has done so much to rescue from unmerited forgetfulness.
EDWAKD S. KEOGH,
Priest of the Oratory.
THE

ORATOEY,

LONDON,

Easter, 1882.

T A B L E OF CONTENTS.
HISTORICAL I N T R O D U C T I O N A collection of Cardinal Allen's letters and memorials long a desideratum .
. •
Now possible .
.
•
•
May be increased by further research " . . .
.
.
.
.
•
Object of this Introduction
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
•
Men should not be isolated from their age .
.
.
.
.
.
..
God the source of all legitimate authority .
.
...
.
.
.
•
Practical effect of this principle
.
.
.
.
.
.
•
.•
Church and State : their relations
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
•
•
The principles of the ages of faith still living in the sixteenth century
.
.
Appearance of England ecclesiastically during Allen's boyhood .
.
.
.
Allen at Oxford
Why Allen laboured for the conversion of the realm as such
.
. • ,
.
Allen's missionary labours : Douay College
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Two ways of converting England
.
.
. . .
.
.
.
.
Allen's appeal to force defensible on modern principles
.
.
.
.
.
.
Can a sovereign be lawfully dethroned ? When and how ? .
.
.
.
.
Were there valid grounds for Queen Elizabeth's deposition ?
.
.
.
.
Allen kept the work of the seminaries unmingled with his political life
.
.
When Allen began to take part in political action
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Allen's political life began in 1582 .
.
.
.
F F . Persons and Campion, S.J., in England
F . Persons sends Watts and Holt to Scotland .
.
F . Persons at Rouen : the Duke of Guise .
.
.
Affairs in Scotland : the Duke of Lennox .
.
.
.
.
.
.
%
F . Creighton sent to Scotland
Lennox to Tassis, 7 March, 1582
.
F . Creighton returns to France .
.
.
. . .
.
.
.
The Nuncio in France to the Cardinal of Como, 8 May, 1582 .
.
.
.
Tassis to Philip I L , 18 May, 1582 ; interview with F F . Creighton and Persons .
F . Persons' Memorandum .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. . .
Dr Allen to Pope* Gregory X I I L , 24 April/1582
.
.
.
.
.
.
Eaid of Ruthven
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
The Nuncio in France to the Cardinal of Como, 6 November, 1582 .
.
.
Proposed assassination of Queen Elizabeth
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
What is to be thought of it ? . . .
Events in Scotland : the King recovers his liberty
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
The enterprise of England—improved plan
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
F . Persons sent to the Pope : his instructions .
.
.
.
.
.
.
Mr. Charles Paget sent to England .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
F . Persons returns from Rome without increased subsidy : annoyance of Tassis
Arrest of Throgm or ton and others .
.
.
. ; .
.
.
.
.
.

PAGE

.
xv
. . xv
•
xv
•
xvi
•
xvi
•
xvii
.
xvii
••
xviii
.
xix
.
xx
xxi
.
xxii
xxiii
.
xxiii
xxiv
.
xxiv
. xxviii
.
xxix
xxxi
xxxii
xxxiii
xxxiii
xxxiv
. xxxiv
xxxv
. xxxv
. xxxvi
. xxxvi
. xxxvii
xl
.
xliii
xliv
.
xliv
.
xlvi
xlviii
li
.
liii
.
lvii
.
lviii
.
lix
lx

vi

CONTENTS.
PAGE

Report on the state of England, 16 January, 1584
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
lxi
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France upon the enterprise, 9 April, 1584
.
lxiv
Memorandum by Dr Allen recommending that the enterprise should begin by England,
not Scotland
lxvi
Events in Scotland : execution of the Earl of Gowrie
. . .
..
.
. lxviii
Death of the Duke of Anjou (formerly Alencon), 10 June, 1584
.
.
.
lxix
The enterprise becomes known to Elizabeth
.
.
.
. . .
.
.
lxx
Mary Queen of Scots to Dr. Allen, 30 October, 1584.
.
.
.
.
.
.
lxx
Philip I I . takes the enterprise into his own hands : the Duke of Parma .
.
.
lxxi
Gregory X I I I . dies, 10 April, 1585. Sixtus V. succeeds him .
.
.
.
.
lxxi
Dr Allen and F . Persons go to Rome, September, 1585
.
.
.
.
.
lxxii
Count Olivares to Philip I L , 24 February, 1586
. lxxiii
Memorandum, 24 February, 1586 .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. - .
lxxv
Dr Allen's cardinalate
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. lxxxvii
Dr Allen to Philip I I . , 19 March, 1587. Title to the English crown
.
.
. Ixxxix
Count Olivares on Philip II.'s title by descent to the English crown .
.
.
.
xc
Dr Allen and F . Persons on the succession
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
xcvi
Dr Allen's instructions for an audience of Sixtus V. .
.
.
.
.
.
.
c
Philip I I . to Count Olivares : Allen's cardinalate
.
.
.
.
.
.
cii
F . Creighton, S. J., and the Scotch catholics
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
ciii
Allen created Cardinal, 7 August, 1587
.
.
.
..."-•
•
•
•
•
civ
Allen and Olivares : suggestions for filling up the greater offices, ecclesiastical and
civil, in England
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
evi
Court of Wards
. . .
.
.
.
. . .
.
.
.
.
cvii
Sailing and defeat of the Armada. Transactions at Rome
.
.
.
.
.
cviii
F . Persons goes to Spain .
.
.
.
.
.
. . .
.
.
.
cxii
Conversion of ninety-three English prisoners in the Spanish galleys . . .
.
.
cxiii
Spanish distrust of the English prejudicial to the cause .
.
.
.
.
.
cxiii
Cardinal Allen and the Archbishoprick of Malines .
.
.
.
.
.
.
cxv
Allen Cardinal of England
. . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
cxvii
Duke of. Sesa to Philip I I . : Cardinal Allen's death .
.
.
.
.
. cxviii

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS OF CARDINAL ALLEN—
1. Nicolai Fitzerberti de Alani Cardinalis vita libellus
. . .
Romae, 1608
2. Draft of the Queen's writ to the sheriff of Lancashire for the apprehension of Allen
and others
.
Feb. 21, 1567-8
3. Dr John Vendeville to President Viglius
.
.
.
.
Nov. *o% D e c , 1568
4. Diploma from the Chancellor of the University of Douay to William Allen, B.D.,
fixing a day for publicly conferring on him the license in divinity.
Douay, Jan. 31, 1570
5. Brief of Pope Gregory X I I I .
.
.
.
.
.
Rome', April 15, 1575
6. Dr William Allen, the professors, and the students of Douay College to the'
Cardinal of Como .
.
.
.
.
.
.
Douay, June 13, 1575
7. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como .
.
.
Douay, June 13, 15758. Brief of Pope Gregory X I I I . to Dr William Allen
.
Rome, Aug. 30, 1575
9. Dr Nicholas Sander to the Cardinal of Como
.
. Madrid, March 30, 1576
10. Brief of Pope Gregory X I I I . to Dr William Allen
.
Rome, July 18, 1577'
11. Mary Queen of Scots to Dr William Allen .
.
.
Sheffield, Aug. 3, 1577
12. Dr William Allen to Dr Bristow and Mr. Bailey .
. , Cambray, Aug. 6, 1577

3
21
22
23
24
24
25
27
27
28
29
30

CONTENTS.

vii
PAGE

13. The same to F . Chasee (Chauncy), prior of the English Carthusians in the Low
Countries
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Cambray, Aug. 10, 1577
14. Dr Nicholas Sander to.Dr William Allen
.
.
.
Madrid, Nov. 6, 1577
15. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como .
.
.
Reims, April 4, 1578
16. Pope Gregory X I I I . to Louis, Cardinal Archbishop of Reims. Rome, May 18, 1578
17. The same to the Chapter of the Metropolitan Church of Reims. Rome, May 18, 1578
18. The Cardinal of Como to Dr William Allen
.
.
Rome, May 19, 1578
19. Dr William Allen to the Nuncio in France (Dandini)
.
Reims, June 22, 1578
20. The same to Dr John Vendeville .
.
.
.
.
Reims, July 27, 1578
21. Dr John Vendeville to Dr William Allen
.
.
.
Namur, Aug. 26, 1578
22. Dr William Allen to Madame Renée of Lorraine, abbess of St. Peter's at Reims.
Reims, Aug. 29, 1578
23. The same to the Governor or King's Lieutenant at Reims. Reims, Sept. 7, 1578
24. The same to the Rector of Louvain University
.
.
Reims, Sept. 11, 1578
25. The same to Dr John Vendeville .
.
.
.
.
[Reims] Sept. 16, 1578
26. The same to Louis, Cardinal Archbishop of Reims
.
. Reims, Sept., 1578
27. The same to F . Everardus Mercurianus, general of the Society of Jesus.
Reims, Oct. 26, 1578
28. Brief of Pope Gregory X I I I
Rome, Nov. 4, 1578
29. Dr William Allen to Pope Gregory X I I I .
.
,
.
Reims, Feb. 16, 1579
30. The same to the Cardinal Protector (Moroni)
.
.
Reims, Feb. 16, 1579
31. F . Robert Persons, S.J., to Dr William Allen
.
.
Rome, March 30, 1579
32. Dr William Allen to Mr. Richard Hopkins .
.
.
Reims, April 5, 1579
33. The same to Dr Owen Lewis
. ,
,
.
.
.
. Paris, May 12, 1579
236. F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J., to Dr William Allen. Rome, June 13, 1579
237. The Cardinal of Como to the same
.
.
. Rome, July 10, 1579
34. Dr William Allen to F. Edmund Campion, S.J.
,
.
. Rome, Dec. 5, 1579
238. Dr Thomas Goldwell, bishop of St. Asaph, to Pope Gregory X I I I .
Bologna, April 23, 1580
239. The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como, June 18, 1580
35. Instrument relative to the estate of Mr. Thomas Houghton, deceased.
Reims, June 26, 1580
240. Dr Thomas Goldwell, bishop of St. Asaph, to the Cardinal of Como.
Reims, July 3, 1580
36. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como .
.
,
Reims, July 10, 1580
241. The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como. July 12, 1580
37. Dr William Allen to the Nuncio in France (Dandini) .
Reims, July 14, 1580
242. The Cardinal of Como to Dr William Allen ,
, Rome, July 25, 1580
281. Dr William Allen to the Reverend William Barrett.
Reims, August 1 and 3, 1580
243. The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como. Aug. 14, 1580
244. The same to the same
Sept. 11, 1580
38. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como .
.
.
Reims, Sept. 12, 1580
245. The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como. Sept. 25, 1580
39. The Cardinal of Como to Dr William Allen ,
.
[Rome, Nov. or Dec, 1580]
40. Dr Thomas Goldwell, bishop of St. Asaph, to Dr William Allen.
Rome, April 17, 1581
41. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal Protector (San Sisto).
Reims, June 10, 1581
42. The same to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
.
.
Reims, June 23, 1581
43. Eusebius, al. F . Robert Persons, S.J., to Dr William Allen.
[England], July 4, 1581

31
38
39
40
41
41
42
45
46
.47
48
50
52
68
68
70
71
72
74
75
78
398
399
84
400
401
85
401
87
402
88
402
449
403
404
89
404
91
92
94
95
98

Vili

CONTENTS.
PAGE

44. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como .
.
.
Reims, Aug. 8, 1581
45. The same and others to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J. (Extracts).
Reims, Aug. 8, 1581
46. List of recusants now or lately in Berkshire gaol .
.
.
.
.
[1582]
47. Dr William Allen to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
Reims, Aug. 11, 1581
48. Sir Francis Englefield to Dr William Allen .
.
.
Madrid, Sept. 4, 1581
282. Dr William Allen to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
October, 1581
246. The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como. Nov. 6, 1581
49. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como
Reims, Dec. 20, 1581
50. A paper entitled " To Dr Allen at Reims "
.
[1581-1585]
51. Dr William Allen to Mr. George Gilbert
Reims, Jan. 15, 1582
52. The same to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
• Reims, Feb. 7, 1582
53. The same to the same .
Reims, Feb. 12, 1582
.
54. The same to the Cardinal of Como
Reims, Feb. 18, 1582
55. The same to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S J .
Reims, Feb. 23, 1582
56. The same to the same .
Reims, Feb. 23, 1582
57. The same to the same .
. ' Reims, March 3 ; 1582
.
.
58. The same to the same .
Paris, March 28, 1582
59. The same to the same .
Reims, April 16, 1582
60. The same to Pope Gregory X I I I . .
. St. Denis, April 24, 1582
61. The same to the Cardinal of Como
[St. Denis] April 24, 1582
62. The same to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
[Reims] May 4, 1582
247. The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como. May 8, 1582
63. Dr William Allen to [Mr. George Gilbert] ,
.
.
Reims, May 12, 1582
248. The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.
Paris, May 22, 1582
. Paris, May 22, 1582
249. The same to the same
64. Dr William Allen to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
Reims, May 28, 1582
65. Confession of Richard Baynes, priest, made in prison
. [Reims, 1582]
66 Dr William Allen to George Grymeston
Reims, May 31, 1582
61. The same to the Cardinal of Como
Reims, June 3, 1582
Reims, June 11, 1582
68. The same to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
Reims, June 23, 1582
.
.
.
.
.
69. The same to the same .
250. The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como. Julv 17, 1582
- •-- S.J.
Reims, July 17, 1582
70. Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, ~ Reims, July 18, 1582
71. The same to the same
Reims, July 19, 1582
72. The same to the same
Reims, Aug. 5, 1582
73. The same to the same
Reims, Aug. 16, 1582
74. The same to the same
Reims, Aug. 28, 1582
75. The same to the same
Reims, Sept. 2, 1582
76. The same to the same
Reims, Sept. 3, 1582
77 The same to the same .
Reims, Sept. 12, 1582
78. The same to the Cardinal of Como
Reims, Sept. 13, 1582
79. The same to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
Reims, Sept. 27, 1582
80. The same to the same .
.
.
* '
Reims, Oct. 20, 1582
81. The same to the same .
82. The same to the same
Reims, Nov. 5, 1582
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
251. The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como. Nov. 6, 1582
.
[Reims] Nov. 13, 1582
83. Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
. . .
.
.
.
.
Reims, Nov. 23, 1582
84. The same to the same .
Reims, Dec. 6, 1582
85. The same to fche same

99

101
103
104
105
452
404
106
107
109
110
113
114
118
119
120
124
125
129
130
131
405
132
406
409
135
139
141
142
143
146
409
147
149
151
153
155
157
158
159
161
162
164
166
167
410
169
170
171

ÌX

CONTENTS.

PAGE

86. The same to the same .
.
.
.
.
.
.
[Reims] Dec. 30, 1582
87. Instructions to the preachers at Rome on behalf of the English College at Reims.
Rome, Lent, 1582
252. The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Castelli).
[Rome] Feb. 14, 1583
88. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como .
.
.
Paris, Feb. 16, 1583
253. The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Castelli).
[Rome] Feb. 28, 1583
89. Dr William Allen to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
Reims, March 2, 1583
90. The Earl of Westmorland and Lord Dacre to Dr. William Allen.
Tournay, March 5, 1583
91. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como .
•
.
Reims, March 9, 1583
92. The same to F Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.* .
[Reims] March 14, 1583
93. The same to the same
[Reims] March 16, 1583
.
.
.
.
.
94. The same to the Cardinal of Como
Reims, March 18, 1583
95. The same to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
Reims, March 29, 1583
96. The same to the same .
Reims, April 14, 1583
97. The same to the same .
Reims, April 23, 1583
254. The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como. May 2, 1583
Dr William Allen to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
. Reims, May 6, 1583
99. The same to the same .
.
.
.
.
.
.Reims, May 20, 1583
255. The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Castelli).
Rome, May 23, 1583
256. The Nuucio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como. May 30, 1583
100. Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
Reims, May 30, 1583
101 . The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como .
/ May 30, 1583
102., Dr. William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
Reims, June 10, 1583
257. The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.
J u n e 11, 1583
103 . Dr William Allen to F., Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
Reims, June 26, 1583
258. The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.
. St. Cloud, June 30, 1583
104.. Dr William Allen to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
Reims, July 11, 1583
105.. The same to the same .
Reims, July 23, 1583
.
.
.
106.. The same to the Cardinal of Como
. Reims, Aug. 8, 1583
107.. The same to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J. .
.Reims, Aug. 8, 1583
108.. The same to the same
Reims, Aug. 12, 1583
.
.
.
.
.
109.. The same to Pope Gregory X I I I .
Paris, Aug. 22, 1583
110. The same to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J. .
Reims, Aug. 28, 1583
111. The same to the s a m e . . . . .
Reims, Sept. 1, 1583
112. The same to the same .
Reims, Sept. 8 [1583]
.
.
.
.
113. The same to the Cardinal Protector (San Sixto)
Reims, Sept. 12, 1583
114. The same to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J. .
. Reims, Oct. 9, 1583
115. The same to the same
Reims, Nov. 18, 1583
.
.
.
.
116. The same to the Cardinal of Como
Reims, Nov. 20, 1583
117, The same to Pope Gregory X I I I .
Reims, Nov. 20, 1583
118 The unjust seizure by the Sheriff of Lancashire of the property of the children
of George Alien of Rossall, deceased
.
.
.
.
.
1583-4
259. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como. Dec. 12,1583
119 Dr William Allen to
.
. . .
.
.
. Reims [early in 1584 ?]
120 The same to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J. .
.
.
.
.
J a n . 3, 1584
b

173
174
411
175
412
176
178
179
180
183
185
185
187
189
412
190
191
413
414
193
194
195
415
197
416
198
200
201
202
205
206
207
208
209
211
214
216
217
218
219
419
220
220

X

CONTENTS.
PAGE

121. Memorial from Dr William Allen and F . Robert Persons, S.J., to Pope Gregory
XIII
Jan. 16, 1584
122. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como .
.
.
.
Paris, Jan. 21, 1584
260. The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni).
Rome, Feb. 14 [1584]
123. F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J., to Dr William Allen
.
. Rome, Feb. 17, 1584
283. Dr William Allen to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
March, 1584
124. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como, April 2, 1584,
enclosing a letter from Dr William Allen to the Nuncio, dated
Reims, March 20, 1584
125. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como
.
.
Reims, March 21, 1584
126. Mary Queen of Scots to Dr. William Allen
.
. Sheffield, March 22, 1584
261. The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni).
Rome, April, 1584
262. The same to the same
. Rome, April 9, 1584
127. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.
Paris, April 16, 1584
128. Memorandum by Dr William Allen, transmitted by the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to Pope Gregory X I I I
[Paris, April 16, 1584]
129. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como
.
.
Paris, April 16, 1584
263. The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni).
Rome, April 23, 1584
264. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.
Paris, May 28, 1584
265. The same to the same
June 25, 1584
130. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como
.
.
.Reims, July 20, 1584
266. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.
July 23, 1584
131. Dr William Allen to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
.
. Reims, Aug. 5, 1584
267. The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni).
Aug. 13, 1584
132. The Cardinal of Como to Dr William Allen
.
.
. Rome, Aug. 27, 1584
268. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.
Paris, Sept. 3, 1584
269. F . William Creighton, S. J., and the proposed invasion of England.
Sept. 4, 1584
270. The Confessions of F . William Creighton, S.J., in the Tower.
1584
133. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.
Paris, Sept. 11, 1584
134. The same to the same
.
.
Sept. 17, 1584
135. Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como
.
.
.Reims, Sept. 27, 1584
136. The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni).
[Rome] Oct. 8, 1584
137. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como
. Oct. 30, 1584
138. Mary Queen of Scots to Dr William Allen
.
. Wingfield, Oct. 30, 1584
139. Dr. William Allen to the Cardinal of Como
Reims, Jan. 16, 1585
140. The same to Mary Queen of Scots
Reims, Feb. 5, 1585
Reims, Feb. 28, 1585
141. The same to the Cardinal of Como
Reims, March 8, 1585
142. The same to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J. .
271. The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.
Paris, March 10, 1585

222
224
419
225
452
226
228
229
420
420
230
231
232
422
423
423
234
424
236
424
239
425
425
432
239
240
240
242
243
243
244
247
248
249
434

CONTENTS.

xi
PAGE

272. The same to the same
.
.
.
.
.
. April 18, 1585
273. The same to the same
Oct. 7, 1585
143. Count de Olivares to Philip I I
Rome, Feb. 24, 1586
144. Memorandum of certain propositions made by Count de Olivares to Sixtus V.,
and the Pope's replies to each, with a narrative of the discourse thence arising
between his Holiness and the ambassador
.
.
Rome [Feb. 24] 1586
145. Dr William Gifford to Sir Francis Walsingham .
Reims, April 18, 1586
146. Dr William Allen to Don Juan de Ydiaquez
. Rome, May 8, 1586
147. Mary Queen of Scots to Dr William Allen
Chartley, May 20, 1586
148. Summary of the reply of Philip I I . to' a despatch from Count de Olivares of
24th February, 1586.
. [July 22, 1586]
149. Count de Olivares to Philip I I . .
, Rome, Aug. 29, 1586
150. The same to Don Juan de Ydiaquez
Rome, Jan. 2, 1587
151. The same to Philip I I .
Rome, Jan. 27, 1587
152. Philip II. to Count de Olivares .
Madrid, Feb. 11, 1587
153. Don Juan de Ydiaquez to the same
Madrid, Feb. 12, 1587
154. Memorandum presented to Sixtus Y. by Count de Olivares recommending Dr
William Allen for the Cardinalate, with the Pope's reply, Rome, March 14, 1587
155. Count de Olivares to Philip I I .
.
.
.
.
Rome, March 16, 1587
156. Dr William Allen to Philip I I .
.
.
.
.
Rome, March 19, 1587
157. Count de Olivares to Philip I I .
.
.
.
.
Rome, March 23, 1587
158. Memorandum drawn up by Dr William Allen and F. Robert Persons concerning
the succession to the English crown and the expedition against England.
Rome [March] 1587
.
. [Rome] March 24, 1587
159. Dr William Allen to Don Juan de Ydiaquez
~"
Rome, March 30, 1587
160. The same to Philip ~"~.
II
161. The same to Pope Sixtus Y.
Rome, March or April, 1587
162. Instructions given to Dr William Allen by Count de Olivares for his audience of
Pope Sixtus Y.
Rome, March 31, 1587
163. Leonardo Magnaro to F . William Holt, S.J.
. Turin, June 2, 1587
Rome, June 15, 1587
164. Count de Olivares to Don Juan de Ydiaquez
Madrid, J u n e 24, 1587
165. Philip I I . to Count de Olivares .
Madrid, June 24, 1587
166. The same to Dr William Allen .
167. Summary of a message from Philip I I . to Pope SixtUi Y., contained in a letter to
Count de Olivares
.
.
.
.
[Madrid] June 24, 1587
. Rome, July 10, 1587
168. Count de Olivares to Don Juan de Ydiaquez
. Rome, July 25, 1587
169. Dr William Allen to Philip I I . .
170. Count de Olivares to the same .
. Rome, July 30, 1587
.
.
171. The same to the same
. Rome, Aug. 7, 1587
172. Note presented by Count de Olivares to Pope Sixtus Y.
Rome, Aug., 1587
173. Acts of the consistory in which Dr William Allen was created Cardinal.
Rome, Aug. 7, 1587
Rome, Aug. 7, 1587
174. Pope Sixtus Y. to Philip I I
.
.
.
. . .
Rome, Aug. 7, 1587
175. Cardinal Allen to the same
176. The same to Mr. Thomas Bayly, Yice-president of the English college at Reims.
[Rome, Aug., 1587]
.
London, Oct. 23, 1587
177. A Jesuit in England to F . Robert Persons, S.J.
.
.
. Rome, Oct. 29, 1587
178. Brief of Pope Sixtus Y. to Cardinal Allen .
179. Philip I I . to Cardinal Allen
.
.
.
.
.
Madrid, Dec. 11, 1587
180. Memorandum by Count de Olivares and Cardinal Allen regarding appointments to
offices in England, if the Armada should succeed
.
.
.
[Rome] 1588

434
435
251
254
262
263
264
265
266
267
268
269
269
270
271
272
275
281
286
286
288
289
291
292
292
293
293
294
294
295
295
296
297
298
298
299
299
301
302
303

xii

CONTENTS.
PAGE

181. Louis Cardinal of Guise, archbishop of Reims, to Cardinal Allen.
Reims, April 3, 1588
182. Count de Olivares to Philip I I .
.
.
.
.
. Rome, Oct. 3, 1588
183. The same to the Duke of Parma
.
.
.
. Rome, Oct. 3, 1588
184. The same to Philip I I .
Rome, Oct. 9, 1588
185. The same to the same
. Rome, Oct. 17, 1588
186. Appointment by Cardinal Allen of Dr Richard Barret to the office of President of
the English college at Reims .
.
.
.
.
. Rome, Oct. 31, 1588
187. Madame Caterine de Clèves, Duchess of Guise, to Cardinal Allen.
Paris, Feb. 17, 1589
188. The Duke of May enne to Cardinal Allen .
.
Paris, April 8, 1589
189. F . John Hay, minor observant, to Cardinal Allen
.
Cologne, June 26, 1589
274. Pope Sixtus V. to Philip I I .
. . .
Rome, July 25, 1589
190. Testimonial from Cardinal Allento Mr. Thomas Throgmorton. Rome, Nov. 1, 1589
275. Philip I I . to Pope Sixtus V.
Aranjuez, Nov. 10, 1589
191. Lsevinus Torrentius, bishop of Antwerp, to Cardinal Allen
. Jan. 25, 1589
192. Cardinal Allen to Lord Paget .
.
.
.
.
[Rome] Jan. 30, 1590
193. The same to the cathedral Chapter of S. Rombaut at Malines.
Rome, Feb. 1, 1590
276. Testimonial of Dr Owen Lewis, bishop of Cassano, to Mr. Thomas
. Morgan
.
Cassano, Feb. 24, 1590
194. Charles Cardinal of Lorraine to Cardinal Allen .
Nancy, March 30, 1590
195. Cardinal Allen to Mr. Charles Paget
. Rome, Jan. 4, 1591
196. The same to Mr. Thomas Throgmorton
. Rome, Jan. 4, 1591
197. The same to the same
.
.
.
;
. Rome, Feb, 20, 1591
198." F. Robert Persons, S.J., to Don Juan de Ydiaquez
. Seville, April 4, 1591
199. Count de Olivares to Philip I I
Rome, April 28, 1591
200. Monumental inscription at Zagarolo .
. 1591
201. Joint protestation of Cardinal Allen and Dr Owen Lewis, bishop of Cassano.
Rome, May 6, 1591
202. Brief of Pope Gregory XIV* to Cardinal Allen
.
Rome, Sept. 18, 1591
203. Cardinal Allen to the bishops of Derry Kilmore and Down and Connor
between Oct., 1591, and Oct. 1594
204. The same to F. Robert Persons, S.J., .
.
.
.
. [Rome] Jan. 7, 1592
205. The same to Count Mansfeld, govern 3r of the Low Countries.
Rome, Feb. 22, 1592
206. Madame Caterine de Clèves, Duchess of Guise, to Cardinal Allen.
Reims, Feb. 22, 1592
207. Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, to Cardinal Allen
.
Saverne, July 22, 1592
208. Cardinal Allen to Dr Thomas Stapleton
.
.
.
Rome, Aug. 15, 1592
209. The same to the catholics of England
.
.
.
.
Rome, Dec. 12, 1592
210. The same to a Cardinal in Spain
.
.
.
.
Rome, March 15, 1593
211. Lsevinus Torrentius, bishop of Antwerp, to Cardinal Allen.
Antwerp, April 24, 1593
284. F . Robert Persons, S.J., to Pope Clement V I I I . Seville, April 15, 1593
212. Cardinal Allen to Mr. Richard Hopkins
.
.
<
. Rome, Aug, 14, 1593
213. The same to Pope Clement V I I I . enclosing two letters
[Rome] Sept. 8, 1593
214. The same to the Rev. Anthony Martin, in religion Dom Athanasius.
Rome, Jan. 21, 1594
215. Petition for faculties presented by Cardinal Allen to Pope Clement V I I I . , and
granted by his Holiness
. . .
.
.
. Rome, Feb. 16, 1594

305
306
307
308
309
310
311
312
313
435
314
436
315
315
317
437
318
319
320
325
329
332
333
334
335
337
338
340
341
342
343
343
346
347
453
318
351
354
355

CONTENTS.

Xlll
PAGE

216. Cardinal Allen to the Eev. John Mush
.
.
[Rome] March 16, 1594
4
217. The same to Ernest, Archbishop Elector of Cologne .
. Rome, Sept. 17, 1594
218. Faculties granted by Popes Gregory X I I I . and X I Y . and Clement V I I I . to
Cardinal Allen
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
219. Faculties granted by different Popes to Cardinal Allen before and after his
promotion
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
220. The Duke of Sesa to Philip I I .
. . .
.
. Rome, Oct. 24, 1594
221. Cardinal Allen's funeral discourse, delivered in the church of the English college
at Rome
.
.
.
.
. . .
.
.
.
Rome, 1594
222. Abstract of Cardinal Allen's will
Rome, Oct. 9, 1594
223. Petition of F . Joseph Creswell, S. J., to Philip II., on behalf of Cardinal Allen's
relations
1594
224. Memorandum concerning Cardinal Allen's relations .
.
1594
225. List of the members of Cardinal Allen's household
.
.
1594
226. Inventory of Cardinal Allen's debts
1594
227. Rev. Thomas Audley to Dr Christopher Bagshaw
.
.
. June 26, 1595
228. Sir Francis Englefield to Mr. Thomas Hesketh .
.
[Spain] Jan. 27, 1596
229. F . Robert Persons, S.J., to F . William Creighton, S.J.
Seville, May 10, 1596
230. F . William Creighton, S.J., to F . Robert Persons, S.J.
.
. Aug. 20, 1596
231. F. Robert Persons, S.J:, to F . William Creighton, S.J,
. Madrid, Nov. 2, 1596
277. Reply to Mgr. Pegna regarding English affairs
.
.
Jan. 27, 1597
232. F . Robert Persons, S.J., to Don Juan de Ydiaquez .
[Rome] June 30, 1597
233. The same to Mr. Charles Paget
.
.
.
.
. Rome, Dec. 20, 1597
234. The same to the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia
.
[Rome ?] June 10, 1601
235. Dr Thomas Worthington to Mr. Thomas Allen (alias Hesketh).
Douay, Dec. 18, 1601
278. Inquisitio post mortem Georgii Allen, fratris Cardinalis Allen.
Preston, Jan. 12, 1579-80
279. Inquisitio post mortem Johannis Allen, nepotis Cardinalis Allen.
Wigan, April 3, 1612
280. Cardinal Allen's epitaph in the church of the English college at Rome

356
358
359
361
362
364
370
371
372
374
377
378
380
381
384
384
439
386
391
394
396
441
445
448

HISTORICAL

INTRODUCTION.

A COLLECTION of original documents illustrating the life and labours of Cardinal ^ coll | c Allen has long been a desideratum in English historical literature. But interest- Cardinal
ing as must always have been every memorial of a man to whom unquestion- Allen's
ably the preservation of the catholic religion in England was primarily due, the n i e m o n a l s
formation of such a collection seemed until lately more desirable than possible, desideraIt is only sixty years ago that Mr. Charles Butler, after remarking that " a good turn,
life of Cardinal Allen would be an important acquisition to the history of
England during the reign of Elizabeth," added that " the loss both of the manuscript and printed documents, which existed nowhere but in the establishments
of the English - catholics on the Continent and which perished in the French revolution, would probably render the execution of such a work very difficult."1 The
wholesale destruction of English catholic documents by the revolutionists in
France 2 is certainly an irreparable misfortune, nor is it easy to exaggerate the
injury thence accruing to historical studies ; still many valuable papers have ^ '
survived the wreck and may still be met with, if carefully sought for, in England P0SSlbleand abroad. Moreover the increased interest felt of late years in the study of
historical sources has led to the official publication of catalogues and abstracts of
many manuscript documents hitherto unknown or almost inaccessible, as well as
to the removal of the jealous restrictions by which the contents of state-archives
were formerly secured from public inspection. Hence it has now at length
become possible to gather together and print a large number of documents
bearing on Cardinal Allen's life. They form, as might be expected, a very miscellaneous collection.
Many are letters written by Allen or addressed to him ; others are despatches of ambassadors to their sovereigns relating to the work on which he was
engaged. They come from various archives. They are in different languages. But
they all serve, each in its measure, to throw light upon the character, motives and
many-sided activity of the man to whom they refer, while at the same time they
indicate the way in which he was appreciated by his contemporaries, not only by
the multitude at large, but by those whom long experience had taught to estimate
men,—Popes, princes and statesmen.
Though the number of documents here printed is considerable, and none May be
have been omitted which it was possible to procure through personal search or Jnc^easld
the kind co-operation of friends, there must be much still left to reward further research.61
investigations. The archives of the Vatican, of Simancas and perhaps of the
kingdom of Belgium promise, if examined more closely, a richer yield. The
general archives of the Society of Jesus, with whose members Allen was in such
1

Butler's Historical Memoirs of English, Irish, and Scottish Catholics since the Reformation,
2
vol. i. p. 318, note
First and Second Donai/ Diaries, p. iv.

XVI

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

intimate relations during many years of his life, can hardly fail to contain additional matter of value, which under more prosperous external circumstances would
doubtless be rendered more accessible to the collector than is now possible.
But besides all this, the mere fact of the extent, variety and continuousness of
Allen's correspondence, to which the present collection bears testimony, would
alone make it probable that other letters of his may yet lie hid in the archives
and libraries of the continent, especially in those of Spain, with which country,
as a Cardinal who owed his promotion to Philip II. and was devoted to the
Spanish Crown, he would naturally have kept up frequent epistolary relations.
Object of
A short narrative of Allen's life and works would naturally be prefixed
this Intro- t 0 ^his collection of documents as a connecting thread for the better understanding of their nature and value. This however has been already done, at least to
a certain extent, in the Historical Introduction to the First and Second Douay
Diaries. After a description in outline of the cruel persecution by which the
English catholics were ground down during the forty-four years of Elizabeth's
reign, the main facts of Allen's life are there related, especially with reference to
the work of his predilection, the college of Douay, which he founded, and
which proved the chief means of preventing the catholic religion from dying
out in England. This part of Allen's activity was treated at some length and
with considerable fulness, as was suitable in an introduction to the college
diaries. But another very important portion of Allen's labours was left almost
untouched, the part namely which he played in the political movements of his
day. . This was done because in the first place these two spheres of missionary and
political action seemed, as a matter of fact, in Allen's case to lie quite outside each
other and so to admit of separate treatment ; and secondly because the materials
relating to Allen's political labours had to be sought for and printed, before it
was possible to describe with any attempt at completeness this branch of his
labours. It will be the principal object of the present Introduction to supply what
was omitted in the former one, so that the two taken together will give a sufficient account of Cardinal Allen's life and works. But before passing on to the
consideration of the Cardinal's political life, the following preliminary observations will not, it is hoped, be found superfluous.
Men should
If we would form a true estimate of men who have lived in a different age
not beiso- from our own,, we must study attentively the social and political organizations of
their age*1 w n ^ c n they were members, and reproduce to ourselves the principles, maxims and
modes of thought, in the midst of which, as in an all-pervading atmosphere, they
and their contemporaries lived and worked. 1 To isolate them from their age,
and then to imagine them as actuated by the spirit of our own day would be to
substitute a travesty for the reality. Any judgment of their character and actions
based on such considerations and arrived at by contemplating them from such a
point of view would be necessarily distorted and misleading. This truism, as' it
may be called, though it is one more readily admitted than practically remem1
Mebuhr, in his Roman History, thus expresses the same thought :—" He who calls
departed ages back again into being enjoys a bliss like that of creating. It were a great thing
if I could scatter the mist that lies upon this most interesting portion of ancient story, and
could spread a clear light over it, so that the Romans shall stand before the eyes of my
readers distinct, intelligible, familiar as cotemporaries with their institutions and the vicissitudes of their destiny living and moving."

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XV11

bered,is my excuse for prefacing the account of Cardinal Allen's political life with
a few remarks concerning certain principles which were held as axioms in his
day, though now they are either denied or are relegated at least by the noncatholic world to the realm of simple speculation.
The first of these principles relates to the all-important question : What is G> the
<d
the ultimate source of all legitimate authority among men? The answer to this ^[«Thiquestion is the foundation on which the whole fabric of political science is built, raate
and it practically shapes and regulates the relations between the governed and auihoiity.
the governors from first to last. In Allen's day all men with one voice would have
affirmed as an indubitable truth that the sole source of all authority either in the
spiritual or in the natural order is Almighty God. None but the representative
of man's Creator, they would have said, can justly claim the obedience of his
fellows. It is only to Cod's delegate that men are bound to submit their wills.
The channels indeed through which authority may descend upon the ruler are
various, but the source from which it flows is the same. The mode of communication may be natural or supernatural, mediate or immediate. Authority may be
imparted to an individual, to a few, to the whole body ; it may come by treaty,
conquest or inheritance. But in every case, if legitimate, it is from God ; and the
ruler has no title to govern except as God's representative, and with power
derived from Him. Hence while he has a strict right to the obedience of his subjects, the very nature of the right reminds him and them that his decrees are
without force if they are manifestly in contradiction with God's laws, and that as
he rules not slaves but God's free men, his end in ruling must be not his own
private advantage but the common weal.
These principles could not have failed to become operative in the hearts of Practical
those who held them, and they must have exercised a powerful influence in ^ , : t of
drawing together the governed and their governors, and consecrating in a certain principle,
sense their relations to each other as an earthly similitude of those which exist
between God our Father in heaven and His children here below. Hence flowed
the enthusiastic loyalty, deep reverence and personal devotion, which sovereigns
excited in their subjects. Such feelings indeed and the ways in which they were
formerly manifested would be unreal and childish in those who, as at the present •
day, place the source of authority elsewhere than in God. The slave is not
enthusiastic about his overseer : the hired servant is not revered as such by his
hirer. But in an age gone by they were the natural outcome and expression
of the principles then dominant. For the same reason treason and rebellion wore
a different aspect in those days from what they do now. Then they were
regarded as crimes of the deepest dye and worthy of the heaviest punishment:
now under the title of political offences they are scarcely reckoned among the
lowest class of venial sins. The spirit of his age breathes in Shakespere's well
known lines :—
" And shall the figure of God's majesty,
His captain, steward, deputy elect,
Anointed, crowned, planted many years,
Be judged by subject and inferior breath.
And he himself not present ?" l

The sentiment was a reality then : it is poetry and only poetry now.
1

Richard IL, act IY. sc 1
c

xml

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Church
From God as the ultimate ground and source of all human authority we may
and State : pass on to consider the aspect under which the two great organizations of
their rela- re ligious and social life, the catholic church and the states of Christendom,
presented themselves to Allen s contemporaries. Looking as they did upon the
authority which actuated these bodies as derived from the same fountain head,
Almighty God, it was natural that they should regard them as having been
intended by their divine author to work together in harmony and unity. I t was
undeniable that each as a sovereign power was sovereign within its own domain ;
but since these domains overlapped and intersected each other at many points,
unity of action required that where the two powers came into contact one or
other should give way ; while at the same time the fact that the end of the one,
being temporal, was essentially subordinate to the end of the other, which was
eternal, clearly indicated that the temporal power should yield to the spiritual
and the natural to the supernatural. Hence though recognizing the full sovereignty of the temporal prince they maintained that an indirect authority over
temporals belonged of right to the spiritual ruler. Furthermore all Christians
were looked upon as members of both organizations. Birth made men subjects
of a state ; baptism, or the new birth, of the church. As man could not fulfil
his earthly destiny except in the social state, so neither could he w o r k o u t his
eternal salvation except in the church. Hence no one who had become a
member of either body had the right to stand aloof from it : death alone could free
him from the duty of obedience to the church 'and to the state. To rebel
against either power was to offend against God and the social good. It was to
refuse obedience to the legitimate authority by which society is held together and
to substitute anarchy for order. Now heresy or the obstinate rejection of a
dogma revealed by God and propounded by the church, was regarded as rebellion
against the church and high treason against God. Hence the horror it excited in
the ages of faith and the severity with which it was everywhere punished. The
heretic struck a deadly blow at the whole fabric of society ; directly at the
spiritual organization, for the church was a mere "magninommis umbra" if there
were not one faith, and indirectly at the state, since rebellion against the spiritual
power must needs pave the way to revolt against temporal authority, both powers
having the same ultimate ground, the ordinance of God. Princes then in the
interest of their people, no less than as the official executors of the church's
sentence, were bound to root out heresy from their dominions. Again it was
everywhere held that sovereigns, being as Christians members of the church,
were as fully subject to her jurisdiction as the meanest of their subjects, and this
not only as private individuals but in the exercise of their supreme power as
sovereigns ; for they might sin in either capacity, and as sinners they fell at once
necessarily under the church's judgment and punishments. They could only have
withdrawn themselves from the pastoral crook of Christ's vicar by proving that
they had never been of the number of Christ's sheep ; a plea impossible to a
Christian. Accordingly the Popes have again and again forced sovereigns to
respect the marriage tie and to cease from oppressing their people. But much
more was the church bound to intervene when a prince fell into heresy. The
monstrosity of a heretical sovereign ruling over a Christian people was something utterly repugnant to the common feeling and the common law of Christendom. No one doubted that it was the Pope's duty and right to depose a

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XIX

heretical monarch from his throne, to free his subjects from their obligation of
obedience, and to transfer his territories to another king or even family.
The
deposing power was looked upon by all as an appanage of the Sovereign Pontificate ; and no sovereign felt aggrieved, or thought that his own authority was
impaired by the punishment inflicted on his guilty brother. The very majesty
which environed kings as God's anointed delegates made every Christian feel
the impossibility of tolerating a heretical prince in the commonwealth of
Christendom. We have revolutions now instead of Papal depositions of unworthy sovereigns ; the uprisings of rebellious subjects against their legitimate
rulers instead of a judicial act of the common father and judge of Christians.
Whether society has thereby gained in stability may be justly questioned. Be
this however as it may, our only concern at present is to call attention to some
of the principles or prejudices (prcejudicia), if that term be preferred, which
underlay the thoughts and judgments of Allen's contemporaries, lest by neglecting
these and ascribing to him those of our own time we render a true estimate of
his character and actions impossible to us.
But it may perhaps seem inaccurate to speak of the sixteenth century as The prinstill dominated by the principles which prevailed in the centuries immediately f*ples otg
preceding it. For this age was unquestionably a period of transition as regards faith still
the outward forms of society and religion ; and therefore necessarily a change was living in
going on in men's minds in respect to the principles of which these outward forms ^ n ^ "
were the expression. At the opening of the sixteenth century and during the century,
first twenty years of its course the religious and political order in Europe was
still unchanged, and all things in church and state looked externally as they had
done throughout the middle ages. Christendom whether regarded from the side
of the church or of the state was as yet an unbroken unity. Heresy met with
toleration nowhere. The Pope's supremacy, direct in spirituals and indirect in
temporals, was not denied in principle by any one, however much the exercise of
it might be contested or evaded in practice. But before the first quarter of
the century was past Luther had begun his revolt, which already gave promise
of surpassing in durability the heretical movements of former times. Calvin and
Zuingle soon followed in Luther's train, each with his newly-invented doctrine and
his adherents. Several of the German princes also supported the reformation.
Norway, Sweden and Denmark abandoned the ancient faith.
The new gospel
penetrated into England, Scotland, France and the Low Countries, carrying
division everywhere. Thus the century which had opened on a Christendom one
in church and state closed with the spectacle of a Christendom one no longer,
but br.oken up into hostile camps, each animated by principles which rendered
the reunion of the fragments well nigh impossible. The catholic church alone
was still as ever unchanged and unchangeable in faith and organization, but she
was weakened by the apostasy of so many of her children, while her social
and political influence was passing away with the disruption of the commonwealth
of Christian states. This is a true picture of the vast changes which were going
on during the sixteenth century ; and yet for all this, while making every allowance
for particular cases, it seems to me not incorrect to say that the principles
dominant in the middle ages were still alive and influential in the minds of
most of those who had reached mature age before this century closed. Of the
catholics this can hardly be doubted, especially in the case of those who had seen
c 2

XX

HISTOKICAL INTRODUCTION.

with their own eyes or had heard from their fathers how things were formerly in
church and state and who sighed more or less hopefully for their restoration.
But even with regard to the protestante the principles which they had imbibed
in their childhood and youth must still have largely affected their general views
and made them feel the force of arguments which would leave unmoved the men
of a future generation, even though these principles were logically at variance
with the new doctrines to which they had subsequently given their adherence.
I t was with them as with the materialist, who no longer believing in the existence of God, the moral law and a future state, yet acts and reasons for the most
part as if the dogmas he has intellectually rejected were true. It is time however to turn from these general considerations to the examination of the particular part which Cardinal Allen took in the politics of his day.
AppearWilliam Cardinal Allen was born in 1532, the year in which Cranmer,
ance of
under the authority of a Papal bull was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury.
England
ecclesiasti-. Two years later (1534) the realm of England by act of Parliament consummated
cally
the schism for which it had been preparing and formally separated itself from the
during
unity of Christendom. Then followed the destruction of the monasteries and the
Allen's
boyhood. plunder of church property, together with the martyrdoms of laymen, monks and
ecclesiastics, who preferred to die as so-called traitors rather than acknowledge
the king to be supreme spiritual head of the English church. Allen was fifteen
when he went up to Oxford, and it was at the beginning of this year, 28th
January, 1547, that Henry VIII. died. Allen's childhood and youth were thus
cast in troubled times, when the hearts of many must have been heavy within
them in anxious expectation of what further evils might be coming upon the
land. It should however be borne in mind that so long as Henry VIII. lived
there was very little external change visible in the aspect of religion in
England. The bishops still pontificated, confirmed and ordained with precisely
the same rites as formerly. Mass was daily said or sung in every parish church
and chapel with the same ritual and in the same vestments that had been used
for centuries. The churches wore their accustomed decorations. Crucifixes
and holy images excited the devotion of the faithful, save only where the
king's greed of gold had robbed the ancient shrines and pilgrimage-places
of the offerings which once adorned them. Fast and festival still varied
as of old the year's monotony. No change was visible when infants were
baptised, and marriages solemnized. The viaticum was carried to the dying,
extreme unction was administered, and the grave closed over the earthly
remains of the departed with the same ancient forms as hitherto. Even the
doctrines preached from the pulpit were on the whole unchanged. For jealous as
the king was of his pretended supremac}7, he did not add it to the creed or force
the clergy to teach it to their flocks. On the contrary he used it to forbid all
other novelties in doctrine, and he was ready to burn as heretics those who
dared to depart one degree further than he himself had done from the catholic
faith. Hence the England of Allen's first impressions was still in outward
seeming and to his youthful apprehension the catholic England of earlier times.
No spectacle of a heretical worship battling with or hindering the full manifestation of the catholic faith marred for him the majestic beauty or weakened the
attractive power of the one catholic and apostolic church. Moreover he belonged
to a family whose attachment to the faith and freedom from all taint of heresy

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXI

were proved by many subsequent trials. Even the part of Lancashire in which
he was born was remarkable for its steadfastness in the faith. Fifty years later
he wrrote with evident satisfaction that it was still wholly catholic, though some
of the common people might now and then go to the protestant church to escape
the pains and penalties of recusancy.1
Allen continued his studies at Oxford as an undergraduate and then as a Allen at
bachelor of arts during the short reign of Edward VI., under whose fostering Oxford,
care protestantism was making steady progress in the country. He took his
M.A. degree in 1554, the year in which the realm was solemnly absolved from
heresy and schism by the Papal legate, Cardinal Pole, and restored to catholic
unity; an event which must have ever after stood out sharp and clear in Allen's
recollections. The offices of proctor and principal of St. Mary's Hall which
he filled in the university show the esteem in which he was already held and
must have given him opportunities of co-operatiug to some extent in the restoration of the ancient religion under Mary. Allen was twenty-six years old when
Elizabeth ascended the throne and u n d i d for ever her predecessor's work. A
professed catholic at her accession, communicated and crowned according to the
ancient rite by a catholic prelate, six months did not pass before she reassumed
with the assent of parliament the spiritual headship of the English church, and
like her father and brother challenged as a right inherent in her imperial crown
the same fulness of jurisdiction which Christ's vicar, the Roman Pontiff, till then
exercised in England. Elizabeth had the whole temporal power of the crown
wherewith to back up her pretended spiritual jurisdiction, and she used it freely
to abrogate all exercise whatever of the catholic worship throughout the realm,
and to enforce instead of it under heavy penalties the weekly presence of all her
subjects at the new rites and preaching which she had sanctioned. Thenceforth
in England, now catholic no longer, bishops so called ruled their flocks with
power derived not from Christ's Vicar but the Queen. The Book of Common
Prayer, read by ministers, replaced the mass and the mass-priests, as they were
termed derisively. Bread and wine administered at communion tables supplanted
in every church our Lord's Body and the altars on which it was once consecrated.
The sacrament of confession was done awaj^ with. The dying passed into eternity
unhouseled and unaneled. No prayers or sacrifices might be offered to hasten
the entry of the faithful departed into bliss. The images of Christ, His blessed
Mother and the saints were torn down with contumely. The bare walls of
the neglected and defaced churches preached indifference to the mysteries
of the unseen world, while the pulpits rang with ignorant blasphemies
against the time-honoured faith of Christendom. This transformation of the
whole external religious life of England was wrought on one day by act of
parliament and imposed under the heaviest penalties upon a generally reluctant
people. The feast of St. John the Baptist's Nativity, 15 51)-, when by statute
the old worship ceased and the new began,2 must have ever after lived in Allen's
memory as a sorrowful pendant to St. Andrew's day, 1554, when by the absolution of the Papal legate England had become catholic again. Though Allen had
1
2

Allen to Agazzari, 14 March, 1583, infra, p. 181.
On the other hand Stow says : " on the 8th of May, being Whitsunday, the service in
churches began according to the book of common prayer set forth and established by this last
parliament correspondent to that of K. Edward's time." Stow, Chronicle, p. 639.

xxii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

resigned the office of principal of St. Mary's Hall, Oxford was not a place where
his undisguised zeal for the catholic faith would suffer him long to remain
in safety. Like many other learned men of both universities, who preferred exile
with the loss of benefices and prospects to the oath of supremacy and external
conformity to the new religion, he withdrew to the Low Countries in 1561, still a
layman, or at most a tonsured clerk, if it be true that he had been appointed to
a canonry in York Cathedral in 1558/for we have his own testimony that he
received all the orders, priesthood included, at Malines.2
Why Allen
It is needless to retrace here the details of Allen's subsequent life, for they
laboured w iH be found in the Introduction to the Douay Diaries already mentioned ; nor
conversion *s ^ worth while to prove that the one end for which he lived and toiled was to
of the
bring back his countrymen to catholic unity, since the letters and memorials
reatra as which follow show this abundantly. My purpose in the brief summary of his
suc
*
early years just given is simply to point out how the circumstances of his boyhood and youth, taken in connection with the dominant principles of his century,
explain and, if need be, justify the special point of view under which the object of
his lifelong labours, England's conversion, presented itself to him. This was, as
it seems to me, nothing less than the reconciliation of the realm as such with the
catholic church and the restoration of the state of things ecclesiastical and civil
which existed at the time when Henry VIII. began the schism. In his boyhood
he had seen England, in outward appearance at least, still catholic. He had
beheld her putting on the garb of protestantism under Edward VI. Seven
years passed and the realm was ruled by a catholic sovereign and was once
again in full communion with the Apostolic See. True, the restoration was shortlived. I t died with Mary, and a new queen had replunged the kingdom in a deeper
abyss of heresy and schism than before. But what had been might be again.
Elizabeth might find it necessary to change her policy; death might remove her ;
or Providence interfere in other ways, and a catholic successor bring back the
catholic past. These hopes did not seem chimerical to Allen and his contemporaries, nor were they so in themselves, for it was impossible to reckon upon or
foresee the forty-four years that Elizabeth's reign lasted. That such were Allen's
hopes or rather his unshaken expectation is plain from all his acts and writings.
Thus in his letter from Rome to the catholics and priests in England, 12th
December, 1592, when the prospect was black enough, he says: " Doubt ye not,
my most sweet and faithful coadjutors and true confessors, that our adversaries'
iniquities are now in God's sight near accomplished and at the height: on the
contrary side the numbers of our brethren that are to suffer for His truth are near
made up, and shortly to receive not only in the next, but in this world, the
worthy fruits of their happy labours. God all mighty and all merciful will not
suffer long the rod of the wicked to lay so heavy upon the lot of the just, neither
let us be tempted more than by His grace we shall be able to bear, but will
shorten those days of affliction for the elect's sake." 3 Again upon his deathbed
he asked the Duke of Sesa to entreat Philip II. not to abandon the good catholics
of England, for that he was dying in full confidence that through the crown of his
majesty the realm would one day be restored to the obedience of the Holy See.4
1
2
3

Wood's Athena, L, 616.
Allen to the Chapter of St. Eombaut at Malines, 1 Feb., 1590, infra, p. 317.
Infra, p. 344.
* Duke of Sesa to Philip II., 24 October, 1594, infra, p. 363.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xxiii

I t would be easy to multiply passages like these. They are quoted less as proof
than in illustration. Once more the aims and hopes of Allen come out more
clearly when we contrast them with those of the most fervent catholics in the
following century. The undisputed accession and untroubled reign of James I.
made it evident that the long-continued and crushing tyranny of the penal laws
had proved effective not indeed in destroying Catholicism, but in establishing
protestantism as the ruling power in England. Thenceforth no one however
sanguine hoped or laboured to bring back the "kingdom, as a kingdom, to the
catholic church. All that catholics now.sought was some degree of toleration for
themselves and to win individuals here and there to the old religion
In reading the letters which they have left behind and studying their aims and policy
we seem to breathe a different air, and to have come among different men from
those of Allen's day, so great is the change in circumstances and sentiments that
half a century had worked. This should be borne in mind, Jest we fall into the
error of judging Allen's aims and actions by the standards of another century
quite unlike his own.
Allen's aim was to make England catholic again, and to attain this end he Allen's
left no means unused which Providence placed within his reach. A dangerous JB[ssl0Tiary
illness was the occasion of his return to his native country in 1562, and he-Douay"
remained there until 1565, occupied unceasingly in converting heretics, rekind- College,
ling the zeal of catholics and exhorting all to abstain from attending the schismatical worship by law established. This he did by frequent conversations and
instructions full of eloquence and learning, to which his marvellous power of
personal influence added fresh persuasiveness.1 Once more he was forced to leave
England, and this time for ever: but he continued his apostolate in Flanders
by writing and printing varioiis books of controversy in the vernacular suited
to his country's needs. Ere long he began at Douay the college of which he
wrote twenty-six years later to a priest in England a few months only before
his death : " Another thing there is which I pray both yourself and the fathers
of the Company, and all other my godly friends, priests or laymen, that they
extend their hands and hearts of compassion towards the maintenance of the
seminary of Douay, which is as dear to me as my own life, and which hath next
to God been the beginning and ground of all the good and salvation which is
wrought in England ; which must needs be dissolved in very short time except it
be abundantly one way or other relieved. The decay whereof as it would rejoice
the enemy much, so certainly it would be the fall of all other colleges erected for
our nation abroad in the world. You know the case, my friend, and how much
it importeth your good and honour of the catholic cause."2 There is no exaggeration in the good wdiich Allen here attributes to the college at Douay, as the
documents now published will amply testify: but of this I have written at large
elsewhere in the Introduction to the Douay Diaries.
The special end of the college and of the various spiritual works which grew Two ways
up under its fostering care was the maintenance and propagation of the catholic of c ? n "
religion in England. Few now-a-days, even of those who have no sympathy England,
with Catholicism, will deny that the end was legitimate and that the moral
1
2

Infra, p. 56.
Allen to Mush, 16 March, 1594, infra, p. 357. Cf. Allen to Vendeville, 16 Sept., 1578,
infra, p. 52, and Allen to the Cardinal of Como, 16 Jan., 1585, infra, p. 244.

XXIV

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

means of instruction, persuasion and patience under persecutions, by which the
priests trained at Douay strove to convert men to the faith, were no less
unexceptionable. But there was another way of bringing back England to the
catholic church which though quite in harmony with the principles of the sixteenth century does not commend itself to men of the present day, or rather needs
only to be stated to be condemned by them. This is the employment of political
action and external force. As Allen held the one means to be as lawful as the
other, and used both as the occasion served, it is necessary for the right understanding of his life to examine how a man so sincere and single-minded as
he undoubtedly was justified to himself the political action by which he sought
to bring about the return of his country to the faith.
Allen's
It would be easy indeed to defend him on principles very generally assumed
appeal to a s true at the present time. Subjects, it is said,. have an indefeasible right
defensible ^° r e ^ e ^ against their sovereign, whenever they judge his rule to be oppressive,
on modern and they may call in foreign powers to aid them in their attempt. The right of
principles, revolution has now become part of the common code of modern Europe. Now
what treasure is there dearer and more precious to a true catholic than the
faith ? A sovereign then who like Elizabeth made the exercise of the catholic
religion in England impossible has thereby lost all claim to the obedience of her
subjects/and they may justly depose her by themselves or with the help of foreign
princes. I do not see what answer can be given to such a defence of Allen on
modern principles, except to deny that the catholic faith is a treasure the loss of
which would justify rebellion. But surely on these same principles it is for the
person concerned, not the bystander, to determine the nature and degree of the
oppression which warrants him to revolt. He is judge and executor of the judgment in his own cause. This answer would be sufficient ad hominem in a controversial dispute. The subject however must be examined more closely in serious
history; for though there is a certain amount of truth, or rather of truth perverted, in these modern principles, it would be unfair to'Allen to rest on them
his justification. We have to discover the grounds on which he himself acted.
The validity of the grounds is a further matter, which may be left. to the
appreciation of the reader.
To understand Allen's position two questions must be examined: 1. Are
there any circumstances under which a temporal sovereign can be rightfully
deprived of his sovereignty, and if so, how and when ? 2. Were these conditions
fulfilled when Allen took part in the endeavour to dispossess Elizabeth of the
English throne ?
Can a
To begin with the first question : according to the teaching of the church
sovereign and the principles which prevailed during the sixteenth century the sovereign's
dethroned?! title to govern his subjects comes in ultimate analysis from God. No one thereWhen and fore but God has the right to take away from the sovereign that authority which
how?
Has then God provided any means for the
n o o n e b u t God has given to him.
withdrawal of this authority, or given any indication when it is His will that
it may be lawfully withdrawn ? The right of the sovereign to rule does not come
from any positive law of God. I t flows from the natural law, that is, from God's
unspoken law, written by Him on man's nature and promulgated to him through
his reason. God has so constituted man that to be a member of a state is a
necessity of nature to him. But no state is possible without the existence in it

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXV

of a supreme power with the right to govern the state's members. God then,
who alone can give this power, must have intended to give it, and wherever it
exists legitimately, it is traceable to Him. God gives the authority, but He does
not designate the person of the recipient. The ways in which the sovereign
power may be acquired are manifold. Sometimes for example it has been by
election ; sometimes by conquest ; at other times by treaty ; now and then by
an usurpation subsequently legitimised^ by the peaceful acquiescence of the
governed when lapse of time and hopelessness of success have extinguished the
title of the expelled sovereign. Under all these modes of designating the sovereign there seems to lie the choice or at least tacit consent of the people as a
condition; but when once the sovereign power has been constituted it continues
according to the form in which it was constituted, whether elective, or hereditary,
monarchical, aristocratical, or popular, without any right on the people's part to
resume at will the sovereignty and designate a new sovereign. This right would
indeed exist if, as moderns teach, the sovereign were simply the people's delegate
and minister ; for the power they give they can withdraw. But it does not
exist according to the doctrine that the sovereign is God's delegate and minister,
and that the people's part is only to designate in certain cases the person who
shall be invested with the sovereignty.
The natural law, from which the sovereign derives his right to rule, prescribes The
also the end at which he should aim in ruling. His sovereignty exists because it is sovereign's
indispensable to his people's good; the end therefore of the exercise of his ^ ^ t h e
sovereignty must be his people's good likewise. To use his power merely for his good.
own private good would be to rule as a tyrant not as a sovereign. Hence if he
should enact anything plainly contrary to God's law and to the state's injury
his enactment would be without binding force. He would no longer command
in this point as God's minister in virtue of the power God has given him, and to
disobey him herein would not be to disobey God, but on the contrary to disobey
would become a duty. Still particular unjust enactments do not take away
the prince's right to obedience in other matters where his commands are just.
He is still sovereign, though he may rule in many points tyrannically.
But a case may arise in which the sovereign, in spite of warnings and The
admonitions, perseveres for a long time in governing with utter disregard to the ^™1^ ®
.
*

.

.

• o

"
~

o

o

#

©

end is his

general good of his subjects, so that the social order is breaking up under his own
tyranny, and everything is going hopelessly to ruin in the state. In such a case private
must the tyrant's rule be borne by his people as an evil from which there is no g?°^ ,
escape, or does any way exist by which he can be lawfully deprived of his deposed,
authority and his subjects freed from their duty of obedience to him ? Taking
reason only for our guide, the natural law in a case of extreme necessity like
the one supposed seems clearly to permit the deposition of the sovereign ; for
since he received his sovereignty for the state's good, and he exercises it for the
state's destruction, it is right and just that he should forfeit it. But the
difficulty is that, as a sovereign prince, he has no temporal superior who has the
right to judge and depose him. Nor again have his subjects, either individually or collectively, any jurisdiction over him. Still since it was through
their choice or acquiescence originally that he or his ancestors were invested with
the sovereignty, it has been held not unreasonably that they may on account of
his incurable tyranny depose him, or more strictly declare him deposed. Only
d

xxvi

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

this sentence, it should be added, to be a rightful one, must be pronounced by the
larger and wiser portion of the people, especially by the estates of the realm to
that end assembled.
Thus far I have treated the question with reference only to the natural law
Christianity
and prescinding from the existence of revelation. But, it may be asked, if a
modities
pagan king and people should embrace Christianity, will the king's rights as
tlie
sovereign' i sovereign be thereby affected and his relations to his subjects modified ? The
righi s.
answer is that they will be affected in two particulars. The end, indeed, of the
state which has become Christian is still the temporal wellbeing of its members,
and the attainment of this end must still be the chief aim of the Christian
sovereign in his rule. As however his subjects have a higher end of existence
than a temporal one, and are now members of a supernatural polity instituted by
God to enable them to attain this higher end, the Christian sovereign cannot
duly exercise his authority as God's minister in the temporal order without
taking into account the supernatural polity, or the catholic church, and the acts
of its rulers, and regulating his own mode of government so as to be in harmony
with them. Thus for example a father in the education of his children, while
setting before himself the good of the family as his end, does not close his eyes to
any enactments of the state which affect his children, but modifies his own line
of conduct accordingly. The Christian sovereign then must subordinate his rule
to the church's rulers; first by not opposing what the church enacts for the
eternal good of his subjects; and secondly by using the temporal power which
God has given him in her service, when she calls on him for aid in carrying out
the work which God has entrusted to her.
The relation which ought to exist between the church and a Christian soveChurch
and State reign flows from the nature of the two organizations, by and in which God has
in the
willed that men should attain the temporal and eternal ends of their life on earth
Middle
respectively. I t is therefore independent of the circumstances of time and place.
Ages.
Human frailty and the decay of faith may impair the harmony and set the temporal ruler at variance with the spiritual one, but they cannot render untrue the
divine ideal or make that praiseworthy which contradicts it. There was a time
in the world's history when these principles attained a special development and
external manifestation such as they never reached either before or since. This
was in the middle ages, when the catholic church had remoulded on a Christian
pattern and vivified with a Christian spirit the whole fabric of political, social and
domestic life, so that the catholic faith extended as a living power into the everyday actions, views, language and customs of men. During this time, which has
been called not untruly the ages of faith, the states of Europe were knit together
into a kind of Christian commonwealth under the headship of their common
spiritual father, the Roman Pontiff, and thus exhibited in their unity an
earthly similitude of their spiritual oneness in the catholic church. It was then
The
that the temporal authority of the Pope over Christian states and their rulers was
Pope's
most fully exercised and freely acknowledged. How far this sprang indirectly from
temporal
authority. his spiritual office of Christ's vicar and how far it had its source in what may
be called the international law of an undivided Christendom may be disputed.
Certainly in those days when men's wills were strong and the checks of society
feeble, it was a happy thing for the oppressed, whether individuals or states, to
be able to appeal to the common father of Christians for protection, and the

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xxvii

oppressors, though they might try to hinder the appeal, could not deny its lawfulness. But whatever the source of this power, it was acknowledged by all
men, and its decrees were regarded as valid and binding, just as treaties between
states are held to bind now. The highest exercise of this power was when the
Sovereign Pontiif solemnly deposed an offending sovereign and absolved his sub- Deposing
jects from their oath of allegiance to him. It was a penalty rarely and reluc- Powertantly inflicted and not till every other means of bringing the offender to reason
had been tried in vain. But it was chiefly in the case of heresy that the Pope Heresy in
had recourse to his deposing power. Other sins might be tolerated for a time J*1.6 &Ses of
in a sovereign and their evil effects abated by lesser remedies. But not so heresy,
^ which under the protection of an heretical sovereign will soon pervert a nation.
Hence the greatness of the evil calls for prompt and unsparing measures. No
monarch so manifestly uses his authority for the destruction, not the good, of the
commonwealth as the heretical prince. No one therefore so justly deserves to •
lose his throne as he. It was in fact an axiom in those days that the heretic,
whatever his degree, was an enemy and alien to the Christian commonwealth,
and that so long as he continued in heresy he had no part or lot with Christian
men. It is necessary to put this strongly, for if we do not realize how men
regarded heresy and the heretic then, we shall noi, be able to understand the
legislation of which these were everywhere the object. Hence no one saw ground
for complaint when the church punished heretics or delivered them over to the
civil power for punishment, and men greeted as an act of supreme justice the
solemn deposition of an heretical king.
The common law of mediaeval Christendom will be found in cap. 3, de The fourth
hceretieis, passed by the fourth Lateran and twelfth oecumenical council under Lateran
Innocent III. in 1215. Four hundred and twelve bishops and eight hundred x£"?CI '
abbots took part in this council. Many princes of Europe were present at it in
person and others by their representatives. Its decrees, therefore, regarding
them from the lowest point of view, must have been in perfect harmony with the
common sentiments of Christendom. The following is a translation of part of
cap. 3, de hmreticis, which, it may be added, has been inserted in the Corpus Juris,
and will be found in the Decretals, cap. Excommunicamus, de hcereticis. " If a
temporal lord, after having been required and admonished by the church, shall
neglect to cleanse his land from heretical defilement, let him be excommunicated
by the metropolitan and the other bishops of the province. And if he shall
through contempt fail to give satisfaction within a year, let this be signified to
the Sovereign Pontiff, that he may thereupon declare his vassals absolved from
allegiance to him, and offer his land for seizure by catholics that they may after
expelling the heretics possess it by an incontestable title and keep it in the
purity of the faith: saving the right of the principal lord, provided he puts no
obstacle in the way of this and opposes no hindrance ; the same law nevertheless
being observed with regard to those who have no principal lords." This decree by
its insertion in the Corpus Juris became part of the ordinary statute law of the
church. It had not been abrogated by desuetude in the sixteenth century ; for
Allen and Persons appeal to it as in full force in a memorandum drawn up for
Philip II., 1 and S. Pius V. acted in accordance with it when he issued his bull
deposing Queen Elizabeth.
1

March, 1587, infra, p. 285.

d 2

xxviii
Were
there valid
grounds
for Elizabeth's deposition ?
Elizabeth
Queen de
jure and
de facto.

Queen de
facto not
de jure.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

We have next to consider the second of the two questions proposed, viz.,
how far the conditions requisite for the deposition of a sovereign according to the
church's law and the principles of the sixteenth century were fulfilled in Elizabeth's case. The answer to this will involve Allen's justification or condemnation. Although Elizabeth was the issue of an incestuous and adulterous union,
her title to the throne, which rested on an act of parliament and her father's last
will and testament, was universally admitted by the country at Mary's death, no
other claimant appearing and not a voice being raised for any other. She was thus
de jure and de facto Queen of England. Eleven years after her accession, when the
northern counties rose under the Earls of Northumberland and Westmorland,
the rising was not against the Queen, whose authority the earls recognized in
their proclamations, but against the evil counsellors surrounding her, " divers new
set-up nobles, who not only go about to overthrow and put down the ancient
nobility of the realm, but also have misused the Queen's majesty's own person
and also have by the space of twelve years now past set up and maintained a
new-found religion and heresy contrary to God's will." 1 Tt was not until the
following year (1570), that S. Pius V. published the bull JRegnans in excelsis in which
he excommunicated Elizabeth by name as an incorrigible heretic and favourer
of heresy, deposed her from the throne and absolved her subjects from their
allegiance. There was nothing novel in this act of the Pope ; there was nothing
startling in his assertion of a power, which his predecessors had claimed and used
for centuries without reclamation from the European commonwealth of Christian
states'. The Pope's prudence in thus acting might possibly be questioned ;
his right to act thus was unquestionable. S. Pius V. failed indeed to induce
any of the princes of Christendom to put the bull into execution and take possession of the realm. The means and opportunities were wanting to them. Philip
II. was willing,2 but the troubles in the Low Countries occupied him fully and
prevented him from intervening in England.
This Pontifical act was not a mere empty protest. Its effect was that
Elizabeth ceased to be Queen de jure, while she remained Queen de facto as before.
The distinction is important : for in forfeiting the right to reign, her continued
occupation of the throne constituted her an unlawful usurper ; on the other hand
as she was Queen de facto, those under her sway were permitted, nay bound in
conscience, to obey her enactments and recognize their validity, provided these
were not in themselves unjust. The reason of this is that the good of the people
imperatively requires that the organization of the state should continue unbroken
and anarchy be kept at a distance. At the same time no one but the usurper, who
is resolved not to abandon possession of the throne, has the physical force requisite
to maintain social order. The people are therefore bound in conscience, while this
state of things lasts, to acquiesce in his rule and by their acquiescence to give
validity to his enactments. The usurper still sins by exercising an authority to
which he has no just title, but it is a part of the sin of his unjust usurpation, not a
1

Lingard, VI., 210.
I n 1559 Philip I I . from motives of policy did his best to persuade P a u l I V . not to
excommunicate Elizabeth; if however the Sovereign Pontiff was determined to proceed to
censures against her, he prayed t h a t he might be invested with the realm of England. T h e
K i n g acted in the same way in 1561, when Pius IV. was meditating her deposition. Mignet,
Histoire de Marie Stuart, Tome I., Append., pp. 399, 402, cinquième edition.
2

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXIX

new offence. And he would sin still more grievously if, while retaining the office of
ruler which he has seized, he omitted to fulfil the duties of a legitimate ruler. Such
is the teaching of theologians regarding an usurper, 1 and in harmony with it Pope
Gregory XIII. issued a modification, or rather an explanation of the bull Reg nans
in excelsis. He declared by rescript, dated 14 Apri], 1580, " t h a t the bull should
always bind the Queen and the heretics : on the other hand that it should in no
way bind the catholics, as things stood, but then at length, whenever it might be
possible to effect some public execution of it."2 Fathers Persons and Campion took
with them to England this au thoritative declaration for the relief of the perplexed
consciences of the English catholics, who feared to refuse obedience to Elizabeth
lest they should be punished as traitors, or to obey her and so incur the excommunication of the bull.
It was far however from the desire of Gregory XIII. that the bull should Zeal of
remain without execution. He saw too clearly the ruin to innumerable souls x7n°Tor
which resulted from Elizabeth's continuance on the throne. As spiritual pastor Eiizaof these souls he was bound to use all lawful means to save them from perishing, beth's
Hence not content with aiding by his munificent gifts the purely spiritual work de P 0Sltl0n of conversion which was carried on by the colleges of Douay and Rome, the latter
being his own foundation, he left nothing undone to impel Philip II. of Spain to
overthrow Elizabeth by force of arms. Thus in 1577 when it had been arranged
that Don John of Austria, after pacifying Flanders, should undertake the conquest
of England and place Mary Queen of Scots on the English throne, Gregory
XIII. sent Mgr. Sega as his Nuncio to Don John with 50,000 ducats in aid of the
proposed expedition.3 A few months later in the same year he appointed Mgr.
Sega Nuncio at Madrid, with special instructions to urge upon the king the expedition against Elizabeth and to offer on the Pope's part an auxiliary force of
4,000 to 5,000 men.4 The ill-fated expedition under Sir Thomas Stukely, 5 which
was equipped by Gregory XIII. and sent by him to Ireland, but which by the
treachery of its commander was diverted from its destination and perished with
Sebastian, King of Portugal, at Alcazar in Morocco, 4 August, 1578, is a further
»
proof of the Pope's zeal in the same cause.6
*
Under these circumstances can it excite surprise, or be looked upon as worthy
of blame that Allen when summoned by the Sovereign Pontiff to take an active
part in this new sphere of work should have entered upon it willingly ; the more
so as it did not in any way oblige him to abandon the spiritual work of the
seminary ? Rather his conduct would have been simply unintelligible if he had
held aloof, much more if by his refusal he had condemned as wrong the action of
the Sovereign Pontiffs and the King of Spain in endeavouring to restore by arms
the catholic faith in England.
What is noteworthy and singular in him is the way inv which he managed to Allen ipP*
carry on at the same time these two great branches of work, each sufficient by o^the*
1

seminaries

Lessius de Jure et Justitia, lib. II. cap. 29, dub. 9. Utrum tyrannus peccet usurpatione uai£i»ole(l
judicii, ejusque sentential sint irrita. Billuart de Jure et Justitia, dissert. X., art. 2.
^,7*. 1S
2
Butler's Historical Memoirs, Vol. I. p. 366, note.
3 infra) p . 281.
political
4
Relazione compendiosa della negoziati one di Monsignor Sega nella corte del re cattolico, MS.
mentioned in the Recueil des Bulletins 5de la Commission Roy ale d'Histoire à Bruxelles. 3 sèrie,
Yol. 6 p. 157 sq.
VI.
Infra, p. 267, note.
Becchetti, Istoria degli ultimi quattro secoli della chiesa, Tom. XII., p. 220 sq.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXX

itself to absorb the thoughts and energies of the whole man, without allowing
the one to mingle or interfere with the other. He saw distinctly that the
priests whom he was training for the English mission must keep altogether clear
of political action if they were to win souls to God. Zeal for the house of God
and the longing to gain souls was the spirit which he strove to breathe into them, 1
and this would in most cases be damped, if not quenched, by active participation in secular enterprises. But apart from this, they were to go as sheep
among wolves, carrying their lives in their hands, with no defence before their
persecutors except the innocence and harmlessness of their conduct. If then,,
guiltless though they were of plots or designs against the state, many of them,
after being racked and tortured, died for their faith and priesthood a traitor's
death upon the scaffold, and many more languished for years in fetid dungeons
for the sole crimes of having become priests, saying mass or reconciling heretics
or schismatics to the church, how much more would they have met with sure and
speedy extermination, if it had been possible to prove against them any real
practices hostile to the state or Queen ? Ordinary prudence therefore forbade the priests on the English mission to mix themselves up with politics.
Accordingly in their training for England all questions relating to the Pope's
power of excommunicating and deposing princes were wholly omitted from
the college course. Such points, though commonly discussed in other theological
schools, were not alluded to at Douay or Reims even in a general form, much
less with reference to the Queen's particular case. For this we have Allen's
express testimony. 2 Again there is no trace of Allen having employed for
political work the friends and disciples who helped him to carry on the college.
He seems to have carefully avoided all conversation with them on such subjects.
In the numerous letters which he wrote to F. Agazzari, S.J., rector of the
English college at Rome, there is not a syllable of allusion to affairs of state.
Yet many of them were written at a time when his mind must have been
full of the impending expedition against England in which he was'to take a
principal part, and the pressure of business was so great that he sometimes had
not time to read the letters over before despatching them. This reticence is the
more remarkable because it seems contrary to the expansiveness and geniality of
his natural disposition and to his wide and deep gift of sympathy. For such a
man to keep his words under full control implies no small mastery of himself.
A passage in a letter of Dr Richard Barret, for whom Allen had great esteem
and affection, to F. Agazzari, dated Reims, 14 April, 1583, is worth quoting in
this connection.3 " I think " he says " that no one here knows anything about
F. Robert [Persons] except Dr Allen, who is so secret that he will not communicate it to any one. I am surprised however that he has omitted it in his letter
to your reverence, and yet has written it to others. I therefore pointed out
to him that he should have put in a line, &c. He said that the only reason
for the omission was that there were many occasions for writing or omitting
things according to the matter in hand and as it came to his mind. I venture to
affirm and I know for certain that there is no one with whom he converses by
1
2

Infra, p. 62.
Allen's Answer to the Libel of English Justice, p. 64, quoted in the Introduction to the First
and Second Dona?/ Diaries, p. evi.
'
3
The Litin original is in the Appendix to The First and Second Doùay Diaries, p. 326.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXXI

letter more willingly and confidentially than with your reverence/ who he thinks
surpasses every one as to the affair of England's conversion in burning charity,
sincerity in the guidance of our students to that end, and in many other things
besides. I always hear this from him and talk about it with him to our mutual
delight." The F. Robert alluded to was F. Robert Persons, who was then about
to return from Spain, whither he had gone on an important political mission.1
The passage speaks for itself. One more instance of Allen's secresy may be
given. In April, 1584, he sent an English seminary priest, Alfield by name, and
afterwards a martyr, to the Apostolic Nuncio in Paris, about a matter of great
consequence, relating to a recent convert, Captain John Davis.2 In his letter
introducing Alfield to the Nuncio he praises him as " very diligent and skilful in
the transaction of business." He adds however that " though specially sent to me
from the Island concerning a secret matter, which he will unfold to you but to
no one else in these parts, he ought to know nothing about the great affair," i.e.,
the contemplated invasion of England. And in fact he did know nothing about
it ; for when he was martyred at Tyburn on July 6th of the following year, 1585,
his indictment shows that the sole ground of his condemnation was his having
brought over into England and dispersed there some copies of Dr Allen's "Answer
to the Libel of English Justice," written in reply to Lord Burleigh's Just iti a
Britannica" or " The Execution of Justice, &c."3
The next thing to determine is the precise time when, so far as we can When
judge, Allen first began to take an active part in political enterprises. On this Allen
point both positive and negative evidence may be adduced. Allen visited Rome ^ f " ^
for the third time in the winter of 1579—1580. It was an eventful moment as in political
regards England. The Jesuit Fathers were then induced after much hesitation action,
to take an active part in the English mission, and in the following summer
FF. Persons and Campion, S.J., entered upon the new harvest as the first representatives of the Society. A little while before this, Allen's friend, Dr Nicholas
Sander, had been sent as Apostolic Nuncio to Ireland in order to encourage and
unite the Irish nobles who were in arms against Elizabeth. Naturally, Allen's
enemies attributed his visit to Rome to political objects. He answered them in
his " Apology of the English Seminaries " published in the following year, 1581.
" Therefore " he says " touching some of our late repairing to the city of Rome
this year past, wherewith we are charged, the principal of that viage doth protest that he neither joined with rebel nor traitor nor any one or other against
the Queen or realm, or traitorously sought or practised to irritate any prince or
potentate to hostility against the same. Further invocating upon his soul that he
never knew, saw nor heard during his abode in the court there of any such writings
as are mentioned in the said Proclamation of July containing curtain articles
of confederation of the Pope, King of Spain and other Princes for the invasion
of the realm, nor ever afterward gave counsel to publish any such thing, though
he were in Rome at the day of the date that some of those copies, which afterward he saw when they were common to all the world, do bear/' 4 Again : " How
so ever it be and from whence soever they came, Christ knoweth our going to
Rome did neither fetch, cause, nor procure any such matter, nor was for any
1

2
Infra, p. 184, note 1. Also p. 189.
Infra, p. 226.
See Life of Alfield, in the -Rambler, New Series, Yol. VII., p. 420. Mien's Apologie
4
the English Seminaries,-fol. 15.
lb,, fol. 15.
3

of

xxxii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

treaty or counsel against our country, but much more for the advancement of the
same and for the necessary relief of our fellow students in banishment, as other
men's going to other Princes' courts we doubt not to be for the like purpose: though
we cannot so precisely warrant the actions of other men, wherewith we be not so
well acquainted as our own." 1 And again : " And for the present troubles in
Ireland, which now namely seem to give some cause of doubt that our brethren's
intentions may be against the state, no less than for the preferment of the
catholic faith, most sure it is, and of certain knowledge the writer hereof pro' testeth, that they [the seminary priests] neither were nor could be acquainted
otherwise therewith than by the common bruit of the world. If the Pope have
any part in those affairs, assure yourselves their elders (which of reason should
know it) neither by his Holiness mouth nor any of his ministers in the time of
those students being in Rome heard so much. And therefore to rack those poor
innocent persons and to wrest out of them Princes' secrets, whereof there can be
no reason that they should be partakers, is a lamentable and rare case in our
country, specially in the clement reign of her Majesty. Imagine ye the Italian
government and specially the Papacy to be so discreetly managed that every
poor priest or scholar in the city knoweth the Pope's secrets ? No, no ; Christ
doth know it, and He shall one day open their innocency and judge their
cause and ours, who, as we shall then answer before Him, neither knew then
nor now know any intentions of Pope or Princes concerning such things as are
contained in the articles of the pretended confederacy mentioned in the Proclamation of the 15th of July, as more largely we have declared before." 2 Thus
we have Allen's solemn testimony that up to 1581 which was the date of the
publication of the " Apology of the English Seminaries," he had taken no part
in the proposed enterprise against England, nor had any knowledge of it
beyond what came from popular report. This positive statement is indirectly
confirmed by the documents now printed, many of them for the first time. They
consist of various letters to Pope Gregory XIII., the Cardinal of Como, the Pope's
secretary of state, the Apostolical Nuncio at Paris, and other persons of note,
but there is nothing in any of them to indicate that Allen was concerned in
affairs of state or was even made aware of what was going on. His letters relate
almost exclusively to the colleges and the temporal necessities of the English
exiles for whom he sought relief. This negative proof is the more striking when
the series of documents earlier than 1582 is compared with the. subsequent series.
The former contains no allusion to politics, while the latter affords abundant information regarding the affairs of state in which he then took part.
Allen's
It was in the spring of 1582 that Allen's political career seems to have
political begun. He was at that time fifty years old, and his life hitherto had been entirely
ilflòsf111 devoted to u scholastical attempts," as he expresses it, "for the conversion of
our country and reconcilement of our brethren to the catholic church, which we
everlastingly profess and will endeavour until death." 3 But he already stood
very high in the estimation of his exiled fellow-countrymen. Thus Dr Nicholas
Sander, writing in 1576 to the Cardinal of Como, classes Allen with Sir Francis
Engiefield as one of the two English catholics whom it would be a mistake not
to consult in all questions concerning England. 4 In the following year, 1577,
1
2
lb., fol. 16.
lb., fol. 100.
3
4
lb., fol. 15.
Infra, p. 28.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xxxiii

Mary Queen of Scots, replying to a letter from Allen, speaks of " the many good
reports and multitude of rare virtues flowing in you, which long ago have made
your name be known not only unto me, but to the greatest and every one of good
in Christendom." l In 1581 he had been for some time one of the two distributors of the alms of Philip I I . to the English exiles in Flanders ;—an office of
great trust and delicacy which Sir Francis Englefield had held before him.2 By
the middle of 1580 Allen's College at Reims had trained and sent to the English
mission above one hundred priests, not to mention many others educated -there,
who entered various religious orders or remained on the continent. 3 So famous
indeed had this college become that, in 1578, only ten years from its foundation,
Dr Vende vili e was directed by Philip II. to take it as his model in organising
the new seminary which the king had commissioned him to establish for the Low
Countries. 4 These facts are enough to show the prominent position which Allen
occupied among his fellow-exiles and the high consideration in which he was
held, not only by ecclesiastics in the Low Countries, but even at the court of
Philip II. in Spain. Surely then it was inevitable that a man of his ability and
influence would sooner or later be called upon to take a leading part in the
political enterprises by which the sovereign Pontiff and Philip II. hoped to
restore England to catholic unity. The occasion for this came about in the
following manner.
When FF. Persons and Campion arrived in England in the summer of 1580 FF. Perfchey at once gave themselves up to the apostolic work of preaching, hearing p0ns a.nd
confessions, resolving cases of conscience and reconciling the fallen to the catholic ùj^iand.
church. In this way they spent a year or fourteen months, travelling up and
down the country and reviving everywhere the faith and fervour of the catholics.
F. Campion seems to have devoted himself solely to these purely spiritual occupations. F. Persons on the other hand lost no opportunity of acquainting
himself with the political state and sentiments of the catholic body, and he
enjoyed quite exceptional means of gaining this information through the many
catholic gentlemen who spoke to him on the subject when treating with him
of their consciences.5 Nor did he confine his attention only to England ; but, as F. Persons
he saw clearly the bearing which the religious condition of Scotland must have sends
on the neighbouring kingdom, he sent thither, in 1581, a secular priest named Holfio^
William Watts, 6 and shortly afterwards a Jesuit, F. William Holt, that they Scotland.
might promote the spiritual interests of the Scotch catholics and inform him of
the state of things there. 7 Watts returned to London in January, 1582, but
found that F. Persons had already left England for the continent. After sending
a written report 8 upon the condition of Scotland and the dispositions of the King
and the gentry towards the catholic faith to Dr Allen at Reims, where he had
been educated, he went back to Edinburgh to continue the work assigned to him.
Allen forwarded to the Cardinal of Corno, the Pope's secretary of state, that
1
8
5

Infra, p. 29.
* Infra, p. 105.
4
First and Second Douay Diaries, p. xxxviii., note 2.
Infra, p. 46.
F. Persons expressly stated this to J. B. Tassis, the Spanish Agent in France, who mentions it in a letter to Philip II., Paris, 18 May, 1582, infra, p. xxxix.
6
It does not appear what authority F. Persons had*over Watts, who was a secular priest
and not under his jurisdiction.
8
* Infra, p. 117, note 2.
Infra, p. 114.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXXIV

part of the letter which regarded the general affairs of Scotland that it might be
laid before his Holiness. There is nothing in it purely political, nor does it allude
to any invasion of England or armed intervention whatsoever : but the nobles
who are inclined to favdur the catholic cause are represented as desiring for their
own protection and for that of the King a small number of foreign soldiers—
Italians, if possible, or Spaniards—from the Pope or the Spanish King.
F. Persons
F. Persons on leaving England in the autumn of 1581 went to Eouen, where
at Rouen, he spent the ensuing winter. The position of the place rendered it very suitThe Duke able for keeping up his relations with England. But besides this it had another
of Guise.
advantage in that it was not far from Eu, a town belonging to the Duke of
Guise in right of his wife, Catherine of Clèves, Countess of Eu, in which he
often resided. F. Claude Mathieu, provincial of the Jesuits in France, was the
confidential adviser of the Duke of Guise, so that it was easy for F. Persons to
obtain access to him, even if the fact of his connection with the English mission
would not have sufficed for this purpose. For the Duke's thoughts had long been
turned to English affairs, especially on account of the captivity in England of
his near relation, Mary Queen of Scots. In April, 1578, he had gone so far as
to propose to the Spanish ambassador at Paris, Don Juan de Vargas Mexia, a
scheme for the deliverance of the Queen of Scots by force of arms, in which he
and the Duke of Lorraine would take the principal part and be supported by
the Kings of France and Spain.1 Two years later, in February, 1580, the Queen
of Scots, having lost hope of assistance from the French King, charged the Duke
'' to place herself, her son and her kingdom without reserve in the hands and
under the protection of his catholic majesty, that he may order every thing
according to his will and as should seem good to him, causing her son to be taken
to Spain, if it so pleased him, and marrying him there, and disposing of her and
of him at his good will." 2 The Duke of Guise fulfilled this commission, and in
answer to it Philip II. assured the Queen, through his ambassador, that " he has
towards her the same good will that she has always been able to perceive in
him, and that he will attend to her affairs and favour them with much affection, and that he will receive and welcome with the same love the King, her
son, either in Spain (which would be the best) or in any other of his states, treating him exactly as though he were his own son." 3 Any information therefore
about England from such a reliable source as F. Persons must have been
welcome to the Duke of Guise.
About this time a great change took place in the interDal affairs of ScotAffairs in
Scotland. land, favourable to the interests of Mary and her catholic supporters. Esmé
Duke of
Stuart, Lord of Aubigny, a catholic in religion and a Frenchman by education,
Lennox.
arrived in Scotland from France, September, 1579. He soon succeeded in captivating the affections of the young King, his cousin, who showered honors and
appointments upon him, besides creating him first Earl and then Duke of Lennox.
A trial of strength between the new favourite and Elizabeth's party in Scotland was unavoidable. It resulted in the full success of Lennox. The Earl of
Morton expiated his share in Darnley's murder on the scaffold, June, 1581 ; the
Earl of Angus was banished ; and the other adherents of Elizabeth dropped off'
from her and made their peace with Lennox and his friends. These events in
1

Teulet, Relations Politique* de la France et de VEspaqne, V., 144.
2
3
lb/, 206.
lb., 213.

HISTORICAL INTRODUC

iON.

XXXV

Scotland raised not unreasonably the hopes of the catholics. The King had
indeed been brought up a strict protestant; but he was young, only in his
fifteenth year, and his affection for Lennox might induce him to listen to instruction in the matter of religion, while his mother's influence, though she had
been parted from him in his infancy, would undoubtedly be directed to the same
end. Besides policy conduced to recommend his conversion. Only as a catholic
could he hope to secure the support of the King of Spain and the Pope, while
the whole weight of the English catholic party would be against him, if he claimed
to succeed to the crown of England remaining still a protestant. Even in Scotland
the catholics were powerful. They only needed the King for their head to regain
their due place in the realm. Such thoughts and hopes must have suggested themselves also to the Duke of Guise, who had been long looking out for an opportunity
of rescuing his kinswoman, the imprisoned Queen: so that he would naturally
listen with interest to what F. Persons had to tell him from his own personal
observation of the state of things in England. Before however taking any active
steps the Duke was anxious to obtain fuller and more exact information about
Scotland, and especially to sound the dispositions of the Duke of Lennox, who
had just then risen to the highest power in the realm. An opportunity for doing
this soon occurred. F. William Creighton, S.J., who had been sent from Rome to F- CreighScotland with orders from his General to take the directions of F. Persons on his g^tjandt0
way, arrived at Rouen towards the end of January, 1582, and in company with
F. Persons visited the Duke of Guise at Eu to confer with him "about the
advancement of the catholic cause in both realms of England and Scotland and
for the delivery of the Queen of Scots then prisoner." 1 No better envoy could
have been obtained by the Duke than F. Creighton, who was already furnished
with credentials to the Duke of Lennox from the Scotch ambassador, and was also
to return very shortly to France. F. Creighton on his arrival in Scotland obtained
an interview with the Duke of Lennox, from whom he received the following
letter 2 addressed to J. B. Tassis, Agent of the Spanish King at the French court :
" Sir, the bearer of this, William Creighton, a Jesuit, has come here and told *jeni?ox t 0
me that he has been sent to me by the Pope and the King of Spain, your King, 7 March,
and he has brought me a letter of credence from the ambassador of Scotland to 1582.
the effect that I should put trust in what he shall say to me. After him there
arrived another Jesuit, an Englishman [F. William Holt] bringing me a letter
from the ambassador your King has in London [Don Bernardino de Mendoza], and
who in conjunction with the Pope desires, as it seems to me, to use my services
in the design which they have in hand for the restoration of the catholic religion,
and the liberation of the Queen of Scotland, according to what the aforesaid
Creighton related to me. As I believe that this enterprise is undertaken for the
good and preservation of the Queen of Scotland and the King her son, and that
his crown will be maintained and supported, I am ready, with. the consent of
the Queen his mother, to devote my life and property to the execution of the said
enterprise on condition that I am provided with all those things which are set
down in a memorandum 3 which I have given to the bearer to communicate to you :
and according to the answer which I shall receive from you, I will go to France
1

Infra, p. 129, note. See also p. 382.
Teulet, V., 235. See letter from the Duke of Lennox to Mary Queen of Scots of the same
?
date as the letter to Tassis, ib., p. 237.
Infra, p. xxxviii.
2

e 2

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXXVI

as soon as possible to carry out what I have said, since it cannot be effected
without my going thither, for the reasons which will be signified to you by the
bearer ; to whom be pleased to give full credit as to myself in all things that he
shall say on my behalf. Herewith I kiss your hands, and pray God to grant you
a good and long life. Dalkeith, 7 March, 1582."
F. CreighF. Creighton on his return to France in April, after having conferred
ton returns with the Archbishop of Glasgow and Dr Allen at St. Denys, 1 went immeto France, l a t e l y to F. Persons at Rouen and then with him to Eu, where he delivered
the answer from the Duke of Lennox to the Duke of Guise to the Duke's " full
contentment." 2 After this the Duke of Guise and F. Creighton proceeded to
Paris, while F. Persons was detained at Rouen for a few days by a feverish
attack which prevented him from travelling. On May 8, the Nuncio wrote as
follows to the Cardinal of Como.3
Nuncio to
" The Duke of Guise has been twice with me to inform me that having found,
Cardinal of as he thinks, the catholics of England well disposed, he will himself undertake
Como,
y i e e n terprise of England by assailing it unexpectedly from certain seaports of
1682." '
bis, from which it is possible to cross over in six or seven hours ; and as to the
part which falls to him, he needs nothing ; for having a good understanding with
the catholics of England he hopes to have even on a sudden such a number of
persons and of such quality that they will suffice to do whatever is required. But
little need be done to raise the catholics of Scotland ; for they are quite prepared to rise, and the Duke of Lennox, i.e. Monsr. d'Aubigny, who is guardian of
the King's person, with many other gentlemen, is beyond measure desirous to
change the state of things ; and that Jesuit father [F. Creighton] who went to
Scotland has returned thence, bringing letters from Mons1*. de Lennox to the Duke
of Guise and also to me, of what great moment you will perceive from the letter
itself which I enclose, and you will see too that he judges it necessary to stir up
the Irish who are still at war with the Queen of England, that when she hears of
these movements, she may be obliged to send thither the ships and troops which
she has in these parts, and thus leave the frontier towards France unprovided,
which may be attacked when the catholics who live near it and are very numerous
have risen. To effect this Monsr. de Guise thinks that it will be necessary to
have for Scotland and Ireland from six to eight thousand infantry for at least
four or five months, and also some corslets, pikes and arquebuses to arm a
certain number, of the English who will rise, for they are disarmed; and he
thinks it well nigh necessary that this should be communicated by our Lord [the
Pope] to the catholic King, whose Agent in England promises great assistance.
This is what the Duke of Guise, wishes me to signify to our Lord for the moment,
as nothing further can be done just now owing to the illness of F. Robert
[Persons] a Jesuit, who has arrived from England, where he has had this affair
in hand for the last two years,4 and has in his mind all that should be done, and
will come hither from Rouen where he has been suffering from fever these few
days, past. If however the fever should increase, the Jesuit father who has
returned from Scotland will be sent to him, and then I will write more fully to
our Lord the whole plan contemplated, and the way in which it is wished to
carry it out. These gentlemen hope that our Lord will not let slip so fine an opportunity of bringing back two kingdoms to the faith of Christ without much tern
1

Infra, p. 130.

2

Infra, p. 129, note

3

Infra, p. 405.

* lb., note.

HISTORICAL IxNTTRODUCTION.

xxx vii

poral loss : and I do not doubt bufrthat his Holiness will be ready on his part to
embrace this glorious enterprise ; for if Gregory I. is much praised for having
won that kingdom to Christ, of far greater merit with God and fame with the
world will Gregory XIII. be for bringing back two kingdoms to Christ and setting free so many miserable Christians who are outraged every day, especially
in England, and thus taking from all the heretics of the world the support which
they receive from that kingdom. It would therefore be well if our Lord would
reflect upon what aid he will be willing to give to this enterprise and what steps
he will take with the catholic King ; for since the charge of the- affair has been
undertaken by so prudent and valiant a captain as Monsr. de Guise/ one may rest
assured that there will be no deception and that the matter will be conducted with
much prudence. I will also mention that the Duke at present thinks it better that
the catholic King's aid should be in money rather than in men ; but as to particulars, I leave them for my future letters."
F. Persons did not continue many days ill at Rouen. On coming to Paris
he and F. Creighton called on the Agent of the Spanish King, J. B. Tassis,
who sent Philip II. a report of the visit in the following letter, dated Paris,
18 May, 1582.1
" Two or three days ago two Jesuit fathers came to speak to me, the one a Tassis to
Scotchman, the other an Englishman. The former [F. William Creighton] told ^"ijP I I , p
me that, being at Home more than a year ago at a congregation or chapter of 1,582.^'
his order which was held there, he was ordered by his General to give an account Interview
to his Holiness of the disposition and state of things in Scotland and of the good ^1*!1 ^F*
hope there was of some marked success in the restoration of the catholic religion, andPerif earnest measures were taken to that end. His Holiness was pleased with this, sons.
and ordered him to come here, while at the same time he charged his Nuncio
who resides here and the ambassador of Scotland to see what could be
attempted and done in the matter, manifesting a desire to act with much vigour
in case appearances were favourable. Thereupon the Nuncio and the ambassador Creighton
resolved to send the father to Scotland for the purpose of making known this sent to the
good will of His Holiness to M. de Obini [Aubigny] Duke of Lenos [Lennox] V ^ °f
a Frenchman by nation and related to the King, over whom he has the
greatest influence ; a man of high authority in that realm, and whom the father
knew to be a catholic, on which account they hoped that he would show great
promptitude and willingness in the matter ; as well as of animating and exhorting
him thereunto as much as possible : to which end the ambassador gave him a
letter of credence to Aubigny founded upon the above-mentioned instructions of
His Holiness to himself and the Nuncio. The father had gone thither with this
letter, and not without great difficulty, through the mistrust in which the rightminded live there, had held communication with Aubigny, first by letters carried
to him very secretly, and once afterwards in person at a castle of his to which he
came under colour of other business. At this interview there was present another
Jesuit, an Englishman [F. Holt] a companion of this one who came to speak to
me, and who has remained there, and who succeeded in reaching the same place
at the same time with the same commission in favour of the catholics of England,
carrying with him a letter of credence to Aubigny from Don Bernardino de
Mendoza. At last in consequence of what they both said to Aubigny he has
1 Teulet, V., 246.

xxxviii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

resolved to undertake what his Holiness and your Majesty desire, on condition
that he is provided with the men and other things asked for in a memorandum
signed by him, which he has delivered to them and which I have been allowed to
read. The father also gave me a letter from Aubigny, of which I enclose a copy.1
Lennox'
" What is asked for in the aforesaid memorandum is in substance the folmemoran- lowing. There must be placed in Scotland by next autumn 20,000 men, paid
um
'
for eighteen months and consisting of Spaniards, Italians, Germans and Swiss, a
certain number of pioneers, plenty of munitions of war and artillery and besides
some amount of money wherewith to raise troops there, if necessary. Also there
must be provided here [in France] as soon as possible 20,000 crowns to meet a
similar sum which he will at once take up there [in Scotland] in order to make a
beginning of fortifying certain strongholds, which ought in any case to be fortified.
He names the ports where the troops should be landed, and asks that his King
may be general of this army, and in the King's absence himself only with
supreme command over all the nations. If the enterprise should turn out ill and
he should in consequence lose his property, he stipulates that his Holiness and
your Majesty should give him the full value of it in some secure place. As
to the end for which the enterprise is undertaken, a declaration should be made
that it is for the restoration of the catholic religion and the deliverance of the
Queen of Scotland. He relies upon his King taking part in the enterprise,
and he proposes to come to this kingdom [France] to make a beginning, as soon
as his Holiness and your Majesty have resolved upon it.
" This, if I remember rightly, is the summary of the said memorandum : about
which on my saying to the Scotch father that the demands were very high, he
answered me that he had represented this to Aubigny when he gave it to him,
and his reply was that, though he asked for so much, he left it all to what might
be settled here by the Duke [of Guise], to whom as the Queen's relation he is
related and who must have had a hand in this affair from its beginning.
State of ^
" I asked him what was the state of things in Scotland as regards religion ?
Scotland31 ^ e a n s w e r e ( l that publicly they were in a bad state, since the heretical ministers
were supreme as hitherto, but that in secret many men of note desired this change
and would adhere to Aubigny in the aforesaid resolution and without doubt
declare themselves on his side ; and that though the young Prince, being still
under the influence of the heretical ministers, was growing firmer in that religion,
they were yet in hopes that if this enterprise should succeed he would soon be
brought back again to the right road.
" He said that the King was continually running great risk of his life through
the secret machinations of the Queen of England to deprive him of it, and that
on this account it was the more expedient to seize this opportunity now offered ;
for if the Queen of England should get the start in this with the King, he would
be lost for ever without a hope of bringing him back to a better mind.
Disposi" When this Scotch father had finished all that he had to say to me, the
tion of the English one [F. Persons] began, assuring me that the catholics in England were
caAoTics e x t r e m e t y desirous that this design should be carried out and that arms should
be taken up in Scotland for the restoration of the catholic religion and the
deliverance of the Queen of Scotland, for that, if this were done with a well
grounded prospect of success, they would do the same, and hasten to the camp
1

Supra, p. xxxv.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXXIX

which would be formed in Scotland, whenever it should be necessary. To effect
this things were in a very good state and disposition ; for all that part which
borders upon Scotland is full of catholics, and there too lie the estates of the Earl
of Westmorland, whom your Majesty maintains in Flanders and whom they
think of summoning for the. affair, and there also is a certain bishopric of great
jurisdiction [Durham] to which they would wish his Holiness to name some
influential person, who when he had possession of it would be able to raise the
people, and there are many other persons who would do the same in other districts,
since (as he assures me) England is so full of catholics that it could not be
believed. When I asked him what security they have for all this, and whether
any of the principal men had formed a confederation for this object and given
each other some security of signatures, as the custom is, he answered me that he
knew all this from what many of them had declared when he had treated with
them of their consciences ; and that in regard to this things had gone so far that
there could be no doubt about it, and that most certainly England was very well
disposed at the present time for this movement being attempted there.
" He told me that within the last few days there had met elsewhere in
secret conference about this design the Duke of Guise, the ambassador of Scotland and Dr Allen, an English ecclesiastic of great name, who is president of the
seminary of that nation at Reims, and through whose hands likewise the affair
must have passed from the beginning. 1 By his remarks I saw clearly that they
had noticed the great extent of Aubigni's requirements, and considered them to
be more than could be conceded, and that they judged 8,000 men sufficient, provided that there was money wherewith to levy more in the kingdom itself at the
time of execution, if it should be found that they were necessary ; and the greater
part of these 8,000 they said should be Spaniards or Italians. I asked him
whether they will take the Most Christian King into their counsels ? He
answered me : By no means, for that they understood this would be the ruin of
the affair owing to the sentiments here current, which would cause it to be
viewed with regret rather than pleasure, whence it was clear that the Queen
of England would immediately come to know of the design. I perceived also
that the point had occurred to them regarding the jealousy which this enterprise
might excite in the said King ; which is an indication that they have been
discussing it throughout.
" Lastly he told me that in a few days the Duke, the ambassador and Allen
would meet again and come to a decision about the affair in every point, and
that when this was done the Scotch father would at once leave for Rome
and he himself for the Spanish court to give an account of everything to his
Holiness and your Majesty.
" Before these fathers came to speak to me I had been already informed
of the affair by the ambassador of Scotland, and since then he has returned once
more to speak to me about it : and I see clearly that they have gone thoroughly
into the matter in their conferences ; for he told me that owing to the Duke of
Guise being of opinion that Aubigny should by no means come here, as he had
sent word that he wished to do, they had already advertised him not to set out,
and that the Duke was resolved to take part in the affair in person by throwing
1
This is a mere supposition of Tassis, who evidently at that time had no personal knowledge of Dr Allen.

xl

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

himself into England on the side opposite Normandy, where the mine of catholics
is great, at the same moment when the like was done on the side of Scotland, so
as by this diversion to put the whole kingdom into confusion. This part of the
plan the Duke thought could be very easily effected, as he has a port of his own
in Normandy, where he could carry out the design, while dissembling it. He also
informed me that the Duke was considering the point which regarded the
employment of Spaniards in the enterprise, his fear being that if he were a
party to a matter in which they were concerned it would fully confirm the
current opinion that he was a Spaniard. He told me likewise of the meeting
which they were to have for the complete settlement of the affair, and that the
fathers would leave after it was over, and so it -will be. I believe that they
will depart next week, as the Duke is expected back from Fontainebleau tomorrow or the day after.
" I have tried neither to divert them in any way from what they propose, nor
yet to give them encouragement, as I do not know what would be proper and
what mistaken for me to do. Since however the design is so catholic, I listened
to them with a friendly countenance, and showed myself desirous, as a Christian,
that every thing should succeed as they are planning it.
" The English father, who is going to present himself to your Majesty, will
travel with a gentleman of the same nation who came to this kingdom about a
month and a half ago and has been ever since at Reims with Allen. Don Bernardino wrote to me about him at the time in very strong terms, requesting me
to treat him with honour and make much of him, as he was a man of very great
consequence. I have done so, and I see that he must belong to the party, since he
follows the same course."
From this letter it is plain that the Agent of Spain had as yet no instructions to intervene actively in the enterprise. He could only listen with sympathy
and report what he heard to his master. There was nothing however to prevent him from attending the final conference at the house of the Archbishop of
Glasgow at night. He gives a full account of it in a letter to Philip II., May 29.l
But though present as a listener, he could take no active part in the debate,
much less in the decision as F. Persons more than once implies that he did.2
A few days later, 22 May, 1582, the Nuncio wrote from Paris to the
Cardinal of Como.3
F. Persons'
" I have had a visit from F Robert [Persons], an English Jesuit, who appears
memoran- to me a very prudent man ; but as yet I do not know of the arrival of the Duke
um
*
of Guise with whom the design on hand must be arranged in all its particulars.
The said father has given me a memorandum of which I send a copy. It is, I
know, unnecessary to say that the bishop alluded to in the memorandum should
not be appointed in consistory since in that way the affair would be easily discovered,
and therefore I will say nothing about it. This father assumes that 6,000 footmen are sufficient in Scotland to cross over afterwards into England, but this is a
point which will be better settled when the Duke comes. The expense seems to
me small for two such great Princes, especially since it will not last for many
months, and the gain of bringing back to Christ two kingdoms is inestimable,
and not to attend to this enterprise would -drive into the extremity of despair
the catholics of both realms. In a few days F. Creighton, a Scotchman, who has
1
2
3
Teulet, V., 254.
Infra, p. 129, note, and .p. 386.
Infra, p. 406.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xli

lately returned from Scotland, will go to Rome with a full account of the state
of England and Scotland ; and from what I know, if these troops can be brought
on a sudden to Scotland, and go thence likewise on a sudden to England, it
seems to me that the affair is most easy. The blood of those martyrdoms which
have taken place in England will make supplication to God, in my belief. The
memorandum is as follows :—
" It is necessary to the enterprise to appoint secretly a bishop of Durham.
For the bishop of Durham is a personage of the greatest importance, both on
account of the number of people who will follow him and also for the purpose
of controlling and reconciling differences between the other gentlemen of those
parts. Hence it is requisite that this bishopric be given to a man of credit
and repute with the people of that part of England. But there is no one
of this kind to be found at present among the English except Mr. Allen,
president of his Holiness's seminary at Reims, a man whose authority and
reputation stand so high with the whole nation that his mere presence even
as a private individual will have a greater effect with the English than several
thousand soldiers, and not only the Earl of Westmorland 1 who is very difficult
to manage, but all the other banished gentlemen bear him such reverence
that at a word of his they would do any thing ; much more if he were in
some post of dignity or prelacy with them. I say all this that your most
reverend Lordship may know the disposition of the English at the present time
both within and without the realm, who all repose the greatest confidence in
Allen and will receive whatever he tells them as most agreeable and admitting
no debate. Hence in all these affairs it is necessary that he should take part.
There are many other bishoprics in England richer and greater than this bishopric
of Durham ; but on account of its convenient position near the frontiers, and the
authority and royal jurisdiction which it possesses in those parts, even in temporal
things, it alone is of more importance in this affair than many other bishoprics
together. It will be necessary that Mr. Allen be speedily apprised of the intention
of his Holiness that he may dispose of certain persons so as to have them in
readiness against that time ; and that he may also write and print secretly certain
books which we are writing at this moment with the view of satisfying the people
of England; and again may make many other necessary preparations both as regards
himself, for it is most essential that he be there in person, otherwise the affairs in
England will not go well in my opinion, and in respect to other gentlemen, whom
he must find means, as he will do, of sending secretly in disguise to Scotland.
Moreover at the proper time the principal catholics in England will receive information of the affair by means of the priests. But this will not be done until
just before the commencement of the enterprise, for fear of its becoming known ;
since the soul of this affair is its secrecy. It would also, as we think, be very
useful if his Holiness were to summon to Rome Dr Owen Lewis, 2 Archdeacon
of Cambray, an Englishman, who is at Milan, and is very well acquainted with
English affairs. If this man were sent from Rome to Spain under some other
1
See the joint letter of the E a r l of Westmorland and Edward Dacre to D r Allen
5 March, 1583. Infra, p. 178.
••
\
^
\
2
On J u n e 3, Dr -Allen wrote to the Cardinal of Como, praying t h a t if the affair went on
as he hoped, the first place might be assigned to Dr Owen Lewis, and the second to himself.
Infra, p, 143.

./

xlii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

pretext, and so went thence with the army to Scotland to meet Allen, who might
start from here, it would be a great help to the cause : for though this Dr Owen
on account of the differences which have lately arisen between the Welsh and
English, he being a Welshman, does not stand very well with the greater part of
the English, nevertheless as he is a grave and prudent man, if united to Allen, who
possesses the hearts of all, he would be of no small assistance especially with his
countrymen the Welsh, who can be of much service in this affair, and will desire
to help from the great affection which they bear to the catholic faith ; and when
the army has reached England this Dr Owen might be sent to Wales with those
great lords of that country who already favour us to help in raising the people
of those parts. The importance of this affair rests entirely in the secrecy and
rapidity observed ; for if the expedition be not sent immediately, there is no hope
of the opportunity continuing, nor will it be ready to hand in the future ; whereas
if seized now, there is no doubt but that by God's grace the result we desire will
be effected, for all things are already most fully disposed for it. There is another
thing of which I should remind your most reverend Lordship as of the greatest
importance. It is that, owing to there being great points in dispute and natural
rivalry hitherto between the Scotch and English nations, which if revived (as we
hope they will not be) would cause many hindrances, it will be necessary to
provide that in regard to the things or concessions [?] which shall come from his
Holiness the two nations shall be placed on an equal footing. This will be effected
if the English see that Mr. Allen or some other Englishman like him (though the
English have at present no other head to whom to trust themselves except Allen
only) is joined on behalf of England with the most reverend Archbishop of Glasgow
on behalf of Scotland in those points which shall concern the state of both the
kingdoms at once. Lastly I have to offer to your most reverend Lordship in the
name of all the catholics of England their life, their goods and all that lies within
their power for the service of God and his Holiness in this enterprise, which they
desire so earnestly that they promise, if our Lord God shall give them the victory,
and beg your most reverend Lordship also to promise in their name, most honourable consideration to all those who shall aid the affair or labour in it or do any
thing to favour or forward this enterprise."
The Nuncio adds that the Duke of Guise, the ambassador of Scotland,
Dr Allen and F. Persons had met at his house and approved the project of
which F. Creighton was the bearer to his Holiness. The Duke wished the Pope
to be informed before all things that he was still firm in his purpose of undertaking the enterprise in person with his friends and relations, and that if
matters continued as they were he did not doubt of success. The expense would
certainly be very heavy, if the affair were to last long ; but he reckoned that
within a month they would be conquerors or dead, so that the cost for such a
short time would be bearable. The Nuncio concludes his despatch thus :—" It
seems to me that this enterprise is so honourable and useful to the church of
God that nothing, I believe, could be undertaken or even imagined greater or
more fruitful ; and I cannot do otherwise than entreat your most reverend
Lordship to animate our Lord [the Pope] to this enterprise, which is worthy
of Christ's Vicar ; since with so prudent a captain and one moreover who will
be approved of by the catholic King, as his Agents promise, we may hope for
the fullest success."

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xliii

The greater part of April and May was spent in discussing this design, and
finally, at a meeting held in Paris, at which, besides those already mentioned,
F. Claude Mathieu, provincial of the Jesuits in France and confessor to the Duke
of Guise, was present, a plan was definitely decided upon, and F. Creighton was
deputed to take it to the Pope at Rome and F. Persons to Philip II. at Lisbon,
where the King was then residing. It appears from a despatch of the Spanish
Agent to Philip II., dated May 29, that F. Creighton had already started on
May 24 or 25 and F. Persons on May 28.1 F. Creighton carried a letter of
recommendation to the Cardinal of Como from the Nuncio,2 and another to his
Holiness from Dr Allen.3
As this letter of Dr Allen to Gregory XIIL, written at St. Denis in Allen to
France, 24 April, 1582, with a companion letter of the same date to the Car- ^ni*7
dinal of Como, is the first indication to my knowledge of his having taken an 24 April,
active part in political affairs, it is deserving of more than incidental notice. 1582.
F. Creighton, he tells the Pope, has just returned from Scotland with very full
mandates and instructions from the chief men of that country for his Holiness
and the King of Spain. But as the matter concerned, the welfare of England he
was ordered to communicate it fully to Dr Allen and to the Archbishop of
Glasgow, ambassador of the Queen of Scots. The three met at a place designated by the ambassador, and after conference decided that the affair was of the
deepest importance to both nations, and that the present was perhaps the last
opportunity of bringing it to a successful issue. They further resolved to send
F. Creighton to his Holiness and F. Persons to the catholic King to represent
to them the urgency of the matter. This preliminary meeting was, as we have
seen, followed by others, in all of which Dr Allen naturally took part. He
was now at length launched upon the sea of political transactions, and his great
gifts, moral and intellectual, soon placed him in the first rank among his
compeers.
F. Persons, as has been said, began his journey to Lisbon, May 28, and
he was already far advanced on his road, when Philip II. wrote as follows from
Lisbon, June 11, to his Agent, J. B. Tassis, at Paris.4
" The two fathers of the Company of Jesus who spoke to you about Scotland,
must have gone thither from motives of true zeal ; but to advance so far as they
did in the negotiation, and to communicate the plan to so many persons as they
must have treated with may be attended with much inconvenience as regards
secrecy. And that this may be the better secured, it will be well that, if the one
who was thinking of coming here has not yet left, you should manage to detain
him, pointing out as from yourself the importance of not giving occasion for the
publication of the affair before the time, and intimating that he should not start
until you have received my answer. In the same sense you will reply to the
Duke of Lennox by the same channel, and you will conduct the whole affair in
such a way that it may not seem to them that difficulties- are being raised as a
1
Teulet, V., 256. F . Persons has made a mistake in saying that F . Creighton and he
2
" departed from Paris primo Maii." Infra, p. 129, note.
Infra, p. 409.
3
Infra, p. 129. Compare Allen's letter to the Cardinal of Como of the same date,
p. 130. See also the plan of this enterprise which was found upon F . Creighton when he was
captured at sea, 4 September, 1584, infra, p. 425, and also his confessions in the Tower, p. 432.
* Teulet, V., 257.
/ 2

xliv

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

pretext to refuse them assistance, but that the affair must be solidly grounded
in order the better to ensure its succeeding ; for it is a thing which so deeply
concerns the service of our Lord and the public good that all are bound to
further it."
Raid of
During this time however events were passing in Scotland which had
Ruthven. a n i m p 0 r t a n t bearing upon the enterprise. The probability of its success would
evidently depend very much upon the continuance in power of the Duke of
Lennox. But in the summer of 1582 a plot had been formed against him under
Queen Elizabeth's auspices among certain influential members of the Scottish
nobility with the Earl of Gowrie at their head. The ministers of the kirk too
favoured the conspirators, for they set little store upon the Duke's professed
conversion to protestantism since his arrival in Scotland. The result of all
this was that, on August 23, the Earl of Gowrie and the confederate lords seized
the person of the young King, who, suspecting nothing, was then on a visit to
Gowrie at his castle of Ruthven, and, though they surrounded him with all the
outward tokens of respect, soon made him feel that he was really a prisoner in
their hands. Shortly afterwards the Duke of Lennox escaped to Dumbarton
Castle, and was at length compelled, in December, to leave Scotland and return
by way of England to France, where he died, 26 May, 1583.
Allusions to these events occur in various letters printed below. Thus Dr
Allen wrote to the Cardinal of Como, on September 12,1 of the apprehensions
entertained in Scotland that some plot was being hatched there against the young
Prince and Lennox. It was this fear of impending evil which had induced the
Prince and Lennox to put forth in the month of August a public protestation
that they would remain firm in the religion which they had embraced and had no
thought of change. Not that much credit was generally given to this assertion,
for Lennox was known to be in heart a catholic, and the Prince was ill affected
towards the heretics and skilled in dissimulation. If however recent rumours
widely spread through England and France could be believed, the Prince's enemies
had by some stratagem already torn him away from the guardianship of Lennox.
But the people and the most ancient nobility were attached to the Prince, and
would no doubt come to his rescue ; the more so since Lennox was at liberty,
and occupied the strongest fortresses of the kingdom. There was therefore all
the more need of expedition in carrying out the design proposed to his Holiness,
in order to deliver the Prince from the hands of his enemies, if he had already
fallen into them, or to save him from falling into them very shortly.
Again the Nuncio at Paris writes on November 6 to the Cardinal of Como as
follows.2
The Nun" I gave [the message] to the Duke of Guise. His answer was that he was
0°-cf 1 g r e a ^ly obliged to our Lord [the Pope] for the confidence which his Holiness
Como,
placed in him, but that at present he could not give a decisive answer, since, as he
6 Nov., was to be the head of the enterprise, he wished first to make quite sure of what
1582.
j i e cQui^ (j 0 a n ( j promise ; for when he had once promised, even if he had to go
with only two followers, he would go there and die. He added that in eight or
ten days he expects a Jesuit father, whom after these troubles in Scotland he had
sent disguised to the Queen of Scotland and who is on his way back by London,
and from him he will hear what the said Queen can promise on behalf of her
» Infra, p. 161.

2

Infra, p. 410.

xlv

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

friends in England and Scotland, and he will learn too what arrangements this
father has made with the gentlemen in England about the affair on hand and in
what state it is : and as to this affair he says that the Agent of Spain has told
him in the name of the catholic King that his King will do for it all he can, and
so too F. Robert [Persons] writes that the catholic King is not wanting in will
but in money. He has also told me that letters have come from Scotland stating
that only those have shown themselves enemies of the Prince who were already
enemies of the Queen [his mother] and that the Prince had ordered the Duke of
Lennox to come to France and ask for aid, and that the Most Christian King
desires his coming and shows himself inclined to aid that Prince : in which case
the Duke of Guise believes that with the help of our Lord [the Pope] all may be
brought to a good end : more than this however he will not say at present. He
added however that he thinks it would be well if some part of the money which
our Lord [the Pope] is willing to give should be deposited in some place whence
it could not be withdrawn without me, so that if a sudden occasion for using
it should arise, there would not be the delay of writing and receiving an answer
about it, while in the mean time the opportunity might pass away. I answered
him that in this case I would send a courier by express. Nevertheless he shows
that such is his desire."
From a despatch of the Agent of Spain, J. B. Tassis, to Philip IL, dated
Paris, 5 September, 1582,1 it appears that on the day before he wrote certain
intelligence had arrived from the French ambassador in England of the raid of
Huthven, as the seizure of King James by the Earl of Gowrie and his confederates
was called. The Agent sent at once an account of it to Philip IL, in which he
spoke of the great grief it had caused the Duke of Guise, who was afraid that
what had happened might alter the goodwill of the King of Spain in this matter.
Philip II. replied from Lisbon, 24 September,2 to this despatch. He had already,
he says, ordered 10,000 crowns to be sent to Tassis for transmission to the Duke
of Lennox to help him to maintain himself against the intrigues of his enemies.
Now however that he has heard from Tassis the bad news which had just come,
he will not change the destination of the money, but leaves it to the Duke of
Guise to forward it or not according to his discretion. The Agent is to assure the
Duke of Guise of the King's firm will to co-operate with him in the reduction of
Scotland, provided he sees good ground to hope for success, and the Pope will aid
with money, as he has several times offered to do. Since the imprisonment of
the King of Scotland has made a great change in the prospects of the enterprise,
Philip II. is very desirous to have the Duke's opinion on this point. The Agent
will take great pains to remove any doubt from the Duke's mind about the King
having any private ends of his own in this affair of Scotland and England, but
only the service of our Lord, the conversion of those two kingdoms and their
coming into the possession of those to whom they belong.
The Cardinal of Como wrote in the following terms to the Nuncio in France,
14 February, 1583 3:—" Since the Duke of Guise thinks that he cannot arrive at a
decision about the affairs of Scotland until he has received the information which
he expects, our Lord [the Pope] will wait till then for his determination. Meanwhile if the said Duke should think it fitting to send some money to the Duke of
Lennox, that he may not lose heart, it may be done ; and with regard to the
1

Teulet, V v 258.

2

Teulet, V., 261.

3

Infra, p. 411.

xlvi

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

quantity and way of sending it you three can take counsel together, I mean, your
Lordship, the Duke aforesaid and the Agent of Spain, who has received the money
from his King and directions to disburse it at our requisition. The disbursement,
as your Lordship already knows, should be in the proportion of three fourths from
the King of Spain to one fourth of ours. May God guide you as to what is best
to do in this matter ; for the hope of doing anything better seems to me to become
fainter on' all sides every day."
On February 28, the Cardinal wrote again to the Nuncio. 1 "As to the affairs
of Scotland our Lord [the Pope] expects to hear the final resolve of Monsr. de
Guise when he has spoken to the Duke of Lennox, who on reaching France will
give the Duke of Guise so much information about the affairs of Scotland that he
will not need to wait on this account for the return of the man whom the Duke
of Guise has sent to Scotland. So far as we understand, things are in a worse
state in that kingdom than ever before, and God grant that we may find the way
to remedy them. Meanwhile your Lordship will not part with the money except
after full counsel and deliberation, though I wrote to you lately that you might
disburse it."
At this very time the Duke of Lennox was sick at Paris, and the disease was
making such progress that the doctors feared for his life. In consequence of this
the ambassador of Scotland had only been able to treat briefly with him of the
matters in hand, and it was plain that any further steps must be put off for a
time. Such was the account which the Agent of Spain sent to Philip II. from
Paris, 14 February, 1583.2 " In my poor judgment " he added " t h e affair is at
an end for the present ; for to all appearances this boyish Prince will conform and
adapt himself to necessity, and even, through his absence, forget Lennox, if
requisite."
Proposed
The death of Lennox on May 26 made it requisite to reconsider the whole
assassina- s t a t e of affairs. But before this took place, an incident occurred, which deserves
Queen
notice, though nothing came of it eventually. It is related in the two following
Elizabeth, despatches, which have been printed for the first time in this volume from a
transcript made for the Public Eecord Office, London, from the originals in the
Vatican.
On 2 May, 1583, the Nuncio wrote from Paris to the Cardinal of Oomo 3 :—
" The Duke of Guise and the Duke of May enne have told me that they have a
plan for killing the Queen of England by the hand of a catholic, though not
one outwardly, who is near her person and is ill-affected towards her for having
put to death some of his catholic relations. This man, it seems, sent word of this
to the Queen of Scotland, but she refused to attend to it.4 He was however sent
hither, and they have agreed to give him, if he escapes, or else his sons, 100,000
francs, as to which he is satisfied to have the security of the Duke of Guise for
50,000 and to see the rest deposited with the Archbishop of Glasgow in a box, of
which he will keep a key, so that he or his sons may receive the money, should
the plan succeed, and the Duke thinks it may. The Duke asks for no assistance
from our Lord [the Pope] for this affair ; but when the time comes he will go to
1

2
3
Infra, p. 412.
Teulet, V., 273.
Infra, p. 412.
Compare infra, p. 388, where F . Persons seems to allude to this incident ; but either he
never heard the true account of it, or was betrayed by his imperfect memory into a misstatement.
4

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xlvii

a place of his near the sea to await the event and then cross over on a sudden
into England. As to putting to death that wicked woman, I said to him that I will
not write about it to our Lord the Pope (nor do I) nor tell your most illustrious
Lordship to inform him of it ; because, though I believe our Lord the Pope would
be glad that God should punish in any way whatever that enemy of His, still
it would be unfitting that His Vicar should procure it by these means. The
Duke was satisfied ; but later on he added that for the enterprise of England,
which in this case would be much more easy, it will be necessary to have here in
readiness money to enlist some troops to follow him, as he intends to enter
England immediately, in order that the catholics may have a head. He asks for
no assistance for his passage across ; but as the Duke of Mayenne must remain
on the continent to collect some soldiers to follow him (it being probable that the
heretics who hold the treasure, the fleet and the ports will not be wanting to
themselves, so that it will be necessary to resist them) he wishes that for this
purpose 100,000 or at least 80,000 crowns should be ready here. I let him know
the agreement which there is between our Lord the Pope and the catholic King
with regard to the contribution, and I told him that on our Lord the Pope's part
he may count on every possible assistance, when the catholic King does his part.
The Agent of Spain believes that his King will willingly give this aid, and
therefore it will be well, in conformity with the promises so often made, to consider how to provide this sum, which will amount to 20,000 crowns from our
Lord the Pope, if the catholic King gives 60,000. God grant that with this small
sum that great kingdom may be gained. The Queen of Scotland wrote the other
day that she had won over the Earl [of Shrewsbury] her keeper, and that she is
sure of being able to free herself when she pleases, but that she wishes to wait
for a good opportunity. Independently of this plan, the Duke of Guise expects
in a few days information from four principal gentlemen in England, and he will
let me know the result : meanwhile he has nothing of moment from Scotland or
England to tell me."
The Cardinal of Como answered this despatch of the Nuncio, on May 23, in
the following terms. 1
" I have reported to our Lord the Pope what your Lordship has written to
me in cipher about, the affairs of England, and since his Holiness cannot but
think it good that this .kingdom should be in some way or other relieved from
oppression and restored to God and our holy religion, his Holiness says that, in
the event of the matter being effected, there is no doubt that the 80,000 crowns
will be, as your Lordship says, very well employed. His Holiness will therefore
make no difficulty about paying his fourth, when the time comes, if the Agents of
the catholic King do the same with their three fourths : and as to this point the
princes of Guise should make a good and firm agreement with the catholic Agent
on the spot. With regard to our 20,000, since your Lordship has already in hand
4,000, and to send the rest without knowing for certain that there will be any
result would be to take trouble for nothing, while not to send them might injure
the affair, if by chance it should become necessary to pay them, his Holiness
thinks it best that in case of need your Lordship should take up the whole or
part where you are by a bill of exchange on the credit of some Italian merchant
or other person, which his Holiness will not fail to meet immediately that it is
1

Infra, p. 413.

xlviii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

b r o u g h t for p a y m e n t here. I say t h e whole or a p a r t because it is not likely
t h a t it will all be needed at once, since it is more probable t h a t it will have to be
spent in t w o or three m o n t h s rather t h a n one, in which case your Lordship will
easily supply t h e first advance w i t h t h e 4,000 y o u have already in hand, a n d will
h a v e time to write here for the rest. Nevertheless if necessity requires it, your
Lordship can adopt the expedient which I mentioned of raising t h e m there, and do
not stop on this account from doing good. God g r a n t t h a t this m a y not prove
like so m a n y other promises which never h a d a n y result."
T h e D u k e of Guise h a d t a k e n care to inform t h e A g e n t of Spain t h r o u g h t h e
Archbishop of Glasgow of w h a t was in contemplation, and to ask t h a t 100,000
crowns m i g h t be provided for him b y his Holiness and t h e catholic K i n g to
enable h i m to carry out his project. This we learn from a letter of t h e A g e n t
Tassis to Philip IL, 4 May, 1583, 1 in which among other things he s a y s : — " I
u n d e r s t a n d t h a t he [the D u k e of Guise] is following such plans as m a y well meet
w i t h success, and if t h e y do succeed it will be v e r y necessary for me to h a v e at
h a n d a provision of money w i t h which to assist him at once, and particularly as
regards one project which on account of t h e risk I dare not set down here, b u t
which will m a k e a noise if it succeeds ; and if it does not, I shall be able some d a y
w i t h some security to send word about it, for to delay doing so is of no consequence." Philip I I . replied, J u n e 6,2 t h a t he was willing to contribute t o w a r d s
t h e 100,000 crowns, b u t t h a t he had w r i t t e n to t h e Pope to beg h i m to increase
his proportion of t h e advance. I n a letter of t h e same date to Don Bernardino de
Mendoza, his ambassador in England, t h e K i n g says : 3 " I have also seen w h a t t h e
Queen of Scotland has w r i t t e n in weariness of her long imprisonment, as well as
t h e answer which you sent her, persuading her not to leave t h a t kingdom, even if
she could. This seems to me very good advice, and you will continue to act
t h u s ; for circumstances m a y arise w h e n it would be v e r y advantageous t h a t t h e
catholics should find her ready at hand, and her absence m i g h t do much harm."
The project however h a d already fallen t h r o u g h ; as appears from a passage in
t h e Nuncio's letter of May 30 to t h e Cardinal of Como. 4 " I believe" he says " t h a t
t h e design upon t h e person of t h e Queen of England will come to nothing." Still
more decided are t h e words of t h e Agent of Spain in a letter from Paris, J u n e 24, to
Philip I I . * " The project " he says " which Hercules [i.e., t h e D u k e of Guise] was
pursuing and which I intimated to your Majesty on May 4, was a eleecl of violence
against this lady, from whom some one, perhaps from motives of interest, was to
have freed him, and it has, I see, for the present quite disappeared w i t h o u t a n y
further mention being made of it : so t h a t it is no longer necessary to provide t h e
money which was asked for on account of it." The italicized words in the above
extract are underlined in t h e original b y t h e King, who has w r i t t e n w i t h his own
h a n d on t h e margin : " I t was thus, I believe, t h a t we understood it here ; and if
t h e y had done it, it would have been no h a r m ; though t h e y should have made provision of certain things beforehand."
"What is to
Such is t h e history, now for t h e first time published, of this remarkable incident,
be thought r e l a t e d in t h e words of those who were personally cognizant of t h e facts, and
who, besides being bound b y their position to write t r u l y and w i t h o u t exaggeration,
h a d no reason to suppose t h a t their letters would ever become k n o w n to t h e world
i Teulet, V., 275.
4
Infra, p. 414.

2

3
lb., 277.
lb., 280.
5
Teulet, V., 281.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xlix

at large. What it comes to then is this. The Dukes of Guise and Mayenne agreed
to secure the payment of a large sum of money to a person who engaged in return
to kill Queen Elizabeth. The Archbishop of Glasgow, the Nuncio to the French
Court, himself a bishop, the Cardinal of Como, the Spanish Agent, J. B. Tassis,
Philip II. of Spain and perhaps the Pope himself, when they were made aware .of
the project, did not express the slightest disapprobation of it, but spoke only of
the manifest advantage it would be to religion, if in some way or other the wicked
woman were removed by death. Now there is nothing wrong in rejoicing at the
death of a great persecutor or heresiarch, not indeed out of hatred to him or desire
of vengeance, for we are bound to love our enemies and do good to those who
persecute us. but because of the greater good thence ensuing through the
deliverance of so many innocent persons from his oppressions. Nor again is it
immoral to desire and pray for the death of such a one from the same motive,
as St. Paul did when he wrote to the Galatian Christians, " I would they were
even cut off that trouble you." x But it by no means follows that because an end
is good and desirable all the means of attaining that end are also good, for it is
an axiom of morality that the end does not sanctify the means. It is necessary
that these be good in themselves or at least indifferent ; otherwise to use them
will vitiate the action however excellent may be the end to which the action is
directed whether in its own nature or through the intention of the doer. According
to these principles no blame could attach to any one who desired the death of so
bitter a persecutor of God's people as Elizabeth was ; but to cause her death
by violence, or to approve of such an act, or not to say so much as a word in
disapproval is quite a different matter. Its morality must be considered in and
by itself before we can acquit or condemn those who acted thus. The soldier
who takes the life of his country's enemy in battle, the executioner who puts the
criminal to death, the private individual who kills his would-be murderer, have
all blood upon their hands, but they can plead the sovereign's command or the
right of self defence to clear themselves from all bloodguiltiness. Can then those
who sought Elizabeth's death bring forward any available plea to justify them in
seeking it ? At least we may hear whether anything can be alleged in their
defence before condemning them as assassins. Common fairness demands as
much as this.
On what principles then can their act be accounted for ? Some- will perhaps
reply : 0 tempora ! 0 mores ! In those days men made as little account of assassinating an enemy as they would of killing a soldier in lawful war. What wicked
men ! What a wicked time ! Such an answer is easy, but it is hardly philosophical : for philosophy does not deal with bare facts ; it views them in their
causes ; and in this case the causes of an act are the motives which impel to its
commission. What then were the motives which actuated the various persons
concerned in this affair, whether as principals, or approvers ? What were the
principles on which their practical judgment was formed ? If an assassination by
Caesar Borgia were in question the gratification of his unbridled passions would
be a sufficient account of his motives. If we ask how it was that John Knox was
an approver before the deed of David Riccio's murder, we find the explanation in
the well known opinion of the Scottish reformer, that it is lawful for private
persons to put to death the oppressors of God's people, when all redress in the
1

Gal. v. 12.

9

1

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

ordinary course of justice is impossible.1 A false conception of his rights as
sovereign led Henry III. of France to order the assassination of the Duke of Guise.
Religious fanaticism acting on a weak and excitable brain may account for the
crimes of Jacques Clement and Ravaillac. Patriotism and religion misunderstood
moved Felton to murder the Duke of Buckingham. A vain hankering after
notoriety has before now urged some silly fool to attempt his sovereign's life. But
motives such as these will not suffice to explain the conduct of so many different
men, occupying some high, some the highest positions in church and state, accustomed to act with deliberation and to shape their conduct by fixed principles,
irreproachable (at least most of them) in their morals and otherwise zealous for
God's glory and the welfare of their fellow men. They were not delirious
fanatics. They professed no self-in vented, private code of morals. They were
not the slaves of unbridled passions. They had no personal animosity against
their intended victim. How came it then that they saw no sin in a project which,
if it were a sin, involved the most grievous sin of murder ? How is it that they
were so clear in conscience about it that their words indicate no doubtfulness and
that there is no sign whatever of any attempt to palliate or excuse to themselves
or others an act which might be desirable for many reasons but was hardly lawful ?
Surely the question is a grave one, and needs an answer of some kind. I will
now venture to suggest one, which, whether it be the correct account of their
motives or not, will at. least show how these persons without doing violence to
their reason or forcing their conscience may have justified to themselves the
proposed act.
Let me begin by putting a possible case. In a country where the executive
is powerless and might prevails over right, the chief of a band of robbers has
seized an unoffending traveller and keeps him a close prisoner until he pays for
his ransom a sum which it is quite beyond his power to obtain. Now who can
deny that under these circumstances the prisoner might lawfully kill the robber,
if by so doing he could secure his escape ? And if he might do it himself, any
one, much more a friend and kinsman, might do it for him, or he might hire
another to do it in his stead. The violent death of the robber could not in this
case be justly regarded as a murder : it would simply be the result of an act of
self defence on the part of the innocent man whom he was holding captive.
This case seems to contain the solution of the present difficulty. Fifteen
years before the events we are considering Mary Queen of Scots had sought
hospitality and a temporary shelter in the kingdom of Elizabeth. Instead of
obtaining her request, she was at once placed in strict confinement and every
attempt on her own part or that of others to obtain her liberty had proved
ineffectual. Mary's life during all this time hung on the mere will of Elizabeth,
who had gone so far in 1569 as to issue an order under the great seal for her
execution.2 In 1572 Elizabeth arranged with the Earls of Morton and Mar to
deliver up to them the Queen of Scots on condition that she should " receive that
which she had deserved there by order of justice." On which Tytler remarks
that " these words when taken with the context can bear but one meaning'—that
of executing her summarily and without delay."3 Nothing but the sudden death
of the Regent Mar prevented this agreement from being carried into effect. Again
1

Tytler's Bisturi/ of Scotland, Yol. III., pp. 405, 406.
3
lb., 347, note 3.

a

lb., 315.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

li

in 1587, four years after the occurrence with which we are now concerned,
Elizabeth caused it to be intimated to Sir Amias Paulet, Mary's gaoler, that he
should secretly kill her ; a crime, however, which he, unfeeling bigot though he was,
refused to perpetrate. 1 Finally, 8 Feb., 1587, after a form of trial she caused her
captive to be beheaded. The conduct of Elizabeth to Mary from her arrival in
England in 1568 to her judicial murder at Fotheringay in 1587 was one prolonged
act of injustice. Elizabeth had no jurisdiction over her, for Mary was a Queen,
and therefore incapable of being the subject of another sovereign. Even apart
from her regal dignity she was a Scotchwoman and therefore no subject of the
English Queen. If a Frenchman were arrested, tried and executed in England
for a murder which he had committed in France, however certain might be his
guilt, his death would be a simple murder and the judge who condemned him a
murderer ; because not being an English subject he was not amenable to English
jurisdiction for acts committed beyond the realm. If then it could have been
proved with absolute certainty that Mary had been privy to Darnley's murder,
this would not have justified Elizabeth in usurping a jurisdiction that was not and
could not under any possible contingency be hers. But what of Babington's
plot ? If Mary was aware of the intended attempt on Elizabeth's life, and there
is no proof of it, this did not make her a subject of Elizabeth ; for she was still
Elizabeth's equal as a Queen. But at any rate she was tried with all the forms
of justice ? And of what value, it may be answered, are these forms when there
is no jurisdiction to give them life and efficacy ? They are a mockery of justice,
and none the less such because they are a solemn mockery. Thus the parallel is
complete between the bandit chief and Queen Elizabeth. Both detain with equal
injustice the prisoner who has fallen into their hands. Both have the power and
the will to murder their prisoner, if circumstances make it advisable. Both
prisoners are unable to persuade their captors to release them. If then it be no
sin in the captive, either by his own hand or the hand of others, to kill the bandit
chief and so escape, why was it a sin to kill Elizabeth and by doing so to save
from a life-long prison and impending death her helpless victim, the Queen of
Scots ? If the one act is a laudable measure of self defence, why is the other
branded with the names of murder and assassination ? In a word, if there is no
real disparity between the cases, why should we not use the same weights and
measures in judging of them both ? Such may have been the reasoning of the
Duke of Guise and his approvers, and on such grounds they may have maintained,
not without plausibility, the lawfulness of an act which under other circumstances than those which have been described would merit the deepest reprobation.
To return to the narrative of events :—When in December, 1582, the Duke Events in
of Lennox was journeying through England towards France, he met on the road Scotland.
to Scotland M. de la Mothe-Fénelon,2 who had been sent by the King of France as reCoversg
ambassador to the Scottish King to aid him in regaining his liberty and to his liberty,
counteract the English intrigues in Scotland. De la Mothe-Fénelon did not stay
long in that country, but soon returned to France. He was succeeded by M. de
Menainville, who remained there until the beginning of May, 1583, when, after
1
2

Lingard, VI., 457.
Tytler, IV., 55. According to M. Teulet, M. de la Mothe-Fénelon was sent in October,
1582, while M. de Menainville did not leave France before January, 1583. Teulet, V.,28l, note.
9 2

lii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

having organized the plot for the overthrow of the Ruthven lords and the return
of the Duke of Lennox to power, he took shipping from Leith for France. 1 Towards
the end of June the young King, who had acted with great vigour and secrecy,
suddenly threw himself into the castle of St. Andrews, summoned round him the
nobles who were privy to the plot, declared by proclamation the raid of Ruthven
to have been an act of treason, and, while promising to pardon those who had taken
part in it and solicited forgiveness, made known his determination to punish with
severity all who should refuse to sue for mercy. In this way the King once more
recovered the exercise of his royal authority, though the unexpected death of
Lennox deprived him of the satisfaction of welcoming back to Scotland the
favourite who had been torn from him by the Earl of Gowrie and his confederates.
The report which M. de Menainville brought of the state of things in Scotland
revived the Duke of Guise's desire to undertake the enterprise. The urgent
solicitations of the Queen of Scots and Lord Seton confirmed him in this resolve.
He thought of sending to Scotland one of the princes of his house with M. de
Menain ville as his lieutenant, while he himself proposed to remain on the frontiers
of England according to the plan already settled. " I think," the Nuncio writes,
May 30, to the Cardinal of Como, "4,000 footmen will suffice for Scotland, and as
to England he will act according to circumstances."2 In another letter of the same
date to the Cardinal of Como3 the Nuncio announces the return of F. Robert
Persons from Spain :—" He set out on the last day of April from Madrid, where
he left the catholic King exceedingly well disposed towards the enterprise of
England and Scotland, and his Majesty is of opinion that it ought by all means to
be carried out this year. . . . .
Whenever it is ready, a report in writing of
the state of this affair will be brought, setting forth how it is proposed to conduct
it, with what troops and shipping, whence they are to come and the money that
will be requisite. This will be sent to our Lord the Pope and to Spain, and then
his Holiness and the catholic King will take whatever resolution God may
inspire them with. May it.please your most illustrious Lordship to exhort our
Lord the Pope not to lose so fine an opportunity of bringing back two kingdoms
at the same moment to the catholic church and delivering so many poor catholics
from the tyranny of that Jezabel. Either this enterprise will be executed this
year or there is nothing more to be hoped for from human endeavours. Our
Lord could not spend the patrimony of St. Peter more usefully and more
honourably than in the recovery of these kingdoms, for which his predecessors
have laboured so much to plant therein the faith of Christ."
A few days later, June 11, the Nuncio wrote from St. Cloud to the Cardinal
of Como4 :—" A memorandum is being drawn up as to how the affair of England
should be conducted, for by the death of the Duke of Lennox we have lost the
basis of Scotland, and it is necessary to make a new plan for that kingdom, about
which they are now busy. With reference to this kingdom and also to England
there met at my house in Paris, whither I went expressly, the Duke of Guise, the
Agent of the catholic King, the ambassador of Scotland, Monsr. de Mone ville
[Menainville] and F. Claude [Mathieu, S.J.], in whom all put confidence ; and
the Duke of Guise read a memorandum, of which he caused a copy in French to
be given to the Agent of Spain and another in Italian to me. The Agent and F.
Claude afterwards came to me here at St. Cloud where F. Robert [Persons] still
1
2
3
4
Tytler, IY.? 64.
Infra, p. 414.
Infra, p. 194.
Infra, p. 415.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

liii

is-, and we changed some things, and the Agent has remained to draw up in
French whatever seemed good to him. The memorandum has not yet come back
to me, but when it does, I will send it at once to your most illustrious Lordship in
cipher. I can only say at present that this affair is in a much worse state through
the death of Lennox ; the difficulties have increased, and something very different
from 80,000 crowns will be wanted to put in execution what is designed." After
discussing the best way of remitting the Pope's contribution, the Nuncio proceeds :
" I had written thus far when I received the memorandum from the Agent of
Spain, but I do not send it, as it is not settled. I will say thus much ; although
the Duke of Guise affirms that so far as it rests with him he will undertake the
enterprise of England, still the Agent of Spain and I think that it cannot possibly
be undertaken this September ; and the Duke knows this, but lets it be understood in this way that he will be ready when what is needed shall be in order.
The Queen of Scotland prays that nothing new be done, so long as her son is not
at liberty and her party in Scotland on a firm footing ; from which I judge that
nothing will be done this year. We have all resolved that the nephew of the
said Queen's ambassador should be sent to Scotland with money to confirm our
friends and gain others. At the Duke of Guise's request the Agent of Spain will
give 5,000 crowns for this purpose, and though I have been asked to contribute
my fourth, and am aware that I have the money at my disposition for the things
of Scotland, still, since I had it for the maintenance of the Duke of Lennox, I
have refused to consent to give it without fresh instructions. As by gaining the
Scotch and rendering the Prince favourable for his own interest and that of his
mother we shall be on the lines of the original design, I think it will be well not
to refuse the Duke of Guise this small sum for a beginning of this enterprise,
towards which Spain has already given 10,000 crowns and I have promised to
contribute always in proportion to what the minister of the catholic King shall
give. The nephew of the ambassador of Scotland, who is a very prudent person,
will go to Scotland on the pretext that he has been recalled by his father, who
intends to leave his property to him as his eldest son if he goes there, or to give it
to a younger son, if he does not go."
The plan for the enterprise of England, which had been under discussion,
was forwarded to the Cardinal of Como by the Nuncio, June 20, that is, a few
days before the Scottish King freed himself from the Ruthven lords. It is
as follows.1
" A person shall be sent immediately to Scotland with means and money to The enterdispose the people of the country to embrace this enterprise, which was begun by PrlS(?of
the Duke of Lennox and has been greatly improved by the ambassador of 201June '
France who was there. Every effort shall be made to obtain this ambassador's 1583?
immediate return to continue these negotiations in that kingdom and to dispose
the King to place himself at the head of the enterprise as was originally intended.
If however the King will not do this, it is hoped that there will soon be. obtained
so much correspondence, and that so much assistance can be counted upon in that
kingdom that the King will be obliged to adapt himself to it, or at least will be
unable to put any hindrance in the way of the enterprise.
" As soon as possible two expeditions should be got ready, one in Spain to go
to Scotland, if things are well disposed, or to England on the frontier of Scotland,
1

Infra, p. 416.

liv

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

where it will be easy to seize some port with the help of the catholic party who
are very numerous there and skilled in war, besides which all the ports in
England are open, and a fleet can ride at anchor in them safely. The expedition
from Spain should consist of 10 or 12,000 men or more, if possible, i.e., 4,000
Germans, another 4,000 Italians and 3,000 Spaniards. It should be victualed for
twenty days after landing, and bring with it money to pay these troops and to
raise 20,000 more, Scotch or English, as well as a quantity of arms to arm the
soldiers of the country. This expedition should be the first to arrive in England
and be under the command of some one chosen by his Holiness and the catholic
King, for its head could not be one of the two brothers [the Dukes of Guise and
Mayenne] since they could not both reasonably leave France at the same time.
The second expedition should consist of Frenchmen under the command of one of
the two brothers. It can only land in Sussex, owing to the little convenience to
be met with elsewhere ; while a disembarcation here will be very commodious, as
the crossing can be made quickly and securely in a tide. But this expedition
must not be the first to land, for the one from Spain is so distant that it is impossible to judge with certainty when it will arrive. Besides which the chief
strength of England is on the side of Sussex, as London is only a day's journey
distant, and nothing more can be done on the side of France beyond what was
originally offered, though in carrying this out there will be no failure or deficiency
of any kind. When these two expeditions are in England, they cannot unite
until they have both fought a battle, for to effect a junction they will necessarily
have to cross England. They must therefore be strong; the more so since from
there being no fortresses in England the English will be obliged to fight immediately, as they can only save themselves by a battle. I t will be also requisite to
afford means to the catholics and the discontented, who form the majority in
England, to unite. Measures are being taken for this purpose, and thereby the
conquest of that kingdom will be accomplished in a short time : especially since
it is impossible for England to receive succours under two or three months, if it
be attacked when our enemies are not resolute and have not begun to prepare
themselves, besides other difficulties in the way of obtaining aid,1 so that there is
no ground for fearing this.
" With regard to the time of putting into execution this enterprise, the sooner
it is done the better, and there will never be found any shortcoming on the side
of France. As to this expedition from France the head of it thinks that he can
obviate the jealousy which it might otherwise excite in the Most Christian King,
and that it may therefore be safely accomplished. Besides, in the expedition from
Spain there will be a great quantity of Italians and Germans and its head will be
appointed by his Holiness ; all which will be signified by the Nuncio in France
to the Most Christian King, with the assurance that the intention of his Holiness
is to use the power which God has given him solely for God's glory and the
increase of the catholic faith. It is necessary to provide a good store of money
at Paris both for the needs of this expedition and for those of Scotland and
England. This resolution should be made v known to the Duke of Bavaria, 2 who
1

T h e text at this point seems to be corrupt.
M. Teulet thinks that the Duke of Bavaria here spoken of was William V., surnamed
T h e Yonng, of the branch of Munich, who in 1596 resigned the government of the state to his
son Maximilian to live in retirement with the Carthusians near Rafcisbon. Teulet, V., 286, note.
2

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Iv

has offered himself for the enterprise, that he may be ready according to the
advices which will be sent him continually by him who will lead the French into
England, whenever his Holiness and the catholic King have resolved upon the
execution of the enterprise, and who perhaps may find it expedient that the Duke
of Bavaria should command the expedition to be despatched from Spain. Some
one should be sent immediately to England to advise the Queen of Scotland and
the ambassador of Spain of this resolution and to learn what they think of it and
what account is to be made of the strength of the English catholics, who will receive
such general information as may be necessary to prepare them for taking up arms
at the proper time. With regard to Ireland, it seems well that 2,000 men should
be sent thither from Spain with those Irish gentlemen who are in Spain asking
for aid. It would be advisable that these troops should reach Ireland a few days
before the other expeditions arrive in England ; and to strengthen yet more this
force it will be expedient to send money to the Earl of Arguii [Argyle] and
Macovil1 in Scotland that they also may despatch troops thither against the
English, as they are accustomed to do every year.
" The catholic exiles from England should not return to their country until
the expeditions have arrived in England, that the design may not be discovered ;
but they should be told to be ready to join the expeditions on their arrival there.
For this purpose the advice of Signor Bernardino Mendoza will be of great use, as
he is a man experienced in actual warfare and knows well what may be expected
from the catholics and the partisans of the Queen of Scotland in England. The
Agent of Spain besides the first 5,000 crowns has now given 6,000 more, and they
are in the hands of Father Claude [Mathieu] to be disbursed as the nephew of the
ambassador of Scotland shall require ; and when asked, as I am, to pay our Lord
the Pope's share I do not see how it is possible to hold back, otherwise the Duke
of Guise will say that he has only words given him. Dr Allen has come here and
thinks that the preparations required are too great ; but we must go by the judgment of soldiers in matters of war."
A long and important dispatch of the Agent of Spain to Philip, dated Paris
June 24,2 treats the subject somewhat differently, " The report " he says " brought
by M. de Menainville is that Scotland is not at present in such a state as that our
expedition can go thither and begin the enterprise on that side according to the
plan which the Duke of Lennox proposed last year ; for the King is what he
always has been in matter of religion, and besides being in the power of the
English party he is so deceived and fed with the promises which they make him
that he thinks he is already free and that he will obtain his mother's freedom
and the succession to the English throne by amicable negotiations. Besides we
have neither fortress nor port in Scotland except Dumbarton, the captain of which
will admit no one except the Duke of Lennox, who died a few days ago . . . . In
fine it is clear from de Menainville's report that neither on the side of the King,
nor by the help of any particular party, nor by fortresses or ports is there any basis
in Scotland for attempting the enterprise. De Menainville indeed gilds this over
by expressing great hopes that the King may be won, as well as many of his
vassals. His opinion is that the former may be effected if the Most Christian
King will send thither again on some pretext or other an ambassador of persuasive
speech, who being made acquainted with the secret may little by little draw the
1
2
Macconnell, Lord of the Isles ?
Teulet, V., 281.

Ivi

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

King on to what is desired ; for he affirms that he is a prince of very good understanding, and though he will not hear a word about changing his sect, yet holds
in abhorrence the proceedings of its ministers. As to the rest, he is of opinion
that some private person should go to Scotland immediately with money to pay
certain sums by which mean's some have been already won over and others will
be won, since they all have an eye to their own interest, through which they can
be easily reached and gained." The Agent goes oil to say that a nephew of the
ambassador of Scotland has been chosen to carry out the second suggestion and
that he has given him at the Duke of Guise's request 6,000 crowns. The Duke
on the other hand has undertaken to obtain from the Most Christian King the
return of M. de Menainville to Scotland as his ambassador. The Agent is doubtful
whether the Duke will succeed in this, for it depends on the mere will of the
King, and the Guises are not in favour at present ; nor again under the circumstances already stated does he anticipate much fruit from de Menainville's mission,
if he should be sent. " When the Duke of Guise " he continues " had heard what
de Menainville had to say about the affairs of Scotland and reflected upon it for
several days, he wished us to have a meeting at the Nuncio's house. There in the
Duke's presence de Menainville repeated his report;, and passing thence to the
principal matter on hand a proposal was made on the Duke's part that it was
fitting to undertake the enterprise by way of England on the same footing and
with the same means as those which he proposed to your Majesty in person
through Richard Melino [F. Robert Persons] and which were read from a writing,
and the time fixed for the enterprise was next September. As it did not seem to me
reasonable to reply there and then on a sudden to so grave a matter, the conference
was broken up for the moment after some general talk." The Agent then says that
he thought it right in conversation with the Duke of Guise to criticise the plan
at length and put before him various difficulties which it involved ; the Duke
however was not shaken by them, and his final resolution was that the beginning
of the enterprise should be undertaken by the forces from Spain, while he himself
would make the attempt on the side of Sussex. He would not put off the attempt
to a later date, but left the time to the determination of his Holiness and the
King of Spain. The Agent thinks that the Duke knows that it cannot be effected
so soon, but wishes that the delay should not seem to come from him. The
English members of the conference, he adds, would prefer that the enterprise
should be undertaken from the side of England rather than of Scotland, but in any
case they trust it will not be delayed beyond the beginning of winter. They beg to
be informed as soon as the King of Spain has come to a final resolution, that they
may prepare their partisans for the attempt. The Agent concludes with a warm
commendation of the catholics in England to the King, and he expresses his own •
opinion that, if the attempt is to be made, there is a better prospect of success by
commencing with England rather than Scotland.
Meanwhile Allen strove to dispose the Cardinal of Como and Gregory XIII.
to view the undertaking with favour. He wrote to the Cardinal from Reims,
August 8,1 praying him to (< admonish the Holy Father that now was the time for
acting, that there had never before been a like opportunity, nor would such a
chance ever recur." Again when it had been decided at the conference to send
F. Persons to Rome with written instructions from the Duke of Guise, Allen
1

Infra, p. 201.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lvii

addressed a letter to Pope Gregory XIII. on his behalf, Paris, August 22,1
earnestly recommending him and the matters of which he was to treat to his
Holiness. These instructions, which were given to F. Persons under the pseudonym
of Richard Melino, 22 August 1583, are as follows.'2
" His Holiness should be very minutely informed of all that has been prepared F. Persons
and disposed up to the present time in England and Scotland for the good success 8^nt ^ .
and happy result of this enterprise. After a full consideration of every point, instmcand the receipt of a letter from the Queen of Scotland, and of advices from the tions.
principal lords of the kingdom that things are very well prepared especially
towards the border of Scotland, where the expedition from Spain would land, it
has been at length resolved that it will be sufficient if the catholic King sends a
force of 4,000 good soldiers, unless his Majesty should find means to send more.
But it is necessary that the same expedition should bring with it money to pay
10,000 soldiers in those parts for some months, as well as corslets, pikes and
arquebuses to arm 5,000 soldiers of the island. And whereas the preparations
and dispositions of that realm are subject to many changes, and there is danger
also to secrecy if there be long delay, since these affairs pass through so many
hands, and whereas moreover news has lately come from the King of Scotland that
unless he is assisted as M. de Menainville promised, he cannot maintain himself
in the freedom which he has almost miraculously recovered these last few days, the
Queen of England meanwhile doing all she can to favour her party in Scotland,
supplication should be made to his Holiness in the name of Hercules [the Duke
of Guise] and all the catholics of that realm to the effect that in as much as things
have reached such a point that nothing but money is now wanting, his Holiness
would deign to augment a little his liberality and give at once a sum of money
proportionate to the greatness of the enterprise and leave the whole affair to the
catholic King and the Duke of Guise, in order that the enterprise be carried out
as soon as may be and, if possible, this year.
" His Holiness should be informed that we are sure of having seaports in
England where we can land in perfect safety ; and this affair will be. greatly
furthered by the ports which the catholic King has lately recovered in Flanders,
where soldiers can be embarked to unite with the Duke of Guise and whence aid
and succour can be obtained when necessary.
" The port where the expedition from Spain will disembark is called in
English the Pileous Foudre [the Pile of Fouldrey 3 ] a place of great security
and size, where we are sure that the expedition will be welcomed and joyfully
received by the catholics, who are very numerous there ; so that within a very
few days it will be possible to raise at least 20,000 horsemen to join the expedition : viz., on the frontier of Scotland, 3,000 ; of the Earl of Merton and the Baron
of Fernest [Fernihurst ?] 3,000 ; of the Baron of Acres [Dacre] 4,000 ; of the
Earl of Westmorland, 1,000 ; of the Earl of Northumberland, 3,000 ; of the Earl
of Cumberland, 1,000 ; of the Baron Varton [Wharton] 2,000 ; of the new Bishop
4
of Durham
These are the nearest to Scotland and to the port where the
1
Infra,
3 u

p. 206.
« Teulet, V., 308.
A small rocky island in the parish of Dalton in Furness and hundred of Lonsdale, north
of the sands, . . . .
The port of the Pile of Fouldrey is large and commodious, and
would float a large man-of-war at low 4 water."—Gorton's Topographical Dictionary, Yol. II.
[Note in Teulet.]
The points are in Teulet.

h

lviii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Spanish expedition will arrive. But within the kingdom there are many lords who
favour this enterprise as the Earl of Rutelander [Rutland] Biestros, Burie, Vorcester,
Arunden, Viscount Monteacudo [Montague] and others.
" Several ships and good seamen will leave the port of Fonder [Fouldrey] to
meet the expedition from Spain and guide it to England. They have been already
told to be prepared.
" I t will be necessary that the catholic King cause Don Bernardino de
. . Mendoza to remain in England until all things are ready, and that a few days
before the enterprise Don Bernardino retire to Dunkirk to join the expedition of
the Duke of Guise and go with him into England. Also that his catholic
Majesty write to the Prince of Parma to give passage to the soldiers who shall go
to Dunkirk and other places in Flanders to embark and join the Duke of Guise ;
and that he permit all the English catholics who are in Flanders in his army or
service to go to the said expeditionary force of the Duke of Guise, and lastly that
he give all the aid in his power to the Duke of Guise and his expedition in
victuals and men.
'
" His Holiness should also be entreated in the name of the Duke of Guise and
all the catholics to expedite a bull declaring that the enterprise is undertaken by
his Holiness with the reasons which have moved him thereunto, affirming also that
he has charged the catholic King and the Duke of Guise to undertake the enterprise, at the same time giving indulgences to all who take part in this holy work
and renewing the bull issued by Pius V. against the Queen of England and
against all who shall aid or favour her, or oppose in any way this holy enterprise.
" His Holiness will be pleased to create Mr. Allen bishop of Durham ; and to
make him or some one else his Nuncio in the expedition from Spain to represent
the person of his Holiness and publish the said bulls ; and also to send another
Nuncio with the expedition which will start from France, for which office it seems
that M. de Savona [the Bishop of Savona], rector of the county of Avignon, would
be suitable.
" His Holiness should also be advised of the death of M. de Aromini [the
Bishop of Rimini] his Nuncio in France. 1 He has done much good in this kingdom and has shown himself a man of great virtue, prudence, devotion and edification, and very deeply attached to this enterprise. His Holiness will be pleased
to send another as speedily as may be, resembling, if possible, his predecessor ;
one who will not be dependent upon or attached to any party, but dependent
only upon his Holiness, without letting himself be drawn to this side or that
through any respect. His Holiness will pardon the great boldness with which
we speak in this matter, since it arises from pure zeal for the honour of God and
his Holiness and the good of Christendom."
Mr.Charles
At the same time Mr. Charles Paget was despatched by the Duke of Guise
to^if land* *° England to obtain information for the purposes of the expedition. His
' instructions, dated August 28, are printed in Teulet, V., 312. According to
F. Persons Paget undertook the journey to England with the intention of overthrowing the enterprise, in fact of acting as a traitor to the cause, as he himself
informed Mr. Watts, the priest, when waiting to embark at Dieppe.2 But it is
not easy with the documents at present available to ascertain how far this charge
V John Baptist Castelli, Bishop of Rimini, died at Paris, 17. August, 1583.
2
Infra, p. 393 and p. 392, note ; also p. 387.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lix

is well grounded. If true, it seems strange that Allen and Persons should have
continued to treat Paget with confidence ? as on F. Persons' own showing they did.
F. Oliverius Manareus, S.J., evidently thought that F. Persons' animosity to
Paget had coloured and distorted his recollections of their former relations.1
F. Persons mentions in his Autobiographical Notes that he returned from F. Persons
Rome in a few weeks.2 And the Agent of Spain confirms this, for in a letter to returns
Philip I I , dated Paris, 15 Nov., 1583,3 he complains of F. Persons' short stay at ^Lut™ 6
Rome as showing that no pressure had been put upon the Pope by the Duke of increased
Guise to furnish a larger contribution of money for the enterprise, according to subsidy.
the wish which Philip II. had expressed in his letter to the Agent of June 6.4 ^ S ™ e
" I have seen" the Agent writes " what your Majesty has ordered me to attend
to in the matter of England and Scotland. Melino [F. Persons] was certainly in
a hurry to obtain at Rome things which might have been deferred ; but, as he was
there, he must have thought it best to get it done apart from the rest ; the more so
because the wish to see accomplished what he desires so ardently must have persuaded him (as often happens to the afflicted and necessitous) that the affair could
be carried into effect in the way in which he imagined it. Besides it may be that
his Holiness in giving him those papers may have had some intention of burdening
us with the delay : but, if so, they will have gained little by it, since the opinion
here, as regards the substance of the case, viz., the money with which the enterprise
has to be carried out, is that the proposal made to your Majesty on the subject is
very niggardly. I shall continue to foster on all occasions this opinion, which was
conceived (I say) the moment it was first heard of, in order that the fault of this
delay may be understood to rest with Rome and not with us. With regard to the
impossibility of putting the hand to the work this year, I am confident the Duke
of Guise in his heart must know very well that such things cannot be done
so precipitately, but need much forethought and care to provide beforehand all
things necessary, by which means whatever is attempted usually succeeds ;
whereas those whose interests are at stake, like people in affliction, dying to be
delivered, are full of sorrow and hours appear to them like years. I have pointed
this out to them more than once, and represented to them that what is well done
is done soon enough. I will go on in this way, and encourage them to wait
patiently the proper time, and charge them above all to observe secrecy, since
everything depends on it. This will be all that I shall tell them, without passing
on to anything else ; as in my opinion it is very necessary that they should not
know of your Majesty's intention to make the attempt by way of Flanders, until
everything is so far advanced that it will be impossible to keep silence about it
any longer ; and then too they should be informed of it in such terms that they
may not imagine that it is intended to exclude them from this part of the enterprise, which indeed, I think, would be no wise fitting, but to give the Duke of
„Guise an opportunity of pursuing what he so much desires on his side, and of
sharing in the glory of the affair to which he aspires, in order that in this way we
may meet with no interference to render its execution difficult. With regard
to other pretensions which I see noted in the summary which has been sent me,
it seems to me that even in the execution they ought not to be known, but be
borne in mind, that the subject may be. treated with full liberty. And if, any one
is-• to be trusted with furthering them at that time, it should be in my poor
2
3
4
i Infra, p. 392, note.
lb.
Teulet, V., 317.
lb., 727.
h 2

Ix

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

opinion Allen or Melino [F. Persons] who I see have a great affection for our side
and will be delighted to forward any thing pleasing to your Majesty." After
mentioning other things the Agent gives an account of a conversation which he
had had with F. Persons, in which the latter alleged various reasons for making
the attempt on the side of England rather than Scotland, especially the danger
there would be lest the Huguenots and even the French King should send aid to
the Queen of England, so easily are they moved to oppose anything undertaken
by Spain. This last reason seems to the Agent so weighty, that he quite agrees
with F. Persons in this matter.
Five days later, November 20, Dr Allen wrote from Reims to the Cardinal
of Como * to thank him for all that he had done for the welfare and salvation of
England, and he promises him that, though infirm in body and weak in mind,
nothing shall be wanting on his part to fulfil the higher functions which in due
time are to be entrusted to him. The briefs, he adds, have been received by the
ambassador of the catholic King, and he will use them, according to the Cardinal's
directions, at the proper time and not before. These must have been the briefs
appointing Dr Allen Bishop of Durham and Apostolic Delegate to the expedition.
They were probably brought by F. Persons from Rome. With regard to Allen's
health, the Agent of Spain in his despatch of June 24 speaks of Allen as " older
and more infirm [than the other exiles] and that he will have to make the journey
[from Flanders to England] with more comforts than they." 2
On the same day, Nov. 20, Dr Allen wrote in the same sense to Pope Gregory
XIII. 3 " About myself " he says " I can only say to your most holy Fatherhood
that although in these very small affairs of the church and my country in which I
have been long employed by your Beatitude's command and under your auspices
I feel and acknowledge my weakness and un worthiness, and therefore tremble
exceedingly at undertaking those greater functions, still all things which by the
command of your Holiness, that is, as I look upon it, by the will of Christ shall
be laid on my feeble shoulders will by His grace, your Apostolic blessing and my
obedience become (I hope) if not light at least bearable for me, so that I may be
able to say with the Apostle : I can do all things in Him who strengthens me."
Arrest of
On the 12th of the following December Mgr. Girolamo Ragazzoni, bishop of
Throgmor- Bergamo, the lately appointed Nuncio in France, wTrote to the Cardinal of Como 4
others1
concerning certain arrests that had been made in England, from which it was to
be feared that the English government had obtained a clue to the enterprise.
His letter is as follows :—" The ambassador of Spain, who resides in England,
writes to the Duke of Guise in his letters of the 19th of last month that, shortly
before, there had been imprisoned by the English Queen seven gentlemen, four of
whom are catholics, and three heretics, but all of them much in the confidence of
the Queen of Scotland. Later on the ambassador in his letters of the 26th of the
same month writes to the Duke of Guise that one of the catholic prisoners, named
Trhot Morton [Throgmorton] had been sent to the Towner and that they were
talking of putting him to the torture, as there had been found in his house a note
of all the ports of the Island and. the names of the principal catholic noblemen in
that kingdom. This Throgmorton, as I understand from F. Claude [Mathieu],
Jesuit, has a general knowledge of the agreement which has been entered into to
succour the catholics. The ambassador adds that he is in great doubt whether
1
3
4
Infra, p. 217.
* Teulet, V., 292.
Infra, p. 218.
Infra, p. 419.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Ixi

this agreement has not been or will not be discovered. I t seemed to me t h a t t h e
ambassador of Spain resident here entertains the same doubt about its discovery.
H e has also said to me t h a t there has been too great a h u r r y in this affair, and
t h a t the convenience of the catholic K i n g m u s t be waited for. I have sent a copy
of this to t h e Bishop of Piacenza, Nuncio [in S p a i n ] , in t h e cipher which I found
here among the papers of [my predecessor] Monsig1'. di Rimini as proper to be used
between Nuncios."
Although it is clear t h a t there w a s no likelihood of t h e K i n g of Spain
resolving to carry out t h e enterprise during t h e winter, D r Allen and F. Persons,
the one from the college at Reims and t h e other from the court of t h e Prince of
P a r m a at T o u r n a y sent, 16 J a n u a r y , 1584, a j o i n t report of t h e state of affairs in
England t h r o u g h the Nuncio at Paris to t h e Pope. 1 T h e y also addressed a copy
of the same document to Philip I I . t h r o u g h t h e A g e n t of Spain. The following
is t h e tenor of this report, which is headed : " A w r i t i n g given b y F a t h e r Allen
and F a t h e r Robert on the 16th of J a n u a r y to be sent to our Lord [the Pope]."
" There is no doubt t h a t his Majesty will be desirous of receiving information Report on
about t h e affairs of E n g l a n d b y reason of t h e r u m o u r s which will reach Spain ^ e " tat e o
concerning w h a t has lately happened in t h a t kingdom. Although, we k n o w t h a t \Q^^ '
his Majesty's ambassadors both in England and F r a n c e will not fail to w r i t e 1584.
whatever t h e y hear of t h e matter, nevertheless we have looked upon it as a t h i n g
which belongs to the d u t y we owe to God and his Majesty to set down simply in
t h e Lord's sight t h e whole present state of England, so far as we have been able
to ascertain it from letters of men of the highest station in t h e realm. F i r s t : it is
certain t h a t the Queen's ministers were for some time in fear for their position,
especially this year [1583] after t h e recovery of Terzera, t h e increase of his
Majesty's fleet, the r e t a k i n g of t h e ports of Flanders, t h e expulsion of t h e D u k e
of Alansone [Alencon] and the deliverance of t h e Prince of Scotland. These considerations, I say, have made the said ministers more suspicious, so t h a t i n . t h e
past m o n t h s t h e y have sent out spies, to advise t h e m of w h a t e v e r m i g h t be
suspected and discovered regarding the dealings of t h e catholic Princes, especially
of his Majesty and his Holiness or of t h e house of Guise, t h a t from these reports
t h e y might be able to m a k e u p something solid against t h e catholics of England.
While t h e n t h e y were i n t e n t upon this, God permitted t h a t t h e y should conceive
suspicions of Throgmorton, who frequented the house of Don Bernardino, and
who, though t h e y have p u t him to t h e t o r t u r e three or four times, has not confessed a n y t h i n g to t h e prejudice of t h e cause, as Don Bernardino writes and as
appears from t h e confession of Throgmorton made under torture. 2 About t h e
same time there w a s arrested a k i n s m a n of Throgmorton, named Homerflld
[Somerville] who h a d been long regarded as insane. H e , being p u t to t h e torture,
confessed t h a t he had been in communication w i t h various gentlemen a n d ladies 3
both heretics and catholics, of w h o m four only, w h o are catholics, have been condemned to death viz., the father-in-law [Arden], t h e mother-in-law, t h e wife and
t h e confessor [Hall] of t h e madman, as well as the m a d m a n himself, w h o afterwards hanged himself in prison. W h e n t h e catholics saw this barbarity, t h e y
1
2

Infra, p. 222.
Francis Throgmorton was tortured three times without disclosing anything, but the
fourth time he revealed what he knew.
3
Perhaps the reading should be signore, ladies, as I have translated it.

lxii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

began to be afraid and some to leave the kingdom, among whom there have come
hither to Paris Lord Pagiot [Paget] and Charles Arundel, both of them intimate
with the catholic nobility of England : and on this becoming known-in England,
viz., the flight of these two, our adversaries were disturbed, being in doubt whether
it might not be the beginning of a general revolt of the nobility. They therefore
at once cast their eyes upon the highest in rank with whom the two fugitives
were most intimate, the Earl of Arundel and the Earl of Northumberland, whom
they ordered to remain as prisoners in their own palaces, and the Earl of Rutland,
whom they forbade to go more than ten miles from London. It is clear then that
these cruelties which the heretics now use proceed from the distrust they feel
about their affairs ; but in particular as regards the dealings between his Holiness
and his catholic Majesty, there are reasons to prove that as yet they know
nothing about them. First, because it is publicly stated that the Earls of Arundel
and Northumberland are imprisoned on account of Lord Paget's flight, as having
been cognizant of it. Secondly, none of these Earls in prison, except the Earl of
Northumberland, 1 knows anything about our affair. Thirdly, if our great affair
had been the cause of their imprisonment, they would certainly have been put
into the Tower-of London, as is the custom in such cases and persons. For these
reasons then we are satisfied that hitherto our adversaries have not found out
any detail of our affair ; and as regards what our enemies have done thus far, it is
the opinion of those who are well acquainted with the disposition of England
that it will prove for the benefit of the enterprise, and that this ought to encourage
his Majesty to prosecute this enterprise with all speed. As to the persons of the
three earls, their confinement by God's grace will be no great hindrance, since it
is probable that as soon as the war begins they will find means to free themselves ;
and, if not, we shall still have other earls and princes remaining in England.to
act as heads of the enterprise. Besides, the earls in confinement have kinsmen,
friends and sons to take their part, as the Earl of Arundel who has two powerful
brothers and an uncle, all catholics ; the Earl of Northumberland has six sons, of
whom three are here at Paris ; and the same may be said of the others. In conclusion then we say that what our adversaries have done thus far has not been
hurtful but rather beneficial to the enterprise by making our party in the Island
more determined than it was before. Moreover what they have done against the
catholics has not arisen from any knowledge of tjie business in particular, but
only from a general suspicion. In truth it may be called a great miracle of God
that an affair, which has been matter of communication among so many friends
for the space of now two years, has not been entirely discovered many days ago ;
and certainly a long time cannot pass before it will be found out in one way or
another, and then, unless external help comes first, the ruin of all the catholics in
the Island will follow. Wherefore casting ourselves at his Majesty's feet we
entreat him for the love of Jesus Christ not to abarìdon so many afflicted souls,
who with hands upraised to heaven are in daily expectation of his aid. The time
1
See Teulefc, V., 333. Tassis to Philip I I . Paris, 18 April, 1584. The Earl of Northumberland in the past summer was in communication with the Duke of Guise, who sent over
some one to consult him about the enterprise. Probably it was to him t h a t Charles Paget
was sent in August, 1583. Compare ib. 321. Northumberland advised that the expedition
should land in Scotland and take that country for its point of departure rathqr t h a n
England.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxiii

is very favourable now, and every day's delay brings us great hurt and danger.
Hence we entreat his Majesty with all possible earnestness not to defer the
execution longer than is necessary : a prayer which we have been commanded by
the Duke of Guise to offer to his Majesty in the Duke's name, who is more
determined now than ever, and awaits only the good resolution of his catholic
Majesty. A similar writing has been given by the aforenamed fathers to the
ambassador of Spain in this country."
In a letter from Paris, January 21, to the Cardinal of Como1 Dr Allen
alludes to this report. " Your highness " he says " will easily understand the
present state of things in England either from the letters of the most reverend
Nuncio or from a certain writing which Father Robert [Persons] and I gave to
his Lordship to transmit to our most holy Lord [the Pope]. I only add that it is
not by thus delaying, but by hastening that our country will be restored. If at
once, never better : if late, never worse . . . At this very moment I have learnt
that the most illustrious Bernardino Mendoza has been commanded by the Queen
to depart within twenty-four hours : 2 but in the meantime a sudden order has
been issued that he is not to leave his house, and a guard has been set over
him."
The Cardinal of Como answered Dr Allen's letter through the Nuncio on
the 14th of February following.3 " Our Lord [the Pope] has seen the writing
which your Lordship sent me in cipher and which was given you by Father
Allen and Father Robert [Persons] relating to the affairs of England. As a like
writing has been sent to Spain, I have nothing more to say than that nothinghas been nor will be wanting on the side of his Holiness to promote earnestly and
unceasingly with his Majesty the good success of this affair, and to do all that is
possible to attain the desired end, and, if the execution had been in our hands,
Father Allen would have seen this some time ago. This will serve for an answer
to what the said father wrote to his Holiness and to me."
On 21 March, 1584, Dr Allen wrote again from Reims to the Cardinal of
Como 4 warmly recommending Lord Paget and Mr. Charles Arundel to the favour
and liberality of his Holiness. The Cardinal's reply through the Nuncio in April 5
was as follows. " Father Allen recommends to me those two English gentlemen,
Arundel and Paget, whom your Lordship also has recommended, praying that
our Lord [the Pope] would provide them with some entertainment. I have done
as asked, and the reply of his Holiness is that if the enterprise of England is to
take place at the present time these gentlemen will be able to serve in it, and thus
will not only have entertainment but recover also their own property. If however
the enterprise should not take place, it will be necessary to make another reckoning, which at present would be superfluous and unseasonable. Your Lordship
can explain this to Father Allen in reply to his letter, as I am only writing four
lines to him to accredit to him your Lordship."
Meanwhile it appears from a letter of Mary Queen of Scots to Dr Allen,
dated Sheffield, 22 March, 1584,6 that she was in frequent correspondence with
him. In it she expresses her joy that Allen was destined to be one day the
interpreter to her of the commands of his Holiness. She abandons with the
fullest confidence her own interests and, what she regards more than these, the
2
3
* Infra, p. 224.
January 18, 1584.
Infra, p. 419.
4
5
6
Infra, p. 228.
Infra, p. 420.
Infra, p. 229.

lxiv

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

common weal to his care and guidance. The non-payment of her yearly income,
for which she has been asking during several months past in order to effect with
it her deliverance from prison, is the reason why she has not hitherto made
arrangements with the friends who can accomplish it. " I mention this particularly," she continues, " that you may know how necessary it is, when the time for
action arrives, to send first of all a band of soldiers, English or foreign, to the
place where I am detained for my deliverance. It will be very easily effected,
for the place is not fortified and the garrison is of no account. I wonder that so
small a sum of money, which is so necessary for me, can nowhere be obtained
among so many less necessary expenses, unless perhaps they think that no account
need be made of me." She commends Ralph Ligon as her agent with the Prince
of Parma, if that Prince is to take part in the affair on behalf of the catholic
King. She also begs Allen to recommend Thomas the brother of Francis Throgmorton, then residing at Paris, to his Holiness for assistance. Lastly she sends
her salutations to Eusebius [F. Robert Persons].
Cardinal
On April 9 the Cardinal of Como addressed the following letter to the
tn^Nuncio Nuncio a ^ P a r i s about the enterprise : x " We have seen the Memorial which your
at Paris on Lordship has received from the Duke of Guise with the other copies appended,
the enter- And in the first place I have to tell you that such things should not be sent about
^iTril
except in cipher, on account of the great danger thence arising ; besides to send
1584. ' them hither in French and in bad writing* is very troublesome to him who has to
read them here and does not know 'the language. With regard to the substance
of the affair our Lord [the Pope] is exceedingly pleased that the Duke has taken
so noble and holy a resolution, and he would willingly if possible have given him
all the aid he requires from his purse alone, but the scanty treasury of his Holiness
will in no way permit this, and it would be folly in us to think or speak differently,
and it would only serve to launch forth the Duke and then to leave him amid
dangers without the possibility of our maintaining him for long. We must not
deceive ourselves with things done in this fashion, for the deception would result
in great injury to the public and private weal. Hence if we are really to further
the intention and design of the Duke, we must abide by the same proposals which
were negotiated and set down by the late Monsr. di Rimini,2 viz., that everything
should be done by the united impulse, counsels and power of the ministers of his
Holiness and the catholic King. As therefore we have communicated everything
here to the ambassador of his catholic Majesty, that he may write to Tassis at,
Paris and to his own King in Spain, so your Lordship will immediately seek an
interview with Tassis and you will discuss together this motion and determination
of the Duke, and if you find it to be good and likely to succeed, you will speak
to the Duke and declare to him the good will of the Pope and the King to aid
him in every way to carry it into execution as soon as possible : to which end we
wrote yesterday in energetic terms to Spain by a special courier with directions
to send the King's resolution immediately to Paris so that no time might be lost
through its first coming here. Wherefore if the Duke is quite willing to await
the answer, it will perhaps be the best ; but if he is not willing, or the affair will
not comport with the delay, you may see whether Tassis has still in hand the
remainder of those thirty thousand crowns which were sent to him last year for
this same purpose and which ought to amount to eighteen thousand, since, so far
2
'Infra, p. 420.
The preceding Nuncio,

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxv

as we know, only twelve thousand were spent. And if he has them, the catholic
ambassador here is writing to him that he ought to disburse them to the Duke ;
and if he does disburse them, our Lord [the Pope] wills that your Lordship should
also disburse his quarter, which will be six thousand crowns. If Tassis has not
all the eighteen thousand, he will disburse at least what he has, and your Lordship will in like manner disburse the fourth of what he gives ; which, though not
a large sum, will not be so trifling in amount as not to be enough to provide
many things requisite to make a beginning with the enterprise. Should however
Tassis have no money or the Duke think that this sum will by no means suffice,
it will then be necessary to wait for the answer from Spain ; and if it should
prove, as we hope, that the catholic King will provide a larger sum, your Lordship
will disburse the whole of what proportionately falls to our share. And since
your Lordship has only about three thousand crowns in hand, you may take up
from merchants in Paris whatever you require on this account and make it
payable here by Signor Bernardo Olgiato, depositary general of his Holiness,
who will immediately repay it to whomsoever those merchants at Paris shall
order by their letters. And it cannot be doubted but that your Lordship has
credit enough with them for so small a sum as this will be. Let then the Duke do
now what he thinks best about setting in motion speedily or slowly that blessed
armament, for this is the final resolution to be looked for from his Holiness;
though we neither know nor seek to.know on what side he means to enter
England, and should have thought it more advisable for him to go in person to
Scotland, both to provide for the security of that King and to enter England
afterwards on that side, relying not so much on the army which he will bring
with him, which cannot be very numerous, as on the movement of the catholics
in England, especially at this time when they are so barbarously persecuted.
" We have directed those two Irish gentlemen who are here to go at once to
Paris according to the Duke's wish. They will leave in two or three days, and
another Irishman will go with them, a priest and a practical man. We will take
measures that another who is at Naples and is supported by the catholic King
shall go likewise to France. But to avoid discovering to any one prematurely
that the Duke has this affair on his hands, we will only tell them that the
Archbishop of Glasgow wishes them to go to Paris for certain good reasons, and
that they are to do whatever the archbishop and your Lordship tell them, and
that their pensions, will be continued to them as if they were in Italy. When
necessary, your Lordship will tell them to obey the Duke.
" The two things which the Duke says that he hopes to accomplish, viz., to
make an agreement that all the catholics shall live unmolested in Scotland and to
obtain that the ambassador of France now in England shall be sent back to Scotland, will be of great benefit to God's service and the public good. His Holiness
therefore desires that his Excellency will effect them as soon as possible."
The Cardinal of Como was of opinion, as it appears from the above letter,
that the expedition should disembark in Scotland rather than in England. The
Spanish Agent, Tassis, on the other hand continued to take the opposite view,
which he defended at length in one of his last despatches to Philip II. from
Paris, 18 April, 1584,1 not long before he retired from the Agency. Dr Allen agreed
with the Agent of Spain, as appears from the following paragraph of a letter of
1

Teulet, V., 327.
i

Ixvi

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

the Nuncio in France to the Cardinal of Como, dated Paris, 16 April, 1584;1
''Father Allen" he says " has just come to this city, summoned very urgently by the
ambassador of Scotland, in the name also of the Duke of Guise, to draw him oVe'r
to their opinion in regard to the new design : viz., to commence the enterprise of
England by way of Scotland ; and on his bringing forward some of the difficulties hereunto appended they became angry with him. Allen therefore desires it
may not be known that he gave in the memorandum appended. The Scotchmen
also have their reasons in answer to it, which they will be bound to explain to his
Holiness."
MemoranThe memorandum is as follows2 :—" If the army land first ill Scotland instead
Alien ad- of England, it seems that it will meet with the following difficulties. Those who
vising that would for the sake of religion join the catholic army, if its first destination were
the enter- England, will now, it is to be feared, take the enemy's side ; since from the old
should
hatred between these provinces and the great inclination of the Scotch at the
begin from present time to heresy, they will both of their own accord and at the instigation
England, 0 f the English heretics be easily led to suspect that it is not a question of religion
S^otiand. a ^ a^> but °^ subjecting bhe English to the Scottish rule. And if once this doubt is
injected, it is to be feared that the invading army will not only have the heretics
for enemies, but also the catholics who will suspect everything from an army
marching on them from Scotland.
"This doubt will be increased by.the different judgments men entertain
about the King of the Scots, who they will perhaps suspect is not fighting for the
catholic religion, which he neither acknowledges nor cares about, nor for the Pope,
whom he does not recognise as his superior, nor, it may be, for the catholic King,
whom the English catholics desire for king as well on account of his known faith
and obedience to the Apostolic See as of the justice of his title, but is minded to
retain the empire for himself, and pay no obedience to his Holiness, nor perhaps,
which is a matter of moment to the English, restore and observe the treaty with
the house of Burgundy, but will keep only to the French treaties, as is the custom
of the Scotch—a point which the catholic King also will do well to consider
before he begins the enterprise.
" On the other hand if the army land first in England, the catholics will
undoubtedly be freed from every fear and will follow our side willingly. They
will then accept and desire aid from Scotland, and they will not only not fear the
Scottish King's forces for the aforesaid reasons, but they will treat them with very
great affection.
"•If the army goes to Scotland first, our enemies will have time and space
allowed them to prepare themselves. They will have the means of intercepting
those catholics who may wish to join the catholic army. Time will be given to
the confederates of the heretics beyond the realm or to their neighbours who may
be jealous of this undertaking to enter England and assist them. Lastly they
will have time and space to fortify some cities, which otherwise would easily surrender to the catholics.
"If the invasion be made from Scotland, there will be a great difficulty about
provisions and this for several days, since the army will have to cross desolate
mountains and waste places, the border land of both kingdoms. Moreover it will
make the war a long one, whether the army stay in Scotland to subdue that
* Infra, p. 230.

2

Infra, p. 231.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Ixvii

realm and so render it safer for the King to invade England, or delay there
to fortify certain places necessary to the future expedition, or even advance
by as rapid marches as possible ; for they will be at a very great distance from
London and the principal parts of the kingdom. Hence the heretics will rejoice
exceedingly that their enemy is so far from their vital parts, and only lies in
wait for their heel and bites at their feet a long way off.
:
" It will also be advantageous to our enemies that by the landing of the
catholic army in Scotland they will be forewarned of the place and line of road by
which the invasion will take place—a knowledge which will prove useful to them
in many ways. "Whereas if England be first entered, seeing that there are many
convenient ports in different parts of the realm for disembarking troops, the
heretics will be. under the disadvantage of not being able to place a proper garrison at some certain place or sea-shore, but they will be forced either, to fortify
many places in different parts of the Island and thus scatter their forces, or else
leave very many places without defence. The voyage also to Scotland is more
difficult and long, and more exposed not only to the English fleet, which is always
very strong, but to other chances, than if the passage were made to England only.
" On the other hand the only reason of weight why the landing, should not
be in England seems to be that it is thought men will be found there in readiness
not only to resist the foreign soldiers on the very shore where they will be
landed, but also to assemble inland very rapidly and fight with the catholics,
especially if the army disembarks where most of the natives are heretics.
"If however the landing takes place in the northern districts or on the
eastern or western coast of the ocean or in Wales or in other catholic places,
the danger of the enemy's resisting will not be great; nor even in the parts
where the heretics abound, if the foreign army is sufficiently numerous and
disciplined ; for the common and promiscuous multitude, which will in the first
instance oppose a hostile invasion, is un warlike and has hardly had any military
training whatever. To sum up, I hope that the business can be carried to a successful issue in either of the two ways, though, with all submission, my opinion
is that owing to the many difficulties which will arise the war will be more
protracted and costly if undertaken by the way of Scotland."
Dr Allen was not content with sending this memorandum to the Pope by the
Nuncio, but on the same day, April 16, he wrote a long letter to the Cardinal of
Como1 urging him, and through him his Holiness, to press on the execution of
the enterprise. " If it be not carried out this year," he says, •" I give up all hope
in man and the rest of my life will be bitter to me,"2
The Agent of Spain, Tassis, in his letter of May 27 to Philip II. 3 throws some
1
2

Infra, p. 232.
There will be found in Theiner, Annales Eccles., III., 480, a very valuable and interesting memorandum, entitled : " Of the present state of things in England, from which may be
seen how easy and opportune the sacredr expedition will be." It is anonymous, but was
evidently written by one of the English catholic exiles. Another rather later report on the
different shires of England and the character of the inhabitants of each with reference to the
catholic religion is given in Teulet, V., 381. It is enclosed in a despatch of Don Bernardino
de Mendoza to Philip II., Paris, 13 August, 1586, and was drawn up by Mendoza partly from
his own knowledge and partly from information supplied to him by an ecclesiastic whom he
had sent to travel through the kingdom.
;
3
Teulet, Y., 336,.

i '2'""

lxviii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

further light on Allen's views. "Richard Melino [F. Persons] " h e writes, " lias
returned from Flanders. He and his companion Allen are still of opinion that
the enterprise should be undertaken by way of England and by no other route.
They have told me in confidence that the Scotch here, vexed at the delay,
are discussing the question whether it will be possible to conduct this enterprise
by other hands than those of your Majesty. And though the two continue to
keep in relations with them as well as they can, they declare that the English
wish for no protector but your Majesty, and that they not only look to your
Majesty to set things straight at your first entry, but expect that, even if the
Queen of Scotland should be made their queen, you will not desert them so
speedily, until every thing is thoroughly secured. They even say that they would
be glad if your Majesty would keep some ports in your hands, the better to
ensure this. I t is needless to attend to the talk of the others, for it can only be
windy chimeras; and it may be also that what the two say springs from their
desire the better to draw us onward. In conclusion thus much is certain that the
English wish for no other protector than your Majesty ; and beneath this it seems
that anything may be believed."
The month of Kay passed away without any decision being taken by
Philip II. On the 28th of that month the Nuncio wrote from Paris to the
Cardinal of Como1 :—" The Duke of Guise has judged it well that the two Irish
• gentlemen, who have lately arrived from Italy, should go at once to Scotland to
help the King. I therefore praised this resolution and told them to go, promising
that their pensions from his Holiness shall be continued to them. The twelve
thousand crowns which the catholic King promised to pay for the King of
Scotland's body-guard have not yet come, nor has any answer been received as
yet from Spain about the enterprise of England."
Events in
In the mean time Queen Elizabeth through her partisans in Scotland had
Execution organized a dangerous conspiracy against King James. The Earls of Gowrie,
of Gowrie. Angus and Mar were at the head of it, and the preachers of the kirk lent them
their powerful aid. Through the vigorous action of the young King supported by
his loyal subjects the plot failed. Gowrie expiated his treason on the scaffold, 4 May,
1584. His associates found a refuge in England, and the Scottish parliament,
Sept. 20, having pronounced them rebels confiscated their property. King James
was at length master in his own kingdom. His dispositions towards his cousin
the Duke of Guise were all that could be desired, if we may judge from a letter
which he wrote to him Aug. 19 of the preceding year, 1583.2 The time was very
favourable for prosecuting the enterprise. The only thing wanting was the final
decision of the King of Spain, without whose fleet, troops and money nothing
could be effected. But whether it arose from his habitual procrastination, or
from want of money, or from thinking further preparations necessary to make
security sure, Philip II. let the propitious moment pass by unused, until events
happened in France and elsewhere which turned the Duke of Guise's thoughts
into another channel, and without extinguishing cooled the ardour of his zeal for
the enterprise which he had hitherto so warmly advocated. This is alluded to in
the following extract from a letter of the Nuncio in France to the Cardinal of
Como, dated June 25.3 " Every one says that the most Christian King is more
gay since the death of Alansone [Alen9on] than he was before. I have had letters
1

Infra, p. 423.

* Teulet, Y„ 304.

* Infra, p. 423.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxix

from Spain of the 1st instant from Monsvof Lodi,1 without any decision about
the affair of England : but the Agent of the catholic King here has told F.
Claude [Mathieu, S. J.] that, according to the news which he has received, his
catholic Majesty is not satisfied that his Holiness should contribute only a fourth.
The said Nuncio writes to me that it was not believed in Spain that the Duke
of Guise would leave France during Alen<jon's illness. They will therefore
believe it much less after his death, and [still less] now that the King of Scotland
is in no danger, which apparently more than anything else moved the Duke to
undertake the enterprise : so that the English and Scotch who are in the secret
give signs of having lost all hope of it."
The death of the Duke of Anjou, formerly Duke of Alencon, heir apparent Death of
to the crown of France, 10 June, 1584, was an event of the deepest significance, tbe Duke
The King had no prospect of a direct heir, and therefore at his death the throne Jo June,1
of France would according to the laws of inheritance revert to the nearest prince 1584.
of the royal blood, Henry of Navarre, a relapsed heretic. But it was hardly
possible that the catholic nobles and people of France, that is, the largest and
most powerful portion of the nation, would ever tolerate a heretic for their king.
A change of dynasty would have been in their eyes an evil far more endurable.
And if there should be a change of dynasty at Henry III.'s death, who might
more naturally aspire to the vacant throne than the Duke of Guise, the popular
champion of the catholic cause and a scion of the sovereign house of Lorraine,
powerful in its numbers and wealth, and celebrated for its devotion to the
catholic faith ? A vista of possibilities must have opened out before the Duke's
imagination, which may well account for the air of sadness and melancholy that
was observed in him when assisting at the Duke of Anjou's funeral. Under such
circumstances we can scarcely wonder if affairs at home should have exercised a
more powerful attraction over him than a foreign expedition. Besides, the need
of the enterprise had become less, at least in his eyes. The King of Scotland
was now free : he had cast off the trammels of the English party among his
subjects ; and in consequence seemed willing to grant liberty and toleration to
the catholics within his realm. On August 13 the Cardinal of Como wrote to
the Nuncio at Paris 2 that " his Holiness was pleased to learn that the King of
Scotland was ameliorating every day the state of the catholic religion in his
kingdom." It was doubtless from the Duke of Guise and the ambassador of
Scotland that the Pope had heard this. Again there was now a real prospect of
the deliverance of Mary Queen of Scots being effected by amicable negotiation with Elizabeth. Even Walsingham "could see no cause but that her Majesty
should rest satisfied " with the terms offered by Mary.3 The catholics of England
were the only sufferers to whom no prospect of alleviation was held out ; and yet
if James should one day ascend the English throne in the dispositions in which
he was then supposed to be, he could hardly refuse to his new catholic subjects
that liberty to practise their religion which his native subjects would on the
supposition have already possessed.
These were days full of deceptive hopes, like the sunshine which lights up
the still troubled sea during the brief lull preceding a fresh outbreak of the
1
2

Mgr. Ludovico Taberna, Bishop of Lodi, Nuncio in Spain.
a
Infra, p. 424.
Sadler, quoted by Lingard, VI., 370, note 2.

lxx

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

tempest. The execution of the enterprise was more than ever necessary, just at
the moment when it seemed possible to dispense with it.
Tbe enterThrough the confessions of Throgmorton on the rack the ministers had
prise be- obtained a general knowledge of the plans which had been in agitation during
known to the P a s ^ two y e a r s f ° r the invasion of England. If indeed we may give credit
Elizabeth, to the following passage of the Nuncio's letter from Paris to the Cardinal of
Como, 3 Sept., 1584,1 their information was more than general. " They have put
to death," he writes, " in England that gentleman of the house of Framurtone [Throgmorton] on account of whose confessions Don Bernardino di
Mendoza was dismissed the kingdom ; and now there has appeared a book in
English,2 containing the confessions made by Fragmortone under torture, which
gives, as F. Robert [Persons] tells me, almost the whole history of the negotiations for the enterprise, and it principally touches the Duke of Guise. No doubt
this has reached the ears of the most Christian King. Moreover Fragmorton
says that he heard it all from Don Bernardino."
Whatever may have been the extent of Throgmorton's revelations, there
can be no doubt that early in September, 1584, the ministers of Elizabeth were in
possession of the full particulars of the enterprise as agreed upon when the
Duke of Lennox was in power. They were gathered partly from a paper which
F, Creighton tried ineffectually to destroy when he was captured at sea on his
way to Scotland 3 and partly from the confessions which fear of torture drew
from the same father in the Tower. The accuracy of the information thus
obtained by the English government may be seen from the document now first
printed in extenso at p. 425, compared with the substance of F. Cieighton's
confessions given at p. 432.
Mary
On October 30, Mary Queen of Scots wrote to Dr Allen from Wingfìeld 4
Queen
acknowledging: the receipt of four letters from him since she had last had the
Dr Allen °PP o r tunity of writing to him. She urges him to go on soliciting on her behalf the
30 Oct., ' long-expected supplies. "The negotiation," she adds, "for my liberty continues;
1584.
yet it is all conducted with such dissimulation that I have no hope. But whatever
change may be made with regard to my position, or whatever danger to my life
and interests may arise, do you go on soliciting the long-looked for supplies with
all the diligence you are able, and let nothing be omitted in the execution
[of the enterprise] through any regard or care for my person: since my mind is
already made up that my life cannot terminate more happily than at this time
and in this cause. I wish to say this to you once for all as my final resolution,
lest hereafter I may have no liberty or convenience of writing safely. It is my
desire that you should signify this from me to whomsoever you think it may
concern: but especially I should wish our most holy Lord [the Pope] and the
catholic King to be assured that while on the one hand things are now ripe in
England, on the other they are so nigh to hopelessness that if help be put off
beyond next spring, all will be lost and there will be nothing good to look for in
our days.
1
Infra, p. 425.
2
Rishton in his Diary in the Tower says, " 1584, July 10, Francis Throgmorton, gentleman,3is executed : an infamous libel is published by the heretics on the same day against him."
" Sept. 16, William Crichton, S. J., and Patrick Abdy, Scotch priests, returning to
Scotland, are, against the law of nations,-conveyed from sea into an English prison." Rishton's
4
Diary in the Tower.
Infra, p. 243.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxxi

"'My son took it amiss that of the ten thousand crowns destined and
promised for his own use he has only received six thousand. Nevertheless he
remains firm and immoveable in will towards the common cause, and has a very
great and truly filial affection for me, and promises to obey me always and in all
things. He has at this time sent a young catholic nobleman, named Gray, as his
ambassador, chiefly in order to visit me and take charge of all those common
affairs. God grant that the Queen of England will allow him to converse
with me."
It was not long before Mary was bitterly undeceived with regard to the
reliance she had so fondly placed in her son and his ambassador. James
abandoned her from motives of self interest, and Gray betrayed her to the
ministers of Elizabeth, who in the dead of winter, January 13, caused her to be
transferred from Wingfield to the cold and gloomy abode of Tutbury in Staffordshire, where, besides being deprived of many of the comforts she had hitherto
enjoyed, she was continually a sufferer from illness.
On Feb. 5, 1585, Dr Allen wrote from Reims to the Queen of Scots a letter 1
in which he indicates a very important change which had come over the conduct
of the enterprise against England. The Duke of Guise, it seems, had retired if not
from the affair altogether, at least from taking that principal part in it which he
had hitherto done. " The Duke of Guise " he writes "keepeth at Join ville still, of
whom and whose affairs great rumours still rise." It was at Joinville that a secret
treaty had been signed, 31 December, 1584, assuring the support of Philip. II. to
the League, of which the Duke of Guise was the real head and mover, and the
members of the Holy Union were busily employed in preparations for the civil
war which in April, 1585, broke out against Henry of Navarre and the Huguenots Philip II.
of France. Philip II. had now taken the affair of England into his own hands, takes into
and had resolved to employ in it as his lieutenant the Duke of Parma, at that ha^^the
time governor of the Low Countries. " Perhaps," Allen writes, " your Majesty is enterprise
advertised by better means and more speedy than I can have for our resolution ofEngland.
out of Spain that the whole execution is committed to the Prince of Parma, and p ^ ^ g
that Father Euseb. [Parsons interlined], Mr. Hew Owen and myself should deal lieutenant,
with no other person, but solicit him only in your Majesty's affairs ; whereof the
said Hew Owen hath brought the K. of Spain's determination to the Prince,
who seemeth as glad as we that he may have the effectuating of the whole matter
so glorious in the sight of God and men." This important resolution of Philip II.
changed the whole complexion of the enterprise. The same letter incidentally
shows the intimate connection Dr Allen and F. Persons now had with its
conduct. " Parma," Allen says, " by order, as I take it, of the K. of Spain,
acquainteth none particularly and fully Avith these things but myself, Euseb.
[F. Persons] and Owen." " Their use is," he adds, " they keep their secret in the
compass of as few as they can, and they think it behoveth very much that it be
marvellous secret that the affair is to be executed by him and by way of
Flanders."
Another event took place about this time which also had an important bearing Gregory
on the enterpriser On the 10th of April, 1585, Gregory XIII. died, in the eighty- ?0nAr* ^}68'
fourth year of his age ; and a fortnight later, April 24, he was succeeded on the ió85?n '
chair of Peter by Sixtus V. The new Pontiff ascended the throne full of vast Sixtus V.
> Infra, p. 247.

SUCCeeds

*

lxxii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

designs for the glory of God and the good of his flock, and he resolved to make
up by energetic action for the possible shortness of his reign. He was well
acquainted with the management of purely ecclesiastical affairs, but the disfavour
into which he had fallen with his predecessor had kept him at a distance from
matters of state and obliged him, though a Cardinal, to live in comparative
retirement. In his case however the inspirations of genius and the possession of
sound practical sense made up for his want of experience, and enabled him to feel
his way aright, as if by instinct, in the perplexed field of European politics. To
save France from falling away into heresy and at the same time to secure her
existence as a great catholic nation was one chief aim of his policy. Another was
to bring back England to the unity of Christendom. He valued Philip II. as a
co-operator in these undertakings, for he saw clearly that the Spanish King was
the only catholic monarch on whose good will, power and ability he could rely.
Yet he was not blind to the dangers to Christendom of an universal monarchy,
to which Philip seemed at times to aspire, and while acknowledging the sincerity
of that monarch's desire to maintain and spread the catholic faith he could not
fail to perceive his tendency to domineer over the church and to seek the attainment of his own private ends under cover of his undeniable zeal for the catholic
faith. He was a valuable ally, but to be used with caution. It would never have
done for the Pope, as Philip wished, to abandon himself unreservedly to the
King's guidance. Hence then arose from time to time jars and differences in
their intercourse, though these never interfered with the substantial harmony
which existed between them. They each needed the other and they knew it.
Their mutual esteem was greater than their mutual affection.
Philip II. was not long in discovering that Sixtus V. would be a more
energetic ally than his predecessor in the enterprise which he meditated against
England, and he listened without reluctance to the exhortations addressed to him
by Sixtus V. to prosecute the work with renewed vigour. Under these circumstances it was natural though for different reasons that both Sixtus V. and Philip
Allen and J J g^o^d desire the presence in Rome of two men so well able to pive the Pope
full information about English affairs and at the same time so devoted to the
g 0 t0
Rome.
crown of Spain as Allen and Persons were. F. Persons left Rouen for Flanders
about mid-Lent, 1585, and May 10 he wrote to F. Agazzari that in a few months
he hoped to be in Rome.1 This shows that his journey to Rome was not suddenly
decided upon, but that he had had orders to prepare for it some time before he
went. With regard to Allen there is nothing from which we can infer with
certainty the precise time when he received the Pope's command to go to Rome ;
but it seems probable that it was while he was recovering from a dangerous
illness at Spa in the summer of 1585. The apparent or rather partial motive of
his journey was the affairs of the two colleges, and very possibly no other reason
was given to him for his presence in Rome being desired. Anyhow about Sept.
16th2 Allen and Persons with William Morris, a priest, and Thomas Hesketh, Allen's
nephew, set forth from Spa for Rome, where they arrived November 4th. Allen
carried with him the following letter from the Nuncio in France to the Cardinal
of Como, 7 October, 1585 3 ; "This letter will be presented by Dr William Allen,
superior of the English seminary at Reims. This doctor is regarded here and is
truly known by-me to be a man of most ardent zeal for the catholic faith, from
1

Infra, p. 222, note.

2

Infra, p. 393, note.

3

Infra, p. 435.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Ixxiii

love of which he has also left his country, and is in these parts like a harbour of
refuge to all catholics who depart from that realm. He is a man of most innocent
life and of most choice learning, as it appears to me. I have wished to write all
these particulars to your most illustrious Lordship because I am here, and not
because I think that this good servant of God has need of this my testimony, but
thereby to satisfy myself and the truth." Perhaps this testimonial was intended by
the Nuncio for Sixtus V. rather than for the Cardinal of Como, who had learned
through a continuous correspondence -of some years to appreciate Allen's excellence.
During the first three months of Allen's residence at Rome I have no document giving particulars of the way in which he was employed there, though there
can be little doubt from the letter which follows that a careful search among the
despatches of Count Olivares, the Spanish ambassador to the Holy See, which
are now kept at Simancas, would furnish valuable information on this point.
The letter to which I have just alluded is one from Olivares to Philip II. dated
Rome, 24 Feb., 1586.1 It is as follows.
" I have received your Majesty's letter of the 2d of January, and as Louis Olivares to
Dovara is still at Florence and I am without information when he will return, and Ji1™^11''
Dr Allen has done his best with the Pope, and inspired him with such a great 1586. ''
desire for the enterprise of England as your Majesty will have seen from my
previous letters, I was obliged to open the question with him according to the last
of the three forms preferred by your Majesty.
" To prevent the inconvenience which in a matter of such moment might arise
from any ambiguity, I thought it necessary to give the Pope at my last audience
a summary of what I had said in your Majesty's name, annotated with the
decision which was finally agreed to under each section, the whole of it in Spanish,
as he has a good knowledge of that language, that he might see it all and approve
of it : and since as regards the section about the money I refused to acquiesce in
any thing, save only that I would write to your Majesty what he said to me,
neither more nor less, I brought it to him in blank, and the note of how it runs
remains in my possession in Cardinal Caraffa's handwriting and will serve as a
memorandum for all the rest.
"As to the question of the general, he seemed to me to have no difficulties,
since as the enterprise is to be entrusted to your Majesty it is just that the general
should be at your Majesty's choice, and he is on very good terms with the Prince
of Parma, and praised him much' for having refused to accept the return of the
islands to their allegiance on the conditions which I mentioned to your Majesty
in a letter some days ago.
" The last -day I saw the Pope he told me that the princes of Guise had sent
to him to say that with regard to this league for the enterprise of England, which
was noised there, they besought his Holiness to do nothing without their participation. His Holiness says that he replied that there was nothing at all in it, and
that when there was any thing, he would inform them ; and he offers not to do
so until your Majesty thinks it can be done without inconvenience. Cardinal
Sanz [archbishop of Sens] is trying to persuade the Pope on behalf of these princes
that this is not the time for the enterprise of England, but that what is seasonable
is that of Geneva, since this will give an impulse to their affairs in France.
" I n regard to secrecy I impressed it upon him greatly, and he has bound
1

Infra, p. 251.

k

lxxiv

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

himself to it with such earnestness that I have some hopes of his keeping it, for
he said to me that he would not speak of this matter to any man born, and that
I was not to do so with any of his ministers ; until at last necessity constrained
him to employ some one, and he resolved to take Cardinal Caraffa as the most
secret, and it is to him that he has consigned the book and letters of Allen who
as far as I can judge has acted well in this affair.
" To try to persuade the Pope that the principal end which moves your
Majesty to take part in this discussion is not vengeance for private wrongs, the
advantage which it offers for the affairs of Holland and the impossibility of making
secure in any other way the passage by sea to your Indies is a thing which there
is no means of getting him to understand, though I have made the best use I could
of the reasons and fears mentioned in my report : and besides the tenacity of
his disposition and the shield furnished by the example of his predecessors, great
harm has been done by the advices which come from every quarter of the
preparations which your Majesty is making and that they are for this enterprise :
and the greater these become, the harder will it be to negotiate with his Holiness,
and the liking and desire which he used to show to do something famous have
grown cold in him through his grief at having to part with the money. His last
act was to send me a letter which he had received from Portugal telling how the
pirate Dragues [Drake] besides other captures had taken a ship of great importance,
one of the Indiamen : and this he did to show me more clearly the necessity
which lies upon your Majesty to provide a remedy against it.
" In case this negotiation is to proceed, I beseech your Majesty to send me
very particular and precise orders regarding all the points touched upon in the
report, and the time when each thing is to be applied for ; since if the affair is to
be carried out this year, there is little time left to spend in questions and answers :
and especially your Majesty will be pleased to inform me as to the time when the
deposition1 of the King of Scotland and the investiture of whoever is to succeed
him as king is to be put into execution, since to do it at once would entail the
inconveniences of publicity, as well as spoil the title of the enterprise, and to
defer it would imperil its success : and for the Pope to resolve to do it in secret
would be a difficult matter for him, and so likewise to keep it secret afterwards
with his disposition. Whatever your Majesty shall decide upon I will endeavour
to carry out in every point with the greatest possible care and desire to meet your
wishes.
" I have not touched upon the subject of Allen's Cardinalate, for I think it
very fitting, as your Majesty says, that it should progress at the same pace as the
enterprise, if this is not to be delayed ; since in that case the Theatine 2 [i.e. the
Jesuit, F. Persons] says it would be of great importance as a means of keeping
the catholics in good heart. , I have given him a very loving message on the part
of your Majesty, without saying a word calculated to put him in hopes that the
enterprise will be soon undertaken ; and to the Jesuit, who is the one that speaks
about the Cardinalate, I have held out great expectations that your Majesty will
do what is requisite for the accomplishment of his desire, but without giving him
any pledge : and as this good man suffers need, I should think it no harm if your
Majesty were to grant him some assistance, which, so long as he is not Cardinal,
1
I.e., the act depriving the King of Scotland of the right to succeed to the English crown
2
at his mother's death.
Infra, p. 523, note 1.

lxxv

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

might well be one thousand crowns, or if five hundred it would not be bad. I say
so, because I think it very important to lay under an obligation this man who is
the one that will have to lead the whole dance, and on whom it will chiefly
depend to move the Pope to what your Majesty desires about the succession, and
who will be another Cardinal for the events that may happen ; and your Majesty
has few in his service who were eye-witnesses of that time, and only myself
among those who are now in active employment.
" Allen has written a book against the Queen of England, a summary of
which I send herewith, and the book I keep back because it is more than one
volume.1 He wishes to print and publish i t ; and they think it will be a
suitable work to publish some months before the enterprise, as they fancy it will
make a stir in the Island and outside of it. If your Majesty should see any
unfitness in the publication, on learning your commands I will cause it to be
kept back.
" Allen and Robert [Persons] are inclined to add at the end a few pages in
reply to the manifesto of the Queen of England against your Majesty : but I will
keep them in play until I receive your Majesty's orders, and when they have
written it, I will send a copy ; and if any thing has to be done, the work will be
better divided, and your Majesty in this case will judge in whose name it should
be published."
From this letter we gather that soon after Allen's arrival in Rome he was in
frequent and intimate relations with the Pope and the ambassador of Spain. The
enterprise of England was the subject of many discussions between his Holiness
and the ambassador, and Allen was employed to stir up the zeal of the Pope, who
even then looked with great favour on the undertaking.
Allen's promotion to the Cardinalate is spoken of by Olivares in his letter to
Philip II. as a matter already settled, and as the King was not apt to take hasty
resolutions, it had probably been for a long time in his thoughts. Nothing
however was said by the ambassador to Allen on this subject. I t was F. Persons
who was anxious for this promotion, and with whom alone the question was
discussed. It may well have been that he first broached the subject on his visit
to Spain in 1582, and obtained, as he says,2 a promise for Dr Allen to be made
Cardinal, or rather probably that the King would take the matter into his consideration, and, if he should judge fit, apply to the Pope for Allen's promotion.
It is very unlikely that Philip II. would at that early time have promised more
than this.
The following is the Summary or Report 3 alluded to in the preceding letter. MemoranIt contains the heads or sections of the King's proposal with the Pope's answer^.1™'
to each, followed by a gloss or notes by Count Olivares giving what the Pope 1536. *'
said and he replied as each section was presented for discussion.

"His Holiness returns infinite thanks
to God that he has been the instrument
of setting in motion his Majesty ; to
whom he gives many blessings for the
1

Infra, p. 253, note 4.

" First point.
"Although his Majesty has been at
different times admonished by the predecessors of his Holiness to undertake
this enterprise, he never felt so con-

» Infra, p. 253, note 2.
k2

3

Infra, p. 254.

lxxvi

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

zeal with which he is disposed to engage in an undertaking so worthy of
the calling of the Catholic King.

" His Holiness praises and agrees to
what his Majesty here proposes.

" His Holiness thinks that this is a
matter for grave consideration, and that
it is very proper not to trust the religion
of that kingdom to the King of Scotland
for the reasons given by his Majesty ;
and with regard to the person who shall
be proper to succeed the Queen, his
Holiness will conform himself to what
shall seem good to his Majesty and do
whatever may be necessary for that
purpose.

vinced of the reality of the assistance
he should obtain from them as he now
confidently expects it from the courage
and vigour of his Holiness : which consideration, together with the great favour
with which his Holiness so reasonably
regards the enterprise and the desire
which his Majesty 1 has to give him
satisfaction, moves him to engage in it,
notwithstanding the importance to him
of first terminating the affairs of Holland
and Zeeland, as well as other difficulties
which will arise if he takes in hand at the
present moment this enterprise.
" Second point.
" That the end and declared ground
of the enterprise shall be to bring back
that kingdom to the obedience of the
Roman church, and to put in possession
of it the Queen of Scotland; who so
well deserves it for having remained
firm in the faith in the midst of such
great calamities.
"Third point.
" After the death of the Queen his
Majesty says that it would be to plunge
into greater difficulties and harder to
overcome if the King of Scotland, her
son, should succeed, he being a confirmed
heretic, and any conversion of his being
open to doubt, and a relapse easy, besides having sucked in that poison from
infancy through being forced to live
among suspicious persons as were those
who brought him up : whereas, in order
to establish firmly the catholic religion
in that kingdom, there is need of a person thoroughly rooted in it. Hence it
appears to his Majesty that it is fitting
at once to think about and look out for
a proper person, as well as to consider
whatever else bears upon this point ; in
order that the Queen of Scotland, may not,
under the deceptive influence of maternal

1
1 have little doubt that Sd. in the text is a clerical error for Md. The sense of the clause
is greatly improved by this correction,
^

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Ixxvii

love, be able to think that it will be good
to introduce him into the succession and
2nd him in possession of the kingdom.
" With regard to this his Holiness was at first minded to convert the King,
but in my answers I showed him such great inconveniences in this course that lie
inclined to the plan of looking out for some catholic who might be suitable, and
marrying him to the Queen, and that he should be made Prince, whereby it would
be provided that he would succeed, if she were to die without children. To this
I answered by pointing out the danger to which the Queen's life would be exposed
through the desire which he who married her might have to succeed her on the
throne : also, the difficulty of finding any Englishman fitting, and that even if he
were in his own person good, he might have many relations who were the reverse
of this, and who could not be proceeded against; moreover that apart from
religion there are parties and passions in that kingdom as every where else, and
that those of the opposite party to that from which the King was taken, and even
his own friends, would bear very impatiently an equal being raised so high above
them, and not they only but his kinsmen also, who, besides being ill-satisfied at
his elevation, would not fail to show him little respect, and that thence private
passions would begin to the injury of the cause of religion, which he could not
chastise with that authority and safety which was befitting, and I added much
more in the same sense. The result was that, though the Pope tried to lessen
these inconveniences and to show the suitableness of a native Prince, he nevertheless became confused, and got out of the difficulty by saying that there was
time to settle this : and in his reply I bound him down (as your Majesty will
see) to follow herein whatever may seem good to your Majesty, and after having
read it and had it in his power he said nothing against it.
" I did not venture to enter into greater details, in order that, according to
your Majesty's commands, the point of the subsidies may be first settled. I think
of using Allen in this matter, when the time comes to put pressure on him.
" His Holiness is quite satisfied that your Majesty has no thought of the
succession of England, and it was in this sense that he answered the Cardinal of
Este on the occasion which I have mentioned further on, and I said nothing to
him against this opinion.
" I also see that he is far from imagining that your Majesty has any intention
on behalf of any one of your own, and therefore he will be greatly amazed
when it is touched upon with him, and, however much he may be pledged to
agree to what your Majesty thinks fit, I think he will not fail to raise some
difficulty, and your Majesty will see in my hand 1 something which occurs to me
on this point.
" What I say further on about restoring to the Pope the money he advances
for this enterprise may serve as a bridge for this, by saying that, in compensation
for your Majesty's contributions, the succession to that realm shall be the dower
of the Lady Infanta Dona Isabel ; and even if nothing more be said than that it
will be retained until your Majesty has been paid all that you have spent upon
the enterprise of England and on account of it, with the losses, interests, &c, from
what your ministers report it would come to the same thing, since in a few years
1

The words " your Majesty will see in my hand "are underlined in the transcript.

lxxviii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

it will increase to so large a sum that it would be impossible for any one to collect
what would be necessary to meet it. Your Majesty will be pleased to consider
this ; for I shall not stir in this without your Majesty's command, though I hold
it to be a point of importance and of little inconvenience, since the burden of
what has to be repaid the Pope must be divided into years, and the greater part
of it, as is reasonable, will fall to the Queen of Scotland.
" I have not treated more clearly of the deposition of the King of Scotland,
since the Pope would take occasion to talk about it, and it seems to me that
publicity might be inconvenient. The words however of the proposition and
answer imply deposition and all else which may be necessary to that end.
" In what I said to his Holiness on this point I thought it well to add the
clause in italics to what your Majesty commanded me to write, as I considered it
necessary to stop up that chink.
"Fourth point.
" His Majesty finds himself so much
" His Holiness, while he thinks that
every assistance given to this enterprise drained by the long wars of Flanders,
is very well employed, is grieved that he and his subjects of every state so discannot fully satisfy his Majesty's re- tressed that, much as he regrets it, for
quest, in as much as he has found the he would have rejoiced to be able to
Pontifical treasury much exhausted and carry out this enterprise without asking
the revenues of the Apostolic See in anything of his Holiness, its magnitude
great part spent and pledged. Hence and the preparations which are necesbeing unable (even if he were willing sary to resist those who in great
to burden his people) to offer the sum numbers will endeavour to hinder it
which he would readily contribute, and make it requisite that his Holiness
being ready to go beyond every subsidy should contribute for his share two
which has been granted by his pre- millions of gold. And certainly it is
decessors for any enterprise hitherto for an object upon which they will be
undertaken on behalf of the catholic well employed and which will be very
religion, he offers his Majesty, as soon beneficial to the Apostolic See and
as the expedition has set sail for the the whole of Christendom ; just as his
enterprise against England to give Majesty will regard as well employed
200,000 crowns, and he will give the great expense which he will incur
100,000 more the moment the army has in this affair from the satisfaction which
landed on the Island, and yet further he will feel at having been the instru100,000 more at the end of six months, ment of bringing back that kingdom a
and in like manner after another six second time to the obedience of the
months 100,000 more ; and if the war Holy See.
lasts longer, his Holiness will continue
to give each year 200,000 crowns, meaning by the continuance of the war that
the person who ought to have the
kingdom is not yet put into possession
of it. This aid will be given either in
ready money or partly in ready money
and partly in paid Italian soldiers, whom
his Holiness would be glad to employ
in this enterprise, as has been the custom

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxxix

in every other similar one of importance.
Besides this he will not fail to excite
end animate all the Italian princes to
so glorious and holy an enterprise,
which if it turn out prosperously,
as with God's favour is hoped, his
Holiness's intention is that the Apostolic See should recover and be effectually replaced in possession of the revenues, rights, jurisdictions and actions
which it formerly had in that kingdom
before Henry VIII. apostatized from
the faith.
" I did not ask for a definite portion of the expenditure on account of the
difficulty of the accounts, and still more because it is impossible not to mix them
up with those of Flanders. And though my request presupposed that the enterprise, including what it would be necessary to spend in consequence of it, would
cost four millions, and I kept to this figure in the memorandum I gave in writing,
I said nevertheless by word of mouth that my last commission from your Majesty
was to go down to one million and a half.
" His Holiness did not say a word about the Grand Duke [of Tuscany]
taking part in the enterprise at present, though he promises himself great
assistance from the Grand Duke and the Venetians when once the affair is made
public : for at present he suspects that the same inconvenience might arise as at
other times from making it known to them. As the end which the Grand Duke
had in view, namely, to be general of the enterprise, has ceased to be attainable,
I expect little from his liberality or that of the Venetians, and therefore in our
discussions to move his Holiness to greater liberality, I made him the offer that he
should apply their subsidies to the diminution of his own contributions. But he
took little account of this, and in my opinion with reason, for if he draws anything from them, it will be sold for more than it is worth.
" I have not availed myself of an offer, which has been several times made
on the part of the Catholics of England, to pay whatever is spent in this enterprise, though this is a thing which might have some effect with the Pope ; but I
keep it in reserve to give with it the last turn to the balance. I have also
reserved for the same moment to avail myself of Allen, after first ascertaining
what can be done in this matter ; for with these two things there is a probable
hope of making his Holiness advance a step or two.
" It would, I believe, put him in great straits if he could be persuaded, or if
it might be said to him as from your Majesty, that unless he contributes thus
much your Majesty will abandon the enterprise, and that this will be the fault of
his Holiness and will be published as such throughout the world, and then to set
Allen at his ear. For though I have gone so far as to hint something of the kind,
it will be quite another matter to say it to him resolutely and as from your
Majesty ; and though he is very tenacious in regard to the money, it could not
fail to have an effect upon him. But this must be understood of something
additional ; for unless there should be a further abatement of a million, and he be
allowed his own time for paying, he would break through every thing ; as it

lxxx

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

seems to him that he satisfies his obligation by giving more than his predecessors
on any former occasion have done.
" With respect to burdening the churches of Spain, I have not alluded to it
or shown it favour, and therefore it was only touched upon in relation to the sum
demanded by the Grand Duke for the expedition against Algiers : x and with the
view of disparaging the Pope's offer I said that your Majesty had made no account
of the 3,000,000 crowns with 520 of subsidy and other things, without expressly
mentioning the revenues of Toledo, so as to avoid furnishing him with matter for
dispute.
" Caraffa told me in strict confidence that, when they were discussing the
question of these first payments being made at once, the Pope had suggested
to him a scruple about what security he had that your Majesty would not
afterwards give up the enterprise and keep the money. He says that he gave a
fitting answer ; and though at first I used language to the effect that a great part
would have to be paid at once, in order to begin to make the preparations, yet
that it might not seem that I agreed to an offer so much less than what
your Majesty had commissioned me to accept (although as regards money from his
Holiness's purse it is the greatest that has been made) I refused to dispute about
these times of payment.
" It has occurred to me as a good .way of giving security to his Holiness,
without letting it be seen that it is done for this purpose or that his doubt is
known, to propose to him that, with the view of dissembling the object to which
this money is to be applied on its being paid at once, there should be a fictitious
purchase of an equivalent annuity upon the crown-revenues of Naples with a
secret writing that it was to serve for the aforenamed purpose and would come to
an end with it. In this way I am persuaded that he would not hesitate to
anticipate the payment of the 300,000 at least, and even perhaps all the 500,000,2
or more, provided that interest was to be paid him upon them or a part of them
until the fixed time at which they were clue from him should arrive ; for as to
these 500,000, even if the war does not last so long, his Holiness agrees to the
reading that they should belong to your Majesty.
" To have security, in case the Pope should die, for what he offers in annual
payments he might be asked to procure a joint bond from the Sacred College
whenever there would be no inconvenience in publicity.
" I t would be also possible to mortgage the Papal dues collected in Spain and
Naples and the 20,000 crowns which are paid for the bull of the crusade.
" To avoid lengthening this letter by relating to your Majesty the conversations I had with his Holiness about the money, on which subject most of the
time was spent, I will mention the principal grounds on which we both rested our
cases, that your Majesty may see what you can add to persuade his Holiness
more efficaciously. On the Pope's part they were these :—that your Majesty
cannot avoid seeking for satisfaction from this woman ; that thereby the affair of
Holland and Zeeland is brought to an end; that security is thus obtained, which
1
An expedition against Algiers under the Grand Duke of Tuscany's command was contemplated by Sixtus V., at the beginning of his pontificate.
2
I n the Pope's answer to the fourth point he agreed to pay 200,000 crowns when the
expedition sailed, 100,000 when the troops disembarked, 100,000 at the end of six months, and
100,000 at the end of six months more, i.e. in all 500,000 : and then if the roar should continue
200,000 a year during its continuance.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxxxi

is impossible with such an evil neighbour ; that the enterprise will be incomparably easier than that of Holland and Zeeland ; that the highways to the
Indies and the coasts of Spain will be rendered safe from pirates : also the large
amount of favours enjoyed by your Majesty from the Apostolic See. Moreover
he reckons the expense as very small, adding that in the time of Pius V. it was
calculated that this enterprise would cost- 400,000 crowns, and he brings forward
as an example that Pius V. did not spend 200,000 crowns in two years of the
league, and that adding up the various times he helped the King of . France with
money and sent him paid soldiers, the sum total which he expended did notoeach
260,000, and he alleges other like examples, and produces the accounts of them :
the necessitous position of the Apostolic See owing to its revenues, the first fruits
and the taxes for the expedition of Apostolic letters having been, so to speak, sold :
the scandal it would give if the door were opened to raise money by means which
Some of the Popes have used and which God grant may never be employed again :
that as to what he has stored in the castle of St. Angelo, no Pope can be without
it, as a provision against some sudden necessity befalling the Apostolic See : that
the Grand Duke had proposed as necessary for the enterprise of Algiers no more
than 400,000 crowns and even these payable by way of subsidy in two years : a
thing which has done no good, any more than the advices which come from all
sides that your Majesty is making great preparations for this enterprise.
" The arguments which I have used to urge him to contribute generously are
of this kind:—to show him on the one hand that if he will aid largely the
enterprise it may be soon carried out, without however binding myself as to
when : that it is not a thing which your Majesty cannot leave undone, as he
thinks, so long as you have not ended the affair of Holland and Zeeland : that the
Queen of England has not given any offence which may not very well be forgiven
her the moment she becomes the instrument of bringing back those islands to
their allegiance : while I caused it to be whispered to him that the Queen is understood to be not far from this and has had no wish to set foot in the islands for
any other purpose, her principal object being to ensure that your Majesty will let
her live : how that if this opportunity passes and your Majesty makes peace with
the Queen, things in England will remain as they are for ever under the
guarantee of prescription, so that the subject can no more be thought about, and
the door will be closed to all interference with the affairs of Germany, where this
would cause such great terror, besides appeasing all discords in the concerns of
France : that your Majesty is most moved by the persuasions of his Holiness : that
if your Majesty sees that a project which has so much to recommend it and was so
warmly pressed upon you comes to be regarded with lukewarmness, you will feel
certain that the same will happen in any other matter which may be spoken
about : your Majesty's necessities : what you have sold on this account : the
objects to which the ordinary favours [of the Holy See] are applied : how much
more your Majesty spends upon the same, and the origin of these favours : that
in the league there were other members from whom his Holiness might obtain
aid: the great cost of the enterprise/since your Majesty has need of forces to
preserve what you possess in Flanders, to continue the war in Holland and to
oppose the diversions which may be made in any quarter by the heretics of France
and Germany who will not sleep, besides the forces necessary to undertake the
enterprise with safety, and a powerful fleet capable of holding its own against
I

lxxxii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

England, Flanders and France : the great service thereby rendered to God and the
honour his Holiness will gain in this world, since, if he should live twenty years
and do nothing else, he will leave behind a great remembrance of himself; and lastly
I prayed him to fear less having to render an account to God and the world for
having spent a little more money than was fitting on the enterprise than for having
prevented its being undertaken by being too close-handed about it. This would be
a cause of sorrow to him which he would never lose, and a loss of reputation which
he would not easily recover : that the million in the castle [of St. Angelo] would
seem to him hot coals, if to save it this opportunity were lost : that your Majesty
would regard it as a very small offer, and my fear was that it would chill your
zeal : that if his Holiness should see by means of the Grand Duke the sum which
your Majesty asks on account of Algiers, he would perceive how different it was
from what the Grand Duke had given him to understand.
" After I had left the Pope he added to his offer to furnish a part of it in
troops ; but I am certain that he will not keep to this when he understands
the difficulty and the publicity it may cause.
" He also said to me by word of mouth on the last day I saw him the words
relating to the jurisdiction of the Apostolic See in that kingdom, in order that
it might be firmly settled with the Queen of Scotland and whoever was to
succeed her before putting her in possession of the throne. I told Caraffa, to
whom I spoke after having received this paper, that I understood your Majesty
would not consent that what was done in your Majesty's time should cease to be
done by the Queen of Scotland, and that as to the time of King Henry, before he
became a schismatic, there might be some difference which it would be difficult to
ascertain with certainty; but that I would report it all to your Majesty.
" Though his Holiness has always
taken care to favour and support this
party, he will take greater care for the
future, for this reason in addition which
to him is a principal one : and if the
most Christian King should seek in any
way to hinder the enterprise, his Holiness will manifest his displeasure as
openly as shall be necessary.

" Fifth point.
" As France is the side from which
the chief hindrance to this enterprise
may be looked for, particularly if the
King should make that peace with the
heretics which he seeks and desires so
much, it is of consequence for its success
that his Holiness should remain firm to
the princes of the league and favour
them and encourage them to refuse
under any circumstances to consent to
the peace, even though the King should
seek to bring them round to it by pretending advantageous conditions, as he
will do in order to set himself free and
so be able to assist in hindering the
enterprise of England. In this case it
will be requisite that his Holiness should
supply the necessary remedy with his
authority and spiritual arms.

" I thought it well to add this section that there might be ground for con-

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxxxiii

tinuing to do good offices in favour of the princes of the league as opportunities
might offer, and also to have this point settled with the Pope in writing as it is
already by word of mouth.
" In the last audience, which was to-day, the Pope told me that the Cardinal
of Este had spoken to him yesterday on the part of the King of France, offering
him with great confidence to prosecute the war against the heretics and to continue
to execute the edicts : but that he wished his Holiness to know that on every
side it was apparent that your Majesty was making very great preparations, and
though these were said to be for the enterprise of the islands, they were manifestly
intended for that of England ; and that he entreated his Holiness not to give any
assistance whatever to such a thing, since France could in no way tolerate
Spaniards setting foot in England. His Holiness reports that he assured the
Cardinal that he had not entered into any confederacy with your Majesty in this
matter : that he blamed the King for esteeming the neighbourhood of a heretical
Queen as a less evil than that of your Majesty ; the more so since, even if the
subject had been treated of (and things were a long way from this), it would not
be with any view of your Majesty remaining there : that what grieved him was
his inability to move your Majesty to undertake this enterprise. Would that he
could persuade you ! for that in that case he would not fail to do so for anything
the Cardinal might say to him, and he could not but believe that the King of
France would be the first to rejoice at it from the advantage he would thence
derive for the conversion of his heretics, and because he, the Pope, would have no
occasion then to manifest publicly his displeasure, which if the King acted in
another way he should be obliged to do, adding many other reproofs addressed
to the King and to his own Cardinal.
" The Duke of Guise has also through the Cardinal of Sens assured his
Holiness that even if the King wishes to make peace with the heretics, he will not
be a party to it. What is most to be feared is lest the King, who desires so much
the peace and to prevent the enterprise of England, should by giving a verbal
promise to the heretics not to put anything into execution against them bring
them round to make such a peace as would satisfy the catholics and the Pope."
This important despatch presents us with a vivid picture of the policy of
Philip II. and his manner of dealing with the Holy See through his ambassadors.
The King's first aim in this negotiation is to move Sixtus V. to contribute more
largely to the enterprise and to pay down at once a large portion of his contribution. His second aim is to pave the way for securing the succession to the
throne of England for himself or at least some member of his family, to the
exclusion of the King of Scotland, at the death of Mary Queen of Scots. On the
other hand Sixtus V. considered that he had acted very liberally in having offered
to give a far larger sum than any of his predecessors had done on a like occasion ;
and with regard to the succession, though he had no suspicion of any selfinterested views in Philip I I , he was inclined to defer the settlement of the
question to a later period, while at the same time he expressed "a general willingness to conform himself to whatever the King of Spain might propose when the
expedition had been brought to a successful issue. Indications are also apparent of
that haughty arrogance with which Count Olivares, the Spanish ambassador, treated
Sixtus V., upon whom, as one practically unacquainted with foreign affairs, he had
hoped to impose the views and policy of the King of Spain. When however he
/ 2
'

lxxxiv

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

discovered his mistake and learnt to his intense annoyance that the Pope had
opinions of his own and the will to enforce them, his anger broke out, and his
overbearing insolence towards one whom as a catholic he could not but regard as
Christ's Vicar manifested itself only too frequently in behaviour and language
which unhappily seems to have drawn down upon him no reproof from the
catholic King. 1
Philip II. appears to have been in no hurry to reply to Count Olivares's
despatch of February 24. On 22 July, 1586, he sent an answer of which the
following is the official summary. 2
"That they deceive themselves who give his Holiness to understand that the
robberies and outrages of the English would move his Majesty to undertake the
enterprise of his own accord, and they speak like people who are at a distance
and have not to put their hand to the work.
" His Majesty knows the situation of England, and is aware how grieved
many a one would be to see it change its condition, and that the French with
many others near and far, being devoid of zeal for Christianity and for the return
to catholicity of that realm, would let themselves be influenced by other reasons
to endeavour to hinder it.
"His Majesty is more bound to secure his own states and their religion than
to take in hand to further it in the states of others.
" As to the piracies from which his Majesty's subjects and kingdoms have
lately suffered, it will be enough to send to sea such fleets as he has begun to send
and will go on sending, in order to clear the sea from pirates, to protect the way
to the Indies, and to render secure the navigation of the merchant fleets and the
commerce of his subjects : all which can be done at no great cost.
" That apart from this the English are dying to come to terms with his
Majesty, and they are feeling their way to it and making entreaty for it on many
sides, and offer great amendment.
"That this being so, and as his Majesty can easily bring it to pass, and
has no reason for letting himself be carried away by an ambitious desire to win
reputation, since by God's goodness he can rest content with what he has won,
his Majesty, so far as his own interests are concerned, can withdraw from this
enterprise and avoid the expense and difficulties attaching to it.
" That his only motive in entering upon this negotiation is the service of God,
the persuasions of his Holiness and his belief that in his Holiness's time it will be
pursued more warmly and effectually than would have been the case in the time
of his predecessors.
" And he will not change this purpose, if he receives assistance proportioned
to the expenses which the magnitude and the difficulties of the enterprise demand,
and to the necessity in which his Majesty is placed of carrying on at the same
time what he has in hand elsewhere and of providing what is requisite to hold in
check the dispositions which others may manifest.
" That though he would be sorry to contribute nothing more than good will
to so holy a work, the other things in which he is employed seem to him more
obligatory and necessary for him, as he cannot undertake all.
" His Majesty knows that with reference to the slender revenues of the
Apostolic See and in comparison with the aids which other Popes have given to
1
See Hiibner Sixte-Quint, Vol. I., p. 359.
«I^ra, p. 265.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Ixxxv

similar enterprises what his Holiness offers for this is quite in proportion to his
great and generous soul : still it is less than what is necessarily required for so
great an enterprise and for the preparations which must in consequence of it be
made on every side. Hence to render the execution of the enterprise possible it
will be necessary for his Holiness to force himself to enlarge his offer, to shorten
the terms for payment, and to grant the other favours which may be of service
in placing the shoulder to so great a burden.
"As to the rest, his Majesty is content with and accepts what was set down
and what his Holiness answered on the 24th of February last to the memorandum of points which Count Olivares gave to his Holiness ; and the clause
added, regarding the effectual reintegration of the Apostolic See in the j urisdiction, contributions, rights and actions which it possessed before King Henry's
apostacy seems to his Majesty most just."
In a despatch, dated 29 August, 1586, Count Olivares thus acknowledged the
receipt of the letter of the King which has just been given in summary. " I n
accordance with your Majesty's commands in your letter of July 22 I spoke to
his Holiness about the affairs of England, and I endeavoured to show him that
your Majesty is under no such necessity of undertaking the enterprise, unless you
are well aided ; though it is like preaching in a desert to preach this in a country
where revenge is so deeply rooted in their hearts that for many centuries they do
not forget it ; and, when this place is ringing so loudly with the numerous acts of
insolence perpetrated by the Queen of England in your Majesty's states, it is
impossible [in their judgment] for your Majesty not to entertain in your heart
the thought of this offence and of vengeance for it, as they entertain it ; nor is
the Pope one of those who are least subject to this disposition. What I suffered
from him the first day, and the state in which I left him, your Majesty will have
learned from my letter to Don Juan de Idiaquez, and in accordance with it I sent
to Caraffa the summary of which I enclose a copy, and since then I thought it
best not to importune him or the Pope ; for with his character this is the proper
way of acting in matters where time permits, as is clear from all that your
Majesty writes to me on this subject.
" The object of the last paragraph [of the summary] was to strengthen and
confirm what his Holiness has offered with regard to the successor of the Queen
of Scotland, though it was made with the evasions and limitations which your
Majesty may see in the notes to that despatch [of February 24] ; and Tinserted in
this paragraph, to gild it, your Majesty's assent to what concerns the Pope's interests,
as I thought that your Majesty neither does nor can make any difficulty about it."
The rest of the letter relates to a project formed by the Earl of Huntley,
Lord Claude Hamilton and the Earl of Morton with the concurrence of the Duke
of Guise for setting the King of Scotland at liberty and restoring the catholic
religion in that country. Full particulars concerning it will be found in Don
Bernardino de Mendoza's despatches from Paris to Philip II. 1
The transcripts sent me from Simancas contain nothing more about the
Pope's contribution to the enterprise against England. But probably a careful
search among the records of Count Olivares's embassy to Rome would bring to
light the way in which the Pope was ultimately induced to promise a larger
contribution.
1

Teulet, V., 349, sqq.

lxxxvi

HISTOKICAL INTRODUCTION.

This is perhaps the place to invite attention to an interesting letter from
Dr William Gifford to Sir Francis Walsingham, Reims, 18 April, 1586,1 in which
the writer expresses very touchingly the longing desire which he felt to live at
home in England as a loyal subject of the Queen, if only she would tolerate his
religion and relieve him from the crushing tyranny of the penal laws. Dr Gifford,
a pupil of the English college at Rome, then professor in Allen's seminary at Reims,
afterwards a Benedictine monk and finally archbishop of Reims, was cousin to
Gilbert Gifford, who at the very time this letter was written had sold himself to
Walsingham to work by treachery the ruin of Mary Queen of Scots through the
Babington conspiracy. Doubtless Walsingham had hopes of perverting William
Gifford as he had done Gilbert.2
In a letter from Count Olivares to Philip II., 2 January, 1587,3 there is a
paragraph containing the following mention of Allen :—" The prior of England,
who is at Venice, continues, as he has begun, to urge upon Allen that it will be
well to try to convert that Queen to the faith in friendly ways. I have told him
not to cut the thread, so far as he can avoid doing so, without engaging or binding
himself to any thing, until it is seen whether your Majesty desires to make use of
that man, whom Allen commends as a very suitable instrument when deceived
himself for deceiving the Queen."
On January 27,4 Count Olivares again addressed Philip II. in the following
terms :—" Allen and Melino [F. Persons] have written for me a paper, of which I
herewith enclose a copy to your Majesty. They have ready wit and speech about
the affairs of England, and on the other hand they are helped by that great teacher,
necessity, and thus find means to draw from every thing arguments and thoughts
in proof that each moment, whichever it be, is the most suitable time for the
accomplishment of their desires, both as regards the principal affair and Allen's
promotion ; for every moment lost they regard as a great injury, and it is certain
that if the Queen of Scotland should die or continue in her present state, which
comes to the same thing, it seems to make it more necessary to have some one in
high position on whom all can fix their eyes and hopes, and who will console them
in their present affliction that they may not give way to despair."
The paper alluded to has not been sent me, though possibly it may still
exist at Simancas. This letter is important as indicating one of the various
reasons why Allen's promotion to the cardinalate was thought desirable. The
English catholics needed a head to unite them for common action, now that Mary's
close imprisonment and the hopelessness of her escape had made it impossible for
her to continue to act as such.
Philip II. wrote thus to Count Olivares, 11 February, 15875:—" You will maintain Allen and Robert [Persons] in faith and hopefulness that the recovery of their
country will really be attempted, in order that they may the more zealously and
earnestly employ the good offices which may be expedient with the Pope ; but let
1

Infra, p. 262.
T h e letters of Allen to Agazzari supply important information regarding Gilbert
Gilford's antecedents. I t seems incredible that, if Allen had known that Gilbert Gifford was
acting as intermediary between the catholics of England and Don Bernardino Mendoza in the
m a t t e r of Babington's conspiracy (Teulet, V., 372), he would not have warned the ambassador
of his untrustworthiness. Allen was then at Rome engaged upon other matters. There is not
a particle of evidence, so far as I know, that he was privy to the plot.
8
4
5
Infra, p. 267. See ib. note.
Infra, p. 268.
Infra, p. 269.
2

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxxxvii

it be in such a way that they do not think the affair so near at hand as that it
will make them expansive in communicating it to others of their nation for their
comfort and consolation, and so cause it to become public : for this is the way in
which during these past years many things which were well begun for the benefit
of that kingdom have come to nought. Go on then counterbalancing and drawing profit from them and in every thing do as you are accustomed with your
prudence and dexterity according to what the affair requires and I confide it to
you, and you will inform me of what is done."
On the margin of this letter the King wrote with his own hand :—" I am resolved to give that abbey about which I spoke to you to Allen. See whether it
will be well to write to the Count, that he may say something to him, while the
business is passing through the Council of Italy."
In consequence of this marginal note, Don Juan de Idiaquez on the following
day, February 12, made the following communication to Count Olivares.1 " As a
mark of his Majesty's satisfaction with Dr. Allen and moved thereto by your
Lordship's good report, his Majesty has determined to bestow on him the abbey
which has fallen vacant in Naples by the death of Don Bernardino de Mendoza,
brother of the present Marquis de Mondejar. Your Lordship will learn there its
value and quality : it is said to be a very pretty piece of preferment. While the
patent is being sent by the Council of Italy, I have been ordered to inform you
of it, that you may tell it to Allen and put him in good heart, as you will best
know how to do."
The immediate promotion of Allen to the cardinalate was the point to which Allen's
by command of Philip II. the efforts of Count Olivares were now specially Cardl directed. Accordingly, 14 March, 1587, he presented to the Pope the following
memorandum of reasons which might induce his Holiness to make this promotion
as soon as possible.2
" The reasons why it is of importance to God's service and the cause
of religion in England to hasten the promotion of Allen :—
" The principal reason is the imprisonment of the Queen of Scotland,3 who
is the head of this cause, recognised as such by all the catholics, and the person
to whom the negotiations for the recovery of that kingdom were directed. Her
imprisonment has emboldened the heretics and depressed the catholics, and cut
short the thread of the negotiations within the realm which the Queen was carrying on, many losing heart, and those who remain faithful being divided, from
there being no personage whom all can recognise without detriment to their
honour.
" If it be possible to carry out the enterprise speedily, there are some
necessary preliminaries to be seen to, such as certain preparations which would
rouse suspicion if done by any one else, and which will have no authority or force
if the doer is only a private individual. On the other hand if it should prove
unavoidable to defer the enterprise, it will become all the more necessary to apply
without delay this plaster to the wound, so that the afflicted flock may continue
faithful when they see by the acts of his Holiness that he grieves for them and
thinks of a remedy for them.
" It is also very important to do it quickly, in order that when he goes to join
1
Infra, p. 269.
"Infra, p. 270.
3
Mary Queen of Scots was already dead. Her execution had taken place February 8—18.

lxxxviii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

the expedition his authority may have already struck deeper root from his promotion having become known to high and low in England.
" It is also fitting that he should have been some days in the Sacred
College and have treated with its members and not be ignorant of its ceremonies.
" In the person of Father Allen every thing which can be desired concurs :
for he belongs to no party ; he has learning, morals, judgment, great acquaintance
with every thing in that kingdom and with the negotiations for its conversion ;
and the instruments of all these have been and are his disciples, of whom so many
have suffered martyrdom that the purple of his hat may be said to have been
dyed in the blood of the martyrs whom he has educated.
" His Majesty assures his Holiness and takes it upon himself that it is
necessary for the affairs of England to make this promotion without delay and
that, if it be deferred, great harm may be anticipated no matter whether the
enterprise be hastened forward or delayed, and that the person of Allen is the
most suitable that can be. For these reasons his Holiness is entreated to make
the promotion as soon as possible, and to trust his Majesty in this, since he has
such a deep interest in the principal affair, and also because of his acquaintance
with the concerns of that kingdom which he acquired during the years that he
reigned there and from his having been obliged since then to keep alive his
knowledge by attending to them, and through the many times it has been under
consideration to make this enterprise which our Lord has so mysteriously reserved
for the days of his Holiness.
" That his Holiness says with much reason that he will not take account of the
ember days 1 when he has such great motives for action as the supplications of that
flock of catholics to give them a leader who will make up to them, as far as may
be, the protection which the Queen used to afford them, to raise to high dignity
against the Queen of England 2 from among her own people a declared and
principal enemy of hers, and to bestow a reward, extraordinary both in matter
and manner, upon a man who has deserved so well of the Apostolic See; his
Holiness having courage enough to show the world that he has no regard for any
thing when God's service and the public good are crossed by it, so free is he from
all human affections.
" That his Holiness need be under no anxiety about having to maintain him ;
for the abbey which his Majesty is now giving him is sufficient for his support as
a poor Cardinal, and it would be inexpedient to make more noise just at first.
Whenever it is fitting that he should live in greater splendour, his Majesty will
make suitable provision for it, without his Holiness having to do more than
promote him ; so that in this way they will both share equally in the merit before
God, which is the only thing that moves them to exalt this man."
At the bottom of the memorandum Cardinal Caraffa wrote as follows : " His
Holiness answers that as soon as his Majesty has everything in order for the
enterprise, his Holiness will be ready to create Mr. Allen cardinal. I t does not
appear to him advisable to do this sooner, when what is intended would not take
place simultaneously with it, on account of the declaration which his Holiness
1
2

Infra, p. 271, note 1.
I believe that the true reading of this passage is as I have rendered it, a la de Inglaterra.
It is very unlikely that the ambassador would write of Allen as a " declared and chief enemy "
of England. The de may have easily dropped out in transcribing.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

lxxxix

would be obliged to make, if he were created at a time other than that fixed by
the Constitution. Anthony Cardinal Caraffa by order of his Holiness."
Count Olivares speaks of the delivery of the above memorandum to his
Holiness in the following extract from a letter to Philip II., 16 March, 1587.1
" With regard to Allen's hat I gave him the memorandum of reasons which
your Majesty will see, concluding on your Majesty's part with what is said at the
end of it. Neither this however nor the pains which Caraffa and I have taken,
each of us separately, have sufficed to make him do it immediately ; and when we
pressed him with the argument that, even if the enterprise were not carried out,
this promotion was necessary for the support and encouragement of that nation,
he answered that this was a reason for having done it last Christmas, not
seeing that he thereby throws the blame upon himself : finally he says what your
Majesty will see. If then the enterprise is accepted on your Majesty's part for
this year and the expenses at which your Majesty has been on your side and the
preparations made are represented to him, it is probable that he will do it ; though
he rates lower the ruin of religion in England than the appearance of breaking
this Constitution, if he cannot say precisely in the consistory that the promotion
is for the enterprise, even though the inconveniences of saying it should be manifest
to him. It will be very advisable that the answer to this letter should come with
all speed, that the days of his creation and coronation may not have passed, for
this might make the thing in some degree easier.
" This Father Robert [Persons], understanding from the time for the promotion
of cardinals having passed that Allen's hat is a long way off, keeps teasing me to
move the Pope to create him archbishop of Canterbury, which (he says) will
partly compensate for the want of the hat, and he enlarges much on the importance
of that dignity and how suitably it might be united with the hat. I have shown
no favour to this proposition, since the Pope would be diverted by it from the
subject of the hat. Your Majesty will send me your commands as to what is to
be done in this matter both in case the hat is given and in case it is deferred.
" As to the time when Allen should begin to write some things for the press,
and his departure and the manner and pretext for it and the announcement of
the enterprise in the consistory and what the Nuncio in France will have to do, I
shall await your Majesty's commands ; observing only, as I have said at other
times, that the moment his Holiness gives the bills for the money, your Majesty
must not count upon secrecy, even though he promise it under oath, and the
worst is that it will be no longer in his power, and this would have been by
conjectures in the time of another Pope, whereas now everything issues from his
mouth, and the worst is that he cannot help it. Hence as it is impossible to deny
what he says, since it is in itself so probable and is from such high authority, the
language which I use is to answer that I write to your Majesty all that he says
to me, without going further into the matter, and from the little credit he has as
a man whose word can be trusted and from what he did in the affair of Poland
and other things, people take it all as empty talk."
Three days later, March 19,2 Allen wrote to Philip II. to thank him for the Allen to
benefice which the King had just bestowed upon him. At the same time he states ^ * P J £ '
it as his long-formed conviction that no one except Philip was able effectually to 1587.
raise the church and state of England from their present miserable plight ; and Title to the
1

2

Infra, p. 271.

m

Infra, p. 272.

lwn.h

xc

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

he assures him that there are very few lovers of piety and their country who do
not long to be once more under Philip's sceptre. He advises, for reasons set forth
in a paper which he has given to the ambassador, that nothing should be said at
present to the Sovereign Pontiff or any one else of Philip's right to succeed to
the English throne. To begin the war on this ground would be alike useless and
dangerous. " This war," he continues, " has two most just causes, approved by
divine and human laws and worthy of being declared just by a bull of the Apostolic
See. These are to avenge the wrong done to religion and to obtain reparation for
injuries received ; the former of which will approve itself to every catholic, and
the latter will not appear devoid of sound probability even to the heretics. But
when the causes of a war are just, the war itself is just ; and whatever is
acquired by a just war is lawfully possessed, and kingdoms are no less justly won
by legitimate warfare than they are inherited through propinquity of blood:
where however both these titles meet, their concurrence is of great avail. And
therefore when God has given victory to your Majesty's arms, your Majesty's
relationship to the royal house of Lancaster maybe justly and seasonably pleaded
in the assembly of the estates called the parliament, where the matter can be
most easily managed by the archbishop of Canterbury, the born legate of the
Apostolic See, to whom belongs of right the first vote of the whole realm and
whose lead will be followed by all the bishops and the catholic nobles, who alone,
in consequence of the previous death or dismissal of the heretics, will have votes
in that assembly. To the furtherance of which, if I am still living, I will do my
utmost endeavour : at the same time it is far from my desire that when your
Majesty has restored every thing, you should then forsake us, as I remember
happened in the former reconciliation of the realm through the grave negligence
of those who were then in power, and who afterwards were most justly punished
for it ; but I wish every thing to be done which will give security to religion and
the state. Nor do I doubt that the Queen of Scotland will co-operate with this,
and most earnestly desire it; and that she will prefer your catholic Majesty to
all other non-catholic competitors, whatever be their claim, and even to her own
heretical son. Then the Pope also will spontaneously and willingly approve a
right acquired in so many ways, and finally by God's grace all things will yield
to your Majesty's power and justice."
Allen concludes with beseeching the King not to be deterred by the possible
difficulties of the undertaking ; but to put his confidence in God, who has hitherto
blessed his arms, and hasten without delay to the succour of the persecuted
catholics.
Olivares
The subject of the Spanish King's title to the English crown is discussed at
on Philip length in a letter of Count Olivares to Philip IL, 23 March, 1587. l " As soon," he
^descent w r ^ e s > " a s ^ n e courier had left with the letters, of which I enclose a duplicate,
to the
I resolved, with the view of opening the question of the succession, to ascertain
English the sentiments of Allen and Melino [F. Persons] ; for I had never spoken to them
crown.
0 £ s e j. p U r p 0 s e o n £hi s head, though they have at different times and with the best
of will touched upon it to me. I began then by observing that it would be a very
essential point towards moving your Majesty more effectually to undertake this
enterprise, if the Pope could be convinced of your Majesty's title to succeed to that
crown, as they had sometimes pointed out to me. In reply to this, while fully
1

Infra, p. 275.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION".

xci

admitting what they had at other times said, they urged the many inconveniences
which would arise from speaking of it at present to the Pope, as your Majesty
may see in a paper which they gave me on the 18th of this month ; and though
your Majesty is aware in substance of the principal inconveniences, and has even
partly anticipated them in your letter of February 11th, and though as regards
secrecy, on which they most build, I have on various occasions represented to your
Majesty that it is hopeless to expect it from the Pope, except by miracle and
perhaps in things where secrecy is of no consequence,—nevertheless what has
made me take no further steps in the matter without fresh commands from your
Majesty is a remark of Melino [F. Persons], which he has also noted in the aforementioned writing, that some one had said that according to the custom of
England, if the succession passed on until all those of the first line were exhausted,
the crown would devolve to the sons of the Duke of Parma ; though he then
turned round by adding that the right from having been united to the crown of
Portugal would follow the nature of that crown, and that this was the answer
made by somebody in his presence to Paget, the one who was in Spain and who
had remarked on seeing a printed pedigree at the English college that it reached to
the Duke's children : he also said that he had not seen any thought of this in the
Duke or in [Cardinal] Farnese, and that in England every body held that it had
been incorporated with Portugal. I therefore accepted it as right, and let Paget's
remark pass as resting on no solid ground, and I have not alluded to it again though
Melino [F. Persons] has been twice with me since then, and Cardinal Deza, the
only person to whom I have mentioned it, says that, unless there is something
special in England to settle the case, by the common law your Majesty takes
precedence of the Duke's sons.
" Still since it appears to resemble the succession to the entailed estates of the
Spanish kingdoms, in regard to which it is not enough for two entailed estates tobe united in one possessor to exempt each from following its own natural devolution, so far as this is not contrary to the laws of the realm, I cannot bring myself
to feel at ease about it ; for if in this other way any doubt should arise about the
succession, it would be a great inconvenience that your Majesty had grounded
your title upon it, instead of taking as the principal ground the right of conquest.
Nor does it give me any security that Melino [F. Persons] declares himself
atisfied, and still more Allen, nor his saying that he has never heard it mentioned
by the Duke or his uncle, for what is not to-day may be to-morrow, and it would
be a more seasonable time to disclose it after the conquest, besides other reasons
which there are in regard to its falling to the Duke of Parma more than any
other person. Hence I have not ventured to touch upon this matter of the
succession to the Pope or any one else without a fresh order from your Majesty,
the more so because it seems to me for reasons which I will state further on that
the delay will cause no injury.
" Since in any case, whatever be the cause which it may please your Majesty
to allege, it is very important to have Allen committed in your Majesty's favour, I
have moved him to write to your Majesty on the occasion of returning thanks for
the abbey and to set forth the reasons why it is neither convenient nor necessary
to treat at present with the Pope about this article of the succession, so that your
Majesty, may be persuaded and at the same time have security that at the proper
moment he will undertake this affair with the authority which he will have then
m 2

xcii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

received through your Majesty. And to ensure secrecy I told him to give me the
letter open, that I might keep the original and send the contents in cipher, and
accordingly he has given it to me, and he expresses himself in it fully enough, as
your Majesty will see. But what makes me most confident about him is his
goodness and zeal for religion, and that he knows too (which is a certain truth)
that it cannot be maintained in security the moment it passes out of the hands
of your Majesty or some one belonging to you, and that his family have always
been of the Lancastrian party, and that he will be under obligation to your
Majesty for the benefits which he will have received from you in his own person
and in that of the cause, and that it is by the rule of your Majesty or of
some one belonging to you, towards whom there would be a greater inclination
felt owing to his presence in the country, his own will be maintained, and that,
feeling this in conscience as he does in the first place, he would be insane if he
did not second the arms and authority of your Majesty, even though it were not
so much to his interest to do this as I have shown that it is.
" As to the time for treating of this point of the succession, although it seems
on the one hand very advisable to settle it at once by help of the desire which the
Pope shews for this reduction of England, still I cannot succeed in making him
out ; for when he appears to be most keen for the enterprise, he breaks out with the
question whether another would not be better, and last of all on Saturday he spoke
of the enterprise of Jerusalem ; and this desire of his will have much to do in making
him swallow the disbursement of the bills for the money, which in my opinion he
does not yet believe in, and the impost which he has to lay upon the clergy, and
having to go against his bull in making Allen cardinal out of December ; and
besides this there is the extremely small chance or rather almost certainty of little
or no secrecy, and the suspicion that the Pope will not come to a resolution without consultation, and that Cardinal Caraffa also may be inclined to this, since he
may object to take upon himself the responsibility of so important a matter being
done on no advice apparently but his, and further, if it be proposed in congregation,
there will be many who will not help forward the business, but will close their
eyes to your Majesty's right and to the conversion of that kingdom and to the
advantages- which they will reap from your imperial sway, owing to the evil light
in which they view your Majesty's greatness ; so that the later it is made public, the
less time will they have to speak against and our enemies to hinder the expedition.
On these grounds, though from the uncertainty and variableness of the Pope's
disposition there can be no fixed rule, I should think it advisable to put off for a
long time treating with him on the point of the succession ; the more so as a sort
of ground work has been laid in the contents of the 3rd section and gloss of the
paper of February 24 of last year, which at the very least will make it impossible to say that it is a new thing to propose to name the Queen of Scotland's
successor. Again the more forward the Pope sees the state of the enterprise to be,
the less courage will he have to manifest a different intention ; and if he thinks
that no good wilKcome of withdrawing, he will not venture to do it; and he will
make an act of virtue more easily through fear of compulsion the moment the
army has disembarked ; and to save himself from being blamed on account of
what he has offered in the other section, he will of his own accord take up its
defence without publishing it : besides which as he has shown himself so active
in the rest of the enterprise, he will not want tornar it all ; and if your Majesty

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XC111

will be contented simply with the succession of the lady Infanta Dona Isabel,
I am of opinion that the affair will run smoothly when brought forward at
that time.
" Your Majesty will also be pleased to consider whether it is fitting to lay
greater stress upon the conquest or upon your right, or at least upon both equally ;
for though Paget's opinion be without solidity, it cannot fail to produce some
effect, if.it should be published in the great printed pedigrees that the heirs are the
Duke's sons ; and the pedigree I speak of is, I understand, in the English college.
" Taking all this for granted, I will now propose to your Majesty three ways
in which this article may be finally treated, that your Majesty may see which of
them or what other one you prefer, and also the time at which it should be
brought forward for discussion. Allen thinks that, if the Pope declares the war
just, this is enough to authorize your Majesty to make your own whatever is
taken ; for, if in other wars which spring from quarrels among Christian kings,
the conquerors, even without any action of the Pope, make their own the lands
they conquer, much more may it be done in this war in which so many other
qualities concur: and that to make this war just it will be enough if among the
faculties which must be given him as legate he receives power to declare the war
just and permission to proceed in the way which he describes in his memorandum ; though this would be a somewhat venturesome course and a weak title,
and I do not know whether general clauses would suffice, and as to particular
ones I doubt whether the Pope would do it.
" Or else after having replied by accepting the enterprise to crave the accomplishment of every thing that was offered ; and then on getting hold of the bills
for the money and the rest, at the proper time, in virtue of the 3d section of
[the paper of] February 24th to solicit permission for your Majesty to declare as
successor whoever you may think the fittest for the service of God and the good
of that realm : nevertheless though there is no want of reasons in support of
this, the Pope will hardly grant it without reflection, even though it were with
the exclusion of your Majesty's person.
" If at the appointed time it should please your Majesty that more plain
speech be used, and you should be content to designate the person of the lady
Infanta Dona Isabel and her husband, an expedient might be adopted which
without weakening the title by succession would unite to it the title by conquest
in such a way that the Pope would have less difficulty in supporting it, and if he
refused to do so, your Majesty would still be all the more master of the position,
and you would be able to say to him that when his Holiness on the aforenamed
24th of February, in order the better to stir up your Majesty and to remove the
difficulties which had suggested themselves to you in this enterprise, thought it
right to offer to your Majesty to do on his side whatever might be necessary to
prevent the King of Scotland from succeeding to the English crown, and further
in regard to what should take place after the Queen of Scotland's death, to
consent to whatever your Majesty might think fit, your Majesty accordingly,
being informed that there was no one in England whose pretensions you could
support without many reasons for suspicion and fear of a return to the inconveniences of past times, had formed the intention of placing there the lady
Infanta. Dona Isabel and her husband, whoever he might be, for the reasons
which you have for doing so; and subsequently to this your Majesty, taking into

xciv:

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

account the letter and last will of the Queen of Scotland, had wished to
understand the mystery on which it rested and by having recourse to histories
and genealogical trees had discovered that the right to the English crown
belonged simply to your Majesty, not only after, but even before, the Queen of
Scotland, nevertheless your Majesty considering how important it was for that
kingdom to have its sovereign present within it and such sovereigns [as could
live in it] desires to postpone your private interests and the increase to your
empire which this would give and the advantage .which might arise from it as a
connecting link with the states of Flanders, and is content for the greater service
of God to abide by your first resolution, and thus after the death of the Queen
of Scotland, whom your Majesty does not seek to disturb, albeit you could do so
by your right, in virtue of which also your Majesty could give the kingdom to
your daughter, still, in order that our Lord the Prince may not have the opportunity of disquieting the lady Infanta and what belongs to her, it is your
Majesty's pleasure that the lady Infanta and her husband should enter upon the
succession by the way and title of conquest and not by the way of blood-relationship, for which purpose it is necessary that this right of conquest should
come first,1 since if it [i.e., the declaration of it] were deferred until after the
conquest had taken place, it seems that as the conquest would have been made
by your Majesty without this compact, it would be a harder measure to deprive
our Lord the Prince of his right ; and therefore on account of the inconvenience
there would be in making public any of these pretensions, his Holiness is
requested to despatch this matter by brief and with all requisite secrecy.
Should however his Holiness make difficulties about this, as every thing would
then be in a forward state, he might be told that in this affair your Majesty is
the giver and not the receiver, and that he does not keep to what he has
promised, and that your Majesty cannot tolerate this, the more so as your
Majesty has gone to great expense in reliance upon this engagement, and that
he will get no good by acting thus except to show his ill will and disoblige your
Majesty, and other things besides capable of inspiring him with such fear that
he will be unable to elude the difficulty by artifice or have time to set, the laws
of false statesmanship above every thing else, or to hold many consultations, as
has been already pointed out ; and as for additional reasons, he may be reminded
of its importance to religion and a thousand other advantages. Nevertheless
though this runs so smoothly and is so conformable to justice and the Pope is
already pledged to it, I should think it safer not to bring the question forward
until the army is actually in England or near it.
"Moreover since it may easily come to pass that the Pope will try to
prevent England from being under any circumstances united to your Majesty's
other states,2 it will be proper that I should have your Majesty's directions what
I am to do in this or similar cases which may occur ; for there will be no time
then to ask for instructions.
" What makes me feel little confidence that the Pope will do speedily3 what
1
I.e. the declaration of the right to the crown by conquest and the cession of this right to
the Infanta must precede the declaration of the right by blood.
2
Marginal note in the king's handwriting :—" This would not be just in regard to the
3
future."
Perhaps an en has fallen out : enpoco, speedily.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XCV

is desired in this matter of the succession whether from motives of virtue or for
the many reasons and advantages thence accruing is, besides what I daily see of
his natural disposition in things of less importance, his great and manifest
regret for having deprived Vendóme [Henry of Navarre] of the right of
succession,1 his earnestness in endeavouring to withdraw the declaration, following in this the counsels of certain Cardinals who stand well in public opinion,
and the fact that he never abandoned this desire until I spoke resolutely to him
on your Majesty's part, and even then I do not know whether it would have
sufficed if Vendóme had done on his side what the Pope wished. Furthermore,
except during the first days of his Pontificate he has not treated with favour
the leaguers of France, until I told him that your Majesty would not forsake
them, and, though in consequence of this he has spoken to them more graciously,
I do not feel sure how it would be, if he did'not look upon them as the more
powerful party, and yet he speaks evil of [Cardinals] Sens and Como for having
been with Pope Gregory the authors of these movements. In the affair of
Poland your Majesty will see what we suspect ; and if this were certain, it could
have no other ground than fear of your Majesty's greatness, a very unseemly
thing and fraught with dangers to religion and peril from the.Turk. And now
quite lately I have discovered that he has taken great pains through the medium
of the King of France to induce the Queen of England to become a convert to
the catholic religion, making her very large offers, though she replied to him that
she had no such wish ; and he has taken some steps in this matter since he has
been negotiating with your Majesty about the enterprise ; in regard to which
(God forgive it) I do not believe that the name which he will thereby make for
himself in this world is his secondary end : all which still more confirms me in
the opinion that it will be better to put off the discussion about the succession
until such time as it will be possible to speak plainly and when the state of the
affair itself will shew him that he cannot take any other line : and this too is a
reason for your Majesty not to delay, if possible, the enterprise until he manages
to satisfy himself with a feigned conversion of that Queen and so can keep the
million. In spite of all the noise which was caused here by the Queen of
Scotland's will,2 and which cannot fail to have come many times to his knowledge, and notwithstanding his facility in saying whatever is in his mind, it
must have been with great care and meaning that he avoided saying a word to
me on the subject.
" First before every thing must come Allen's cardinalate ; and if your
Majesty is unwilling to declare positively to the Pope that you will carry out
the enterprise this present year, no doubt with the view of ensuring secrecy and
obtaining the bills for the money, then in that case it will be necessary on
account of Allen's affair that your Majesty take some means of saying that it is
your intention to carry out the enterprise this year and that you have made
such preparations for it and incurred su.ch great expenses that forasmuch as all
this has been done on your Majesty's side and you have been obliged to make
these preparations beforehand, so on his Holiness's side, with a view to the
negotiations which must be set on foot in England and which do not admit
of delay, it is. necessary not to defer any longer this promotion since to do
so would cause notable damage, as also would be the case (supposing I should
.* By a Bull dated Sept.. 1585.

2

Infra, p. 279, note.

xcvi

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

succeed) if his Holiness were to say that he is promoted for the enterprise,
though there is no lack of matter for discourse in the topic of helping that
forsaken people ; and afterwards the effect will be seen.
" I t will be necessary, as I have written to your Majesty, to send immediately the presentation of the abbey for Allen and the rest of the pension laid
upon one of the vacant churches ; for Rosticuche [Cardinal Rusticucci] told me
that the Pope had said to him, when speaking of how I had pressed him to promote Allen, that the other day they talked of giving hirri 2,000 ducats and now an
abbey, but that he did not know whether either gift had been carried out. The
root of this humour is, I believe, the delay which he thinks there is in despatching the 4,000 ducats for Michael ; and what makes him cautious in granting
loans and paying money in advance is, I take it, Sega's 50,000 ducats ; x about
which however he has not said a word to me, from fear, I believe, of not getting
them and of risking his reputation if he takes up the matter.
" I also send your Majesty another paper which Melino [F. Person] has given
me as from himself and Allen about certain things relating to the enterprise, and
which I have annotated, together with his answers to some questions which I put
to him for my better understanding of the same. I let it be seen that I am
pleased to receive these papers as things which will be useful when the time
comes for considering the matter, yet without giving them hopes that it will be
soon ; and while reading this paper I remarked to them that there is nothing lost
in continuing to make rough drafts of the treatises which they may think
opportune ; for when the time is come, it will be easier to change and adapt these
than to write new ones.
" At my last audience I reminded the Pope of the message which I had sent
him by Cardinal Rusticucci, how that this affair between the King of France and
the Queen of England must be feigned, and while admitting the suspicion as just,
he thinks that they have committed themselves too far for it to be feigned."
Of the two papers mentioned in this despatch as the joint production of Allen
and Persons I have only a copy of the memorandum relating to the succession,
though as both were enclosed by Count Olivares to Philip II. they are both
probably among the documents at Simancas. The memorandum concerning the
succession is as follows.2
Alien and
" This is what we, William Allen and Robert Persons, have been able to
Persons on discover touching the descendants of the house of Lancaster by the study which
cession "to w e n a v e made of this matter here in Rome since t h e late news of t h e death of t h e
theEnglish Queen of Scotland.
crown
*
" I n t h e first place, as w e have not h a d here t h e English histories a n d
chronicles with t h e different genealogies which w e should have h a d at Paris a n d
elsewhere, we have n o t been able t o m a k e t h a t exact calculation a n d examination
of t h e things in question which would have been otherwise feasible. Still w h a t
follows will be substantially sufficient.
" I t would have been exceedingly desirable for God's service and our country's
good t h a t t h e succession of his Majesty a n d his most serene house b y t h e line of
Lancaster to t h e crown of England h a d been so clear, unentangled, fresh a n d near
t h a t no possible doubt, contradiction or difficulty could have arisen about it.
A n d y e t if it h a d been so, his Majesty must n o t t h i n k t h a t even t h e n with
1

Infra, p. 281, note 3. .

2

Infra, p. 281.

HISTORICAL INTIIODUOTION.

XCV11

England what it is, that is, in the hands of heretics and with other neighbouring
princes as jealous as they evidently now are, he could have obtained his right
without arms ; though with these even at the present time he can easily by God's
grace obtain it, nor have we met with any difficulty which gave us scruples of
conscience or which ought to give them to his Majesty, since there are many other
most just considerations, which we will set down at the end of this paper, capable
of compensating abundantly for every difficulty and defect which may exist in
the descent of the house of Lancaster ; with regard to which, as this line of
descent takes its rise from mòre than 200 years ago, it is not surprising if it
should involve some doubt, obscurity and uncertainty. What appears certain is
the following.
" First, whereas hitherto it has been always said that there are three lines
claiming to succeed to the crown of England (as may be seen in the genealogical
tree printed some years since by the Bishop of Ross, a Scotchman) namely, one
descending from the house of Lancaster alone, as the lines of Canfcille and
Portugal ; another descending only from the house of York, as the line of the
Earl of Huntingdon in England ; and [a third] from the union of these two
families, as the three lines still remaining in England and Scotland which have
their source in Henry VII., we find that in reality there are only two lines in
all, namely, that of Lancaster and that of York ; for that which is said to be
mixed and made up of these two lines is not really such, since Henry VII. was
not of the royal house of Lancaster, his descent being from John of Gaunt, Duke
of Lancaster, by his third wife named Catherine Swynforcl, who had nothing
whatever to do with the inheritance of the house of Lancaster, which came to the
said John by his marriage with his first wife named Blanche, who had only three
children, Henry afterwards King and called Henry I V , though he was the first
king of the house of Lancaster, Philippa and Catherine, 1 who married the Kings
of Portugal and Castille and from whom his Catholic Majesty descends. Thus
there is no line insali England and Scotland which can justly claim the crown as
representing the house of Lancaster ; and this seems to be and is a thing clear
and vouched for by all the histories ; so that it is a great error in the aforementioned tree of the bishop of Ross to assign one wife only, viz. Blanche, to
John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and in consequence to assume that all his
children descend from her. Polidore Vergil, in book 29 of the History of England,
in the life of Edward III., p. 394, speaks of his second wife Constance, daughter
of Don Pedro, called the cruel, King of Castille, whom he married in the year
1369 ; and the English chronicles make mention of his third wife, Catherine
Swynford aforesaid.
As to what the bishop of Ross says, at page 6 of his book on the right of the
Queen of Scotland to the English crown, concerning Henry III.'s two sons Edward
[and Edmund] how that Edmund was really the firstborn, but that being crookbacked he was put after his brother and made Earl of Lancaster, besides that it
is in flagrant contradiction to everything which he seeks to establish in that book,
since if the assertion were correct the whole of the succession would undoubtedly
remain in the line of Portugal alone, it seems to us destitute of all foundation ;
first because we can find no ancient author of credit who affirms it, and secondly
1
This is a mistake, for Catherine was the daughter of John of Graunt by his second wife
Constantia, daughter of Don Pedro, surnamed the cruel, King of Castille.
n

xcviii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

because we find two grave authors who deny it. The first of these is Matthew of
Westminster, an Englishman, who in his history entitled Flores Historiarum, in
the life of King Henry and Eleanor his wife [after saying that Edward their
firstborn son was born on the 17th of June, 1239] and baptized on the 21st by
Cardinal Otho, the Pope's legate, subsequently writes that in the year 1245 on the
17th of January Edmund the second son was born ; so that six years intervened
between the birth of these two ; a fact which it was quite in the power of that
author to know, he being a contemporary and able to be acquainted with both
these princes. The other author or writer of credit is Polidore Vergil, an Italian,
who lived in England and wrote his history in the time of Henry VII. Since
this King caused himself to be crowned as of the house of Lancaster and moreover
gave instructions to Polidore to write his history, it may be presumed that this
author would not have inserted in it anything prejudicial to the house of Lancaster
unless it was very clear and true. Now in two places in the life of Henry III.,
pages 303 and 320, Polidore clearly asserts that Edward was the firstborn and
not Edmund ; and again at the beginning of the life of Henry IV., the first King
of the house of Lancaster, page 429, he says that some persons wished Henry to
avail himself of that fiction, for so he terms it, to justify his right to the crown,
but he adds this did not meet with the approval of the greater part of Henry's
friends, and so it fell to the ground. He makes the same statement at page 320
at the end of the life of Henry III. The same author in the above-mentioned
place in the life of Henry IV. clearly asserts that the said Henry I V , the first
King of the house of Lancaster, obtained the kingdom unjustly and by violence ;
and in another place also, viz., in the life of Richard IL, page 412, he holds that
Edward IV., the first King of the party of York, justly recovered the kingdom
from Henry VI., the grandson of Henry IV. This too was the opinion of Philip
de Comines, the most prudent counsellor and historian of Charles Duke of
Burgundy and of Louis XL, King of France. This Comines, who lived at the
time and knew both the one and the-other of those two Kings, writes in book 10,
page 354, of his Commentaries these words concerning Henry VI. who was deposed
by Edward IV.—" Edward overthrew Henry, who had been for a long time
sovereign, and in my opinion justly." The same Philip de Comines in book 9,
page 336, speaking of Henry VII., whom he knew well and who was at that time
King of England, says : " H e could not claim for himself by any just title the
English empire " ; and yet Polidore writes that Henry VII. was a descendant of
the house of Lancaster and its heir ; so that the right of those two houses seemed
very doubtful to the most prudent men of that time. "
" We have also seen a manuscript genealogical tree in Italian about twenty
years old. as it seems, in which it is said that the two daughters of John of
Gaunt, sisters of King Henry IV., who were married in Portugal and Castille,
were not the daughters of John of Gaunt's first wife Blanche, heiress of the house
of Lancaster, but of another later wife. This is manifestly false as may be seen
from all the histories and particularly from Polidore 1 in book 20 in the life of
Richard IL, page 415.
" I n the bishop of Ross's tree and also in Polidore's history in the life of
Henry IV., page 438, it appears that this King had besides his four sons, of whom
1
This is an error. Vergil rightly describes these two princesses as the issue of John of
Gaunt's first and second marriages respectively. See preceding page, note.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xcìx

there is no descendant remaining, two daughters called Blanche and Philippa, 1 the
first of whom was married to the Duke of Bavaria and the second to the King of
Denmark. We do not know whether the Duke of Bavaria and the King of
Denmark now reigning are descended from these daughters ; but, be this as it
may, we think it is a thing which they do not know or reflect upon ; and such
we hope it may always remain : and for this reason it will be expedient to keep
the subject of these successions most secret, until the enterprise is terminated and
his Majesty's succession established without contradiction in England.
" And as these descendants of the daughters of Henry IV., if any of them
remain, can claim to succeed before the descendants of the sisters of the said
Henry, married in Portugal and Castille, so too in the line of Portugal itself and
among the descendants of that line those who trace from Don Edward III., son of
the King Don Emmanuel, 2 can according to strict rule by the municipal laws of
England claim to succeed before the descendants of the Empress Isabella,
daughter of the said King ; ? though on the other hand it may be said that as the
succession to the crown of Portugal is now legitimately incorporated according to
the common law and that of Portugal in the person and blood of his Catholic
Majesty, all the rights thence flowing are also united to that house. But this is
enough to show that if the question of the succession by way of descent from the
house of Lancaster alone be discussed and talked about generally before the
enterprise is completed, much opposition will arise from various princes ; all which
would be cut short by the enterprise itself and the establishment of his Majesty's
legitimate succession ; a result which would follow without any difficulty from
the enterprise, especially if the subjoined reasons and rights are taken into
account.
" First, because there is no one in all England and Scotland who can justly
claim to succeed by the house of Lancaster, as has been shown. Secondly, because
all who claim there by the house of York are unfit through heresy and other
defects. Thirdly, because no one outside the kingdom is _known to claim by the
house of Lancaster except the line of his Catholic Majesty. Fourthly, because, if
any other should also seek to claim by the same way, they have no means of
recovering their right and expelling the usurper who now occupies the kingdom,
nor would they be accepted by the English Catholics themselves.
Fifthly,
because the Queen of Scotland has ordained by her will and letters that his
Majesty should be her heir and successor : a thing which Queen Mary also of
good memory is known to have greatly desired in her time, viz., that his Catholic
Majesty should succeed her. Sixthly, his Catholic Majesty, besides the cause of
the catholic religion and the injuries which he has received from England, has in
the vengeance due for the blood of the Queen of Scotland, which she herself commended to him, a most just ground and necessary cause for going to war, and
therefore, if he seizes upon the kingdom in so just and praiseworthy a war, the
title of conquest will be legitimate. Seventhly, the losses inflicted on his Catholic
Majesty by the heretics of England in the time of the present Queen and the
expense to which he has gone in this war and others in Flanders and elsewhere
1
2

Infra, p. 284, note 4.
The children of Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma by the Infanta. Maria, daughter of
Don Edward III.
3
Philip IL, son of the Empress Isabella, sister of Don Edward III.

n 2

e

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

are so great a cause in themselves that if he were to have the kingdom in
payment and compensation for them it would not be an unjust cause. Eighthly,
the decree of the Later an council gives to all catholic princes the kingdoms and
lands which they can take from heretics, if there is no catholic heir remaining :
which decree will be confirmed in this particular by the bull of excommunication
issued by different Pontiffs. Lastly, to complete and confirm the whole affair
there will come in addition the voluntary election and acceptation of his Majesty
on the part of the commonwealth of catholics in England, who from regard to all
these causes and considerations, and chiefly in return for the benefit of the
restoration of the catholic faith will with the greatest unanimity and joy embrace
his Majesty's succession; and about this we have no doubt whatever ; so that
nothing remains for the happy completion of all this affair except that his
Majesty dissipate all the other difficulties by carrying the enterprise into effect as
soon as possible, since every thing depends on the speed with which this is
done."
'
The news of the judicial murder of Mary Queen of Scots appears to have
reached Rome towards the end of March. Dr Allen wrote at once, on the 30th of
March, to Philip II. 1 pointing out to him that for various reasons the enterprise
had now become easier of execution, and urging him to undertake it without
delay. About the same time he addressed a letter of similar purport to Pope
Sixtus V. 2 In it he takes occasion to praise Sir William Stanley for surrendering
Deventer in the Low-Countries to the Duke of Parma and passing over with the
troops under his command to the service of Philip II. The example, he has no
doubt, will be followed by many in England, if .only by the favour of God and
his Holiness the enterprise on behalf of the catholic religion be carried into
effect.
On March 31st Dr Allen received from Count Olivares the following paper
of instructions for an audience which he was about to have of his Holiness.3
Allen's in"Points on which Father Allen will be prepared against the time when the
stmctions p 0 p e may speak to him ; given on the last day of March, 1587.
audience
" 1- To remove from his Holiness the suspicion which he has formed through
of Sixtus evil reports that the Queen of Scotland did not die in very catholic fashion,
v
*
owing to his having been told that the Queen warmly recommended her son to
continue friends with and dependent upon the Queen of England ; for this report
is according to reason false, and there are so many grounds for presuming that
she died not only as a catholic should but holily.
" 2. To take a good opportunity of giving him to understand that, according
to what is commonly and reasonably believed, the endeavours made by the King
of France to prevent the death of the Queen of Scotland were feigned or very
cold, and that the Queen of England had an understanding with the King
of France.
" 3. That the Queen of Scotland was well aware of her son's obstinacy in
heresy and the little hope there was of his conversion, of which it seems that
there is now [less] hope than ever for many reasons and indications which may
be mentioned.
" 4. If he should hint that, whenever the enterprise is undertaken, the King of
France might be expected to assist it or at least to put no hindrance in the way,
1
2
3
Infra, p. 286.
Infra, p. 288.
Infra, p. 289.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

ci

[Dr Allen] will say that his Holiness neither can nor ought to put any confidence
in the French both on account of the evident intelligence which there is between
them and the Queen of England, and of which there have been so many signs,
including last of all the death of the Queen of Scotland, and because of the jealousy
and suspicions in regard to his Holiness which would thereby be excited in the
catholics of England, not to mention the natural and ancient aversion of the two
nations for each other.
" 5 . If his Holiness should enter upon the question of the succession, he will
say that the thought of it in case of the Queen of Scotland's death had often come
up among the catholics, after they had learned by experience that there was no
hope of her son's conversion: they had not however wished to bring this point
forward for discussion, as they relied on God's providence, his Holiness's fatherly
care and the good will which his Majesty had always shown them that, as so
much had been done for the reduction of their county, there would be no neglect
at the termination of the enterprise in establishing there such an order of things
as would secure it from falling again into the hands of the heretics ; which after
all is the chief end of the catholics.
" 6. If his Holiness should compel him to enter into greater details, he will say
that for a long time past the common opinion of the catholics has been that the
succession devolves upon his Majesty by the lines of Portugal and Castille,
though up to the present time they have not discovered any signs that his
Majesty has had any such thought. Although the catholics have always held this
opinion and view in the event of the Queen of Scotland's death, they have also
judged it advisable to keep silence on the subject, for if on the one hand it is
calculated to move his Majesty and animate him to the enterprise, on the other it
would arouse the opposition of his rivals, who to hinder it would join with the
heretics who have fixed their eyes on the King of Scotland, the Earl of
Huntingdon and the King of Denmark, princes whose power is so great that, if
they get the start, they will take possession of the crown and be more difficult to
expel than the Queen their predecessor.
" 7. That it is in every respect expedient not to talk about this matter until the
enterprise is accomplished, and that they feel sure that his Holiness and his
Majesty will easily come to an understanding about it.
" 8, If his Holiness should touch upon the affairs of Scotland, he will say that
it would also be advisable for the good of Christendom that, the King of Scotland
being as he is a heretic, his Holiness and his Majesty should take some good
resolution for the reformation of that kingdom to be carried out at the time of the
enterprise of England or afterwards.
" 9. If he should ask about the abbey of St. Lorenzo in Capua, he will say
that he has sent powers to take possession of it, and that he knows well the
share which his Holiness has had in moving the King to confer upon him that
favour."
Allen however does not seem to have been quite easy about the effect which
the death of the Queen of Scots might have upon Philip II. in reference to the
enterprise, as appears from the following paragraph of a letter of Count Olivares
to Don Juan de Idiaquez, dated June 15}
" I forgot to say that Melino [F. Persons] and Allen seeing the season so
1

Infra, p. 292;

cii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

advanced and having received a letter from Don Bernardino de Mendoza in
which he speaks of the death of the Queen of Scotland as a great loss to the
enterprise, are persuaded that his Majesty has grown lukewarm about it ; and they
do their best to convince me that it is not only no loss, but that by her death
many difficulties have disappeared, which could only have been removed with
great labour while the enterprise was proceeding, and with still greater trouble
after our Lord had given it success."
Philip II.
On June 24 Philip II. wrote as follows to Count Olivares about Allen's
toOhvares. cardinalati 1 " As to Allen's hat, ask his Holiness from me to confer it imA IIPTÌ ^
1

cardinalate.

/

mediately on the ground that through the death of the Queen of Scotland/who
was the hope of the English catholics and of those provinces, they may all
possibly lose heart, unless they see some one who they may hope will bring
relief to their troubles ; and that this danger will be averted if they behold in
that dignity and near to his Holiness a man of their nation in whom they have all
such confidence and experience ; and this would be a good motive to put forward
in publishing it. But besides this you will tell his Holiness for himself onlythat considering the relations which it is expedient to maintain with certain
persons in England with regard to the enterprise it is already time (and indeed
rather late than early) for him to make this appointment, and you will support
the request with the other reasons which you know, taking care always to preclude any [public] suspicion that it is done with a view to the enterprise.
" A short answer has been sent to Allen's letters, as you will see from the
copy. You wrill say to him whatever you think seasonable, and you will seek by
his means to arrange all that is proper, and you will do the same by means of
Melino [F. Persons] to whom you will return thanks on my behalf for his
good behaviour : and you will keep me informed of whatever happens in the
affair."
The letter to Allen just alluded to is of the same date, June 24, and runs
thus :—(i I have received your letters of March 19 and 30, and from them, as well
as from what my ambassador, Count Olivares, has written to me, I have understood the desire you have to serve me. Though this is not new to me, still I
return you thanks for it, and I refer myself to the Count in regard to what I wish
and am procuring for the exaltation of your person. He will inform you of it ;
and you may rest assured that I shall take all reasonable care of you and the
things which concern you, and I hope to find you deserving of it."
Count Olivàres on receiving Philip II. J s letter of June 24 made the following
memorandum of it to be submitted to his Holiness.2
" His Majesty commands me to say that the necessity for not delaying
Allen's promotion is so great that it cannot be put off any longer without cutting
the thread of every thing ; and therefore he entreats his Holiness to do it
immediately; and he further orders me to send him a courier express with the
news, and to assure his Holiness that even though he does it at once, it will be
for the things which have to be arranged by his authority rather late than a day
too soon ; and that, if our Lord should be pleased mysteriously to prevent this
enterprise from taking effect, his Majesty will have already lost more than four
or five millions, and his Holiness nothing, but have gained instead a very worthy
and deserving subject for the college.
i Infra, p. 292.

2

Infra, p. 293.

ciii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

•" Although this promotion is for the purpose specified, his Majesty very much
desires that the reasons publicly given for it at present should be the encouragement of the catholics, by letting them see that they have a patron and such a
patron at his Holiness's ear, and the appeasing of the dissensions which are
beginning to show themselves among the catholics of that kingdom through the
want of a head since the Queen of Scotland's death, his Holiness's wish being to
exalt Dr Allen in her place ; for thus people will think that all has been done for
that kingdom which will be done; and it is his Majesty's wish that in every
other point all possible dissimulation and secrecy should be observed."
It is not surprising that the Scotch catholics, both as catholics and as Scotch- F. Creighii)en, clung to the hope of the conversion of their King to the catholic faith, and ton» s-J->
in consequence to his ultimately succeeding to the crown of England. The. g"^^ 6
following paragraph of a letter of Count Olivares to Don Juan de Idiaquez, July catholics.
10,1 alludes to this. I t should be compared with a letter of F. Persons to F.
Creighton, 10 May, 1596, printed below at p. 381.
" Allen and Melino [F. Persons] finding in this William Cliton [Creighton],
a Scotchman, this whim which is now current among his countrymen at Paris,
that the King of Scotland can be converted and that it is fitting that the
reduction of England, which his Holiness will have to make, should be to secure
the succession of the said King, have thought it better for the present not to
undeceive them with regard to this fancy, that they may not excogitate commotions ; but they go on temporizing with them ; and at the same time, knowinghow much better his Majesty's rule will suit the English, and also the inconveniences of being ruled by the Scotch, they employ themselves of their own
movement in writing books in proof of this to be scattered through England
wrhen God shall cause the moment to arrive, assuming as they do from what
Creighton has told them about Scotland being succoured that the whole enterprise cannot long be deferred. I asked Melino [F. Persons] for a summary of the
reasons which the}7 think of putting into the book, and he gave me the one
which I enclose ; though the chief of them amount to what I said to his Holiness
in the month of February of the year 86, and will be found in the gloss to the
third section, with which I drew from his Holiness the answer which he then gave
me to it."
The succour to be given to Scotland of which F. Creighton spoke referred no
doubt to the negotiations still going on between Philip II. and Lord Claude
Hamilton, the Earl of Huntley and the Earl of Morton. See Philip II.'s letter to
Don Bernardino de Mendoza, 31 March, 1587,2 in which he promises to give these
noblemen 150,000 crowns three or four months after they had taken up arms and
set the King of Scotland free.
On 30 July Count Olivares wrote again to Philip II. His letter contains the
two following paragraphs. 3
" It has been impossible to press for Allen's hat with the urgency requisite,
in order not to embarrass the rest of the negotiations. His Holiness appears
disposed to do it ; but he notices that nothing has been said to him about the time
of executing the enterprise, and that I have had no command from your Majesty
to treat about his going or doing any thing. If I should receive orders from your
\ Infra, p. 294.

* Teulet, V., 494.

3

Infra, p. 295.

civ

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Majesty or the Duke of Parma that he should do any thing, I will use it as an
opportunity of putting pressure on his Holiness, and this failing I am thinking of
some other way of making him act more quickly.
" I gave Allen your Majesty's letter. 1 He is most grateful for it and for the
new favour which your Majesty has bestowed on him and for what you are
soliciting his Holiness to do for him ; and both he and Melino [F. Persons] are in
the best of dispositions to serve you. Allen sends in answer to your Majesty's
letter the enclosed reply f and as he wrote it in the first instance with the
intention of its going in ordinary characters, it is brief, but for greater security I
now send it in cipher."
Two or three days later Count Olivares presented to Pope Sixtus V. the subjoined memorandum 3 of a message from Philip II. to his Holiness with the view
of expediting Allen's promotion.
" The following are the last orders which I have received from my Lord the
King, sent by him on the supposition that his Holiness has been pleased to raise
Allen to the cardinalate in consequence of his Majesty's urgent petition, which he
lately commanded me to present, owing to the necessity there is of his beginning
to dispose things for the successful execution of the enterprise against England.
" His Majesty now orders me to take steps that the said Allen should choose
three of his countrymen, on whose fidelity he can rely and who are persons of
skill and well esteemed by the catholics of that kingdom, and that he should give
them letters to the principal catholics of England divided among these three persons, and that he should inform them in the said letters of the promotion which
has been conferred upon him by his Holiness for the consolation and service of
the catholics of that realm, concluding with the request that they will give
credence to whatever else such a one shall treat about with them on his behalf.
He is then to send them furnished with this despatch wherever the Duke of
Parma may be, who will give them instructions how to pass into England and
about the form and. order in which they are to treat with each one and to
communicate to each whatever it is fitting for him to know and do with reference
to the enterprise, charging them all to endeavour to execute every thing diligently
in conformity with these instructions and above all to observe secrecy. The
letter in which his Majesty gives this order to Count Olivares was written on
July 6. The Count laid its contents before his Holiness on August 1, and by
his command delivered it over to the most illustrious Cardinal Caraffa."
Allen
In a letter of August 7 4 Count Olivares gives Philip II. an account of the
created
presentation of the above memorandum and the effect it had in procuring Allen's
ar ma . p r o m o y o n £0 the cardinalate. It is as follows.
" As I saw from your Majesty's letter of July 6 that you do not object to my
signifying to his Holiness the nearness of the enterprise against England, so far
as may be necessary to bring to a conclusion what you command me in the
despatch of June 24, and since nothing had been done about Allen's promotion
which, as your Majesty in the same despatch points out, it was unadvisabie to
delay, I invented the order from your Majesty which is contained in the enclosed
paper, and in which I observed without binding myself to a fixed time that your
Majesty took it for granted that he had been created Cardinal : and this has been
1

Infra, p. 239.

2

Infra, p. 294.

3

Infra, p. 296,

* Infra, p. 295.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

cv

so efficacious, coupled with my having caused Caraffa to read to him what I had
given him in writing in regard to this matter on your Majesty's part in the paper
of July 18,1 that he has made him a Cardinal in to-day's consistory, declaring at
the same time that it is to supply the loss of the Queen of Scotland, without any
mention of England or of your Majesty, and asking the opinion and will of the
Sacred College, which gave its assent with the greatest applause and satisfaction
that has ever been seen in making a Cardinal.
" Although not necessary for this affair, I cannot but tell your Majesty two
things of consequence for understanding his Holiness's temper of mind : the first
is that he was pleased with himself and made merry with Caraffa in very exaggerated fashion at having taken for the motive of this promotion the necessity
of supplying the loss of the Queen of Scotland, and expressed great surprise that
neither Caraffa nor I had suggested it to him, though I have done so a hundred
thousand times and given it him twice in writing, as your Majesty has seen from
the copies which I sent you: the other thing is that whi]e.he made.so much of
the importance of secrecy and dissimulation, he yet wished Allen to go and await
the news at my house, and that they should fetch him from it. With all this the
principal matter is up to the present moment most secret, and the Pope contrary
to custom is silent, and to my mind it is a miracle that as yet it is not proclaimed and published: but I fear notwithstanding that it will not suffice for
every one to deny it, the more so as it will be difficult for the Pope to
persevere in doing so.
"The new Cardinal sends me this letter for your Majesty. The original
still remains by me. He sends me word that it would be of importance for many
reasons to make the preparatory arrangements of which I wrote in the paper
which I gave his Holiness and which goes with this."
The acts of the consistory2 in which Allen was created Cardinal bear out
what Count Olivares says about the satisfaction with which this promotion was
received by the members of the Sacred College. Sixtus V. on the same day,
August 7, wrote with his own hand a letter to Philip II. 3 announcing what he
had done, and urging the King to press forward with the enterprise. The new
Cardinal also addressed to Philip II., August 7, the following letter, 4 which Count
Olivares transmitted to him in cipher.
" This new dignity, which our most holy Lord has conferred to-day upon our
lowliness and which I regard as having come after God from no other source than
your Majesty, deserves that I should as soon as possible and before any one else
give thanks for it to your most clement Majesty. I therefore prostrate at your
feet return you the greatest thanks which my mind can conceive not so much for
the great adornment bestowed upon my person, which (God is my witness) I
have never wished for except in relation to the good of the church, your Majesty
and my country, as that I desire and hope by this addition of sacred dignity to
have greater opportunity and means of serving your Majesty and carrying into
effect your [?] just designs for my unhappy country, which if it perish nothing
will be ever sweet to us in this dignity or in life itself. But you will know the
. rest from your most exalted and wise ambassador : this only let your clemency
be sure of, that I have dedicated to your sacred Majesty all my services without
exception in life and death.*'
1
2
3
4
Infra, p. 293.
Infra, p. 297.
Infra, pf 298,
lb,
o

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

evi

Philip II. seems to have taken his time in replying to Cardinal Allen's letter.
The answer is dated Madrid, 11 December, 1587, and is as follows.1
" You may judge how pleased I was with the letter which you wrote to me
informing me that his Holiness had promoted your person to the dignity in
which you are, for you know how I desired and solicited it. I am confident that
it will be to the great service of our Lord God and the Holy See, and that you
will employ yourself in our service with the good will of which you speak : and
though it is not new to me to hear this, still I thank you much for it, and you
may be sure that I shall always be as careful and mindful about your person
and concerns as you have seen in the past: all which you will hear also from
Count Olivares my ambassador, to whom I refer myself."
The following paper 2 was probably drawn up by Cardinal Allen and Count
toons for Olivares some time in 1588, before the sailing of the Armada,
offices, ec" Suggestions as to the way of filling up the churches and offices of the
clesiastical King and kingdom of England, if God gives the success which is hoped for from
EnnTandÌn h Ì S merGJ'
" I n the kingdom of England there are twenty-four bishopricks and two
archbishopricks.
" If God gives success to the undertaking, Cardinal Allen will ask for the
archbishoprick of Canterbury; and his Majesty has ordered that, when the
enterprise is made public, his Holiness shall be solicited to confer it upon him.
" The Cardinal also says that it will be necessary to fill up the other churches
immediately upon their submitting themselves, and for this reason especially
that it may be possible to hold a parliament. He is making notes of suitable
persons, as they occur to him ; and at the time that he is despatched to England
his Holiness should be asked to grant him some form of faculties, empowering
him to fill up the sees for the first time with persons agreeable and acceptable to
his Majesty, and he engages not to act in this against the wishes of the Duke of
Parma or such other person as his Majesty may signify.
" Owen Lewis, bishop of Cassano, and some of his friends, when they have
entertained hopes of the undertaking succeeding, have endeavoured to make
interest for his appointment to the archbishoprick of York, which is the other
metropolitan see of England. But Allen judges that it would be better filled by
a certain Thomas Metham, a priest who is now a prisoner in England, and has
been many times in prison and with great danger to his life on account of religion,
or else by John Bilolsolo [Wilson ?3] also a priest, who goes about England
secretly, employed in the same kind of work as those who have been martyred.
" The Cardinal thinks it advisable, considering the bishop of Cassano's turn of
mind and his endeavours to stir up opposition against him and the favour he
enjoys with many Cardinals, not to leave him behind in Italy, for fear he should
come to Rome to countermine and form new intrigues, as he has begun to do ;
and to this end, since he is a Welshman, to give him the best bishoprick in Wales,
David [St Davids] by name, or else Herfort [Hereford] or Barsenter [Worcester]
which are on the borders of Wales, with some occupation to keep him in play at
a distance from Rome and London also.
" And he thinks that it will be proper to act in the same way for similar
1

Infra, p. 302.

2

Infra, p. 303.

3

lb., note 2.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

cvii

reasons towards Griffith Koberts who is also a Welshman and is now living in the
state of Milan.
" He says too that it will be well to fill up the deaneries of the said churches,
as they are principal and great dignities, and then by degrees the other posts as
quickly as persons can be found for them ; so that none may remain vacant,
and that every one may help.
" The first of the great offices of the realm is that of the High Chancellor, who
presides in the council of State and in the highest judicial council, and appoints to
many offices and small benefices and is consulted about the greater ones and the
bishopricks.
" As to this office, the Cardinal seems inclined to hold it himself in the first
instance, if this should be agreeable to his Majesty, until some fit person is found ;
since for the purpose of putting things in order at the beginning and promoting
the service of God and that of his Majesty no one can be found better informed
and under greater obligations to his Majesty.
" Another officer is the Treasurer, who holds the privy seal.
" Another is the Grand Marshall, who has charge of the prisons of the kingdom and appoints their governors. This office was held by the Duke of Norfolk
when he was executed. His son is in prison, and would seem to have a right to
it, if he should be alive and have the requisite qualities.
" Another officer is the Master of the Court of Wards, who besides having
to take care of the revenues of his wards, which belong to the crown until they
are twenty-one years old, receives from them certain dues, and the wards cannot
marry without his consent under pain of losing their estates or dower. And thus
it happens that during the time the Master has the care of the property of his
wards, he treats it badly, sells the marriages and misuses the charge entrusted to
him. I am told that Englefield held this office in his Majesty's time.
" The gain in this to the Sovereign is very small indeed compared with the
loss to the subjects, and it would be a most glorious way for a new prince to
solemnize his entry, if he were to abolish this evil tax, or even commute it, and
then make fresh dispositions for the education of wards, the improvement of their
estates and the relinquishment of their marriages to their relations and guardians ;
all which he might effect by means of suitable laws conformable to what is
practised in other well-ordered kingdoms, while reserving, if it be thought
desirable, for the royal license matters of great consequence, but so that only the
King could move therein as fiscal and in more gentle form according to the style
used in Spain, or in any other way which may be preferred.
" The High Admiral has under him all the naval forces and the vessels ; and
the wrecks in all England belong to him ; and he has officers at every port, and a
great salary, besides what he very commonly makes by keeping fewer men in the
ships than the number for which he receives pay.
" As to the household, the office of High Steward is said to be a very great
one : for besides being the superior in the government of the household, he has
extensive jurisdiction, especially criminal jurisdiction, over men with titles, as
well as other great preeminences : on which account, they say, the office is not
given ordinarily except for a limited period, as was done in the time of the
present Queen once for three or four months, so as not to confer on any one such
great influence and authority.
o 2

Cviii

HÌSTOÌlìCÀt INTRODUCTION.

"The High Chamberlain, besides having to serve the King's person and
superintend the offices of the chamber, has also to look after those of the household whenever the office of High Steward is vacant. He has also jurisdiction
over and is charged with the custody of the woods and forests, parks, lakes,
hunting and fishing, with extensive jurisdiction and dues.
" The Grand Master of the Stable has only charge of the horses with their
stabling and breeding arrangements."
Court of
Allen was in advance of his age in the above suggestion for the abolition of
ards. ^.j i e c o u r £ 0 f Wards. In 1610 the Earl of Salisbury nearly succeeded in bringing
about an arrangement by which wardships, the marriages of infants and widows
and other onerous and oppressive services should be done away with in return
for a permanent increase of the King's income. But James I. and the House of
Commons could not agree about the price, and so the project fell through. The
Court of Wards was finally abolished in the first parliament of Charles II., 1660.
Sailing
On 7 August, 1587, Allen was created Cardinal by Sixtus V. in the expectaof the efeat ^ o n ^ 1 ^ ^ e l° n g-p r epared enterprise of England would at length be carried into
Armada, effect. I t was not however until the month of July in the following year that
after innumerable delays the Armada took its final departure from the shores of
Spain. At the beginning of October the news of the earlier disasters which had
befallen it had reached Rome, but the full extent of the calamity was still unknown there. Count Olivares clung to the hope that something might yet be
accomplished by way of Scotland, towards which the shattered survivors of the
fleet had been seen to bend their course. On October 3,1588, the Count addressed
the following letter to Philip II. 1
Proposal
" Cardinal Allen, as I wrote to Don Juan de Ydiaquez on the 20th of last
to send month, is still wishful of going nearer to England, being moved to this by the
Flanders, desire of doing better service to the cause and to your Majesty ; and as it appears
to me that he can do nothing here for this undertaking, since (as I then wrote)
neither he nor any one else can influence the Pope, while in the other course he
will find profit and pleasure, and since it is no longer possible to conceal the
enterprise, which was the chief reason for his journey being delayed, if our Lord
has so far favoured the cause as to enable the Armada to make some sort of a
beginning by way of Scotland or elsewhere, it will be better for him to be where
he can push forward the negotiations in England and set on foot those which
opportunity may suggest. And if on the Armada's return to Spain it should be
expedient to proceed by the way of negotiations, in regard to which the people
of the land would put more trust in him, and the Duke of Parma might make
use of his opinion in judging of the proposals made and the advices which
might come to him from within the kingdom, he would greatly console and
encourage the catholics there and keep them hopeful, as they would not then think
that your Majesty had turned your back upon the undertaking. It would also
in great measure do away with the suspicions which the good have conceived on
account of the Pope's behaviour, and the ground which the bad have had for
spreading abroad that his heart is not in this enterprise, since both the one and
the other will regard it as a declaration on his part ; and even though he should
say that he does not send him, as he will easily do to Frenchmen and others,
nobody will believe it, through the little faith they place in him. He will also be of
1

Infra, p. 306.

HtóTOfeldAL INTRODUCTION.

CIX

use in giving your Majesty trustworthy information and light about many things,
as I am truly persuaded he will from his goodness and the obligations under which
his country and he himself in particular are to your Majesty.
" Besides the fact that winter is about to begin and that it is necessary to
provide quickly for the things which I have mentioned, I have been more easy
in not waiting for a fresh order from your Majesty because this course is not contrary to the commands which I have already received : and as it will very much
forward all that is intended, and less jealousy may be excited in the Duke of
Parma by his going in this way instead of after having consulted your Majest}?-,
I have written to the Duke what your Majesty will see in the enclosed copy.
" I have given him 3,000 crowns which is about what will be enough for the
journey and the things which he needs for it, as he has no money, not having
made any nor committed any irregularity ; and though he has lived in much
poverty, since he became Cardinal, he finds himself with 2,500 crowns of debt :
the concurrent causes of which are the scarcity here, the loss in exchanging
money and the fact that no one' has given . him anything, since he does
not fill any of the offices which others turn to their account, nor does he
seek after those means of which men who have not his regard for propriety avail
themselves. Thus he could neither go forward nor backward, and that he might
not drop from hunger I was forced to help him with your Majesty's money. He
has assigned for the payment of his debts what is now due and what will become
due between this and the coming feast of St. John from his pension and from the
abbey which your Majesty gave him and which is worth much less than what
was supposed ; and so he will have nothing to live upon when he arrives in
Flanders, unless your Majesty is pleased to assist him. If your Majesty has not
yet filled up the vacant church of St. Omer, it might be given to him, and it would
be very well filled up, and your Majesty would be free from this burden : and if
it should seem to your Majesty that this would cause dissatisfaction in the people
of the country, I do not believe it, as he is so well known and beloved there. To
cut short the difficulty it might be given him in commendam by a brief of the
Pope either without restriction or for a limited period, which might then be
prolonged from time to time, and the Cardinal would be well placed there for
whatever might arise."
On the same day, October 3, Count Olivares wrote the following despatch to
the Duke of Parma, 1 and enclosed a copy of it in his letter to Philip II. which
has just been given.
" As soon as the Armada left Lisbon, his Majesty ordered me to make application to his Holiness that Cardinal Allen might be directed to leave for Flanders
in order to pass over, in conformity with your Excellency's commands and at the
time you should determine, as legate for the enterprise. His Holiness however
has made difficulties about it, clearly, as far as one can judge, to defend his
money bags. Since declaring his mind, as your Excellency will have seen from
my letters, so resolutely and even obstinately on this matter, when conferring
with Cardinal Caraffa, who has had the management of the affair, he has not
only come round to his going, but even urged it and praised it as a thing most
proper to be done, since it appears to him that if the Armada should return or
make any progress the Cardinal would be nearer, and that in this case the patent
1

Infra, p. 307.

HÌSTOKICAL INTRODUCTION.

ex

and faculties of his legation might be sent him by a courier, while if our sins
should be the cause of nothing being done this year, his presence at a nearer
point would be necessary to keep up the spirits and hopes of the catholics of the
Island. For these reasons and as his Majesty's order to procure his departure
is still in force, and his staying here is useless either for the purpose of helping
to influence his Holiness in the matter of money or of concealing the projects
which have already been carried into effect, I have considered his going advisable
without waiting to consult his Majesty afresh, lest the winter should begin ;
and so his papers are being got ready, after which he will set forth.
" I will provide him with money enough to take him to Flanders, where
what he has will not be sufficient for him, the more so as it has been assigned for
a certain time in payment of his debts, as I have written in detail to his Majesty;
to whom also I have suggested that, in order to free himself from this burden,'
and as the situation of St. Omer is so suitable, and it has (I believe) a Spanisli
garrison, so that the Cardinal would be in greater security, that church might J6e
given him for his support, if the vacancy is not already filled up : and I do not
think that this would cause dissatisfaction to the people of the country, as he has
been almost brought up in the province, and moreover to prevent this it might
be given him by brief in commendam for a limited time, which could be prolonged
in case of necessity. Your Excellency will see what is best to be done in all
this. At Milan he will ascertain by what road he can travel most safely. Your
Excellency will be able to send him orders before his arrival as to the part of
Flanders in which you may think it best for him to stay, as well as whatever
else you may judge proper for the service of our Lord and of his Majesty."
The following letter of Count Olivares to Philip II., October 9,1 carries on
the history of this affair.
" On hearing the advices which have been received that the Duke of Parma,
being convinced that the Duke of Medina was on his way back to Spain, had
left the port where he was waiting, 2 his Holiness showed the same demeanour
and disposition as that which I described in my letter of September 26 : and
though I have returned to importune him anew to help your Majesty I can draw
nothing from him better than what I did before nor can the persons of whom I
have availed myself obtain anything, and so I fear that nothing can be drawn
from him, even though the letter which I proposed to your Majesty should come ;
and it is impossible to imagine all that his Holiness has manifested on this
occasion in the matter of lucre and evil spirit.
" Allen has shown me a paragraph of a letter written to him in cipher from
Bruges by one of the two Jesuits he sent from here and whom he praises as a
man of great prudence. In this the Jesuit tells him that he has obtained through
the sailing of the Armada a knowledge of things which could not otherwise have
been had, and that means have been found for the enterprise to a great extent
easy and safe, and that the Duke was satisfied of this, and that on receiving
news of the Armada and a reply from your Majesty he would begin to put them
into execution : all which besides the infinite consolation it has caused me confirms me in looking upon Allen's going as most fitting, and I therefore continue
to solicit his despatch, without however giving any indication of this to the
Pope.
1

Infra, p. 308. '

2

Dunkirk.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

CXI

"Father Kobert Persons, the Jesuit, will go with Allen. In all the dealings
which I have had with him here I find in him great fertility of resource and very
good discretion. The Cardinal also has much judgment, though he adapts
himself ill to the frauds and deceits here current, as he takes quite an opposite
course.
" I keep him well in remembrance of what he owes your Majesty, and he
shows that he knows it perfectly. I took a good opportunity of saying to him
the other day that my chief sorrow at the failure of the enterprise is that it has
not been the occasion of manifesting to the world that your Majesty was not
moved by a covetous longing for more kingdoms, as the ambitious and earthlyminded give out, but solely by God's glory, as will appear when God wills it to
be effected, since your Majesty will order things there in such a manner as to
leave nothing further to be desired. May our Lord do this, and guard your
Majesty's catholic person as I desire."
The despatch of September 26, alluded to above, will be found in Hiibner's
Siede-Quint, III., 257, with a French version at p. 39. Count Olivares relates in
it to Philip II. the vain attempt which he had made to obtain from the Pope the
million or even 500,000 ducats promised for the enterprise. His Holiness, resting
upon the letter of the convention, professed his readiness to pay as soon as the
conditions agreed upon were fulfilled, but not before. The Count was obliged to
fall back upon the spirit of the document ; and finding the Pope inflexible, breaks
out in his despatch into his customary insolence of language, and not content
with abusing the Pope, takes occasion to inveigh also against the neutral members
of the Sacred College.
The two Jesuits mentioned in the letter would seem to have been Father
John Gerard and Father Edward Oldcorne, S.J. Father Gerard has himself
recorded 1 that when the Spanish Armada was nearing the coasts of England
Cardinal Allen sent him to England for various matters connected with catholic
interests. On 15 August, 1588, he was admitted as a novice into the Society of
Jesus at Rome together with Father Edward Oldcorne, his companion on the
homeward journey, and afterwards a martyr. The two after passing through Basle
must have travelled straight to Bruges, from which place Father Gerard
apparently wrote to Cardinal Allen the letter in cipher which he received on or
before October 9. From Bruges the two seem to have gone to Reims, where
they remained in the college from September 21 to September 26.2 Afterwards
they passed through Paris to Eu in Normandy, and took ship for England about
the middle of November at the earliest.
On October 17 Count Olivares addressed the following letter 3 to Philip II.
on the subject of Cardinal Allen's journey to Flanders.
"After Allen's going had been settled, as I wrote to your Majesty, with signs
of great pleasure on the part of his Holiness, when the poor man went to speak
to him about certain things relating to the journey, he treated him like a negro
in regard to his going, saying that he was very sorry for it, that he esteemed it
an evil and that it was not with his good will, so long as the result of the Armada
was not known and no assurance had been given that he would have all proper
conveniences while there, using at the same time while speaking to him very evil
1
Life qfF. John Gerard, S.J., by F. John Morris, S.J., p. 27.
2
3
First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 220.
1afra, p. 309.

CX11

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

terms in every direction ; and afterwards on another day he entered into conversation with Caraffa, but without telling him anything about the affair, and it was
nearly as bad. Hence, since it seemed to me that when Allen was gone he would
say to every one, and even at table, the same or worse, which would discredit the
Cardinal's person and his journey, and as I had no orders from your Majesty in
reference to the present case, I thought it better not to press the matter further
or to go on with it; and so at my last audience which was on the 15th instant I
said to the Pope that as his Holiness had now formed a different judgment about
this journey, and considering the inconveniences just mentioned which would arise
from its being disliked by him, I did not wish him to go, for if the Cardinal
should leave out of favour with him and even under his displeasure xa contrary
result would be produced to what was intended ; and that I would write about it
to your Majesty. Thereupon he answered that such were his sentiments, but
that he would give way if I were urgent with him, using more temperate
language than he had done to the Cardinal ; and on his commanding me to
speak, I stated to him all those reasons in favour of the journey which I lately
wrote to your Majesty as having moved me to incline towards his going, as well
as those which there were for his promotion and which, as it appeared to me,
it would be inexpedient to make public; and this I did without insisting upon
his going. His Holiness let things rest there, and in the morning of the following
day he sent for Allen, and told him that I and Caraffa had been so importunate
about this journey and had given him such reasons for it that he could hold out no
longer, but was resolved that it should take place ; that he [Allen] was to go
and tell me this at once; that he was to give him a memorandum of the
despatches which would be wanted from him, and that all things were to be put
in order for his departure. Moreover Cardinal Deza, whom I asked on going to
the palace to tell his Holiness of the advices which I had received by way of Iran
that the Armada had returned to Spain, was kept by him (as he tells me) for an
hour, though his dinner was getting cold, while he gave him an account of what
had passed the last few days, with the additions which are his wont, speaking at
the same time in exaggerated terms of what an evil journey it was and how
contrary to his will, nevertheless that he had commanded all things to be put in
order for Allen's departure, and that as I wished it he would send him, and that
he was to tell me so immediately ; which he did yesterday when all this took place.
" I answered his Holiness this morning by the same Cardinal, who was going
to the consistory, that if his Holiness was persuaded by the reasons which I had
given him to approve of the journey, let him go with God's blessing ; but that if
he were moved to this decision by what he considered to be my importunities or
any other like motive, and that he was sending him against his will, let him on
no account go. His reply was that he had already said his say about the journey
and that he had nothing more to add and that it was for me to choose : hence if
nothing new occurs, the affair will be kept on foot until your Majesty sends me
an answer to this letter, or I can judge from your reply to the first letters which
I wrote on this subject what your Majesty thinks most advisable, for I dare not
without some new light go against the stream and risk disturbance and evil
behaviour on the part of his Holiness.
" I n case Allen's journey is put off, Eobert [Persons] will go, such being
Allen's desire, for he has more authority and practical ability than any of the

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

exiii

others who are there, as I have already mentioned to your Majesty ; and I am
sending Don Juan de Ydiaquez by sea a copy of the cipher which they will use
with me, that they may write to him in it and arrange the way of sending
letters,
" I will write to the Duke of Parma that Allen has been detained, and I will
try to put it in such a form that if your Majesty orders him to go, his detention
may be cloaked, and his going may seem to be a continuation of the first movement, and I will send your Majesty a copy of what I shall write to the Duke on
this head."
The project of sending Cardinal Allen to Flanders was never carried out. F. Persons
He remained at Eome until his death. On the other hand " 6 November, 1588, %oea.to
Father Persons went from Rome towards Spain (so Mr. Baines in his diary)" x pam"
where he lived until 1597. In the spring of that year he returned to Rome, and
was soon afterwards appointed rector of the English College. During the winter
of 1590-1591, while he was at Porto Santa Maria near Cadiz, he succeeded in
converting to the catholic faith ninety-three English soldiers, who were serving c°nyemon
as prisoners on board the royal galleys. It was with reference to them that on three
the 4th April, 1591, he wrote from Seville to Don Juan de Ydiaquez the following English
remarkable letter 2 regarding the treatment which the English catholics in general P risoners had always met with at the hands of the King's ministers, and the great impolicy
of such conduct.
The letter is headed thus :—" Copy of a letter to Don Juan de Idiaquez about
the soldiers converted on 3 March, 1591," to which Father Christopher Grene, S.J.,
the transcriber, has added " copy ed out of F. Persons owne wry ting."
" Besides what I wrote some days ago about the conversion of the English
in the galleys, I am again writing a few lines to his Majesty about the signs
which there are that their conversion has been very genuine, and this for the
reasons which your Lordship already knows or which I will tell you at my
return ; and though I am well aware that his Majesty will show you the letter
itself, still I have wished to send a copy of it for greater security.
" As to the substance of the affair I have nothing to add to your Lordship,
unless it be to tell you plainly, with that confidence which I commonly make
bold to use towards you, that I have been amazed at the lukewarmness with
which the willing submission of the English, which they have offered with so
much love and such great danger and loss to themselves has been received.
" It will be a very good thing for them, so far as their temporal interests are
concerned, to send them back to their own country, when their expected ransom
arrives ; and as to their spiritual welfare, I trust in God that wherever they go
the greater part of them will always remain firm in the faith ; which is the only
thing which affects me, if I have had any share, and it is a very small one, in
their conversion. But whether it will be better for his Majesty's service is a
point which ought to be considered. Certainly I for my part feel sure that if
our enemies had a like opportunity of doing honour to themselves and damaging
us by means of our own people, they would not let it slip in this way, but would
use it with the greatest diligence and ostentation.
(;
Most certain it is that to think it possible to get the upper hand in Spanish
England without having a party within the realm is a great illusion, and to d ^ u s i
1
2
Father "Christopher GreneVs Note. StonjhurstMSS., p. 179.
Infra, p. 329,

cxiy

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

English think to have this party without forming it and keeping it together is no less
prejudicial an illusion; nor is there any thing so opposed to the accomplishment of this as
(Tus^
^ n e distrust with which up to the present time the English, even those who are
catholic, have been treated on all occasions : and I could relate these to your
Lordship one by one, if what took place at the time of the Armada, when it was
manifested before the whole world, did not suffice for all ; since on that occasion,
though his Majesty had more need then than ever to avail himself of his party,
no account was made of it, nor was any confidence placed in any living person
of the nation either within or without the realm, though there were many who
could have given assistance and who had before then offered their lives to serve
his Majesty.
" This was deeply felt by all the good men of the nation, as it seemed to
them that their most faithful affection for his Majesty did not deserve to meet
with a distrust so notorious to the whole world. It also gave them much pain to
hear that some of his Majesty's principal ministers were in the habit of saying
(and this I know to be the truth) that they did not understand there were any
catholics in England, and that if any one should say that he was a catholic, they
would be very cautious in believing him, and that if any should wish to be converted, they would not receive them without caution, etc.
" From this your Lordship sees what would have happened to the poor
catholics, if the victory had been on our side ; and this must necessarily have
happened to them, not only because the ministers knew and loved them so little,
but likewise and chiefly from the distrust in which they held all the good men
of the nation, who could have enlightened them about the rest. And since God,
as I take it, would not let His servants be thus outraged by our own people
after they had suffered what they have suffered from the heretics, He let the
expedition meet with the fate which we have seen; and I have no hope of
any thing better, until means are used more proportioned to the holy end of the
sincere reformation of that kingdom, which is the object aimed at, than those
which were employed on that occasion ; though there is no doubt of his Majesty's
good intention.
" I write this to your Lordship on the occasion of the distrust which has
been manifested about receiving into his Majesty's service the English who have
been converted in the galleys, and I do not say it to prevent the question being
very carefully considered from the point of view of security : on the contrary I
desire this above all things ; but at the same time I maintain that no credence
should be given to those who, in order to appear prudent and careful, seek to
raise doubts and suspicions about all strangers ; for this is not always prudence
or piety, but is often an infirmity and springs from ourselves and is the cause of
great evils, especially of enmities ; for where there is suspicion and distrust there
is neither love nor fidelity, nor is there anything in the world so calculated to
make men desperate as to be treated with distrust in return for good will, and
the more universal or national this treatment is, so much the worse.
"As I have begun to speak on this subject, I will mention also this in particular.
During the thirty years Elizabeth has reigned in England there have come to
serve his Majesty in Flanders and elsewhere a great number of English catholics,
who might have done great things and inflicted great injury on the Queen, and
many of them were men of quality who lost what they possessed as a consequence

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

éxv

of joining this side, and others remained in England on the watch to follow them,
if it should turn out well with them : but they have never met with confidence
in any thing of importance, and so they have all in fact come to nothing, and this
has' been the case not only with individuals but with companies and regiments of
soldiers also, and all through the little love for them and care on the part of the
ministers to treat them well and maintain them ; although indeed those who are
of the party of our Morgan and Paget have sought to ascribe it to a higher
source, namely, the distrust which his Majesty and all this nation entertain
towards even the catholics of England—an opinion indeed which has been refuted
by the Cardinal and others as your Lordship is partly aware, and which has been
a very fountain of discord.
" I have written more on this head than I had thought to do, but not more
than the importance of this affair of the converted English deserves ; in regard to
which, as it is a new case and one which has never happened before and is very
notorious on all sides, great attention will be paid to what his Majesty will do in
the matter ; and if little account be made of them, your Lordship need not fear
that others will follow their example, or that those who are in England will expect
to be better treated when the Spaniards arrive there ; and I take it that this
alone will cause more distrust and despair in our friends there than any thing
else which has happened up to the present time. May God guide all for the best.
" There is no need to write more on this subject in general, nor to weary your
Lordship any more with additional papers, since those which we have written are
more than enough. Your Lordship said to me in the Escurial that it would be
either this year or never : and since we are already in the former and I see such
a small amount of preparation, it makes me think that perhaps God wills the
latter. May His will be done on earth as it is in heaven ! One thing only I
have to beg of your Lordship very earnestly : it is that, if his Majesty has no
speedy employment for Colonel Stanley, leave be granted him to return to
Flanders or France, where his Majesty may be pleased to find him some
occupation : for this would be to give him life again and much consolation, while
on the contrary to keep him here doing nothing is to put him to a thousand
deaths. And since I am sure that to do this will be of service to his Majesty and
will greatly content the good gentleman, who deserves it for his great fidelity to
his Majesty, I renew my prayer to your Lordship that this be granted with all
the urgency I can use in asking for it."
The suggestion which Count Olivares made to Philip II. in the autumn of Cardinal
1588 to nominate Cardinal Allen to the bishoprick of St. Omer was not acted ^ l l e n aund
l h f t arcii«•

upon. It may however have led the King to think of presenting him to the more bishoprick
important, but far poorer, see of Malines, when that metropolitan church became of Malines.
vacant by the death of archbishop John Henchinor Hauchinus, 5 January, 1589.
At any rate Philip II. addressed a letter to Pope Sixtus V. from Aranjuez, 10
November, 1589,1 in which he presents and nominates " the very reverend father
in Christ, our most dear friend, William Allen, an Englishman by nation, Cardinal
of the holy Roman church," as a fit and proper person, to the vacant archbishoprick. A delay seems to have occurred in the delivery of this letter to
the Pope, for at the beginning of the following year Allen though quite aware of
the nomination had no official knowledge of it, as appears from his reply to the
1

Infra, p. 436.

p 2

cxvì

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

congratulations of the metropolitan chapter of Malines/Rome, 1 February, 1590.1
Two days earlier he had alluded to his appointment in a letter to Lord Paget,
who was then at Brussels.2 From these letters it appears that the Pope had consented to his going, and that the only thing which made the Cardinal hesitate to
accept the see was the state of temporal destitution in which it was then placed,
without revenues and overloaded with debt. The Cardinal however was still
ready to undertake the burden, if Philip II. would supply what was necessary to
enable him to support fittingly the proffered dignity, but not otherwise. The
spring and summer of 1590 may have easily passed away while this question was
being discussed between the King and the Cardinal. On 27 August, 1590, Sixtus
V. died, and after the thirteen days pontificate of Urban VII. Gregory XIV.
was elected to succeed him on the Papal chair, 5 December, 1590. Cardinal Allen
could not of course be absent from these two conclaves, and during this time the
question of his acceptance of the see of Malines must have remained in abeyance.
The following letter of Count Olivares to Philip I I , 28 April, 1591,8 carries on the
history of the affair.
" I spoke to Cardinal Allen in conformity with your Majesty's commands
about getting the bulls for the church of Malines and his going to reside there ;
and he not only appears ready to do what your Majesty may direct, but he shows
a desire that his life may not come to an end without his having rendered some
service to God in the dignity to which He has raised him, and to your Majesty for
the favour you have bestowed on him ; and he knows too that as he will be in a
place where there is a garrison of Spaniards, he will be in no danger from the
machinations which the Englishwoman may set on foot against his life. He only
remarks that when he is there, where so many English will resort to him and
where he must necessarily live with some degree of splendour, he ought to have
larger means ; for Malines, he supposes, is at the present time worth nothing, and
what lie has, with the 100 crowns a month which will cease when he leaves Rome,4
though his style of living is narrow and pinched, has not been enough to allow of
his buying cloth to hang his room nor a bed to sleep on, for the one he uses is
mine, and with all this he owes some money, as I can also in part testify. He is
at present very much occupied with the revision of the bible which Sixtus V.
made, as he is one of the Cardinals to whom the Pope has referred the matter,
and he is the one who has the best knowledge of the subject and is the stoutest in
resisting changes. I believe that it will be finished this summer : at least brought
into such a state that it can be sent to the universities for their opinion.
Conformably with this and the profit which your Majesty considers will be
derived from his presence at Malines, you will command what is most for your
service."
Philip II. appears to have acquiesced in the suggestion of Olivares, and
Cardinal Allen was allowed to remain quietly at Rome until the autumn of that
year. On October 15 Gregory XIV. died, and his successor Innocent IX., who
was elected on the 29th of the same month, followed him to the grave on December 30. Clement V I I I was chosen Pope on 30 January, 1592. Now at length it
would seem that Cardinal Allen would be free to undertake the care of the
church of Malines. But for some unexplained reasons> which probably a careful
search at Simancas would unveil, the King ceased to press the dignity upon the
1
2
4
Infra, p. 317.
Infra, p. 315. 3 Infra, p. 332.
Infra, p. 332, note.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

cxvir

Cardinal. On 30 March, 1593; Lsevlnus Torrentius, bishop of Antwerp, received a
letter from Philip II. announcing to him his nomination to the archbishoprick of
Marines.1 ; Torrentius wrote, April 24 ; 2 to Cardinal Allen to tell him of what had
taken place. The letter describes very vividly the destitute state of the see of
Malines and the impossibility of his accepting the appointment, unless he were
allowed to retain for a time the bishoprick of Antwerp, as administrator, and thus
have the necessary means for his support. He has written, he says, to the King
about it, and he asks the Cardinal to plead his cause with the Pope. The appointment of Torrentius to Malines made no quicker progress than Allen's had done,
until at length the bishop heard to his great joy that the project of the Cardinal's
nomination had been again taken up by the King, to be cut short however once
more and for ever by Allen's death. One thing is evident that the Cardinal was
never actually archbishop of Malines ; much less received episcopal consecration
to that see. Other points will doubtless be cleared up when the Spanish archives
relating to that period have been more carefully examined and their contents
brought to light.
The affair of the see of Malines, though without any direct bearing on Allen's Allen Carpolitical life, has sufficient points of contact with it through Philip II. to allow of ^ inal of
its being treated by the way in this connexion. But to return to our immediate ng an
subject there were two reasons, as we have seen in documents already given,
which chiefly moved Philip II. to recommend and Sixtus V. to promote l)r Allen
to the dignity of Cardinal. The one was that he might in virtue of his exalted
office act as the head of the English catholics, to whom all even the highest in
birth and rank would not hesitate to bow as their guide, peacemaker and patron
in their religious and political concerns, and especially in their relations with the
Sovereign Pontiff: thus supplying what Mary Queen of Scots had been to them
during her life and consoling them for her loss. The second reason was that he
might act as Papal Legate in the enterprise of England and reorganise the
English church and state on catholic principles, if the Armada should prove
successful. The failure of the enterprise caused the second end of Allen's
promotion to fall through ; but there still remained in its first motive sufficient
grounds to render his exaltation seasonable and necessary, and to justify to the
full that honourable and exceptional title, which was bestowed on him both in
Papal documents and common parlance, " the Cardinal of England."
It was no want of humility in Cardinal Allen, who had never sought honours
but had been sought by them, that led him to form a very high conception of the
dignity of Cardinal, quite apart from those adjuncts of princely birth, extraordinary learning or great wealth which in some cases, like the setting to the
jewel, may enhance the lustre of the dignity but are not the dignity itself. It
sprang rather from his lively faith which, recognising the incomparable majesty
of Christ's Yicar as such, saw in the Cardinalate a participation and reflection of
that supernatural majesty. Thus in his touching reply to the letter of congratulation which the cathedral chapter of Malines sent him on his nomination to that
see3 he tells them that he had not been " moved to accept the formidable burden
of the pastoral office " by any desire for (< an increase of dignity, since (as you
know) I though unworthy have had a greater dignity conferred on me than can
1
See for this whole affair the Historical Introduction to the First and Second Dotiay
Diaries, pp. lxxxvi.—lxxxix.
2
3
Infra, p. 347.
Infra, p. 317.

cxviii

HISTOKlCAL INTRODUCTION.

receive any increment even from this title [of your archbishop]." The whole of
Cardinal Allen's letter to Mr. Thomas Throgmorton 1 . _ay be referred to as bringing into relief his sense of the high position to which he had been raised : but the
two following passages in it are especially noteworthy. " This I say is your error,
that you suppose thex things spoken, attempted and done by Morgan and his
faction against me not to be done against the common cause and the service of
God, the church and our country ; all which you might well think if I were a
private person and not a public, not only in respect of the place where I am, but
in respect of all Christendom besides and of all persons whomsoever that count
themselves subject to the See Apostolic. And I think yourself would not deny
but that contumelious, disordered and seditious speeches against the Councilor
any of the councillors of England were punishable as offences done against the
public."2 And again: "When it pleased God of His Providence to induce the
Pope and King to put me in this place, for Morgan and his faction to be so bold
to address a special messenger, the poor Unfortunate prior of the Carthusians,
under pretence of other businesses of his order and house, to deal openly with his
Majesty against me and under pretence of either my insufficiency or ill dealing in
the common affairs to make supplica that another might be exalted to the like
dignity and opposed against me and my doings and followers, was not this a
matter of comely quality or can it be otherwise accounted than a plain treason
against the common cause."3 And so too in a fragment of a letter of the Cardinal
to Mr. Charles Paget he says: "Whereof [viz., our common cause] you must
needs give me leave to be the leader, because so it hath pleased God, his Holiness
and his Majesty to account me, and not for my own private, but for the advancement of that service, have put me in this room. Whereby it followeth that all
those that seditiously conspire my disgrace do band themselves directly and
traitorously against the good of their country and against the service of the
highest Princes in Christendom, by whom only we expect succour and relief for
our so unfortunate state." 4
Such was Cardinal Allen's conception of the dignity to which he had been
raised ; and he used his position not to advance himself or his family to power
or wealth, but for the good of his countrymen, especially through the return of
England to the unity of Christendom. This was the one lifelong object of his
labours. I t was in this hope that he lived and worked, and it was in this hope
that he died.
Cardinal
Cardinal Allen's death took place at Rome, 16 October, 1594. The Duke of
Allen's -gesa, who succeeded Count Olivares as Spanish ambassador to the Holy See, has
ea
'
left an interesting account of the Cardinal's last moments in the following letter
to Philip IL, 24 October, 1594.*
" Cardinal Allen died on the 16th instant as I have already sent word. His
illness was a retention of water which lasted some fifteen days, during which
time he was always himself, and he has left behind a great example of patience
and conformity to God's will. His Holiness sent Diego del Campo, his private
chamberlain, to visit him several times in his name, and he made him a present of
500 gold crowns for the doctors, as he knew that he was in great need : and it is
known for certain that the Cardinal in returning many thanks to his Holiness
2
3
V Infra, p. 320 sq.
Infra, p. 326.
Infra, p. 327.
4
5
Infra, p. 319.
Infra, p. 362.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

CX1X

for this favour and all the others which he had received from him told Diego that
if he should be found worthy to see God he would repay the debt there by praying
for his Holiness, but that in this world he knew not how to satisfy his obligation
except by reminding his Holiness to look well how he trusted heretics and their
promises and to take care he was not deceived ; that he himself was now anointed
and was expecting death from hour to hour, so that his Holiness might be sure
that no human end had moved him to send his Holiness this reminder but only
the pure service of God and of his Holiness, and the long experience he had had
of the deceits of the heretics. I visited him several times during the course of his
illness, and two or three days before his death, when the doctors had quite given
him up, he spoke to me alone with great tenderness, saying that what he felt
most was that he had come to the end of his life without having been able to
fulfil the desire which your Majesty had shown of sending him to Flanders, where
perhaps he might have been of some use in helping the good catholics, whom,
though he knew it was unnecessary to recommend them to your Majesty, since
you were so careful to protect them, he yet begged me to beseech your Majesty
not to abandon ; for that he was dying in full confidence that by means of your
Majesty's crown that kingdom would one day be reconverted to the obedience of
the Holy See ; and among other things by which he has shown this confidence
which he feels, he has left by will certain chasubles of small value which he had
in his chapel to the parish church where he was born, when the people should
become catholics, and that meanwhile they were to be kept in the chapel of the
English college here, in which he ordered that he should be buried.
" He further said to me that he. besought your Majesty to forgive him the
faults into which he had fallen in your service; for after God and the Holy See
he was under greater obligations to your Majesty than to any one else ; and that
if God in His mercy should receive him into glory he would endeavour to make
up there for what he had not been able to clo here by praying for your Majesty's
salvation and the preservation of your royal crown.
" What most grieved him was to die in debt and he therefore humbly
besought your Majesty to be pleased to bestow upon his heirs the four thousand
ducats which had been assigned for his journey to Flanders, with which and with
what could be obtained for the few objects of value in his house he thought that
his debt could be paid, as the bishop of Gassano, one of the executors, would
explain to me in greater detail.
"That he also commended to your Majesty his relations and English servants;
as the few whom he had been able to receive into his house were persons who
have suffered for the catholic religion, and some of them of quality. I send your
Majesty herewith a memorandum of them and their abilities and also the substance
of what is in his will and an account of his debts and a letter which he caused to
be written to your Majesty on the day of his death and which, as he was unable
to sign it, he asked the bishop of Cassano to sign in his name.
" He transferred in his lifetime, in virtue of faculties from his Holiness, to a
nephew, an ecclesiastic whom he had in his house, his sister's son, Thomas Hesketh
by name, 700 crowns of pension on Pavia which Gregory XIV. gave him, and his
Holiness has also bestowed on him the abbey of Sta. Maria of Capua, the nomination to which falls this time to the Duke of Trayetto, but the Pope claims the
appointment as belonging to the Holy See, owing to the Cardinal having died in

. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

cxx

the court of Home, since only benefices of royal patronage are exempted from
this reservation, Nevertheless there will be a lawsuit, and according to an
account which the said nephew has shown me, the value of the abbey one year
with another does not reach 1,500 Neapolitan ducats, and the charges and pensions
upon it are more than 1,200 ducats, so that it has never been worth to him more
than 300 ducats net, and the said nephew has nothing else besides what has been
mentioned.
" His brother Gabriel, for he has no other living now, and he is here present
and has been left his heir, that he may take care to satisfy his creditors, has had
assigned to him by his Holiness an entertainment here in Rome of 25 crowns a
month. He has another entertainment from your Majesty in Flanders of 40
crowns a month, but he says that many payments are due to him, and therefore
as he could not support himself in Flanders from not having anything else, he
was obliged to come to his brother's house about a year ago, and as he is a man
advanced in years and a bachelor, for he has never married, he wishes to stay
here to live in greater quiet and enjoy the favour bestowed on him by his Holiness,
if your Majesty would be pleased to order that the pension on Flanders be paid
here and also the sums still due to him, and I understand that if this were granted
him he would be quite content, as he asks for no more than to carry out his
brother's will and to pass his life in quiet.
" There is another relation, a priest, who served him as chamberlain, Richard
Haddock by name, who is said to be a learned and virtuous man and he is left
without anything. The Cardinal particularly recommended him to me after his
brother and nephew, and I consider him a man worthy of being nominated to
some moderately endowed church in Naples.
•" There seems no reason why I should keep back from your Majesty almost
the last words which the Cardinal spoke :—that the greatest pain he suffered
was to see that after God had given him the grace that by his persuasions so
many had borne imprisonments, persecutions and martyrdom in England, he had
deserved by his sins to end his life on that bed. His death was much felt by his
Holiness and all the college, for he was always much beloved, and his virtue and
good parts well known. May God give him heaven, and preserve the catholic
person of your Majesty/'
The following petition 1 , addressed to Philip II. by F. Joseph Creswell, S.J.,
on behalf of Cardinal Allen's relations will illustrate the Duke of Sesa's letter.
" The relations of Cardinal Allen pray his Majesty to grant them the 4,000
crowns assigned to the Cardinal for his journey to Flanders, since they can in no
other way pay the debts and fulfil the testamentary directions of the said Cardinal.
" They also pray his Majesty to be pleased to continue the grant which
he has made for several years past to the widow Elizabeth Allen, the Cardinal's sister-in-law, of eighty ducats a month in Flanders to support her and
her children, and that he will order it to be charged upon some fixed revenue.
Also that his Majesty be pleased to transfer to Rome or Naples in favour of
Gabriel Allen, brother of the Cardinal, the entertainment of 40 ducats a month
which he gives him in Flanders.
"Also that his Majesty order some provision to be made for the support of
Richard Haddock, priest, a relation of the Cardinal,2 who is left destitute by the
Cardinal's death.
.
1

Infra, p. 371.

2

Infra, p. 371, note 2,

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

cxxi

" If his Majesty is pleased to bestow upon them the 4,000 crowns, they can
assign 2,000 crowns for the dower of the two nuns, nieces of the Cardinal, and
2,000 crowns for the dower of the third, who is about to marry, and in this way
they will receive this favour immediately from his Majesty, and at the same time
the Cardinal's testamentary dispositions will be accomplished.
" After the Cardinal's death, the Pope has granted Gabriel Allen, brother of
the Cardinal, 25 ducats of entertainment a month.
" I have already given your Lordship 1 a special memorandum for Roger
Baynes, who was the Cardinal's secretary and steward, and who desires to enter
his Majesty's service."
There are several other documents relating to the family and servants of
Allen, which, as they are in Latin or Italian, I have thought it unnecessary to
translate. In Allen's correspondence with F. Agazzari, S.J,, rector of the English
college at Rome, he more than once mentions " his kinsman, William Hawkesworth," at that time a student in the college. He was Allen's first cousin ; for
Allen's mother, Jane Lister, was sister of Rosamond Lister who married William
Haw r kesworth of Hawkesworth, whose second son is the William Hawkesworth
of Allen's letters. William Hawkesworth, the father, was alive in 1585. Jane
and Rosamond Lister were daughters of Thomas Lister of Westby. I am indebted
for this information to the Reverend Thomas E. Gibson of Southport, Lancashire,
who refers to Glover's Visitations of Yorkshire.
I may take this opportunity of mentioning that Dr Allen's prebend in
Cambray cathedral was the twelfth, pro 'medico sen pro clerico, saltern subdiacono, in
medicina graduato, ad collationem capitali. Allen was admitted (presumably by
proxy, as he was then in Rome) 18 May, 1576, cum dispensatione de defectu qualitatis
medicinalis. On his promotion to the cardinalate he was succeeded in this prebend
by Thomas Bailey cum dispensatione Apostolica super defechi qualitatis medicinalis,
6 Sept., 1588. These facts were kindly supplied to me by M. l'abbe Dancoisne
of Lille.
In concluding this Introduction, which has already reached an unanticipated
length, I may be allowed to remind the reader that my object has not been to
defend, as an advocate might, the wisdom and prudence of every one of the acts
of Allen's political life. What I have endeavoured to do is to show that on the
whole they flowed naturally from the principles current in his day, from the
zeal for God's glory and the salvation of souls which consumed him, and from
obedience to those who had a right to command and direct him, especially to the
Vicar of Christ. He may in some of his works, such as the letter in defence of
Sir William Stanley, have pushed true principles to extreme conclusions and
have been too unsparing in his condemnation of certain acts or omissions as plain
mortal sins ; or he may have used language in his "Admonition " which might have
been softened to advantage. But do we not sometimes, even at this present time,
when a varnish of cultivation makes the strong language of former days distasteful,
hear things said at seasons of popular excitement, at meetings in preparation for
elections, in parliament itself, which those who say them must feel to be exaggerated, and yet defend on the ground of the necessity of speaking plainly about
an antagonist's shortcomings. They say, Do not make too much of our words ;
look at our acts ; judge us by our policy in the main ; by it we are ready to stand
1

Infra, p. 371, note 8.

1

cxxii

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

or fall in the opinion of our countrymen. If this plea is fair, may it not be
urged, if necessary, on Allen's behalf ? If the plea is sound with reference to the
present time, is it not sound also in reference to the past ? Not indeed that there
is much necessity for urging it. There was nothing bitter or sarcastic in Allen's
spirit. If there had been, he could not have failed to raise up against himself
many personal enemies. But he had none, and even those who politically
opposed him did not withhold from him the tribute of their esteem and even
affection. All then that I ask on his behalf is that he may be judged by the
policy which he pursued, the principles on which he acted and the means which
he used to carry those principles into execution.
There is another point to which before concluding I would earnestly call the
reader's attention. The political life of Allen, to which alone this Introduction
has been devoted, was only one phase, and not the most important of his manifold
and many-sided activity. The success denied him in his political undertakings was
granted to him abundantly in his missionary work. He had not the happiness
of seeing England as a kingdom brought back to the unity of Christendom by
the arms of Spain, but none the less innumerable souls were restored to the
catholic faith by his labours and the toils and blood of his disciples. Allen in the
college which he founded and governed, Allen as a theologian and controversialist,
Allen as Cardinal taking part in the government of the universal church, Allen as
the father and harbour of refuge to his exiled countrymen, Allen as another Moses
guiding, bearing with and encouraging the people of God who had left the Egyptian darkness of heresy and were journeying through the desert to the promised
land—all these are pictures as true and real as that of Allen urging Pope Sixtus V.
and Philip II. of Spain to the enterprise of England, and ready to undertake the
work, which God seemed at one time about to lay upon him, of regrafting his
beloved country into the unity of Christendom. All these phases of his life must
be studied with equal care, if we would understand his character and work ; for
they are all manifestations of one spirit and exhibit under various forms that
burning zeal for God's glory and the salvation of souls which never permitted
him to rest. "The quarrel is God's," he wrote to Prior Chauncy in 1577, "and
but for His holy glory and honour I might sleep at ease and "let the world wag
and other men work." 1 And when at length the hour was come for him to rest
from his labours and he lay dying, " his greatest pain," he said, " was to see that
whereas God had given him grace to persuade so many to surfer prison, persecution and martyrdom in England, his sins had merited for him to end his life on
that bed." 2
1

Infra, p. 37.

2

Infra, p. 364.

L E T T E R S AND

MEMORIALS

OF

CARDINAL

ALLEN.

L E T T E R S AND MEMORIALS
OF

CARDINAL

ALLEN.

I,
Nicolai Fizerberti de Alani Cardinalis vita libellus.
Printed at Rome, 1608*
annus a partu Virginis salutari sesquimillesimus trigesimus secundus
cum hseretica labes tanquam procella ac pestis sanam Christi doctrinam fidemque
Romanam, singular! Anglorum fide receptam parique mille et amplius annorum
constantia et pietate confirmatam, in Anglia primum invasit perniciosissimisque
erroribus inquinavit. Eodem ipso anno in Lancastrensi provincia Anglise nobilissima Gulielmus Alanus, veluti desponsus jam a Deo ac destinatus tum antique
religionis defensor tum novarum opinionum oppugnator acerrimus, ejusdem Alanus
benignitate propitia et evidenti in lucem editus est.
Patrem habuit Joannem Alanum, et suae familise honestate et sanguinis affi- Parentes
nitatisque cum primariis illius provincia familiis conjunctione nobilem. Matrem
vero Joannam Listeram, Eboracensi regione oriundam, ingentis virtutis faeminam
et quae multas et claras cognationes in Alanam gentem traduxit.
Sub horum disciplina et paterna cura, modestise pudoris ceeterarumque virtutum ejusmodi semina sparsa feliciter excepit ut in omni reliqua vita eorum
fructus ediderit uberrimos atque plenissimos. Grammatica et humanarum artium
tyrocinia prima posuit sub publico quodam illius provincia magistro tanta alacritate felicitateque ut suorum aequalium studia ingenio industriaque multum
superaverit.
Hac indole atque hac discendi continua progressione cum decimum quintum
explevisset annum ad Oxoniense gymnasium a patre deducitur ; in quo a domes- Oxoniam
ticis impedimentis et materna indulgentia liberior relictus solutiori animo in
libris ac literis totus dèlitescit. Non enim communi adolescentium more majorem
vivendi libertatem ad otium, ineptias, voluptatem licenter contulit ; sed magistris
AGEBATUR

B 2

4

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

obedire, collegii in quo erat disciplinam exacte servare, in scholis disputationibus
omnique exercitatione literaria assiduum ac diligentem exhibere se, a quo vis
discere aut quemvis docere haud se indignum reputare, operosum denique semper,
nunquam otiosum esse, id ei curae et cordi ante omnia fuit. Quibus sane studiis
ac vitae instituto non juvenile tantum et ad vitia lubricum, sed etiam reliquae
aetatis tempus omne a casu et prolapsione tutum conservavit. Quamvis enim illi
nee in pulchri corporis forma externae deerant, nee in primo aetatis fiore ac robore
internae deesse poterant seu blandae voluptatum libidinumque illecebrae seu acres
gloriaa stimuli honorumque cupiditates ; his tamen omnibus ita restitit ut nec
illis expugnari adolescentia ejus nec his perturbari et suo pelli loco animi constantia potuerit. Verumtamen ad hoc tam divinum beneficium assequendum non
ea tantum quae diximus, sed haec etiam permagno fuere adjumento, naturae nimirum suae bonitas, praeceptoris Morgani viri maxime catholici cura diligens, demum
cultura Oxoniensis academiae, quam erat adeptus studiorum magistram, a pravarum opinionum morumque corruptela adhuc ferme intactam.
Postea vero quam rei literariae ac praecipue philosophiae studiis summa contentione ardor eque animi septem ipsos annos (tot enim illius academiae institutum ad philosophiae totius cursum conficiendum praescribit) insudasset, magister
Fit magis- artium declaratur, honoremque illuni sibi a reliquis delatum percipit ut logicam
ter artium. phil OSO phiamque publice interpretaretur. Nec multo deinde post academiae proProcurator curator est electus. Duo quidem sunt pari potestate et gradu qui ad magistratum
aca emiee. j i n n c s i n g U ii s a n n i s assumi solent ; estque hie magistratus secundum procancellariatum in ilia academia summus, nec quaestuosus minus quam honoratus; ut
magis mirum videri possit in tam fiorenti tunc academia bis Alanum perbrevi
temporis intervallo communi reliquorum (ut assolet) voce ad hunc honorem fuisse
vocatum.
Secutum illud tempus est quo Elisabetha regina in solio Angliae collocata et
de mutanda religione cogitans edicto sanxerat ut e clero omnes, ex academicis illi
qui vel munere publico fungerentur vel lauream ambirent scholae conceptis verbis
jusjurandum darent, se non alium quam reginam Anglicanae ecclesiae principem et
Oxoniam caput habituros. Procella haec Alanum Oxonio statim, mox etiam Anglia expulit.
relmqmt. ]sfam Cum, ubi Alanus esset, ibi nunquam praetermitteret aut eos confirmare qui
in catholica majorum fide adhuc permanebant, aut illos qui desciverant revocare
atque ab haeresi avertere, tantum ac tam vehemens magistratuum odium in se
Fugit ex commovit ut fuga sibi prospicere fuerit coactus. Etenim altius in eorum animos
Angha. ] 1 8 e c ^ 1 ^ audacia penetravit ; non enim has cogitationes suas privatas esse, non
ad paucos extendi. Quid relictum Principi si privatus religiones praefiniat ? Si
edictis publicis sua Consilia praeferat ? Quid alios deinceps facturos, si ab ipso
initio talia primus audeat Alanus ? Reprimendam quam primum istam confidentiam ; quae si inulta relinquatur, brevi apud populum potiora fore unius temerarii

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

5

dogmata ac prseceptiones quam jura jussaque regum ac magistratuum, atque major em vim habituras paucorum conspirationes ad regiam religionem evertendam
quam totius reipublicse potestatem ad eandem stabiliendam retinendamque. Secessit autem Alanus Lovanium, nobile et celeberrimum cseterarum artium sed
theologize in primis gymnasium, quodque quam multorum tunc Anglorum qui se
ex illis turbinibus ac religionis naufragio jam eripuerant (in quibus Sanderus,
Hardingus, Dormanus, Rastaldus et alii) gratum erat receptaculum et sub tutela
maximi Catholici Regis portus tutissimus.
Dum illic hseret, partim sua sponte partim provocatus aliorum exemplo qui
per id tempus multa scripsere praeclare de rebus controversis et maxime contra
Juellium Anglorum hseretieorum antesignanum, librum confecit de Purgatorio, Scribit
lingua (ut alii) patria, sed ea doctrinse et eloquentiae laude conscriptum ut per- to r ^ UrSar
magnam inde nominis famam et apud omnes sestimationem sibi collegerit.
Per eos dies nobilis quidam juvenis 1 Anglus, qui Alani curse concreditus
Lovanii erat, corpore paulatim diffluente extabescebat. Cui dum. assiduus in
omni officio persolvendo adstaret, eadem prorsus tabe, latenter quidem ab initio
(erat enim viribus satis firmis optimaque corporis habitudine) non leviter tamen
ut mox apparuit inflciebatur. Attractum enim virus adeo in medullis visceri- Tabe
busque implicatum insidebat ut, prseterquam quod morbum illi nullo temporis a
cursu sanabilem attulerit, prsasens omne medicamentum ita sit aspernatum ut
celerem mortem allaturum se minaretur, nisi effugium aliquod aut longior mora
a nativa coeli solique bonitate impetrari forte potuisset. Itaque medicorum
consiliis obsecutus Alanus atque in Angliam re versus tarn diu apud suos, ignotus quidem at non inutilis, latitavit donee recedente vi morbi plurimumque
imminuta comperisset meliuscule habere se et ad labores sustentandos esse
flrmiorem. Etenim cum perniciosa qusedam opinio in nonnullorum catholicorum
mentes irrepsisset (ut sunt perfaciles homines ad ea credenda et amplectenda
quae magnopere cupiant et commodis suis convenire arbitrentur) qua persuasum
erat illis, in prsecipuo hoc suo metu tantoque rerum ac vitse proposito periculo,
licere sibi ad hsereticorum conciones atque conventus sine graviori piaculo et
ab ecclesia catholica dissidio accedere aliquoties ; Alanus vero e contra non Ab ecclesisolum adventantes ad se intra domesticos parietes, verum postquam exire domo corum^1"
per valetudinem ei licuit etiam quoslibet conventos hortari vehementer et multis avertit
rationibus docere pergit tantam esse criminis hujusce atrocitatem ut qui se eo
contaminaverit nulla ratione manerein catholica communione possit. Quocirca
ob liberatos hoc modo in Lancastriee provincia ejusque confiniis quam plurimos
ab hsereticorum coitionibus et ab hac capitali opinione tantum illic malorum
incurrit odium ut ad aliam provinciam ab ea longe disjunctam quam primum
demigrare sìt coactus. Nec tamen ideo destitit incepto : nam et domum in qua
1

Christopher Blount.

6

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

mansit totam tenuit in officio, et ssepius in Oxoniensem non procul positam
excurrens academiam statim ibi non paucos, plures reliquo tempore, a stipendiis
hsereticorum ad Christi signa agnoscenda sequendaque traduxit.
Scribit de
Interim vero in hac quiete ac secessu libros duos de Sacerdotio et de Indule^dTln-10 g e n tiis ad scrupulos omnes ex quorumdam animis evellendos anglice composuit.
dulgentiis. Sunt enim plerique in cseteris sane non male affeeti qui tamen in similibus quibusdam catholiese doctrinse mysteriis ita hserent anxii atque incerti, curiositatene quadam an obstinatione sententise suse dum plus sapere volunt quam sapere
concessum est, ut donee tenuissimus de his scrupulus in eorum animis resideat
a reliquis pariter omnem cohibeant assensum.
Translatus deinceps Àlanus in Norfolciensem provinciam haud frustra in
illius Ducis domo ipsa atque vicinia laboravit. Nam ad Romanam ecclesiam
aliquos adjunxit, atque ut plures una eademque adjungeret opera summam quanColligit dam perbrevem rationum collegit literisque mandavit, quibus et hsereseos vanitafidTcatho- * e m a c fidei catholicae prsestantiam ac firmitudinem ante omnium qui videre
lica rati- vellent oculos clarissime proposuit. Rationes istse mox late sparsse eo quod
brevissimse, omnium manibus tritse quia facillimse et apertissimse, valde in
Calvinianismi damnum eo quod firmissimse, tanta indignatione et stomacho eos
qui cum imperio erant cumulaverant ut presenti eorum iracundise Alanum
cedere et perceleri abitu non sibi solum sed multo magis aliis quam plurimis
consulere visum sit omnibus consultissimum."
Rursus
Decedit igitur ille, sed ut non sine fructu, sic cum divinse in eo tuendo miseriA^giiam eordise prseclarissimo documento. Nam per eos dies quibus navis expectanda ei
divina
fuerat, in Oxoniam excurrit, atque sequalem ibi quondam suum ab hsereticorum
manu.
societate et suggestu abstractum ecclesise catholicse restituit ; dumque eum secum
conatur abducere, adeo parentum ejus animos (magis de sui commodi spe et inani
filii gloriola quam de salute solicitos) offendit ut quo filii profectionem impedirent
Alano ipsi insidias tendere minime dubitaverint. In quas certe non incidisset
tantum, quin et inhsesisset, nisi divina benignitas tales tenebras ei cui Alani
capiendi cura fuerat commissa offudisset, ut quamvis ille Alanum optime nosse
sibi videretur, in eandemque cum ipso coenam tunc incidisset, mirum tamen dictu,
contuitur ssepius ssepiusque alloquitur et eum nihilominus tamen tanquam ignotum abire a se patitur.
Post triennium in Belgium reversus sacrisque sacerdotalibus initiatus in
ccenobio quodam Mechliniensi (hsec civitas metropolis est Flandrise) theologiam
interpretatur. Quo munere postquam functus aliquandiu esset, cepissetque jam
hominem nonnulla cupiditas videndi Romam, audita doctoris Vendivilii (tunc
regii professoris Duaci, post Turnacensis episcopi et consilii regii prsesidis) proRomam fectione, ei se socium vise adjunxit. Petebat hoc tempore Vendivilius Romam ut
a x
*
suas quasdam de infidelibus ad Christum convertendis cogitationes cum Pio

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

7'

Quinto Summo Pontifice eommunicaret. Cujus mentem eum inani conatu, propter
graviora quae illi in manibus erant negotia, per totam hyemem tentasset, cumque
Alanus insimul viae taedio et infirma corporis habitudine defatigatus quiescendi
commorandique locum Romae frustra quaesivisset ; ineunte vere una ambo de
reversione cogitant, seseque ad earn ceteris omnibus in preesens omissis comparant
atque accingunt.
\
Commoto autem gravius pro eo quo erat zelo Vendivilio quam ut se continere
potuerit, conqueritur inter eundum quod tam piis postulationibus suis tam pii
Pontificis aures non patuissent, seque paulatim interim totum Alano aperit. Solato
Alanus autem virum bonum non modo pluribus verbis delini vit, sed vehementer Hum.
etiam excitavit. Nam quando nos Christi charitatisque lege arctiori vinculo
astringimur nostris quam alienis, vicinis quam remotioribus> Christianis quam
ethnicis ; quando etiam commodius utiliusque opera nostra poni potest in iis ab
haeresi reducendis quibuscum patriae, linguae, morum societatem habemus quam in
illis informandis qui longe gentium absunt nec ulla nos peculiari communione
attingunt ; magnopere illi auctor erat et hortator Alanus ut quas de infidelium
conversione cogitationes, altas sane illas valdeque difficiles, concepisset, eas ad
suorum vicinorumque populorum salutem, multo certe faciliores et charitatis
fructu uberiores> converteret. Atque infusa profecto in Alani mentem cogitatio Utilitas
ista ab ipso coelo fuisse videtur. Nam tantam vim habuit apud Vendivilium Alani,
haec illius oratio et ad tristitiam mitigandam et ad consilium approbandum amplectendumque, ut plurima inde bona in Flandriam Holandiam caeterasque vicinas
provincias derivata sint : atque ipsa quidem Angiia quicquid nunc pene habeat in
se sementis catholicae id omne huic Alani Consilio ferre acceptum debeat. Nunquam enim, quoad vixit, praetermisit Vendivilius conari, movere omnia ad
catholicae fidei conservationem et in toto Belgio augmentum. Neque Duacum
reversus quievit ante quam Alanum illuc ad se vocatum et in doctorum numerum
adscriptum honorifico ac regio stipendio augendum curasset; insuper ad Anglorum
seminarium illic fundandum, confirmandum, amplificandum omne illi adjumentum
ac praesidium non modo in praesens sed in posterum quoque tempus attulisset et
procurasset.
Appulsus Alanus in optatum a se diu quietis ac studii portum primos
stipendii sui proventus conferens in futuri seminarli quod animo conceperat usum,
domum satis spaciosam et quae plurimos capere posset conduxit. Quae res admi- Inchoat
rationem illam quam ab initio moverat turn facere desiit cum ex Lovanio aliisque ^ 1 ^ ^
citimis locis nonnulli ab Alano evocati in earn domum tanquam parvum aliquod
collegium acciperentur. Ex his autem qui primi ad ipsum commigrarunt aliqui
erant ipso non minores opinione, certe aetate et canis superiores ; et tamen hi
omnes proprio judicio suo, impellente nemine, se sub auctoritatem adeoque
imperium ejus non gravate subjecerunt ; grande documentum hoc facto exhi-

8

Impedì-

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

bentes turn submissionis ae modestiae suae, turn judicii singùlaris quod der Alani
integritate prudentia suavitateque faciebant.
His sociis jecit Duaci prima nascentis seminarii sui fundamenta, at non sine
multa difBcultate : operosa enim esse solent magnarum rerum initia. Itaque nisi

menta

removit.

ipso ab initio multa ille ratione atque prudentia sua et his satisf ecisset quos
incoepti magnitudo ac difficultas deterrebat et illorum placasset animos qui suis
rationibus non leve damnum illatum iri per seminarium suspicabantur, inanis et
cassus labor ejus ac studium omne extitisset. Laetus ergo ille valdeque erectus
initii hujusce tam felici eventu, multo nunc magis de aggreganda multitudine
quam de pecuniarum proventibus erat solicitus. Qui quidem etiam si id temporis
essent valde exigui vel verius nulli, utpote quos ipse aut ex sua mercede non ita
magna conferre aut a quorundam bonorum virorum moderatis eleemosynis colligere poterat, nefas tamen sibi duxit pertimere ne ad vitam necessaria defùtura
essent his quos in sanctissima causa divinum plane consilium spontaneaque
voluntas unum in locum et in communem vitae consuetudinem congregasset.
Ad primam erecti seminarii vocem quae late per Anglian mox intonuerat
Pulchrum permulti ex utraque academia, indole ac genere clari, quasi ex torpore et diuturno
seminarii. somno sunt excitati ; qui non ita multo post non solum famae constantia confirmati, sed multo magis secretis Alani literis infiammati et invitati, Duacum absque
mora frequentes advolarunt. Hos ille omnes mira susceptos alacritate tanta
cura charitateque perpetuo prosecutus. est, ut non pater indulgentior in amplectendis filiis, non magister diligentior in informandis discipulis, non necessarius
benevolentior in omni officio persolvendo esse potuerit. In gubernandi vero
ratione ea semper utebatur aequitate ut vita singulos non affeetu, meritis non
privato officio metiretur ; ea itidem prudentia ut in tanta humana fragilitate
seque erranti aliquando veniam ac recte agenti gratiam ac laudem habuerit propositam. Etenim cum errata ilia quae in tam sanctum coatum ut plurimum
irrepunt levissima esse soleant, haec fere ille non tam animadversione digna quam
silentio judicavit ; ne videlicet qui per tot incommoda ac difficultates, contradicente semper magistratu ipsisque invitis plerumque parentibus, se ad ejus fidem
disciplinamque contulissent, ideoque omni illecebra et humanitatis incitamento
animandi essent et alliciendi, hi majoris cujusdam severitatis molestiis et novis
incommodis impositis aut omnino deterrerentur aut languidiores tardioresque
; efficerentur. Atque illi rursum quamvis genere erant dissimiles, setate varii,
impares conditione, tamen ita fuerant in se invicem animati, ita Alano addicti,
debiti, obstricti universi, ut in eo per omnem reliquam vitam colendo, observando,
amando vel obsequentissimi cuj usque studium vel piissimi officium sequarint certe
aut superarint. Dum enim eorum unusquisque tanti seipsum facit quanti ab
Alano aequo judice se aestimatum videt, dum illius voluntatem servat pro lege, ad
illius praescriptum libens gaudensque se totum conformat, quemadmodum rarissime

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

9

a quoquam peceatum est sic leviter semper et aut cum minima aut nulla offensione. Nam apud hos et in hoc seminario, moderante Alano, solius pudoris et
conscientiae vinculum id per fecit quod vix alibi et apud alios vim et coercitionem,
parietum septa, jussa ac vetita magistrorum, multorum manus et oculos prestare
posse videmus.
Sic positis firmissimis seminarli fundamentis, Summo Pontifice ascito auctore
et Philippo Catholico Rege mecenate, ut in cujus ditione esset ejus praecipue Modus gupatrocinio niteretur, earn dabat operam sedulam Alanus ut ea caveret omnia quae J^na- 1
obesse, ea adhiberet quae prodesse illius rationibus possent.
num.
Pacis ac concordiae inter suos tarn serio amicus fuit ut nil pejus oderit quam
factiones ac partes. Delatoribus aures adeo non praebuit ut eorum accusationes
raro ac molestissime audir et ; quin et eos ipsos, tanquam violator es christianae
charitatis ac potissimos turbarum omnium ac dissensionum in societate communi
administros et architectos^ odio haberet singulari.
Quae ad pietatem et mores et studia pertinebant ea omnia optime ac valde
salutariter habebat constitute Singuli dies suas horas precum statas ; singulae
hebdomadae jejunium duplex ; festi dies et dominici omnes confessionem, communionem, concionem denique certam habebant constituta.
Doctores divinae legis varii, etiam philosophiae, immo vero et àliarum scientiarum (nam ratio omnium habebatur) praeterea graecae et hebraicae linguae audiebantur quotidie.
Disputationes atque aliae literariae exercitationes publice et e superiori loco
et inter mensas et privato examine habebantur assidue; nam nee minimum
quidem temporis abibat inutiliter.
Sacrorum autem Bibliorum lectio tarn frequens erat et continua sine intermissione ut integrum utrumque Testamentum, Vetus duodecies, Novum decies et
sexies, triennii ferme spacio sit deeursum. Reliquorum vero scripta quae ad
historiam resque ecclesiasticas pertinent quaeque contra haeresim aut pro ecclesia
faciunt, puta Bedae, Waldensis, Augustini contra Donatistas, Cypriani de Unitate
ecclesiae, Hieronymi in Vigilantium et Jovinianum aliorumque similium privatim
ac diligenter legendo conterebantur.
Et quia ad Anglicanae vineae culturam nom tantum exactior illa subtiliorque
doctrina, sed plus eo scripturarum controversiarumque intelligentia perfectaque
xognitio, etiam charitas et zelus domus Dei, demum prudentia ac probata vitae
consuetudo proficiebant ; multum in omnes partes Alani sermones valebant, cum ad
fraudes haereticorum detegendas ac veritatem manifestandam, turn ad praeproperos revocandos segnioresque incitandos, denique ad virtutis amorem inserendum, aut funditus econtra extirpandum quicquid speciem habere mali in quoquam
videretur. Comparabat ille aliquando inter se nostram catholicam cum illorum
haeretica ecclesia ; quam illa piena majestatis, quam haec expers omnis dignitatis ;
e

10

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

quam in ilia eluceat ca3remoniarum splendor, sacramentorum prsestantia, divinitas
sacrificii, quam in hac econtrario eonspiciatur timbra sine sacramento, secta sine
sacrificio, sola fides sine opere, ecclesiasticse disciplinse ratio sine decoro. Addidit
adhuc ad reddendos adolescentes animosiores Anglieanam gentem maximam olim,
nunc prope nullam religionis habere rationem ; olim ecclesias ut frequentissime
sic sanctissime ab omnibus adiri, nunc raro et a paucis, idque non pietatis zelo
sed ssepius aut vi aut metu aut vanitate aut consuetudine ; olim adhiberi pastores
doctissimos, castissimos, vigilantissimos, nunc ferme imperito, sordidos, sensus ac
libidinum servos; ecclesias, monasteria, sanctorum quondam domicilia et majestate ornatuque veneranda, nunc deformata et omnibus ornamentis spoliata in
lustra et popinas converti ; et vincula illa carceresque facinorosis ac furibus
destinata nunc sacerdotum custodiis innocentiumque suppliciis desponderi.
Excurrunt deinde in Angliam intimam alii Alani conatus. Nam nobiles
Doctiores v i r 0 s Uteris lacessit et ad catholicse fidei studium impellit ; doctiores ad se elicit
ex Anglia

.

.

.

.

.

avocat.

et invitat; mdoctos corrigit instruitque; postremo ut quoscumque absentes
quibus potuit charitatis officiis demeretur, ita omnes ad seminarium suum vel
fortuito vel aliqua sua suorumve causa accedentes, turn benignissime accipit, turn
instituit diligenter, turn singulari benevolentiee signifìcatione prosequitur discedentes i atque hac profecto ratione, his officiis studii et amoris plenissimis, quamplurimos lucratur Christo ; seminarli vero nomen apud omnes effieit honoratum
valde, ipsumque brevi etiam copiosissimum.
Scribitde
Neque hoc interim spacio a scriptione aut a scholis feriatus est; nam et
bus, Prse- docuit quotidie, et scripsit de Imaginibus, de Prsedestinatione, de Saeramentis
destinatione, bacra-

mentis,etc

t

alia

Non defuere Duaci viri auctoritate et virtute prsestantes qui his seminarli
principiis valde faverunt, suamque in illud liberalitatem memorabilem exercuerunt. Sed et ipsemet Deus suse singularis providentise documenta in illius necessitatibus et hoc tempore et alias opportuna alicujus viventis aut morientis
liberalitate sublevandis edidit illustria. Nam Morganus ille, cujus mentiònem
antea fecimus, e vita discedens pecuniarum quam habebat summam non contemnendam seminario reliquit universam, qua sane non mediocriter et prsesens inopia
ejus et gravis Alani solicitudo sublevata est.
Cseterum exerescens in dies cum scholasticorum numero seminarii sumptus
Pontifex non solum majori sed etiam certiori vectigali indigere videbatur. Id quod non
Hispanise ^ a m u ^ ° post, supplicante Alano, amplum ac honorificum accepit partim a
seminano* Gregorii XIII. longe optimi sanctissimi liberalissimique Pontificis, partim a Caconferunt
tholici Regis potentissimi et de Anglorum gente optime meriti benignitate ; hujus
annua, illius menstrua in ejus usus pensione constituta. Insuper ab eodem Pontifico potestas diplomate confirmata facta Alano est ut quoscunque sui seminarii
Anglos sacerdotio aptos judicaret eos quando vellet et cui vellet episcopo vicino

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

11

initiandos sister et, inaugurates vero perampla Iigandi ac solvendi facultate
donaret, et in Angliam suo ablegaret arbitratu.
Ex hac re statim est consecuta tanta rerum animorumque in Anglia mutatio
ut plane constiterit cum Pontificis mente atque Alani studiis Dei Optimi Maximi -Fmctus
judicium voluntatemque consensissa Nam simul ac pauci aliqui ex hoc novitiorum grege adolescentes, instructi rebus ad tantam militiam neeessariis, pedem in;
Anglicano solo Alani auspiciis fixissent, et suae virtutis animorumque altitudinis multa in privata consuetudine, aliqua in judiciis publicisque congressibus, non
pauca in carceribus, vinculis et patibulis praeclara exempla edidissent, non modo
fluctuantium animi, aut quasi somno voluptatis et ignorantiae dormitantium,
erecti primum experrectique sunt, sed ipsimet haeretici qui leviculum seminarli
initium vel ob innatam sibi superbiam irriserant vel ob parvitatem ipsius contempserant, nunc confusi ac perturbati vehementer propriis diffidere viribus et
nonnihil de statu religionis suae timere cceperunt.
Tali suorum virtute, adversariorum perturbatione, omnium motu doctus;
Alanus dare animadvertit plurimum e re catholica fore ut, quando spes tarn
magna uberrima? messis ostendatur, multae sint operae quae ad istud Domini opus
urgendum acrius graviusque incumbant. Hoc vero neque rectius perfici quam si
plurima variis in locis habeantur seminarla ; neque seminarium uspiam facilius
aut utilius institui posse quam Romae, quippe ubi rectissimae quaeque disciplinae
maxime quae ad fidem et religionem spectant optime discantur, sitque Anglorum Seminarihospitalis domus quasi non parvum novi seminarii jam comparatum f unda- ™m oma"
mentum.
Commodum acciderat ut per id tempus Odovenus Ludovici, post episcopus
Cassanensis, vir prudens ac pius, nee minus particeps cum Alano in his consiliis
capiendis quam adjutor in perficiendis, Romse fuerit. Ejus enim opera auxilioque
non solum parato sed etiam efficaci usus Alanus paulo post obtinuit ut, octo illis.
sacerdotibus qui sumptibus hospitalis tunc temporis vivebant cedentibus, tota
domus in scholasticorum usum salvo jure peregrinorum concederet. Addidit
autem veteribus hospitalis vectigalibus Pontifex nonnihil ex sua liberalitate ut
majori multitudini sustentandae essent satis.
^^
Alanum haec et alia ejusmodi enixe molientem tumultus Belgici gravissimi Duaco
et conjurationes iniquorum Duaco ejecerunt ; extinxissent autem ni is fuga per- Planus
celeri de eorum manibus se eripuisset. Nam ereptum illi t?m tulerunt graviter
ut omne virus suae feritatis in ejus perniciem conceptum in seminarium, ejus
reliquias, evomuerint; atque brevi ppst illud publico edicto (si edictum illud
appellar! meruerit quod ab imperita et iracunda plebe, vesano quorundam furore
concitata, bonis omnibus invitis profectum est) civitate expulerint. Erat nempe
illis persuasissimum, praeside profugo ac sine sede, caeteram multitudinem non
habentem quo confugeret dispersam et vagam quam citissime ad nihilum redact
c 2

12

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

turn iri. Neque vana hsec fuisset cogitatio, nisi misertus Angli^e Dominus singulari providentia et bonitate sua parvam hanc fidei catholicse sobolem in magnum
ejus et perpetuum bonum aliquando futuram conservasset, dum earn virtutem
Alani precibus, earn mentem Frantile principibus infudit ut Anglis non solum
tutum in prsesens receptum, sed plurima in posterum insignia humanitatis beneficentiseque officia prseter multorum expectationem exhibuerunt.
Rhemis
Vix dum Parisiis Khemos Alanus coneesserat, cum ecce qui e suorum numero
Alamisfet primi evaserant ex Duacensi fiamma viginti et amplius per multa pericula et
seminari- viarum incommoda (erant enim omnia militibus plena) eo tandem perveniunt :
hos, seminarli illius primum futurum semen, non sine multo sudore multisque
difRcultatibus (erat namque in timore et suspicione civitas) admitti primo, deinde
retineri curavit; donee tandem eximio Guisiorum Principum beneficio ac patrocinio
ita stabiliti et confirmati sunt ut annis plus minus quatuordecim, quibus illic
postea per summam tranquillitatem permanserunt, et multam in se illorum principum egregiamque liberalitatem sint experti, nec ulla unquam populi Francici
veri amoris indicia atque officia desiderarmi
Legatus autem Reginse Anglise qui Parisiis residebat, etsi iniquissimo tulerit
animo locum quiescendi Rhemis seminarium invenisse, multaque sit ab ipso initio
contra id molitus, tantum tamen apud Regem efficere non potuit ut eo concedente
quicquam in illud grave injuriumque statueretur.
Interea vero temporis plurimi se ad numerum alumnorum ascribunt ac
nomina profitentur, partim commoditate loci et securitate illecti, partim commoti
Alani nominis existimatione quse ubique et apud omnes erat summa ; sed maxime
inducti immensa quadam et bene cognita viri charitate, quae complexa omnes
neminem advenientem, in quo ingenii lumen ac bonse indolis ac doctrinse vestigia
cernebantur, respuebat. Atque inde factum est ut cum per id tempus ex quinquaginta paulo minus qui Duaco venerant seminarium constaret, non longo post
Alumni admodum intervallo ducenta circiter capita percenserentur numerando. Memoratu
Rhemensis s a n é dignum incrementum vel eo magis quod singularis in ilio Dei bonitas maniducenti, feste eluxerit. Nam cum in tam multorum capitum accessione nihil omnino aut
proventibus seminarli aut private Alani rei esset adjectum, tamen ut nec antea
illis paucis quicquam superfuisse sic nec his in quadruplum postea multiplicatis
ad vitse usus necessarios aliquid defuisse certius est coelestis favoris et patrocinii
argumentum quam ut de eo dubitari aut possit aut debeat.
Per eos ferme dies Romanum Anglorum hospitale opera (uti dictum est)*
Odoveni, re tota ex animi sui sententia transacta, conversum est in collegium
scholasticorum. Quod cum novis legibus et institutis esset ordinandum, atque ea
disciplina ratio introducenda quse ad Angliae bonum esset accommodatissima, non
alia quam Alani requirenda sententia nec cujusquam seque ac illius adhibendum
consilium videbatur. Nemo enim erat ilio aut in rebus Angiitis versatior, aut

13

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

in naturis Anglorum periclitandis exercitatior ; nemo vel patriae amantior vel
judicio incorruptior. Is igitur Romam a Gregorio XIII. nulla interposita mora Alan u s
VOCatus est.

Romani.

Hoc primum tempore duo e Societate Jesu Angliam ingressi sunt, assentiente An. 1580.
et suffragante Alano. Gnarus enim ille quantum valere turn ad exemplum turn
ad commovendam multitudinem ipsa fama ac nominis celebritas soleat, non modo
notissimos quosque et opinione homimum doctissimos ad se ex Anglia studiosissime semper evoca vit, sed etiam censuit eos iterum in Angliam utilissime posse
remitti qui nomen antea apud suos habuerint quorumque labores scholastici jam
dimanassent ad hominum ibidem existimationem. Quandoquidem igitur Campianus ille, qui aliquot ante annos se ad earn Societatem adjunxerat, is erat cui Jesuit»
perpetua et constans commendatio eximiam doctrinse ac virtutis opinionem domi p r i mum
forisque apud omnes conciliaverat, valde e re catholica futurum non dubitavit ut Angliam
ipse in Angliam primo quoque tempore mitteretur. Cumque ei socius consiliorum
perinde ac periculorum esset adjungendus, visum suis est ut Robertus Parsonius
ei accederet, vir ut religionis nomine commendatus, sic prudens providensque ad
suorum normam habitus.
Ille quidem Alani ad Urbem accessus atque hie rursum Jesuitarum in
Angliam discessus timore incerto at gravi magistratum Anglum impleverat. Cui
ut in omnes partes esset pro visum, non solum nova ac severa edicta in Jesuitas ac
seminaristas promulgat, sed eosdem etiam libello edito passimque sparso multis
calumniis et criminibus falsis onerat, nee tantum adumbratis flagitiorum titulis
sed legum suarum laqueis implicat et constringit. Huic libello alio suo, cui
Apologise seminariorum titulum prsefixit, Alanus ita respondit ut ignoratum sit Apologiam
,.

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seuiinario-

suorumne mnocentise an propria moderations ac prudentise clarius in eo atque r u m scr i p .
Slt
gravius documentum dedisset.
Accidit circa hsec tempora ut apertissimum Rhemensium in se voluntatis
testimonium Alanus perciperet. Canonicatum enim, qui in ecclesia principe vaca- Rhemenses
verat, fuisse in eum singulari Cardinalis Guisii studio judicioque collatum tanta ^eyoij11111
gratulatione prosequuti sunt socii omnes illius amplissimi collegii ut quo magis
testarentur voluptatem animi sui et quantopere Anglise causa cuperent Alanum
ipsum (ut liberior et expeditior seminarli rebus vacare animo et corpore posset)
novo ac singulari privilegio a publicis ecclesiae suae oneribus ac muneribus solutum
et liberum esse voluerunt.
Hoc inter alia memoratu et notatu dignum, in tanto numero alumnorum ac Richardus
tarn multorum annorum cursu unum Rhemis inventum esse, Riehardum nomine, ^Alanum
qui (ut ipsemet confessus est) illusus ambitionis et voluptatis falsa specie quam et seminarisibi animo formaverat, quandocunque posset aliquid efficere quod his qui cum
potestate in Anglia sunt gratum foret et acceptum, non solum percepta in
seminario beneficia contempsit, sed quasi expers factus humanitatis, turn in Alani

14

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

caput a quo omnia aeceperat turn in seminarli exitium cui omnia debebat pestem
nefarie machinatus est. Nam cibis omnibus veneno infectis una in coena simul
omnes necàre nequissime cogitavit. Sed mature in apertum per sceleris conscium
prolato facinore, non ad extremum perditus, culpam agnovit, deprecatusque
pcenam magna Alani voluntate dimissus est.
Interim vero magistratus Anglus, quandoquidem adolescentes continuo ex
Ànglia exire, sacerdotes in Angliam frequentes redire animadvertit, majori
acerbitate utendum ratus non jam minas et legum poenarumque terrores proponit
singulis; sed carceres, tormenta, quaestiones in multos exercet; aliquos etiam cruce,
sectione, flammis in terrorem aliorum enecat. Quae quidem crudelitas, maxime
humanae inimica naturae, cum male apud exteras omnes audiret nationes, ut a
justa aliqua vel prope necessaria causa proficisci videretur, libellum quendam
Respondit Justitiae Britanniche indicem fronte ostentantem divulgant ; in eoque nituntur
Justitiee

Britannicae.

.

.

.

.

.

.

ostendere eos omnes catholicos qui mortis sententiae in Anglia addicuntur reos
criminis laesae majestatis legitimoque judicio convictos interire. Quod cum non
modo falsum esse constaret, sed fore etiam si crederetur perniciosum ita ut in
causae catholicae arcem nulla re gravius posset invadi, huic turpi infamiae cupiens
Alanus obviam ire quam citissime alium librum paucorum dierum labore confectum edidit, in quo turn sacerdotum catholicorumque vexationes necesque injustissimas, turn insignem adversariorum malitiam fraudes atque calumnias
breviter quidem sed apertissime retexuit.
In aliud deinceps discrimen vitae Alanus incidit. Nam consuetudo ejus cum
Vita Alani Joanne Austriaco, Belgii prorege, arctior et communicatio per literas paulo fretentatur. quentior gravem ac vehementem suspicionem in Anglorum animis commovebat.
Cujus suspicionis timor ut aliqua amoveretur ratione omni enitendum ratione
putabant. Amoveri autem non posse certius aut prudentius quam si via iniretur
qua unus et alter e vita tolleretur ; nisi enim his sublatis nunquam se in tuto,
nunquam sine metu futuros. Summae difficultatis hoc consilium esse ; attamen
tentanda omnia publicae securitatis gratia. Imo vero rem recte considerantibus
oblatam nunc quasi divinitus occasionem quae non erat negligenda. Habere
Egremim- namque se in carcerem conditum Egremundum Eaclefum, militem non malum,
dus Racle- strenuum profecto ac manu promptum, neque capitis modo reum sed supplicio
jam addictum ; tentaturum hunc quodcunque facinus, modo impunitas ei et
praemii spes ostendatur. Si ex sèntentia res et perinde ut cupiunt succedat, se
extra periculum et extra cur am fore ; sin minus, noxam illam omnem Raclefi solius
periculo castigatum iri, Neque fuit Raclefus tardus ad arripiendam conditionem
et omnia promittenda, non tarn sperata mercede quam libertate ac salute non
expectata laetus. Nee certe ratio constat qua ille motus manus ab Alano tunc
abstinuerit cum ad Austriacum tendens eum visitandi gratia Rhemis adiiset. In
Alano vero ea fuit fìrmitas animi et constantia ut licet haberet plurimorum Uteris

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

15

Consilia Raclefi et quae acta cum ilio erant notissima, adeuntem tamen ad se non
modo non repulerit sed in longum ac secretum admissum colloquium benigne et
amice objurgatum dimiserit.
Dum his studiis bisque periculis Alanus defungitur, non laboribus parcens Morbus
sed animo et corpore noctes ac dies excubans suis, morbum contraxit gravem et y ^ ^ s ? "
praesentis periculi eo magis plenum quo magis vera causa tanti latentis mali
ignorabatur. Non enim calculus aliquis, non tumoris vitium, non alia quaevis
impedimenti ratio apparebat, cum tamen ille decern diebus ipsis nullam prorsus
urinam reddere valuerit. Sic ergo morbo sua pertinacia omne medicamentum
superante Spadanas tandem aquas, his qui tali laborant morbo salutares, ex
Consilio medicorum adire constituit. Neque ab ingresso semel itinere destitit,
quamvis cedente interim malo naturae muneri in ipsa morbi nocte undecima urina
paulatim effluere incceperit, ac proprio suo impetu perque modica quaedam intervalla de integro emanare.
Rhemis discedens Alanus non sine multis alumnorum omnium lacrymis curse
communi seniorum seminarium commendatum reliquit. Ad aquas autem illas
nondum per multos constiterat dies cum Uteris ac precibus patrum Societatis Jesu
Romam accersitus est, ea causa ut discordias quasdam, quae in ilio Anglorum Romam
collegio patribus istis cum scholasticis qui sub eorum disciplina erant intercesserat, ^™tur
ille pro ea qua apud omnes valeret auctoritate existimationeque sedaret atque
componeret. Multa jam ad Alanum fuerant periata litteris ac rumoribus de
dissensione hac, neque levem inde animo molestiam traxerat. Itaque cum ad
tantae charitatis munus ab ipsis nunc patribus erat invitatus, non modo libenter
ac statim assensus est, sed tanta voluntate se ad iter accinxit ut quamvis valde
adhuc esset et corpore infirmo et imminutis viribus, tamen confestim se dare in
viam adeo longam et molestam, et causam pacis religionis patriique commodi
omnibus suis commodis adeoque saluti ac vitae praeferre non dubitaverit.
Postea vero quam Romae paucissimorum dierum adhortatione et diligentia
hac in re quae voluit ac ut voluit (quod antea vix credibile quibusdam est visum)
effecisset, atque animos illos varie distractos ad priorem et nulli ingratam concordiam obliteratis offensionibus reduxisset, nihil illi longius videbatur quam
illud anni tempus videre quo, transactis hybernis mensibus et refectis aliquantulum ex aegritudinis et itineris molestia viribus, reverti ipse Rhemos ad suos consolandos et ad solita sua munia in seminarii ac patriae usum bonumque obeunda
posset.
Verum banc sitim suam pro suorum desiderio accensam quo minus reditu
sedare potuerit variae res effecerunt et obstiterunt ; sed illud in primis quod non
post multos menses a Sixto Quinto, longe prudentissimo et maximo Pontifice, ad
novum nec ab eo aut expectatum aut concupitum Cardinalatus honorem extra Creatur
tempora stata, sine altero solus et ad majora destinatus, fuerit aseitus. Alanus Cardinalis.

16

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

enim, qua erat modestia et submissione animi magis quge coeli quam quae terree
sunt quserentis, nec hunc nec alium honoris gradum aut prehensavit unquam aut
prseoptavit ; quinimo (nisi nos vana aliquando a viris magnis ae fide dignissimis
accepimus) ipsum hunc honorem a Gregorio XIII. alias ei oblatum non modo avide
amplexus non est, sed etiam refugit, atque ut res Anglise tunc temporis se habebant nonnullis in contrarium adductis rationibus est deprecatus.
Sed qui dignitatem hanc perquisivit nunquam, is tamen acceptam pro gradus
Ut se gei it amplitudine sustentandam putavit. Noverat enim honorem omnem perinde
Cardinalis. i - i .

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laboris precium esse atque virtutis prsemmm, eumque nonore omni esse mdignum
qui honore uti aut nolit aut nesciat. Quare novis ille cogitationibus erat districtissimus, qua nimirum ratione adeptam dignitatem pro amplitudine tueri, atque
non solum in his quse ad se suumque offìcium pertinerent non deficeret, sed ea
etiam prsestaret quibus (quoad fieri posset) prseiret aliis ac praeluceret.
A senatu et consistorio, ad quod singulis ex consuetudine hebdomadis Cardinales a Pontifìce per viatorem accersiti consilii capiendi causa solent convenire,
neque abfuit Alanus unquam neque novissimus advenit. In sententia vero
dicenda earn adhibebat modestiam ut non alium offenderet ; earn libertatem ut
suam non lsederet conscientiam. Cumque in duabus Congregationibus precipue,
Indicis et Germanise, Pontifex illius opera uteretur, in id diligentiam conferebat
ne minor sua sedulitas fidelitasque in consulendo quam moderatio in contendendo
videretur: quin procul ipse ab omni invidia et ostentatane non erat aut
semulatione collegis aut contentione unquam contradicentibus molestus. Quibus
rebus evicit ut cum virtus ac prudentia sua Pontifìcibus indies notior esset ac
probatior, turn consuetudo collegis gratior et conjunctior.
In sacris Bibliis Sixti Quinti nomine Clementis Octavi jussu editis ac promulgatis Alani operse, judicii, diligenti^ pars non exigua fuit. Cumque Congregationis Indicis cura altera illa vel maxima fuerit ut non modo Biblia sed veterum
quoque Doctorum volumina a depravationibus, quse misera recentiorum temporum
csecitate et malitia irrepserunt, expurgata prodirent quam emendatissima, Alani
solicitudini commissa sunt ea quae a Divo Augustino sunt scripta omnia. In quod
pensum opusque vastum ac multiplex dum omni cogitatione ac studio cum aliis
quibusdam qui ei suberant incumbit, mors, quae magna conantibus semper
immatura, celeriter nimis et laborum et vitse finem illi attulit.
Sed nec istse nec alise quamvis gravissima et late patentes cogitationes causae
Cura pub- fuere ut cogitationem rerum Anglicarum velad punctum temporis abjiceret. Nam
gHae. n" n a s ^ a m f i x a s animo gerebat semper ut de nulla re magis quam de earum ratione
noctes diesque meditaretur. Quenl enim ssepissime non appellavit eorum qui
plurimum poterant ? Quem neglexit eorum apud quos ipse aliquid polleret ?
Omnes monere, orare, obsecrare nunquam destitit ut in aliis maximis curis partem
aliquam suarum cogitationum in Anglise salutem conferrent ; quae Christiani orbis

OF CARDINAL ALLEN,

17

pars ejusmodi est ut nec bene ilia habere sé nec male affecta esse queat quin
eandem suam sive felicitatem sive miseriam cum aliis quamplurimis communicet
necessario.
Praeterea collegium aliud excitare in animo habuit ad sacerdotes aceipiendos, Collegium
tarn eos qui, exacto in seminariis studiorum suorum currieulo omnisque doctrinae co^itat.
fundamentis praeclare jactis, ea essent ingenii bonitate ut brevi tempore nee
magno negocio ad summam eruditionis perfectionem perventuri viderentur ; quam
illos qui post preclare positam in Anglica messe operam exilii causa aut periculi
devitandi solum vertere cogerentur. Atque hoc quidem collegium maxime utile
ac necessarium etsi maxime cupiebat, tamen multa erant quo minus illud perficere
potuit impedimento. Nam praeter angustias rei suae familiaris et voluntates quorundam ab eo paulum aversas, etiam ii a quibus praecipuam opem expectare
poterat, aliis exhausti necessariis sumptibus, illud subsidii quod erat necesse
conferre nequiverunt.
Caeterum nec Rhemensis seminarii eum coeperat oblivio ; cui, ne longa hac Cura
intermissione et moderatori^ destitutione gravioris aliquid incommodi subeundum ^j^euesset, Richardum Baretum praesidem constituit. Erat iste Baretus vir optimus, sis.
doctrinae et pietatis multae, et qui Romae aliquot annis, Rhemis diu sub Alani
disciplina vixerat; sed erat natura paulo severior et iracundior, Quos quidem
fervidi animi motus antea latentes cum in imperio ac potestate prompserat
liberius (rara enim in dominatu moderatio et potestas sui) offendit multos scholasticorum et tantas turbas movit ut iis sedandis multae Alani literae, objurgationes,
eastigationes vix suffecerint. Immo nisi ea fuisset apud scholasticos Alani auctoritas, is rursum in Alanum eorundem amor ac reverentia ut nihil potuerit majus
esse magisque ex animo, neque has ille rixas sustulisset tarn facile, et multo sane
difficilius tumultus illos compressisset quos graviores molestioresque eadem prope
tempora, at plures causae, in Romano Anglorum collegio renovarunt. Quibus
tamen omnibus tollendis mitigandisque quia ea facilitate et celeritate semper usus
est Alanus ut aliorum errata in ejus maxime gloriam concessisse viderentur,
incertum omnino relictum est incautiores alii aut proniores ad irritandos animos
an Alanus felicior ad eosdem placandos molliendosque extitisset.
Jacta paulo ante in Hispania fuerant duorum seminariorum, Angliche juven- Seminaria
tuti recipiendae erudiendaeque, fondamenta ; ampia certe ilia ac singularia maximi ls P amca Regis ej usque populi in Anglorum gentem benevolentiae beneficentiaeque testimonia. Ad haec augenda magis atque ornanda datur ab Alano opera ut Pontificio
diplomate conflrmata honorificis privilegiis et indulgentiis essent decorata.
Cum ista communi et collegiorum publica etiam privatorum ratio erat copu- Cura pillata. Ita enim respexit universos ut singulos curare non omitteret; atque ita v a omm sibi faciendum non solum ex officio, sed maxima suadente ratione existimavit.
Nam cum patria necessitas omnium quotquot essent industrias desideraret iisqua
D

18

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

opus haberet, ea singulorum ratio habenda videbatur ut ne minimi cujusquam
opera esset negligenda.
Remotos atque absentes per se et per alios commodando et commendando,
etiam ubi opus esset defendendo, sublevavit. Romam vero et ad se accedentes
qua poterat humanitate maxima aut mensa tectoque recipiebat, si tales essent qui
suscipi mererentur ; sin minus, quatenus liceret ipsique expeterent re sua, Consilio
autem semper adjuvit ; atque hac ratione meliores eos multo quam cum venerant
et sibi catholicisque amiciores domum remittebat.
In pace inter discordantes privatim concilianda, inque iis controversiis quas
saepius in collegiis ortas meminimus dirimendis tali usus est prudentia, moderazione, solertia, ut, quod difficillimum, id perpetuo sit consecutus, ut, nec hac nec
illa parte plus justo laesa aut aliquo modo offensa, pariter ab utraque diligeretur.
Qualis in
Qui in famulatu ei fuerant ac domestica consuetudine, hos non servos sed
ami ares. g] j o s n 0 minabat ; quasi ipse videlicet viri ecclesiastici personam sustinens, non
tam eorum se dominum quam patrem reputaret. Tanquam igitur veri filli sibi
essent, ita omnem illis suum amorem curamque impertiebat ; necessitatibus
illorum quatenus per facultates dabatur eonsulebat; singulis ex consuetudine
mensibus eos per confessionem sacram noxis expiatos divino pascebat pabulo.
Denique si quid in quoquam erat reprehendendum, id etsi quandoque palam
(quod ita convenire videbatur) tamen rectissime cautissimeque semper faciebat.
Nam non tantum verbo signove non notavit quenquam, aut quod latebat aperuit ;
sed nec verborum adjunxit aut contumeliam ullam aut acriorem acerbitatem :
ut is plane iniquissimus videri posset qui iniquo animo ferret id quod ab eo indicatum non tantum latenter et intra modum sed dolenter et invitissime animadverterat.
In deligendis illis quibus rerum familiarium prsecipua cura erat committenda
sedulam adhibebat diligentiam. Electis, uti fidelissimis, fidem amota solicitudine tribuebat ; atque hac ratione se a domesticis tricis maxima ex parte liberavit
et famulis utebatur fere optimis, multo sane diligentioribus. Nam in probis ac
prudentibus vis conscientise et fides adhibita majus vinculum est quam metus
ullus aut suspicio aut custodes mille. Jam vero quia ipse se etiam adversus eos
qui inferioris loci et conditionis erant benigne et humaniter gerebat, neque quicquam per ministros suos de liberalitate sua diminuì patiebatur (nam quod illis
quacunque ratione debebatur id absque fraude suo tempore prsestari seduta
praecepit) neque cujusquam querimonias audiebat ipse ; et qui de ilio sermones
sive domi sive foris per suos habebantur non maledicentium erant voces aut
queritantium, sed vere laudantium et reverentiam simul et amorem suum
non simulate testantium.
Vita quotiQuotidiana v i t e ejus ratio sic erat disposita ut nihil in ea perturbatum nihil
diana.
prseposterum reperisses. Erat multe vigilile, somni parcissimi. A sacro quod

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

19

ipsemet quotidie faciebat vel adeuntes audiebat, vel leetioni scriptionive, in qua
maxime assiduus fuit, operam dabat. In prandio et coena incuriosus, neque
longus, magis animum lectione quam cibo corpus pascens satiansque. Vacuum
ei tempus quod erat relictum, si a prandio, ssepius earn consuetudinem retinuit ut
per loca a tumultu et frequentia remota curru circumvectus valetudini prospiceret :
si a coena, id hilari lsetoque cum familiaribus sermone quo magnopere delectabatur,
sed ita ut majestatem servaret, consumebat. Erat enim illi in more positum severitatem orationis condire mira jucunditate, et comitatem semper sic adjungere gravitati ut excellere in utroque videretur. Postremo ut diem continuo ab horis statis ac
missa exordiri, sic recitatis litaniis eundem rursus concludere nunquam intermisit.
Finem ei vitse eadem quse ante octo annos illum oppresserat urinse retentio
apportavit ; cujus quidem jam appropinquantis aliqua antecessere indicia. Nam
in meiendo difficultatem sensit aliquotiens, atque usum piane omnem quarti dextrse
manus digiti sex ante mortem mensibus amisit. Quibus rebus quasi a divino
admonitus mimine, de nulla re ssepius ac libentius cum quibusdam familiarium
disseruit quam de suo celeri e vita excessu ; ut facile constiterit et sentire ipsum
et lretari vehementer quod corporis hujus effracto carcere brevi ei libero tanquam in patriam foret revertendum.
Decessit omnibus christianis prsesidiis bene munitus, tanta animi alacritate,
constantia, tranquillitate, ut adstantes omnes consolaretur, ipse nullius consolat o n e indigeret. Decessit autem mane, orto jam sole, segritudinis suae mensisque
Octobris die decimo sexto, humanse salutis anno M.D.XCIV.
Clemens Octavus, Pontifex Maximus pariter ac religiosissimus, ut Alanum Pietas
vivum amore ac beneficiis, sic mortuum piis lacrymis et honore prosecutus est. ^Alanum.
Fuit enim ejus exitus bonis cunctis gravis, Anglise immaturus, suis luctuosissimus, notis pariter atque ignotis molestiam exhibens. Hoc testata sunt bonorum
suspiria; suorum tristitia ; miserandi qui secuti in Anglia sunt casus ac dissidia;
denique omnium ordinum in ejus funere exequiisque cohonestandis studium,
moeror, frequentia.
Fuit ejus species et corporis habitus ad pulchritudinem et dignitatem com- Habitus
positus egregie ; vultus et facies quae opinione et indicio virtutis non fallaci animi™ °
gratiam et amorem facile conciliarent. Candor vero animi fuit ejusmodi u t cum
in verbis et actionibus omnia ad conscientiam, nihil ad ostentationem referret,
certe ut fidelem non negaveris, ita virum bonum dixeris necessario.
Incredibilis in ilio erat vereeundia. ac modestia; quse apud bonos viros Virtutes
Alan1,
perssepe ei commodo, semper certe laudi fuit.
Integritas vero ejusmodi quse nec odio nec amore impelli nec retardari ab
officio timore potuit.
Proximos amabat amore vere christianó, suos singulari ; eo tamen qui contra
rationis officiique praeceptum nihil unquam tribuerit necessitudini.
D 2 "

20

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Ea constantia ac moderatione prseditus fuit ut parem animi firmitudineiri
similemque vultum in omni fortuna prsetulerit, Honores nee appetivit nee
adeptus amplissimos incessit inflatior aut arrogantior.
Liberalitatem exercuit veram et commemorandam, non iis donans qui donare
maxima possent ; sed nihil adeo unquam habens suum quod non omnium itidem
calamitosorum esse videretur.
In naturis hominum internoscendis perspicacissimus, in rebus sestimandis
scientissimus, in scribendo cum primis prudens et eloquens est habitus.
Memoria illi magna ; judicium singulare ; sermo gravis, urbanus, elegans, et
(quae laus precipua est) ingenuus et verax.
Pietas ejus, justitia, castimonia, zelus, notiora sunt omnibus quam ut plura
hie dicere sit necesse.
Magnitudo animi fecit ut humana omnia pro nihilo duceret ; ut patriam
spesque maximas Christi et fidei causa relinqueret ; ut fastidium diuturnitatemque
morbi ferret sequissime ; ut ipsa morte nec charorum sibi hominum immoderate
et sua levissime commoveretur.
His virtutibus, hac valetudinis gravi et continua imbecillitate implevit
annum sexagesimum secundum : quae setas robustis et recte valentibus longa
potest videri; Alano vero eo brevior quo major spes, si paulum modo supervixisset,
et multa per eum Anglise bona parari posse quae nunc vix aut tarde sperantur, et
multa incommoda prohiberi quse deinceps evenisse nimio cum moerore nostro
recordamur. Sed felix Alanus qui divinam in se misericordiam tarn benignam
experiri meruerit ut in corpore infirmo vegetam mentem gesserit ; in voluntaria
paupertate aliorum necessitatibus subvenerit; exul et procul a patria patriam
dilexerit unice, patriam juvarit maxime ; vivens inter alienos observatus sit et
cultus tanquam a suis ; abiens e vita decesserit Romse, prsevisa ac prsesensa morte,
in medio amicissimorum suorum, atque pari omnium ordinum dolore et officiis
studii eximii plenis honestatùs et honoratus. Miseri vero Angli quos quasi pupillos et orfanos post se reliquit : atque ipsa infelix Anglia quse in uno homine
unoque die tantum perdiderit quantum alii omnes vix videntur reliquo tempore
restituturi. Sed bona spe ducimur ilium sempiternse felicitatis portum, quern
contentò cursu quantum conniti viribus animoque poterat semper petierit, jam
ingressum et posse nos eo fovere et amare ardentius quo est ipse nunc charitate
perfectior, et velie pro nobis Christum rogare eo impensius et efficacius quo est
Christo jam propior atque conjunction Nos igitur vicissim tanti viri memoriam
ita colamus, ita conservemus ut, ad virtutum illius contemplationem excitati, et
quae fecerit imitemur et quae docuerit exequarnur ; ut hoc modo grati digni
similiter effieiamur quibus eo intercedente a Dei bonitate concedantur bona ilia
quae nobis in hac vita salutarla esse possint et in altera cum ilio seterna.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

21

n.
Draft 1 of the Queen's writ to the sheriff of Lancashire for the apprehension of Allen
and others. 21 February, 1567—8.
From the original in the Public Record Office, London, Dom. Eliz. vol. 46, n. 32.
Vicecomiti Lancastr.
T and W we greete you well. Whereas we have ben credibly infourmid that
certen parsons, who having ben late ministres in the. Church wer justly deprived of
their offices of ministery for their contempts and obstinacy, be yet or lately have bene 2
secretly mainteynid in pryvat places in that our county of Lancaster (whose names are
here subscribed3) where they do not onely contynue their former doings in contempt,
as it seemeth, of our authorite and good ordres provided for an uniformitee, but also
do seditiously 4 pervert and abuse our good subjects to our no small greef : lyke as we
think it convenyent for the service of Almighty God and for the love we beare to our
good and obedyent subjects to have such eveil membres rooted out to thend the good
may the better prosper : so have we thought good to will and commaund yow furthwith
upon the recept heerof, to thend that none may pretend ignorance herin, 5 to take ordrei
and cause too be openely published in the chief market townes of that our countye in
tymes and places of most resort thithr that our pleasor is t[o] have the said parsons
and every of them 6 apprehendid and committed to ward. And then whosoever shall
meynteyn or keepe in his house or otherwyse deale [with any the] 7 said parsons after
the publication of that 8 our pleasor, the same shalbe attached and 9 punished as a
breaker of our commaundement and furder ordred as his contempt shall deserve to the
example of others : and this our plesure we will you further see duely executed.10
On the back of the paper.
Alen who wrote the late booke of Purgatory.
Vause11 ones warden of Winchester.12
Murrey chaplen to Bonner late bushop of London.
Marshall ones deane of Christchurch in Oxford.
Hargrave late vicar of Blackbourne.
One Norreys tearming him self a phisician.
Endorsed.
M. X X F Februarii 1567. The Q ma te to the sherif of Lancashire named Edward
Holland, Esq.
1

2
With corrections and additions in Lord Burleigh's hand.
or lately have dene added by
3
4
Burleigh.
subscribed substituted by Burleigh for included.
Seditiously Burleigh's addition.
5
6
To thend that none may pretend ignorance herin added by Burleigh.
And every of them
7
8
interlined by Burleigh.
MS. worn away : the words conjecturally supplied.
That
9
10
substituted by Burleigh for this.
Attached and added by Burleigh.
to the example
of others : and this our plesure we will youfurther see duely executed Burleigh's addition.
" Vaux.
13
Winchester a mistake for Manchester.

2.2

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

HI,
Dr. John Vende ville to President Viglius. November or December, 1568.
Printed in Tierney's Dodd, Vol. II. Append, p. cccxxx,
Literse domini Joannis Vendevilli, Regis Catholici
Senatoris, ad Prsesidem
Viglium, de adjuvandis quibusdam studiosis Anglis. 1568.
S.P.—Fecit singularis tua pietas, amplissime domine Prseses, eximiumque ecclesiam
Dei juvandi studium, cum alias ssepe turn institutione prsestantis collegii in academia
Lovaniensi, tam evidenter declaratum ut ego re non indiligenter expensa judicarim me
recte facturum esse, si de re quadam pia hic ad Dei gloriam jam inchoata ad Amplitudinem vestram aliquid scriberem : nam et per Dei gratiam me non frustra scripturum
esse, et ut Amplitudo vestra propter aliquam causam neque patrocinium neque
auxilium hac in re sibi prsestandum judicet, me tamen apud virum pium et timentem
Deum hoc meo facto peccare non posse. Mi domine, res ita habet. Jam inde a sex
aut septem mensibus visum est duobus aut tribus viris piis et zelum domus Dei
habentibus fore perutile, ad juvandas multas animas turn in hoc Belgio turn in aliquot
regionibus vicinis iisque olim turn de hac Gallia Belgica turn de Germania et bona parte
orbis christiani optime meritis (inferendo in eas evangelii lucem discussis paganismi
tenebris per Bonifacios, Guillebrordos et alios) si hic in unam domum colligerentur
aliquot Angli theologize studiosi, magnae indolis et spei, religionis causa hic commorantes et magna inopia pressi ac in studio theologico provecti et alioqui liberaliter
instituti, iique hic lecto adjuti et suppeditato istis victu tenui et frugali diligenter instituantur et exerceantur in controversiis ac non vulgari cognitione historic et antiquitatis
ecclesiastiche, ut universse quidem theologize cognitionem habeant non contemnendam,
quam et jam plerique eorum habent, sed in earn quam modo dicebam theologize partem
deinceps diligentes
incumbant, ut per Dei gratiam in ea excellant vel certe
multum possint ; ac deinde, biennio plus minus ad eum modum instituti et exercitati, in
Anglia religionis catholicze negotium agant etiam cum v i t e periculo ; ac si Dominus Deus
tandem Angliam respexerit, palam magno celerique successu religionem orthodoxam in
patria restituant plurimasque animas lucrifaciant quarum singulze tam sunt pretiosze
in conspectu Domini. Visum est. etiam fore perutile si aliquot nostrates theologize
studiosi, fortunze tenuis, qui jam triennio aut quadriennio theologize studuerint
suntque magnze indolis et spei, eis adjungantur, qui ad eum modum instituti
et exercitati illorumque exemplo excitati in eadem disciplina przefìci possint ecclesiis
parochialibus, vel pastoribus magno auxilio esse, incredibili (ut videtur) multarum
animarum fructu. Porro cum tale quid fieri visum esset vehementer expedire, tentati
sunt animi quatuor aut quinque piorum virorum, qui et possent et pro sua pietate
viderentur non recusaturi, aliquam notabilem eleemosynam in eum usum conferre.
Atque adeo Dei beneficio jam aliquousque progressa res est, et satis feliciter incepta.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

«»

Nam jam inde a testo S. Michaelis conducta est domus ampia satis et percommoda
scholaeque theologiae admodum vicina; jamque in ea sunt quinque aut sex Angli
magnae indolis et spei, partim viri, partim adolescentes viginti trium aut viginti quatuor
annorum ; item duo nostrates : et praesidem habent virum doctissimum et pientissimum,
D. Gulielmum Alanum, theologiae licentiatum, Anglum, et nuper hie factum catechistarn publicum universitatis et magistratus rogatu ; virum in controversiis exercitatissimum, solideque et vere eleganter doctum, quique negotium religionis eatholicae proxime
superioribus annis in Anglia diligenter egit cum evidentissimo vitae suae periculo, et
multos turn nobiles turn ignobiles ab errore in viam revocavit, ut testantur Angli qui
sunt in Belgio. Illi itaque jam inde ab aliquot septimanis coeperunt una vivere in ea
quam dixi disciplina et frugalitate eaque ratione institutionis et exercitationum quam
dixi. Quae cum ita sint, amplissime domine Praeses, et eleemosynae addictae procul
dubio non sufficiant, humillime supplico per Christum Dominum ut Amplitudo vestra
dignetur operam dare ut ab illustrissimo domino Duce [Albano] in hunc usum tam
pium summam aliquam ducentorum aut trecentorum coronatorum ex bonis confiscatis
vel aliunde impetret.

IV.
A diploma from the chancellor of the university of Douay to William Allen, B.D.
fixing a day for publicly conferring on him the license in divinity.
Douay, 31 January, 1570.
From the original, on parchment

with the seal torn off, in the archives of the see of
Westminster,
II. 1.

Matthaèus Galenus Vestcapellius, artium ac sacrae theologiae magister et ejusdem
regius ordinariusque professor, ecclesiae collegiatae D. Petri praepositus ac academiae
Duacensis cancellarius, eruditissimo viro, artium magistro ac sacrae theologiae baccalaureo formato, domino Guilielmo Alano, Anglo, S.D.
Periculo eruditionis tuae serio pro ratione officii nostri facto, comperimus te
dignum qui ad gradum sublimiorem eveharis. Itaque vetus ac solemne majorum institutum secuti censemus te in licentiatorum facultatis theologicae numerum cooptandum ;
quo et tu virtutis industriaeque praemia commerita referas, et alii fide majore docentem
te aut alioqui consulentem audiant, publico videlicet academiae nostrae testimonio ornatura ; ad quern actum condicimus horam decimam hujus crastini in scholis theologorum.
Datum Duaci, sigillo auctoritatis nostrae de more praesentibus impresso, anno Domini
1570, mensis Januarii die ultima.

24

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

V.
Brief of Pope Gregory XIII.

Rome, April 15, 1575.

From the original in the archives of the see of Westminster,
Printed also in Dodd, vol. II., p. 247.

II. 11.

Gregorius PP. XIII s .
Ad futuram rei memoriam. Intelleximus nuper opus quidem seque bonum ac
pium et sanctum in universitate Duacensi partium Flandrise, seminarium scilicet unum
aut collegium satis numerosum adolescentium ac juvenum Anglicorum catholicorum,
esse institutum. Quare volentes pro paterna nostra atque propensa erga tarn laudabile
et salutare incoeptum charitate, ut illud facilius ac commodius sustentari ac provehi
possit, aliquod opportunum subsidium afferre eidem seminario seu collegio, stipendium
et provisionem centum scutorum auri in auro quolibet mense ad nostrum et Sedis
Apostoliche beneplacitum et donec revocata fuerit duraturam prsesentium tenore constituimus et assignamus ; mandantes sanctse Romanse ecclesia camerario ac thesaurario et
depositario generalibus nostris quatenus singulis mensibus provisionem prsedictam
centum scutorum auri in auro in manibus doctoris Alani ipsius collegii moderni et pro
tempore existentis reetoris realiter et cum effectu persolvi mandent et faciant. Nos
enim solutionem hujusmodi in eorum rationibus et computis admitti jubemus : contrariis non obstantibus quibuscunque. Dat. Romse apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo
Piscatoris, die XV Aprilis, MDLXXV. Pontificatus Nostri Anno Tertio.
CM.

GLORIERIUS.

Endorsed.
Die vigesima sexta Aprilis 1575. Hse literse apostoliche admissse et registrate
fuerunt de mandato Ill mi et R ml D. mèi Aloysii Carlis Oamerarii, lib° p° Signaturar.
S ml D. N. pp. fol° cev apud me infrascriptum Camera Apostoliche notarium.
ANDREAS MARTINI.

VI
Dr. William Allen, the professors and the students of Douay College to the Cardinal
of Como. Douay, 13 June, 1575.
Printed in Theiner Ann. Eccles.} Tom. II., p. 135.
Ill

m0

et R

mo

domino, Cardinali Comensi, domino nostro multum observando,

Intelleximus hisce diebus, illme domine Cardinalis, ex Uteris conterranei et patroni
nostri D. Audoeni,1 referendarii apostolici, nos servos tuos humillimos plurimum Amplitudini tuse debere, qui in magnificentissimo isto pecuniario beneficio, quo'2 sua Sanctitas
1

Dr. Owen Lewis.

2

quod ?

ÓF CARDINAL ALLEN.

25

nobis nuperrime designavit, commodissime ad rationes nostras procurando tantum
ostendisti curse, solicitudinis, pietatis quantum ardorem tuum studiumque maximum
promovenda ubique et in omnibus Christianae reipublicae palam ac manifeste declarat.
Hac tua tarn excellenti in nos charitate promeritus es non de nobis solum, sed etiam de
universa gente nostra, quantum tibi reddi a nostra tenuitate nunquam poterit ; ideoque
nobis ad divina praesidia confugiendum est et assidue petendum ut quae tarn eximiae
beneficentiae praemia in terris debentur, ea Deus Opt. Max. olim in coelis uberrime
persolvat. Quoniam autem ad Sanctitatem suam scribere nostra humilitas non praasumit, et tamen oblivionis atque ingratitudinis notam pertimescimus, omnino cogimur
rogare vehementissime Amplitudinem tuam, hanc nobis addente tua priore humanitate
nimis magnam audaciam, ut digneris Sanctitati suae nostro nomine, qui ad beatissimos
pedes prosternimur et jacemus, demississimas et humillimas gratias agere ; simul autem
et orare, pro tua qua plurimum apud Sanctitatem suam merito tuo potes gratia, ut
beneficiùm suum amplissimum nobis licet indignissimis servis suis Angliaeque nostrae
jam licet immeritissima? stabile et diuturnum esse velit. Videbit certe, non dubitamus,
Celsitudo vestra lucrum hine in dies incredibile animarum ; quin etiam, ut speramus,
aliquando et propitio Christo non ita multo post ex hac vestra quasi fiscella mosaica,
Duaceno seminario, duces plurimos reversionis nostrse. ,Quo quidem munere quia nihil
potest in rebus humanis a Deo immortali aut vobis contingere gloriosius aut nobis
optabilius, praeter [cjaetera fausta et beata vobis omnia, hoc quoque praecipue Dei
clementiam comprecamur ad cumulum meritorum vestrorum erga nos id tandem posse
accedere, ut corona gloriae vestrae nos cum gente nostra simus in adventu Domini.
Deus te ecclesiae suae quam diutissime servet incolumem. Duaci, idibus Junii, anni
MDLXXV, e collegio Anglorum.
Ill me et Rev me Domine,
m8e
Ill
Dominationis tuae devinctissimi clientes,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S , RECTOR, ET S u i .

VII.
Dr. "William Allen to the Cardinal of Como. Douay, 13 June, 1575.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles. Tom. II., p. 134.
Ill m0 ac Rm0 domino, Cardinali Comensi, domino meo multum observando.
Ego, illustrissime et optime Cardinalis, illius divini beneficii nuper a sanctissimo
Gregorio vere domino ac parente nostro in hoc Duacense Anglorum catholicorum
Collegium benignissime collati magnitudine ac admirabili utilitate ita pmnes bonos
intime affectos, ita me imprimis mirifice recreatum sentio, ut nee hac communi meorum
adjuncta epistola nee quo vis vulgari verborum aut liter arum officio erga tarn excellentis
boni authores mini, ullo pacto satisfacere videar. Summae enim istius beneficentiae
fructus non modo ad maximum solamen diuturni exilii multorum, sed ad universae
E

26

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

gentis nostrae communem in Christo et ecclesia salutem, nee tantum ad prsesens
tempus, sed ad diuturnitatem atque ad omnes posteros, spectabit ; ut nesciam an quicquam in hoc genere vel ad Dei seternum honorem luculentius vel ad summi pastoris
veram ac solidam in Domino gloriam eumulatius vel ad ecclesia bonum utilius esse
queat. Non mediocriter sane jam turn cum minimis et incertis adjumentis hoc
seminarium sustentabatur afflictam patriam juvisse prudentes ac boni facile animadverterunt ; Pontificis vero optimi ac maximi nunc auspiciis f elicissimis auctum, propagatum, constitutum admirabiles ecclesise fructus pariturum confidimus. Hoc toto quinquennio, sapientissime Cardinalis, commigrarunt hue ex vicina Anglia vel jubentibus
vel conniventibus vel nonnunquam etiam invitis parentibus ingeniosissimi adolescentes
plurimi, viri etiam retate ac doctrina prsestantes multi, hsereseos quoque ac nefarii
schismatis pertsesi, adeoque prophanorum sacrorum ministri nonnulli ; qui omnes tanto
studio ac ardore catholicam disciplinam ac institutionem sectantur, et tarn acriter
prioris ignorantise suse vias horrent et abominantur, aliosque tarn lubenter a perditis
sectibus et moribus revocant ut nihil unquam viderim lubentius. Et hoc ipso quidem
tempore quo Christus per summum suae providential ministrum Gregorium XIII., quo
nomine nihil unquam fuit genti nostrse salutarius, communes nostrorum hominum
labores ac dolores consideravit, escamque misericors et miserator Dominus dedit
timentibus se, quasi quadam futuri boni prsesensione, longe plures quam antea hue ad
nos eoncesserunt. Quare si ullam nunc rempublieam, si ullam eeclesiam Britannia
mea haberet, et si ipsa pro se loqui posset, prostrata ad beatissimos pedes de hoc
immortali bono Sanctitati suse gratias ageret pariterque orar et supplex ut reliquias
xlorentissimge olim ecclesia suae in Duacenum hoc seminarium Sanctitatis suae nomine
collectas, quod benignissime cepit, tueri ac propagare .velit. Tibi autem, illustrissime
domine, sanctissimse voluntatis pontifìcise sanctissimo consiliario, interpreti, ministro,
qui tanto in homines inopes et exules favore, pietate, propensione, rem omnem tarn
necessario nobis tempore conferisti, quanta debeantur gratise jam pridem ex Uteris
amplissimi D. Audoeni1, referendarii apostolici, intelligo ac perpetuo agnoscam ; qui vir
cum ab ineunte pene retate morum ac doctrinse singularisque prudentiae admiratione et
reliquie vitae familiaritate mihi fuerit conjunctissimus, hoc nomine tamen charissimus
jam diu fuit, quod in hoc seminario inchoando summus et suasor et adjutor extitit.
Cujus propterea amplissim.se observantise officia in tuam Celsitudinem talia semper fore
confido, ut per ipsum intelligere possit quam immortali a beneficia calamitosis hominibus
totique genti nostrse hac incomparabili charitate contulerit. Deus ac Dominus noster,
Jesus Christus, vitam ac misericordiam Sanctissimo Domino nostro quam diutissime
largiatur, et tibi, illustrissime Cardinalis, ejus et ecclesise sancto ministerio incolumitatem diuturnam concedat. Duaci XIII. Junii, 1575.
Tuae illustrissimae Dominationis in Christo humillimus servus,
GULIELMUS ALANUS, presbiter.
1

Dr. Owen Lewis.

27

OF CARDINAL ALLEN,

VIII,
Brief of Pope Gregory XIII. to Dr. William Allen,

Rome, 30th August, 1575,

From the original in the Archives of the See of Westminster, II. 11, .
Gregorius PP. XIII s ,
Dileete fili salutem et apostolicam benedietionem. Exigit pastoris universalis cura
nobis divinitus injuncta ut omni studio enitamur oves, quae a Christi ovili aberrarunt,
commodis rationibus omni diligentia adhibita reducere. Hinc est quod nos tibi, de
quo in his et aliis specialem in Domino tìduciam obtinemus, in universo Anglise regno
ac illius provineiis universis ac extra illud utriusque sexus personas dicti regni vere
poenitentes, quae peccata sua alia quam Anglica lingua commode non poterunt confiteri,
a quibusvis excessibus et delictis quantumvis gravibus et enormibus, etiam in Uteris in
die coense Domini legi solitis comprehensis, injancta eis pro modo culpsB poenitentia
salutari, in foro conscientise duntaxat absolvere, ac cum eis eorundem delictorum
occasione, si censuris ecclesiasticis ligati divinis se quomodolibet immiscuerint, contracta irregularitate dispensare, ac ab eis omnem inhabilitatis maculam tollere et
abolere, eosque in pristinum et eum in quo antequam in prsefatos errores inciderent
erant statum restituere reponere et plenarie reintegrare : nee non in eodem regno
illiusque civitatibus et diocesibus universis, ut aliquibus probis et catholicis sacerdotibus, quos ad id eligendos duxeris, eandem facultatem delegare possis, qui in dicto regno
eadem prorsus facultate in foro conscientise duntaxat absolvendi uti valeant, apostolica
auctoritate tenore prsesentium tibi ad beneplacitum nostrum concedimus et indulgemus :
in contrarium facientibus quibuscumque nequaquam obstantibus. Dat. Romse apud
Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, die XXX, Augusti, MDLXXV, Pontificatus
Nostri Anno Quarto.
CM.

GLORIERIUS.

On the back.
Dilecto filio Guilihelmo Alano rectori seminarli Anglicani et regio saerse theologiae
professori in universitate Duacensi.
IX.
Dr. Nicholas Sander to the Cardinal of Como. Madrid, 30th March, 1576.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles. Tom. II., p. 2é7.
me
me
Ill et rev domine ; Me ad scribendum hoc tempore partim ofneium impellit,
cum probe* sciam et quantum nostri omnes tuse illmas Dominationi debeant et quanti©
gratiarum actiones tam constanti bene de illis merendi proposito debeantur, partim
opportunitas invitat, quia eos jam in Urbe adesse intelligo quorum laudes tacere nec
possum, quia virtutes eorum semper colui, nec debeo, quia quod in illos beneficii
E

2

•

•

28

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

confertur in totam nostras patriae causam pienissime confertur. Dominus Franciscus, 1
vir antiquae nobilitatis, rarae virtutis, judicii singularis et authoritate semper plurimum
domi forisque valuit, et nostra plurimum interest ut jam majore auctus non tarn sibi
quam patriee suae quod reliquum est vitae impendat. Porro doctor Gulielmus Alanus,
natalium dignitate satis conspicuus, etiam ingenio, doctrina, pietate, prudentia et quae
his virtutibus paritur auctoritate tantum potest valetque ut de ilio ex nostris quidem
solo vere dici queat eum rerum susceptarum magnitudine omnem omnium invidiam
superasse. Quam vero sit ad res magnas et natus et aptus id unum inter alia multa
declarat, quod vix dum ducentos aureos magnis laboribus et vigiliis sibi in singulos
annos acquisierat, cum jam de nostratium collegio apud exteros erigendo peregrinus
ipse atque exul spem concepit, initium rei dedit, nec a sancto proposito destitit donec
fere octoginta exules omnibus bonis ob fidem exutos turn hospitio reciperet, turn cibo
pasceret, turn omnibus scientiis eruditos ad omnem perfectionis laudem informaret. In
paucis administrandis jam prudens et fidelis divinae sapientiae judicio supra multos
constituendus esset.
Cum viro sapienti pauca verba sufficiant, ex his quae jam dixi tua illraa Dominatio
facile intelliget hos viros duos, in suo quemque gradu et vitae statu, omnium hominum
capaces existere qui vel tantae ipsorum virtuti vel tantae nostrorum expectationi vel ad
finem tam eximium vel a tanta suae Sanctitatis beneficentia vel per tantam tuae illm8e
Dominationis authoritatem exhiberi possunt. Erit sine controversia magnus error si in
his quae ad nostratium personas spectant in omnibus causis primae his duobus viris non
deferantur. Nec meo tantum sed et aliorum nomine haec scripsi, magis ne meo deessem
officio quam quod in aliorum causas me temere ingeram, aut serias tuae illm9e Dominationis oecupationes libenter impediam; cui potius ommia mea studia et officia in
aeternum addictissima esse cuperem, siquidem ea essent quae alicui usui esse possenti.
Quod ex nostra parte deest, adaugeat et multiplicet benignitas et liberalitas Dei.
Datum Mantuae Carpetanae, pridie cai. Aprilis, anno Domini 1576.
Tuae illustrissimae Dominationis addictissimus servus,
NICOLAUS SANDERUS.

X.
Brief of Pope Gregory XIII. to Dr. William Allen.

Kome, 18 July, 1577.

From the original in the archives of the see of Westminster, II. 39. "
Gregorius PP. XIII.
Dilecte fili; salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cupientes pro nostro pastorali
officio collegii seu seminarli Anglorum, in universitate Duacensi Attrebatensis diocesis
instituti, profectui et bono regimini consulere, tibi qui ad praesens ejusdem collegii
1

Sir Francis Englefield.

29

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

rector existis, ac canonicatum et praebendam ecclesia Cameraeerisis ex nostra concesr
sione obtines, jamque ex more strictam residentiam sex septimanis ut asseris absolvisti,
motu proprio et ex certa scientia nostra, ut per annum, a die quo prsesentes nostras
literas dilectis filiis capitulo Cameracensi presenta veris inchoandum, ab eadem ecclesia
Cameracensi propter seminarli prsedicti regimen abesse, et omnes interim fructus redditus et proventus tua3 prsebendse ac emolumenta obventiones commoda et jura qusecunque piene et integre ac si personaliter in eadem ecclesia resideres percipere libere et
licite valeas, dummodo singulis majoribus festis, quae principalia festa duplicia vulgo
vocantur, in missa majori ac secundis vesperis et aliis divinis officiis sicut alii canonici
Cameracenses in eadem ecclesia intersis, morbi aut alio legitimo impedimento cessante,
auctoritate apostolica tenore praesentium de specialis dono gratile indulgèmus. Mandantes venerabili fratri archiepiscopo Cameracensi ac capitulo prsedictis et quibusvis
aliis ad quos spectat, ut durante anno prsedicto de fructibus, redditibus et proventibus
ac emolumentis, obventionibus, commodis et juribus universis praedictis juxta tenorem
prsesentium tibi debito tempore cum effectu respondeant, et seu responderi mandent et
faciant. Non obstantibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis, necnon dictse
ecclesise, etiam juramento confìrmatione apostolica vel quavis fìrmitate alia roboratis,
statutis et consuetudinibus, privilegiis quoque, indultis, et literis apostolicis dictis
ecclesise et capitulo quomodolibet concessis connrmatis et innovatis. Quibus omnibus
eorum tenores ac si de verbo ad verbum insererentur prsesentibus pro sufficienter
expressis habentes, illis alias in suo robore permansuris, hac vice duntaxat ad effectum
prsesentium specialiter et expresse derogamus cseterisque contrariis quibuscunque.
Dat. Romse apud Sanctum Petrum sub armulo Piscatoris, die XVIII Julii, MDLXXYII.
Pontificatus Nostri Anno Sexto.
CM.

GLOEIERIUS.

On the back.
Dilecto filio Guglielmo Alano, Anglo, sacrse theologise doctori.

r :'XL l

' ' " "

.

•;'7;

Mary Queen of Scots to Dr. William Allen. Sheffield/3 August (1577).
From the original decipher in the British Museum, Cotton MSS. Calig. C. V. 80
Printed also in Labanoff. Tom. IV., p. 375.
The many good reports and multitude of rare vertues floweinge in yow, which
longe agoe have made your name be knowne not onely unto me but to the greatest
and every one of good in Christendome, have no lesse made me esteme your comfortable letter in this my affliction as a singuler signe of some good to ensue thereupon,
then most heartely to accept your godlie and honest offers, in speciali your prayers at
the holie altar, which I understand by the convoyer 1 hereof have this longe tyme bene
1

Noted on the margin

Ligons.

30

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

used by yow and such as are under your chardge ; of which I cannot better acquite
me then by mine daylie to God for your strengthninge and mayntaynance with His
grace and Holye Spirit in all your designementes tendinge to His glorye, unto the
time it please Him to graunte me meanes otherwise to ayde and supply the atchieveinge
thereof and to recognosce your sincere affection towards me as I have goodwill.
There is no particuler joye nor restitution nor advancement on earth that I desire
saveinge onely the relief of the catholique church and fortitude thereof to the universali florishinge and restablishment of her faith and religion, but specially in this
pore isle. To which end, if it shall please Him to make me serve in any thinge, I doe
even nowe, as I have longe afore, dedicate and abandon my life in a thowsand mo
torments and all I can have in this world thereunto, wishing no greater felicitye and
consolation then in that quarrell to leave the miseryes of this wreched vale.
And the meane tyme consideringe the good which maniefoldlye I have receaved
since my arryvall in this realme, as well by the wicked who through persecution have
made me with God's grace better acknowledge my self then afore I coulde in prosperitye, as by the good people that in my lowest extremitye have given me comforte
and relief, which bindeth me, without my naturali inclination, in recompenc to wishe
weal to the hole, specialty to the faithfull who have suffered with lose of lands and
goods and finally banisshid, albeit with seperation of their bodyes in strange countries
I wishe ther harts not to be so farre severid as to my greife I understand they be
devided in sundry factions. To the reunion and reconcilement of whom I have this
long time bine most desyrous to interpone my credit ; as yet I am in deliberation if by
any means I may profitt therin, and herof knowing your habilite and the good
opinion every one of them hath of yow, I have found no way so fit as to call to your
helpè and to pray yow for God's sake and myne to imploy your travell in so good a
work, and if posible in such a sorte as may be brought to some good end: and therin,
if my name may serve in anye way, to use it as yow think needfull ; which I remit to
your discrecion. And I shall heartely allowe and authorise yow in the same. God
Almightie preserve yow. The thirde of August, at Sheffield castle.
Endorsed 1577, 3° Augusti. The Q. of Scotts to D. Allen. Cope deciphered by
Mrs. Somers.
XII.
Drt William Allen to Dr. Bristow and Mr. Bailey.

Cambray, 6 August, 1577.

Printed in the First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 259.
D. Alanus prseses, Uteris ad D. Brist. et M. Bail datis Cameraci, August. 6, 1577.
Certeyne of the bookes in my chamber were and are Mr. Morganes ; all wch I
gyve to the students, viz., Opera Augustini, Opera Dionisii in textum Bibliorum and

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

31

Lyranus ; which are not all perfect, but so may [many] as they be and as I had and
f ownd of them, those let the Common have and be sett in the hall. Item Biblia grseca
in iii little volumes as I remember : I think the New Testament wanteth. Eusebius
grseee et qusedam Theophilacti grsece. I gyve them ipso facto to the howse. Opera
Originis et Chrisostomi etiam. All these lett the students have and use acording to
yo r wysdome,
XIII,
Dr. William Allen to F. Chasee (Chauncy), Prior of the English Carthusians in the
Low Countries, Cambray, 10 August, 1577.
From a contemporary copy in the archives of the Old Brotherhood of the English
secular clergy,
Kyght reverend good father, my deere freind ; I thanke you for the charitable
admonition which youe sent me of late concerninge somme of the prests addressed thes
latter years frome these parts into England. I spake not with the party e my selfe,
but came by your warning att the second hand. And in good sooth, Sir, I shalbe as
circumspect as I may, and truely ever have taken as good heede as I could that no
scandali fall amonge the simple, nor reasonablely be taken of the evill (nam perfecti et
diligentes legem Dei non scandalizantur) by any disorder or defecte of the said preists ;
thowghe in there and our so great and manifold infirmityes ; in so strayt watch over
suche menns wayes and behavyour, not onely by adversaryes but also by emulators ;"
in such a delicate daungerous by me to doo good in, as this is ; it is impossible not to
heare yll for doing well, nor to walke square in every mans curious eye, were [they] as
many Peters and Paules, Augustines and Ambroses, as they be nowe plaine poore
priests. For (besyd the exceding ill neyhbourhood of heretikes whose forceable
example of disordere breadeth blotts of lyfe and discipline almost in all that be nere
them) even among the catholyke of our country needfully living in awe of mans lawes
ther is suche feare, such variety of humours, such perfect the more, such perfect the
less, so diversly to be delt withall, soome to be handled softly, some hardly, and all so
to be trayned towards heaven that they loose nothinge for yt here in the world, that
those which serve there soules in this pytefull case and state of things to every of their
contentations and to the lyking of all that be lookers on had need to be conning
karvers. Lett them measure them selves never so exactly by councel and cannon, and
kepe the streit lyne of holy Churches lawes never so precisly (which to do withowt all
blame I knowe requireth much wisdom and discretion) yet how warely soever they
walke, except they followe a little the fantasyes of theire favourers and followers or
bere more or lesse with there schisme or synne, and be content conningly to convey
the matter so that they may serve the one syde without the offence of the other
(which is the hardest thing in the world where the two contrary partyes bee manne

32

LETTEES AND MEMORIALS

and God) yet except they this do, were they never so old, never so wyse/never so well
scholed, they shall not possibly gaine the favour and good word of the world : even
wyse mens judgments somtymes to pressed by voice of the unskillful! multitude and
other violences of thes tyme and place where they be, that yt breadith error in their
consciences, thowghe withowt sinne. Which I do not speake so in there defence or
myne owne dischardge, because I wold boulster or bere in them any there defects or
disorders, which God knoweth in that weightie function of presthood farr passing the
worthynesse of us all must needs be many, of whatt calling, learning or age soever we
be; but to this end onely that your fatherhood and other may better knowe and lesse
mysconstrue our intentions and proceading for the maintenance of the spirituali harvest and workmanshipp in England, which must needs to the perishinge of infinite
soueles yf there should be no supply of catholyke preests utterly decay. For our
direction therfore in this affaire the holy Scriptures and cannons have expressed the
qualityes and prescribed age and measure of learning; against which or lacking which
condicion eyther of lyfe, age or skill, yt were no small contempt and disorder to procure any manns promotion to presthood,, as the persons so ordered should lyghtly
offend the rules of our religion and incurre many censures of the Churche. I therfore for my part I never presented none to that holy function but such as for all
qualities exactly ruled by the cannons in my poore judgment myght be preists, and
such as no bushope could in conscience repelle or refuse eyther for want of yeres or
knowledge or behaviour, none ever under xxv yers of age and all lightly farre above,
all of irreprovable lyfe and conversation and of verie good testimonie; most of them
not onely well skilled in the latine and other learned tongues, but also browght upp
to degree both e in art and divinitye, suche as should never have bene refused in any
country christianned nether in this age nor of old tyme to have ben persons and
pastors of mens soules. And yet of these I have made alwayes such choise and. difference in addressinge them towards England, that I nether sent all that wold and perchaunce could do good there, nether bestowed lyke facultye and authority to all that
went thither. This is trothe I tell yowe : as farre as I canne call my selfe to accounte,
I never admitted any to go in and to reconcile sinners and schismatikes in all cases but
they were xxx yeres old or not farr under, and many of them much more ; and some
so well lerned that they might have passed with ^estimation to any degree of divinitye
in our universities when they florished more then they do nowe. And nonne be so
unfytt but that they have had much more convenient institution in all kynd of
pastorali doctrine then the common sort of curats had in old tyme, as yow may
better then I remembre theare wannt then in manner even of necessary knowledge.
And many of the elder sort of preests long since made in England, comming hyther
to see our trade, and tarryinge with us som good tyme, will beare us wytnesse in that
point of all diligence and industry, and howe carefull we bee that none passe but well
qualified or with tolerable iourneiture, thowghe (because Mercury cannot be made of

OF CAKDINAL ALLEN.

33

every logg) not all of highest witt or learninge. And althowghe the delicate curiositee
and opiniatrity of this evill tyme requyre in spirituali men more skill and conninge
then before, yet on the other syde the necessitie of our realme is suche, by reason the
unjiist lawes have sequestred the old, trewe and learned pastors frome the exercyse of
their function, that among many laborers som must needes be admitted of moderat
knowledge, otherwyse neither wanting the age nor other qualitie that the decrees of
the churche require. Behold the trade of the seminaryes in Italy and other countryes,
erected by commandement of the holy counsell of Trent for education and nurriture of
preests, and see whether ours may not be admitted of lyke age and training as theirs
bee. Consider the Jesuits trade, who be men called of God to rayse the necessary
discipline of the Churche and be the best gostly fathers that the Churche hath.
Among them, all bee not of lyke learning nor of hyghest scholasticall skill nor all
gray heeds, but some of them verie yonge, many well instructed in penitentiary cases
and by a fewe yeres use quyckly become very expert ; one of which order being somwhat yong, but otherwyse excedingly exercised, was many daes some years past in
England, where he did reconcile many and did much good ; and yet because he was
yonge et quia mollibus vestiebatur to cover his order, my selfe hard yll spoken of him
in England ; as now ours be for the lyke things and for that they be not sufficient to
resolve the curyous or scrupulous in all dowts much blamed. But yt is not requisite,
Syr, as yow full well knowe, that every one should be so profounde to resolve all cases
that may fall, specially in mans lyfe and conscience: and yf any of our order in
England should be so presumptuous or his master before him to chalendge so much
conninge, he were to prowde to be a preest or ghostly father ; as he also is over simple
or rigorous that wole have none admitted to hear e confession that be not resolute in
every poynt that may be propounded or of so perfyt lyfe that no mann may possibly
reprehend them. Wold God all could be so, for then shold we poure synners be so
also ; but that golden world is past, yf ever any such were. And nowe I thanke God
much that hitherto I heare no enormyous crymes or notorious offenses by any of them
all, nor that any is so ill or inconstant to fall by feare or force to deny there faith or
to schisme or heresye, thoughe in the frailty of men, of what age or wysdome so-ever they be counted of, such inconveniences and scandalls may fall, which now
God forbyd. And thowghe some of them, as I understand and am sory for yt,
have unadvisedly uttered in theire sodden feare some places and persons of there
resort and catholyke exercyse, which they should not doo in conscience ; yet that in the
said feares they have fallen no further, I thanke God humbly for yt, praing Him to
amend all our imperfections. They be not yett all I confesse of settled age, experience
and discretion in every thinge and therefore may more easily commit error or disorder:
but alas I have no old expert men to teache, nor am not able to teache suche ;
such use not much to come to the schoole. And thowghe they were never so old,
wold there bee no faults spyed amonge them, thinke youe ? Wold all such lyve and
F

34

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

teache and deale in those matters without all offence, trowe youe ? Yt were to be
wyshed, but yt is not to bee hooped. The busye enemy to all good intentions, the
devili, canne cast impediments inowe amonge the oldest that bee, to make there
laboure lesse profy table and lesse gratefull to the people and imperfycte men ; who yf
thei be hurt by any accident in there temporalityes throwghe there gostly fathers or
teachers, they will streight wyshe they had bene att schoole xx yeares longer to have
learned discretion. God is my record howe carefull I am that such as seake their
salvation be as little endomaged as may bee ; and some canne beare me wytnesse what
earnest chardge I give to every one att there dismission to use them selves with
wysdome, discretion, humilitye and secresye, with some particular instructions howe
and where to condiscende withowt synne to certaine feablenesse growne in manns lyfe
and manners these ill tymes, not alwayes to be rigorous, never over scrupulous, so that
the churche discipline be not evidently infringed, nor no acte of schisme or synne
plainly committed ; warning them specially that they take not to much upon them in
deciding cases or questions which they cannot well skill of, withowt recourse to theire
superiours in age, learning and degree ; for which cause to some that be not of so great
study, judgment and capacity, I graunt no further authoritye but onely in uplandishe
places wher ther is no other better learned then themselves to heare the common
catholyke peoples confession, or of that howse onely where for the tyme they dwell.
That I thanke God I am gyltlesse in conscience and before Him in all dealing hearin,
and fully satisfye the Pope's Holynesse for the chardge and commission yt hath
pleased his goodnesse to gyve me and others with me joy ned in the same : and have
his Holynesse example for my warrant also, for as much as some of the yongest sort
that bee in England were both made preests in Rome and authorised there by him
selfe, as divers of the rest be throughe my subdelegation. And at this present some of
the yongest and of least study that were in our company be by his Holynesse licence
to take orders and preesthood in Rome to the same end that ours be and have bene
made with us ; wher nowe, specially since the order therein taken by the late
generali Counsell of Trent, ther is as exact and exquisit examination of there
worthynesse as is in any place of the world ; where they repell none by minoritye, but
suche as be under 25 yeres, bearing with youthe in yeares by S. Paules example in
Timothye, and the holy Scriptures warrant, that measure not alwayes gravitye by the
gray head, but by suffieiensy of sense and judgment ; thowghe yf we might alwayes
have men of mature age we should need the lesse to occupye the yonger, whome
nowe neede maketh us to use and who by a lyttle practyse and experience
shall attaine to that rypenesse of prudence and discretion which we desyre : wherin
the beginnings of there practyse is lesse daungerous; for that they be not put to
government and jurisdiction, but to a matter of labour and worke onely where errors
be lesse perilous. And this in the meane tyme is my joy and comfort in Christ,
that, whatsoever the fearful! or unskillful! thinke of this practyse, by ther travels

OF CARDINAL AL LEN.

35

as also by others of the lyke calling and indevour, God is daly glorified and served
in our countrye with great encrease of the catholyke faith, and more and moe be
dalye wonne of all sorts of men, and that innumerable nowe confesse there faithe
and abhorreth all communion and participation with the sectaryes in there servyce
and sacraments, that before, beinge catholykes in there hart, for worldy feare durst
not so doo, and that there is dayly such joyfull resort of many to this syde the seas
to learne there belefe and to take experience of the Churches discipline by our said
preests speciali exhortation, that yt is wonderfull to strangers and comfortable to us
to behold. For my parte I should thinke all my poore paines and desyres well
rewarded in God, yf eve[r]y one that laboureth there could but recover one soule
from schisine and perdition, as I have assured intelligence every one gaineth full
manye. And to make short, his Holinesse pleasure is that this we should doo, and
thus by his seminary supply as farre as we be able the great scarsitie of spirituali
labourers in our country ; hym selfe of his bounteous goodnesse bearing theime in his
said seminary, partly att Doway and partly att Rome, till they be fytt (for lyfe, age
and learning) for that function. But tyll they have hore heads nether the seminary
canne beare them, nor England well beare the want of them ; thowghe some worldly
and timerous persons, that wold take there rest rather in this lyfe then in the next,
had rather still lacke the use of them then bye yt with worldlye losse (as they take
yt) to deare. Well yett needfull they be, and scandalls .and defects will be and
appeare to be, were they the wysest and most picked persons in the world. The
cause wherof this is specially (which many one seeth not that reprehendeth yt) that
in this state of things our catholike churche or the relyques and seede thereof in
England hath no forme of externall common wealth, no one that governeth the rest,
no discipline or censures neyther to dryve the preists nor people into order, no man
subject to his fello we, no way to call disorders to accoumpt, no common conference,
no soveraignty nor subjection ; but every one living severally and secretely by him
selfe, and often farre frome any fellowes, is ruled onely by his owne skill and conscience; which even amonge the Apostoles had bredd disturbance, yf by sundry
meetyngs, counsels and conferences yt had not bene looked unto, and, that notwythstanding, som of the best sort were nowe and then fownde reprehensible ; which
poynt cannot possibly be wholy provided for in our miserable country, in so great
feare of lawes and so many provisions against the practyse of the catholicke religion ;
because no man dare nor well can in those termes take upon him to direct, governe
and call to accoumpt at certeine tymes the rest of the inferiour clergye in so great a
dispersion and uncerteintee of there abode ; and we here on this syde cannot have so
often intercourse with them as to heare of there defects or they of our admonition once
in a yere or twoo* Therfore where there canne bee no further jurisdiction or recoumpt
of there dealings then the rule of every manns owne conscience and knowledge, no
F 2

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LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

marvell yf all be not att all tymes agreable to reason and our desyres ; for that the
best, wisest and most learned in all the realme, needfully livinge in that land
where heresye hath apparantly thee mastery, doo not I dare say satisfye them
selves towards God and the Churche for matters of religion in all there doings
exactly, but so longe as the exorbitance is not intollerable better it is to bere yt,
thowghe wee allowe yt not, then so many should perishe without the necessary releefe
of there soules. That any of them goo in fethers, which I perceve is another thing
noted in them, I have not muche hard of before ; but I am assured they goo not in
suche comely sort as there holye order requireth, nor as we and them selves wold most
hartely wyshe they myght doo with there saftye and others with whome they deale ;
but alas ! they needfully disguyse themselves with colours, ruffes and rapers, and I
cannot tell howe many waies besyde, which they take to be lawfull in such distresse.
And so do both you and I too, I dare say, thinke it lawfull ; for youe have redd I
doubt not what our doctors and scholmen teache in that case. Sure yt is, as old as
you bee and so wyse and grave as all the world knoweth you to bee, you myght
in Flushen, London or Geneva, or any other such place that is become barbarous by
lacke of religion, weare lay apparell (except you have some speciali exception by your
order which I knowe not of) yeae and a fether too, to save your lyfe or to cover some
good purpose entended ; thowghe I should laughe to meete you in a fether there,
Never the lesse I wold not counsell the catholyke preists in England, except yt were
in great necessitiee, to putt them selfes into to much disguised geare, leest by lightnesse of outward attyre there behaviour inward bee made lyghter. And this is certaine
that preists there had nead to pray instantly and fast muche and watche and warde
themselfes well, lest thee needfull use of sundry entysments to sinne and necessary
disimulation in things of them selves indifferent, to be fytt for every company, bring
them to offend God, and so whyles they labour to save others themeselfes become
reprobate ; wherin they must also be more carefull of there wayes, for that every mans
eyes be cast upon them as on suche as take upon them to bee guides of other menns
lyfes and beleefe, whose faults many a manne spyeth that prayeth not for them ; as
most men marke there misses, and fewe consider in what feares and daungers they be
in and what unspeakable paines they take to serve good menns tornes to there least
perill. I could recken unto youe the misery es they suffer in night journey es, in the
worst wedder that canne be picked; perill of theves, of waters, of watches, of false
brethrene ; there close abode in chambers as in pryson or dongeoon withowt fyre and
candell leest they gyve token to the enemy where they bee ; there often and sudden
raisinge from there bedds att mydnight to avoyde the diligent searches of hseretikes ;
all which and diverse other discontentments, disgraces and reproches they willinglye
suffer, which is great penannce for there fethers, and all to wynne the soweles of there
dearest countryemen ; which paynes fewe men pittye as they should doo, and not many
reward them as they ought to doo. But I passe measure, good father, and trowble you

37

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

frome better occupations to this end onely, that your charitye and wysdome may the
better satisfye such reasonable folkes as youe sometymes may heare talke of such
thinges. And the forsaid is for the common : this one thinge, good reverend Sir,
towcheth youe and me in private. I understande two or three wayes that youe have
some suspicion or conceypt that I should make sute for some part of your lyvelyhod
to bee transposed to the seminary; which by my fathe and in verbo sacerdotii I never
did, never intended, nor never thowght of the doinge of any suche thinge in my lyfe.
But hereby you may see, father, howe easyly the devili can cast imaginary quarrells
not onely amongst vulgare freinds, but even amonge those somtymes that pray eche
for other in the soveraigne action of the masse. No, father, I love your godly purpose
and co vent too well, so to doo. But these penny dooles and such peevishe matters put
nott onely yonge preests out of course, but cause old and yonge to smatche one at
another ; wherat I marvell the lesse because the lyke mutyny and variance fell out
amonge the apostolicke companyes of the first Christians for supposed partialitye and
respecte in the bestowing of the common collection, as you knowe. For my parte
thowghe gyltie of many synnes before God, yett of this I am innocent, nott onelv never
annoyinge wyttingly any religious howse or society, but no private man in the world
that I knowe of, for thencrease of our schollers ; thowghe for them, as you doo for your
religious, I take as muche care as I canne. Thus, good father, I praye yow pardon my
multitude of words muche against my custome, which proceade of duetifull regard to
your grave admonition, prayinge alwayes with lyke frendshyppe to gyve me warninge
of what soever yow heare by others or knowe your selfe in me and myne to be
corrigible. The quarrell is Gods ; and but for Hys holy glory and honor I myght
sleepe att ease, and let the world wagge and other men worke. Thus recommendinge
my selfe most humbly to your devoute prayers and to father Bysdens and all the rest
of your good religious company, I bid you farewell and longe to lyve. Att Cambray,
this 10 of August, 1577.
Your fatherhoods faithfull chylde and poore freinde,
W.

ALLEN.

Endorsed in Dr. Thomas Worthington's hand.
This letter was written to F. Chasee, Prior of the English Carthusians. 1
1

" Monachi etiam Carthusiani, eorum scilicet monachorum reliquise quos Henricus Octavus catholics fidei odio in Anglia crudelissime trucidavit, nuper e civitate Brugensi, in qua sustentabantur
Catholici Regis munificentia, Anglicse illius furise postulatone ejecti miserrime vivunt in civitate
Sancti Quintini, jamque amissis rebus omnibus sola ipsis spes salva est in tua prestanti humanitate
et Catholici Regis munificentia. Orant igitur ut eos commendemus Nobilitati tuse. Id vero facimus
toto pectore, rogamusque ut jubeas locum aliquem ipsis assignari in quo possint simul vivere, etc."
Pope Gregory XIII. to Don John of Austria, July 26, 1578. Theiner Ann. Eccles. ii., 436.

38

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

xrv.
Dr. Nicholas Sander to Dr. William Allen.

Madrid, 6 November, 1577.

From a contemporary copy in the Public Record OJJice, London.
Bom. Eliz. Vol. 118. w. 13.
Jesus.
S. p. in Domino.
Yours of the vii th of June came to my hands to greater present comfort than the
successe that followed could maynteine. O pitifull change of thinges ! The more need
of peace within to withstand suche troublesome persequutions as you there have
suffered. I am not worthie to partake them: they are for more chosen vessels. God
grawnt you all there to knowe your owne blessing and to thanke God of it. I had as
much before myne eyes long before, and still thinke that wee shall have no stedy
comfort but from God, in the A 1 not the X.2 Therfore I beseeche you to take hould of A;
for the X is as fearfull of warre as a child of fyre, and all his indevor is to àvoyd all
suche occasions. The A will gyve twoe thowsand, when you shall be content with
them. Yf they doe not serve to goe to England, at the lest they wyll serve to goe into
Ireland. The state of Christendome dependethe uppon the stowte assallynge of
England. I thanke you hartely for the favor you have shewed to D. Gibbons brother.
It seemethe to bee a blessed broode. For God's sake continewe your favor still that
waye : albeit I feare mee your seminane will agayne fall to dispersion. I have none
other thinge in this world so at the hart as to bee with you ; nor can I gett leave to
depart hence. Therfore yf it so fall that it bee no hinderance for you to come hither,
lose not the occasion. Vale in Christo Jesu, viscera mea. Ego te fruar in Domino, qui
te in seternum tueatur. From Madrid, the 6 of November, 1577.
To the right worshipfull Mr. Doctor Allen.
This letter above sayd is from D. Sanders of his owne hand and sealed with
singing cake.3
Endorsed.
A copie of Sanders letter to D. Allen, 1577.
1

2
Marg. The Pope.
Marg. Kynge of Sp.
3
The letter, marginal notes and postscript are all in the same hand.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

39

XV.
Dr. William Allen to the Cardinal o£ Como.

Reims, 4 April, 1578.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Inghilterra e Fiandra, Vol. 1. fai. 82).

Vaticano.

Rme et Illustrissime Domine.
Cum amplissima quseque Christiani orbis negotia sub optimo maximo ecclesia
Pontifìce tuo imprimis Consilio ac sollicitudine gerantur, parcius et timidius scribo etiam
turn cum multa magna atque recentia istius in nos omnes merita et observantisa nostra
in tuam Celsitudinem indies aucta officia id mirifice requirant. Hoc tamen tempore
cum tanta rationum nostrarum mutatio tamque magna omnium ex afflicto collegio
Anglicano calamitas existat, nee id Sanctissimum Dominum patremque nostrum
clementissimum, cujus solius per Christum misericordia tam diuturni exilii et persecutions difficultates sustinemus, latere oportuit, nee aliunde nisi ex Uteris nostris et
sermone illm83 Dominationis tuse, per quam primum hoc ipsum divinum bonum et alia
indies innumera beneficia a sua Sanctitate recepimus, certior reddi potuit. Quod
igitur jam diu, amplissime Cardinalis, timuimus, istud ipsum ha3reticorum nostrorum
solicitatione evenit ut nostri omnes Duaco ejicerentur. Id factum est pridie Palmarum
publico novi superinducti illius urbis ac provincia gubernatoris et recens creati
magistratus edicto. Jussi sunt abire intra viginti quatuor horas jam instante septimana sancta omnes. Vix permittebatur, cum id supplices postulassent, duobus senioribus sacerdotibus seminarli prsesentis ibi paucissimis sequentibus diebus ad supellectilem
et minutam rem procurandum subsistere. Ejecti vero ne in vicinas civitates tum
etiam tumultuantes non admittebantur ; adeo ut quatriduum totum Cameraco excluderentur etiam ii qui eo tempore sacris initiari cupiebant, nec uspiam tuto reliqui consistere poterant donec in vicinam Galliam appulerunt. Cujus calamitatis cum me
certiorem, misso quam primum nuntio, fecissent, ex tempore feci quod debui et potui.
Rhemos vocavi, curavique per catholicissimse illius ecclesia urbis et academiee sub
illustrissimo Cardinali et archiepiscopo administratores (licet magistratus civilis propter
numerum fuerat ab initio paulo difficilior) ut benigne admitterentur tantisper dum in
Urbem scriberemus et suae Sanctitatis de nobis voluntatem et mandatum cognosceremus. Hsec academia érat vicinissima et multir^nominibus commodissima, cum ad
academiam Lovaniensem propter hostes aditus non daretur. Neque vero hie propter
summos extraordinarios sumptus et gravissima ex commigratione dispendia potuimus
omnes quos Duaci habemus retinere, coacti non modo sacerdotes aliquot in Insulam ad
opus mittere sed plurimos etiam juvenes dimittere. Retinemus autem hic in studiis et

40

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

exercitiis consuetis quinquaginta, in quibus sunt presbyteri viginti tres et diaconi
quatuor, reliqui vel studiosi theologiae vel logices pene omnes. Atque ita se ex hoc
miserando naufragio, benignissime domine, habet collegium nostrum, id est Sanctitatis
suso charitatisque tuae proles, agri Anglicani semen et afflictissimi illius gregis dominici
spes unica; quae ne pereat, nisi me mentis affectus fallat, ad ecclesiae bonum summopere
pertinet. Gajus fructus vel ex eo facile agnoscitur quod hostes ecclesiae nostrae tanto
molimine hoc institutum frangi cupiant, nee unquam conquieverint nisi re perfecta.
Si vero sanctissimus Dominus noster suum hoc collegium continuum esse jubeat, quod
ut velit apud sanctissimos pedes suos provoluti postulamus, non video quo loco commodiori ad immittendos in Insulam operarios, donec Belgica requiescat ab his aerumnis,
nostri collocari queant. Sed hoc omne negotium non tam nostrum quam ecclesiae
Britannicae, quae vivo Beatissimo Gregorio nunquam deponet spem, tuo sapientissimo
Consilio piane committimus. Equidem quod jusseritis libentissime semper, Christo
volente, exequar. At reliqua propter sanctissimas occupationes vestras ex sermone
Rev. domini Audoeni archidiaconi commodius scire poterit Illustrissima et Rma. Paternitas tua, quam Christus Jesus ad suae Sanctitatis et totius ecclesiae salutare ministerium
diutissime servet incolumem. Remis, pridie nonas Apriles, 1578.
V. Illm8e Gratiae humilis orator et sacellarius,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S .

Addressed
Ill mo ac Revrao in Christo patri ac domino, domino Cardinali Comensi, domino suo
clementissimo. Romam.

XVI.
Pope Gregory XIII. to Louis Cardinal archbishop of Reims.
Printed in Theiner,. Ann. Eccles.

Rome, 18 May, 1578.

Tom. II., p. 434.

Dilecto filio nostro Ludovico Cardinali Remensi nuncupato.
Gregorius PP. XIII.
Dilecte fili noster, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Etsi certum habemus
ea quae pertinent ad Dei gloriarti atque ad catholicae ecclesiae dignitatem nihil indigere
nostra apud te commendatione, tamen pro nostro summo desiderio tacere non
possumus quin hoc quod ad utramque causam magnopere pertinere intelligimus commendemus pietati tuae. Alanus, praefectus ei collegio quod Duaci constitueramus.

41

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

ejectus inde ab improbis atque impiis hominibus, contulit se cum iis quos secum habebat
in episcopatum ac civitatem tuam. Commendamus eum suosque omnes tibi quantum
possumus, nee tantum possumus quantum Ohristus ipse flagitat. Quod uni, inquit, ex
minimis meis f ecistis mihi f ecistis : quam igitur acceptam ei esse oportebit pietatem
tuam in tot ejus servis amplectendis et quibuscumque in rebus poteris sublevandis ?
Non dubitamus te id studiosissime facturum, neque hanc tantam opportunitatem
Christo inserviendi immortaliaque ab eo beneficia promerendi amissurum. Datum
Romse apud S. Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, die XVIII Maii, MDLXXVIII. Pontificatus nostri anno septimo.
XVII.
Pope Gregory XIII. to the Chapter of the Metropolitan Church of Reims.
Rome, 18 May, 1578.
Printed in Marlot, Metropolis Remensis Historia. p. 834.
Dilecti filii, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.
Pietas vestra spectatissima et zelus Dei glorile, cujus habetis gravissima apud vos
testimonia, nos dubitare non sinit quin in hac causa quam vobis proponimus vestro
muneri, hominum prsedicationi, nostrse expectationi preclare responsuri sitis. Alamis,
prsefectus hujus collegii quod Duaci constituimus, ab impiis ejectus, contulit se in
istam civitatem cum iis quos secum habebat. Rogamus per eundem Christum ipsum,
cujus causa agitur, ut eos quam commendatissimos habeatis vestraque humanitate
amplectamini. Eos vero cum commendamus in singulis, Christum ipsum qui in illis
ejectus est commendamus. Quantum porro Christo debeatis ipsi preclare intelligitis,
itaque longiores esse non debemus. Deus et Dominus noster, qui hanc vobis de se
tam preclare merendi offert facultatem, tueatur et cumulet vos sua gratia atque omni
felicitate. Datum Romye apud S. Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, die 18 Maii, anno
1578. Pontificatus nostri anno sexto [septimo].

XVIII.
The Cardinal of Como to Dr. William Allen.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eecles.

Rome, 19 May, 1578.

Tom. II., p. 435.

Gulielmo Alano, rectori collegii Anglicani.
Admodum reverende in Christo ; Quse tuis Uteris nonis Aprilis ad me datis tibi
ac reliquis ex collegio isto Anglicano accidisse significasti, dum miseris atque indignis
G

42

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

modis adversariorum orthodoxee religionis opera Duaco expulsi fuistis, eadem paulo
antea ex arcidiacono nostro Audoeno cognoveram, et Sanctissimo Domino nostro
exposueram. Qui sane pro eo ac debuit vestram vel potius Anglicanee ecclesiae in
vobis aliquantulum resurgentis vicem doluit. Sed quoniam ante provisum erat ex
turbationibus Belgii et dominatu eorum qui ad clavum positi fuerant hujusmodi
Hagitia eruptura, nee Sathanam tali tempore quieturum quin qualunque posset
tarn pio et sancto operi impedimenta objiceret ; ideo oportet nos hsec ita accipere ut
non modo non concedamus armis, sed majores spiritus sumamus, memores longe
potentiorem esse qui pro nobis est quam qui contra nos. Sed ad te consolandum et
confirmandum plura non afferam : scio enim tibi nec mea nec cujusquam oratione opus
esse, et te in eo cui militas Christo confortari. Sanctitas quidem sua cceptum opus
omni authoritate, opere auxilioque suo prosequetur, nec tibi tuisque ullo loco deerit.
In cujus rei signum Sanctitas ejus, praster assignatum stipendium, quingentos aureos
istic curari tibi jussit pecuniaque hac de causa Audoeno numerata est. Prseterea
Sanctitas sua illustrissimo Cardinali Rhemensi et capitulo ejusdem ecclesia, quemadmodum optasti, de. te scripsit, commendans accurate tuam ac totius collegii salutem
et quietem. Quod et idem Nuncio apostolico injunctum est, ut apud Christianissimam Majestatem faciat. Quare cum eodem Nuncio commercium literarum habebis,
et quotiescunque acciderit ut opera et patrocinio ipsius apud eandem Majestatem
egeas, ad illum fìdenter scribes. Ad me autem tuum collegiique statum, cum libuerit,
scribere poteris : libentissime enim tuas semper legam literas, nec unquam committam
ut ullum officii et auxilii genus, quod quidem in me est, desideres. Reliqua ex
Audoeno. Deus te gratia et protectione sua custodiat. Eomse, die 19 Maii, 1578.
PTOLOM^US, CARDINALI^ NOVOCOMENSIS.

XIX.
Dr. William Allen to the Nuncio (Dandini 1 ) at Paris.
Printed

Reims, 22 June, 1578.

in Le College Anglais de Bouai pendant la revolution Frangaise,
Vabbé Dancoisne* Donai, 1881.2

par

Rrae in Christo Pater,
Illustris domine; coierunt his annis sub nostra institutione et disciplina in academia
Duacena Belgica ex infelici schismate erepti Angli multi in collegium. Quod postea
1
Msre Anselmo Dandini, protonotary-apostolic, was appointed Nuncio, 8 March, 1578. Theiner,
Ann. Eccles. II. 415.
2
This letter and a later one from Dr. Allento the same Nuncio (14 July, 1580) both of them
hitherto unedited, form part of the valuable collection of documents belonging to Monsieur L.
Dancoisne, member of several learned societies, honorary notary, Hénin-Liétard, Pas de Calais,

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

•*3

numerosum cum esset, Sanctissimus Dominus noster Gregorius (cui Christus det longum
et sanctum praesulatum) accepit in suum, ac menstrua pensione centum aureorum
benignissime donavit, voluitque esse deficientis jam in Anglia cleri supplementum
religionisque catholics et nunc clam ibidem propagandae et olim (Deo juvante) plane
restaurando seminarium. Quam S tls suae voluntatem ita sumus prosecuti ut ex isto
collegio intra triennium sexaginta bene institutos presbyteros in albescentem messem
Britannicam dederimus.
Quod seminarium, R me domine, cum ii qui rerum apud nos potiuntur haeretici
summopere exosum haberent, egerunt nuper apud Principem Auriacum, 1 status Belgicos et tumultuantem populum Duacenum ut ex urbe et academia ilia cum reliquis
Anglis ejiceretur.
•
•
Praevaluerunt igitur impii, atque publico edictopost 2
ones et vellicationes nostri jubentur sine mora ex[ire, unius] 3 diei ad res minutas componendas
concesso spatio. Imus in vicinam Galliam cum magnis periculis, molestiis, expensis.
Atque in alma urbe Remensi (licet ab initio propter insuetum exterorum numerum
vix admitteremur) illustrissimo Cardinale Guisio volente ac magistratu concedente
nostros collocavimus, tantisper dum suae Sanctitati per illustrissimum Comensem,
dominum ac patronum nostrum unicum, rem omnem desolationemque nostram sig^
nificaremus. Quod mox fecimus. Totaque re intellecta, Sanctissimus Dominus noster
divina quadam et plane apostolica charitate ita est nostri misertus ut et extraordinarium subsidium nobis mitti jusserit et Literas Apostolicas in nostri commendatioiiem
cum ad ill mum Cardinalem turn ad capitulum Remense dederit. Ac ill mus etiam Comensis datis ad me plenis consolationis Uteris voluit ut suas etiam has de rebus
nostris ad tuam Amplitudinem mittendas curarem; porro admonéns et earn esse S tis
suae voluntatem et tuam humanitatem ut confidenter, cum aut mea aut eollegii interesse videatur, ad [tuam] Dignitatem scribere queam. Id vero eollegii causa mirifice laetor,
quod tanto etiam apud Christianissimam Majestatem nitens patrocinio haereticorum
nostratium vel aliorum opera speramus ex Galliis deturbari non posse. Ego vero,
illustris domine, privatim hoc benefìcio multum in Domino beabor, quod non modo
in hujus vitae exiliique mei variis aerumnis te tanto ac tali consultore, consolatore et
patrono uti liceat, sed etiam idque in primis ut aliquando verbis saltern apud S tis
France. They are published with tiis permission by the Abbe Dancoisne in the work entitled
Le college anglais de Donai pendant la revolutionfrangaise, translated from the English, with notes and
an introduction, by the Abbé L. Dancoisne, member of the Société des sciences de Douai. Douai, 1881,
one vol. in 18mo., with a portrait, the armorial bearings, and the signature in facsimile of Cardii IT
Allen. The Abbé Dancoisne very kindly allowed these letters to be printed in their chronological
place in this book, though at the time his own work was still passing through the press and had not
yet been given to the public.
1
2
Prince of Orange.
MS. worn away. A word and a half seems to be wanting»
3
MB. worn away. The words between brackets have been conjecturally supplied.
G 2

44

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

suae sacrum oratorem expromam quanto desiderio ipsi et ecclesia ullo vitae vel mortis
etiam mese officio inservire cupiam, quantumque vellem ut tua *Rma Dominatio^mihi
aliquid mandet quod sibi gratum ex mea servitute esse queat. Quod ergo reliquum
est, pontificii Anglicani 1 seminarium istud quam possum obnixissime tuo patrocinio
commendo. Nihil nunc istic timemus, nisi aliquid contra fortasse moliatur orator
Anglicus; nee tamen id eum facere hactenus audivimus: sed in omnem eventum
occultas tales hostium machinationes unico verbo apud Christianissimam suam Mtem
prevenisse non nocuerit. Si regia Mtas numerum nostrorum hie mecum Remis
agentium requirat, non sumus multo plures sexaginta, in quibus sunt supra viginti
presbyteri, reliqui fere sunt studiosi S. Theologiae ad idem sacrum se praeparantes
institutum ; qui omnes (ut speramus) ita vitam et mores instituunt eaque disciplina
tenentur ut nullam populo offensionem dent. Commigrabunt quidem ex Anglia ad
catholicam capessendam institutionem indies per Dei gratiam plures, ut numerus
imposterum videatur fore major ; sed quiete, pacifice et (ut ita dicam) collegialiter
mecum viventes nee detrimenti quicquam nec scandali urbi aut reipublicae in qua
vivent parient. Pene decennium magnus nostrorum numerus Duaci vixit, sed ita ut
hi ipsi qui expulerunt publicis datis urbis et academiao tabulis (quas habemus) nostrani innocentiam contestati sint.
Haec apud tuam humanitatem ac pietatem, R me domine, tanquam communem sub
mo
S Domino nostro parentem nostrum lubens depono, ut luculentius vitae ac studiorum
nostrorum adeoque rectae coram Deo intentionis nostrae rationes scias atque defendas,
ubi et quando tuae sapientiae opportunum fuerit ; idque ut facias per Christum humiliter rogamus. Atque haec coram quidem, ut decuit, egissem apud tuam Rmam Dominationem potius quam per literas, nisi me meorum occupationes impedi vissent, et hos
calores fracta valetudo non pateretur. Alias vero cum opportunum aliquando erit, huic
officio non deero. Interim in clientem ac servum quaeso suscipe ; dignerisque proximis
ad Urbem liter is has nostras ad ill mum Cardinalem Comensem adj ungere, itemque (si
placet) ad R um dominum Audoenum 2 referendarium apostolicum alias. Christus Jesus
R mam paternitatem tuam ad suae Sanctitatis salutare ministerium totiusque ecclesiae
bonum diutissime servet incolumem. Remis, 10 Cai. Jul., 1578.
. Vestrae RmaB Paternitatis humilis orator ac servus in Domino,
GULIELMUS ALANUS, presbyter.
Addressed.
R mo in Christo patri ac domino illustri, D. Abbati Dandini etc. apud Christianissimum Regem [Nuntio] apostolico^ domino suo [observant] issimo. Lutetiam.
Endorsed.
22 di Giugno 78. Del rettore del Collegio de Gesuisti Inglesi in Rens.
1

A clerical error seemingly for pontificium AnyUccmum.

%

Dr. Owen ]Jewis.

45

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

XX.
Dr. William Allen to Dr. John Vendeville.

Reims, 27 July, 1578.

From an early transcript in the archives of the see of Westminster. II. 83.
Printed in part in Dodd. Vol. II., p. 220.
Amplissimo viro, domino Johanni Vendivillio, J. XT. doctori consultissimo ac suae
Catholicao Majestatis a consiliis, domino suo ohservando. Namurcum. 1
Quod sua Oelsitudo ultro te, vir ornatissime, in numerum regiorum consiliariorum
expetiverit cooptaveritque, et ipsi praeclaram illam de republica Belgica benemerendi
voluntatem, et tibi, vel potius bonis omnibus, hoc in te amplissimum collatura munus,
summamque de patria tua ac religione optime merendi 2 sanctissimasque tuas cogitationes exequendi occasionem ex animo gratulor ; vehementerque laetor in Domino cum
id tibi contigisse quo boni omnes nosque imprimis ipsi te dignissimum judicavimus,
turn vero ita contigisse ut non a te expetitum sed divina plane voluntate ac vocatione
delatum videatur ; ut enim locum ac dignitatem antea vel non desiderasse vel etiam
paene horruisse fuerit modestiae ac timoris tui, sed oblatum nunc ac divinitus plane
impositum acceptare prudentiae et pietatis ab omnibus esse judicetur. Certe id u t
faceres, hoc calamitosum patriae ac ecclesia vestrae tempus zelusque domus Dei
nefariorum hominum scelere mentis, quo multos mortales per Christi gratiam excellis,
optimique Regis voluntas justissime flagitant. Illam tuam, mi humanissime Vendevili,
maturam pietatem, prudentiam, doctrinam nullo loco aut tempore potes melius vel ad
patriae praesentem vel tuam aeternam salutem collocare. Est hic meus qui tuas virtutes
multis jam annis in Christo colui et honorum (ut puto) qui tuam sinceritatem noverunt
omnium sensus. Id vero tantum est in hac re molestum mini quod a tuo pientissimo
consortio et locorum magno intervallo et occupationum tuarum maximarum conditione
aeternumdivellar. Sed animos una fides et voluntas eadèm ut spero semper conjunget,
Equidem ut hoc amplissimum quod in republica geris munus tibi aliisque sit salutare
precibus et sacrifìciis, quantum peccata mea sinent, contendam semper. Neque mei,
qui te prorsus autore et fautore primum in collegium mecum coìerunt, unquam pietatis
beneficiorumque tuorum obliviscentur ; atque u t 3 uno verbo id Amplitudini tuae obiter
de me meisque (hoc est de seminario) indicem, vehementer cuperemus esse in ditionibus
Catholicae Majestatis, cum Gallia propter multas causas nobis hominibus Anglis non
tam commoda esse videatur ; licet summam in hac civitate cum ecclesiasticorum turn
caeterorum experti simus humanitatem et pietatem. Atque nuper academia Lovaniensis,
sua Celsitudine 4 id jubente vel cupiente, nobis concessit paedagogium Falconis et unas
1
T h e above title, or perhaps rather address, is in the hand of the Eev. Francis Barber (f 1633).
2
3
I t has been added subsequently to the transcript.
I n MS." mercnti.
From this
4
point to the end the letter has been printed by Dodd. Vol. I I . , p. 220.
Don J o h n of Austria,
viceroy of the Low Countries.

46

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

alias vicinas aedes donec Duacum restituatur. Sed tantae sunt eorum locorum et
praesertim itinerum molestiae ac difficultates, ac tarn multae ad tarn longum iter ac tarn
multorum hominum et impedimentorum migrationem ac vecturam pecuniae necessari;»,
tamque multa vectigalia solvenda, ut ea sola causa adhuc Lovanium venire non possimus, cum valde vellemus, et si ullo modo tantum pecuniae extraordinariae assequi
possemus ad aedes nobis concessas statini veniremus. Sed interim si molestum non sit,
cum dabitur occasio de ea re colloquendi cum ornatissimo viro, domino. Delrio, cujus
humanitatem et pietatem sum egregie expertus in procurandis nobis illis aedibus
Lovaniensibus, ne graveris quaeso, mi domine, nostro nomine illius Dignitati gratias
àgere, et porro causam innuere cur hactenus Lovanium non concedamus ad aedes nobis
designatas. Vere enim deest pecunia, neque adhuc ausim aliquid a Celsitudine sua ad
viaticum petere, nequé interpellare extraordinarie Pontificem per quern caetera ad
viaticum necessaria donantur nostris. Imposterum pro necessitate nostra fortassis
facere cogemur. Vestram supellectilem jam pridem per quendam honestissimum et
fidelissimum virum Aldovardensum qui hinc Namurcum proficiscebatur curru et navigio
trarismisi, et de re sola [Marg. tota] scripsi turn ad Dominationem vestram, sicut paulo
antea scripseram per alium nuntium [qui] promisit se doleum traditurum famulo
illustris D. Englefìldii. Si recepistis, bene est ; et dignetur Amplitudo tua aliquoties
per otium ad nos scribere. Illud sane pro benefìcio habebo. Deus Optimus Maximus
omnia Consilia vestra ad salutem reipublicae ipsiusque gloriam dirigat. Vale mi D.
observande. Rhemis, 27 Julii, 1578.
Dignitatis tuae studiosissimus ac servus in Domino,
GULIELMUS A L ANUS.

XXI.
Dr. John Vendeville to Dr. William Allen.

Namur, 26 August, 1578.

Printed in the First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 144.
Quae sequuntur excerpta sunt ex litteris D. Vendivellii confectis Namerci,
26 Augusti, 78.
Placuit non tantum Regiae Maj estati sed et Concilio institui ilia duo excellentia
seminarla praestantium operariorum de quibus sum loquutus D. Vestrae, et perbrevi in
eorum inchoationem incumbi ; dataque est mihi cura solicitandi eorum erectionem, quia
Rex ipse suis ad D. Austriacum 1 litteris videbatur hoc cupere. Ego nullam unquam in
rem incubui libentius quam in hanc incumbam per Dei gratiam. Quam ad rem debebit
me juvare D. Vestra, atque eo magis quod placuit Concilio ut haec seminarla praecipue
instituantur ad exemplum seminari! vestri, de quo dicta fuerunt multa praeclara.
1

Don J o h n of Austria.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

47

Atque adeo mihi injunctum est u t petam a D. Testr^t ad me mitti descriptionem
seminarii vestri, tarn quoad institutionem quam exercitàtiones ; ideoque valde rogo D.
Vestram ut dignetur earn ad me mittere primo quoque tempore.

XXII.
Dr. William Allen to Madame Renée of Lorraine, abbess of St. Peter's at Reims.
Reims, 29 August, 1578.
From a contemporary

draft or copy in the archives of the English college at Borne,
Scritturey T. 5.

Illma3 et Revm88 D, Renatae a Lotharingia, abbatissae S. Petri.
IUma ac Rev ma domina; Utinam mihi Christus tantisper vernaculae linguae vestrae
usum concederet, dum meum hominumque meorum in te obsequium et observantiam
declaro. Sed cum id datum non sit, hoc qualecumque sincerissimi ac Immillimi affectus
nostri officium alieno ore et isto munusculo, non magno quidem nee dignitati tuae pari,
sed apostolica tamen benedictione sancto, facere cogor. Etenim te semper antea, virgo
venerabilis, coluimus propter illud Guisianae familiaa apud omnium gentium catholicos
excelsum et salutare noni en, quod in illustrissimis fratribus ac nepotibus tuis, hinc
doctrina et sapientia, illinc armis et invicta potentia mirifice claret, in sorore vero ac
nepte serenissimis terreno imperio, in te autem ipsa,* quae optimam partem elegisti,
spirituali regno et religione gloriosum existit.
Nunc vero cum Deus Optimus Maximus misericordia et providentia sua me co-exulesque meos in hanc celeberrimam civitatem, non propter crimen quod commisimus, prudentissima virgo, sed propter fidem et conscientiam quam Christo conservare cupimus,
duxerit, ubi religionem catholicam, pietatem, veteremque disciplinam a sanctissimo clero
caeterisque ordinibus castissime coli, omniumque virtutum et doctrinarum instituta illius
immortalis herois Cardinalis ac fratris tui primum, deinde illustrissimi nepotis vestri,
quern non tarn tali patruo in ordinem et archiepiscopatum quam in virtutes successisse
speramus, opere et industria florere cernimus, nostra quidem certe in te, clarissima
abbatissa, totamque familiam Guisiorum mirifice crevit observantia : praesertim cum
non modo a lectissimis virginibus illis sacris, quibus in Christo praees, sed ab aliis clarissimis viris intellexerimus quantopere exilii, calamitatum et vexationum nostrarum
miserta sis quamque benigne apud magistratum Rhemensem optimum pro nobis
intercesseris.
Pro quo beneficio non solum nos quam possumus humillimas gratias agimus, sed
aget ut spero aliquando Anglia universa, serenissimaque Scotiae regina, neptis tua, cui nos
omnia vitao et mortis officia et debemus et dicavimus. Cujus Majestas non dedignatur
aliquoties suam cakmitatem nostris indignis precibus et sacrifices commendare, et per

48

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

quam olim, licet nunc Dei investigabili providentia suis summis virtutibus sorte
longe indignissima vivat, fore confidimus, ut et nos patriae, et patria antiquae libertati
ac splendori restituatur.^
Quod quia nos etiam per hoc nationis nostrae seminarium ad Christi et ipsius servitium pro virili nostra satagimus, supplices petimus ut hoc nostrorum collegium non modo
diuturno exilio sed aliis vexationibus variis afflictum gratia et authoritate tua semper
tuearis, illustrissimoque Cardinali, domino ac mecaenati nostro benignissimo, prudentissimoque magistratui ita commendes, ut qui antea vel S mi Gregorii Papae voluntate vel
sua inductione nos amaverunt, * nunc vestro in nos favore ac animi inclinationé complectantur et consolentur magis. Christus Jesus tuam sacram Dignitatem, ipsique
subjectas lectissimas virgines omnes, illustrissimamque imprimis et incomparabili prole
felicem grandaevam matrem tuam diutissime conservet. Bhemis, 29 Augusti, 1578.
Illustrissimae ac Revma3 Dignitatis tuae humillimus orator et servus,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S .

XXIII.
Dr. William Allen to the governor or King's lieutenant at Reims.
Reims, 7 September, 1578.
From a contemporary draft or copy in the archives of the English college at Borne.
Scritture, T. 5.
Illustri viro D.

praetori civitatis Rhemensis, seu vicetenenti Regis.

Illustris domine Praetor; Non sum nescius hoc dimcillimo reipub. tempore
ad amplissimae hujus urbis vestrae commissae fidei conservationem nullam adferri
posse nimis exquisitam diligentiam, cum in hoc genere pene etiam tutissima
omnia recte timeantur ; et proinde non miror sane neque aegre fero his diebus in
nos exquisitum esse exactius, sed prudentiae potius et justissimae solicitudini ascribo
vestrae : unde nunc et bonis omnibus de numero, animo studiisque nostrorum esse
satisfactum confido; et mirifice laetor Amplitudinem tuam, senatum urbis civesque
optimos ita innocentiam nostram vidisse et comprobasse ut et populares suspiciones cessent et non indigni videamur 1 qui in posterum sub vestra tutela securi
conquiescamus. De quo beneficio tibi, Praetor amplissime, gratias quantum possum
maximas nostrorum hominum nomine ago; porroque per Christum Jesum obtest or,
ut eos in literario otio et orationibus sine querela viventes atque in aliena repub.
(ut decet exteros) minime curiosos authoritate et gratia tuearis. Imprimisque ut
pro singulari sapientia tua, qua facile vulgus judicio ac sententia erga exules labi
1

In MS. originally videamus, but corrected by Allen to videamur.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

49

et errare eernis, improbabiles rumores ac timores eorum refellas, qui pro 70 eapitibus
Anglorum, nescio unde concepto errore, numerant quingentos aut sexcentos homines,
eosdemque et armatos incedere et moenia conscendere et metiri muros et explorare f ossas
et aggeres et noctu larvatos incedere fingunt. In quibus omnibus si inveniamur culpabiles,
Dominus Deus seterna ignominia et supplicio in nos vindicet ; si autem nullum creemus
aut cogitemus optimae ac nobis dilectissimae urbi huic periculum aut perniciem,sedquotidie
pro ejus pace ac salute, contraque omnes hostes ac ipsi insidiantes oremus ac sacrificemus,
sicut (coram Deo non mentior) facimus, turn ille reddat vos sicut hactenus nobis placabiles, omnesque cives vitae, factorum et intentionum nostrarum benignos censores ;
contra quos, ac ne contra minimum civitatis membrum, nihil scientes et prudentes
peccabimus unquam. Potest fortasse Juventus ex haeresi, quae antiquos nationis nostras
mores et civilitatem misere corrupit, hue primum adveniens rerumque exterarum inexperta aliquid indecens in habitu, vultu, gestu committere, quod non minus optimam
plebem quam nos ipsos offendat, quodque primo quoque tempore in omnibus castigare
conamur, quos non modo fide sed vita etiam et moribus cupimus catholicis Gallis quam
haereticis Anglis esse similiores. Sed qui graviora perpetrent, scelerate vivant, in
civitatem vestram perfidi existant, nee in nostrorum consortium venire, nec impune
vobisque insciis latere volens unquam patiar ; atque si quid cujusquam lascivia aut
infirmitate, me nescio, committatur, id ego magistratus authoritate acriter et exemplariter castigari cupio. Malos etenim domi in schismate saepe etiam cum laude ac
praemio esse licuit, hie nec sine poena nec sine probro nec sine periculo impii esse
possunt. Neque enim patria propter commissum crimen, sed propter catholicam conf essionem tot annis caremus ; nec postea ulla culpa nostra (quod publice tabulis illi ipsi
qui ejecerunt urbis testificantur) sed temporum ac locorum illorum perturbatione ex
inferiori Germania, non sine magno academiae Duacensis optimorum civium ubi turn
viximus dolore, nostrisque indignissimis calamitatibus maximis totius ecclesiae proceribus
compatientibus et ad hunc catholicissimum et felicissimum locum nos paulo post
commendantibus, abacti fuimus. In qua urbe, permultis hodie religione et pace beata,
quod hactenus illustrissimi Cardinalis voluntate vestraque omnium gratia et humanitate summaque securitate et solatio viximus, nec vanis de nobis vocibus credidistis,
immortale beneficium agnoscimus ; idemque efficiet ut quae * fuerat ante apud omnes
catholicos episcoporum sanctitate, fìdei constantia, ecclesiae et academiae nobilitate, ordinumque omnium pietate clarissima civitas, nunc haec sanctissima in exteros ac afHictos
benefìcentia et hospitalitate apud Deum et homines gloriosior existat. Quam nos ut
alteram patriarci si omni observantia studio ac pietate perpetuo prosequamur, si cives
ex animo diligamus, si magistratum colamus, si tibi, dignissime Praetor, regio munere
fungenti libentissime pareamus, si pro sua Maj estate et regni tranquillitate continuo
oremus, nostrani per Christum Jesum semper tuere innoeentiam. Pauci sumus ; sacerclotes sumus ; imbecilles sumus ; catholici sumus ; nec volumus nec si vellemus possemus
vobis aut urbi vestrae quicquam detrimenti adferre : iiclem sunt hostes nostri atque
H

50

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

vestri, hseretici ; contra quos cum quotidie orationibus pugnemus, eerte armis non
juvabimus. Quaa si per tuam sapientiam cognoscat etiam plebs, quae non tarn facile
rationes et discrimina rerum ac personarum discernit, omnia nobis prsestiteris. Quod
ut scripto potius quam coram postulem fecit pudor quern mihi mea natura tribuit qui
de rebus praesertim meis agere conantem saepe impedii Vale, mi domine humanissime,
ac me meosque in tutelam tuam recipe. Rhemis, 7 Idus Septembris, 1578.
GULIELMUS A L A N U S .

XXIV.
Dr William Allen to the Rector of Louvain University.

Reims, 11 September, 1578.

From a contemporary draft or copy in the archives of the English
Scritture T. 5.

college at Borne.

Magnifico viro Rectori academiae Lovaniensis.1
Magnifice domine Rector ; Cum ante aliquot menses Pontificium Anglorum seminarium, cui me'2 sua Sanctitas praeesse voluit, Duaco esset ejectum, nee ullus vel ad
vicinas vel ad remotiores Belgii urbes propter tumultuantem undique populum et a
rebellibus interceptas vias pateret aditus, sed Rhemos vicinam Galliae civitatem concessum esset, primo quoque tempore cum Pontifici Maximo, cujus munificentia id
aliquot annis sustentatum est, turn serenissimo D. Austri00, inferioris Germanise gubernatori, quia longe antea in ditionem ac protectionem Catholicae Majestatis venerat, et
ne nostra culpa collegium dissolutum esse, vel a nobis ultro discessum videretur, rem
omnem diligenter indicavi : a sua Celsitudine supplex porro petens ut nostrum ccetum
tantisper, dum ad se redeat Duacum, aliquo alio Belgica sibi parenti loco vel alibi intra
sua3 Majestatis ditiones collocari permittat. Mox Celsitudo sua hujus secundi exilii
multiplicisque desolationis nostrae, non tantum religionis ut prius sed jam etiam Regis
Catholici causa toleratae, miserta, plurimumque interesse afHictse ecclesia3 nostrge ne hoc
collegium ad semen et supplementum catholicismi institutum diffiueret, tarn aliorum
sermone quam principum virorum etiam commendatione, intellig[ens] clementissime
desideriis nostris annuit. Re igitur cum praBcipuis communic[a]ta consiliariis ex
ipsorum sententia, (cum de Namurco aliquandiu Rmo D. Episcopo in deliberationem
etiam adhibito cogitatum esset) Lovanium nobis, id nee petentibus nee certe propter
itineris longitudinem, difficultatem, pericula ac sumptus de eo multum cogitantibus,
assignatum fuit ; concessaeque ibidem gratis, ejusdem Serenitatis 3 sua3 commendatione
et peculiari alma? universitatis vestrae favore, percommoda? et amplae aodes. Quod, ut
1
Above this title is written Sub idem tempus scripta est epistola sequens.
hand, above the line.
3 secvritatis
MS.

2

me is in Allen's

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

51

ingenue fatear, licet aliquot vacare collegia jam turn audieram, nunquam tamen sum
postulare aut sperare ausus. Et licet de eo munere mirifìce laetatus turn sim, Deoque
etiam et vobis gratias quantas potui habuerim, fore confidens ad seminarli decus et incrementum et ad nostrorum hominum summos progressus, si in principe Christiani
orbis mihique ipsi propter antiqua studia adamata academia instituerentur (sum etenim
et ipse scholae illius imprimisque doctissimorum istius 1 theologorum deditissimus
alumnus) tamen hie angebar animo, et subverebar, ne quod in meorum gratiam de
sedibus extraordinarie factum est aliorsum a multis accipiatur, ac quasi importuna
solicitudine mea id inique fuisset potius extortum quam a sua Celsitudine libere concessum ; et ne, si quid durius aut acerbius fecerit aut dixerit is qui illmi Gubernatoris
literas universitati tradidit causamque prosecutus est, id totum mihi aut meis, qui hos
causae nostrae progressus cum non intelleximus, imputetur ; cum ii per Dei misericordiam simus qui honorum ac doctorum virorum quibuscum in hoc diuturno exilio versandum est gratiam, sine qua vita nobis non esset vitalis, omnibus emolumentis nostris
anteponamus, nee quicquam contra piorum bonam voluntatem nobis in hac peregrinatione succedere cupiamus. Difficile est scio homines externos, cum multi sint, miseri
sint, infirmi sint, ut necessitatibus succurrant suis non aliquid committere quod ab iis
quibuscum vivunt recte reprehendi posse videatur ; prassertim cum in variarum gentium
moribus aliquae sunt nativsa vitiositates, quas nee illi vident qui habent nee illi ferre
possunt qui vident. Tamen in ilia optima academia magna charitate multaque
sapientia et patientia his nunc 20 fere annis ita nostros defectus propter Christum
tolerastis, onera portastis, necessitates sublevastis, peccata condonastis, etiam turn cum
nulla collegiali disciplina, non alieno sed nostro modo et arbitratu, seorsum ac separatim
viveremus; certe istos uno collegio, eodem praeside, iisdem studiis institutisque
viventes, minus graves, tollerabiliores magis, moribus legibusque academicis accommodatiores habebitis. Vestrae vero, magnifice domine, authoritati, suaeque facultatis magistris, vita et studiis ita semper obtemperabunt, ut nihil in doctrina aut moribus
singulare sapiant, omnia privata postponant publicis, pacem et charitatem cum suis et
alienis sincerissime servent. His decern pene annis Duaci in summa aeademiao et urbis
gratia per Christum vixerunt, et cum hac testificatione, publicis utriusque consignati
tabulis, dimissi sunt : nunc per varias vexationes in dies facti intelligentiores et, ut spero,
humiliores non minus Christiane, modeste, moderate apud vos vitam instituturos piane
polliceor. Et hic est eorum qui nos norunt ac didicerunt amare domesticos fidei de
nobis communis sensus. Qui aliter judicant de nobis non noverunt nos, turn judicatur[i]
certius cum noscent melius, et dilecturi sincerius cum vitam et studia nostra coram
conspecturi sunt.
Quando venturi sumus, magnifice domine, licet valde vellemus apud vos esse et
concessa gratia frui, tamen incertum est piane ; cum et a Pontificis voluntate pendeamus, et ilio difficili rerum ac locorum vestrorum statu, itinerisque periculis et expensis
1

Originally in text istis, but corrected by Allen to istius.
H 2

52

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

vehem enter terreamur. Interim Dominus Jesus illud verse religionis et doctrine
domicilium vestrum a furore haereticorum et rebellium dextera suae potentiae protegat,
tuamque Magnificentiam cum clarissimis professoribus, dominis et amicis meis, quibus
a me humillimam in Christo salutem dici cupio, totaque universitate vestra sancte
semper conserved Rhemis, 3 0 1 Idus Septembris, 1578.
GULIELMUS ÀLANUS.

XXV.
Dr William Allen to Dr Vendeville.

16 September, 1578 (altered to 1580).

From a draft or copy, ivith corrections and additions in Dr. Allen's
handwriting,
in the archives of the English college at Borne. Scritture, T. 5.2
Exemplar literarum D. Gul mi Alani ad amplissimum et doctissimum virum, D. Jo.
Vendivillium, Catholicae Majestatis in Eelgica a consihis privatis ; quibus ipsius petitioni ex Concilii regii voluntate factae de statu seminarli Pontificii Anglicani, quod
nuper Duaci, nunc Rhemis existit, et de exercitiis ejusdem ac variis pro religione
catholica conatibus respondetur : unde qui sit in Anglia religionis status videri etiam
potest.3
Doctissime et amplissime vir ; Sancta et salutarla sunt sane ilia vestra 4 de seminariis instituendis Consilia et a Deo ad salutem (ut spero) Belgicae profecta : tanto enim
Rege fundatore et patrono, locis tarn commodis, summo ingeniorum delectu, facillima
cum adversariis clam vel publice congrediendi et Uberrima facultate, possunt esse
instructissima et compendiosissime fructuosa. Quia nos etsi his omnibus rei bene
gerendae commoditatibus caruimus, extra patriam collocati, unde difficiles ad nos
studiosorum et nostrorum vicissim in Angliam transitus, contra nos truculentae et
iniquae leges et Regina adversissima, et in nostros continuae inquisitiones severissimaeque in omnes qui a nobis instruerentur, absolverentur aut ecclesiae5 reconciliarentur
animadversiones, tamen per Christi gratiam multum profecimus, et plus sane quam in
1

The date is on an erasure.
I n the archives of the see of Westminster ( I I . 85) there is another early copy of this document,
which must have come originally from the English college at Douay. I t is in four different hands,
with a title and occasional corrections in the handwriting of the Rev. Francis Barber of Douay
college. Allen's corrections and additions are wanting to it, with the exception of one or two of
trivial importance which have been noted where they occur. All other variations or omissions,
except a different juxtaposition of words and such like, are mentioned in the foot notes as
readings of MS.w>.
3
This heading is not in MS.w.
In its place the Rev. F . Barber has inserted the following title :
Instructiones D. Alani pro semincriis honorumpastorum Beigli missce ad dnum JhoannemVendevilliuvi.
5
* vestra added above the line by Allen.
ecclesia interlined by Allen.
a

OF CAKDINAL ALLEK.

53

illis parvis initiis ac adjumeritis et in tanta in externis locis subsistence etiam difficultate sperare potuimus.
Quomodo autem ab initio Duaci coitimi sit a nostris anno 1568, et quo Consilio
atque intentione, nemo mortalium D n e l tua novit melius; toti enim operi pene prsefueras, et prima vivendi subsidia comparaveras, cum nostri adhuc contulissent parum, 2
nee magnum operse pretium ad regni conversionem3 tarn minutum collegium facturum
putassent.4 Et ut verum tibi, mi domine, confitear, quameunque tu longe his consiliis
1

2
8
ne added by Allen.
nihil MS.w.
ad regni conversionem is in Allen's handwriting,
" Confluxerunt etiam eodem loci [sc. Belgium] complures viri, theologise doctores, nati ad Angliaa
decus,
quorum catalogum hoc loco contexere nimis longum esset et ab instituta oratione
nostra alienum. E t quum partim in Oxoniensi academia partim in Cantabrigiensi studuissent, bin&s
fundarunt domos quas iis ipsis nominibus nuncuparunt, domum videlicet Oxoniensem et domum
Cantabrigiensem. Qua ex distinctione domorum tametsi coepta est nonnulla existere semulatio et
contentio tam inter ipsas veluti competitrices academias, quam illarum cum coenobiis virorum ac
mulierum (qui in eadem causa fuerunt patriamque posthabuerant exilio ob fidem catholicam) orta
quidem ex distributione eleemosynse quam ex Anglia et aliunde missam dispertiendam acceperant ; tamen nullse sunt istse contentiones, si cum aliis quae postero tempore sensim in ilio genere
obortse sunt conferantur, maximeque cum erat coeptum haberi seminarium Anglorum in universi tate Duacena, quod paucis post annis (nempe anno 1568) sub D. Alano aliisque conflatum est.
T u n c enim ( u t ille ipse doctor ssepe narrare est solitus) crescente numero hominum rerumque
penuria non modo homines religiosi exulesque catholici gentis nostrae aegre tulerunt illam eleemosynam magnam partem in usum Duaceni seminarii distribuì ; verum etiam sacerdote» quidam,
caeteroqui viri perquam boni et virtutis amici, ex ilio seniori numero, cum foris turn domi id factum
reprehenderunt. H i nempe vel decepti quod non assequerentur cogitasse institutum scholae Duacenaa,
vel quadam animi infirmitate commoti, et clandestinis consiliis et apertis sermonibus il! ud factum
oppugnabant et illam vitae consuetudinem vituperabant. Illud vero in primis non ferendum p u t a r u n t
quod catholicis degentibus in Anglia penitus vetitum esse voluerunt aditum ad Protestantium
ecclesias ; hoc enim isti j a m antea multis nominibus tolerassent, non satis perpendentes animis illius
rei incommoda, nec officium quo obstricti f uerant ad fidem in illa expugnatione fidei acrius et apertius
confitendam. E x hac autem et hujusmodi occasionibus aliis coepta dissensio multos annos jactata
atque agitata est (hasreticis Anglis, u t solent, et politicis quaerentibus hanc ansam a m p e r e ad suam
rem gerendam) donec illa pars adversa aut suum tandem judicium et affectus suos (quod a multis est
factum) conformavit aut diuturnitate temporis refrixit aut paucitate defecit. Sed dum est ista
suscepta contentio, non parum doluit iis quos necesse erat has tempestates perpeti et alienos ictus
excipere quos impedire non poterant. Alia quoque intercessit discordia dissentionisque causa, quaa
sic se habuit. Cum illa armorum susceptio Comitis Northumbrise Comitisque Westmerlandise in
boreali parte Anglias mense Novembri anno 1569 contra Reginam minime processisset, profugerunt in
Belgium anno proximo Comitissa Northumbrise et Carolus Comes Westmerlandise et cum his Baro
Leonardus Dacrius multique viri et equestris et gentilitii ordinis boreales qui sub illis Comitibus
militarant. H i autem onmes in binas ierunt partes, quarum altera favit Comitissse, alteri Comes
charior f uit. Nec poterat ignis iste restingui, donec Comitissa desipiente et de mentis gradu demota
caetera pars in se mutuas iras convertit. Quod u t magis facerent, difficultas domestica et rerum
perturbatio et Anglici senatus Consilia machinationesque occultae propulerunt." Historia earum
rerum quas Anglicana causa catholica ej usque defensores fecerunt, etc. B y F . Persons, Stony hurst
MSS. P . 200.
4

54

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

turn prospexeras (nam fructu, fine et intentione latius turn fortasse 1 patebant cogitationes hac de re tu93 quam aliorum multorum qui factum probabant ac juvabant,
et Deus etiam ipse paulo aliud decrevit ac ordinavit de toto negotio quam cogitavimus) nostrum 2 propositum in primis fuit constituere collegium atque in illud
vocare nostros 3 in varia loca dispersos, ut fructuosius simul quam seorsum vivere et
studere possent; deinde ut illud adventantium et abeuntium successione continuum
foret atque durabile, ne si schisma longius esset, paucis illis qui ab initio fidei causa
ex universitatibus Anglicis fugati erant mortuis, non esset nobis olim relictum ad
restituendam religionem semen, et ita haeresis esset perpetua ac pacata, nemine (ne data
quidem occasione per mortem Reginse aut aliter) reclamante.
Putavimus 4 enim egregium esse habere semper extra regnum homines doctos
paratos ad restituendam religionem cum opportunum esset, licet hsereticis regnantibus
nihil tentandum speraretur. Sicut et illud ad Dei gloriam et ad officium Christiani
hominis ac civis pertinere existimavimus, 5 vel tot animas saltern nostrorum eripuisse ex
faucibus mortis quot educatos in hac societate paucissimi anni darent. Et si nihil aliud
fuisset, certe nec labores nostri nec aliorum sumptus fuissent inanes in Domino ; cum
ab eo tempore 500 aut amplius 6 homines in hoc collegio ad religionis cognitionem variis
temporibus 7 instituti cognoscantur, et quam multi in posterum futuri sint solus sciat
Deus.8
Sed postquam coitum feliciter est, et eleemosynse non jam ut antea in 9 certorum
hominum apud se libere ac seorsim degentium privatos usus, sed in commune omnium
subsidium conf errentur, cceptumque esset sub uno preside ac prseceptore in communi
vivere, studere et se exercere, multique inox ex AnglisB scholis et academiis, vel recens
instituti suorum collegii fama vel catholics institutionis desiderio, juvenes contluxissent,
ac nobiles etiam adolescentes vel curiositate (ut fit) vel etiam parentum voluntate non
pauci venissent, ccepimus turn cogitare hoc collegium non solum utile esse posse ad
servandós istos qui in eo, hoc exilii nostri tempore,10 educarentur, aut ad futurum c a t o licismi semen ; sed ad presenterà religionis propagationem aut restitutionem clerique
antiquioris jam deficientis supplementum, si recte in eum finem instituerentur et domum
ad suos remitterentur, futurum salutare: 11 prsesertim cum multi hinc 12 ad suos reverti
vel 13 necessitate cogerentur, et 14 non nisi certo spatio iidem collegii communibus sumptibus sustentari deberent, 15 quia locus erat concedendus aliis, ut ita hoc beneficium
succedentibus temporibus et hominibus 16 ad plures pertinere possit.
1
2
3
fortasse above the line in Allen's hand.
meum MS.w.
nostros convocare MS.w.
5
6
7
Pittavi MS.w.
putavi MS.w.
plusquam 500 MS.w.
MS.w. omits variis tem8
9
poribus.
et quam multi in posterum futuri sint solus sciat Deus not in MS.w.
in substiw
tuted by Allen for per above the line. MS.w. reads in.
hoc exilii nostri tempore above
ll
12
the line in Allen's hand.
futurum salutare added by Allen above the line.
hinc
13
u
omitted by MS.w.
quadam etiam for vel MS.w.
et substituted by Allen
15
for cam originally in the text.
deberent transferred hither by Allen from its original posi16
tion after iidem.
succedentibus temporibus et hominibus added above the line by Allen.
4

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

55

Intelleximus enim jam non tantum sacerdotes nostros 1 (quos paucos ab initio
habuimus) aliosve2 etiam catholicis antea 3 temporibus factos in Anglia presbiteros 4
sacramentorum secreta administratione et hortatione plurimos 5 in fide confirmasse, ac
nonnullos etiam deceptos sanis admonitionibus revocasse ; sed etiam nobilium filios ac
alios laicos juvenes multum apud suos sequales domesticos ac alienos, commendatione
v i t e et doctrinse nostrorum in Belgio catholicorum et narratione earum rerum prsoclararum quas in ecclesia Belgica et hac suorum nova societate 6 vidissent, profecisse, et
excitasse multos ad catholicse fìdei diligentiorem investigationem et ad nos usque
trajectionem ; eoque facilius quod profligatissimae ministrorum Calvinistiarum 7 vits8 et
morum melioris indolis homines 8 paulatim tsederet, doctrinaque ipsorum, quae ab initio
(quia recens erat et delicata) non displicuit, multis non esset valde grata.
Et majores aetate et prudentia viri ex memoria priorum temporum facile animadverterunt, nihil in illa nova secta esse sanctum et solidum: comparabant de
sapientia, sanctitate, doctrina, hospitalitate, regimine 9 catholicos in carcere episcopos ac
ecclesiasticos cum istis novis superintendentibus pseudo-episcopis, aliosque doctiores
exules magistris suis domesticis; et aliquoties domi apud suos secrete conquerebantur,
infelices esse filios suos qui deberent talibus uti institutoribus, ab iis 10 non educari ad
pietatem sed perire et corrumpi prorsus. Lamentabantur illi ita apud se quidem ; sed
publice metu legum sectabantur hsereticorum conciones et officia schismatica, sseculum
magis quara gloriam Dei diligentes. Àt juvenes plurimi, cum viderent parentes et
majores suos alio esse domi11 quam pretendebant foris12 animo, vel quod essent legum ac
periculorum minus quam parentes metuentes, vel quod ea aetate et sub 13 parentum tutela
gravioribus mulctis subjecti non essent, aut quod minus adhuc erant mundanis bonis aut
peccatis quam majores14 irretiti, profìtebantur piane in variis 15 prsecipuisque regni locis
catholicam fidem, ac jussi a magistratu vel parentibus venire ad ecclesiam ac communionem
hsereticam prorsus renuebant. Ex quibus multi vel invitis vel conniventibus parentibus
et dissimulantibus ad nos in Belgium concesserunt, ut sic prima ab hseresi defectio fuerit
animadversa esse in nobilioribus juvenibus omnium pene ordinum, maxime vero studiosorum bonarum artium in academiis et juris Britannici Londini atque etiam aulicorum.
Ad hanc animorum mutationem multum fecerant libri quidam a nostris hominibus
lingua Ànglica de omnibus rebus pene controversis, antea 16 in Flandria facti et impressi,
quibus ad populi captum mira claritate omnes pene haereticorum fraudes, fructus, contentiones, blasphemise, contradictiones, absurditates, falsationes tam Scripturarum quam
1
2
3
nostros not in MS.w.
ve added by Allen.
antea added by Allen.
5
aliosve etiam catholicis antea temporibus factos in Anglia presbiteros omitted in MS.w.
])lurimos
6
7
substituted by Allen for aliquos.
et hac suorum nova societate interlined by Allen.
Cal8
e
vinistiarum, Allen's addition.
multos here cancelled. It is in MS.w.
de sapientia,
10
sanctitate, doctrina, hospitalitate, regimine omitted in MS.w.
enim after iis in MS.w.
" domi
12
13
14
not in MS.w.
foris wanting in MS.w.
vel instead of et sub MS.w.
quam majores
15
,6
not in MS.w.
variis omitted by MS.w.
antea wanting in MS. w.
4

56

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Doctorum sunt patefactae, ut in ..omni genere non modo sapientum sed etiam populi
judicio essemus superiores, nee ullo essent loco nobis pares adversarii nisi principis
potentia ac armis legumque praescriptis.
Juvit etiam incredibiliter familiare colloquium quod aliquot ante annis vel mensibus in multis nobilium ac magnatimi 1 aedibus in Anglia existentes frequenter habuimus, in quo irrefragabilibus notis ac indiciis Ecclesiae et Sedis Apostolicae authoritatem
vindicavimus; popularibusque argumentis sed invincibilibus demonstravimus apud
alios quam nos, id est, cathohcos,2 non posse esse veritatem : quas notas, regulas vel
motiva ad fidem catholicam certo ab haeresi dignoscendam curavimus fusius postea
Duaci explicari et excudi ; unde factum est perbrevi, ut non solum innumerabiles nostratium de religione recte 3 sentirent, sed (in quod difficilius laboratur ac acrius nobis
resistitur) ut abstinerent prorsus a communione, ecclesiis, concionibus, librorum lectione,4
atque omni spirituali commercio haereticorum : quod est illic 5 propter leges iniquas longe
difficillimum, et in quod carcere et variis poenis vindicatur, et de quo sibi antea propter
metum ipsi alioquin catholici indulgebant ; adeo ut non solum homines laici, corde
recte credentes et missas domi cum poterant audientes, ecclesias et caeremonias schismaticas adirent ac nonnunquam etiam communicarent, sed etiam sacerdotes multi et sacrum
secrete facerentj et foris officia ac coenam haereticam, eodem saepe die (immane scelus)
calicis Domini et calicis daemoniorum participes, celebrarent ; 6 falso persuasi satis esse
si animo tenerent fidem et in externis obedirent principi, praesertim in canendis psalmis
et caeteris scripturis 7 vulgari lingua ; quod videbatur esse indifferens, et in bonis
alioquin in tanto legum terrore tolerabile : quodque nostri hoc non dicerent ullo modo
permittendum catholicis, reprehendebantur ab initio nimiae severitatis a multis.
Sed postea diligentia et constantia hanc difficultatem ita superavimus, ut non
habeatur jam pro sincero catholico, cui possint sacramenta reconciliationis conferri, nisi
plane se abstineat ab omni specie mali quoad participationem cum haereticis. Et ubi
hac severitate exacta ecclesiasticae disciplinae videbamur multorum saecularium sapientum
initio 8 longe pauciores catholicos habituri, Dominus Deus paucorum annorum experientia contrarium ostendit, efficiens ut plures nunc habeamus confessores9 ac sinceros
catholicos, quam tunc habuimus indulgentia et conniventia occultos Christianos ; qui
sua interna fide nee sibi nee aliis f uissent ad salutem utiles, sed 10 externo exemplo
multos duxissent ad ruinam, nee de schismatis damnabili crimine aut religionis restitutione unquam cogitantes, blandientes sibi de bona voluntate et de legibus n principis
1
3
magistratuum MS.w.
• id est, catholicos not in MS.w.
*
recte an addition by
4
5
6
Allen.
librorum lectione omitted in MS.w.
Wis for illic MS.w.
Instead
of the sentence recte credentes . . . . celebrarent MS.w. has catholici audirent domi cam poterant
sacrum et postea etiam eodem die adirent concionali et communionem Jiareticam, sed etiam quidam
7
8
sacerdotes utrumque fecerunt.
avdiendis added in MS.w.
judicio MS.w.,
10
instead of initio.
° es added by Allen. It is in MS.w.
sed added by Allen
u
above the line. It is in MS.w.
per leges in MS.w.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

57

facta illicita excusantes, se suosque in.. miserabile exitium impoenitentes préecipitassent. 1
Exacta ergo ecclesiastics disciplinse observantia, ipsisque 2 poenis, exiliis, carceribus,
inuletis, a c 3 adeo crudelissima catholicorum nece multum profecit ecclesia nostra,
adeoque 4 crevit constantia in fidei confessione sincere bonorum, ut, ex eo tempore quo
recentiores ac graviores l a t e sint contra catholicos leges, multiplicentur 5 indies 6 orthodoxi magis, coactique ; sint adversarli de magnatibus et nobilioribus multa 7 connivere,8
in sacerdotes tantum et tenuiores laicos animadvertere ; ita tamen ut qui ab initio
schismatis àdigebant miseros ad ccense illius execrabilis participationern, nunc non
requirant amplius quam ut semel aut iterimi, ne videantur immorigeri, vel concioni
vel reliquis officiis quae. psaliiiorum in vulgari lingua cantione maxime constant
interessent.9
Cum igitur tanta esset per Christum faciendi in Insula nostra fructum spes, et
magnum ostium animas lucrandi apertimi 10 in Domino, turn coepimus diligentius in earn
1 il

Quando morì la Regina Maria et si mutò la religione in Inghilterra, fuggiti et imprigionati
che furono li vescovi et sacerdoti che non volevano consentire all' here tici, restò il populo in grande
oscurità per alcuni anni, et si usavano per errore (anche da' cattolici) molte superstizioni et dissimulazioni, et si permettevano giuramenti empii contra l'autorità della Sede Apostolica, e questo
con poco o nessun scrupulo di conscienza. Allora tutti communemente andavano alle sinagoghe
degli here tici et alle prediche loro, menandovi li figli et famiglia, li quali bevendo così l'heresia hanno
di poi mantenuta la persecuzione. Si teneva all'ora per segno distintivo sufficiente venire alla
chiesa prima delli here tici et non partirsi in compagnia loro. I cattolici si communicavano nella
cena Calviniana, o almeno si facevano scrivere da parrocchiani, come se si fossero communicati, per
dissimulare et ingannare gli officiali che di ciò fanno inquisì ti one, et gli pareva all'ora di fare assai
se sentivano messa secretamente nelle case loro dopo d'essersi trovati alla communione degli here tici,
mescolando con sacrilego il santissimo corpo di Christo col profanato pane di Calvino, e servendo in un
medesimo tempo à Christo et à Baal. Si mandavano li fanciulli alle chiese per esser battezzati da ministri
heretici et da quelli erano benedettili matrimonii. Et tutte queste cose si facevano senza scrupulo
perchè li sacerdoti rimasti all'ora nel regno et in libertà (fuori d'alcuni pochi) o per ignoranza-gli
approbavano per lecite o per paura lo dissimulavano come tali. Adesso per la misericordia di Dio si
fa altrimenti, e tutti sanno che bisogna credere col cuore per essere giustificati efc confessar con la
bocca par salvarsi. E che non peccò solamente Giuda per haver tradito Christo, ma anco S.Pietro
per haverlo negato. Non vogliono abiurare l'autorità del Sommo Pontefice ne ammettere. la
suprema giuridizione della Regina sotto pretesto nessuno. Si tiene per cosa illecita di frequentare
le chiese o prediche d5h ere tici sotto qual si voglia scusa d'obbedienza al Prencipe, et che sono
obligati di prohibire li loro figli et famiglia d'andarvi. Anzi che devono. istruirli nella vera religione,
per non sacrificare ai demonio quelli ch'hanno generati al mondo." Relatione del presente stato
d'Inghilterra, &c, p. 6. Roma, appresso Francesco Zannetti, 1590.
2
3
ipsisque in Allen's hand ; the text has ipsaque. MS.w. reads ipsisque.
ipsaque MS.w. for ac.
4
5
adeoque by Allen, instead of pluriTMimqtie, which is cancelled.
multiplicentur, altered in
6
text from antur, by Allen apparently. multiplicarentivr\nM&.w.
indies not^ in MS.w.
7
8
9
"•. multa omitted by MS.w.,
convenire MS.w.
qua psalmorum '",'.. . ;• interessent
is substituted by Allen for psalterii intersint. The sentence ita tamen ut . . . . interessent is wanting
10
in MS.w. .
ad lucrandas animas apertum esset W&.w.
,
/
I

58

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

rem nostros animare, eleemosynas ex patria curare, evocare ex academiis optima ingenia, licet plurimi omnium ordinum ultro accurrerent ; accuratius deinde advenientes
cum in omnibus Christians religionis partibus, turn maxime in controversiis instituere.
Et omnes qui 1 essent studiosi theologiao vel mox ad earn accessuri, et quos Christus
incitavit ad cogitandum de sacris ordinibus 2 cooptavimus in numerum eorum qui communibus seminarii expensis 3 sustentabantur. Eeliquos autem nobilium filios qui vel
humaniores literas, philosophica vel jurisprudentiam discerent, qui et ipsi quoque omnes
vel sponte vel catholicorum parentum et amicorum cohortatione seminarii fama excitati
ad capessendam catholicam educationem venerunt, 4 hos etiam tantisper (suis sumptibus
tamen, non communibus) in collegio retinuimus, donee essent pro setate et conditione recte catechisati ac ecclesia per penitenti am prioris vitse et schismatis reconciliati.
Venerunt etiam non pauci interea plane hasretici et haereticorum etiam ofBciorum
ministri ac concionatores, qui omnes, nostra institutione et conversatane pcenitentiam
agentes,5 ac non modo ecclesia sunt sincere reconciliati, verum etiam post unum aut
alterum annum factum in disciplina collegiali cupiebant fieri sacerdotes ; quemadmodum
et facti sunt, magnoque postea zelo se dederunt in messem Anglicani, ubi et unus eorum
postea martyrio claro vitam finivit, ac reliqui magno cum fructu etiam nunc operantur.
Porro omnes qui Duacum negotiorum causa ad studiosos Anglos venerunt, (venerunt autem multis de causis multi, et ad alia loca seu in Galliam seu in Italiain
seu in Brabantiam transeuntes ssepe ad nos, ut vel suos viderent vel ipsum
seminarium de quo cceptum est turn tarn multa dici, diverterunt) tales omnes, cum
essent magna ex parte vel omnis religionis expertes, vel saltern schismatici, hortati
simul6 manere apud nos aliquot diebus ; quod fecerunt multi. Ac si pauperes essent
jussimus expensis collegii apud nos esse 30 dies,7 donee scirent prsecipua religionis
catholicse capita, et peccata confiteri recte didicissent et reconciliati essent ; quod cum
multis magno fructu fecimus, qui domum reversi glorificabant Deum in omnibus
quse viderant, et multos moverunt, ut omnino relictis rebus ad nos Duacum concederent, vel saltern semel visum et auditum 8 accederent; quod et hseretici nonnulli
curiositatis causa fecerant.^ Scripsimus etiam nonnunquam ad doctiores haareticos
educationis errore deceptos, ut semel dignarentur explorare nostrum morem vivendi
et docendi, polliciti ipsis quamdiu hic manerent apud nos pro dignitate sustentationem
et omnem humanitatem.
Vocavimus etiam ex Anglia aliquos seniores, illic ante multos annos factos sacerdotes, qui laborabant in vinea etiam Domini, sed eos 10 in religionis omnibus officiis
ecclesiasticisque censuris 11 pro horum temporum necessitate non satis instructos ;12 ut
1

2
quotquot in MS.w. for omnesque.
sacris ordinibus substituted by Allen for initiatione sacra.
4
5
6
eleemosynis MS.w.
venerant MS.w.
egerunt MS.MV
sumus MS.w.
, 7 triginta diebus MS,w.
* ad videndum et audiendum MS.w.
* fecerunt MS w.
10
n
12
eos not in MS.w.
ecclesiasticisque censuris omitted in MS.w.
instructi MS.w.
3

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

5*>

post ecclesiastieam discipHnam et institutionem paulo accommodatiorem inter nos
receptam reverterentur ad opus sanctum complendum. 1
Sed d u m haec facimus, et n u m e r u s nostrorum ac onera haec variis modis crescerent, deficerentque etiam ex altera p a r t e ex Belgicis turbis ac vexationibus b o n o r u m
eleemosynae, et Angli ipsi, propter varias a m a g i s t r a t u factas inhibitiones h e pecuniae
a d nos m i t t e r e n t u r q u o s 2 vocabant patriae et Reginse inimicos et proditores, 3 conferre
etiam n o n a u d e r e n t , coacti sumus supplicibus Uteris implorare opem S. D. N . Gregorii, 4
universitate etiam Duacensi atque collegio Societatis illic e x i s t e n t e 5 nostra in ecclesiam Dei officia a p u d ipsum testificantibus e t 6 commendantibus : qui incomparabili
charitate et d e m e n t i a illieo nos adjuvit concessa m e n s t r u a pro visione 110 scutorum. 7
H a c certa pensione h a b i t a et suae Sanctitatis cohortatione ac facultate nobis
concessa de praesentandis nostris a p u d 8 vicinos episcopos pro sacris ordinibus, et
d a t a 9 nobis Apostolica a u t h o r i t a t e 1 0 licentia de mittendis in Angliam presbyteris qui
o m n e m in absolutione et reconciliatione potestatem haberent, et alia quaedam u imped i m e n t a propagationis catholicismi tollerent quae nominare n o n est opus, t u m sane
et in Anglia et in seminario incubitum est diligentius in opus Dominicum pluresque
a d v e n t a n t e s recepimus et m u l t o plures operarios dedimus ; adeo u t coacti sint contra
hos conatus et multiplicationem còntinuam catholicorum aperte confitentium fidem
(scopus enim noster est et semper fuit facere 1 2 plane et aperte catholicos, qui omnem
c u m haereticis in spiritualibus comniùnionem prorsus recusarent) et m a x i m e contra
Romanae ecclesiae reconciliatis 13 (quia n u n c s i n c e r i u catholici dicebantur passim 1 5 reconciliati) facere novas leges capitales n e quis reconciliaretur.
Quo etiam tempore v e x a r u n t parentes e o r u m 1 6 qui hie h a b e b a n t liberos suos, 17 m a n d a r u n t q u e illis 18 Reginae 19 consiliarii u t primo quoque tempore suos 2 0 revocarent, etc.,
quod m u l t i coacti aliquoties fecerant. 21 Sed nihil ista violentia nee reliquis suppliciis
ac mortibus sacerdotum et aliorum profecerunt ; nee quicquam capitalia contra quaedam
1

2
ad opus sanctum comjilendum added by Allen.
originally quod, corrected by Allen to quos.
8
4
MS.w. reads quos.
proditores substituted by Allen for perturbatore^.
S. D. N.
3
Gregorii in place of suce Sanctitatis by Allen.
atque collegio Societatis illic existente in Allen's
6
hand. MS.w. has instead ac ojrtimis professorivus.
testificantibus et omitted by MS.w.
7
qui incomparabili. . . . 110 scutorum is in Allen's handwriting in place of the following sentence,
which is crossed through from imprimis to menstruam inclusive :—imprimis D. archidiacono Ludovico,
quihorum omnium consiliorum ab initio particeps et prcecipuus adjutor extitit, id satagente: quibus
benigne auditis provisionem menstruam 100 ducatorum ut scitis dedit. The clause D. archidiacono . .
8
id satagente is not ìnMS.w?., which also has pensionem instead of provisionem.
apud instead
9
,0
of ad by Allen.
data for facta in Allen's hand.
et which followed authoritate has
u
been crossed through. It is not in MS.w.
qucedam transferred from after impedimenta by Allen.
12
13
reddere MS.w.
Romance ecclesia reconciliatis substituted by Allen for reconciliationem.
14
15
16
sinceri instead of veri by Allen, vere MS.w.
passim added by Allen.
nonmdlorum
17
18
MS.w.
apud nos studebant_M.S.w. for habebant liberos suos.
illis for aliquibus by Allen.
w
20
Neither word is in MS.wv
Originally regii, altered by Allen, regni M&.w.
tempore liberos
2l
suos in text originally, liberos cancelled by Allen, ii Uteris replaces liberos in MS.w.
fecerunt MS./ii.
12
'V

60

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

sancta catholicorum quibus inter se turn etiam utebantur symbola, ut agnus Dei, sacrae
imagines aere insculptae, grana benedicta, etc.,1 decreta nova potuerunt : 2 sed cum ea
vix antea novissent; postea mire desiderarunt ; rati magnani ex his sibi fore in illis
calamitatibus quasi ex benedictione Pontificis Maximi consolationem ; jam enim propter
istas vexationes luporum coeperunt ipsum ut communem patrem diligere ac colere
incredibiliter.
Habebant igitur hoc tempore Angli multos in Belgica 3 instructos sacerdotes, qui
oranem captabant occasionem promovendi coeptam reconciliationem, qui 4 in patriam
remissi 5 insinuarunt se nobilibus et magnatibus, 6 et reconciliarunt plurimos ; rursumque
reconciliati ipsi 7 non conquiescebant nisi idem etiam effecissent apud liberos, propinquo^
famulos, amicos : imo nonnunquam etiam liberi persuadent 8 parentibus et uxores
mariti s ut fiant 9 catholici et reconcilientur.10 Atque rei bene quidem gerendae in hoe
genere optima etiam est occasio in summis aegritudinibus, et cum videntur homines
infirmari ad mortem ; quo tempore propter metum divinorum judiciorum jam turn pene
ab hominum legibus et terroribus liberati solent facilius solatiis ecclesiasticis auscultare, quando etiam nostri sacerdotes sunt fere11 ad manum, amicis catholicis illos
inducentibus 12 ac si essent medici vel mundani consolatores : faciunt enim13 haec quam
possunt discrete et secreto, ne intercipiantur aut ab haereticis agnoscantur ; ita enim
diutius et fructuosius messem facient,
Sed si fortasse capiantur probenturque fecisse sacrum, audisse confessiones,
catholico ritu celebrasse conjugia aut baptismum, aut reconciliasse aliquos, vel saltern
esse sacerdotes Duaeenses^ ita enim saepe vocant, turn constantia et confessione et
doctis responsionibus coram haereticis judicibus et pseudo-episcopis et aliis valde proficiunt, et plures saepe lucrantur quam si liberi essent ut prius.
Rarius tamen morte mulctant, (tres enim vel quatuor tantum damnarunt his
ultimis annis) cum ea patienter suscepta mire moveatur populus ; nam summa Dei
gratia nemo hactenus tormentis aut terroribus eorum14 cessit ; et saepe fit ut minus
velit Regina et concilium in catholicos (quos ipsi agnoscunt esse innocens genus
hominum et conscientia non malitia agi) saeviri, propter Puritàrios quosdam haereticos
seditiosissimos Anabaptistarum instar, in quos cupiunt, ne perturbent statum regni,
diligentius15 aliquando inquiri et animadverti ; quae intolerabilis et furiosa secta facit
etiam totum Calvinismum apud bonos et prudentes pejus audire, eoque16 facilius animum
.ad veterem disciplinam et fidem applicare17 nostrorumque catholicorum misereri18 magis,
1

ut agnus Dei . . . . etc. added by Allen in the margin, acjnus Dei et calculi ac imagunculce cercce
2
3
a Papa benedict ce in the margin of MS.w.
profecerunt MS.w.
Belgica added by
4
b
Allen. Belgio MS.rv.
qui omitted by MS.w.
in patriam remissi added by Allen.
6
7
8
g
ipsi etiam aulceM&.fv.
ipsi inserted by Allen.
persuadeba?it M.S.W.
afferent MS.w,
10
18
13
reconciliarentur MS.w.
" seppe MS.w.
introdlicentious MS.w.
nostri MS.ft?.
14
ls
16
ipsorum MS.w.
honestius altered by Allen into diligentius. In MS.w. severius.
ut eo
l
MS.w.
? applicant originallyin text: corrected by Allen to applicare, applicentM&.w.
18
miscreaiar originally in text : corrected by Allen iomiseikrk misereantur Mg>,w.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

61

quos sciunt propter communem t a n t u m orbis Ohristiani, majorumque nostrorum 1 fidem
laborare.
. ' .
2 otiam his q-nm'o 3 profecim .LSL r>Ar
4 M u l t u mi 2 r > | { o m L i o annis? -rtvrvPc^imiis Jp&L.J ] W Q C ! O V , T^olnrirt flr} U O n n u l l O G t a m
magnates quam alios honestse conditionis viros scriptas, in quibus diligenter proponimus, q u a n t u m sit hujus schismatis malum, quo infauste principes nationis n o s t r a
separantur non modo a fide et salute omnium cseterorum Christianorum, sed maj o r u m etiam suorum, qui non ex alia q u a m liac catholica professione clari in m u n d o et
Deo grati 4 e x t i t e r u n t : miserum esse et deylorandum personas sapientia et nobilitate
adeo illustres vel a tarn malis, paucis et imperitis decipi, vel potius (quia deceptos n o n
putamus) hujus speculi vel timore vel amore! obedire hominibus magis quam immortali
Deo, qui aufert spiritum principum et terrililis est a p u d reges terrse. 5
E t haec quidem sic in Anglia g e r u n t u r a catholicis, nee minore diligentia a u t
fructu laboratur in Hibernia a quibusdam Hibernis Louvanii et a p u d nos institutis
presbyteris. 6 Nos interim ex collegio, qupd t a n t u m post acceptam Pontifìcis provisionem numero crevit u t ex eo coloniam, quse brevi propter t a n t i patroni favorem
Urbisque ac summorum magistrorum arithpritatem hoc nostrum superatura videatur, 7
R o m a m sua Sanctitas duxerit et suis etiam sumptibus alat, multos m i t t i m u s operarios •
de quorum instructione, doctrina et ad earn rem magis usitatis exercitiis, quia desideras
oìarassìmo D. Vendi viliyj-aiiì paucis d i c a n o s i istud-priu® annotavoro.] 8
_ —
—..
J a m vero cum ita his modis divina opitulante gratia et n u m e r u s in Anglia catholicorum continuo augeretur, et t a n t o studio atque frequentia optimse indolis et voluntatis j u v e n e s ex Insula ad nos confluerent, u t j a m nee sedibus communibus capi nec
suse Sanctitatis prsedicta provisione a u t aliunde ali vel tenuissime potuerint, patriae et
nostri misertus benignissimus Pontifex, cum aliud nobis in U r b e collegium hoc nostro
amplius fundavit, turn istud supplemento 50 aureorum m e n s t r u o r u m a u x i t ; u t j a m in
singulos menses a sua Sanctitate 150 scuta habeamus,.prseter hoc quod semel a u t iterum
cum in magnis essemus angustiis extraordinarie succurrerit. Magnse enim his m a x i m e
temporibus propter truculentas factas contra adjutores nostros in Anglia leges e x t i t e r u n t
oeconomise nostrae difficultates, quando pene solum ilia Pontifìcis pro visione v i v e n d u m
erat, collegiumque ssepe sicut et n u n c plures quam centum alumnos habeat, pauciores
1
2
majorumque horum et nostrorum originally in the text, suorum MS.w. for horum.
The
3
whole of this paragraph from multum to terree is omitted in MS-w.
After minis five
4
words are so carefully erased that the first word only Christi can be now read.
grati added
5
by Allen above the line.
In the Roman MS. between terrae and et hcec is placed a hand whick
6
refers to a separate sheet of paper containing the paragraph beginning Jam vero cum,
Instead
of the sentence nec minore diligentia . . . . institutis presbyteris MS.w. has et in Hibernia, precipuo
7
cooperatore uno ex nostra etiam societate, copiosior messis.
The clause quce brevi . . . .
8
superatura videatur is not in MS.w.
The last two paragraphs between square brackets
have been crossed through in the Roman MS., and are intended to be replaced by the two following
ones, written on a separate sheet of paper in Allen's hand with these words on the margin " write
thes lines." The two paragraphs last mentioned are not in MS.'w.

62

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

his postremis annis nunquam ; in quibus sunt fere presbyteri 20 aut 25 ; esteri pene
ornnes sacrorum ordinum candidati.
Circiter duodecim aut potius communibus annis promovemus ad presbyterium 20,
totidemque quotannis in Angliam mittimus. Atque ab instituto collegio dedimus in
opus Domini supra 160 presbyteros : de quorum instructione, doctrina et ad earn rem
magis usitatis exercitiis, quia desideras, vir amplissime, jam paucis dicam, si istud prius
tibi annotavero.
Nostros non tarn excellere 1
neque tantopere in ista Dominica messe2 proficere exactiori doctrina (licet oporteat ipsorum magistros esse quantum fieri potest et
doctos et prudentes) quam zelo domus Dei et eharitate animasque lucrandi desiderio ;
cui quidem quo major est scientia Scripturarum et controversiarum, et prsesertim
prudentia ac discretio 3 conjuncta, eo plus proficiunt. Tamen cum zelo ardenti, etiamsi
semper exacta doctrina non adsit, modo necessaria religionis capita, sacramentorum vim
et rationem cognoscant, inter caeteros operarios excellentiores, quos fere habemus in
singulis regni provinciis, utiliter etiam operantur isti in audiendis .confessionibus et
sacrificio faciendo, ad quas res tales maxime 4 instruimus pro cujusque munere et
indole.5
Ingeneramus autem, tarn hie in seminario quam illic per operarios in Angiia,
primum et ante omnia zelum et justam indignationem contra hsereticos quantum
Dominus permittit in animis catholicorum, prsesertim eorum quos hie destinamus ad
opus Dominicum; objicientes nostrorum oculis quanta sit 6 in catholica ecclesia ubi versamur 7 majestas cseremoniae sacrse, quanta sacrifìcii et sacramenti dignitas ac utilitas,
quanta populi in adeundis ecclesiis, in confitendis peccatis, in audiendis concionibus
devotio et diligentia. Turn vero contra apud nostros omnia ista versa in luctum;
summam existere omnium sacrorum desolationem, patriam nostram 8 olim religione tarn
illustrem et sanctam Deo jam 9 et religione omni esse vacuam, amicos et parentes nostros
et quoscumque charos habemus et alia infinita animarum millia schismate et irreligiositate perire, omnes carceres et metalla non jam furibus et impiis sed Christi sacerdotibus
et servis nostrisque adeo parentibus ac propinquis plena esse. Et deinde conversi ad
nos ipsos, confiteri hsec omnia contigisse reipublicae nostrse propter peccata nostra;
agendam 10 proinde poenitentiam et peccata confitenda11 non perfunctorie ut olim, cum
1
Originally excellent, but altered to excellere, after which and before neque occurs a blank space.
2
Perhaps this space should be filled up with the word oportet.
in ista Dominica messe is in
3
4
5
Allen's hand.
ac discretio not in MS.w.
magis MS.w.
Petuntur etiam scepe a iiobis
ad quosdam proceres liter ce nostrce admonitorice de schismate deserendo ; quas luoenter continuo damus,
quibusque multum aliquoties moventur. Quarum literarum exempla amicis etiam et familiaribus ad
6
multorum salutem communicant. MS.w. in margin.
quanta sit above the line in Allen's hand.
7
8
quanta sit here inserted in MS.w.
fatriam nostram above the line in Allen's hand, instead of
l0
the original talem gentem. MS.w. reads totam gentcm.
°jam added by Allen.
agendam not
n
in MS. w.
et peccata confi tenda omitted in MS. w.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

63

pro more semel in anno 1 id faceremus, sed revoeandam totam vitani anteaetam ad
rationem, exercitia spiritualia ad conscientiae perfectum examen inter patres Societatis
suscipienda, deligendum vitas genus sanctius et ad salutem nostrani 2 et aliorum magis
accommodatum ; inire sanctam associationem cum patribus iisdem aut aliis pro continuo
orando cum multis pro patria et ecclesia nostra ac afflictis ibi catholicis, pro quibus nos
ipsos ad compassionem et laerimas exeitare debemus ; sed maxime de miseria in patria
pereuntium cogitando quomodo possemus, vel nos, aliquos ipsorum eripere, scientes
quod hoc operiret multitudinem peccatorum nostrorum. Proponere deinde in animo
saepius confiteri, devotius communicare, diligentius studere ut nos paremus ad sacerdotium, cujus rei tantam dedisset 3 occasionem etiam in exilio praeter omnem expectationem et merita nostra Christus, cum tantam invenerimus gratiam apud externos
etiam ut 4 nos juvent, adeoque vero 5 ut Christi ipsius Vicarius nos miseros et indignos
non contemnat, sed ad eum finem quern Deus prasvidit suis sumptibus foveat. Cupere
proinde nos aliquatenus divina? circa nos Providentias respondere, cum ex Sodoma
eduxerit et servaverit, ac in sacro presbiteratu ipsi servire 6 desiderare ; non quia ille
ordo est sicut olim, et semper 7 esse deberet, apud homines utilis aut honorabilis, sed
quia cupiamus 8 hoc tempore, cum est mundo contemptibilis 9 et periculosu^ etiam,
Christo et ecclesiae10 ac nostrorum saluti in lacrimis et pcenitentia servire.6
Paucos u esse hujus vitas et voluptatis dies, breves, incertos, malos ; felices esse
eos quibus aliquid pro patria, parentibus, religione ac Christo pati datum erit. Brevissimum esse hujus saeculi tempus, quo impii persecutores praaferuntur sancte patientibus, cum istorum apud Deum et homines mox sit gloriosa memoria, illorum
infinita et asterna infamia : id facile cerni, non modo in veteribus martyribus, sed in
iis quos nostra pene memoria fidei confessio fecit et in mundo claros et in coelo certe
beatos. Omnia ergo toleranda potius quam ut videamus mala gentis nostras.
Multum etiam ad excitandum zelum et fervor em fecerunt Pontificis quasdam
indulgentiae concessa gerentibus et utentibus talibus ae talibus symbolis aut calculis,
et orantibus pro conversione hasreticorum in Anglia et alibi, et pro liberatione fratrum
nostrorum captivorum pro fide catholica12 ibidem aut aliis locis. Talibus enim 13 supra
quam dici potest, tarn in collegio quam in Anglia, tam in doctis quam in simplicioribus, crevit fervens orandi et diligendi studium, ut f u i t u non modo causae, sed
evidentia fere signa eorum qui habebant 15 zelum. Neque vero per alios proficimus
in agro Dominico in tantis periculis et infinitis impedimentis nisi per eos qui habent
zelum 16 et didicerint 17 amare animas ad salutem cum proposito quaevis pericula adeundi et molestias ferendi pro liberatione ecclesiae et fratrum suorum,
1

2
3
4
semel in anno not in MS.w.
nostrommMS.w.
dederit MS.w.
corrected to ut
5
6
by Allen from the original et. In MS.w. ut.
vero added by Allen.
inservire MB.m.
7
8
9
semper added by Allen.
cupimus MS.w.
contemptui changed by Allen into contemptibilis.
10
u
nostrceque added in MS.w.
This paragraph from Paitcos to gentis nostrce inclusive is not in MS.w.
13
M
15
is propterfidem catholicamMS.w.
rebus after enim MS.w.
et sunt MS.w.
habent MS.w.
16
n
The sentence from neque vero to habent zelum inclusive is riot inMS.w.
didicerunt MS.w.

64

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Jam vero haec exercitia in collegio pro institutione nostrorum habere solemus.
In primis quia multum refert ut Sacrae Scripturae textum ej usque magis probàbiles
sensus * in promptu habeant, habeantque ad unguem loca omnia quibus vel utuntur
recte catholici pro fide nostra vel abutuntur haeretici impie contra ecclesia fidem, ad
earn acquirendam facultatem habemus unam quotidie lectionem in Novum Testamentum quo dictatur breviter sensus quam 2 maxime proprius et germanus.
Quotidie in mensa post prandium et coenam, antequam se loco movent, audiunt
examen cursorium unius capituli ex Veteri et alterius ex Novo Testamento.
Dictantur eis tempore opportuno secundum controversias hujus temporis loca
omnia Sacrae Scripturae, sive quae faciunt pro eatholicis, sive quae detorquentur ab
haereticis ; notando breviter quid inde arguendum sit quidve respondendum. Habetur
super eadem loca disputatio semel in hebdomada, qua vicissim defenditur non solum
pars catholicorum contra haereticorum allegatas Scripturas, verum etiam pars haeretica
contra Scripttiras catholicorum, ut melius sciant omnes tarn probare nostra arguendo,
quam refutare contraria; quas ad res multum juvat assistentia magistrorum, dum
nihil sinunt 3 absque justo examine ab ulla parte praetermitti.
Ex iisdem etiam locis sic annotatis pro alterutra parte unus 4 quilibet studiosorum
verba facit oratione continua et modo coneionatorio ad persuadendum 5 et id 6 in thesi
controversa ; quod fit bis in hebdomada.
Singulis diebus Dominicis et festis habentur conciones anglica a provectioribus ad
evangelium, epistolàm vel historiam diei propriam, ubi inflammantur omnium animi ad
pietatem in Deum et ad zelum in Àngliam a schismate in viam sàlutis revocandum.7
Id 8 autem anglice facimus ut vernaculae linguae facultatem major em et gratiam, qua
haeretici mire sibi placent et insigniter aliis simplicioribus nocent, assequamur. In quo
genere vel. imperiti alioquin haeretici multis doctioribus eatholicis saepe praestant, quod
hi in academiis et scholis educati non habent fere Scripturae textum nee allegant nisi
latinum, quern cum pro concione indocta coguntur mox in vulgarem linguam vertere,
quia statim alicujus versionis vulgaris verba non sunt 9 aut non occurrunt,10 saope parum
accommodate et non sine ingrata haesitatione transferunt ; ubi adversarii ad unguem
tenent ex haeretica aliqua versione omnia Scripturae loca quae pro ipsis facere videantur,
et quadam composita fraude ac mutatione sacrorum verborum efliciunt tandem ut nihil
loqui videantur u nisi ex Bibliis. Cui malo utrinque mederi possit, si et nos haberemus
aliquam catholicam versionem Bibliorum; omnes enim anglicae versiones sunt corruptissimae. Quales in Belgio vestro habeatis nescio ; certe nos si sua Sanctitas faciendum
judicabit, id etiam agemus ut fideliter, pure et genuine secundum approbatam ecclesiae
1

s
3
4
próbàbilem sensumM&.w.
^i'MS.w.
scimt MS.w.
nnicusMS.w.
6
persuadimi Roman MS. '.persuadendum et dissuadendum is the reading of MS.w.
et id not in
7
8
MS.w.
revocandum MS.w.
The rest of the paragraph from Id autem to OCCUÌTÌ possit
,0
inclusive is not in MS.w\
* sunt corrected by Allen from the original sint.
oecurrant
u
in original altered io occurrunt by Allen,
videtur corrected to videantur by Allen.
5

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

65

editionem Biblia vertantur; cum ad hanc rem viros jam habeamus aptissimos. Licet
enim optandum esset fortasse ut nunquam in barbaras linguas Scripturae verterentur,
tamen cum tanta sit hodie vel ex haeresi vel aliunde curiositas hominum etiam non
malorum, et saepe etiam propter confutationem adversariorum legendi necessitas,
satius est ut fidelem et catholicam habeant 1 translationem, quam ut cum periculo aut
ad perditionem utantur corrupta ; praesertim cum periculis ex difSciliorum quorumdam
locorum lectione commodis quibusdam annotationibus occurri possit.
Item assidue inter prandendum et coenandum leguntur, omnibus attente auscultane
tibus, sacra Biblia secundum ordinem fere quo ex breviario castigato a Pontifice Maximo 2
leguntur, ex quo horas plerique etiam non initiati persolvunt ; et leguntur fere ad
mensam quaterna capitula, vel ad minimum terna, et deinde martyrologium, aut aliquid
de historia ecclesiastica.
Quae eadem capitula leguntur antea a singulis privatim - intra cubicula sua, similiterque ilia duo capitula quae diximus in fine ccenae et prandii quotidie examinari, et id
e fontibus ab his qui possunt.
Quibus omnibus ita observatis fit ut Vetus Testamentum perlegant duodecies
singulis fere ternis annis ; tamdiu enim fere manent apud nos propter sufficientem
institutionem in talibus antequam domum redeant : Novum vero Testamentum sexies
et decies eodem spatio, quod plurimum juvat ad peritiam singularem in textu comparandam.
Docentur etiam subinde graeea et hebraica, quantum satis sit ad Scripturas
utriusque Testamenti in suis fontibus legendas et intelligendas, et ad vitandas haereticorum captiones quas ex verborum proprietatibus et notionibus tendunt. 3
Duabus praeterea lectionibus dictata recipiunt in Summam Sancti Thomae. Docemus
enim nunc scholasticam theologian) (sine qua nemo potest esse aut solide doctus aut
acutus disputator) precipue ex ilio; nonnunquam etiam ex Magistro.4 Semel in
hebdomada habent disputationem in quinque articulos selectiores ex eadem Summa.
Porro quia omnes operarii quos mittimus in sacramentorum administratione versantur maximeque in audiendis confessionibus, cum praeter ipsos populus fere nunc 5 pastores
non habeat, curamus ut quam diligentissime instituantur in toto catechismo ac pastoralibus, et ne ignorent poenas et censuras ecclesiasticas et rationem tractandi suos in illis casibus. In ilia enim afflicta ecclesia cupimus disciplinam ecclesiasticam sincerissime servari,
omnesque religionis partes ac precipue Summi Sacrificii vim et virtutem incredibilem
melius quam antea cognosci, et devotius et castius coli : cujus rei nimiam 6 negligentiam
et contemptum tarn in populo quam pastoribus ista miseranda desolatione Deus punivit.
Instituuntur ergo omnes, antequam veniunt ad ilia majora quae commemoravimus,
diligentissime in omnibus catechismi capitulis ex Canisio, et postea in toto ordine
1
2
3
habeat corrected by Allen to habeant.
Maximo not in MS.w.
tendunt in Allen's
4
hand in place of pendant. In MS.w. tendunt.
The sentence Docemus enim to ex Magistro
5
inclusive is omitted in MS.w.
fere nunc not in MS.w.
* minimamMS.rv..

K

66

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

legendi breviarii et celebrando missse et utendi etiam rosario Divse Virginis cum
meditationibus 1 adjunctis, ut magis idonei sint qui ista populum et simpliciores doceant,
si ipsi ea antea intellexerint. Et experientia didicimus hsec non esse propter graviora
studia, ac si essent ipsis impedimenta,2 contemnenda ; sed istorum usu omnes mire ad
pietatem infiammari et Deum conatibus et studiis nostris fieri magis propitium; cum
S.3 Augustinus, Beda, Thomas et similes longe plus temporis collocaverunt4 in talibus
rebus quam nos, non modo sine detrimento sed multo studiorum adjumento.
Perlegitur Manuale domini Navarri bis in hebdomada ad unam horam ; utraque
vice facta singulis potestate interrogandi familiariter si quid dubitent : alioqui magistro
interrogante et uno e studiosis respondente peragitur.
Seorsim examinantur casus qui frequentius occurrunt in Anglia, et illinc vel
aliunde interrogantur ; et referuntur in unum librum ex quo vel leguntur vel etiam
describuntur a sacerdotibus mox mittendis ; et haec quidem et similia publice.
Commendamus ipsorum privatis studiis et lectioni libros ipsorum instituto et
nostro magis necessarios ; ut Concilium Tridentinum, quatenus de doctrina tractat, et
Catechismum ad parochos, et Constitutiones Provinciales nostrse Anglise per Linwoddum
collectas ; deinde totam historiam ecclesiasticam,5 maxime vero Venerabilis Bedse, ut ex
eo ostendaht populo nostram gentem non aliam ab initio suscepisse fidem quam earn
quam nunc catholici profitemur, neque ad aliam Christianitatem fuisse conversam quam
ad earn quam nos ipsis commendamus, nec ab alia majores ipsorum dictos esse vel
fuisse Christianos quam ab hac catholica Christianitate : qua demonstratione homines
magis sobrii multum moventur ; libros etiam Augustini contra hsereticos, imprimisque
de Unitate ecclesise et eas epistolas quas ad Donatistas quosdam scripsit ; ut ex eis
acumen in disserendo et modum tractandi haBreticos et haereticorum ingenium discant.
Ad quam rem etiam et quia ssepe agendum est cum hominibus incredulis, omnis religionis expertibus, cupimus sibi faciant familiares ejusdem libros de Utilitate credendi,
de Catechizandis rudibus, eaque quse Cyprianus de Unitate ecclesia, et Vincentius
Lirinensis, et Hieronymus contra Vigilantium et Jovinum scripta reliquerunt. Ac in
eis omnibus qui ex professo scripserunt de controversiis seu erroribus nostratium
hsereticorum prseferimus Thomam Valdensem, qui doctissime jsta omnia qua3 hodie
hseretici tenent in ipsorum patre Wiclefib confutavit.
1
2
3
4
quindecim MS.w.
impedimento MS.w.
SS. MS.w.
collocaverint MS.w.
The rest of the paragraph from maxime vero tó Wicleffo confutavit inclusive is replaced in
MS.w. by the following passage :—precipue vero Venerabilis Beda ecclesiasticam historiam, ex qua
facile sciunt qumfuerit eafidesin quam majores nostri fuerunt conversi ab idololatria : et libros Augustini
maxime contra iimreticos ; tit ex eis acumen in disserendo et modum tractandi hcereticos et hcereticorum
ingenia discant. Prtesertim vero nostrorum interest, cum scepe agendum sit cum hcereticis et incredulis
prorsus nonnunquam, ut familiares sibi faciant librum Augustini de Utilitate credendi, de Catechisandis
rudibus, de Unitate ecclesia propter schismaticos et similia ex Cypriano et Lyrinensi, eaque quce scripsit
Mieronimus contra Jovinianum et Vigilantium, etc^ et eorurn omnium qui contra hcereses horum temporum1
inaxime probavimtis ThomankfWaldensim.
5

67

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Denique omnes hsereticorum nostrorum majores impietates, blasphemias, absurditates, fraudes, fallendi artes, 1 ridiculeque 2 ipsorum 3 scripta, dicta et facta frequentibus 4
familiaribus colloquiis nostris studiosis 5 notissima facimus ; q u i b u s 6 modis fit, u t illi
n o n solum perfecto odio detestentur hsereticos, sed m i r e n t u r et ex animo lugeant ulloa
posse esse tarn malos tarn simplices a u t tarn suae salutis negligentes qui talibus hominibus credant, a u t ullos esse tarn timidos a u t sseculi amantes qui tarn perditis hominibus
in schismate a u t secta assentiantur, a u t contra tales fldem catholicae ecclesia et suam
aperte non profiteantur.
Q u a n t u m ad pietatis studia omnes quotidie hora q u i n t a m a n e a u d i u n t pariter
sacrum, recitatis prius pro ecclesia et conversione patriae litaniis.
Singulis dominicis et majoribus testis confìtentur et communicant ; et quotidie
omnes fere recitant horas. Sacerdotes singulis diebus celebrant. I n festis S. Gregorii,
S. Augustini Anglorum Apostoli et S. Thomse Cantuariensis m a r t y r i s convenimus ad
solemne sacrum omnes, i n quo laici communicant, orantes p r o sanctissimo Gregorio
fundatore nostro, 7 p r o conversione patriae nostrae et pace totius ecclesia ej usque
imprimis loci in quo per Dei P r o v i d e n t i a m i n hoc exilio vivimus. P r o eisdem causis
j e j u n a m u s bis 8 singulis septimanis, m u l t u m q u e commendamus Domino omnium pro
religione captivorum a u t afflictorum causam. 9
Hsec sunt breviter, vir ornatissime et optime, quae tibi de s t a t u seminarli nostri
commemoranda judicavi ; i n quibus si quicquam sit quod t u a s sanctissimas cogitationes
j u v a r e queat, in Chris'to gaudeo. Nihil enim est quod magis vellem quam nostra qualiacumque officia tibi et mihi dulcissimse Belgicse aliquo modo esse utilia : et quicquid
certe sit, 10 j u r e vel quia t ù u s ipse sum yel quia hoc seminarium omnia tibi debet, 11
vendicare potes. Deus t u a m Amplitudinem semper servet. Rhemis, 16 Septembris, 1580. 12
D i g n i t a t i tuse deditissimus, 1 3
GUILMUS ALANUS.14

Endorsed.
Literae D. Alani ad
Rhemis. 1578.
1

consiliarium Regis Catholici de s t a t u collegii

Anglicani

2
3
fallendi artes not in MS.w.
ridiculaque MS.w.
ipsorum omitted in MS.w.
5
6
frequentibus omitted in MS.w.
studiosis omitted in MS.ra?.
From quibus modis to non
profiteantur inclusive wanting in MS.w.
' pro sanctissimo Gregorio fundatore nostro in Allen's
8
9
hand.
bis not in MS.w.
In stimma videmur his modis nunc, licet respublica sit hceretica,
habere tamen corda pene omnium honestorum Anglorum, voces etiam, confessiones et opera innumerabilium
10
ll
added in MS.w.
tuo added in MS.w.
tuum est instead of omnia tibi debet MS.w.
12
In the Roman MS. the date has originally been 1578. I t has been altered by striking out the 7
13
and adding 0 after 8 ; thus, 15*80. The date in MS.w. is 1578.
V. A. addictissimus MS.».
14
MS.w. has the following postscript :—D. Martini de seminariis Gregorianis Romanis. Annotationem
etiam mitto. Bescribat quceso se ista recepisse tua Dominatio. There is an endorsement on the back
of MS.w. Card. Allan to Mr VandvilleylQ Sept., 1578. Instructions for the erecting seminarys.
K 2
4

68

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

XXVI.
Dr William Allen to Louis Cardinal of Guise, Archbishop of Reims.
tember, 1578.
From a contemporary

Reims, Sep-

draft or copy in the archives of the English college at Home.
Scritture, T. 5.

IUm0 et Rmo D. Card11 a Guisia, archiepiscopo Rhemensi.
Ill me ac Rme in Christo pater ; Dignetur per Christum Jesum tua Celsitudo, cum
suo, turn invictissimi principis domini Ducis a Guisia hujus provinciee gubernatoris
patris sui nomine, uno verbulo prsetori regio ac magistratui Rhemensi indicare me
meosque co-exules Anglos jam pridem et vestra benignissima voluntate et Pontificis
Maximi singulari commendatione in sacrse Dignitatis tuse tutelam venisse, nostramque
hie co-habitationem nee almae urbi vestrse, nee cuiquam mortalium fore periculosam ;
ut ita vestra excelsa authoritate et mandato omnium de nobis suspiciones ac querela
cessent, securiusque in otio liter ario tanto freti prsesidio conquiescamus. Hoc benefìcio,
Princeps optime, in homines afflictos, nullius criminis sed conscientise ac catholicse fidei
causa patria pulsos, hos primos prsesulatus tui annos urbemque ac ecclesiam tuam a
Christo beabis ; continuisque precibus ac sacrifices nostris interpellate benedicet
tibi ac universo Guisiano nomini protector vitse et exilii nostri Deus. Rhemis,
Septembris, 1578.
.

GULIELMUS A L A N U S .

XXVII.
Dr William Allen to F, Everardus Mercurianus, general of the Society of Jesus.
Reims, 26 October, 1578.
Printed in Tierney's Dodd. Vol. II. Append, p. ccclxxiii.
Cum in his diuturni exilii et difficillimorum temporum continuis calamitatibus
omnibus facti simus per Christum debitores, vestrse tamen sanctse Societatis in nostros
homines merita cseterorum officiis universis antiquiora, gratiora ac sane salutariora
semper extiterunt. Meministi enim jam turn ab initio desolationis nostrse plerosque ab
ilia perditione ereptos vel in sacrum ordinem vestrum receptos, vel ecclesise matri
vestrorum studio ac opera restitutos, vel sequentibus deinde annis Lovanii primum, turn
Duaci, tandem etiam Romse, Consilio, charitate, consolatione auctoritateque imprimis
vestra fuisse servatos : ut de hoc quantulocumque agri Dominici relieto semine, post
Deum ac sanctissimum patrem Gregorium ejusque summos ministros, vobis patria
nostra, si quam unquam habituri simus, primas gratias debere videatur. Inter estera

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

69

tamen recentissimum est istud et plane singulare, priora omnia beneficia vestra complectens, quod ad nostrorum isthic studiorum institutionem non ita pridem ex Societate,
alioquin variis charitatis muneribus occupatissima, homines commodissimos concesseritis.1
De quo cum multa plurimaque lsete ac libenter ex Urbe reverendissimus dominus
archidiaconùs Audoenus, et ii ipsi ad quos hsec felicitas maxime pertinet, ssepe ad* me
scribant, ego, qui nihil in orbe illorum juvenum salute et sancta educatione charius
habeam, intimum de reverendissimse paternitatis tuae beneficio ipsis prsestito animi mei
gaudium celare non potui. Equidem, mi pater, quod in hoc speculari quo vivimus
statu fieri potuit et licuit, dedi operam semper ut nostri non aliis quam vestris studiis,
institutis, moribus, quibus nihil est hodie vel ad doctrinam expeditius vel ad pietatem
sincerius vel quod maxime nunc requirimus ad zelum lucrandarum animarum accommodatius, precipue imbuerentur. Nunc cum id sit a Deo nobis per suam Sanctitatem
tributum ut in ilio ecclesise ac orbis principe loco collegium habeamus, et per tuam
pietatem porro concessum ut id hactenus vestrorum opera et prudentia gubernetur et
instituatur, omnia sane mihi meisque in Christo donata sunt ; neque aliud desideramus
quam ut ejus isthic nostrique hie collegii totiusque gentis nostrse causa sua gratia"et
auctoritate apud Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum continuo fiat commendatior, atque
ut hoc tuum etiam patrumque beneficium diuturnum esse velis :—ut velis autem, mi
domine colendissime, Alanus omnibus vitse suse officiis filius et famulus tuus tuorumque
sincerus amator per Christum rogat, vel respublica potius ac patria nostra rogat,
illiusque charitatis et solicitudinis, quam in omnes gentes Christianas ac barbaras geris,
partem aliquam supplex postulai Nee repellas justissima petentes, pater ; et qui per
tuos apud extremos Indos dves Christo colligis, perditam ovem Britannicam nobiscum
quserere ne dedigneris. Si onus est; Christi onus est, qui et augebit vires ut possitis et
charitatem ut velitis ferre ; et quicquid sit, omnium nostrorum qui ubiqué gentium sunt
exulum precibus, operis, oblationibus tolerabilius fiet. Christus ergo Jesus tuam reverendissimam paternitatem diutissime ecclesise, suis nostrisque servet incolumem; ac
dignetur nostrani parvitatem suorum Sanctis sacrifices commendare. Rhemis, 7 Calend.
Novembris, 1578.
Addictissimus servus,
GUL, ALANUS.
1
" Advocati fuerant ante [quam Pontifex totius regiminis curam patribus Societatis demandavit]
procurante hoc tarn Archidiacono [Owen Lewis] quam Mauritio [Olenock] et alumnis ipsis, patres
Societatis Jesu duo, P. Jo. Paulus JSTavarola qui rebus spiritualibus et P. Ferd. Capecius qui studiis
prseesset . . . . . Arbitrabatur enim Mauritius eos infra duorum mensium spatium id totum confecturos, deinde ad sua redituros : sed his querelis [viz. of the students against Dr Clenock] interim
exortis longe aliter accidit." A story of domestical difficulties, etc., by F. Persons. Stonyhurst
MSS. P. 372. "Ibi sunt duo patres Societatis vestrae qui . . . . gerunt curam studiorum ad pouenda
bona fundamenta in his initiis novi sèminarii." Rev. Gregory Martin to F. Campion. Rome,
21 May, 1578. First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 316.

70

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

XXVIII.
Brief of Pope Gregory XIII.

Rome, 4 November, 1578.

From the original in the archives of the see of Westminster.
Printed also in Dodd. Vol. II., p. 219.

IL, 97.

Gregorius PP. XIII.
Ad futuram rei memoriam. Alias per nos accepto quod dilectis filiis Anglis
catholieis in Belgica degentibus, ut ipsi a venerabili fratre archiepiscopo Mechliniensi
ad omnes etiam sacros et presbyteratus ordines promo veri possent, apostolica auctoritate
indultum fuerat ; et academia seu universitas studii generalis oppidi Duacensis provincia Belgicae Cameracensi et Attrebatensi civitatibus vicina ac magistris et scholaribus Anglis praesertim theologize studiosis postea plurimum aucta et ornata existeret :
nos indultum praedictum ad venerabiles fratres archiepiscopum Cameracensem et
episcopum Attrebatensem nee non ad omnes et singulos Anglos qui in praedicta
academia seu universitate Duacensi studebant vel degebant et pro tempore studerent vel
degerent extendimus et ampliavimus; eisdemque Anglis qui a dilectis filiis Andoeno
Ludovico, canonico et archidiacono Hanoniae in ecclesia Cameracensi, utriusque juris
doctori et officiali Cameracensi, vel a Guillelmo Alano aut Thoma Stapletono, professoribus regiis et ordinariis theologize in praedicta universitate, pro tempore approbati
et praesentati forent, ut ab archiepiscopo Cameracensi vel episcopo Attrebatensi seu
utroque illorum clericali charactere insigniri et ad omnes etiam sacros et presbyteratus
ordines promoveri possent indulsimus ; prout in nostris inde confectis Uteris plenius
òontinetur. Cum autem, sicuti nuper accepimus, iidem Angli propter turbationes istas
Belgicas non possint commode et tuto in dicta universitate Duacensi commorari et in
ci vitate Cameracensi seu Attrebatensi ordinaria nos eorundem Anglorum statui in
praemissis opportune providere volentes, ac eos a quibusvis excommunicationis, suspensions et interdicti aliisque ecclesiasticis sententiis, censuris et poenis a jure vel ab
homine quavis occasione vel causa latis, si quibus quomodolibet innodati existunt, ad
effectum praesentium duntaxat consequendum harum serie absolventes et absolutos fore
censentes, nee non dictarum literarum tenores praesentibus pro expressis habentes,
literas nostras praedictas ad venerabiles fratres Senonensem et Remensem archiepiscopos
sive eorum suffraganeos apostolica auctoritate tenore praesentium extendimus et ampliamus ; eisdemque Anglis catholieis qui ex Anglia venerunt aut venient in Franciam
et ab Audoeno Ludovico vel a Guillelmo Alano aut Thoma praedicto approbati et
praesentati fuerint, ut ab archiepiscopo Senonensi seu Remensi aut eorum sufFraganeis
clericali charactere qui nondum sunt ilio insigniti insigniri et deinde ad omnes etiam
sacros et presbyteratus ordines promoveri, etiam absque Uteris dimissorialibus ordinariorum suorum et aliquibus titulis beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum, et postquam

71

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

insigniti et promoti fuerint ut prsefertur in illis etiam in altaris ministerio ministrare ;
nee non Senonensi et Remensi archiepiscopis seu eorum suffraganeis praedictis ut eosdem
Anglos dicto charactere insignire et ad omnes ordines prsedictos promovere libere et
licite valeant auctoritate et tenore prsemissis indulgemus: non obstantibus £e. re. Pii
pp. II. prsedecessoris nostri et aliis apostolicis constitutionibus ac in provincialibus et
sinodalibus conciliis editis, generalibus vel specialibus, cseterisque contrariis quibuscunque. Dat. Romse apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, die IV. Novembris,
MDLXXVIII. Pontificata Nostri Anno Septimo.
CM. GLORIERIUS.

XXIX.
Dr William Allen to Pope Gregory XIII.

Reims, 16 February, 1579.

From a draft corrected, added to and signed by Br Allen ivith his own hand1 in the
archives of the see of Westminster. II., 101.
Etsi sicut coram semper, Beatissime Papa Gregori, pro indignitate mea tremens,
ita Uteris absens non nisi timide ad pedes excelsi Apostolatus tui accedo, obsequiumque
servitutis mese ore potius alieno quam proprio prestare soleo; tamen quia ipse in
veritate comperi quod ab ilio cujus in terris vicem geris mitis et humiKs esse corde
didiceris, quodque non solum oves sed agnos ipsi charos et summi amoris sponsione tibi
commissos supra omnem mundi majestatem et plus etiam quam vitam diligas, nosque
parvulos non modo venire sinas sed a fìnibus terree ad te vocari jubeas, confidenter
sanctissimam Paternitatem tuam meo meorumque co-exulum, quos ex dirse mortis
casibus vel hie vel in Urbe sancta tua ad vitam temporalem et seternam nutris ac ad
semen agri Dominici preeparari mandas, adeoque innumerabilium catholicorum
Anglorum sub haereticorum jugo gementium nomine alloquor, pedesque Apostolicos
nobis vere speciosos exosculor. Non ut petam quicquam hoc tempore quod Sanctitas
vestra ultro non prsestat, quae longe supra quam postulare prsesumimus aut mereri
possumus continuo donat; sed ut ego semel Uteris quod innumeri coram Deo et
Christo ejus corde, sacrificio et suspiriis quotidie fàciunt gratitudinem meorum testifier ; proque multitudine miserationum et compassionum in nos suarum, maximeque
pro duobus his seminariis, altero jamdiu prope fines Angliae hie in Belgica summa
munificentia sustentato, altero jam recens ad seternum ecclesise nostrse bonum istic in
alma Urbe constituto, gratias quantas potest animus et affectus meus capere maximas
et humillimas agam. Nullum est enim, Pater et Domine sanctissime, de omnibus tuis
in rempublicam nostram maximis meritis hoc uno prsestabilius ; in sapientissimis ad
collapsam religionem restaurandam susceptis consiliis salutarius nullum; nihil in
omnibus operibus ad seternam memoriam apud Deum et homines gloriosius ; nihil quod
1

The words in italics and the signature are in Dr. Allen's handwriting.

72

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

plures animas vel nunc lucretur Domino vel unde major in futurum totius reconciliands8 gentis spes existat. Cum enim in variarum gentium seminariis instituendis
peculiaris sit et apud omnes ecclesias supraque omnes prsedecessores propria laus tua,
Gregori XIII e , tamen ejus rei utilitas nusquam gentium ita atque apud nos hoc
sanctissimi praesulatus tui tempore claret ; quo brevissimo spatio vel hoc unum Sanctitatis turn in Belgica collegium Anglicum, nisi truculente leges restitissent, totam
per Dei gratiam ecclesiam Britannicam pedibus tuis beatissimis prostratam dedisset.
Sed nee ille superbissimus hcereticorum dominatus potest esse perpetuus ; et Anglia,
filia doloris et lacrimarum tuarum, licet in mundo desolata tamen a Christi Vicario sic
assumpta, curata, dilecta diu misera esse non potest. Perge modo, Pater sancte, per
Christum Jesum esse nobis Gregorius, id est, parens ac apostolus patriae nostra, vitaeque exilii ac studiorum nostrorum protector : et benignam aurem suam in his rebus
ut hactenus semper D. Audoeno, archidiacono et referendario, sanctissimee vestree
personce et Sedis Apostolica^ summo zelatori, accommodare : dabimusque his vicissim
omnem operam nos, Immillimi servi ac filii Beatitudinis tuae, ut omnibus officiis ac
conatibus ipsoque sanguine nostro, ubi opus crii, contendamus ne pereant tanta in nos
nostramque gentem collata beneficia, sed ut in diebus suis sanctissimorum
horum
laborum et consiliorum exoptatum fructum videat ; ad quam rem Dominus Jesus
pro infinita
sua dementia
concedat vobis longum et faustum prcesulatum et.
ceternam postea in coelo felicitatemi
Hhemis, ex collegio vestro Anglicano, 14 Cai.
Martias, 1579.
V. Sanctitatis

devotissimus filius et servus,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S ,

presbyter.
XXX.
Dr. William Allen to the Cardinal Protector (Moroni).

Reims, 16 February, 1579.

From a holograph draft byDr Allen in the archives of the see of Westminster.

II., 103.

Quod in ilio sublimi ecclesiae loco tarn multis annis per Christum sis, et tanta
apud tot ordine sanctissimos pontifices gratia et authoritate valeas ut non modo certis
hominibus sed integris nationibus continuo succurras, et hie perbeatus et ad futuram
quam inquiris vitam, illustrissime Cardinalis, fìrmissimis gratiae et meritorum prsesidiis pulchre praeparatus mihi videri soles. Sed et patria nostra longo ac superbo
haereticorum dominatu infelix, nosque adeo omnes et ipsius calamitate et diuturno
exilio alioquin miseri, per te tamen, clementissime Protector, quern ad nostros, ut
interpretor, casus sublevandos Deus tanto et tam necessario tempore nobis praeesse
voluit, felices sane sumus. Tot enim annis non in Urbe tantum praesens, sed ubique
gentium etiam absens, necessitatibus nostris pia commiseratione communicas; tam

73

GF CARDINAL ALLEN.

necessaria v i t e et studiorum subsidia cum ab aliis antea Pontificibus turn ab hoc
imprimis nobis et ecclesia hoc tempore divinitus concesso, Gregorio, continenter procuras ; tarn frequentes postulationes, importunitates, querelas eaeterasque animorum
ex longissimi exilii tediis (ut fit) ortas aegritudines patientissime sustines sapientissiriieque moderaris; tanta denique charitate nostros patriaeque nostrae labores et dolores
consideras, ut si Polus ipse meliori vita dignissimus nobis superesset, nee nostri
misereri magis nee suos commendare aut juvare diligentius nee protegere sanctius
potuisset. Atque preclara sane sunt caetera omnia, Cardinalis benignissime, viteque
et exilii singulorum summa solatia ; sed quod ad coetus studiosorum seminariaque constituenda et continenda i'acis, id proprie ad universam rempublicam Anglicanam, non
praesentem modo quae sine his seminariis aut nulla esset aut vitalis non esset, sed
futuram quoque quae his singularibus ad perpetuitatem adjuta remediis diu ut speramus misera esse non potest, pértinet. Proinde ipse qui alioquin timide tuam Celsitudinem interpello, et libentius sacrificiorum et orationum quam literarum officia
rependere soleo, tamen ad hoc postremum de constituto in hospitali collegio literario,
quo nihil potuit, crede mihi Maecenas benignissime, vel a Sino D. N. mandari vel a
te curari sanctius aut salutarius, tacere non debui. Mirifice etenim laetantur boni,
probant prudentes, collaudant omnes, coelestesque illae animae quae suis Romae eas olim
commoditates compararunt, et ipsi divi nostrorum in Urbe patroni, Edmundus et Thomas,
banc sanctissimam rerum suarum istic oeconomiam Anglis suis congrue non dubium
gratulantur, Ergo multorum nostratium, ad[eo]1que catholicorum omnium, et horum
maxime [qu]H mecum sunt in altero Gregoriano collegio, cum] 1 alumnorum tuorum cum presbyterorum [tu] 1 orum, nomine gratias quantum possum in Christo Jesu
maximas tibi ago, clementissime Protector, cumque omnibus votis assidue oramus
multi ut hanc insignem in gentem nostram misericordiam vestram immortalitas
compenset confirmetque atque conficiat nobis hoc opus in diebus vestris quod sanctissime per ipsum ejusque unicum optimumque Vicarium coepistis. Ad quae salutaria
Consilia vestra promovenda si quidquam nostra servitus facere queat, earn omnem
sine exceptione suae Sanctitati, Ecclesiae, illustrissimaeque Dominationi tuae humillime
dedico. Officia vero R di dni referendarii Audoeni, qui ista Celsitudini tuae dabit,
propter summam in vos observantiam et in patriam studium singularemque in hoc
genere prudentiam, pietatèm et zelum domus Dei summopere illustrissimae D. V.
commendata esse cupio. Dominus Jesus Celsitudinem tuam Sanctissimae Sedis Apostoliche et Ecclesiae ministerio nobisque alumnis suis diutissime servet incolumem et
aeterna deinde beatitudine donet, Miemis, 14 Cai. Mart., 1579.
V. IUm8e ac Rev m[e Dominationis devotissimus orator ac servus,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.
1

T h e MS. is worn away at this part.
supplied.

The letters between the brackets have been conjecturally
L

74

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

XXXI.
F. Robert Persons, S. J., to Dr William Allen.

Rome, 30 March, 1579.

From a MS. copy by F. Christopher Greene, S.J., of F. Persons ' Story of domestical
difficulties ' in the archives of Stonyhurst College. P. 381.
Good Mr Doctor ; I shal not need to wryte much at this time, partly for that
I suppose the priests and schollers do (and I have don also myself at other times)
and partly for that I hope to see you here shortly, att what time we may more commodiously talke of all matters in presence: yet for that I am requested by some
here to touch certame points unto you, I shal do it briefly, to witt first what hath passed
here in this great contention and secondly the importance of your speedy coming
hither.
For the first though the issue of this contention hath brought forth some good
effects for benefit of this new college, which perhaps would not have ensued (or at
least not so soone) if this sharp bickerment had not fallen out, yet have there many
things passed therin which I could wish had bin undone, or at least done with some
more moderation on all hands, and this for the credit of our whole nation.
Touching Mr Morrice * his government I think verily and do partly know also
that it was insufficient for such a multitude ; and how could it be otherwise, he being
alone without help and never practised in such a manage before ? The schollers alsoe
were very evil provided for necessaries, sometimes going all ragged and in worse
case, some of them at least (and those of the principal) as I have seen with mine
eyes. National partialities also in distribution of things, I think, was not soe carefully
avoyded as ought to have bin. Yet could I have wished the schollers to have dealt
more moderately for redresse, if it might have bin, and at least I would the difference between Welsh and English had not bin so often named or so much urged here
among strangers, seeing that of both nations there be very good and vertuous people
both at home and abroade who by this open contention may be driven into division.
But who can stay young men or ould eyther, once incensed on both sides by national
contentions ? You know what passeth in Oxford in like occasions.
If I should tell you of particuler excesses passed on both sides, you would laugh ;
and yet it would grieve you, as it doth me. When all the English were put out of the
college, one Hugh Griffin nephew to Mr Archdeacon Lewis is sayd to have given a
leape in the college-hall saying ' Who now but a Welsh man V 2
Thus you see when national dissension is once raised up how hard it is to
appease it ; for which cause the more necessary is thought your speedy repaire hither ;
1

Dr Maurice Clenock. • • • * Here follows a blank of a whole page in the MS., as if part
Qf the letter at this point had been omitted.

75

OF CARDINAL ALLEN,

and to that end have we procured you both licence of his Holiness to come and
sent you also some viaticum ; soe as we trust to see you shortly.
To shew you here the commodities and utilities which may ensue of your journy
it shal be to small purpose, for your wisdome wil farr better conceive it then we.
Yet these pointes have we proposed here to move his Holiness and other superiors
to consent and desire your coming : 1°, the pacifying of grudges between the two
nations, seing Mr Dr Lewis is your great friend ; then the uniting and combining
of this college to yours there in all good correspondence. And these two were sufficient for his Holiness : but further to ourselves we have proposed the confirmation
and encrease of that seminary's pension by his Holiness ; the right informing also of
F. Generali of the Society in our English affaires, where perhaps you may induce
him to joyne some of his also (seing God has sent so many now into the Society)
with our other priests to go into England, seing otherwise you and others have
written that it is much desired by catholics there. And here I am sure there wanteth
not desire in diverse to adventure their bloud in that mission ; among whome I dare
putt myself for one, if holy obedience imploy me therein; for seeing I have offred
myself a good while agoe to the mission of the Indies and can not obtaine it, it may
be God wil have me goe to this other. But whether I goe or no, I think the combination of our fathers of the Society with our priests of the seminaries is so important
a thing and of so great consequence as if by your coming you brought no other thing
to passe but this, you would have wel bestowed your time. But I hope you shal
doe this and much more, whereof we shal talk more largely at our meeting. And so
to that time I remitt all the rest, with my most harty commendations to yourself and
Mr Dr Bristow, to Mr Licentiat Martin and all the rest. From Rome, this 30 of
March, 1579.
Yours wholy ever,
ROBERT PERSONS.

XXXII.
Dr William Allen to Mr Richard Hopkins/residing at Louvain.
1

Printed in Dodd.

Reims, 5 April, 1579.

Vol. IL, p. 242.

Mr Hopkins ; You discourse wisely and friendly in behalf of our countrymen there
and elsewhere dispersed : and being discreet and well experimented by their own long
1
The originals of this and the following letter were at Douay college when Dodd wrote his
History. They must have perished with so many other valuable documents when the college was
confiscated at the time of the first French revolution. Dodd was not a careful copyist, as appears
from other letters, of which the originals are still in existence, and this will account for inaccuracies
and obscurities which it is now impossible to remedy.
L 2

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LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

miseries I doubt not but now or very speedily they will repair all defaults and defects
by their inconvenient employing themselves, to God's honour and profit of our afflicted
country and the most advancement of their own firm credit and estimation. Whereunto the more effectually to move them, I have of dutiful affection and our common
country's sake made them a proffer to be partakers (and so I yet once again pray them
to be) so many at least as do complain of lack, or as list either to teach or to learn, of
whatsoever we have or shall have here. You say some were in dignity at home : to
whom I promise living here shall be as correspondent to their quality and degree in
England as that they have in Lo vain. And I say farther to you that there be here
sundry of as high calling as any of our friends there, which be more contented here than
ever they were of their livings in their own country, and without comparison much more
enamoured of our trade here in common, than ever of their own or of other students any
where living at their private ease. But they have ended this course which we follow
long sithence, you say, and therefore it were not suitable to begin again with young
men : and that is true. But it were not unseemly for such to teach others that they have
learnt so long since themselves, nor against charity nor their honour nor their age nor
any dignity whatsoever either they have had or be worthy of. But they list not
to be appointed by others. Then let them either do good of themselves on their own
accord or else no hurt, and dissuade not those that list and must live in order ; and so
they shall be welcome also. Here be at this time sundry ancient men, and at divers
times have been divers ; and yet the day is to come that we ever forced any of them towork or any straight order which themselves misi iked of. Yea the things that we-do
be so agreeable to every man's mind that we could not hold them from them if we would.
And many surmise strange things of our order that never saw them ; but never none
that saw them, that I know of, was desirous to leave them. A little government there
is and order, but no bondage nor straightness in the world. There is neither oath nor
statute nor other bridle nor chastisement ; but reason and every man's conscience in
honest superiority and subalternation each one towards others. Confession, communion, exhortation hath kept us these nineteen years, I thank God, in good estimation
abroad and in peace amongst ourselves with sufficient livelihood from God and in good
course of service towards the church and our country. Yea so notoriously to God's
glory and the good of many, that our case hath been envied and our good endeavours
detracted (as such things lightly be) and means made in vain tp sever the Pope's
exhibition in pieces and consequently to divide the body of our college : which had
brought us, if it had been unwisely heard as it was undiscreetly propounded, to the
like nothing that themselves be in now and ever shall be, as long as they live out of
order, company and conference. Well, custom and toleration of all things against us
and going forward in this sweet course have inclined now every reasonable man's heart
to affect us heartily and taken away from others all abilities to hinder us; though
truly now I know none in the world so sinisterly discoursed of that would if they

77

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

could hurt. And I impute it not to any dislike of our trade, but rather to their ill
luck and mine, our sins, that having their meat and drink and other necessaries (so far
as we be able and as long as God shall send it us) so freely profered them, they
count it not worth God have mercy or accepting ; namely being in misery, as some and
most part pretend, and specially affecting of men to be respected according to their
qualities, which takes away all just excuses of their refusal. For I am sure they be no
good and wise men to mislike order, unity and common conference. Neither was
there yet ever any man so incompatible of other mens company and society but he hath
been pleased. And know you, my good friend Mr Hopkins, and so it may please all
my loving brethren whose honour and good (Christ Jesus so deal with me as I say
truth) I so much affect ; it may like you and them, I say, to know that I do not desire
nor like to be their governor nor head nor any profit by their coming hither other than
their correspondence in good will and prayers ; but I would have them to do it for
their own profit and relief and estimation. Which I say, because you make an
insinuation of choosing me their head, at least, say you, for to sue for their pensions ; at
which your good will to them and condescending to their infirmity on the one side
and your preferment of me to so great a headship I laughed heartily. Truly
Mr Hopkins they shall hot need to choose me their head for that. For I would
willingly be their man to do them that or any other pleasure iii the world with as good
will as for mine own company. And the time was, as you I dare say know, when by
accepting only my name in their postili they might have sped. Sed omnia inordinatus
appetitus sibi ipsi est poena. And now I doubt (my special friend Dr Sanders being
gone out of the court and country of Spain, and our nation in disgrace at Rome and
generally I fear through the unhappy and manifest mutiny there in the seminary
betwixt the English and the Welsh, that ever you heard about Dr Lewis and
Mr Maurice whom the students will not them nor Pope obey) whether my credit will
be so good to do any good in the pension matter or no. But I may perhaps write to
Sir Francis 1 about it, if our friends there would have me, and would be content to join
into any society and order reasonable ; which for their good I desire and for which
cause I offer them so fair play. Not for any abundance that we have here (which at
this time, God is my witness, live of borrowing as Mr Bridgwater knoweth) but for
assured hope and confidence that I have in God that if we were in peace and collegial
conformity or other ruled society we should not want. And it may please you to communicate this my letter in haste scribbled both to those at Lorrain 2 and Liege and where
you think good. For John Lyon because he is no student, though I most heartily
would and he well deserveth, I cannot tell what to say. Our profession and good will
is to help every body : many the students and priests be in special recommendation.
Yet if Mr Lyon can find no means, somewhat for service about our house he shall be
allowed, as long as we are able; which is the condition we must add to every matter.
1

Sir Francis Englefield.

2

Louvain ?

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LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

For ultra posse it will not be. What to do for good Mrs Gyles I know not. As to
father Price, he is in the like case with Dr Bristow for certain odd reckonings of more
matter than her's is, and he hath promised him of late by his letters to see him so
discharged. But the money I cannot yet hear of. Commend me, I pray you, to
Mr Hyde, Mr Taylor, your sister, Mr Freeman and every body. I have none of those
books that you speak of. Only Mr Eeynolds hath the last reply of Whitgift, and he
is not now at home. Fare you heartily well, my dear friend. I would I might but
have one hour's conference with Mr Hyde, yourself or Mr Freeman in the premisses.
I t is troublesome for me to write every thing. Christ keep you. At Bheims, the
5th of April, 1579,
Your poor friend,
W. ALLEN.

XXXIII.
Dr William Allen to Dr Owen Lewis, archdeacon of Hainault.

Paris, 12 May, 1579.

Printed in Dodd. Vol. II., p. 234.
Most dearly beloved friend ; AH your letters came safely to my hands, as I think,
ever since those tumults did begin : whereby as also by as many contrary letters of the
students we here understand all from the very ground, and marked every thing and
all actions and deportments of the scholars and doers on all sides, and after conferred
with the wisest and principal here in our company, as Dr Bristow, Mr Bailey, Dr Webb,
L. Martin with others of judgment ; as well to see what they liked or misliked in all
this tragedy, as to use their advice how I might deal to save and salve that great sore
and exulceration of minds betwixt the two parties, English and Welsh, much greater
and much farther spread by that beginning and root there unluckily planted than you
there can perceive, though you may see to your grief much. Which partiality and
division, if it be not utterly taken away, may breed marvellous scandal and inconvenience. My first care was that it should take no hold in our company ; where, I
thank God, at this day they live as sweetly together without all differences or respect
of nations or other distraction as ever I knew any such number in my life. And yet
so to hold it, because we well perceived the common inclinations of Adam to like and
whisper underhand for their own against others of other countries, great moderation
and dexterity was necessary I assure you. The principal point was that no meddling
or maintenance of either side should be openly or privately used ; but every man to
apply to his book and pray for the appeasing of the tumult and specially for his^
Holiness, that God would give him the spirit of wisdom and mercy, that he might take
the best way for the ending of the matter and to pardon the fault of disobedience,
disorder or scandal whatsoever, for the honour of God and the perfecting of the work

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

79

begun. And lest any breach might chance to be, I otherwise than my custom and
somewhat against my health thought it necessary always to be in the hall both at
dinner and supper and all exercises were sithence. So that all hath been well and is
here very well and never better contentment, but all very joyful and careful till this
last day when the news of ending all and the Jesuits establishing came unto us both
[by] your letters and divers others ; which I assure you made us a double Easter. To
see which and to tell you sincerely and plainly I could not tell how to write for fear of
doing hurt. The broil was so perilous, and I saw the students there every one so bent
that they would have lost all rather than have been under one of that nation ; yea and
forsake me and whom and what else soever. Not doubting of your wisdom [that]
both yourself and his Holiness would rather condescend to their infirmity than
by this sinister accident or by all their expulsions undo that work so happily begun,
yea and our whole country and yours. Specially seeing they might be appeased with
so honest a thing as to have the Fathers for their governors : which their request, to
make you understand our whole mind, seemed to all our nation most lawful and godly ;
though their manner of proceeding and unkind alienation from you that hath done
and daily do endeavour so much good for this seminary and that and all our country
together. Which refusing so peremptorily to obey the Protector's or Pope's order,
which might have tended to the ruin of all, if God had not of His great mercy otherwise far above their deserts and ours disposed by this sweet end that his Holiness
hath made. This disorder and hazard of all in them was exceedingly misliked of
all the wise and myself here : though the committing the house to the Society was
all our desires. And right sorry we were of that error that Mr Maurice was made
rector, and gladly would have had, if the Jesuits might not or would not have been,
rather Dr Bristow. For that both his quality was excellent and his person grateful,
and [he] was a divine ; which had been more fit than one of another profession ;
besides the country, which you know many respect, how well and wisely I do not
say. Therefore that he or some other like was not chosen or first appointed at the
beginning, it was as I told you an error ; the rather noted because Mr Maurice,
being otherwise a very honest and friendly man and a great advancer of the students
and seminary's cause, had admitted there, sent for and called for two up to the
seminary, as by sundry letters written not to me but to other men is particularized,
some of his own country-folks and friends for age, quality and institution unfit for
the study and seminary : which gave both first occasion in the sight of vulgar men
to do as they did, and that many there be so extremely alienated (which pierces my
heart to hear) from you and that province, which hath bred and doth bring up so
many virtuous, constant and catholick men. Which was no fault in you I dare be
bold to say, but yet an escape and default in managing the'affair, because you did not
dehort Mr Maurice from taking upon him that charge in the beginning, for which
indeed, no dishonour be it unto him, he was not sufficient. The scholars fault

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LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

again was that they would not advertise me, that I might with you or by you
rather have obtained by suit and supplications, than by tumultuous means so
hazardous and scandalous have prosecuted the matter. Which animosity and contentious dealing is far unfit for the state of students ; and after, joined to hatred,
emulation, detraction and other sins thereon depending : yea it went so far, woe
be to our sins, that as we were advertised mischief and murder had like to have
been committed in ipso collegio. For which horrible disorder, and afterwards
for the expulsion of all the English, how heavy our hearts were my tongue nor pen
cannot express ; and you there seeing the same must needs be in much more. And
I nothing doubt but you did all you could to draw the Pope and Cardinal from
that rigorous order brought by our mens disorders. But yet, for that, most men
attribute all to that original error of making Mr Maurice head. I see the scholars
either will not be persuaded that you did help any thing to the mitigation of the
matter ; or else so far their minds be exasperated that they will accept nothing for
benefit that cometh from you, ut Jit in cegris animis.
And because I would have
this extreme alienation from you taken away, that you may have the good will of all
men as you deserve by your known benefits to all men, which I will never cease to
protest and surely do all here most heartily for the good of our common country,
which hath exceeding ill luck to be hindered by our unhappy contentions and disagreements ; I will for that cause use all diligence and dexterity to treat opportune
et importune with the principal of the students, who now having obtained this happy
resolution will I trust condescend to every order and counsel, and quiet themselves,
giving over meddling or harkening to whisperers, where former grudges have excited
you and deceived them. And in any wise, as I love and honour you, use all means
possible to come into the grace and liking of the students, and shew your wisdom,
charity and zeal in condescending, bearing and supporting their youthful miscarriages, so far as without sinning you may. For interest causce vestrce mirifice that
this begun faction do cease. And because I will be sincere and plain with so dear a
friend, not doubting but you will keep all things close from all sides, as I do yours,
you must temper your cousin Hughes's tongue and behaviour, who is of a bitter,
odd and incompatible nature ; for so, not the students there any of them, but I assure
you others have signified, that his disordered humours have been a great cause of
your hatred and of all those garboils. And some here have told me I did not an ill
deed to send him up, who for choler and other singularities was insupportable
amongst his fellows here. For God's love therefore correct his nature as much as you
can; and I will, by all the forces I may possibly, devise, as well in writing to the
students as to their governours and confessors, to make an atonement. I have
written to Father General also, and will do to whosoever I may think to have credit
with the students ; who I know many of themselves be not of ill nature, but have
been by zeal rather than malice carried into this action. With whom and with yourself,

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

81

would God, I had a month's company there ; I doubt not but a joyful reconciliation
on all hands might be made. Which concerneth so much the health of our country,
as the contrary does the undoing of the same, that Dr Bristow, Mr Bailey, Mr
Dr Bernard would needs have had me to have gone up out of hand. But my care of
remaining here comes of my superiors, as they know not, but you only know. And
therefore I yielded not in any wise to their motion, lest his Holiness or Cardinal
Como might be offended,, as you I dare say think also : at the least I dare not
hazard it. And perhaps the students, or others rather, would think I would wholly
be led away from them by the great familiarity between us. But God so help me,
as I feel no inclination of partiality either towards your part for the great benefits
and comforts which I have had at your hands, [so] neither towards their part for
conjunction of country or name of English or for blood or such like, as partly you
may see by my plainness in this letter. But I only seek the honour of God and the
necessary attonement of all sick minds, without which whatsoever we go about for
our poor country will be lost, though all such honourable and charitable endeavours
before God cannot perish. Thomas your man, whatsoever other occasion you have
to suspect him (I speak this for the answer of a certain secret point of your letter)
hath written to me these formal words: 'The students and the English be marvellously alienated from my master, truly for any thing I know without cause ; and
I am suspected on both sides/ JTcec Me: adding more that he would have my
counsel how otherwise to dispose of himself ; which I have given him by this letter
inclosed. Cause the rest to be delivered (I pray you) to the parties, and let no vexation alienate your mind from doing us and all others as much good as you can.
The best that ever.was non reddidit bonum pro bono tantum, sed pro malo bonum.
Father Norton shall have his turn served according to your last and is already in a
good part dispatched. The Spaniards have had a bloody repulse at Maestrich, God
help us, and the Low Country cometh in slowly. I may perchance, if I find so much
vacant time before these letters go forward, write a few words to our old patron
Como to appease his mind, if perchance he have taken any dislike on either side by
this garboile; which you will deliver him accordingly I doubt not. Mr Gilbert
came not this way, but is arrived at Paris and hath ° paid the twenty pistoles
which you lent him to Mr Bailey's hands, being then there, and he desires
you to send his bill thereof to Mr Morgan in Paris, Here is no Irishman in
these parts that I know, saving Mr Fitzsimons, and therefore the catalogue is
quickly made. My Lord of Cambray is retired again for fear of Castelane into
France. God knows what will become of these Low Countries. The great talk of
Monsieur's marriage with our Queen is on foot still. Mr Powel, brother to the priest
there, is in prison still for his faith, and hath answered stoutly that whosoever denieth
the Pope's Holiness to be head of the church of England as well as of all other churches
Christian is a heretick. Some think that he shall suffer, or at least fall into the
M

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LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

praemunire. God comfort him and all his fellows. I wrote your mind to the dean
touching the woman in your house ; hut he writeth to me again :—Salvo meliori
judicio non esset dimittenda, cum honestissime se gerat et optime servet res, prcecipue
frumentum : cum etiam inveniri non possit aliquis subditus ecclesice qui vult accipere
curamdomus et omnium rerum, nisi esset certus de habitatione ibidem per longiorem
terminum quam expedit promittere.
Whereupon I can see no further, but commit all
to his wisdom as you require. Cotune will not be sold they say for any thing, and
therefore I get no money no ways. And if these new garboils begin again this
summer, as it is not unlike, all will be in hazard. Mr Stevens will not nor dare not
come back (as he saith) to Cambray, and therefore requireth only a little room for his
stuff as is left.
.
Being comen thus far I had necessary business to go to Paris, whither I went,
leaving this rest to be written there. And now being there five days, I have received
two other packets of letters from yourself and divers others, of marvellous ungrateful
matter, giving me evident tokens of fears that these unhappy differences and mutinies,
not ceased by the Pope's so manifold mercies, will bring all to naught and utter shame.
By which disorder I perceive the Scottish nation begin to put in for it, so as the Pope
will be wearied with all. My Lord of Rosse did let me see also what you wrote
to him concerning the same matter, wherein you say (as I doubt not it is true) that you
never knew of Mr Seaton's request before it was made. But now indeed whatsoever
is done amiss is laid unjustly upon your back both there and of divers here : the
factions of the Welsh and English concerning those seminary matters are grown so
great. And as they have at their fingers ends all the pretended errors and defaults of
Mr Maurice for these twenty years, so certain speeches of yours be in every man's
mouth ; viz., that you once said to my Lord of Rosse :—My Lord, let us stick together,
for we are the old and true inhabiters and owners of the isle of Britanny ; these others
be but usurpers and mere possessors. Item, rather than this college should be seminarium
litium, you would seek to extinguish it utterly. Of which latter words many both
scholars and others write from Rome to divers here and in Rheims with great exclamation, saying that you mean it to be collegium or seminarium litium, for that they will
not meddle with you now after the Pope hath appointed them other governors, and
that you mean to destroy all rather than that you should not have your will and be a
dealer still. On the other side Hughes writeth to me and to Dr Bristow most plainly
that the Jesuits have been and shall be proved the counsel and counsellors of all these
tumults, and that they would not have our priests to go to England, but to tarry longer
in Rome and take their temporal commodity. And that thereupon a general oath
and examination was taken of all whether they would or were fit to go into England
when their superiors should command them. Item, he saith that the Jesuits have no
skill nor experience of our country's state nor of our mens nature, and that their trade
of syllogizing there is not fit for the use of our people ; and therefore if Dr Bristow

83

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

had comen up, or would yet come up, he should be made rector ; exhorting him
earnestly so to do. All which I see tendeth to new and endless stirs, by which in fine
it will come to pass that our nation and that begun good work will be forsaken both
of the Jesuits and ourselves and all our superiors else. And thus I shall be weary of
my ]ife, which already by these unhappy bustles of our country is more tedious to me
than ever before. If more alterations be yet sought, all will be lost. And all cometh
of the devil, no doubt ; and except the matter be used with wisdom and with great
patience and with condonation of each other for God's sake and our country's and
common church's sake, all will be lost that you have done and I have done for our
realm's recovery. Would God I were there one month, that I might either make up
these extreme alienations of mind, or else, if I could not do so much, that I might
shortly there end my life and all the frenzies of mind and miseries rising from these
calamities procured by our follies and sins. I thought not good to write the whole
upon my general letters. For every party, as they be affectioned to their own and
alienated from the other, would refer that which I spoke against their obstinacy,
animosity, sedition, emulation, partiality, &c, to be spoken and meant of the other
faction that themselves be not of. For you will not perhaps believe how both parties,
I mean certain of either faction, do describe and set forth by letters here the wicked
attempts, speeches, prejudices and practices of the other. But I write to Mr Barret,
of whose honesty and discretion I have great hope, and I write in his a letter to the
three priests which have been the principal doers in this doleful action. And so I
make an end of this ungrateful talk and of my scribbled letters ; which be the worse
scribbled, for that at this present I am very weak and weary of body : quia aliquandiu
stomachi et indigestionis imbecillitate laboro ; which will cause these to our good
patron Cardinal Como to be worse read. But when you deliver them to his Grace, I
hope he will read them before you ; the rather for that they touch you and that affair.
Farewell, my most dear friend, and God be your comfort and mine, and of mine you
shall not have much. Lutetise, May 12, 1579.
Your own assuredly for ever,
W.

ALLEN.

Postscript
Commend me, with thanks for his letters, to your nephew, and for God's sake
warn in my name also him and his brother to take heed what they write and to whom
they write. For they give suspicion and offence to the English many ways, and of
this division some collect up by their letters that (as folks cry out here and it is in
everybody's mouth) all the Welshmen, yea omnes oriundos ex Wallia, are to come to
France, as the young Powel, Mr Boberts, &c. One of them writeth hither to Paris
over plainly of Wentworth's treason and dissimulation towards you ; which the very
party to whom he wrote so could not abide, nor to hear any thing for the Welsh
M 2

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against the English. As the devil hath now made the division, they must be discouraged
and seek to salve up and not to make the breach bigger. If I see any fit of the
Welshmen, they shall as well be preferred to Kome, if it lie in my hands, as the
English. God is my judge ; I never put difference, nor ever will do. Of Hughes's communication for putting out the Jesuit rector and inducing Dr Bristow with Mr
Cottam, before he entered into the Society, more is written down from thence than
must be the more wise. For whatsoever they write or say toucheth you and me, since
some suspect I incline too much for love of you to the Welsh faction, as they term it.
I have a scruple now whether I should send these, so ill written, to his Grace, having
none here that I dare trust to write them otherwise. But to-morrow I go home, if I
be able, again : from thence to write them by the next post.

XXXIV.
Dr William Allen to F, Edmund Campion, S.J.

Rome, 5 December, 1579.

From a transcript in the archives of Stonyhiorst College.

Anglia,

Vol. 1., p. 28.1

S. P. in Christo Jesu.
Mi pater, frater, fili, Edmunde Campiane ; mutui enim ac summi amoris appellationes omnes erga te libenter usurpo. Cum te ordinis vestri supremus pater ac
prsefectus, id est, ut ego accipio Christus, Praga Eomam ac porro ad Angliam nostrani
vocet, compellent quoque secundum carnem fratres tui, quorum voces licet tu non
audias Deus tamen vota exaudivit, ego ipsis, tibi ac communi patriae et secundum
sseculum et secundum Dominum conjunctissimus solus tacere apud tuam charitatem
non debui, vel potius imprimis desiderare, vocare, clamare debui. Expedi ergo te,
diarissime, quam potes ertissime, ut in Urbe me ad finem saltern Februarii offendas,
etsi ante medium mallem ; et certe ita oportet. Proinde quantum feret valetudo
(negotia enim vel alia undecumque impedimenta hie non excipio) accurre et advola
ocissime. Damnum a nostris hominibus Boemis olim infeliciter illatum utcumque
resarcivisti apud Pragenses; reliquam setatem partemque nonnullam maximarum
gratiarum tuarum si adamatee patriae qua3 officia tua in Christo summopere requirit
concesseris, pie, Christiane, religiose feceris. De animo et voluntate tua in hoc genere
non dubito, cum non proprio sed alieno arbitrio felicissime vivas, nee extremos Indos
summave pericula tuorum jussu horreres. Chàrissime frater, magna est jam in Anglia
nostra messis, et vulgaribus operariis non contenta expeditiores homines requirit, et te
1

This transcript is in the handwriting of F. Christopher Grene, S. J.-, and is headed : " ex autographo transcripta in archiv. 10 domus professa?, Eomse, Januar., 1691. Bombin. in vita Camp. c. 12,
habet fere totani." Moms (Histor. Prov. Angl. lib. II. ann. 1579, p. 60) has also printed this letter
in part.

85

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

imprimis ipsum cum aliis ordinis vestri selectis viris postulat; ac annuit multorum
precibus reverendus Pater Generalis; probavit Pontifex, patriae nostras verus parens;
et Deus sane ipse, in cujus manibus sunt sortes tuae, tandem concessit ut reddatur
nobis noster Campianus omnibus doctrinae et gratiae suae donis longe locupletior. Para
ergo te ad iter, ad opus, ad tentationem ; collegam habebis commodissimum ; et jampridem, licet hactenus vivant qui quaerebant animam pueri, ostium vobis apertum est
in Domino. Nee jam ego, quod praesagiebat aliquando animus tuus, praeparabo tibi et
ordini tuo in Anglia locum, sed vos mihi meisque reditum (ut spero) procurabitis prius.
Caetera coram, mi Edmunde ; et ut citius fiat, da te obsecro in viam. Quamdiu enim sit
mihi Romas subsistendum ignoro, et mox post brumales menses Remos vel Duacum, ubi
familiares tui, suavissimi contubernales mei, Bristous et Martinus jam vivunt, cogito.
Illic collegium tuum Belgicum, hie Romanum cum summa voluptate et admiratione
videbis, facileque unde tanta jam tandem spes patriae existat intelliges. Oremus interim Dominum messis ut dignos nos misericordia ac visitatione sua reddat ; ac culpas
meas, mi pater, oratione et sacrificio tuo ablue apud Christum Jesum, qui te nobis
sospitem quam citissime reddat. Romas e collegio Anglicano, Non. Decembris, 1579.
Vester totus,
GULIEL. ALANUS.

Postquam haec scripsi pater Adamus Brokus dixit mihi meum Georgium Warum
vobiscum etiam Pragae esse ; cui prolixas quaeso te salutationes. Nihil ab eo his annis
literarum accepi, licet forsan, ut est homo diligens et mei amans, scripserit nonnunquam.
XXXV.
Instrument relative to the estate of Mr Houghton deceased, executed by Dr William
Allen and countersigned by Dr Richard Bristow and Mr Thomas Bayly. Reims,
26 June, 1580.
From the original

holograph by Dr Allen in the archives of the see of
11,117,
In Dei nomine.

Westminster.

Amen.

Wheras Mr Thomas Houghton of Houghton towre, esquyer, of godly memory,
who departed this life at Liege the second day of June, 1580, disposing a year before in
his life tyme of all such moony as he had in his hand, as appeareth by a memoriali
contayning certayne articles written at his commaundment by his trusty servaunt
Anthony Stamper and suscribed by his owne hand, among other articles caused to
be set downe one that he gave from him self e and put into the handes of Mr Sacheverell and Mr. Chernock one C11 * to bye a payre of organs, one fayr table and as many
1

one C u i.e. £100.

86

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

bookes of musick as should cost 711, which he appoynted to be given to the churche
of Preston, when time should serve ; which som of one C n was afterward most duely
and trewly tendered and proffered by the for named Anthony to the sayde Mr
Sacheverell and Mr Chernock, and were by him earnestly requested to take the sayde
moony and to performe his maisters intent and desyre concerning the sayde article of
the organs; but they, as well for the uncertaynty of their life and doubtefulnes
whether they should ever see the day when they might performe their sayd frinds
request and appoyntment, as for the hazardous keeping in the manyfold troobles of
the world of any such summe of moonye, wold not take so greate a charge upon them,
but conferring how they might to Goddes most honor employ so the same summe
of one Cu, that it might belike allso herafter, when time might serve, be repayed to the
sayde churche of Preston for the use above mentioned, condescended and agreed in fine
together with the sayde Anthony and one other of his trusty servants named Edmond
Stubbes to require me to take the sayde moonye, and to bestowe it, as I had occasion, upon
the students of this seminarye, and as much as in me lay to be answerable for the
performance of the sayde Mr Houghtons mynd, as well by my sellfe as by others that
should in the meane tyme take proffit of the same moony. Wherunto my sellfe, as
well at their godly request, as for the desyre I have to accomplishe our deceased
frinds godly intention, and the benefiting of the poor students under my regiment,
have condescended and agreed in suche sort and forme as followeth :—Videlicet that I,
William Allen, doctor in divinitye and president of his Holines college or seminary
now resident in Eemes, doo recorde and confesse by this my present writing that
I have received by the order of Mr John Sacheverell esqr and Mr Hugh Chernock
gentleman and Anthony Stamper and Edmund Stubbes, servants to the sayd Mr
Hoghton, one hundreth pownds sterling of lawfull moony to keepe or occupye it as I
shall thinke good so long as this present schisine of our coontry of England dureth by
Goddes sufferance ; with this intention to employ the same summe wholy, when God
shall have mercy on our coontrey and restore the same to the catholike faith and
service, upon a payre of organs, one table and certayne singing bookes in the parish
churche of Preston according to the trewe meaning of Mr Hoghton and the pourport of
the forsayde article subscribed with his hand: and therf ore doo promes in the worde of
my priesthod that if God shall give me life till our coontry be converted and reunited
to the catholike churche and therwithal competent habilytye, that I will withowt all
fraude and collusion accomplishe the sayde Mr Houghtons disyre: and if God should
Call me in the meane tyme to His mercye or from the regiment of the forsayde college,
that I will leave as good and perfect notice and order with my successor, specially1 with
my welbeloved Mr Richard Bristow D. of divinitye and Mr Bayly, as I can that a perpetuali recorde herof be kept, and give them as great a charge as I may that the sayde
article be fulfilled by suche of the sayd seminary as shall by Gods mercy see our
1

with my welbeloved In margin^

87

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

contry converted to the catholik religion. For recorde and confirmation of which my
intention, deed and promes, and for the acknowledge of the receipt of the sayde summe
of a C11, warrant and discharge of the sayd Mr Sacheverell, Mr Chernock, Stamper and
Stubbes agaynst all men in this article, I have written and made this act with myné
owne hande and subsigned and subscribed it with myne owne hand seale, in Remes
the xxvi of June, 1580, in the presence of Mr Richard Bristow doctor of divinity and
Mr Thomas Bayly bachler of the same.
RICHARD BRISTOW. 1
WILLIAM ALLEN.

THOMAS BAYLY.

XXXVI.
D r William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 10 July, 1580.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Inghilterra e Fiandra. Vol. I.,.foli 174).

Vaticano.

Ill ine ac R me Domine.
In omnibus nostrse gentis primoribus qui vel arma sumpserint contra Reginam
temporibus felicissima recordationis Pii V., vel postea pro religione catholica patria
extorres fuerunt, prsecipuus et apud suos potentissimus est D. Carolus comes Westmorlandise. Huic dignitati proximus est T>. Edoardus Dacrius, baro. Uterque pro
ordine et dignitate sua habuit hic superioribus exilii annis a Rege Catholico honestam
pensionem, et hie posterior ante biennium in Urbe etiam existens a S°D° nostro menstruam provisionem (quam absens quoque habet) obtinuit. Sed nunc ambo, sicut
cseteri exules nostrates omnes destituti a sua Catholica Maj estate in Belgio, coguntur
in Hispaniam supplicatum ire ut vel ipsis prior provisio per suam Majestatem reddatur,
vel salterà ad stipendium militare in exercitum regium pro ordine et loco suo accipiantur. Licet enim illi mallent quidvis pro patria et fide tentare aut subire quam
aliorsum inservire ; tamen cum vitse aut exilii reliquum nec in otio transigi debeat nec
sine viatico recte degi possit, lubentissime se dedunt in protectionem et servitium suse
Catholicse Majestatis, quae inter mortales principes j ustissima semper gerit bella ac
suse Sanctitatis voluntati conjunctissima. Quamobrem isti duo proceres, nunc ituri in
Hispaniam, a me obnixe petierunt ut supplex ad vestram Celsitudinem scriberem de
obtinendis in eorum gratiam Sanctissimi Domini nostri ad Catholicum Regem literis
quibus petatur ut vel ipsis solita non denegetur menstrua provisio, vel saltern ut pro
dignitate cuj usque in miUtiam admittantur. Id si sua Sanctitas per illmae Dominationis
vestrse intercessionem benigne faciat, et illis desolatis viris nobisque omnia concessero,
1

The signatures of Dr Bristow and Mr Bayly are autographs.

88

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

frustra adderem quod orabimus pro sua Sanctitate et pro Rma Dominatione vestra: si
id enim non continuo faceremus essemus ingratissimi et mortalium iniquissimi.
Jesuits© et reliqui sacerdotes pene omnes dicuntur recte in Insulam appulisse. Dominus Jesus vestram Oelsitudinem mihi conservet. Remis, 10 Julii, 1580.
V. Illm8e et Rma3 D. in Christo servus,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

Addressed.
m0
Ill ac Rra0 domino Cardinali Comensi, domino suo benigmo.

Romam.

XXXVII.
Dr William Allen to the Nuncio (Dandini) at Paris.

Reims, 14 July, 1580.

Printed in Le College Anglais de Douai pendant la revolution Frangaise par Vabhé
Daneoisne. Donai, 1881. 1
Rme in Christo Pater et illustris Domine.
Sicut priora vestra in collegium istud beneficia fuerunt summe necessaria et salutarla, nostrumque literarium otium et pacem diuturnam felicissime procurarunt, ita
postrema Rm£e P. V1'09 ad me literse mihi meisque hominibus magna sane solatia certamque futuree quietis spem attulerunt. Neque enim seque in ullius patrocinio aut
protectione vel ipse qui omnia vitse et mortis officia S° D° N° dedicavi vel hoc Gregorianum collegium, quod est Apostoliche Sedis et charitatis singulare peculium, atque in
vestris prsesidiis ac favoribus conquiescimus. Atque equidem non solum sermonis
causa sed officii et observantiae ratione mox ex Urbe rediens ad Amplitudinem vestram
perlibenter divertissem, summosque amores ac favores unici patris ac parentis nostri,
divinissimi Gregorii, tarn in meipsum quam in seminarium istud suum commemorassem
(neque enim quidquam meo in tuam Dignitatem obsequio unquam erat antiquius, et
sapientissimum dulcissimumque colloquium vestrum jam turn de multis rebus exoptaram) sed tanta est ubique, prsesertim Parisiis, exploratorum nostratium turba, tarn
grande ab impiis qui nostra qualiacunque in ecclesiam et patriam officia odio habent
mihi periculum, ut nisi magna existat causa longius a domo progrediar nusquam.
Quod spero etiam vestrse sapientóne non improbatum iri ; prsesertim cum sancte pollicear
me nullum unquam per totam vitam officium prsetermissurum quod ad Amplitudinis
tuse decus ac ornamentum pertinere videatur ; quodque in hoc genere est mihi et
ordini atque exilio meo magis consentaneum, in omnibus presbyterii mei officiis
diligentissime semper apud Deum vestri recordabor. Vere enim ilia pietas et amor
erga me tuus, rev me pater, qui mirifice elucebat in postremis Uteris, ita me vicissim in
vestri venerationem et (ut dulciori verbo utar) intimam dilectionem rapuit ut vitam
mihi injucundam putem si non contenderem vobis omni obsequii genere in Christo
1

Seep. 42.

89

OF CARDINAL ALLEtf.

servire. Proinde, mi domine humanissime, officia mea meorumque hic alumnorum
tuorum require, jube, manda, obsecro.
Sumus hic in uno contubernio supra centum capita, id est, totidem animse congregatse ad salutem suam et suorum. Ex his sacerdotes indies aliquot in Insulam
mittimus ; alios ex junioribus his diebus ad collegium nostrum in Urbe mittemus, ut
hoc commertio catholicam fidem et perditam patriam pro virili juvemus. Populus hic
aliquantulum de numero incipit quseritare : sed apud magistratum bonum et prudentem facile omnia transigimus. Orator illic nostrae Reginse, intelligens jam pridem
multos nobiles adolescentes Anglos ad nos indies catholicse institutionis causa concedere, dixit (ut intelligo) se curaturum ut Reginse authoritate omnes avocarentur ; si
nollent, fore ut ipsorum parentes domi supplicium in carcere luant. Sed vix efficient
quod volent ; Juventus etenim mire est dedita avite pietati et haereseos per tesa. Qui
ex collegio nostro Romano jam dudum missi sunt in Angliam omnes fere feliciter
appulerunt; ex Sòcietate quoque Jesu duo patres. 1 Rmus D. Assaphensis 2 in horas
nunc expectat postremam suae Sanctitatis de sua profectione sententiam. Breve
Apostolicum licet haberet tamen non potest secum in Insulam transportare ; nec de ilio
morandum erat, quia vivse vocis Sanctissimi D. N. oraculum est satis ; nec in Anglia, ut
nunc sunt leges et tempora, aliud requirùnt. Christus Jesus pientissimum senem ad
gloriam nominis sui dirigat, et vestram Amplitudinem ad Sm03 Sedis Apostoliche et
ecclesia ministerium meumque et meorum solatium diutissime vivum atque fiorentem
conservet. Remis, 14 Julii, 1580.
«
V. RmìB Paternitatis orator et servus devotissimus,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S .

Addressed.
R™° in Christo patri ac domino admodum illustri, S. D. 1ST. apud [Ghrjistianissimum Regem dignissm0 [Nunt]io, domino suo benigniss1110. Parisiis.
Endorsed.
6.
14 di Luglio, 80. Dottore Alano.
XXXVIII.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 12 September, 1580.

Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eceles. Tom. III., p. 215.
1110

Ili

ac Rev mo domino, Cardinali Comensi, domino suo benignissimo.
Ill me ac Rev me domine Cardinalis.

Non ita pridem ad vestram Amplitudinem misi edictum 3 illud quod Angliae
Regina per ditiones suas dudum contra catholicos, non religionis quidem nomine sed
1

F F . Persons and Campion,

* Dr Thomas Goldwell, Bishop of St. Asaph.
N

3

July 15, 1580.

90

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

suspectae proditionis et confcederationis cum profugis causa, publicaverat. In quo suos
admonet diu multumque Papam et Hispaniarum Regem ab hostibus et transfugis suis
solicitatos esse de sibi inferendo bello ; ad quod se ita instructam esse jactitat ut nullam
externam vim timeat, jubens suos in officio et fide permanere, nec quidquam vel a
seditiosis civibus vel ab exteris terra marive paratis copiis pertimescere : porro in suos
subditos qui ullius confcederationis cum profugis rebellibus conscii sint se acrius quam
pro consuetudine et natura sua imposterum animadversuram. Mox post hoc edictum,
quod voce proximum per totum regnum erat publicatum, jubet per omnes provincias
sibi subjectas ad carcerem rapi vel custodire haereticorum mancipari omnes potentiores
et insigniores catholicos ; quod primo quoque tempore ac pene subito executioni
mandatum est ; eademque opera diligentissime inquisitum est in sacerdotes, imprimisque adversus duos jurisperitos quos hac sestate misimus et Jesuitas. Sed tanta cura
et solicitudine vicissim occuluntur et custodiuntur illi a catholicis ut paucissimi
hactenus in hostium manus venerint. Interceperunt etenim duos tantum Remenses
presbyteros, Romanum unum.
Tantus est numerus jam nobilium vinctorum ut coacti sint e carceribus omnibus
Londinensibus illos veteres pro religione incarceratos, reverendissimum Episcopum
Lincolniensem * aliosque ecclesiasticos plurimos, ad alias arces procul ab urbe dissitas,
ut recens comprehensis locale detur, amandare. Idemque Eboraci (qu#3 etiam est
Celebris in illa insula civitas) factum est paulo prius. Sed multi id factum existimant
quod in illis urbibus detenti sacerdotes prsecipuos passim cives et ex nobilitate multos
converterint, atque ad constantiam verbo et exemplo persuaserint. Tractant eos cives
aut nobiles severius qui vel in ilio Romano vel in isto Remensi collegio fìlios habere
noscuntur. A.tque hsec persecutio gravior est et ad plures pertingit quam ulla unquam
his annis antea. Nam quod hactenus non attentarunt, religionis nomine etiam quidam
ex proceribus non quidem in carcerem sed in custodiam hsereticorum dati sunt.
Quae omnia prséter solitum tacere putantur eo Consilio ne catholici se hostibus,
si qui sint futuri (futuros autem piane impotenter timent) conjungant. Et de iis quos
conclusos habent erunt fortasse in omnem eventum utcunque securi ; sed ereteros qui
vel dissimulatione vel aliis artibus evadunt pr^esens periculum provocant potius et
irritant ad aliquid audendum vel faciendum, ubi Deus dederit tempus, non solum pro
liberatione animarum sed amicorum etiam indignissime vinctorum.
Atque certe totus catholicus populus, tam dedecorosa unius foeminse tyrannide
anima et corpore afflictus, aviditate ineffabili expectat a Deo aliquam redemptionem.
Pro hac clamamus ad Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum, summum justitise in terris
ministrum, exules ; pro hac ad ipsum gemunt compediti ; pro hac ad ipsum supplices
tendunt manus innumerabiles afflictae animse, oves suga ; non quod dubitemus quidquam illa nota mihi Sanctissimi Gregorii viscera facere posse quod non faciant ; aut
unicum illuni parentem in terris nostrum majus aut melius velie pro nobis posse quam
1

Dr. Thomas Watson, Bishop of Lincoln.

91

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

vult, sed ut saltern communicatione calamitatis apud Sanctissimum Dominum et
parentem nostrum amantissimum, atque apud clementiam tuam, nonnihil (ut sit1)
justissimum de gente nostra dolorem leniamus. Certe omnes prudentes ominantur
hanc novam ssevitiam futuram ipsius 2 hostibus perniciosam. An vero ultra carceres
aliquid intentaturi sint incertum est ; et ilia ulteriora Consilia expectantur a conventu
Ordinum qui brevi futurus esse putatur. Religio vero hac contradictione et multorum
admirabili constantia fit judice 3 illustrior, planumque redditur omnibus non jam de
religione, quam hostes nullam habent, sed de fìrmitate imperii et terrena felicitatis agi
et certari. Dominus Jesus vestram ill mam Dominationem, magnum praesidium nostrum,
diutissime servet. Remis, 12 Sept., 1580.
Vestrae Revm93 et Illma3 Paternitatis diminutissimus in Domino servus,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S ,

Hanc particulam calendarii mittendam censui, ut ex solemni festo nativitatis Elisabeth^ celebrato 7 Sept., proximo die qui est Nativitatis S. Deipara neglecto, videàtis
ad quantum superbiae gradum illa Regina venerit, quae prater aliud inaugurationis
suae celeberrimum f estum etiam hoc habere voluit suae nativitatis,

XXXIX.
[The Cardinal of Como] to Dr William Allen.
or December, 1580.]

[Rome, November

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
Vaticano, Anglica Nunziatura.
Voi. l.,fol. 40).

{Archivio

Doctori Gulielmo Alano, collegii Anglici rectori, Rhemis.
Admodum reverende domine : Quod scribis de edicto 4 quod exiit ab Herodiade
et impia ac crudelissima persecutione catholicorum quse ibi exercetur, id jam ex
aliorum literis et fama ipsa ad nos allatum fuerat. Qua ex re quanto quarnque gravi
affecti simus dolore facilius conjicere ipse potes quam nos scribere. Ei quidern malo ut
occurratur vellemus nos rationem aliquam inire posse, quod certe et cogitare et tentare
non omittemus ; sed facultas hsec non tarn in nobis propter maximum locorum inter-*
vallum quam in aliis (ut nosti) sita est. In summo autem et acerbissimo dolore
nostro non parum nos ea res consolatur, primum quod scimus preclare cum illis agi qui
religionis catholics causa persecutionem patiuntur, quia maxima et perpetua illos
manent in coelis praemia, deinde vero quod speramus horum ipsorum aerumnas, calamitates et passiones ad impetrandum divinum auxilium reliquae illic afflictse ecclesia)
ingentem vim habituras. Infìnitis enim exemplis docemur divinum Numen tanto magis
l

Jt ì

J ipsis t

'4

indies ?
N 2

4

July 15, 1580.

92

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

virtutem operali et admirabilem potentiam suam ostendere adversus tyrannos solitum
esse, quanto plus illi sanctam religionem oppugnare et pios innocentesque homines
rectse fidei eultores cruciatibus afficere nituntur. Illud prseterea considerandum est
edicta hujusmodi initio quidem timeri et robur habere, postea vero paulatim obsolescere
et contemni, ita ut sperandum sit eos qui consanguineos istic habent minime ob earn
causam illos derelicturos. Sed cum hanc opinionem et spem in Dei misericordia
habemus eundemque orare non desistimus ut ita fìdelibus Anglis suis sub venire dignetur, nihilominus certum habeas oportet S mum D. N. quibuscunque poterit modis tibi
de collegio isto totique nationi opitulari paratura semper fore. In cujus rei signum S*9
sua mitti ad te jussit quingentos aureos, qui numerabuntur ei qui provisiones
menstruas exigere solet et istuc mittere (nam ego ut ita flat eras aut perendie, eo
ad me vocato, curabo ; id quod hodie propter negotiorum multitudinem facere non
potui) qui ex Uteris mercatoris quas cum his accipies tibi solventur. Consilium tuum
de conscribenda Apologia 1 placet, ea prassertim ratione ut nihil procaciter nee contumeliose in alios, ut decet Christi athletas atque discipulos ; sed cum perfeceris mittes
àd.nos. Vale in Domino.
XL.
Dr Thomas Goldwell, Bishop of St. Asaph, to Dr William Allen. Rome, 17 April, 1581.
From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster. II., 161.
Printed also in Doclcl. Vol. II., p. 224.
Ryght reverend Mr President ; By the last post save thys I recevyd your letters
commone to Father Rector and me ; and we bothe together dyd what we cowd wyth
my lord Cardinali Como. But of hym we cowd get no gret hope. My thynketh that
ower cause dothe scant penetrat into these men. We also delyveryd your letters and
a copye of the proclamation 2 to my L. Cardinali S ti Sixti. But wyth hym
accordynge to your consill we intreatyd your nede but superficially: who gave us
gentyll audience and good words. Syns, by cause the Pope was at hys villa, hyt
semyd good to Father Rector to send a copy of your commone letters to the Master of
the chamber, who dyd bothe present hyt and rede hyt to hys Holynes. And of thys
and what hathe folowed I dowt not but Father Rector hath certyfyed yow at lengthe.
Upon the XIVth of thys monthe after evynsonge I recevyd your letters of the XIVth
of the last monthe, but not the part of your Apollogy,1 by cause the father gave hyt
to be translate as sone as he had red your letter. Wherfore the next day, as sone as I
had sayd masse, I went to the colledge and informed Father Rectore that owt of
Ingland yow have byn prayed to use no words " nor termes towards the Qwene but
honorable, for feare lest hyt shold torne to the power catholycks more trouble at
1

Apology for the English seminaries. Mounts in Henault, 1581.

2

Jan. 12, 1581.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

93

home. I ordeyned also that in the titull shold be wryttyn Autore Gulielmo Alano
Presidente Collegii Remensis, and that the colleges shold be called the Popes colleges,
wyth suche other thyngs as yourself òrdeyne in your letters. Yf yow have
wryttyn ony other letters to me, I have not had them. Nor Mr Baylys letters of the
receyte and distribution of hys Holynes almes ever cam to my hands; in so muche
that yf at thys present Mr Martyne had not wryttyn to me a curtese letter of the
receyte of hys parte, I had not to thys hower knowen that Mr Bayly had yet recevyd
hyt. At the whych I have sum tyme so muche marveled that I was halfe determyned
never to intangyll myself ony more in that matter. For hyt ys no small danger for
me to stand here bound to be contable for hyt. Wherfore I pray yow desier Mr
Bayly tothynke by what way he sent me that letter, that I may other have hyt or
that he wyll be content to take the payne to wryt me an other of that matter for my
dyscharge. I pray yow commend me to Mr Martyne, and thanke hym for hys lovyng
letter. Hyt doth hurt me to wryt muche, and th erf ore I trust he wyll be content that
I wryt not particularly to hym. Yow know that I am old and not very lusty. But
thys not wythstandynge I wyll advertyse yow of sum thyngs in your boke De
Eucharistia, the which do not pleace all men, althogh peradventure yow be hable to
defend them. As in the i n chapiter of the furst boke, where yow do intreat the
difference bytwene thys sacrament and the other, yow say in thys very well : quod
forma hujus sacramenti applicatur ad materiam; et non dicitur super recipientem ut
in ceteris, uhi dicitur applicando materiam ad personam : Ego te abluo, etc. Sum
men wold more have leked hit, yf yow usynge the common words of the chyrche had
sayd, Ego te baptizo. In the xi chapiter wher yow wryt de vino congelato, yow have
almost all men here ageynst yow, by cause they folow the common doctors. Sylvest.,
v. Eucharistia, 2, prop e fìnem. Si vinum in calice congeletur, sacerdos Mud ante consecrationem resolvat> ut habeat rationem actualem potus.
Si tamen non resolvat, adhuc confidi; quia vinum congelatum a non congelato specie non differt,
sed, solum accidentali qualitate. Jo. de Lapide, e. 7, art. 4, in fine. Sacerdos
cur am a[d]lhibere debet ut vinum congelatum resolvatur vel "per applicationem
prunarum vel alio modo, ut recipiat rationem actualem potus. Si tamen non resolveretur, nihilominus posset confici : quia per congelationem natura vini non est
corrupta. Armilla, v. Missa, n ro 24. Si vinum congeletur in calice ante consecrationem, debet liquefieri si potest et sic consecrari, ut sit actu potabile. Si autem
congelatum consecretur, erit consecratum, quiet non differt ab alio non congelato
specie sed tantum qualitaté. Jo. de Lapide, e. 7, art. 5, n r0 4. Quid agendum si,
cum sumi debet sanguis, species vini sit congelata ? Sol. Fiat resolutio. The furst
hole lefe of the xxxi th chapter of the secund boke doth almost holy displeace them.
Wher in the xxxvii th chapiter yow say quod Papa solemniter celebrante Cardinales
etiam assistentes et ministri eommunicent, thys ys not tru. But yf yow wold perad1

d is not in M S .

94

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

venture have sayd quod Gardinalis diaconws, et subdiaconus latinus
commwnicent
tain de eadem hostia quam de calice et sic de utraque specie, yow shold have sayd
truth. Thus fare yow as well as I wold myself. At Rome, the xvii th of Aprili, 1581.
Yours,
THOMAS ASAPHEN.

Addressed.
Al molto Rd0 S or Gulielmo Alano, Presidente del collegio Inglese.

A Rens.

XLI.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal Protector (San Sisto).

Reims, 10 June, 1581.

From a holograph unsigned draft by Dr Allen in the archives of the see of
Westminster. II., 173.
Domine et Protector benignissime ; Quod nos etiam collegiumque istud in tuum
sacrum patrociniiim ac protectionem suscipere non es dedignatus x pro singulari beneficio et benedictione habemus ; eoque nomine et Christo Domino et sanetissimo ejus
Vicario et tuse etiam Celsitudini omnibus sacerdotii et vitae nostrse officiis gratias
agimus, omnemque vicissim Dignitati vestras sub ilio summo optimoque fundatore
nostro observantiam ac obedientiam humillime pollicemur. Quod vero ibidem benignissimis literis sancte ac sapienter me ad constantiam et in officio erga collegia et
patriam prestando diligentiam hortaris plurimum profecto alumno tuo, per se quidem
antea currenti sed variis exilii et fortunse serumnis impedito, animi et solatìi addis ;
tuseque propterea Amplitudinis apud S um D. nostrum patrocinio et gratia fretus, nihil
unquam studii aut laboris omittam quod vel ad collegium patriae servandum vel ad
patriam Ecclesia restituendam pertineat, aut saltern ab homine paupere et exule
requiri posse videatur. Adsis ergo nobis, clementissime Protector, et ista duo collegia
uno fundatore, eodem instituto, communibus officiis et finibus, summaque rectorum et
studiosorum consensione conjuncta propter sanctissimi Gregorii XIII. nomen charitate
atque pietate tua fove et conserva, obsecro, semper ; missionesque sacerdotum et patrum
Societatis in Angliam contra causationes et calumnias meticulosorum atque ignavorum
hominum promove atque defende. Hoc, mihi crede, nihil potest pietas tua patriae
nostrae gratius aut salutarius facere ; eritque, uti confido, tempus cum respublica nostra
ad se rediens atque ab hseresi et tyrannide libera per se Celsitudini tuse amplissimas
aget gratias. Porro, mi pater ac domine humanissime, si inveni gratiam in oculis tóis,
non deneges mihi facultatem mittendi quinque.aut sex studiosos ad Urbem in proximo
1

Cardinal Filippo Buoncompagno, commonly called the Cardinal of San Sisto, had been lately
appointed by his uncle, Gregory XIII., Protector of the English College at Rome.

95

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

autumno ; selectissima enim ingenia dabo illique Komanso institutioni aptissima.
Juvenes enim nostri continuo ita excrescunt ut, licet nuper munificentissime a S m0 D.
nostro extra ordinem adjuti simus, tamen magna rerum difficultate laboremus ; et ita
sumus animarum avidi ut quid vis potius patiamur quam ut idoneos adoleseentes ad
hsereticos domum remittamus. Istud postulatum nostrum vehementer clementi^ tuso
commendo ; precorque ut has literas suae Sanctitati obsequii causa scriptas tradere non
dedigneris, atque ut meipsum, Protector benignissime, in numerum clientum vestrorum
suscipias. Dominus Jesus tuam Hl mam ac Rmam Paternitatem nobis atque ecclesiae Dei
diu felicem ac florentem conservet. Remis, 10 Junii, 1581.
Celsitudinis tuse obsequentissimus alumnus.

XLII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
From a contemporary transcript

Reims, 23 June, 1581.

belonging to the archives of the Gesù at Rome}

Qusedam excerpta ex Uteris R. P. Gulielmi Alani, rectoris collegii Anglorum in
Gallia, ad P. rectorem collegii Anglorum de Urbe.
Ex Anglia accepimus per literas P. Ruberti Persomi, vestrse Societatis, persecutionem perseverare in eodem fervore2 adhuc, et catholicos rapi ad carceres et varie
vexari, et patres Societatis diligentissime ubique 3 quseruntur,4 singulari tamen Dei
Providentia sunt adhuc liberi : unus tamen ex ipsis eodem cubiculo P. Roberti non
ita pridem invasus fuit, sed ipse P. tunc non adfuit. Quidam autem Briantus, qui fuit
alumnus collegii nostri Remensis, in quodam propinquo cubiculo habitans captus quoque
fuit, et bis in equuleo tortus est crudelissime, idque eo Consilio ut ubinam ille Jesuita
esset aperiret ; verum tantum abfuit ut de hac re significaret quicquam, ut tortores
irrideret et dolore licet fere enecatus diceret :—Hoccine totum est quod potestis ? Si
nihil aliud sit equuleus, accedant hujus rei causa centum alii. Postridie Joannes
Nicolaus ille apostata, qui anno superiori Romae degebat,5 P. Tirello collegii vestri
alumno obviam dedit in platea ; quern, simul ac videt, proditorem exclamavit et hoc
modo eum comprehendit. Verum ille non in Turrim sed in alium carcerem vulgo
1

This transcript, of which the Rev. Fr. Morris, S. J., has very kindly supplied a copy, is in a 4to
MS. book belonging to the archives of the Gesù at Rome, and lettered "Anglia Necrolog. 1573—
1651." It is in a contemporary hand. There are two other transcripts of the same document in the
Public Record Office (Dom. Eliz., Vol. 149, nn. 51 and 52). The second of these is endorsed by
mistake "copy of D. Allen's letter to Fa. Parsone, 23 June, 1581." The more important variations
have been noted at the foot of each page. Morus (Hist. Provincie Angl. Soc. Jesu, p. 83) has printed
2
3
two paragraphs of the letter which relate to George Gilbert.
furore R.O. MS.
ubique
4
5
omitted in K.O. MS,
quart R.O. MS.
qui . . . . degebat omitted in R.O, MS.

96

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Gattause * conjicitur, atque ibi ille et P. Ristonus, 2 alumnus quoque vester, cura gaudio
degunt. Catbolici vel alacriores vel ad patiendum paratiores nunquam antea fuerunt.
Biduo ab hinc captus est quidam D. Frisonus, 3 decern ex Apologiis nostris penes se
habens, unde factum est ut illos libros consiliarii viderent. Ipse autem pristino suo
habitaculo, nempe quodam carcere vulgo Fleet, unde prius amicitiae ergo demissus
fuerat, jam iterum detinetur. Frsedictus Joannes Mcolaus hsereticus jactat se habuisse
prolixam orationem Romse coram Cardinalibus (cum nihil minus verum) quam in
secundo suo libro jam in lucem edidit, et simul pollicitus est se hunc et priorem latine
versum evulgaturum, edito 4 etiam quodam de Peregrinatione libello in quo rapinas, 5
homicidia et adulteria catholicorum, pessimam et vitam Jesuitarum et studiosorum fuse
explicabit. Is jam Londini publice concionatur, sed illius jam omnes satietas cepit ;
brevi itaque (ut augur or) se in pedes conjiciet, preesertim vero ubi ilia abjuratio
hseresum quam Romse in Inquisitione fecit in Angiiam pervenerit ; accepi enim
authenticum illud a vobis missum, in quo tota sua recantatio continebatur, et ad
P. Rubertum in Angiiam misi. Expetit P. Rubertus tria vel quatuor millia aut etiam
plura ex Testamentis Anglicis,6 cum ilia a multis desiderentur. Dicit se summe
desiderare et expectare plures socios vestri ordinis, et dicit omnia ibi recte procedere et
Apologiam nostram valde probari. Mitto cum istis literas ad Summum Pontiflcem et
ad illustrissimum Protectorem, quas illis tradendas curate. Ago enim suse Sanctitati
gratias pro hujus anni multiplicibus beneficiis, nempe pro fundato collegio Romano
Anglico, pro nostro hic stabilito in quindecim annos, pro extraordinario nuper subsidio
500 aureorum, pro tali dato utrique Protectore et precipue quod non adhibuerit aurem
collegiorum et missionum detractoribus, qui ad excusationem ignavise et timiditatis
suae causantur frustra ista omnia in patriam nostram tentari, doceoque satis struisse 7
incredibili [utilitate istas missiones et conatus] 8 patrum et collegiorum fieri, tandemque
assevero atque audacter pronuntio (ex opinione, sensu et experientia honorum omnium)
patres ac sacerdotes plura 9 lucra hoc uno anno fecisse in patria sua quam iidem uspiam
in orbe terrarum per totum vitae spatium etiam longissimum facere potuissent. Scribo
etiam pericula non esse tam gravia ut hoc officium deseri debuerit, cum ex 40 10 hoc
anno ad minimum ex utroque collegio missis non ultra decern inciderint in manus
hostium, et patres omnino hucusque et liberos esse et frugem facere. Postremo ostendimus libris a nobis ac a patribus scriptis ea moderatione verborum nihil allatum
esse indignationis, sed potius misericordise u procuratum propter ingentem utilitatem
quam omnes ordines ex ipsorum lectione capiunt. Ista quidem Pontifici ; illustrissimo
vero Protectori illud tantum scribo ut avertat aures ab otiosis et invidis quibusdam
1

2
4
Gatehouse R.O. MS.
Rishtonus R.O. MS.
' Irisonus R.Q.MS.
addito
5
5
R.O. MS.
maxima R.O. MS.
Anglicis omitted in R.O. MS.
' qu. a corruption of
8
9
elaruisse.
The words in brackets are inserted from the R.O. MS.
animar urn
,0
n
inserted before lucra in R.O. MS.
50 R.O. MS.
liòros a nobis ea moderatione verborum
esse scrìptos ut nihil allatum esse indignatane sed potius misericordia R.O. MS.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

97

hominibus, qui patrum et collegiorum officia dicunt esse in patriam nostram inutilia ;
porro obsecrans ipsum per Christum ut nolit prohibere me ne proximo autumno quinque aut sex juvenes mittam ad illud collegium, significans nostros * ita excrescere
numero ut a nobis nullo modo ali queant, licet sua Sanctitas extraordinario 500
aureorum dono nos sublevaverit : ita ad ilium. Ego enim R. P. subvereor contra
expressam praomonitionem aliquos mittere, ne videamur vel immorigeri vel nimium
abuti Pontificis liberalitate. Cogimur hoc tempore prope 20 nobiles, magna ex parte
juvenes, Duaco accersere ad collegium hoc Remense, qui alioquin deberent redire in
Angliam ad manifestam animae vel 2 corporis pernitiem, cum propter hoc edictum non
habeant ex Anglia pecunias. Praeterea venerunt ad me ex Anglia (heu me !) supra
20 juvenes intra 14 dies, et ubi habebimus panes ut manducent hi, ut unusquisque vel
modicum accipiat, ne deficiant in hoc exilio ? D. Deus benedicat et multiplicet nobis
cibos.
Hac septimana intellexi patres non solum bene valere in Anglia, sed esse ita
occupatos in vinea ut nee mihi scribere potuerint; et P. Campianus dicitur librum
latine edidisse ad utramque academiam hortatorium ; sed non venit ad manus nostras
hactenus. Vide P. si promo veant opus an non? Literas R. P. Generalis jam pridem
misi ad ipsos. Dominus 3 mittat multos tales operarios in messem suam.
Viginti 4 presbyteri ad minimum sunt ingressi Angliam post Pascha, nee eorum
quisquam fuit in portu impeditus aut postea captus : sit benedictus Dominus. Erit hie
annus (ut spero) faustus undique nobis : in lacrimis seminamus, sed in Domino confido
quod cum exultatione portabimus manipulos per Deum et hunc Gregorium, patrem
vere nostrum.
Est apud me hoc ipso tempore summus patrum et presbyterorum in Anglia comes
et patronus, D. Georgius Gilbertus, quique ipsorum causa passus est rapinam pene
omnium honorum ac possessionum : et quia liaeretici ipsum personaliter secuti 5 sunt
prae caeteris (cum ejus opera conseryari ac substentari patres ipsi Societatis scirent)
concessit hue in Galliam, R. P. Roberti et aliorum Consilio, ut se servaret ad aliud
tempus. Veniet Romam in autumno volente Deo, atque de se disponet secundum
consilium R. P. Generalis et vestrum. Is mihi narrat summe desiderari plures patres
vel hoc solo nomine, ut aliquid sublevetur P. Rubertus qui dicitur incredibile onus
portare. Scripsit illos duos libellos elegantissimos ipse per 6 se, cum antea alter
putaretur esse a P. Campiano vel alio scriptus, concionaturque continuo, resolvit casus
conscientise hominum innumerabilium, qui 7 eo sunt illic plures quo minus astate 8
sunt Christianorum rationes et minus propter haeres[es]9 expeditae ; praesertim cum
illic catholici, in mediis positi persecutionibus, habeant conscientias magis 10 timoratas
1
2
3
ìiostrìs Gesù MS., nostrum R.O. MS.
et R.O. MS.
Jesus added in R.O. MS.
ò
6
7
30 R.O. MS.
persecuti R.O. MS. and Moms.
pro Gesù MS.
The sentence from
8
9
qui to mm, illic inclusive is omitted in the R.O. MS.
accuratee ?
hares Gesù MS.
10
minus R.O. MS.
O
4

98

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

quam ullo (quod sciam) alio loco, et ita sint etiam in patres afFecti ut nullius vulgaris
sacerdotis judicio facile x acquiescant nisi adhibito P. Ruberti judicio. Habet ipse
septem homines continuo laborantes in praelo quod habet constitutum extra Londinum,
ne rumor illius machine obaudiatur in urbe. Continuo interpellatur a nobilibus etiam
et a quibusdam consiliariis propter necessaria 2 Consilia, etc,3 Ita mihi narrat iste D.
Gilbertus, individuus ejus per totum hunc annum comes, quique in discessu P. Ruberto
reliquit septem equos ad necessaria sacerdotum et patrum itinera et negotia obeunda ;
summamque vim pecuniae ad necessarium rerum apparatum, nempe, chartae, praeli,
caracterum, atramenti et similium impendit. Ita magnae res non possunt fieri nisi
magnis subsidiis, oportetque esse homines summe pecuniarum contemptores pariterque divites qui talia opera insigniter procurant. P. Campianus non est minus in sua
provincia industrius ; et putantur esse decern 4 millia catholicorum plura hoc anno
quam praeterito, nee uspiam iis annis Deus dedit verbum evangelizantibus majorein vir-r
tutem etfructum : 5 sit nomen ejus benedictum in aeternurn. Nostra Apologia (ut audio)
versatur in manibus tarn adversariorum quam amicorum, et illius amplissimae legationis Gallicae princeps, qui vocatur Princeps Delfmus,6 dedit earn legendam ipsi
Reginae. Christus Jesus vos nobis conservet. Remis, 23 Junii, 1581.
V.R.P. seternus, uti spero, in terra et in coelo confrater in Domino,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S .

XLIII.
Eusebius, alias, F. Robert Persons, S. J., to Dr William Allen. [England] 4 July, 1581.
From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
(Archivio Vaticano, Inghilterra e Fiandra, Vol. I., /oZ. 209).
Jesus.
ScripsLad te ante paucos dies de negotio non exigui momenti: hoc est de
D. Bernardini Mendozzae, oratoris Hispanici, a nobis discessu ; qui quoniam appropinquare existimatur resque ad causam fidei valde pertinet, iterum cogor catholicorum
rogatu de eadem re te admonere. Summa autem rei haec est, quod cum catholici
intelligant praedictum Dom. Bernardinum paucos post menses discessurum Anglia,
idque Regem Catholicum statuisse ipsius petitione, partim propter oculorum infirmitatem, partim quia tam est suspectus et odiosus haereticis propter religionis zelum,
quem habet singularem, ut non possit jam amplius causae catholicae tantum prodesse
quantum fortasse alius qui gratior esset adversariis : propter has, inquam, causas cum
1

2
facile not in E.O. MS.
a mibibus propter nomina Gesù MS.
3
4
that of the H.O; MS.
et R.O. MS.
20 R.O. MS. ..
6
Gesù MS.
The Prince Dauphin of Auvergne.

The reading in the text is
5
majore virtute et fruetu

99

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

catholici cum magno suo dolore videant pene necessarium esse ut Anglia decedat,
cuperent tamen (si fieri posset) ut aliquo in loco vicino subsistat, e quo non minori
solatio ipsis totique causae futurus esset quantum 1 hactenus fuit ; hoc autem putant
commodissime fieri posse, si mediante sua Sanctitate apud Regem Catholicum in Gallia
collocetur, ubi multa plura operari posset in utilitatem fidei et ad conversionem hujus
regni quantum 1 hie tacere poterat aut quantum 1 quisquam alius qui res nostras cognitas
non habet. Hie enim vir jam Anglicarum rerum, Gallicarum et Scoticarum peritissimus est, et in Anglia non solum res verum etiam homines omnes causasque et conditiones in particulari intelligit, tantaque prudentia et fide hactenus se gessit apud
omnes ut nemo sit catholicorum qui se suaque omnia illi non credat, quod alteri non
facerent nisi post longam experientiam. Zelus etiam ipsius tantus est in promovenda
fide ut incredibile fere sit. Hue accedit quod me caeterosque nostri ordinis penitius
quam quisquam alius cognoscit, agendi modum et ordinem tenet ; unde si Parisiis
eommoraretur, sine dubio nobis nostraeque causae mirabili futurus esset subsidio, et
illius ope plurima brevi tempore in causa fidei (Deo adjuvante) efticeremus ; nee solum
rebus Anglicis, verum etiam Gallicis Scoticisque eo in loco utilissime inserviret.
Quapropter catholici omnes summopere te rogant ut quanta possis et celeritate et
vehementia eorum nomine hoc petas a sua Sanctitate ut intercedere dignetur apud
Majestatem Catholicam pro obtentione hujus magni beneficii. Arbitror \ velie hac de
re etiam scribere ; sed quoniam fieri potest ut nequeat tarn cito quam temporis ratio
postulant (sic), petunt catholici ut tu negotium tuis Uteris praevenias eisque frequentibus et acerrimis. Ego etiam quantum possum te rogo ut justo eorum desiderio satisfacias, praecipue quia Dei causa est. Vale. 4 Julii, 1581.
Tuus,
EUSEB.

Addressed,
Magco Domino, Domino Gulielmo [Franco erased] Alano, 2 [Antuerpiam
Rhemos.1

erased]

XLIV.
Dr William Allen to [the Cardinal of Como].

Reims, 8 August, 1581.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
Vaticano, Inghilterra e Fiandra, Vol. I., fol. 208).

{Archivio

IUme ac Rme in Christo pater.
Nostrorum in Anglia continuae calamitates et pro fide apostolica conflictationes
faciunt ut undecumque ullius levaminis spes fulgeat captent libenter opportuneque et
1

quam?

2

Alano and Ehemos are substituted by another hand.
0 2

100

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

importune prosequantur, praesertim apud S. D. M. ad quern studio et aff'ectu plusquam
vulgari tanquam ad parentem potius quam dominum in omni tribulatione sua confugiunt. Et cum me in hujusmodi rebus soleant intercessorem facere, seepe certe illis
dico quod nesciant quid petant : et hoc ipso tempore quod per me postulari cupiunt
non ita fortasse consentaneum videbitur, sed illud vestrse sapienti^ et judicio relinquo.
Dicam enim, quia jam alteris Uteris ex Anglia me requirunt instanter. Ergo, illustrissime Domine, dominus Bernardinus de Mendozza, suse Catholicse Majestatis in
Anglia orator, ita variis modis et officiis de viris bonis pro fide afflictis his annis meruit,
itaque promovit catholicam causam ut omnes se ab ilio mirifìce adjutos protiteantur,
ac- propterea ejus discessum quem brevi futurum timent segre sane ferant supra
modum, sicut ex his ad me literis (si vestra Celsitudo legere dignabitur) luculentius
intelliget, putantque ejus vel in vicinis locis collocationem, si necessario abeundum sit,
nostris rebus salutarem fore idque ut suse Sanctitatis apud Catholicam Majestatem
interventu et mediatione fiat humillime postulant. Et nos quantum possumus quantunque liceat a tua Amplitudine supplex petimus ut Sanctissimo Domino nostro istam
nobilium catholicorum postulationem insmuet et promoveat, quatenus est sequitati et
rationi congruum et non ulterius. Resolutionem de non adeundis hsereticorum
ecclesiis, quam non ita pridem Roma accepimus et in Angliam misimus, pro oraculo
habent, ac quidvis patientur potius quam hac specie mali se contaminent. Zelus
catholicorum in Anglia indies ex tormentis ut 1 honorum rapina crescit ; sed potentia,
quia ista rerum suarum direptione fiunt continuo pauperes 2 quam ante, est minor.
Presbyteri nunquam felicius quam hac setate 3 appulerunt multo plures quam unquam
antea : sed si quos ejus ordinis capiant (ceperunt autem nonnullos) exquisitissime
torquent ; quod constantissime tolerant omnes. Quidam dicuntur a domino Vicecomite
Baltinglass ex Hybernia ad Urbem auxihorum petendorum causa missi ; qui cum
Lutetise essent, curarunt quosdam viros piobos mihi notos ad me Remos scribere ut
illorum causam commendarem patronis in Urbe nostris. Ego vero, qui nec personas
novi nec quid postulent piane sciam, eousque tantum eos commendo Dignitati vestree
quantum quod petunt ad Dei et religionis causam promovendam pertinuerit. Certe
miseret me illius nationis et nobilitatis, qua? nisi maturius adjuvetur non potest diu
sustinere impetum Reginse et Anglorum omnes portas 4 et urbes illius nationis occupantium. Et de Sandero nostro valde timeo. Sed de istis nimis multa nimisque
confìdenter, amplissime patrone, ut faciam amore et officio ducor. Dominus Jesus et 5
diutissime ad S. D. N. et totius ecclesise ministerium conservet incolumem. Rhemis,
8 Augusti, 1581.
V. Col.6 alumnus humillimus,
GULIELMUS ÀLANUS.
1

etì

2

pauperìores ?

'

3

astate?

4

portus?

5

te?

6

CeL?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN,

101

XLV.
Extracts from a letter of Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J., Reims,
8 August, 1581, as well as from letters written by other persons from France and
England in July and August, 1581,
From a transcript of the original in the Ambrosian library, Milan.
di S. Carlo, Tom. 41. x

Corrispondenze

Quaedam excerpta ex literis R. D. Gulielmi Alani, rectoris collegii Anglorum
Khemis, ad P. rectorem collegii Anglorum de Urbe octavo Augusti datis, et ex diversis
literis aliorum tam ex Gallia quam ex Anglia in Julio et Augusto scriptis. .
Reverendus pater Edmundus Campianus Jesuita circa finem mensis Julii captus
fuit ab haereticis prope Oxonium in domo cujusdam nobilis qui vocatur Odoardus
Sates,2 ubi ipse cum multis aliis catholicis convenerat ad sacrum faciendum et concionandum. Aderant circa septuaginta utriusque sexus, inter quos erant multi viri
clari. Absoluta vero missa et concione major illorum pars discessit: tantum cum
Patre inanserunt tredecim, qui omnes cum ilio capti sunt et Londinum perducti.
Vocabantur autem sic :—Joannes Jacobus, 3 Oxoniensis ; Odoardus Kaimes,4 Somerdunensis; Gulielmus Hulerbius, 5 Oxoniensis; Joannes Ducton, 6 Hantoniensis; Hunfridus Keimes ; 7 Edoardus Sate ; 8 Joannes Maxfildus ; 9 Gulielmus ; 10 Joannes Pelsus j 1 1
Zilianus Harmon ; 12 Càtherina Rinsmil ; 13 domina Sates ; 14 domina Reimes ; 15 Thomas
Latisel et pater Edmundus Campianus Jesuita. Hi omnes in sedibus (ut dixi) D,
Francisci Sates,16 Lifordise,17 Judae cujusdam perfìdia, qui una cum illis et divino officio
et prandio interfuit, comprehendebantur. Impius iste Judas arrepto statim a prandio
equo suo ad justitiarum 18 non longe ab eo loco commorantem se contulit, illi nomina
praedicta detulit, simulque cum ilio (nullas enim nectunt moras) remeans omnes supranominatos ibidem invenit. D. Campianus sicut ultimus omnium interceptus fuit, ita
haud dubie, si Judas ille non restitisset, prorsus liber evasisset. Siquidem inquisitione
jam facta eoque minime invento cum reliquis captivis parati erant continuo equos
conscendere. Importunus iste proditor eos affatus certissimum esse affirmabat D. Campiamomi adhuc in domo latere, illosque rogabat ut paulisper expectarent donee ipse
scrutaretur exactius. Quibus assentientibus versutus ille falsusque Judas hinc inde
per domum cursitans tandem ad cubiculum pervenit in cujus secretiore quodam loco
D. Campianus latebat, gladioque districto circumquaque quasi parietes perforans
tentabat num. quis latitaret ; erat enim forte cubiculum illud tapetibus vel sericis
1

The transcript, which is here printed, is due to the courtesy of the Rev. Father Antonio
Maria Cerriani, of the Oblates of St. Charles, Librarian of the Ambrosian library at Milan.
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Yate.
James.
Keynes.
Hildesley.
Cotton ?
Keynes.
Yate.
9
l0
12
18
Mansfield.
William Webley." Hulse?
Julyan Harmon, a nun.
Kingeswell, a
15
16
17
18
nun.
"Yate.
Keynes.
Yate.
Lyford.
justitiarium ?

102

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

pamiis ornatum. Demum ad ipsummet locum tentando pervenit ubi D. Campianus
latebat, et parum abfuit ab illius internecione. Secunda vero vice, nisi tempestius
Campianus esset locutus, procul dubio ab eo fuissef transverberatus. Inventa praeda
sociisque vocatis, simul D. Campianus cum suis concaptivis ad carcerem ducitur.
Vocabatur autem proprio nomine iste proditor Georgius Eliotus, quondam famulus
D. Petrii 1 senioris, et postea D. Ruperii 2 senioris. Ducenti fuerunt equites et egregie
armati qui D. Campianum et caeteros Londinum deduxerunt, ac si bellum 3 aliquod
certamen ineundum esset. Timebant enim ne catholic! illos eriperent. Praecedebat
autem reliquos captivos Campianus hanc in capite inscriptionem ante et retro gerens :
ISTE EST CAMPIINUS POPULI SEDUCTOR. Cum autem Londinum essent ingressi, illamque magnam crucem preterirent quae est in platea vulgo nominata Chepsyde, Campianus religiose caput aperuit ; quod videns populus, " ecce " clamavit " idololatra."
Toto autem transitu per civitatem usque ad Turrim ingens populus eos clamo.ribus
insequebatur. Campianus autem magna omnium admiratione, vel potius Judaici illius
populi confusione, nunquam caput dimisit,4 sed vultu hilari et erecto incedebat. Pervenerunt tandem ad Turrim die Sabbathi, ibique Campianus a ceteris segregatus in
quodam tenebricoso et angustissimo carcere conjicitur ubi neque jacere nee stare poterat,
et ad vitam sustentandam dabatur illi modicum panis et aquae. Tertio autem die
decanus ecclesia sancti Pauli, Novellus dictus, insignis haereticus unum vel alterum
praedicatorem secum ducens ad Campianum disputandi vel potius litigandi causa venit.
Verum Campianus omnem prorsus clandestini colloquii conditionem recusans publicam
audientium coronam et fìdeles notarios, qui omnia quae ab utrisque dicerentur exseriberent, poposcit. ' Vos enim ' inquit ' mendaces rerum narratores estis, neque ego
nisi ea conditione vobiscum quicquam agam.' Sicque ilium relinquunt in carcere.
Postridie vero is a Turre ad domum Ruberti comitis Lacestrensis 5 clam navigio deductus est, ibique coram ilio alioque comite Bedfordiensi et aliis duobus Reginae
secretariis eodem prorsus habitu quo antea ad Turrim venerat sistebatur ; ex eo enim
tempore ilium nee lectulo aut cervicali ullo alioque6 humanitatis genere dignati fuerant.
Quibus Campianus tarn docte, tarn prudenter, tarn mansuete respondit, tamque plane et
sincere sui in Angliam adventus causam explicuit, ut eum magnopere comites laudaverunt. Dicebat enim se non alia de causa Insulam appulisse nisi ut suae gentis
hominibus iter aeternae salutis monstraret, et non ut res novas moliretur vel contra
rempublicam vel contra Reginae salutem aliquid attentaret. ' Si enim,' inquit, ' ullius
ejusmodi criminis me conviceritis, nullam a vobis gratiam sed legis severitatem
postulo/ Quapropter comites, qui et illum antea et facie et fama noverant et propter
virtutem et doctrinam adamaverant, multum videbantur commoti, dicentes se tantum
ejus vicem dolere quod esset papista : in quo ipse maxime gloriabatur. Jusserunt illi
ocreas detraili (habebat enim crassas ocreas adhuc quibus equitare solebat) atque
1

Petra

2

Koper.

3

bellicum ?

4

demisit ?

5

Eobert earl of Leicester.

6

ve ?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

103

custodi Turris imperant ut humanius ilium deinceps tractet, lectum aliasque res necessarias tribuat : quod et factum est ilio jam ad Turrim reducto. Quid de eo postea
factum sit ignoramus. Ferunt etiam Cecilium Reginse thesaurariurn cum ilio collocuturum, dedisseque in mandatis ut ad ilium adducatur.
Quidam sacerdos nomine Evanus Duchetus, 1 alumnus collegii Anglici Remensis,
qui causa fidei detinebatur in carcere, nobis summse constanti^ reliquit exemplum.
Fuit enim variis diversisque modis ab adversariis tentatus ut Reginam caput ecclesia
Anglicana fateretur ; quod ipse semper constanter negabat, affirmans in terra unum
tantum esse unius corporis caput Romanum Pontifìcem, qui modo Gregorius XIII. est.
Quapropter videntes adversarii quod verbis et suasionibus minus proficerent, ilium
primo colaphis esedebant, deinde in ipsomet carcere pedibus suspendebant ad multum
tempus. Tandem cum invictum ejus animum flectere non potuerint et2 veritatis et
fidei confessione, mense Julio preterito mortis sententiam in ilium tulerunt. Itaque
ad locum supplicii ductum eum suspenderunt, deinde capistro praeciso eum semivivum
adhuc exenterarunt, et tandem in quatuor partes secarunt; qui jam gloriosissimus
martyr intercedit apud Deum pro nobis et pro nostra afflictissima patria.
Don Antonius, 3 Lusitanus, hie in magno est honore apud omhes, et passim Portugallise rex appellatur ; et magnus in occidentalibus partibus Angliae fit apparatus ad
ilium, ut aiunt, in Lusitaniam ducendum.

XLVI

:

List of recusants now or lately in Berkshire gaol [Reading castle, 1582],
From the original'in

the Publio Record Office, London. Bom. Miz., Vol. 154, n. 36.

Berk. The trewe certificate of Michael Molyns4 esquier, heighe shereff of the
countie afforesaid, of all suche recusants remaynynge in her Majesties gay ole of the
said countie. As also of all those that are delyvered out of the said gay ole and by
whose warrante, as foloweth, viz :
The names nowe remaynynge in the gayole—
Thomas.Hulse gentleman
I
William Hygges yeoman
Johnes Hulse gentleman
Lawrence Spencer husbandman
Johes Palmer gentleman
|
Richard Mason taylor
The names of the nuns there—
. _.
Katheryn Kingeswell spyncer . Julyan Harmon spyncer
1

2
"Everard Hance, alias. Ducket." Holinshed. . Vol. IV.yp. 446.
at - 3-Dom Antonio,
4
prior of Crato, pretender to the crown of Portugal.
Michael Molens of Clapgate, high sheriff
of Berkshire, anno 25 Eliz. Fuller's Worthies of England, p. 51.

104

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

The names of them thare are bayled—
Edward Keynes
) bayled by the warrant of R. Leycestr, C. Haward,
Katheryne his wyef j C. Hatton, F. Walsingham.
Dothery Loveden by warrant from F. Walsingham.
Edmond Morrys by warrant from her Majestie pryvye Gounsell.
Michael Molyns esquier; shereff.
Endorsed.
Certificate from the sheriffe of Barkeshire of the recusantes in the castle there.

XLVII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Keims, 11 August, 1581.

From the original holograph in the archives of Stonyhurst
Anglia, Vol. L, p. 37.

College.

Pax Christi.
1

Pater optime; Joannes Mundeyn, qui ista dabit, reliquit apud nos 20 aureos ut illic
totidem scuta solvantur. Dignetur qusoso paternitas vestra illi numerare et eundem in
cseteris negotiis suis omn[i] 2 Consilio, ope et favore vestro prosequi. Nunquam fuit ex
alumnis collegii hujus, licet suis expensis aliquandiu convixerit. Homo est plane
catholicus et honestus, devotionisque causa maxime ad Urbem proficiscitur. Non est
ad sacerdotium ineptus ; tamen hactenus illud non postulavit, nee nos [eum] 2 ursimus
multum quia non vixit ex collegii sumptibus. Sed si forsan nunc cupiat, aut ad earn
rem pecunia indigeat, pro 8 aut (si necesse fuerit) pro 12 aureis prseter supradict[os] 2
20 respondebó. In dirigendis talibus extraordinariis hominibus erit aliquid molestiarum
semper ; sed quia affectu estis jam diu facti Angli Anglis, audacius et confidentius isti
interpellant, ac pro omnibus intercedimus. Valete in Christo Jesu. Kemis, 11 Augusti, 1581.
Vestne R. P.
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso [Agazzario] collegii Anglorum in
[Urbe] rectori.
1

Martyred at Tyburn, 12 February, 1584.

2

MS. worn away.

105

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

XLVIII.
Sir Francis Englefield to Dr William Allen.

Madrid, 4 September, 1581.

From the original in the archives of the see of Westminster.
Also printed in Dodd. Vol. II., p. 240.

II., 180 bis.

Right worshipfull dear e Sir ; Albeyt my last unto you of the 21st of August were
so late that I have nothing to ad of newe from hens ; yet having syns recevyd yours
wrytten at Montz the 15th of July, I can not pretermytt to acknowledge yt, and
withall to advise you that in myne opinion the Prynce of Parma sheweth lytle goodwill to our spyrytuall companye in wresting the words of the Kyngs letter to the worst
sens for them that possybly the words can be drawen unto : the Kyngs meanyng
beyng undoubtedly that bothe the treasuryes of his fynances and exercito should be
chargeable with that almes from tyme to tyme ; and so ys the literall and most
apparant sens of his woords. And I warrant you yt will well appeare so, when soever
your company shall by any new sewte for want of payment shewe forth the expresse
words of his Majesties graunt, and the prejudicialle interpretation made of them to your
hynderance. And touching the partyculer provisions expected by pryvate men out of
that surplusag that ys to be dysposed by Mr D. Brystowe and you, I doe remember not
past fyve or 6 persons that can justly chalenge any partyculer porcyon thereof, to
wytt, Mr D. Knott, Mr Hargatt, Mr Taylor/ Mr Freman and Mr D. Paulley with Fa.
Dutche ; no mo beyng alyve and present which were allotted any porcyons by the
Duke : and theyr porcyons amountyng in all but to 390 florynes by the yeare, there
will remayne to your disposition 1210 florynes yerely besyds. For as to the rest which
had partyculer allottments by the fyve dystrybutors, no one of them all can justly
chalenge any farthing in pryvate, beyng neyther the Kyngs meanyng nor the Dukes
that any one should have any permanent state or tyme in that distribution, but that
the fyve distributors should at every recept dyspose the money anewe, and not to them
which had yt at the last payment, but as they should fynde the necessytie and
worthines of every partye. So as the fyve former distributors in nominating 30
persons only to partake the same dyd not only prejudice theyr owne libertie and
authorytie therby, but dyd also playne injury to all the rest of the nation that were
pore and worthie therof (which by the Kyngs graunt and the Dukes meanyng had as
much interest and title therto as any of them that recevyd the money, whensoever
the distributors, should think them worthie therof) and this awthorytie bejmg nowe
comytted to Mr D. Bristowe and you, you should not doe well in myne opynion to
suffer that former error to have any longer contynuance. Neyther doe I see howe
you can suffer such to enjoy e yt as will chalenge yt by the tytle of the fyrst distributors, but that you should therby confyrme the error and bynde your selves to
eontynue the same by namying still some mo to fyll up the nomber of 30 as at fyrst,
and therby doe wrong to all the rest that be come syns, or be to come hereafter, that
p

106

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

are to be made partakers of yt by your disposition and discretion as you shall fynde
theyr towardnes and necessite to requyre. I am easely inducyd to beleve that you
fynde these courtly sewtes for money very tediouse and disagreable to your mynde :
for truly my self dyd fynde them so to me many yeares together ; but therin
you must exercise your pacience as not the lest penance incident to our banyshment.
And yf you dyd see the melancoly condytion and desolate lyfe which I passe and
endure here in this tyme of fyre and flame, you should se that I want not my part of
tediouse travells and tourmoyles howesoever they may differ in qualytie from those
which you and others doe susteyne. In your letter from Montz you requyre me to
performe for Mr D. Vandeville the pleasure which you requyre of me in his behalf;
but other mencion therof you make none in the world, nor expresse not by any lest
sillable what the same ys nor wherin yt consysteth. Belyke you ment to wryte yt in
a paper aparte, and by the other cares of your mynde forgat yt when you made up
your letter. In Portugalle newe treasons and conspiracies be discoveryd agaynst
this Kyng, which maye occasyon his retorne thens the soner. We heare not yet
that Tercera ys reco very d, nor where the Turks forc[e]s arryved at Algier shalbe
ymployed. A cyvile sedition ys also befallen in Malta, where the Great Master
ys ymprysoned by the knights of his order. The yong duke of Feria ys nowe free
from his fever, and his mother not yet all free therof; though none of bothe be in any
peryll, as the doctors affyrme. Fayne I would heare what you can and will doe for
Ro. Heightyngton, that I might resolve upon the rest, beyng presently pressed with
beggying letters from England, from Lovayne, from Namur, from Remes, from Roan,
from Parys and from Rome, and nothing here to be gotten, therof assure you. And so
to our Lord I commende you, and my selfe right hartely unto you. At Madryd, the
4th of Septemb., 1581.
Your owne frend,
F.

ENGLEFYLD.

The death of Mr D. Sander ys not yet confyrmed from England nor from Ireland,
other then upon the report of Mr Walsyngham and his company.
Addressed.
To the right worshipfull and my assuryd good frynd, Mr doctor Allen.

Reyms.

XLIX.
Dr "William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 20 December, 1581.

Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles. Tom. III., p. 299.
Ill"10 ac Rev mò in Christo patri ac dn0, D. Cardinali Comensi, dn0 suo benignm0.
Illustrissime ac reverendissime domine Cardinalis.
Illud desiderium catholicorum de retinendo in Anglia illustri domino Bernardino
Mendosio, suae Majestatis Catholicae oratore (quod ante aliquot menses fuse Celsitudini

107

OF CARDINAL AtLEN.

per literas insinuavi) puto vestro de ea re silentio castigatimi aut refutatum esse.
Jam turn enim ipse de aequitate illius postulati dubitabam et admodum timide vestrae
sapientiae commendavi ; tamen quia iterum jam nostri in Insula urgent, qui in hac
S83va persecutionis tempestate undecunque suarum calamitatum quantulumcunque
levamen prensant, sentiuntque se variis modis ab ilio oratore juvari posse, eorum
petitionem nee potui negligere nee apud tuatn Amplitudinem debui tacere. Illi
existimant Sanctissimi Domini nostri uno apud Catholicum Regem verbulo fieri posse
ut vel illinc non revocetur vel saltern ut in aliquo vicino Galliarum aut Belgii loco ad
summum catholicorum commodum et solatium collocetur, cum nemo sit exterorum cui
aut res nostras sint magis cordi aut magis cognitae. Si ergo iniqua non videatur petitio,
dignetur semel tua ill1118, D. earn suae Sanctitati innuere. Cujus rei rationes nobilissimus dominus Georgius Gilbertus, vir magna pietate et multis in gentem suam meritis
clarus, qui has literas dabit, fusius explicabit ; qui etiam poterit vestrae pietati veram
historiam texere gloriosissimi martyrii Edmundi Gampiani Jesuitae, Radulphi Cervini
et Alexandri Brianti sacerdotum et utriusque collegii alumnorum ; qui, superatis
fortiter variis tormentis, tandem primo Decembris, infelici dicam an felici laqueo
nescio, in caelum evolarunt, hominum myriadibus et aspectantibus et mirantibus et
gementibus. Nolebat Regina eos religionis -sed proditionis ac in vitam ipsius conspirations causa capitis condemnari. Damnati sunt etiam octo vel decern alii, quorum
exitum brevi fortassis audiemus. His flagellis castigat nos Dominus; his benedictionibus nos beat Dominus. Erat tunc (ut nunc est) in aula Christianissimi Regis
frater, 1 cujus gratia apud Reginam sperabatur fore ut liberarentur ab extremo supplicio ; sed vana spes hominum, Vivat floreatque sanctissimus Papa noster Gregorius.
Vivas valeasque tu diu, optime Cardinalis. Remis, 20 Decembris, 1581.
[V.] Ill^ae a c Revm8e Paternitatis servus et orator,
GULIELMUS ÀLANUS.

L.
A paper entitled " To Dr Allan at Rheims." 2

[1581—1585.]

From the original in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 207.

Dominus Mauritius Fanus, fidus servus et explorator domini Francisci Walsingham,
egit diu in Gallia exploratorem ; quern cum experientia didicissent diligenter et astute
officium praestitisse vocarunt in Angliam, et tarn Regina ipsa quam Walsingham
hominem instruxerunt ut Summo Pontifici et Regi Hispaniae insidiaretur, turn < ut
eorum ditiones turbaret, turn ut eis vitam veneno aut alia quavis arte praeriperet,
1

Duke of Anjou.
much later date.

3

This document is in an Elizabethan hand ; but the title is of a very
P 2

108

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

magnis prsemiis propositis et perpetuis quidem et ad ejus hseredes transituris ; sed ut
artes imprimis disceret veneni ad tollendum e medio Regem Hispanise, minus vero de
Papa curandum quippe qui mox successorem esset habiturus aetatis satis maturse, et
ideo omnia genera veneni disceret quo Regis aut staffam aut ephippium aut vestes
inficeret, si alias non posset perficere.
Duo Angli nomine Litleston et Cornowallis tribus annis versati sunt in aula Regis
Hispaniaa et hanc artem occidendi Regem exercuerunt, qui post navatam operam in
Angliam reversi donati sunt mercede redditus cujusdam perpetui.
Anno superiore eandem artem exercuit magister Caru, Anglus, qui testatus est se
Regis vestes veneno inf ecisse; qui postea in Angliam re versus donatus fuit simili mercede.
Anno 1581 dum Fanus esset in Gallia et statim in Italiani venturus, Walsingham
audiens initium cujusdam dissidii exortum Mediolani inter Hispanos et cives misit
suum secretarium ad hunc Fanum ut eum admoneret ut cito Mediolanum advolaret et
nihil relinqueret intactum quod illud dissidium infiammare posset.
Testatus est idem Fanus (quod per multos alios etiam comperuerunt esse certissimum) omnes emissarios Reginaa hoc in mandatis habere, ut in omni regione ubicunque fuerint expiscentur et intelligant Principis aut reipublicse statum, vires,
animos nobilium et procerum aut eorum qui pollent fide, authoritate aut Consilio apud
Principem aut rempublicam, et an possint averti illorum animi a suis superioribus et
turbse excitari ullo pretio, arte aut alia via, et ut id imprimis procurent ; id enim ad
Anglise pacem vehementer tacere.
In Italia hoc singulare documentum habent, ut persuadeant principibus et populo
defectionem a Pontifice et Rege Hispanise, quod eis commodo esset turn imprimis ut
ea emolumenta quse Rex Hispanise in Italia percipit et largitur Hispanis inter eos
dividantur.
Ista omnia constant ex confessione et depositinone dicti Fani facta in Sancto
Officio Inquisitionis, subscripta ejus propria manu, 13 Augusti, 1581. Eadem prorsus
sponte confessus fuit antea Mediolani D. N. vicario et auditori Cardinalis Boromei,
conscientia motus.
Extant in dicto Officio Inquisitionis plurimse literao scriptse manu propria Walsinghami de hoc et similibus argumentis et nonnulla etiam D. Christofori Hatton,
quibus multum suadent profectionem Fani in Hispaniam ad accelerandam suam commissionem contra ilium Regem. Et in instructionibus ista continentur ad molestandum Hispanise Regem; ut procurentur diligenter omnia quae fieri poterunt ad ejus
insulas occupandas; ut domino Antonio ferantur auxilia; ut suscitentur duo filii
spurii Regis contra filios legitimos, qui propter sanguinis propinquitatem non possunt
nee debent patri succedere quia dispensare cum tali uxore ita sanguine juncta non
potuit Papa ; de excitandis quibusdam nobilibus contra Regem Mediolani, Neapoli, in
Cecilia,1 Calabria ; et de aliquo portu et presidio occupando in insula Maitre ; de con1
Sicilia?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

109

federatione ineunda cum Turcis ad vexandum Regem Hispanic et Papam. In omnibus his rebus fuit jam aliquid tentatum ; sed Dei bonitate factum est ut jam omnia
sint detecta, et indies prospicitur et capiuntur exploratores et proditores.
Continetur quoque in horum instructionibus ut diligenter despiciant qui Angli
accessum habeant ad ducem Guysianum et ejus fratrem. Item an Rex Gallise det
aliquas pensiones rebellibus et fugitivis ab Anglia.

LI.
Dr William Allen to Mr George Gilbert (Italian translation). Reims, 15 January, 1582.
From an ancient transcript in the archives of the see of Westminster.
re

III., 11.

r

Copia d'una lettera mandata dal Sig Alano al Sig Giorgio Gilberto da Remis il 15 di
Genaro, 1582.
La constantia inesplicabile delli nostri in Inghilterra nel servitio della chiesa santa
e sede Apostolica d'un canto, e dall' altro la crudeltà e diligenza delli nemici, che
cercano ogni mezzo d'estinguere il nostro povero seme e seminario e tutti li catolici del
regno, ecciterà il sant mo Papa e tutti gli altri (come spero) d'havere compassione dell'
afflittione di quelli che sono dentro il regno, e della nostra necessità che siamo fu ora. Io
sono stato avisato da molti eh' avessi grande cura, e mi guardassi di tradimento, e che
mi partisse di qua à Doaco ; ma veramente non n'ho paura nissuna, ne mai lascierò li
miei per pericolo ò cosa alcuna che mi possa accadere. L'imbasciatore di Spagna scrive
eh' una delle conditioni del matrimonio che si pensava di fare fu che questo seminario
fosse cacciato non solamente da Remis ma fuor' delle dominationi del Rè di Francia :
ma il matrimonio non pigliando effetto, spero che non ne sentiremo più. Noi siamo
stati tutto quest' anno più di 120, et ho mandato al padre Rettore il conto delle spese
che riabbiamo fatto e debbiamo fare ogn' anno se vogliamo fare quel buon servitio che
per gratia d'Iddio habbiamo fatto. La pro visione ordinaria di S. S t a non può trattenere più di 40 scholari, il che come sapete sarà un numero quasi contemtibile et inutile
per un tanto bisogno e per sodisfare à tanti officii et cosi grandi servigli che s'aspetta e
si spera che saranno fatti da noi : ne si sarebbero 1 fatte tante conversioni d'anime se
non f ussimo stati più di quel numero. Non ho speranza alcuna di ricevere cosa veruna
da Inghilterra, di dove vengono ogni dì delli nobili et altri scacciati per la persecutione,
dal che si accresce il numero. La stampa del Testamento, che pensai non sarebbe
costata più di 1000 scudi, costarà 500 scudi più ; et tutti quelli mille scudi, delli quali
dovevamo pagare la stampa del predetto libro, habbiamo già spesi bona fide nel mangiare e vitto. Il P. Martino ha fatto ancora un libretto nel quale ha raccolto insieme
tutte le córruttioni e falsificationi delli heretici nella loro Biblia, e questo ancora neces1

In MS. saretibeno.

110

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

sariamente debbiamo far' stampare, altrimenti non faremmo quel servitio alla patria
nostra che si richiede. Oltra di questi libri habbiamo le spese del mangiare, vestimenti,
libri, fuoco, camere, medicine, et infiniti altri carichi per tanto grande numero, oltre le
molte spese che si fanno per mandare sacerdoti in Inghilterra, et li scholari à Roma, e
le spese quando si fanno preti, andando due giornate discosto e stando sei ò otto dì
fuori, il porto di tante lettere, oltra la continua spesa delli nostri paesani che vengono
qua per risolutione de casi di conscientia, instruttioni e conforto. Io havevo altra
volta una prebenda in Fiandra e qualche cosa del mio proprio fuor' d'Inghilterra, col
quale vissi et ancho aiutai questo collegio ; hora io, il mio nipote e servo viviamo delle
communi spese del collegio, non havendo più altro : et acciò che gli heretici vedessero
che non fussimo straccati e sforzati di rimandare delli scholari per necessità, sonno
trenta della nostra compagnia che vivono con manco d'un scudo il mese e qualche
fragmenti dalla tavola nostra, più tosto che ci vogliano lasciare. Tutto questo vi scrivo
questa volta acciò che sappiate la nostra conditione e necessità, e lo dichiariate al padre
Rettore, acciò che S. S ta possi esserne informata ; et se piacesse à Dio che havessimo di
sostentarci, con necessario soccorso faremmo al presente più bene e profitto che mai fusse
stato fatto in Inghilterra, et hora per mancamento di danari si perde totalmente,
overo s'impedisce tanto che non possiamo stampare ne fare la mità del bene eh' altrimente faremmo.

Lir.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 7 February, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster*

III., 15.

Reverende pater, amice unice, salve in Christo. Literas V. R. scriptas 8 Januarii
recepì, ac etiam eas quas illustrissimus Protector dedit 23 Decembris vestris inclusas,
quibus multa mihi benignissime profecto de amore suo in utrumque collegium recenset
et quam libenter admittat eos quos mitto ; monens ut ex selectioribus semper dem.
Scribere statuo suae Celsitudini in gratiarum actionem hoc tempore, ipsique mittere
hoc schema quod curavimus qualibuscumque versibus describi ad honorem martyrum
nostrorum recentium et ad permovendos proceres ecclesia ac caeteros Christianos ut
considerent super miserias gentis nostrse ne et ipsi tententur. Si possum invenire
hodie in urbe ista hoc genus holoserici in quo Romse talia depingunt, curabo 3 aut 4
exemplaria pro Papa, Protector e et Cardinali Comensi atque pro P. Generali in tali
materia imprimi ; sin minus in charta. In his locis non potuimus melius facere : vos ibi
aliquid excellentius fortassis formabitis. Accepi ante decern dies reverendissimi patris
Generalis literas suavissimas quibus jubet me sine omni exceptione et dinicultate uti
ipsius in communi causa opera, seque jam S. D. N. de illis facultatibus 1 variis quas
1

See First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 364.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Ill

patribus nostrisque necessarias esse diximus adiisse dicit ac eas impetrasse ; quod et
tua R. mihi etiam significavit. Erunt ilte valde utiles, quia (uti spero) habebimus
largiorem quam unquam antea propter aliquam Scotiae, ut seitis, adeundee spem. Ista
martyria insigniter percellunt animos hostium et augent catholicorum numerum et
constantiam. Excusate me qusesoapud R. P. Generalem quod nunc non scribo. Est
unus nobilis qui nuper venit ex aula Anglica qui habet particulam ossis P. Campiani,
sed tarn est parva ut non possit commode nobis aliquid impartiri : sed catholici in
Anglia pretio a carnificibus redemerunt imam cost am ejus, cujus me habiturum partem
spero, et tunc mittam aliquid ejus benedictionis collegio nostro et P. Generali. Cupio
unam chartam dari amplissimo viro, amico nostro diarissimo, I). Hieronimo Hurtado,
cujus literas proximas plenas pietatis unacum vestris accepi. Detur una etiam imprimis reverendissimo D. Assaphensi cum meis Uteris : per proximum minti um mittam
plures, ut abundetis. Nos meditamur prolixiorem de martyrio et actis istorum in
Anglia historiam, si Deus vitam et quietem dederit. Omnium martyrum nomina
temporibus Henrici V i l i , et hujus Elizabeths post paucas dies mittam, sicut requiritis.
Quare Baileus non potuit ad vos hoc anno venire aliis literis scripsi jam diu. Quod
cum tanto honore scholastico et gratia dimittetis Gulielmum 1 nostrum lsetor et valde
probo. Si P. Barrettus veniat sive ad P. Rob.2 sive ad nos, suscipietur obviis ulnis.
Si tamen sit vobis necessarius, non urgebo. Quicquid circa meos ac tuos statuis
semper probabo gratumque ac ratum habebo. Jam pridem circa receptionem quorumdam nostrorum in Societatem prolixe respondi, neque erit opus repetere breviter. Ego
nollem tales impedire a meliori proposito, modo fiat cum licentia Papse aut Protectoris,
quam velim ipsos coram petere. Video P. V. pene effeeisse ut Breve Apostolicum ad
Principes hortatorium habeamus. Deo gratias. Sed ut scripsi, mi pater, nisi habeamus 3 aut 4 exemplaria non adeo nobis proderunt. Cupio enim, quando adhuc data
Brevis est recens, per certos a me constitutos in variis gentibus procuratores ilio uti ;
quod non possumus facere si unum tantum exemplar habeamus. Quod ad istos hujus
provincise in qua habitamus non possumus multa sperare ; quia partim tota ecclesia est
afflicta diuturnis malis et exactionibus, partim quia putant (sicut nos etiam accipimus)
multum benefìcii nobis ab illis praestari quod qui etani et benignam cohabitationem
tribuunt, de qua nos ejicere continuo per literas et legatos Reginse compellantur. Proinde non intendimus illos multum urgere : sed spes aliquid consequendi
erit, ut mihi videtur, maxime in Hispania et Italia atque Lotharingia, Sabaudia atque
etiam Germania ubi praelati sunt catholici. Quicquid sit, debemus omnia honesta
tentare ut nostri fame foris aut domi hseresi non pereant : si enim in exilio alere non
possumus, cogentur multi domum redire. Orate ne P. Joannes Gorus ineat malum
consilium : nam scriptum est mihi secreto Lutetia illuni vacillare in fide, et cogitare
de re vertendo in Angliam cum hac mala mente ; quod ante secundum fìdem et jusWilliam GiffordL

2

F. Persons, who was then at Rouen.

112

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

jurandum 1 suum non potuit adduci ut faceret. Locutus est multa de ea re cum bono
patre Thoma Darbishire, qui conatus est ipsum ab ilia mala mente et dubitatione
removere. Non voluit fateri Eomanam ecclesiam esse veram ecclesiam neque Pontificem esse caput ecclesise. Ego adhuc interpretor ista ex aliqua phrenesi aut melancholia potius quam ex heeresi provenire ; scio enim ipsum esse proclivem ad talem
morbum. Propterea nollem de ipso aliquid divulgari antequam exitum rei videamus.
Sed omnia timeo in homine tarn furiosi ingenii et praecipitis. Deus avertat iram suam
ab ipso. Judex 2 qui sententiam condemnationis protulit in P. Campianum et socios
suos est ejus avunculus ; corde quidem catholicus sed externo opere, uti videtis,
Pilatus. Fortasse Deus puniet ejus iniquitatem in cognatis suis permittendo ipsos
labi. Post hesternas literas quas scripsi JP. Gulielmo Good datse sunt mihi literse
queedam a D. archidiacono 3 scriptse Mediolani tribus pene ab hinc mensibus. In illis
ita scribit : " Collegium nostratium Romse (laus Deo) floret ; de quo multum gaudeo ;
sed vestri amici non sunt identidem mihi amici. Nepos meus Hugo 4 jam complevit
cursum philosophise. Scripsit dominus Cardinalis S. Sixti 6 ad me suadens ut ilium ad
me ex Urbe revocarem; quod libenter facerem, si non esset ad qusedam mea et archiepiscopi nostri Cameracensis negotia illic persequenda necessarius. Conqueruntur quod
multa loquatur contra collegium : nescio ; sed suavi et amica tractatione possent ilium
habere amicissimum. Quicquid sit, spero (mi Alane) nihil nostram quae jam diu inter
te et me intercessit amicitiam interrupturum ; nihil enim [me]6 vel a te ve] a collegiis
avertet, etc." Sic scribit ille : sed nollem cuiquam istud dicatur ; tibi enim, mi pater,
soli impartior. Ego hac occasione literarum suadebo ipsi quantum possum pertinere
ad honorem suum ut nepotem suum revocet, ac id quoque esse ad salutem juvenis et
collegii pacem omniumque animorum reconciliationem. Et certe ego plane cuperem
D. archidiaconum solide esse collegio ac Societatis patribus reconciliaturn : scio ejus
virtutes et ejus infirmitates ; potest esse multum utilis et multum nocere in utramque
partem. Quomodo possumus, pater, duo vel 3 Testamenta 7 ista jam pene exeusa ad
vos mittere. Profecto majora sunt quam ut a peditibus nostris proxime Venturis
portari queant. De numero scholarium adhuc nihil certi statui. Illustrissimus D.
Protector dicit circa sex. Vos scitis audaciam nostram in addendo semper unum aut
alterum supernumerarium, de quo ita scripsit benignissime D. Protector : " Indignum
existimantes in tantis angustiis quenquam a te missum rejicere : " sic ille. Sed plura
scripsi quam ab initio proposueram. Salutate quaeso mihi bonum studiorum prsefectum vestrum, patrem ministrum etiam optimum et reliquos. De P. Engenamo aliis
scripsi Uteris. Christus Jesus vos omnes custodiat. De Powellorum pecuniis assequendis laboro quantum possum ; de ceteris pene despero. Imposterum ego nunquam
1
The college oath to return to England and serve upon the mission at the bidding of superiors.
3
4
T h e Lord Chief Justice, Sir Christopher Wray.
Dr. Owen Lewis.
H u g h Griffith.
5
6
7
The Cardinal Protector of the college.
Supplied to complete the sense.
The New
Testament translated into English.

2

113

OF CAKDINAL ALLEN.

commendabo illos ad convictum collegii qui non tendant ad sacros ordines, nisi habituri
certe videantur pecunias. Sed haec saevitia in parentes et eorum metus est extraordinarius. Et ita vult Deus ut vos quoque aliquam riujus persecutionis pcenam nobiscum
patiamini. Iterum valeat vestra charitas mihi dilectissima. Remis, 7 Feb., 1582.
Vester totus in seternum,
G. ALANUS.

Incidimus in holosericum qualecunque ; proinde 5 aut sex exemplaria in Illa
materia mittimus. Unum est magis figurse clarse et expressse, quod cupio per V. P.
tradì illustrissimo D no Protectori pro S. D. nostro. Rogavi enim suam illustrissimam
Dominationem ut unum suae Sanctitati ofìerat : alterum exemplum dabitis Protectori
nostro, unum Cardinali Comensi, P. Generali unum, vobis, unum, et quid superest cui
vultis, in primis D. Gilberto. In charta sunt magis expressa, quia impressor non
habuit usum ponendi serico. Gulielmus Hartus est sollicitus de fratre suo,1 quod simul
cum cseteris non subierit crucem ; sed nee ipse nec cseteri undecim qui supersunt quidquam hostibus concesserunt ; sed dicuntur servari tantum ne hominum judicio nimis
crudeles habeantur. Gulielmus Hartus, presbyter, est insignis operarius et concionator
multumque proficit.
Mater Joannis Harti insigniter animavit fìlium suum ad
martyrium. 2
LUI.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
From the original

Reims, 12 February, 1582.

holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 19.

Pax Christi.
Reverende pater ; Scripsi admodum prolixe nudius tertius : hsec nunc adjicio, partim
ut comportentur haec etiam exemplaria schematis, cujusmodi prius plura partim serica
partim chartasea misi, partim ut significem id quod mihi peculiaris nunc ex Anglia nuntius narrat, et quod etiam aliunde R. P. Rob.3 scribit : nimirum, missum esse ad eos qui
morti jam pridem fuerant addicti et condemnati ut culpam in Reginam commissam confiteantur veniamque petant, suamque M. pro dementia sua facile concessuram, atque ea
conditione etiam offerre gratiam. Sed confessores, cum singuli seorsim interrogarentur
si. id facere vellent admonerenturque ut id facerent, responderunt omnes gratam ipsis
fore regiam clementiam, sed non posse deprecari culpam quam nunquam commiserant,
ac proinde se rem omnem Deo committere. Postea nihil fuit in ipsos factum gravius :
solum in Joannem Hartum sseviunt magis quam in cseteros quod nolit quidquam illis
1
2
John Hart.
The writing fills the four sides of the sheet of paper, so t h a t there is no
3
space for an address.
F . Robert Persons, who had left England in the a u t u m n of 1581, not
long after the seizure of Mr Stephen Brinkley and the printing-press in August, and was spending the
winter at Rouen. " T u t t o questo inverno stette il P e Personio in Roan di Francia." P u n t i della
Missione d'Inghilterra per Tanno 1582, by F . Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P . 24. Compare ib. 229.

Q

114

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

in religione cedere; apud quern minis, suppliciis, terroribusque sperabant propter juvenilem aetatem se aliquid effeeturos. Ducebant ipsum extra careerem eo die quo P.
Campianus obiit, tentantes si terrore mortis ejus labefacere animum possint. Postea
his diebus conjecerunt ipsum in lacum horridum, ex quo postea eduxerunt ipsum ad
colloquium cum ministris qui ad ipsum pervertendum erant adducti. Cum nihil profecerunt, iterum trudunt in limbum, secundoque ac tertio educunt et reducunt. Sed
hactenus Dei benignitate praebet se fortem Dei athletam. De Joanne Nicols mirum
aliquid scripsi D. Georgio Gilberto. Postquam aliquid certius intellexero scribam.
Patres in Anglia optime valent, nisi quod P. Gaspar 1 laboret nonnunquam sciatica.
Scripsi in proximo fasciculo ad illustrissimum D. Protectorem, ad P. Gulielmum,2 ad
reverendissimum D. Assaphensem multosque alios. Nunc quod porro scribam nihil est.
Dominus Jesus vos omnes conservet. 12 Feb., 1582.
V. R. P. frater et filius dilectissimus,
G. ALANUS.
3

Quae de
in proximis scripsi literis nollem palam dici ; quia puto prof ecta
esse ex aliqua mania potius quam ex deliberato judicio prof ecta esse.
Addressed.
Reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, collegii Anglorum rectori. Romae.
LIV.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles.
Ill

m0

1110

et Rev

Reims, 18 February, 1582.
Tom. III., p. 370.

in Christo patri ac domino, domino Cardinali Comensi, domino suo
benignissimo.
Ill me ac Rev me domine.

Habuimus in Scotiae primaria urbe Edenburgo duos hac hyeme sacerdotes qui de
religione Principis ac nobilium animos tentarent : alter est Societatis Jesu,4 alter collegii nostri alumnus. 5 Ceperunt ipsi, et nobis per literas antea dederunt spem non
exiguam, ut jam pridem significavimus : at nunc in principio hujus Februarii eorum
alter, ut fusius tutiusque cuncta aperiret, Londinum in Angliam venit ; unde ad me
multa de pluribus mittendis illuc operariis deque reipublicae et religionis statu diligenter scripsit. Atque caetera quidem nos cum R. P. Societatis Generali transigemus :
sed haec pauca quae isto adjuncto scripto continentur censui potius Sanctissimo Domino
nostro per Celsitudinem tuam indicanda, quia et maximi sunt momenti et secretissime
1

2
3
F. Gaspar Hey wood.
F. William Good.
Word erased in MS-, ; but it is evi4
dently Go ro.
F. William Holt, who arrived in England with F. Gaspar Hey wood soon after
F. Campion's apprehension, July 17, 1581, and had been despatched by F. Persons to Scotland.
5
William Watts.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

115

geri debent. Ut enim ille Princeps, cui jure haereditario olim per Dei gratiam tota
obveniet Britannia nostra, flat ecclesia fllius ad universum orbem Christianum summopere pertinet. Si de vescendis carnibus, secundum illud quod in scripto continetur, sua
Sanctitas indulgendum judicet, ne gravetur tua ill ma Dominatio uno verbulo significare.
Ista observantiae causa scripsi; cetera vestrae committo sapientiae, meque ipsum
obsecro, Cardinalis amplissime, inter alumnos tuos continuo connumera. Remis, 18
Febr., 1582.
Tuae Illmae ac Revma3 Dominationis in Christo servus et orator,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

Status regni Scotiae ita se habet. Rex ab haereticorum ministris hactenus male
educatus nihil fere novit quod ad fidem catholicam pertinet; ita tamen obstinate
haereticus non est quin speremus eum libenter catholicorum rationes auditurum, sicut
et Reginae matri suae per literas id solicitanti se facturum promisit : genitricis enim suae,
licet sibi nunquam visae, est amantissimus.
Multi ex nobilibus in catholicam partem inclinantur, et illius religionis in sua
regione stabilimenta exoptant : per se tamen hoc se effecturos difhdunt, turn quia se
ab Anglo impediendos pertimescant, turn quia de auxilio omni externo incerti sint.
Cogitant tamen de istis mediis ad suum propositum maxime (ut ipsi putant) accommodatis, ut primum cum Rege perviros doctos agatur, et ad disputationem publicam inter
catholicos sacerdotes et haereticorum ministros religionis causa, etiam Reginae authoritate
adhibita, procedatur ; vel si hoc non possint efficere, ut tunc a Regina facultatem ac
licentiam petant Regem fìlium, si opus fuerit, transmittendi in regionem aliquam
catholicam, ubi et melius in fide instrui et ad regni gubernacula informari et potentior um Principum amicitias et affini tatem sibi procurare possit, salvo semper suo jure et
dignitate. Putant enim propter incertum sui et Anglicani regni statum parum tutas
amicitias sine externo milite posse conciliari : a Franco tamen auxilia se impetraturos
non sperant : a Summo Pontifice vel Hispaniae Rege quaererent quidem lubentius, si
vel minima esset consequendi spes, et non dubitant paucorum militum externorum
numerum sibi fore satis, Italosque ceteris aptiores ad earn rem esse arbitrantur.
Interim ex nobilitate praecipui aliique multi nostrates sacerdotes Anglos libenter
suscipiunt, idque publice ac palam, nomine quidem exulum ex vicina Anglia (ut fit)
fugientium propter aliquid contra leges commissum, sed revera tamen et eorum sacris
occulte interesse et conciones audire desiderant. Linguae enirn fere nulla differentia
est, multosque ex nobilitate tam ferventes jam videmus ut si brevi conscientiae saltern
libertatem impetrare nequeant, patriam se relicturos et in alienis terris salutem
animarum suarum prosecuturos affirment : eosque vel id quoque multum ad hoc incitat
quod cernant nec sibi nec Regi puero quidquam tutum esse ab haereticis et suis et
Anglis, nec ullam esse spem consequendi post Reginae mortem regnimi Angliae, quod
Q2

116

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

illi jure materno debebitur, nisi per eatholieos et catholicae fidei professionem ; regnandi
enim cupiditas in hujusmodi rebus multum valet in omnem partem.
"Rei catholics precipui fautores et procuratores sunt dux Leonorii,1 comes Hunt-,
laeus, comes Eglingonius,2 comes de Argile, comes de Catnes,3 dynasta de Hume et
dynasta de Seton et alii aliquot magnates. Qui D. de Seton, pater illius D. Alexandri
Setonii non ante multos annos in Romano seminario educati, pollicetur se et chirographum procuraturum istorum omnium nobilium aliorumque quorundam et filiumsuum primogenitum obsidem daturum, si externum militem ea ratione ab ullo Principe
impetrare posset.
Inimici Imjus causae sunt ingratissimus Aranius, 4 nuper Regis benefìcio comes
creatus, cum ministris, id est, pseudo-sacerdotibus haereticorum. In civitatibus sunt
etiam plures haeretici quam catholici : interim tamen in ipsa urbe precipua Edinburgo
multi catholici sparsim inveniuntur, ita ut nostrum alter centum communicaverit hoc
Natali Domini.
Opinio etiam Scotorum est, quod suae gentis sacerdotes nee tarn tuto nee forte tarn
fructuose ibi hoc tempore degere queant atque Angli, qui exulum nomine (ut dixi)
recipiuntur ubique ; cum tamen serenissima Regina Scotorum timuerit ab initio Anglos
propter antiquum illorum inter se odium non potuisse fructuose laborare. Sed contrarium experti sumus ; maxime cum nobiles Scotos in principio pauciores, Anglos
paulo plures, sed non valde tamen multos esse expedire judicent. Qui Angli ad sustentationem hoc solo egent quod ad vestimenta comparanda et reliquas in itineribus
f aciendis expensas spectat, sine quibus subsidiis necessariis nihil agere possunt : cum
quibus tamen tanta spes illius gentis est et tantus amor causae ut vitam profundere non
dubitent, si eo modo possint hanc rem procurare.
Put ant etiam ipsi Scoti non inconveniens medium ad hoc propositum esse si a Rege
Catholico ad Scotiae Regem sub aliquo alio praetextu legatus mitteretur, qui viros
doctos apud se et prudentes et catholicam causam vehementer zelantes haberet. Ipsi
enim in curia semper versarentur et auribus Regis atque aulicorum instillarent quae ad
fidem catholicam et ad causae catholicae procurationem spectarent, et si Regi Catholico
ita videretur, matrimonium etiam inter Regis Catholici filiam et ipsum Regem tractarent : quod tamen Scoti propter Regis sui paupertatem non multum sperant.
Tempore Natalis Domini in domo dynastee de Seton celebravimus quotidie,
concionatique etiam sumus coram praecipua parte illius familiae quae numerosissima
est.
Sacerdotes vestri ex Gallia venientes ubique possunt appellere in Scotia; sed
portus Leth 5 est convenientissimus, qui non distat nisi sex milliaria a domo D. Setoni ;
quo quando aliquis eorum appulerit, debet certiorem facere D. Setonum de suo adventu. Ex doctioribus atque ad disputandum et concionandum aptioribus valde
.

ì

Lennox.

2

Eglinton.

3

Caithness.

4

Arran.

5

Leith.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

117

desiderante imprimisque (prseter illos quos P. Robertus 1 de Societate adducturus
speratur) cupiunt vestri collegii Gulielmum Reinoldum et Mauricium ac Richardum
Barrettum de Romano collegio, si carere potestis.
Ego de nobilium càtholicorum voluntate et ex Consilio socii ac compresbyteri mei
transivi satis tuto fines utriusque regni et Londinum veni, ut citius vobis ista indicarem
et ut videatis quid porro facto opus sit de supplemento sacerdotum, etc. Interim
sodalis meus manet in sedibus illustrissimi D. Setoni ad catholicae causae, dum revertor,
procurationem. Atque animus quidem erat hie Londini subsistendi doiiec responsum
a vobis aut a P. Roberto acceperim ; sed nunc consultius putatur hie ut continuo revertar, ne fines Scotise ac vise conci adantur propter motus quos hujus mutatioiiis metu
Aranius et pseudo-presbyteri dicuntur moliri contra Regem et Ducem Lenoxii : heri
enim venit de Scotia nuntius qui narrat Ordines iterum regia authoritate convpeandos
ad rescindenda quae antea contra catholicos in Scotia sancita sunt decreta ; atque in eo
loco (id est in palatio Ducis) designata esse comitia, quo Aranius et praedicti pseudoministri non sunt ausi venire ; atque propterea ipsos haereticos in armis- esse, eo praetextu ut ejiciant Ducem Lenoxii, quod exterus sit, ab omni gubernatione.
Atque ita quidem hoc praeterito Januario se habebant res Scotiae. Vestra
Reverentia de rebus omnibus vel Londinum vel Edinburgum in Scotiam per cyphras
scribere potest.
Prorsus in Scotia exolevit jejuiiandi religio, ex quo sacerdotes nostri cum comedere
recusent, saepe se immature cogentur prodere ad causae catholicae detrimentum.
Proinde videat Dominatio tua si sua Sanctitas velit dispensare, ubi necessitas urgebit,
de veseendo carnibus. Desideramus unum qui bene loquatur gallice ; nam D. Dux nullam
aliam linguam novit, quocuni tamen saepius agendum est. Mittite obsecro vestros
quam citissime : nos illis et viarn aperiemus et pericula si quae eminent ex haereticorum
vigilantia per Dei gratiam praeveniemus. Frustra addidero ut in banc Christi causam
strenue (ut ccepistis) incumbatis, aut ut pro nobis orari faciatis. Vale igitur mi
domine reverende. Ille illustris dominus, in cujus cyphra haec scribo, nos omnibus
modis juvat et consolatur, dominique sui nomine omnia pollicetur, ac de iisdem etiam
negotiis prolixe scribit ad vos hodie et ad Principes quosdam.2
1

F . Robert Persons.
Succedette un altra occasione o più presto necessità d'impiegare il P . Holto in Scotia; perche
essendo fatto morire nelli mesi passati e tagliata la testa al Conte Mortono, governatore di Scotia,
grande heretico e servitore della Kegina d' Inghilterra, ma inimico capitale della Eegina di Scotia che
stava presa in Inghilterra et delli catolici amici suoi, et essendo fatto governatore in loco suo Monsieur d'Obigni creato già Duca di Lenox, il quale favoriva secretamente la religione catolica, desiderava grandemente la detta Regina di Scotia che si mandassero presto a Scotia alcune persone che
potessero prudentemente promovere la causa catolica apresso il detto Duca et altri amici suoi, essendo
il Rè suo figliolo tenero ancora neh" età, cioè fra 14 o 15 anni, et il peso dell' governo nelle mani si
può dire de catolici, cioè dell' detto Duca e del Sig r Giacomo Stuarto, Conte d'Aran, capitan della
guardia del R è e del Baron Setono et altri amici della detta Regina madre presa. E così il P . Per2 u

118

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

LV.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Keims, 23 February, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of ^Westminster.

III., 29.

Jesus.
Reverende pater; Qui dabit R.V. has. literas vir est vere catholicus, vocatus
Ingramus Thwingus, ex generosa et clara familia, qui sanctissimo corniti Northumbrise
ab ista Regina martyrio sublato et ante diu a puero et postea in sacro pro religione
bello servivit : pro quo, et patria et fortunis omnibus privatus, diuturnum sustinuit
exilium ; diu militans in Belgica sub signis Catholicse Majestatis contra rebelles, et
varia bona officia etiam cum periculo vitse suae faciens interim pro restitutione religionis catholicae in Anglia, pro qua re etiam adhuc est quidvis facere paratus ad nostrum
vel prudentum judicium ac arbitrium. Sed nunc variis laboribus castrensibus corpore
detritus non potest in militiam proficisci ; et cum aliunde non habeat unde se alat
cogitur ad illam sacram anchoram fugere Sanctitatis suae ; sicut et ego ad vestram
pietatem, quae jam est mihi adeo cognita ut omnia ausim de vestra prompta voluntate
isti optimo viro polliceri, licet de eventu ac successu postulationis non ita possumus
esse certi : atque ille est bonus ac prudens, nee mirabitur si omnia ex desiderio suo,
vestro atque nostro non eveniant. Illustris dominus Englefildus utitur ilio in rebus
secretissimis, et ipse, credo, jam pridem ilium vel paternitati vestrae vel R. P. Gulielmo 1
prolixe commendavit. Si utriusque nostrum in hac re testimonium quidquam juvare
possit, uti potestis, prsesertim D. Englefildi, qui fortassis audietur citius quod rarius
sollicitat quam ego qui pro tarn multis interpello. Utimini in hac re voluntate et
judicio vestro. Et fortassis erit melius ut P. Gulielmus intercedat quam P. V., ne
consuetudine postulandi pro nobis vilescat mediatio vestra. Sed utamini vestro
sonio mandò la prima un sacerdote secolare Inglese chiamato Gruliermo Watz, che morì poi in Fiandra,
huomo prudente e pratico in quelle parti ; il quale andato la e ritornato a Londra con aviso di qualche
buona speranza, parve espediente di mandare ancora un altro padre della Compagnia insieme con
l'altro, e questo fu il P. Giglielmo Holto, il quale fin tanto che le cose della Scotia si rivolgevano di
nuovo . . . utilmente travagliò in quella vinea." Punti della missione d' Inghilterra per l'anno
1581, by F. Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 19. These notes were written by F. Persons in 1605,
many years after the incidents related had taken place. This will account for some confusion in
what he says about the date of F. Holt's mission to Scotland. At p. 32 of the same MS. he observes ;
' ' P. Grasparo Hayvodo, che restò superiore in Inghilterra [after F. Persons' departure] vedendosi solo
per il martirio del P. Campiano e partita del P. Holto a Scotia, come s'è detto, benché restavano in
prigione due altri de nostri, cioè Mettamo e Pondo, dimandò più aiuto." Now since F. Campion was
martyred December 1, 1581, and F. Holt had apparently been sent to Scotland before this date, he
must have been the father of the Society who spent the winter at Edinburgh, according to the
statement of William Watts in Dr. Allen's letter.
' F. William Good.

119

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

arbitrio, ac pro ratione temporum facite. Tantum significo me bene isti optimo viro
velie. Sicut etiam multo magis cupio cuidam socio suo hie apud me degenti, D.
Roberto Heyhingtono, cujus fìlium vos habetis, prsedicto Corniti martyri, D. Englefildo
et mihi intimo ; qui cum liberis pulsus a patria jam diu et illustrissimse Comitissse a
secretis, ac tandem ab ipsa etiam propter imminutas fortunas dimissus, cogitur ad nos
di verter e interim dum Deus provideat ; ^et hie desiderat etiam vel seorsim licet absens
(quia pro imbecillitate et setate tantum iter facere non potest) vel conjunctus cum alio
supplicare, quia pene par est utriusque fortuna. Sed nollem dum utrique beneficium
fieri cupimus neutri bene consulere, et quid in eorum negotio sequendum sit ex re illic
nata paternitas vestra, adhibito r. patre confessarlo, decernere melius potest : quare
totam causam Deo et charitati vestry commendo et committo. Et hoc generaliter a
me et de meis postulatis vobis notum esse volo, nolle nos petitionibus privatorum
hominum vel dignissimorum mihique amantissimorum quidquam impedire bonum collegiorum aut nationis commune. Proinde id totum vestrse prudentise considerandum
semper sine omni exceptione relinquo. Ohristus Jesus vos conservet. Remis,
23 Feb, 1582.
V. R. in Christo conservus,
G. ALANUS,

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglicani rectori, vel
R. P. Gulielmo Good, [ejujsdem collegii confessarlo. Romam.

LVI.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 23 February, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

I l l , 25.

Jesus, Maria.
Reverende in Christo pater ; Hos omnes, numero octo, illustrissimi D. Protectoris
nostri gratia ac dementia tuaque charitate confisus, in collegium cooptandos commendo ; cunctos ilia sanctissima Romana institutione et tutela ac amore vestro (uti
sane spero) dignos. 1. Gulielmus Chadocus, 2. Joannes Richardi, 3. Oliverius Almundus,
4, Petrus Fletcherus, 5. Gulielmus Powelus, 6. Edmundus Arosmitheus, 7. Edoardus
Olcornus, 8. Hugo Scrivinerus. Omnes sunt logici vel phisici prseter primum, qui est
ad theologiam valde aptus et nonnihil in ea versatus, atque ad omnem pietatem ac
humilitatem maxime et natura et gratia compositus, caeterosque omnes habeo pro
mitissimis. Si videbitur, potestis eos sistere coram benignissimo Protectore nostro,
ad quem etiam pro ipsis scripsi, csetera committéns vestrae relationi. Frustra scrip-

120

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

sero reliqua, cum interim dum illi sunt in itinere aliquoties scribendum sit. Dóminus
ergo Jesus vos vestrosque omnes mihi dilectissimos conservet. Remis, 23 Feb.,
1582.
V. R. P. in Christo confrater et conservus,
G. ALANUS,

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Aga[zz]erio, collegii Anglorum
[in U]rbe rectori pru [dentiss]imo mihique observandissimo. Romam.

LVII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 3 March, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 47'.

Reverende mi pater, intimeque dilecte confrater ; Liter is P.V. 22 Januarii datis
licet mihi meisque propter multas suavissimas consolationes vestras miriflce gratis,
tamen propter bidui adversam valetudiiiem et aliqua negotia turn urgentia non potui
mox respondere. Sed interim scholares versus vos iter ceperunt, onusti literis et aliis
quibusdam rebus ; et alise liter se vestrse veniunt nobis similiter jucundissimse cum aliquot
impressis Brevis Apostolici exemplaribus. Unde plane spero fore ut per summam Dei
in nos misericordiam ad unum aut alterum annum ab hac ingenti rei familiaris solicitudine meorumque necessitatibus utcunque vel levemur vel liberemur ; qua re ita
his annis fui gravatus animo et corpore ut pene tsederet vivere. Sed sit benedictus
Deus, et sit benedicta anima tua, quae per ipsius gratiam nobis hsec tanta charitatis
officia indies prsestat.
Maxima spes consequendi aliquid insignis adjumenti est in Italia et Hispania ; et
illic in Italia quidem eo magis quod sumus per vos assecuti tales principes, patronos et
procurators pro quibus sicut pro cseteris adjutoribus nostris in Domino incipimus jam
et publice et privatim orare. Sed cupimus scire nomina illorum, maxime quatuor
prselatorum tarn sanctorum. In Hispania si idem vel simile patrocinium possemus
nancisci, summum etiam ibi divines misericordise proventum expectare possemus ; sed
quam viam insistere debeamus pro ilia collectione prorsus sum incertus, turn quia ibi
non habemus apud principes ac prselatos tales adjutores, turn quia status afflictionum
nostrarum Britannicarum non est ibi summis viris ita cognitus sicut Romanis et Italis.
Si mitteremus duos nostrates sacerdotes illuc cum Brevi Apostolico tantum, vel constitueremus illic jam apud illustrissimam Comitissam 1 vel dominum Engleflldum
commorantes qui eleemosynas peterent ac colligérent, certe non ita multum videntur
1

Perhaps the Duchess of Feria is meant. She was for a time Countess of Feria before her husband was made Duke.

121

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

eollàturi. Proiride noluimus rem in Hispania aggredi nisi vestro prius cognito judicio
et Consilio ; praesertim cum sciam quantum haec res sit cordi amplissimo et pientissimo
amico nostro, D. Hieronimo Hurtado ; pro quo misi ad vos per scholares quaedam de
martyrio nostratium tempore Henrici V i l i . Quicquid ergo faciendum nobis significaveritis faciemus sine mora, et quicquid vos feceritis vel erga Hispaniam, quas nunc
etiam continet Lusitaniam, vel alias partes Christian! or bis, id totum erit ratum atque
summe gratum et (uti spero) erit quoque Deo gratissimum sacrificium. De Superiori
etiam Germania quomodo transigemus adbuc nihil est nobis constitutum, et abierit
fortasse quadragesima haec, antequam tam longe dissitae provinciae obiri queant. Cupimus etiam de collecta illius provinciae habere consilium vestrum, quia sunt in collegio
Germanico et in Societate vestra qui quid nobis faciendum sit salubriter suggérere
possint. Scribite ergo quaeso vos quamprimum, si nos ad illas et Hispanicas provincias mittere ex nostris debeamus, an aliquid aliud consilium et viam inire. Hoc ipso
die mittimus D. Baileum nostrum Parisios qui cum plenis mandatis et instructionibus persequatur rem in illa civitate et agat cum reverendissimo D. Nuntio
Apostolico ac provinciali Societatis vestrae in Francia, qui sunt nobis deditissimi, ut
secundum illorum consilium in Gallia et vicinis locis, nempe Lotharingia et Sabaudia,
agamus per procuratore^ : licet ex his vicinis locis propter bellorum continuos motus
non multum expectemus ; et populus, qui videtur multum nobis tribuere quod cum
ipso et per ipsius hospitalitatem hic pacifice degamus, si multum ab ilio etiam
peteremus quod in suorum pauperum usum cedere debeat, fortassis paulo iniquius
ferret : sed utemur moderatione omni et amicissimorum virorum consiliis.
Quicunque erunt hujus sacraa eleemosynaa vel a vobis ibi procurati vel a nobis
constituti collectores debent pecunias omnes, cum venerint ad aliquam justam summam,
deponere apud collegia Societatis vestrae, ut possint superiorum illorum collegiorum
prudentia consignari mercatoribus earum civitatum ubi habitant vel propinquarum
urbium, qui possint opportuno tempore Lutetiam vel Lugdunum ad collegium vestrum
ibi per literas cambii vel alio modo facere. Nam alioqui collectores non possunt tuto
deferre secum pecunias collectas : quod maxime observandum est in Superioris Germanise provinciis, unde non est tam facilis ratio cambii aut commercii. In Hispania
quod colligitur potest vel per dominam Ducissam l vel per D. Engleflldum vel optime
fortasse mediantibus patribus ad oratorem Regis Catholici in Gallia [mitti]. 2 Scribo
nunc de tota hac re vage et incerte, quia absum a vestris melioribus consiliis et
colloquiis longius ; sed Deus, qui in vobis incoepit hoc sanctum opus, perfìciet (ut
spero) et in proximis Uteris suggeretis nobis plura. De Italia non sum sollicitus,
quia vos estis praesentes ; sed maxima cura est ut recte res tractetur in Hispaniis.
Jllse literse vel Sanctissimi D. N. vel illustrissimorum Cardinalium ad quosdam Hispaniaa Germaniaeque in causae commendationem multum proderunt. Quod de il-lis
1

2

Duchess of Feria, by birth J a n e Dormer.
R

W o r d added to complete the sense.

122

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

habendis spes esset scripsit P. Fabricius, prsefectus studiorum, cujus mihi primae
literee erant sane jucundissimae ; quarum quoad delectum scholarium ero semper
memor. Rescribam ad ilium hoc tempore, si minimum mihi tempus concedatur, sin
minus vice proxima. Ilium multum diligo, quia diligit vobiscum gentem nostram, et
fuit mihi S96pe a R. P. Rob. 1 nostro unice commendatus et pro Britannia nostra
desideratus.
Spero istos juvenes quos jam ante 7 dies in viam misimus et bonos et valde
idoneos esse. Misimùs sane octo. De numero scripsi etiam ad illustrissimum Protectorem. Dabunt V. P. literas cum quatuor paribus chirothecarum. Unum est quod,
me inscio, errore sed amore cujusdam ex meis accidit ; nimirum ut Novum Testamentum non adhuc absolutum mitteretur Creswello meo: quod factum nolebam
omnino antequam opus esset perf ectum ; nee volui ut alumnorum quisquam haberet
illic vel hinc mitteret, antequam collegium haberet a me reprsesentatum vobis. Porro
etiam reverendissimus D. Assaphensis, qui dedit in impressionem aliquot aureos et
continuo unum exemplar expeetat ac postulat, segre ferret sibi non esse satisfactum
Eeque ac scholaribus. Proinde rogo R. V. ut Creswello nostro mandet ne cuiquam
communicet librum antequam reliqua exemplaria mittantur, sed ut vel V. R. det vel
apud se secretissime servet. Ego ante ejus discessum qui portare dicitur nihil cognovi
prorsus nee suspicabar.
Spero vos accepisse chartas depictas persecutionis Anglicana cum poemate. Ilia
Epistola de Persecutione Anglicana non a nostra officina prodiit ; quod addo ne quisquam
suspicetur me ejus fuisse author em : sed amicus noster et vester fecit.2 Pauca
sapienti ; et sunt justse causae cur adhuc author prodi non debeat. Estote bono animo
quia nos sumus optimo. Pene superavimus difficultatem in Anglia, et undique elucet
Dei virtus et spes nostra. Magis piget hostes persecutionis quam nos tolerantise et
sufferentise. Passim in vicos sparguntur et ad valvas affiguntur carmina latine,
graece, anglice in laudem martyrum; 3 adeo ut dicantur 30 studiosi, quod essent de
editis poemati[bu]s in mortem et martyrium P. Campiani encomiasticis suspecti, fugisse
ex academia Oxoniensi et ad nos cogitare. Si ista collecta procedat, non curamus quam
multi veniant, imo etiam invitabimus. Unus juvenis, qui dicebatur in tota Insula
excellentissimus musicus, ex Cantabrigiensi academia adornabat ad nos fugam cum
duobus aliis qui nunc appulerunt. Erat quodam infortunio captus ad littus et
1

F. Robert Persons.
F. Robert Persons, author of the Epistola de Persecutione Anglica. Romae et Ingolstadii, 1582.
• 3 " Infinitus est numerus librorum, dialogorum, discursuum, carminum, quas facta fuerunt et. edita,
partim impressa partim scripta, in laudem horum martyrum [F. Campion and his companions] et
yituperium adversariorum, quibus omnia quae circa eos contingunt tractata sunt, comprehensiones,
incarcerationes, tormenta, disputationes, judicia, responsa, condemnationes et mortes ipsae. Adversarii fremunt sed frustra : ipsi enim pueri resistunt eis in faciem et exprobrant crudelitates in servos
Dei. Duo reperti sunt nuper in academia Oxoniensi qui carmina publicaverant, astate fere pueri : alter
virgis caesus fuit, alter vero aufugit." F. Persons to F. Agazzari, 1 March, 1582. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 28.
2

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

123

reductus Londinum ad Reginas secretarium ; et examinatus ab ilio cur vellet deserere
academiam suam et ad nos trajicere, excusans se ut potuit quod vellet linguas
externas discere moresque alios videre, jussus est redire ad suam universitatem : pecunia
etiam largiter data, et commendatitiae literae ad illius collegii praesidentes ut ipsi in
omnibus prospiceretur ne quidquam ad vitam et studia deesset, datis etiam comitibus ne
alio verteret cursum ; nee gravius statuerunt, blanditiis et pollicitationibus eos tenentes.
Sed si Deus dederit ex hac sua providentia panem ad vescendum et vestimentum quo
operiantur, ego possum ex optimis quibusque ingeniis evocare ; cum ex opulentia ad
istam paupertatem ac tenuitatem homines tarn avide veniant. Atque tunc (quod
dictum cupio P. Fabricio Pallevicino vestro) dabimus excellentiores quosque homines.
Quod unus 1 ex nostris coram sua Sanctitate cum laude oraverit abunde laetamur :
quod vero quotannis 2 ex collegio ilio quispiam facere debeat est valde honorificum,
benignissimoque Protectori nostro video nos multum debere. Proxima vice, si aetas
non impediat, mittam fratrem Christophori Oweni, in quo erit fortasse in ilio genere
aliquid native energise : laudatur a praeceptoribus suis. Eecepimus supra 300 aureos
pro domino Georgio Gilberto. Illi summam exacte signifìcabimus ut possit illi ibi per
vestram reverentiam de nostra pecunia tantundem exsolvi ; quae via visa est utrique
parti maxime f acilis. Mandavi Thomas Coverto nostro ut mox post receptam schedulam
cambii et pecuniam a vobis per eandem nobis consignatam V. R. semper agnoscat
solutionem; admonui etiam ut nullum prestereat nuntium quin de rebus Anglicis aut
nostris aliquid scribàt, ne forte literae nostras tardius quam pro singulis nuntiis
Lutetiam veniant ; quod saepe accidit. Si Gilbertum 3 recipiendum putetis, quia ejus
salutem propter optimos parentes et sui etiam causa vehementer cupimus, expèriemur
aliquandiu. Scribit ad me humillimas literas, culpam priorem partim excusans, partim
deprecans. Pollicetur omnem obedientiam, omnes labores suos omnemque conformationem sine omni exceptione. Ego scribo ad ipsum. Cura quaeso, pater, ut ipsi
dentur hae literae. Baileus etiam facile sperat, quia amat ipsum. Meos istic omnes
diligo nunc vere in Christo, quia undique ad me scribitur cunctos in summa pace et
erga vos obedientia vivere gnaviterque studere ; quo certe nihil mini in rebus mortalibus potest esse nunc optabilius. Meum Gulielmum Haukesworthum propter sanguinis
conjunctionem summe cupio bonum et doctum esse. Ipsum vestro amori, PP. confessarli, praefecti, et optimi P. ministri, quanto est fragilior tanto commendo magis.
Biscopus 4 fuit captus in portu, sua vel simplicitate vel divina Providentia, cum
1

2
3
John Cornelius, martyr, 4 July, 1594.
On St. Stephen's day.
Gilbert Gifford.
" Capti sunt nuperrime tres ex vestris sacerdotibus, Arthurus Pittus, Georgius Haddocus et
Bishopus. Quorum priores duo eodem die Londini simul cum juvenibus quibusdam nobilibus comprehensi ; Bishopus in portu examinatus cum subdubie responderet retentus est, cum eodem tempore
duo alii sacerdotes eo quod alacriter et expedite loquerentur dimittebantur. Petebant a Bishopo
quodnam genus vitae profiteretur ? Respondit ille mercaturam.
Iterum quaesitum est, quarum
mercium ? Ble obticuit ; et cum paulo vehementius urgeretur, fassus est se esse sacerdotem. Unde
postero die ad Concilium regium ductus const an tissimam fecit fidei confessionem et in carcerem conR 2
4

124

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

alii duo sacerdotes nostri in ejus comitatu sine omni periculo aut questione evaserint.
Seipsum ita quasi aperuisse vel prodidisse dicitur, ut ipse portus praefectus fuerit,
vel invitus, coactus ipsum ad Consilium mittere. Quid postea evenerit non audio
hactenus. Sic scribit P. Eobertus, qui non potest adhuc consequi acta publica in
beatorum martyrum condemnation, secundum quae cupimus prolixam et particularem historiam scribere ; alioquin jam pridem dedissemus aliquid tale praelo. Quidam
est etiam incertus rumor quod Arthurus Pits et nescio quis alius inciderit in manus
hostium. Sed ego obtundo vos tarn longa narratione et oculos etiam offendam hac
rudi et veloci scriptione, sed parcite amori; petoque a V. P. meisque omnibus ut mei
peccatoris aliquando hoc sacro tempore reminiscantur apud sanctos Apostolos et
Martyres. P. Fabritii epistola habuit aliquid de mittenda nobis oratione Cornelii
nostri ; sed non comparet. Scribemus forsan literas ad reverendissimum D. Datarium
in gratiarum actionem, quas P. V. tradet. Vide si non sint petendi© literal patentes
E. P. mei Patris Generalis ad collegia sua ubicunque locorum, ut nostros procuratores,
cum ad ipsa pervenerint, dignentur juvare et collectam pecuniam transmittere modo
quo possunt eommodiori, etc. Christus Jesus V. P. diutissime in sua charitate custodiat. Eemis, 3 Martii, 1582.
V. E. P. filius et conservus in Domino,
G. ALANUS.

Dignetur E. V. solvere 10 scuta D. Gulielmo Wiges, si petat, pro totidem hie
depositis.
Addressed,
Eeverendo P. reetori collegii Anglorum. Eomae.
LVIII.
Dr William Allen to K Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Paris, 28 March, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 63.

Ex variis jam pridem Eoma prsesertim EE.PP. Gulielmi et Fabricii itemque D.
Gilberti literis intellexi tuam r. febre et catarro his diebus laborasse: de quo et nostra
et vestra et multorum causa doleo ; sed illud me. bene habuit quod prsedicti amici
adscripserant vos convalescere jam, nee morbum fuisse gravem. De illis Literis Apostolica magna omnibus spes ; de quibus coacti sumus hoc tempore Lutetiam venire, cum
jectus est. Tamen non multis probatur tanta simplicitas apud astutissimas vulpes. Sed quid dicemus? Deus mirabilis est in Providentia sua nobis incognita. Admonebatur Bishopus hujus rei
turn cum mare ingressurus erat, sed ille rerum divinarum meditationi tarn intentus videbatur ut rerum
humanarum plane oblivisceretur. Forsan hoc voluit Deus còntingere ut adversarius cerneret minime
esse deterritos homines recenti martyrum nece quominus incceptum opus animose prosequantur."
F. Persons to F. Agazzari. 1 March, 1582. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 27.

125

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

praesentia D. Bailei non judicaretur satis. Reverendissima D. Nuntius Apostolicus
multis modis nobis favet, habuitque peculiare a sua Sanctitate mandatum ; tamen neque
Parisiis neque in Galliis expectamus multum, colligendi enim modum convenientem
qualem istie sequimini non inibunt. Facimus in earn rem omnia quae possumus per
patronos, amicos, nos ipsos ; et patres (quantum licet) urgent non solum hie per se sed
per universam Galliam. Fiat voluntas Domini. Si exurgat in Italia et Hispania
summa aliqua magna su[pra] quam nunc ad solutionem debitorum et annuam sustentationem suffecerit, et aliquid nostratibus extra collegium constitutis impertiri potest,
et reliqua pecunia potest nostro, id est, collegii hujus nomine illic vestro Consilio in
aliquem montem meliori et tutiori quo potest modo transferri, ut Venturis continuis
collegii impensis provideatur. Hac enim provisione nimis large effusa et consumpta,
non est quod alium ullum modum faciendi pecuniam expectemus. Ubi autem de
collecta pecunia quae supererit collocanda constitutum erit, cupio mihi mitti conceptam
formularci procuratori! juxta quam queam instrumentum authenticum nostro et
collegii Remensis nomine vobis et. rectoribus collegii Romani futuris mittere ad totius
illius negotii procurationem. Reverende pater, dicat quaeso V. R. Joanni Pricio nos
recepisse a patre ipsius 100 aureos; pro fratre ejus apud nos 50, pro ipso alios 50; quos
potestis accipere de provisione nostra et in rationes vestras nostrasque ducere. Curavimus hie excudi patrum Consilio Literas Apostolicas gallice. Multum juvabit collectam illic apud vos libellus de Persecutione Anglicana quern scripsit P. Robertus ; sed
hoc non debet ab omnibus sciri. Sed ita cursitando istas plateas Lutetianas sum
occupatus et defessus ut non vacet plura ad V. R. P. nee ad alios scribere. Igitur vale,
multum in Domino dilectissime. Parisiis, [2J8 1 Martii, 1582.
Vester,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

Tradantur quaeso hae literae illustrissimo Cardinali Senonensi, quibus ipsi gratias
agimus, etc.
Addressed.
Reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii Anglicani rectori. Romae.
LIX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J. Reims, Easter Monday, 16 April, 1582.
From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 65.

Pax Christi.
Literse V. R.P. 19 Martii dataa eo nomine fuere gratiores quod post aegritudinem
vestram erant primae, et quasi convalescentiae nuntiae. Neque enim potest aliquid lse1

The figure 2 is worn away in the MS- but has been supplied in the text from an old endorsement
on the letter.

126

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

tius nobis minò Roma scribi quam te bene valere, in quo tam multa erga nos nationemque nostram sita sunt ; cum et ceetera plurima antea et nunc ingentia tam spiritualist
quam corporalia istinc afflictissimis rebus nostris vestra in primis opera dimanent
bona : quae dum procuras, no]lem (id tamen quidem certe vereor) nimia in nos cura ac
animi anxietate valetudinem lsedi tuam, nedum ulla illorum dyscolorum juvenum ve]
ingratitudine vel incivilitate animum angi tuum. Faciunt illi cum tentatione proventum, cum agitatione clariorem virtutem tuam, nobisque vivis nunquam per Dei
gratiam proficient. Proinde macte virtute, pater et collega amantissime : sit animus
tuus in ilio corpusculo fragili insuperabilis. Meus spiritus jam diu ad omnes adversos
casus per Deum induruit ; sed et consolationibus ab ilia Urbe vestra et collegio
repletus est.
Literse clarissimi domini Hieronimi Hurtadi, qui est amicus meus a Deo datus, et
diarissimi domini Georgii Gilberti mirifice sunt nos omnes consolate, sed et pudore
nos profecto affecerunt quod cernamus illam Urbem ita esse affectam pro nostris miseriis ut nos ipsi nec illas preces nec illas lachrymas nec illam pietatem nec illam sympathiam Anglicanarum calamitum adhibeamus. Et ego certe sic sentio, gentem nostram
(nisi Dei hic Consilia de nobis sint valde profunda) tanto omnium studio Sedisque
Apostoliche labore conqusesitam non posse perire, salutemque nostram propiorem esse
quam putemus. Saltern, mi pater, spes non confundit, et pro eo laborare ac certare
usque ad mortem mihi quidem est necessarium, tibi autem meritorium nimis per
omnem modum.
Quod dominus Georgius scribit de quorundam alumnorum vestrorum, flliorum
meorum cbarissimorum, studio, diligentia ac zelo in emendicatione stationaria pro nobis
vehementer placuit, non propter emolumentum adeo, sed propter pium et Christianum
affectum quo nostros esse imbutos summopere semper laetor. Multo tamen pulchrius
et mirabilius visum est illud totum quod descripsit sigillatim de quadragena prece et
personis variis temporibus earn obeuntibus cseterisque quae flunt et dicuntur a concionatoribus circa istam collectam. Omnia sunt plena divinissimi solatìi. D. Gilbertus
insinuavit snis Uteris posse hujusmodi indulgentiam obtineri pro nobis propter similem
precem quadraginta horarum. Sed nos nullam habemus ecclesiam nostram, et earn
qua utimur vix concedunt ad unam alteramve missam quotidie faciendam, ita est parochialibus occupata officiis, et praeterea excitaret nobis vel invidiam vel suspicionem
apud rudiorem populum ac etiam religiosos nonnullos, quos omni diligentia et officio
placatos cupimus, ut habitatio nostra sit pacifica. Quae res fecit ut prudentum Consilio
judicetur nullo modo expedire ut Breve Apostolicum de conferenda nobis eleemosyna
hic legatur vel publicetur, atque nec in vicinis quidem urbibus hujus dioecesis vel provincial Pauperes enim et religiosi mendicantes multum de nobis putarentur conques
turi quod populi eleemosynas ab ipsis interciperemus. Illustrissimus D. Cardinalis a
Guisia, hujus loci archiepiscopus, cui ego Parisiis tradidi illustrissimi D. Protectoris de
ea re literas, lubentissime fecisset quid vis, sed putavit potius (quod et nos ac amici

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

127

prudentissimi judicarunt) ut secreto tantum a quibusdam devotioribus personis subsidium peteretur, quibus Breve suae Sanctitatis ostendi possit non minore commodo
quam si publiearetur. Atque sua Celsitudo dedit jam pridem centum coronatos nobis,
dicitque se in singulos annos daturum; quod est multum in Principe juvene et in aula
exhausta. Vel hac vice vel proxima scribam literas pro actione gratiarum ad illustrissimum D. Protectorem pro tarn variis hujus causa collectae scriptis ad praelatos Uteris,
quibus se mire nostri faventem ostendit ; et petam ab ipso ut dignetur uno verbulo
scribere ad praedictum Cardinalem de Guisia, ut significet hoc quod praestitit nobis esse
sibi, imo suae Sanetitati, pergratum : quod faciet ipsum (sicut mihi pollicitus est) imposterum etiam idem praestare ; nam hujusmodi principes multum commoventur talibus
collaudationibus. Sive hoc tempore sive proximo meae ad Protectorem literae ad vos
venerint, dignetur tua paternitas easdem tradere, et agere apud ipsius secretarium ut
tales ad Cardinalem Guisium scribantur literae. Et licet hie non publicentur Literae
Pontificis, tamen concionator quadragesimalis in magno tempio vir excellens nostram
causam incredibili vi dicendi agit, et hominibus ecclesiasticis aliisque melioris notae
vir is etiam Pontificis voluntatem ac literas ostendit ; sicut et dominus Frisonius facit,
qui est potens in hac civitate et multa nobis bona praestat. Ac nonnihil quidem pecuniarum et vini aliquot vasa nobis boni dederunt hac quadragesima. Caeterum ex
Galliis nunquam speravi magnani fore collectam. 30 pene diebus partim Bayleus,
partim ipse Parisiis fuimus, tamen, vel reverendissimo D. Nuntio instante apud Episcopum et concionatores, vix ante discessum nostrum poterat ulla colligendi utilis ratio
inveniri. Suggessimus modum Romanum quo utimini ; sed [non] inveniebantur praelati qui id facerent. Aliqui tamen habent magnam spem ; sed quid sit futurum pauci
dies declarabunt. Covertus est mire diligens. Caeteri qui in ilia urbe no biles et alii
ex clero sparsim vivunt non apponunt manum ad opus ; incipiunt tamen mussitare et
vendicare partem futuri emolumenti ; de quo latius scribam ad D. Gilbertum. Quicquid sit, quia aliquid magni in tam multis nationibus erogar! est verisimile, ego non
modo contidenter recipiam dignos quosque adventantes (quotidie autem veniunt) sed
animus est evocare quosdam ingenio magis claro éruditioneque aut indole insignes et
praemiis quasi allicere ; quod antea non potui facere. Habebo enim, si possum, secretum procurator em Oxonii, Cantabrigiae et etiam Londini, qui continuo notabunt et
tractabunt cum talibus ut ad nos concedant, ac, si opus fuerit, etiam viaticum nostro
nomine dent. Sed de his hactenus.
Scripsi ante mensem de pecunia domini Gilberti, quam desideravimus illic per
vos ipsi solvi de nostra pensione vel aliunde nunc ex ilia collecta. Ipse quoque
proximis literis ad me de eadem re scripsit ; atque quod attinet ad rationes discriminis
in commutatione, licet nobis multum (ut scitis) perderetur si demus pistoletum pro pistoleto, cum Parisiis semper accipiamus coronatum gallicum pro scuto àuri in auro, tamen
quia omnia debemus domino Gilberto, non est opus esse exactos aut scrupulosos :
quod adscribo quia ipse in suis literis hoc postulat ut possit recipere pro pistoleto hic

128

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

pistoletum vel scutum auri in auro apud vos. Sum contentus; nam omnia sua
nostra sunt et nostra sua.
Video vos misisse 500 scuta Parisios per proximas literas, et in his primitias
collects sanctse. Sit benedictus Deus. Veniunt illse pecuniae tempestive, quia nunc
solvimus pro impressione Testamenti et alterius libri quern Martinus l fecit. Sed hei
mihi, pater, vereor ne Martinus quoque pereat nobis secundum hoc saeculum, nam
incidit in eum plane morbum quo Bristous 2 pridem extinctus est. Fiant, qua3SO, pro
ilio a sodalibus illic nostris orationes et sacrificia. Si ilio privemur etiam, sicut jam
pridem caremus Bristoo, debemus necessario petere Barettum propter istos quos nunc
expectamus ; sed de hac re alias fusius. De ilio Duacensi Lentuilero, cui ad instantiam
cujusdam patris Societatis mutuo dedistis aliquot aureos nobis hie reddendos, nihil hactenus satisfactions sentio, et pene sumus exclusi ab omni illorum locorum commercio ;
ita miles omnes vias occupai Si quid obveniat postea intra illud tempus quod debitori
preescripsistis signifieabo.
Scribit ad me P. Engeamus de quodam familiari quondam suo, musices perito,
quern apud nos esse audierat. Sed hie non est quisquam eo nomine aut arte excellens
aut multum exercitatus, quod sciam. Sunt duo aut tres qui mediocriter tantum
cantant, et unus qui organis scit, sed notabiliter nullus ; vix etenim mediocritatem
attigerunt ; et eos misissem aut imposterum mitterem, si non essent viri provecti et
jam parum ad studia ac disciplinam vestram accommodate Si vultis tamen dabimus,
Sed si ex Anglia pueri in ea scientia educati evocarentur, melius esset consultum vestro
choro : vix enim, ut nunc sunt tempora, reperiemus ullos qui et catholici sint et bonarum
literarum ac musices gnari. Tentabimus tamen omnia. Scripsit ea de re ad P. Rob.
etiam D. Gilbertus. Saluta, quseso, optimum patrem ministrum, cujus desiderio in
hac re sancto vere cupio satisfactum esse. Multam etiam salutem p. prsefecto studiorum, P. Mutio charissimo, ac reliquis coadjutoribus nostris amantissimis, denique
optimo patri meo Gulielmo Good, cujus literas recipio et lego lubenter et earum
omnia puncta recondo apud me semper diligentissime, licet ad singula scribere non
soleam. Vale, mi pater dulcissime. Valeant omnes dilectissimi mihi juvenes. Remis,
2 feria Paschse, 1582.
Vester totus,
ALANUS.

Cum P. Goro Parisiis locutus sum quse videbantur mihi necessaria. Credo quod
dimiserit priores cogitationes. Vivit solitarie et melancholice. Facit tamen sacrum,
ut opinor, quotidie. De paupertate questus est apud me et quod justo metu sui et
amicorum non posset ire in Angliam,
Addressed.
Reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, collegii Anglicani in Urbe rectori
[prude]ntissimo. Romae.
1

The Rev. Gregory Martin.

3

Dr Richard Bristow ( + 14 October, 1581).

129

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

LX.
Dr William Allen to Pope Gregory XIII.

St. Denis, 24 April, 1582.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
Vaticano, Inghilterra, Vol. I., pag. 227).

{Archivio

Beatissime Pater.
Etsi raro ac timide propter excelsam dignitatem tuam ipse ad te scribo, et frequentissimis postulatis nostris vel clementissimi Protectoris nostri vel illustrissimi
Cardinalis Comensis patrocinio ac intercessione annuere soleas, tamen facit nunc
negotii 1 ac desiderii nostri magnitudo ut meis etiam Uteris Sanctitatem tuam confidentius alloquar. Lator igitur prsesentium r. pater Gulielmus Creyttonius e Societate
Nominis Jesu, in Scotiam ante aliquot menses superiorum jussu profectus, rediit his
diebus cum amplissimis ab illius gentis principibus viris mandatis ac instructionibus
1
" Another cause also of my coming over [from England to France] was to make a mission of Scotch
fathers into Scotland, which by letters I had procured before from the General, and F . E d w . Hayes
and F . William Critton were appointed, but first to take direction from me : wherfore upon conference with F . Critton at Roan, he went into Scotland and I sent Rafe Emerson with him and
promised to expect his returne at Roan, as I did. F . Critton returned in April, 1582, and brought
answer from the Duke of Lenox, then governor of Scotland and of t h e young King, to the full
contentment of the Duke of Guise (with whome we had conferred before att his house at Ewe,
in Normandy about the advancement of the Catholic cause in both realmes of England aud
Scotland and for the delivery of t h e Q. of Scotts then prisoner) and therupon we repayriDg
t o him againe to give him the answer, he first gave me a hundred pound a yeare for a seminary of
English youth in Ewe, and the fathers gave me the use of a house for them : whereupon I called
Mr Man, otherwise Chambers, to the government thereof: it lasted until the yeare 1588 that the
Duke was slayne. After this established, he went to Paris with us and calling thither D r Allen
and F . Claudius Matthseus he consulted in Paris with the Pope's Nuncius, the Archbishop of Grlasco
and the Spanish embassador ; in which consultation it was agreed that I must needes be sent to
Spaine and F . Critton to Rome to propose the necessities of both kingdomes for restoring the
catholic religion. W e departed from Paris primo Maii, and I arryved in Lisboe 15 J u n e with noe
small paines."—Autobiographical notes by F . Persons. Stonyhurst M S S . P . 229.
" Tornato il P . Crittono e riferito il stato delle cose in Scotia, si congregarono in Parigi il
Nuncio Apostolico, vescovo di Rimini, insieme con l'arcivescovo di Glasco, Scozzese, ambasciatore
della Regina di Scotia che stava prigione, e Gio. B a t t a Tassis, ambasciatore del R e Cattolico, et
il Duca di Guiza ; et alla medesima consulta chiamarono il P . Claudio Matteo, provinciale di
Francia, et il dottor Alano, presidente del seminario di Rhemis : e t u t t i furono di parere che si
dovesse rappresentare il caso a P a p a Gregorio X I I I . et al Re di Spagna ; e per esser negotio della
religione e di tanta importanza e bisogno, determinarono che andasse al P a p a il P . Crittono et al Re
di Spagna il P . Personio, i quali, benché vedevano le difficoltà di cosi lunghi viaggi, tuttavia commandandoglilo il Nuncio Apostolico e persùadendoglilo li altri non pottetero ricusare."—Punti della
Missione d'Inghilterra by F . Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P . 34. Compare the despatch in cipher of
the Nuncio at Paris to the Cardinal of Como, 22 May, 1582. First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 337.
A joint letter from F . William Creytton and F . Edmund H a y to F . Agazzari, Paris, 16 January, 1582,
shows that the former had not left France at that date. Archives of the see of Westminster. I I I . , 7.

S

'

130

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

ad S. V. et suam Matem Catholicam, jussus antea, quia negotium ad Anglise quoque
nostrse salutem pertinebat, R mo D. Glasguensi, serenissimo Regino Scotio oratori, et
mihi rem omnem communicare. Convenimus in locum a domino oratore constitutum,
collocuti sumus, consensimus summam esse pro utraque natione et (nisi faliimur) pene
postremam rei bene gerendo occasionem. Judicavimus quoque primo ac eodem tempore P. Creyttonium ad B. V. et R. P. Robertum Personium, rerum Anglicarum
totiusque causae scientissimum hominem, ad serenissimum Regem Hispaniarum
mittendos. Quia ergo utramque nàtionem salvam esse cupimus, et quia post Christum
non habemus alium proter S. V. in quo confidamus, et quia serenissimus Rex tua
Beatitudine instigante rem tarn gloriosam, tarn ecclesio tamque sibi quam nobis
salutarem et necessariam, aggredì tandem S. V. auspiciis non recusabit, quia denique
optamus et speramus fore ut in diebus tuis, Beatissime Pater, videas hoc tantum bonum,
projectus supplex ad pedes beatissimos rogo te, parens ac pastor unice, per viscera
misericordio Dei nostri ut hunc patrem clementer exaudias et ut hoc unico tandem ac
summo beneficio cotera omnia in Britanniam nostrani divina ac infinita merita compleas
ac concludas : hoc enim liberalitatis compendio et S. S. et Sedem Apostolicam ab infinitis
ac diuturnis molestiis et expensis (ut speramus) vendicabit. Post sanctissimorum
pedum oscula precor Christum Jesum, tui celsissimi prosulatus institutorem ac
datorem, ut S. V. nobis multis annis felicem et florentem conservet. Datum apud
fanum D. Dyonisii in Francia, 24 Aprilis, 1582.
Beatitudinis vestro humillimus servus,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

Addressed.
gmo D o m i n o ISTostr.0.
LXI.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como, [ S i Denis] 24 Aprii, 1582.
From the Soman

Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
Vaticano, Inghilterra, Voi. I , pag. 228).

(Archivio

Ill me ac R me domine; De illmo domino Bernardino Mendosio quod dignatus es apud
S. D. nostrum agere, deque benignissimis literis humillimas ago gratias; gaudebunt
etenim nostrates catholici quos continuo mirifice juvat et consolatur, atque in hoc
negotio maximo, quod R. P. Gulielmus Crittonius apud Sanctitatem suam aget, primas
pro incredibili pietate sua partes tenet.
Totius Insulse, sapientissime Cardinalis, Christo ac legitimo Principi restituendo
magna hoc tempore (nisi faliimur) ac pene postrema existit spes, sicut idem pater qui
ista dabit et sua experientia et principimi Scotio mandatis ac instructionibus et aliquorum hie summorum virorum judicio coram tua3 Celsitudini declarabit fusius.
Ipsum ergo quseso, illme domine, pro tuo in ecclesiam, in gentem nostram, in me

131

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.
1

ipsum etiam antiquum studium ac amorem clementer exaudi et solita benignitate apud
Sanctitatem suam pro nobis, id est, pro utroque regno ac universa Britannia recuperanda quantum potes et licet intercede : honorum 2 àc prudentuin omnium hie est pene
communis sensus, nisi hoc anno et his mensibus succurratur nobis, summam rei bene
gerendse occasionem abire. Magna est hsereticorum nostrorum desperatio, furor,
metus ; catholicorum incomparabilis patientia, constantia, expectatio ; Scotise talis
opportunitas et tanta principum virorum in hanc rem animorumque conspiratio ut nihil
his annis hactenus tale acciderit. Quid autem sit iste diligenter commemorabit. Exiit
aliud edictum ab Herodiade nostra, publicatum Londini primo Aprilis, in quo continetur apologia condemnationis ac mortis Campiani ac duorum simul cum ilio
occisorum sacerdotum, ut ita uteumque satisfiat populo de ipsorum iniquissima damnatione variis libellis, carminibus, vocibus conquerenti ; ac deinde declarantur laesse majestatis rei Jesuitse omnes atque utriusque collegii studiosi singuli; fisco denique jubentur
addici ipso facto eorum omnium bona ac possessiones, atque personas perpetuo carceri
tradi, qui ex seminariis vel Societate quempiam redeuntem in domum receperint,
aluerint, juverint ; postremo sub poena capitis jubet omnes studiosos intra tres menses
in Insulam redire. Sed ita vi vat Gregorius 13, ita valeas patrone optime, et non
terremur. Vale. Aprilis 24, 1582.
Vested Illm8e Dominationis orator et servus,
GULJELMUS ALANUS.

On the bach
Lator prsesentium tarn diu superiorum jussu hie expectavit ut illustrissimi Ducis
Guisiani judicium accesserit, qui et vitam ac omnia studia sua lubenter in hanc rem
impendet.
Addressed.
Ill mo ac Rmo in Christo patri ac domino, D. Cardinali Comensi, Romana.
LXIL
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J. [Reims] 4 May, 1582.
From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.
III., 79.
Reverende mi pater ; Jam mensis est fere quod nihil literarum a vobis, nee ex
Urbe ; cum interim tamen non obliti nostri bis miser itis per literas (ut per Co ver turn
nostrum intelligo) pecunias, 500 prius partim pro pensione menstrua partim pro collecta,
deinde iterum 800 scuta. Nunc ego scribo raptim cum ad P. V. turn (quia seri bere
omnino hac vice debui) ad illustrissimum D, Protectorem ; cui in his Uteris mitto
exemplar novi furiosi edicti versi latine, cujus anglicani copiam vobis per P. Gulielmum Goodum aut D. Gilbertum interpretandam mitto. De glorioso Payni presbiteri
martyrio quod subiit in patibulo 5 Aprilis scio audivistis. Non erat unus ex prius
2

' antiquo studio ac amore ?

s2

enim omitted ?

132

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

condemnatis, sed alius propter similem causam. Non potui plura scribere ; nisi illud
non sciatis, Nicolaum vestrum Smithum iterum ingressum Societatem cum aliis e
nostris duobus, qui tamen sunt collocati in variis collegiis. Valete in Ohristo : fusius
postea. 4 Maii, 1582.
Tester totus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Reverendo in Ohristo patri, P. Alfonso, rectori.

Romam.

LXIII.
Dr William Allen to [Mr George Gilbert]. Reims, 12 May, 1582.
From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.
I I L , 83.
My derest good friend and sir ; By yours and good father Rectors of the 17 of
April, as well by the contents as by consy deration of the time, I fear e one packet and
postage is miscaried. For in deede you make mention of your former of the 2 of
Aprel, which you say conteined certayne things which you wold not repeat, as father
Rector also doth, of 1600 crownes made at soondry times to Paris of the Lent collection, wheras we heare of none but 800 and 300, which make 1100 onely: wherby
and because none came of a month together, and also for that you make mention of a
letter from father minister which is not received, I doubt much our packet of that
toorne is wholy intercepted or lost ; wherafter I harkened in Paris as wel as I could,
but can have no certaynty ; and now we fear e every thing, so great treachery is used
every way towards us. And allso because of thes accompts and billes of exchange
we must be more wary. Signifye to good father Rector the case, I pray you particularly, specially about the moony matters, that it may be lesse troublesom to him, who
I feare be tow much pestered and distracted with our affayres, whom God reward
according to the measure of his abounclant charity towards us. I wrote to him the
last day and perchance shall not write to him now, praying yow to supply all. That
he may understand the matter better, thes be his words in his last tó me that were
written 17 Aprilis. Misimus ad vos pro ista causa 1600 scuta1 superioribus
tabellariis.
Reliqua quae hie habemus vel aliunde recipiemus servabuntur qwousque significetis
nobis mentem vestram,, secundum ea quo3 scripsit vobis in proximis Uteris dominus
Georgius. Unto which I can not answer, because those your letters be not received
nor so much moony heard of : as yet onely we have received by father Rectors letters
18 Martii 500 scuta, videlicet 200 for our ordinary pension and 300 for the collection,
and afterward 800 scuta for the collection ; so as ther semeth to be 500 scuta made
by som other letters which we yet heare not of. Thus much intimate, I pray you.
Touching your owne^ 100u with the odde six crownes, which afterward Mr Shelton
1

In the MS. the word scuta is represented by an equilateral triangle standing on its apex with the
letters ta written above on the right hand of the base.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

133

added conformably to Mr Deacons rekening, and we are to answere for all and you
are to receive it ther at father Rectors hands of what moony so ever belongeth to us,
what difference or losse ther was in thexchaunge from England I know not, but the
difference of the exchaunge betwixt Paris and Rome (thoughe ther must be in every
peece ether lost to you or to us ii soulz) yet shal not be counted nor cared for betwene
us ; for that that you win we shal not loose. Therfore I willed father Rector to pay
you so that ther be no loss to you : and let that so end ; let father Rector and you
order that matter as you like. Farther, Sir, about moony matters ; here is one Mr
Robert Walley that hath here 1000 crownes, and wold gladly receive the same in
Rome and bank the same or bye a rent as you and Mr Basset l intend to doo. I pray
you know of father Rector whether he shall be able shortly to pay him of any money
of ours so much, that is, 1000 scuta auri in auro.
No grateful effect ryseth yet in any place that I heare of of this collection, saving
in Italy and Rome specially; which we attribut much to good father Rectors great
diligence and charity. For Spayne we will doo no other but as you and Signor Hieronimo Hurtado counselleth. Mary, my L. Dutches 2 that never cumeth abrode can be
no solliciter, and to doo it by servaunts will not be fit. Sir F. 3 keepeth his chamber,
good gentleman, altogether, and can doo nothing. I trust the Cardinal our good Protectors letters will doo much, and Father Generals presence thef specially; of whose
absence for all that from Rome I feare we shall have exceeding great want. God
graunt his vicar-general be as favorable, and specially that ther be no chaunge of our
Rector. Whereof I conceive som feare, for that F. Rector writeth to me of his going
to Sienna. If you see any apparaunce of such a thing, for love of God make sute in
my name to our Protector for his staying, and what so ever you doo therin I will
confirme by my letters to the Protectors grace. Yf father Rector be coom home from
Sienna, I wold have him and you together, or whether of you shal be thought most
fit, to deliver this my letter enclosed to the Lord Cardinal Savello,4 which I write to
his Grace for thanks for his goodnes to our college and nation, but upon occasion of a
little sute touching a license to be obtayned by his L. favor for a certayne French
doctor of good renowne here in Fraunce, of Sorbon, canonicus et ecclesiastes Bellovacensis, a great dooer against heretiks and of mervelous zele, one that hath doone as
much for our nation and loveth me and this college as well as any in all Fraunce : his
name Gulielmus Lucanus and of the qualities before sayde. Now my requist is to
1
Charles Basset was sent to Rome by F. Persons in the a u t u m n of 1581 with a letter of introduction to F . Agazzari, in which he writes : " Juvenis est familise illustris et divitis quique, si csetera
n o n essent, eo solo nomine vobis carus esse deberet quod pronepos sit illustrissimi martyris Thomse
Mori ; sed habet adhuc alia in seipso clariora ; habet enim ingenium, mores, virtutes, digna se suisque
majoribus et (nisi fallor) dignissima ilio vestro sancto contubernio." Stonyhurst MSS. P , 17.
s
3
4
Duchess of Feria.
Sir Francis Englefield.
J a m e s Cardinal Savelli, one of
the Cardinals of the Holy Office and Cardinal Yicar of Rome.

134

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

you, my good frind, specially (that father Rector may be the lesse troobled) that you
wold for my sake vouchsafe [to] cause a supplication to be drawne in forme of that
Court contening his name and dignities and his learning and continual travels against
heretiks, and asking humbly license-to read all heretical bookes for ther better refutation ; and to offer it together with my letter or as he shall will you, and to cause som
body to sollicit it and he shal have for his labor. This I desire very hartely to be
done with as much speede as you can, for the man is an excellent good man, and we
are much beholden to him. So much for that poynt.
I will write nothing of father Persons, of whose affayres you may allwayes know
by his owne letters sooner then by myne specially at this present. Of your mens 1 imprisonment, seeing it is doone, it were not to be wisshed other wayes : and assure you
if yet they should goe into England, they wold undow thousants, Therfor be not
beguiled. I thank you for helping Mr Thwing with necessaries or credit till his
moony be payed, which was but forgetfulnes on our parts here. I much desire that
the poore gentleman should speade well, but the disorder of som maketh others fare
worse. Tell Mr Thwing, I pray you, that I have received his letters, and am very
glad of his and the rests safe arrivali. Remember also to tell W. Hart that I have
received his letter, but have not leisure to answer him at this time, and the rather for
that the matter he moveth is of importance. You see how, to save me som labor, I
am bold to make your letter the shop of other men's affayres. Mr Tresham is gone
from here to Paris. Your letters to him I will send to him.
Cardinal Como wrote to me this weeke that I shall now be able to foornish our
priests, if any neede for Scotland, of my selfe without his Holines charge of this
almes, which was hoped wold aryse ad non modicam summam. Those were his words,
written as from the Pope unto me, upon other occasions, Wherby you may conjecture
the Popes Holines wold be as much eased as he can, and therfore we must take heede
to be too bold : allthough we must advertise his Holines, as occasion serveth, that if all
extraordinary borthens be layde upon us by reason of this collection, all will be spent
at once and we shall be as new to begin the next yeare as ever we were, when all
other meanes of help but his Holines shall fayle ; and that this almes must pay our
debts and serve us some yeares to coom, if it aryse to any such som as perhaps his
1

Robert Alfield, brother of the martyr Thomas and servant of P . Persons when he was on the
mission in England, and Roger, u t u t t i due di n a t u r a feroce, mostrandosi scontenti e minacciando
che volevano tornar in Inghilterra, il Papa Gregorio per più sicurtà li haveva posti sotto custodia,.benché continuandoli sempre la pensione che prima li haveva dato ; ma loro dimandavano la libertà, et
Agazzario scrisse ad Alano che consultasse il caso con il Personio se fosse tornato da Spagna o almanco
ne scrivesse il suo parere : il quale rispose per lettera di 23 Apr. [1583] . . . Con questa risposta
il P . Agazzario li procurò la libertà e la continuazione della pensione da pagarsili in Francia, come essi
havevano dimandato, e Rogerio fece bene, ma Roberto Alfildo divenne tristo e sciagurato e fece di
poi gran male in Inghilterra." - P u n t i della missione d'Inghilterra by F. Persons. Stony hurst MSS.
P . 32, 43,

135

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Holines thinketh ; as I think veryly will not prove so. Well, God will provide for us
I trust. All that is yet gathered, for any that I know, will not pay for the printing
of our bookes this yeare past.
You are desirous of two Testaments one for your selfe and another for your good
1
son, to whome I pray you commend me hartely. But I think it not good to send
them, as you require, by post ether of your pour se or ours; for they will" stand in 10
or 12 crownes the cariage by post, and by mulitors they will not coom to you this
halfe yeare ; and. therfore I thought better to stay both them and two other bookes,
that F. Robert sendeth, of devotion till som of our o.wne folkes coom by horse. In the
meane time, if promesbe kept, I shall have two there er it be loung, one for the College
which goe indifferently and which you may specially occupye in term, another to my
L. of S. Assaph. Those from F. Persons a certayne yonge gentleman of the ynnes of
court called Dolman should have brought them up, intending to have coom up now
this spring, but finding the time far spent he toorned hether to us till the fall of the
leafe. Our priests appear e not yet. I am in great joy of hart that you all ther be so
quiet and in such a blessed peace. Tell all my loving bretheren and children so, and
that if they wold have me live longe to serve them and my coontry, for which onely I
desyre to live, lett them study to kepe order, unity and obedience, and love that
good Rector whose charity and his bretherens towards us all is surely incomparable.
Embrace them al for me beginning with old Richard Barret, 2 whose letters not longe
sith I received. Mr Tirell writeth that he hath written som what to me before concerning Mr. Banes, for whose troobles I am right sory; but tell him, I pray you, that
I have not received his letters. I have no more els now to say to you but that I send
you here inclosed a little peece of father Campians holy ribbe. Take halfe to your
selfe and give thother halfe to father Rector. Commend me to father Good, father
minister, father Pallevicino and all els. Christ Jesus keepe you, and blesse you.
Reims, this 12 of May, 1582.3
W.

ALLEN.

LXIV.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 28 May, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.
III., 95.
Jesus.
Spero te, mi pater, jam pridem Senis ad suos rediisse ; atque ne diu absis vehemeiiter velim, licet illam vacationem a nostrorum continuis negotiis perquam tibi
1
2
i.e. godson.
Dr Richard Barret, " hnomo grave, il quale era stato primo procuratore
dell' università d'Ossoniò in Inghilterra, che è ufficio principale in quella università, e di poi fatto
catholico venne a Roma."—Punti della missione d'Inghilterra by F. Persons. Stonyhurst MSS>
3
P. 37.
The date 1582 is from an old endorsement. The letter is without address, but was
evidently written to Mr George Gilbert.

136.

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

necessariam esse judicem, cupiamque supra omnia vitam et valetudinem diutissime
nobis servatam. Abfui etiam ipse domo aliquoties superioribus diebus non ad recreationem mentis aut corporis, quae mihi esset quoque necessaria, sed ad qusedam gravia
expedienda negotia, nee eram domi cum appulerunt patres vestri cum Rob. Middelmoro ; quae res fecit ut diutius.hic quam vellem manerent ; neque enim adhuc quisquam
prseter P. Bellum discessit, cum hie sit decimus octavus dies a quo advenerunt. Sed
tres crastina die videntur per Dei gratiam cum totidem ex nostris presbyteris prof ecturi. P. Coulinus nihil niihi hactenus de hie subsistendo dixit ; sed non videtur
abiturire multum. Persecutio viget in Anglia supra modum : animi etiam nostrorum
ad perferendum mire ardent, nee unquam tarn ardenter isti sacerdotes ut mittantur
postulant atque nunc. Sunt duodecim hie qui hoc tempore istud ambiunt. Male cessit
tamen isti misero P. Osborno, qui per recantationem, prsedicationem contra catholicos
et communicationem cum hsereticis multum scandali dedit, quod primum fecisse dicitur
Dominica in Albis. Gilbertus Gyffordius nondum comparet : sed, de quo magis doleo,
nee ipse Gulielmus 1 quern reliquerunt infìrmum in via. Quod iste cum bona gratia et
spe meliori a vobis discesserit laetor plurimum : multum enim refert ut ill am non perdamus, atque cognatum ejus salvum esse non sibi solum sed aliis quoque expedit. Tarn
m u l t e sane et tarn magnee difficultates in istorum et similium recta tractatione ac
dispositione existunt ut et tui me misereat et me ipse ssepe miserum judicem et ex hoc
facile conjiciàm quanta sit cura animarum in istis magnis prselatis, et quam recte ille
dixit, " ars artium cura animarum," cum nos in pauculis juvenibus pene imberbibus
tantopere laborare cogamur. Sed magna erit merces tua, Alfonse pater et collega,
nonnulla etiam pro peccatis meis (quae magna sunt) satisfactio quod ista feramus et
faciamus libenter. Et ego pro certo et comperto habeo quod possemus facilius in
Anglia animas mille dirigere ad salutem quam centum in exilio isto, quod perse
generat murmurationes, querelas, contradictiones et (ut hie in Gallia appellamus) discontentationes. Dum traducit Moyses populum per desertum, gravia perpetitur;. Etiam
turn quando Deus pluit manna et cothurnices et aquam de rupibus, non sunt contenti,
sed animus in patinis iEgyptiis, et Chore conspirat, insurgit Dathan, vexat Abyron,
socios asciscunt multos. Istud est proprium exulum; sed non deb.emus deficere. Dico
hoc non solum propter quasdam quas patimini difficultates illic, sed propter eas quas
nos quoque sustinemus. Et fortasse audietis mirabilem de quodam2 qui hie quadriennium delituit inter nos exploratore historiam intra paucos dies : ejus enim, volente
et previdente Deo, traditio ac tractatio cum cònsiliariis Eeginse jam mihi quadantenus
innotescit ; cum ipse interim quotidie missam faciat nee adhuc se intelligit suspectum
esse a nobis aut in scelere deprehensum. Et hoc est miserabile quod nullum hie habeamus modum puniendi ipsum vel pro hseresi vel pro ista proditione. Sed de hac
re alias plura ; nomen enim et omnia indicabo in proximis Uteris, si res bene succedat.
1

William Giiford.

Kichard Baynes.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

137

Quod ad collectam àttinet, quid prsestiterit vestra admirabilis in Urbe diligentia
videmus, et sane existimo per totum reliquum orbem Christianum tantum subsidii
non proventurum. Nam cogitate vos nullum nos habuisse Romse solicitatorem (ubi
tamen causa nostra est magis cognita quam in reliquis locis, et ubi ipsa suae Sanctitatis
authoritas ac commendatio plus valet quam uspiam alibi) quam minima fuisset collectio,
obsecro, prse ista summa quse vestro et multorum studio ac zelo crevit in summam
admodum copiosam. Sed adhuc centum coronatos, id est scuta, non accepimus Parisiis,
quod sciam ; et credo quod in profìciscendo illuc et sollicitando expensa fuit 40 scuta.
Si aliquid postea eveniat Deus scit. Nec ab ullo loco aut praelato eorum quibus illustrissimus dominus Cardinalis S. Sixti benignissime jam diu scripsit quidquam audimus.
Quid fiat imposterum iieseio. Et in Hispania parum possunt D. Ducissa, quae nunquam domo procedit, et I). Englefìldus, qui nec ipse [ob] csecitatem 1 et catarrum jam
diu unquam prodiit ; nec magnaa author itatis sunt. Et nisi in major em quam hactenus
videre aut sperare queam excrescat summam, vix ad extraordinarias unius anni
expensas erit satis; cum nos speraremus exhac eleemosyna, quae sola nobis reliqua
videbatur via ad nostrum in multos annos levamen, in futurum tempus prospectum
fore. Quae omnia commemoro, quia sua Sanctitas, ut video multorum istinc vestris
Uteris et sermonibus, atque etiam ex illustrissimi ad me Commensis admonitione nuper
facta, cupit postulantium votis et proficiscentium viaticis atque aliis nostratium necessitatibus satisfieri; quod si fieret, plus incommodi nobis quam adjumenti ex hac
collectione eveniret, et nos, quibus hoc modo in aliquot annos prospectum iri spera vimus,
erimus magis miseri quam antea, meque valde imposterum pudebit quidquam a Sanctissimo Domino nostro petere quern video nostrorum miseriis ita esse gravatum.
Ista particula literarum vestrarum ultimarum die 17 Aprilis datàrum, ubi sic
scribitis: "Hie in Urbe collegimus hue usque 1760 scuta; de csetero pauca speramus,
cum jam prseterierunt dies poenitentise. Misimus ad vos pro ista causa 1600 scuta superioribus tabellariis, reliqùa quae hie habemus vel aliunde recipiemus servabuntur quousque significetis nobis mentem vestram secundum ea quae proximis Uteris scripsit ad
vos D. Georgius." Ita ex praedictis vestris Uteris. Quam clausulam quoad summam
quam dicitis ad nos esse missam non intelligimus ; quia nos tantum accepimus 300 et
800 duabus vicibus, quae faciunt solum 1100 scuta; in quibus etiam aliqua Petro
Kircso 2 et domino Dacrio assignatis. In iisdem Uteris paulo inferius scribitis : " Per
hunc tabellarium mitto etiam Parisios scuta 300 3 auri in auro quae ponetis inter rationes
1 u

Being no we more then [in MS. the] 24 yeares synce my self e could write or reade, and having
in that tyme treated with so many greate personages of matters important by the eies and pennes of
such servantes as I trusted, you will hold me excused though I cannot b u t feale a little this dyffidence
of my servantes and distrust of my choise by him or youe." Sir Francis Englefield to Mr Roger
2
Baynes. Madrid, 10 May, 1596. Archives of the see of Westminster, V., 172.
Peter Kirk,
an English exile, was formerly the E a i l of Northumberland's bailiff. First and Second Douay
8
Diaries, p. 298.
The number was first written 40. D r Allen then drew a line through the 4,
and wrote 30 immediately over the 40, leaving the 0 of 40 unerased.
T
'

138

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

provisionis vestrae, etc." Nee nos quidquam de tali summa accepimus vel Parisiis
hactenus audimus. Et ista mature repeto ne in tantis utriusque nostrum occupationibus aliquis obrepat progressu temporis error. Et illae literae D. Georgii quarum mentionem feci non sunt tradite. Neque possum hoc tempore ipsi aut RR. P R Gulielmo
ac Fabricio rescribere, ita sum variis negotiis distractus. Tantum paucula verba debeo
commodare quibusdam juvenibus qui consilium nostrum expectant. Ego doleo Ingramum Thwingum tarn incommodo venisse tempore ; cui prae multis aliis, tarn
merito suo quam peculiari quodam meo in ipsum affectu, satisf actum esse desidero ;
proinde quantum licet et ubi ulla dabitur opportunitas curate, quaeso, ne vacuus
revertatur. Interim illi, quaeso, solvite scuta 28 auri in auro quae hie D. Bayleus ab
eo recepii Ejusdem summse- prius, ut opinor, mentionem feci in ultimis Uteris nostris
ad D. Gilbertum. Tantum nolite bis solvere quia bis mentionem feci, licet fortassis
aliqua sit in numero variatio. Midelmorus dedit mihi suam schedulam de debito 150
scutorum vestro collegio solvendorum. Earn apud me teneo daboque operam quantum
possum ut tandem solvatur. Sed extrema in Anglia et patiuntur et timent. Powellorum pater et patronus est eondemnatus in 1000 scutis vel circiter pro anno elapso,
quod nolebat ad ecclesias haereticorum venire, et debet singulis annis tantundem
Regino solvere, sicut singuli reeusantes. Favete, obsecro, illis duobus suis juvenibus,
pro quibus significavi jam pridem me accepisse ali quam pecuniam.
Valde impertinentia et saepe noxia hinc inde a nostris et vestris adolescentibus
scribuntur ad se mutuo ; quod his diebus sum expertus, putoque satius esse ut non
omnino dent literas nisi ubi occasio et materia est cognita. Gulielmus Hartus, quern
multum diligo ut scitis, scribit ad me se cupere et se posse admitti in Societatem, si
mihi videatur expedire et si judicem parentes non aegre laturos. Atque quod ad
parentes attinet puto ipsos gavisuros; in hujusmodi autem deliberationibus nollem
nostros ullo modo ad me remitti. Sequantur eum spiritum quern reverendissima us P.
Generalis et caéteri quorum interest a Deo esse putant. Debet tamen, ut scitis, in illis
tarn moderandis quam deligendis aut admittendis summa cautela adhiberi; quia ab iis
ipsis qui hue jam venerunt video et intelligo multos apud vos propter hoc solum segro
esse animo quod videant aliquos continuo ordinem vestrum ambire, eosque qui eo propendimi esse multo gratiores patribus et praefectis, reliquosque minoris passim aestimari ac nonnunquam e rosarii sodalitio ejici, alias alia quasi infamia notari. Quia haec
et hujusmodi ad me deferuntur, licet mihi incredibiliter displiceant, tamen volui significare, ut in his rebus cum magna moderatione procedatis. Ista mihi non dixerunt
scholares sèu patres ipsi, sed quidam qui ab ipsorum ore acceperunt. De Harto autem,
pergat in nomine Domini, cum licentia Papae et Protectoris, et quantu[m] potest fieri
sine sodalium suorum infirmorum minima offensione.
•
Joannes Hartus adhuc vivit, sicut et caeteri confessores, excepto patre Payno, de
cujus martyrio in aliis meis Uteris scripsi. Quod aliquas necessarias eleemosynas datis
nostratibus de collecta id gratum est, sitque semper ad vestrum arbitrium. Et si

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

1S9

aliqua justa vel copiosa prater earn quam jam pridem misistis summa istic vel aliunde
confletur, cupio quam primum in aliquo censu collocari ; quo etiam citius eo melius. Si
bene vendantur Testamenta nostra recens edita, non erit opus ulteriori pecunia adhuc.
Domino Georgio, quseso, solvite ita pecuniam suam ut pistoletum pro pistoleto hie
accepto recipiat. Quod in ipsius cedit commodum non potest nee debet nobis pro
damno haberi: ita omnia illi debemus. Est unus qui hie habet mille aureos quos
cupit illic etiam vel ex collecta vel provisione nostra solvi. Sed si reponatis reliquam
pecuniam nostram in aliquo monte tum non video quomodo queat fieri. Respondete,
quseso, nobis super hoc puncto. De segritudine Sherlei doleo sane. Consolare ipsum,
obsecro, meo nomine ; ac Gulielmum Haukesworthum ama et hortare atque erige
quantum prudentia et pietate potes ; Powellosque complectere, quia eorum pater est
magnus amicus noster et collegii fautor. De musicis laboro multum ut habeatis. Jesus
te nobis, frater, servet. Remis, 28 Maii, 1582.
• Totus vester,
Addressed,
G. ALANUS,
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, [collegii] Anglorum
Roma[ni] rectori optimo. Romam.
LXV.
Summary of the confession of Richard Baynes, priest, made in prison to Dr William:
Allen, Mr Thomas Bayly, and Dr Laurence Webb. [Reims, 1582.J
From a contemporary document in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 103.

Summa confessionum et responsionum Rychardi Baynes, presbyteri Angli, ad articulos sibi impositos factarum primum ore coram nobis Gulielmo Alano, Thorn a Bayleo et
Laurentio Webbo in carcere, quas postea nobis scripto tradidit sua manu subsignato. 1
Quoad ilia puncta de quibus circa doctrinam et fidem incusor, confiteor me superbe
examinasse sacrificii tremendi mysticas cseremonias, et demum apud me statuisse
indifferentes tantum ac liberas esse ac posse vel retineri vel omitti, clandestinisque
etiam colloquiis dixisse eas esse solummodo statas ad decor em gesticulationes, quibus
vel Turca utens videretur esse sanctus, atque illis sublatis reliqùam missam nihil esse
aliud quam baleductum ; quod verbum est anglico-latinum significans blasphemo scornmate sacrosanctum sacrificium esse rem vilissimam.
Quoad venerabilem Eucharistiam, licet variis contra earn usus sum argumentis,
tamen apertis verbis non memini me aliquid contra ejus veritatem protulisse: nihilominus quia juratus testis contra me deposuit, non ausim plane negare me aliquid
dixisse. Etenim disputabam idem argumentum valere contra Sacramentum quo usus
est propheta contra idola; nimirum, quod ab hominibus vel aliunde laesa se juvare aut
1

See the " Palinodia Kichardi Bainaei."
T 2

Concertatio, fol. 238.

1+0

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

vindicarè non possent, ita neque Sacramentum. Illud,••" nisi manducaveritis carnem
filii hominis," disserui ex Augustino significare tantum credere, etc. ; porro illud in
argumentum adferens non esse ibi Corpus Christi post consecrationem, quia tunc absurdurn esset a sacerdote benedici, cum debeat minor a majore benedici.
Quoad purgatorium, dixi ibi nullum esse ignem quo animse torrentur, sed esse
vermem conscientise. Sed testis deponit eum hoc de inferno dixisse.
Qfuoad] 1
[sacer]dotum in sacris ordinibus constitutorum, contra
diss[erai]
%
[omn]ino, oportet episcopum esse unius uxoris virum, etc.
Quoad
[RJomani claves, dixi mihi illam loquendi formulam non piacere,
quod judicarem praeter clavem David, quae propria est Christi, nullas esse relictas Papse
praeter claves abyssi. Atque Papse excommunicationem similem esse dixi morionis
pugioni, quod continuo levissimis de causis earn contra homines ferat.
De Ecclesia non tuli eequo animo quod quidam earn vocaverint ecclesiam matrem
nostrani, quod ilia formula loquendi sit putida; et papistarum ecclesiam dixi prse
annositate mucore et pedore esse obsitam. Dixi itidem Antichristum regnaturum in
domo Dei, nee alium nisi Papam.
De officio vero divino dixi me libenter legere si quid esset Scripturarum, sed
quoad caotera me posse compendiosiorem docere orandi viam, nempe si recitarentur
tantum viginti quatuor literse alphabeti. Confiteor etiam me certis diebus reliqua
prseter Scripturas reliquisse, atque aliquando etiam reliquisse breviarium in cubiculo
sodalis mei, ductus hac rati one quod parum congrue qusedam in breviario recitentur, u t
cum illud ' ad cujus tumulimi frequenter membra languentium quolibet morbo, etc/
dicatur de multis Sanctis qui fortassis nunquam fecerunt miracula.
Contra jejunium ecclesiasticum et dies observatos fateor me potius inani quadam
jactatione et petulantia quam ex animi sententia dixisse aliquando in diebus veneris
—Euge, socie, quid comedemus hac nocte ? Numquid habebimus artocream ? Corporis
enim exercitatio ad modicum utilis, etc.
De cseremoniis et ritibus quibusdam quibus nonnulli utuntur dum in absolutione
excommunicati jam defuncti sepulchrum flagellant risi, porro addens hanc stultitiam
instar illius dementias Ajacis esse qui omnia occurrentia verberabat, animo flngens
quodlibet fuisse personam Ulyssis hostis sui. Simile etiam dixit de aspergendis sepulchris aqua benedicta.
Inter istos et similes de religione sermones ccepit hie manendi tsedium et summum
lautioris fortuna desiderium, de qua videbar certus si vellem profìcisci in Angliam,
prsesertim cum multa me scire dixerim secreta Consilia Alani prsesidentis nostri et
consiliàriorum suorum totiusque seminarli contra Reginam et senatum suum, quae
aperire nollem donec venirem Londinum. Tunc dixi sodali quem valde cupiebam
1

The MS. is worn away at this point.

rally supplied.
blank space.

Perhaps the word oalibatum

T h e letters between square brackets have been conjectumay have occupied the

firsthand

Pontificis the third

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

141

habere itineris comitem—Secretarius Begins daret nobis 3000 coronatorum ea coiiditione ut aperiremus illa quae hie geri scimus. Intelligebam autem de nova et magis
rigorosa exeommunicatione procurata contra Reginam. Quae omnia protuli potius ut
allicerem socium meum ad consentiendum mihi quam quod vera esse judicarem. Dixi
quoque me facile esse assequuturum ut crucem Paulinam, i.e., nobilissimum regni
suggestum conscenderem, ubi omnia qusocunque meminisse potueram essem contra
catholicos cum cseteros turn maxime contra duo seminaria ad eorum dedecus proclamaturus, futurumque esse sic ut de me tota nobilitas et ci vitas adeoque universum
regnum loqueretur. Animus deinde erat ambire aliquod munus in palatio et familia
alicujus principis viri qui me ad dignitates eveheret.
Et ut socium meum urgerem acrius ad istam profectionem, admonui ne hie persisteret neve confìderet in hoc seminario, quod mùltis modis dissolvi vel etiam destrui
posset. Et certo l
destrui aliqua ratione, vel fore ut ab eo hie status regni
id autem fieri posse vel excitatione Gallorum, v[el]
exterorum
e sedibus suis, vel interfectione Alani quae poter [it]
[ur]be Parisiensi vel
alibi sclopeti unius ictu quod pulvere albo glandem ejiceret sine strepitu, quo mortuo
fore verisimile ut dissolvatur seminarium. Turn addidi me manum depositurum quod
non erit vivus integrum biennium.
Persuadere etiam volebam amico eidem, ut mecum discederet, quod facile tota
domus injecto vel in communem puteum vel in juseulum véneno infici possit, et ita
omnes interire, ac proinde periculosum esse hie manere.
Dixi quoque futurum esse ut Reginae Scotiae amputaretur caput, si ilia propalaverim semel quae essem dicturus contra illam. Et cum quae essent ilia quae posset
dicere sciscitaremur, nihil aliud esse respondit quam quod scribat literas ad oratorem
suum, imo et ad fìlium suum, et quod Jesuitas in Scotiam ire curaverat.
Postremo confiteor me dixisse me vitam depositurum quod intra duodecim annos
non esset ulla futura missa in urbe Remensi.
LXVI.
Dr William Allen to George Grymeston. Reims, 31 May, 1582.
From an ancient transcript in the Public Record Office, London. Doni. EUz.
Vol. 153, w. 70.
Dr W. Allen to George Grymeston, his godson.2
Good godson ; I was from home when your letters arrived here, els I had answered
your desyre long since; and 1 have consydered well of your bestowings. But all
1

2
The MS. is worn away here.
Mr. Grimston, who had arrived from England August 4,
1582, was confirmed by the Bishop of St. Asaph in S t / S t e p h e n ' s church at Reims on the 7th of the
same month. Probably D r Allen was his godfather on the occasion. First and Second Douay
Diaries, p. 169.

142

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

things well waved, me think if you fall to divinitye, as your good mother requyreth
and your humeur most inclined therunto, ther is noe place more fit for your nature,
likenes and profeting then this our howse. For I am fully persuaded that Rome and
you for many e causes will not agree ; not 1 that you can bare the disciplines and ordars
of that colledg soe well as of this, wher both my selfe and all others shalbe most redye
to doe for you ; and no we we have partlye allredye and more shall have shortly e to
read here exactlye the course both of logick, philosophie and divinitie of the Roman
fashon. We have some of the principals we could picke of our colledge ther. Therfore
you must eyther resolve to tarye at Paris and that in the colledg, or els to come hether
to me, and soe constant lye to folloe your study e eyther in the one or in the other ;
wherunto you shall have any furtherance of me possibile. Fare ye hartelye well with
my blessing. At Reimes, in hast, this 31 of Maye, 1582.
Your owne ever as you knowe,
W . ÀLLEIN.

My cosyn Coniars spoke to me to help with some litle exhibition ther a yong
man that you (I trowe) wrat for; which I cannot doe. But yf he come hether, wher
nowe he maye verye sufficientlye learne eyther art or divinitie, I will doe for him
according to his deservinge. Georg, you did God good service in the discovering
and apprehension of Gore; 2 and all honest men will esteme you better whilst
you live.
- .
Addressed.
To Mr George Grymeston at Paris.
Endorsed.
" 31 Maye, 1582. From D. Allen at Rheims to George Grimston at Paris.
LXVII.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 3 June, 1582.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Inghilterra. Vol. I., pag. 231).

Vaticano,

Ill me domine ; Literas tuse Amplitudinis 14 Aprilis scriptas recepì et legi lubentissime, etenim et suae Sanctitatis de nostratium in Scotiam missione voluntatem
significarunt, et tarn uberem futurum istius ecclesiastics collects proventum sperare
jusserunt ut ipse ex ea vitse ac itineris expensas omnes omnium facile ferre videri
queam. Mittam igitur ; sed, ne quid peccemus aut erremus pro ratione temporum, cum
1
2
nor?
" 1582, ult° Maii, . . . Hoc ipso die Lutetiae Parrisiorum incarceratus fuit D.
Gowre presbyter." First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 187. u 1582, Aug. 1° die, Parrisiis ad nos
rediit D. Georgius Grimston nobilis, sacrae theologi» diligentem operam navaturus." lb» p. 189.

14.3

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

judicio et non sine mandato serenissima Reginse ac oratoris sui vóluntate, qui et ipsi
de collegii hujus professor ibus unum a me his diebus peculiar iter petierunt. Cseterum
quod ad sumptus attinet dicam tuse humanitati confidenter, vereor ne eleemosynse
illse eo non excrescant ut ad ista onera sint futura satis, et haud scio an reliquae
catholicse nationes omnes sint tantum allaturse quantum sola Roma. Pfe sane
provincia pene nihil hactenus tribuerunt, licet et hortatione et exemplo Rmus D.
Nuntius apud Parisienses prcelatos institerit summopere. Quidquid .sit, .hoc tantum
profiteor coram Deo et Christo ejus me nunquam pecuniarum quidquam a S mo Domino
nostro petiturum nisi summa collegii aut reipublicae nostrse necessitas requirat, nee
quicquam eorum quse divina largitate tribuuntur nobis vane aut frivole impensurum.
Ita sis nobis in hac re semper apud Beatissimum Patrem nostrum propitius, Cardinalis
optime, ut te semper colui et te nunquam fallam.
Patrem Gulielmum Crittonum Scotum jampridem appulisse non dubito: ejus
negotia frustra vestrse sapientise commenda vero. Id tantum supplex exposco, si res
procedat ut speramus, ut R. D. archidiaconus Audoenus inprimis adhibeatur actioni,
ipsique nos adjungamur. Cseteros nostri ordinis homines paratos hic extempore
habebimus.
Tempestive tamen per vestram Amplitudinem quantum licet prsemoneri cupio
propter cseteros qui aliunde advocandi sunt, et ut libellos quosdam ad hanc rem
necessarios mature expediam.
Si quid sit périculi aut impedimenti in isto negotio, erit ex aliqua inter nationes
(ut fìt) antiqua ^simultate partiumque studio ; quod tamen authoritate, sapientia et
sequabihtate S mi D ni nostri, et studio ac opera ecclesiasticorum, qui solum propter Deum
et salutem utriusque populi hanc rem suscipimus, facile per Dei gratiam extinguetur.
Christus Jesus sanctissima vestra Consilia secundet, tuamque Dignitatem diutissime
nobis et Sanctae Sedi Apostoliche servet incolumem. Remis, 3 Junii, 1582.
Celsitudinis tuse alumnus et servus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
m0
Ill ac Rm0 domino Cardinali Comensi, Mecenati suo optimo.

Romam.

LXVIII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 11 June, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 109.

Pax Christi.
Reverende pater, dilectissime collega; De vestro ad suos reditu multum aveo
audire. Quod hinc vel ex Anglia scribam boni aut etiam novi nihil est prseter ea

144

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

quae de Goro et Bàyno nostro fusius ad D. Gilbertum his diebus scripsi. Noster
manet, et si id efficere possumus, manebit etiam in carcere. De altero quid fiet
adhuc nescio. Sceleratissimi propositi poenitentiam uterque simulat, sed neutri
confidimus ; et fallax est cor hominis, maxime quod hseresi est infectum. Post presbyteri Alfeldi qusestionem seu torturam habitam primo Maii nihil novi accidit. Is
egit constantissime, fidem cathalicam gloriose professus, nee quidquam creterorum
quae interrogabant confessus, Aliquousque resarcivit scandalum et damnum quod
ex lapsu Osborni paulo ante accidit, qui fuit primus omnium presbyterorum ac
solus qui adversariis etiam in religione cessit, adeo ut nunc contra fidem concionetur
homo impius et ineptus. D. Barns nobilis quidam, qui Romani venit cum D. Georgio
Gilberto et ex Urbe hoc vere discessit, captus fuit cum quodam bono sacerdote,1 alumno
hujus collegii, et sunt ambo in Turri, ubi jam diu fuerunt quoque Pitz et Haddocus.
Pater Gulielmi Haukesworthi et sororius meus 2 manent adhuc in eodem carcere, nec
prseterea eis quicquam est dictum. Illa muleta pecuniaria menstrua 60 aureorum,
irrogata iis qui nolunt ad hsereticorum ecclesias venire, exigitur a multis, sed multi
non sunt solvendo. Portus post ultimimi edictum diligentissime observantur ne
studiosi aut alii sine licentia exeant ; tamen veniunt indies, sed tamen non semper
tales quales nos optamus et quales vos cupitis ; atque majori etiam difficultate
et periculo cum suo turn parentum trajiciunt nobiles quam caeteri, quos tamen
utrinque maxime desideramus. Sed istius pestilentis edicti diu non durabit virtus
sed (ut fit) flaccescet paulatim tractu temporis. Nos certe omnibus viribus contendimus ut optimi indolis quosque nansiscamur. Sed tempora, ut scitis, sunt iniquissima, et nisi haberemus propugnatorem Deum, non possemus stare in conspectu
hostium potentissimorum, callidissimorum, truculentissimorum, qui suos domi ne ad
nos veniant legibus, mulctis, tormentis, proscriptionibus terrent; principes et status
externos continuis literis et minis contra nos excitant ; ut non debeatis mirari si
excellentiores quique ad nos non semper veniant. Ego vero cum aliis multis difficultatibus pene obruor undique, tamen nusquam adeo laboro vel potius conficior
atque in designatione eorum qui ad illud collegium vestrum mittendi sunt. Iste
presbyter Baynes quem habemus in carcere confessus est mihi primam causam suso
erga nos et seminarium hoc malevolentise quod noluerimus ipsum Romam mittere.
Unde judicare poteritis quam impotenter hoc petant et ambiant. Sed Deus judicavit
pro me quod non erat dignus vobis.3 Tot meorum hic memorialibus, libellis supplicibus,
1

2
Stephen Rousham.
See Rish ton's Diary in the Tower, 19 May, 1582.
Probably
Thomas Hesket, the husband of Elizabeth Allen, D r Allen's sister, at that time prisoner in the Fleet,
of whom George Haydock, martyr, speaks in his examination: " Quid egissem cum D. Toronlaso
[Townlseo?] in Porta [Gatehouse] et cum consanguineo meo D. Hescheto in Meta ? Respondi me
3
eos accessisse u t viderem quomodo se haberent." Ooncertatio, fol. 135.
The sentence Iste
presbyter . . . . vubis is in the margin of the letter ; but with an asterisk to show that it should be^
inserted as above.

145

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

prensatìonibus, intercessionibus, tot ex Anglia Uteris, tot ex Urbe interpellationibus,
pro cuj usque filio, amico, socio compellor, ut istis vix dimissis versus vos incipiant in
proximam vicem petere pene omnes importunissime. Et quis me liberabit de morte
hac ? Sed parcat mihi Deus ; non recuso labor em, si nostro popolo sum necessarius, et
possumus omnia ferre in eo qui nos confortat. Sed de istis rebus fusius ad D. Georgium scripsi literarum suarum ultimar urn occasione. Est hie quidam vny cognatus P.
Engeami, musicse peritus utcunque pro more gentis nostra. Hunc unis aut alteris
[literis] 1 desideratis ad vos mitti. Ego ilium ab initio eo nomine quo erat mihi commendata s noil agno vi, quia gerit hie ementitam appellationem propter fundos quosdam
quos habuit in Anglia, quos perderet si hostes scirent ipsum ad nos concessisse. Est
plane vir utcunque grandsevus, bonus et valde (ut mihi videtur) honestus, sed doctrina
mediocri vel infra fortassis mediocritatem. Sed si vultis eum, significate nobis ; et
tempore proximse missionis mittam cum cseteris. Vobis equidem plus cupio satisf actum
quam mihi. Scio enim quanti nostra intersit ut illud collegium in conspectu summorum patronorum et in oculis orbis omnibus ornamentis floreat.
Nos hie in isto collegio, propter ill mi domini Protectoris aliorumque excellentium
praelatorum, patronorum ac dominorum gratiam ac studium singulare in hac collecta
promovenda, instituimus quotidianam missam pro benefactoribus, ad quod deputabuntur per vices semper certi ex alumnis qui comprecabuntur et certis diebus
omnes: nam pro Pontifice, fundatore nostro sanctissimo, peculiares ante preces et
sacra habuimus. In his officiis debet Alfonsus pater habere suum locum, erga quern
certe nullo officio humano nobis unquam digne satisfaciemus ; sed reliqua compensabit Christus. Vereor ne reverendissimus P. Generalis magnum desiderium sui
istic reliquerit. Solo certe vel collegii nostri nomine ipsum abfuturum tarn diu
doleo. Cura quaoso, mi pater, ut liters recte et cito mittantur Mediolanum, Boloniam, etc., vel curet D. Georgius, et ea tradatur quam scripsi ad illustrissimum
Comensem. Giffordii non comparent adhue. Fosterus multum amatur ab omnibus.
Deus vos omnes conservet memoris 2 mese paupertatis in orationibus et sacrifìciis
vestris Sanctis; vestri non obliviscar unquam. Remis, 11 Junii, 1582.
V. R. P. in Christo famulus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglorum rectori
vigilantissimo. Romas.
1

2

Word supplied.

U

memores?

146

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

LXIX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
From the original

Reims, 23 June, 1582.

holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.1

III., 113.

Jesus.
Ex postremis literis, qusG mihi fuerunt eo nomine longe gratissimae, intellexi
V. R. ad charissimos suos filios rediisse. Ego profecto in discessu et toto tempore
absentise subverebar ne superiorum dispositione aut aliqtto infesto nobis casu ab
ilio nostro collegio divelleremmo Sed sit nomen Domini benedictum, trepidavimus
ubi non erat necesse. Sed me ssepe anxium reddidit. Ecce hoc mane tantum,
quod est profestum S. Joannis Baptistse, appulerunt GifFordii. Prseter complexum
mutuum et salutem hactenus nihil commercii. Quo animo sit Gilbertus mox
expiscabor. Cupimus utrique bene consultum esse. Lutetia ctim iis rediit ad nos
denuo Nicolaus Smitheus, utrique nostrum merito dilectus. Is periculum fecerat
jam pridem se iterum accommodandi vestrse Societati, sed valetudo mox fracta
fecit ut superiorum vóluntate ad nos reverteretur. Vestra satlcta munuscula ipsi
in magna pixide, quam ad nos attulit P. Gulielmus Giffordius, assignata dabo, ac
csetera cseteris. De meis quam possum largissimas gratias toto pectore vestrae
paternitati refero. Sigillum simul cum ceteris quoque accepi. Etsi de martyrio
fratrum nostrorum et a me et ab aliis jam pridem audivistis, tamen mitto libellum
anglicanum 2 Reginse mandato editum, quem facile curabitis in italicàm verti linguam,
u t totus mundus intelligat veras causas persecutionis nostra, et ut sciant quantum
quoad causam religionis ab adversariis simus lucrati, qui piane profìteantur se non
propter religionem sed propter bullam Pii V. et aliorum scripta nostros morti
tradere. Ego transtuli articulos 3 super quibus examinabantur, et ad vos mitto, ut
(si videbitur) vel ostendatis illustrissimo D. Protectori vel doctis etiam quibusdam
theologis, "ut ab eis instruamur quousque in hujusmodi capitalibus àrticulis condescendere pòssint catholici in Anglià. Duo postremi evaserunt mortem, quia (ut
videtis) parum aut nihil tribuere- sunt visi bullae, etc. Alter est Bosgravius e
Societate, alter Henricus Ortonus quem novistis. Tamen (quod mirabimini) unus
elegans juvenis 4 hac etiam aurora ad nos venit cum literis Joannis nostri Harti ;
qui juvenis fuit custos peculiaris quorundam cubiculorum in Turri Londinensi ac
sacerdotum nostrorum in eisdem [inclusorum erased] incarceratorum, quem, domino
suo arcis prsefecto inscio, fecerunt catholicum et ecclesia sanctas reconciliarunt, et
1

2
Part of this letter is printed in Tierney's Dodd/Vol. III., Append., p. xvi.
Printed in
3
Tierney, ib. p» v,
A Latin versiori of the six questions proposed to the priests in prison, with
a summary of their answers, followed by the solutions of F. Maldonatus, S.J., and F. Emmanuel [Sa ]
4
S.J., is in the archives of the see of Westminster, III., 91. See Tierney, ?#.p. xvii.
Samuel Kennet.

147

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

tàndem hue miserunt. Is narrat duos illos postremos non ita male respondisse sicut
hostes tradunt et in hoc libro publicarunt, affirmatque ipsum Bosgravium et Ortonum plane negare hoc fuisse ipsorum responsum. Ita nulla est fides danda haereticis.
D. Georgius meus et vester me valde his diebus Uteris suis commovit/ quod declaret adolescentes proxime missos non placuisse Protectori : tamen testis est mihi
Christus 1 quod possum et quod expedire judico in conscientia. Sed dabo operano,
quantum possum ut omnibus satisfiat. Ita Deus me amet et ita vos vestrumque
collegium diligo, ut undecunque exquiro ut probabilissimos mittam. Et si putetis nos
hie habere meliores quos nolumus mittére, aut esse hie aliquos ex meliori indole qui
non cupiant venire, sicut amicus ixoster D. Georgius in postremis Uteris visus est
insinuare, toto erratis coelo. Nam profecto tota domus vellet ad vos commigrare; imo
omnes potius in hac re ita se affligunt ut pene prae desiderio insaniant. Sed haec sint
satis; nisi illud fuerit addendum, nostros homines et domi in Anglia et hic.saepe a bono
opere 2 quod non possint tuta conscientia legere libros prohibitos, quibus necessario
tamen respondendum est. Si sua Sanctitas dignaretur mihi tribuere facultatem ut
ceteris quoque communicem quibus illud videbitur utile et necessarium, de multis
scrupulis essemus expediti. Dum haec scribo venit ad me quaedam historia ab haereticis scripta de morte septem prsedictorum martyrum sacerdotum, ex qua ipsa licet
haer etica facile cerni potest quanta fuerit omnium constantia et quantopere hostes
nitebantur vel unum in sententiam suam pertrahere. Nunc damus praelo hie veram
rei gestae narrationem, quam intra unum mensem per Dei gratiam habebitis.
Non scribo hoc tempore ad R. P. Gulielmum neque ad charissimum mihi D.
Georgium. Powellorum unus non ita pridem scripsit ad D. Morganum Parisios pro
pecuniis a patre missis ; sed ego ante 2 menses aut eo plus scripsi ad p. vestram, ut 100
scuta acciperetis de nostra pro illius pecuniae satisfactione ; nam dominus Morganus
inox mihi tradidit. Cupio illis juvenibus bene esse et suo nomine et quia multum
debemus amicis ipsorum. Vellem quoque Joanni Pricio optime consultum esse, et de
ipsius pecunia prius audivistis. Charissimus P. Barrettus satisfecit mihi in coronis
et caeteris per P. Gulielmum Giffordium et alios all at is. Si potestis ilio car ere, cupio
ipsum dimitti hoc autumno. Sed jubeo te, mi pater suavissime in Domino, bene valere.
Remis, 23 Junii, 1582.
V. R P. conservus in Domino,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S .

LXX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 17 July, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster,

III., 117.

Mi reverende in Christo pater; Versor in continuis negotiis et aerumnis, nee uspiam
1

facto left out-?

2

A word omitted—perhaps imjjecUrL

u2

148

LETTERS AND MEMOMALS

solidiora capio solatia quam ex Uteris vestris- tarn plenis semper amorisy pietatis,,
solicitudinis. Et unde mihi materia doloris inde etiam laboris. De trucidati^ etenim
fratribus nostris ac vestris jam ante scripseram et contristate eram vehementer, et
nunc historiam mortis eorum ac etiam cseterorum scribere cogor, anglice primum quia
nostri valde desiderant et instructiones miserunt, postea etiam fortassis latine. Antiquorum martyrum constantiam plane videbitis. Ea res mirifice movit et mutavit
animos hominum, bonorum vel mediocrium in poenitentiam, impiorum ac hostium in
admirationem. Vere erat validus clamor istius tarn copiosi sanguinis sacri. Concionum myriàdes non ita fidem ac religionem apostólicam illustrassent sicut istarum
sacrarum hostiarum odor apud Deum et homines suavissimus. Reliqui confessores
fiunt animosiores, nostri alacriores, messis eopiosior. Deo duce, labore et constantia
vincemus ; atque hostes eo magis sunt furiosi quia desperant piane. Continuo mittunt
jam ad me. no vani scribendi materiam ; cujusmodi operis 1 pene conficior, cum vix
collegii curam ac nostratium csoterorum negotia sustinere valeam, et ad hujusmodi
scriptiones morte et segritudine Bristoi atque Martini factus sum imbecillior, cum pene
nulli sint qui in hoc genere juvare possint. Sed pergo ut possum. P. Robertus 2 eo
nunc loco est ut his rebus operam dare non queat. Omnia speramus et sustinemus
lubentissime. Atque in his versor suavius quod antiqua rei familiaris et pecuniarise
sollicitudo ex illa collecta sancta vestra facta est levior. Quantum in illa re laboraverit
V. P. quantumque cseteri per Italiani sanctissimi viri misericordise nixi sint intelligimus.
Dominus Jesus det ut protinus copiosa largitione metant in benedictionibus. In
Francia hactenus in hac re profecimus minus ; nec sane miramur, quia populus continuis bellis et oneribus est affectus : sed de his saepe antea.
Mundinus et sodalis ejus Simsonius appulerunt heri, aestu et pulvere bene
fessi, sed incolumes. Cogimur compati necessitatibus istius quantum licet et possumus vel propter literas reverendi ac magnifici domini ac amici nostri, domini
Hurtadi, qui cum affectu visus est mihi eum commendare; quod R.P. Gulielmus
confessarius et dominus etiam Georgius Gilbertus fecerunt. Erat aliquis metus
de ipso propter ilium nebulonem ministrum, Romani itineris comitem, qui nunc
dicitur in Angliam profectus et meas prodidisse literas. Gilbertus Giffordius dicebat
se esse ab illa obligatione sacerdotii et vestra voluntate et Papae dimissione ac
licentia de eundo in patriam liberum j a m ; ac proinde affirmabat sibi non esse
faciendum ut ingrediendo in nostrum contubernium videretur se ullo modo iterum
obligare eodem vel simili vinculo, ac ideirco domum piane cogitare. Non potuimus
avertere ; discessit ; in Angliam profectus est. Gulielmus 3 quantum potuit et per
nos et per seipsum restitit; sed evasit, nobis et cognato suo non male, sibi (uti
vereor) pessime, Gulielmus optime se gerit et diligenter studet et docet, atque
de éo magnani concipimus spem; anteriora obliviscimur ; ad sequentia manus ex1

Supply mole ?

2

F. Robert Persons was then in Spain or Portugal.

3

William Gifford.

149

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

tendimus. Vestram charitatem et patientiam in se magni facit. Nos ita (ut spero)
eum tractabimus ut et sibi et nobis et olim etiam reipublicse utilis esse possit.
Nunc incipio esse valde sollicitus ut tales nanciscar juvenes quales velletis
in hanc missionem. Sed de numero nihil discernitis, Quia priores non ita Cardinali
visi sunt idonei, multum sum anxius. Se ex capella Reginse proripuerunt duo
magni (ut apud nos sestimantur) musici, sed viri uxorati, qui dicuntur profecturi
Romani ut exerceant suam artem et vivant ex eà; et ex hoc Regina incredibiliter dicitur
offensa. Sunt adhuc Rothomagi, sed cogitant hue venire. De Radulpho Sherleo
doleo sane : pramus pro eo. Quod Broukesbeus 1 meus et Throgmortonus se bene
gesserint in Sanctissimee Trinitatis testo lsetor multum. Gulielmum Haukesworthum
semper charitati vestry commendo, reliquosque omnes mihi charissimos. Vale in
Domino Jesu, amantissime vir, pater colende. Remis, 17 Julii, 1582.
V. R. P. fìlius et frater,
G, ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglicani in [Urbe]
rectori dignissimo. Romse,

LXXL
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 18 July, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 121.

Jesus.
Reverende et dilectissime mihi in Christo pater; Conclusis prioribus Uteris in
fasciculum, vestrse paternitatis epistola 25 Junii scripta mihi redditur, quae facit ut
subito ista exaranda censeam. De dictatis Michaelis Baii, quss putatis Parkinsonum
habere, nihil antea scripsi quia in prioribus p. vestrse literis, saltern quas receperim,
nulla ejus rei facta erat mentio. Nunc igitur pro certo habeat vestra reverentia
ilium esse alienissimum ab illius doctoris dogmatibus scandalosis et offensivis, nee apud
se habere ilia scripta ejus authoris quae illis erroribus sunt sparsa, et propterea
1

" . . Gulielmo Bruchesbeio, mandato fuor d'Inghilterra l'anno 1580, e fu notabile sua vocatione,
perche essendo primogenito d'un gentilhuomo principale e havendo preso la possessione di suo stato,
essendo di vinti uno anno d'età e di bellissime parti e come un angelo per bellezza, lasciò ogni cosa et
insieme la sposa con la quale haveva da maritarsi, persuadendo a lei che conservasse la sua verginità
come egli haveva in animo di fare, e così andò a E o m a e visse nel colegio come convittore un anno e
più con grandissimo essempio di virtù et entrando poi nella Compagnia morse sanctissimamente questo
medesimo anno 1582. [In margin. Morì 7 Agosto, 1585, entrato nella Comp. 10 Ottob. 1583]."
P u n t i della Missione d'Inghilterra by F . Persons. Stonyhurst M S S . P . 38.

150

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

specialiter jam pridem aùthoritate Apostolica damnata vèl probibita. Habet quidem,
sicut mihi hodie interroganti respondet, ipsius quasdam in Novum Testamentum
annotationes ascriptas margini et spatiis interlinear ibus, in quibus non puto esse
aliquid offensionis, prsesertim cum illae sint exeerptae postquam retractaverat errores
suos et prohibitum fuerat ne imposterum quidquam veterum suorum errorum immisceret
lectionibus suis. Fuit iste Parkinsonus Lovanii educatus, et idcirco illius lectionibus
necessario debebat interesse. Alioquin est vir summe humilis> et mihi mox comportabit
omnes illas annotatiunculas ut vel servem vel igni tradam. Atque de hac re hactenus.
Literas illustrissimi domini Protectoris nostri, quibus ex voluntate suae Sanctitatis
concedit nobis distributionem collects pecuniae omnis, recepì, et de ilia ordinatione
laetor ; nam compescet temerarios petitores.. Ego jam ante multos dies scripsi ad vos,
ut dignaremini mittere formulam procurationis authenticae pro modo illius curiae, ut
scilicet possem vobis et successoribus vestris, collegii illius rectoribus, pro me et meis
successoribus meis* omnem colligendi et constituendi in banco vel auferendi, etc. Hie
enim neminem invenio qui possit id prestare commode, legaliter et secure. Proinde
obsecro curet nobis exemplar procurationis hujusmódi, . juxta quod ego immediate
mittam scriptum authenticum manu ac sigillo nostri collegii munitum. Nulla in Uteris
vestris, quae quidem ad manum venerunt meam, facta est mentio reverendissimi
domini Odiscalci. Tantum dominus Georgius semel id dixerat ; acciditque infauste ut
illas literas 2 non nisi [post] 3 multos menses acciperem per negligentiam cujusdam
nuntii. Sed vel hac vice vel ad summum proxima scribam.
De Goro ego plane judico nullam esse causam cur ullam de ipso suspicionem
haberemus quod fletè versaretur in collegio vestro ; sed Deum ex superbia ipsius permisisse potius ut vel nunc primum hoc anno laberetur, vel potius quod fìnxerit se
propter spem honoris et commoditatis haereticum factum esse, cum non sit revera. De
nostro apostata, 4 quem habemus (ut scitis) in carcere, dubitavimus magis, et tamen nihil
prorsus reperimus, licet exacte et a nobis et a magistfatu ecclesiastico examinatus sit.
Profitetur se1 valde pridem diabolum misisse in cor suum hanc malam mentem, et ex
multis conjecturis hoc verum esse putamus* Magna sunt illis objecta honorum, divitiarum, uxorum oblectamenta. Hinc mirum non est, instigante diabolo, cadere aliquos
et etiam prodere cum Juda, qui minore pretio vendidit Dominum suum quam isti
conservos suos et fratres. Et ego in tanta mundi màlitia tam paucos esse miror qui
labuntur.
De irregularitate ex haeresi propria vel paterna quae seribitis ìieque ego habeo
facuitatela dispensandi, sed neque necesse est ; neque enim scio in omnibus vestris aut
nostris aliquem qui hoc vinculo sit constrictus. Nemd enim fit propter haeresini
irregularis nisi qui fuerit haereticus declaratus, denuntiatus aut jure condemnatus,
qualis nostratium juvenum nullus est, neque qui patrem habuerit talem quisquam est.
1

Word redundant.

2

In MS. ilice literce.

3

Word supplied.

4

Richard Baynes.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

161

Si erramus, et nos castigandi sutnus : ita nos hie accipimus. Pro Radulpho Sherleo, ut
requiritis, lubenter oramus omnes. Valeat tua paternitas in Christo Jesu, qui te
coronet in misericordia et miserationibus. Remis, 18 Julii, 1582.
V. R. P. Alius in Domino,
GULIELMUS ALANXJS.

De reliquiis Edmundi Campiani martyris vix plura accipietis. De Hybernico
archiepiscopo1 nihil audio; et ille male audit. Si veniret hue, multi compellerent
ilium de pecuniis, non minus quam nos ; sed frustra omnes, uti existimo.
Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo P. Alfonso, rectori Anglicani [collegii]. Romse.

LXXII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 19 July, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster. III., 12$.
Salutem in Christo Jesu, colendissime et charissime mihi pater. A proximis literis
ultima scriptis septimana novi pene nihil quod scribam accidit, prsesertim in rebus
nostris aut ex Anglia. Unde ad nos indies commigrant studiosi, tamen non tarn omnibus
numeris perfecti indole, conditione, scientia quam vestri collegii maxime causa cupiam ;
quia video etiam vos in ista re delicatiores, et propterea nee hactenus de mittendis constitui quidquam, licet importunissime supra 20 adolescentes et viri ambiant. Tandem
circa nnem Augusti, ne in Italiani vel ad Urbem nimis cito veniant, optimos judicio
nostro et prseceptorum deligemus. Saltern abundabitis hac vice (ut existimo) musicis,
etiam Romanis auribus non injucundis. Mentionem me ferisse puto unius in alteris
literis qui reliquerat Reginao sacellum. Illi nomen est Moricius, notus Engeamo, et simul
cum ipso (ut dicit) educatus, Ille hie facile hujus ecclesia et loci omnes musicos (cum
tamen hie habeamus Italos non infimi in ea facultate nominis et alios) longe superat, et
tamen dicit alium esse Rothomagi in via ad nos, collegam in Reginse sacello suum, qui
ipso sit multo superior. Possent hie a Principibus retineri, sed ego consulo ut, cum
deseruerint Reginse aulam, non serviant ulli nisi Sanctitati suae vel collegio suo. Non
sunt ulla doctrina alia, ac ne lingua quidem latina instruct!, et propterea non possunt
1

Defmod O'Hurley, preconised Archbishop of Cashel, 11 September, 1581, martyr. He had previously resided fifteen years in the University of Louvain and four years, as professor of Laws, in
that of Keims. He was apprehended soon after his arrival in Ireland, and after enduring the most
barbarous tortures by order of Sir Francis Walsingham was privately executed, 19 June, 1584.
Maziere Brady's Episcopal Succession. Vol. II., p. 10.

152

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

recipi in collegium ut studiosi, séd possunt pro musicis tantum apud vos esse. Et si
Papa per illustrissimi Protectoris nostri intercessionem respectu honestse conditionis
quam habebant in aula Reginse, quam solum deserebant propter conscientiam, cum tamen
essent a pueris ibi educati, et ilia segerrime ferat quod propter ullam [rem] l in mundo
velint illam deserere, prsesertim ut Roinam ad hostes (ut interpretatur) eant ; hoc inquam
respectu si sua Sanctitas daret singulis 5 vel 6 aureos menstruos, possint egregie servire
vobis sine sumptu. Dico vobis de isto Moricio quod est humillimus vir et vere catholicus et zelosus. Ejus socium non adhuc vidi. Atque venient fortasse isti paulo citius
quam scholares, quia numerus ad profectionem non debet esse nimius. Dicit alios
prsecipuos Reginae musicos cogitare etiam discessum ; quod ego pro magno ornine cupio.
Damus prselo anglice martyria et res gestas pro ecclesia hujus anni prseterlapsi,
ubi breviter vitam et mortem Campiani ac caeterorum damus. Postea latine edi per
Dei gratiam curabimus. Multa in hoc genere et ad religionem [promovendam] x scribo
hoc tempore, ut non possim reliqua in vos ac amicos officia tarn facile prosequi. Ego
sic tractavi Gilbertum 2 ut fratrem aut animam meam non potueram amantius. Tamen
nolebat manere propter causas quas in postremis Uteris insinuavi. Gulielmum Giffordum fecimus contentissimum et in vos optime (ut profitetur) affectum atque collegio
huic utilissimum. Obsecro, mi pater, nihil Powellis desit ad valetudinem aut rusticationem, si fortassis cupiant, aut vero si prudentia vestra judicet expedire ut propter
calores aut aliam causam Tybur aut alio proficiscendum ill is sit. Cupio etiam dari,
sicut vobis videbitur, ad provocationem industria suae Gulielmo Haukeswortho,
cognato meo, 6 scuta, ut expendat secundum dispositionem vestram. Item Radulpho
Shirleo (quern Deus benedicat et consoletur) scuta 50, quinquaginta dico ; quse Morgannus Parisiis mihi solvit. Item si non jam pridem significavi ante (me tamen fecisse
existimo) solvat quoque reverentia vestra Throgmortono quadraginta scuta, omnia auri
in auro.
Habebitis hoc anno praeter scholares aliquot etiam qui devotionis tantum causa
sunt 3 venturi. Prseter alios senes qui hue transierunt jam, sunt duo etiam sacerdotes
qui nescio quo voto aut proposito se devinxerunt, ut plane nolint in Angliam proficisci
nisi ante salutatis Apostolorum liminibus. Restiti hucusque quantum potui, ne vos
ant Pontifìcem continuo gravent petitionibus. Statui tandem ea eonditione annuere,
modo finita visitatione septem ecclesiarum et expletis diebus in hospitali ordinariis 4 sine
ulla petitione facta Pontifici discedant Roma ac redeant ante brumam. Proinde si
tales sacerdotes veniant nihil fere illis fieri cupio, nisi inciderint in aliquem morbum
aut extraordinariam necessitatem. Schedùla ista continet postulatimi cùjusdam
doctoris optimi nostratis qui diu vixit Romse, nunc vivit partim in aula Principis
1

2
4
Word supplied.
Gilbert Gifford.
« In MS. sint
English pilgrims had
a right to be maintained in the English college, which was the representative of the ancient hospital,
during eight days if they were poor, or three days if they were well off.

153

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Parmensis partim in eastris illius ut tractet casus conscientiae Anglorum qui militant
pro Rege et religione catholica, eorumque conf essiones audit et sermonibus instruit, cum
aliam linguam non intelligant nisi suam. Proinde si pro occasione hoc ejus postulatum
vel per vos vel per illustrissimum Protectorem nostrum proponatis pergratum erit. Si
haberetis unum hominem qui ilia solum tractaret nomine nationis quique rem semel
propositam persequeretur in curia, multum levaret vos his oneribus continuis. Possit 1
illi aliquid de nostro annue dari : vereor etenim ne opprimameli miseretque me vestri.
Si non scripsero hac vice ad D. Gilbertum, imputet id negotiis nostris. Valeatis omnes
in Christo Jesu. Remis, 19 Julii, 1582.
V. R. P. deditissimus amicus et frater,
G. ALANUS.

Dentur quseso duo coronati seu scuta Joanni Lowo pro quodam expedito ibi
negotio eujusdam amici nostri nomine.
Addressed.
[Reverendo] in Christo patri, P. [Alfonso] Agazario, collegi! [Anglicani] rectori
dignissimo. Romse.

LXXIIL
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 5 August, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 129.

Pax Ohristi.
Reverende admodum pater, collega charissime ; Literas vestras 7 Julii scriptas
nudius tertius recepì lubentissime. In quibus tamen id permolestum erat quod
viderim vos animo nimium affligi ex quorundam stulto ac seditioso sermone de juvenum nostrorum in Societatem pellexione 2 ; quod ego vobis nunquam indicassem, si
judicassem tarn segre latum iri a prudentia vestra, cujus animum jam pridem ad ista
induruisse oportuit : et certe levicula erant et a nobis contempta ac refutata mox
apud ipsos qui mihi ista retulerunt. Nolui tamen omittere, ut hujusmodi scholarium
populares voces ignoraretis, cum ille sit illius collegialis morbi locus affectus. Sed
quare apud me, mi pater, tarn anxie de hac re loqueris ? Quare adfers testes confessarium, Gilbertum, Barrettum sinceritatis tuse ? Quasi mortalium ullus luculentius
possit in hoc genere de actionibus tuis quam ego testimonium ferre, aut qui melius
possit aut lubentius velit candorem ac innocentiam vestram tueri quam Alanus vester.
R pater confessarius scribit ad me se posse-facile ubi tempus erit omnibus istorum
objectionibus satisfacere ; sed non est opus ut apud me faciat, qui non minus acriter
1

2

Posset?
X

Seep. 138.

15é

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

hujusmodi me oppono calumniis quam si essem sieut animo ita ordinis et vita? instituto
vester. Conquiescat animus tuus in Alano, qui Alfonsum suum vivus vivum calumniis
opprimi pro viribus non patietur unquam. Scio opera in nos tua et laborem et patientiam quae tibi apud Deum et homines gratiam parient ac gloriam immortalem. Noli
ergo te et me quoque ipsum affligere ; sed confortare in Domino, qui non solum reddet
tibi pro benefactis sed pro his quae indigne pateris magnum mercedis pondus. Sed
ad alia.
Morganus ille presbyter, quern putabas Lutetise subsistere, jam pridem suscepta
a nobis facultate reconciliandi, etc., profectus est in Angliam nee diu apud avunculum
mansit. Abiit etiam Ooolinus, x qui est homo naturse biliosae, Bellus, Elisyus 2 quoque,
id est, omnes presbyteri ejus missionis : quse non soleo semper Uteris commemorare,
quia sunt res minutse. Biscopus est in carcere, sed satis liber pro ilia conditione et hoc
tempore. Persecutio defervet aliquantulum nunc. Moriendo pene superavimus ipsam
mortem et hseresin. De Gilberto supra scripsi in alia epistola prolixe. Gulielmus
Giffordius se gerit optime hactenus.
Quod ad errorem rationum attinet, video ex vestris et prioribus etiam D. Gilberti
literis fuisse in scriptione tantum. De Uteris procuratoriis ad vestram paternitatem
mittendis super collocanda collecta pecunia in aliquo banco respondi jam pridem hie
literas hujusmodi parum juridice et authentice fieri, et proinde rogavi vos ut f ormulam
curetis nobis mittendam secundum quam ego possim hic legitimum procuratorium formare. Quantum pecuniarum sit collocandum profecto nescio. Nam si non succedat
nobis in Hispania melius quam in Gallia et caeteris extra Italiani provinciis, vix erit
quod nobis supersit. Nam onera nostra sunt ingentia, et ab omnibus locis seu episcopis
ad quos illustrissimus dominus Protector literas scripsit non recepimus unum obolum ;
licet reverendissima Nuntius Apostolicus apud plurimos institerit. Quid imposterum
fiet nescimus. Mille scuta istius boni viri, qui illic totidem soluta cupiebat, non recepimus tamen. De subsidio quod datis Coverto gratias ago maximas. Est valde bonus
yir, et in negotiis nostris admodum sedulus. Quod pro tribus istis nostris facultatem
legendi haereticorum libros procurastis gratum quoque est, et illi gaudent plurimum et
eorum opera erit nobis utilior. Sed de facultàte reverendi domini Gulielmi Lucani,
doctoris Sorbonici et ecclesiastis Bellovacensis, de qua scripsi ad illustrissimum D. Cardinalem Vicarium, cupio maxime scire ; quia multum inprimis debemus illi doctissimo
viro, et certe est summus haereticorum malleus, ut meritissime illi tribui queat legendi
ipsorum libros potestas. Insta, obsecro, si jam pridem non sit concessa.
De Barretta) gaudeo multum quod sit per Dei gratiam venturus in autumno, non
propter earn causam quam V. R. allegat (licet certe ejus in genere testimonium est sine
exceptione recipiendum) ut persuadeat ac testificetur scholaribus de vestra innocentia
circa inductionem scholarium in ordinem vestrum. Crede mihi, pater mi, mi charissime
Alfonse pater, studiosi hie sunt tarn alieni ab hujusmodi conceptibus ut ne tunc quidem
1

Cowlings or Collings.

2

Ellis.

155

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

quando dicitur ab aliquo malevolo aut insipiente* vix videantur de ea. re cogitare ;
quinimo totum collegium, si esset possibile et si liceret, vellet ad vos commigrare.
Scripsit mihi pro solicitudine sua dominus Georgius Gilbertus cavendum ne hsec
contagio irreperet in nostram domum ; sed certum est non posse, cum non sint capaces
quamdiu hie existunt illius morbi. Se dedit ante duos menses quidam doctissimus
presbyter 2 in ordinem vestrum, cum esset ita necessarius collegio huic ut ipso pro
demortuo Bristoo uti pogitaram. Nemo tamen ex toto collegio, licet omnes viderent
nos homine summopere necessario destituì, dicebat 3 cur ita facit, nee conquestus est
quidquam de illius ingressu.
Noster apostata, 4 filius perditionis, vere fuit revelatus summa Dei in nos benignitate. Sed et hinc magis adhuc apparet Dei misericordia, quod cum unum tantum
accusatorem et testem malitiae atque blasphemorum verborum et intentionum suarum
haberemus, unde secundum legum hie quoad hsereses indulgentiam vel cessationem
non potuerit in ipsum accusatio institui apud magistratum, nee teneri in carcere, tamen
Dei bonitate et artificio ac diligentia quibus usi sumus erga ipsum, factum sit ut ipse
omnia confiteretur de quibus erat accusatus ; unde nunc habemus spem fore ut saltern
in carcere diu teneatur ut nocere si velit non possit, poenitere si velit possit. Et nisi
q u i d a m verba admiscuisset de me interficiendo, etc., propter solam haeresim hie puniri
non posset. Benedicite Deum nobiscum qui fecit nobis mirabilia. Quid ad me scripserit Gorus his diebus videte; mitto enim ejus epistolam anglice scriptam et quandam
obscuram ipsius recantationem vel apologiam potius et excusationem in peccatis.
Christus Jesus vos vestrosque illic omnes conservet, pater vere mihi in Domino dilecte.
Remis, 5 Augusti, 1582.
Vester conservus,
G. ALANUS.

Jam tandem venit reverendissimus Casselensis, Hybernus, qui promittit nobis
illas pecunias a vobis acceptas.

LXXIV,
Dr William Allen to F* Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 16 August, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

I l l , Ì33.

Jesus,
Literas charitatis tuse 23 Julii datas mihi vehementer gratas cum prolixa
D. Georgii epistola, quae et ipsa mihi perjucunda fuit, recepi in profestp Assumptionis
Beatissimae Virginis, quibus quod respondeam fere nihil est quod in superioribus non
1

In MS. incipiente.

2

Dr Thomas Stapleton ?
X'2

3

In MS. dicebani.
'

4

Richard Baynèg,.

156

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

ita pridern datis Uteris non attigerim. Sed quod gratias referam de continuis amoris
in nos tui incrementis, quae et omnium imprimisque domini Georgii nostri continua
praedicatione et incredibili in nostris rebus sedulitate atque in nationem pietate tua
apparent, sunt multae justissimae causae. Sed supersedeo, quia hujusmodi officia in
amicitia tarn sancte constituta sunt nimis vulgaria. Amemus nos mutuo in Domino
semper, consolemurque nos invicem, collaboremusque quasi triturantes aut arantes
boves conjugati in isto duorum collegiorum quasi uno fundo, ut et aream mundam et
frumentum quam possumus purgatissimum in sementem Anglicanam demus. Nunc
designo mittendos. Habebo quantam possum semper rationem eorum quae seorsim
in schedula annotastis. Expedit enim sane Sathanae artes non ignoramus: 1 sed et
artificiose in his rebus versandum est nobis. De Gulielmo Giffordio, ut ante scripsi,
habeo bonam spem : de cognato 2 despero. Ill e cantor ab Enghamio commendatus non
potest adhuc adduci ut de sacris ordinibus vel in futurum cogitet ; sed tantisper vivit
hic de suo donec aliud statuat, vel illud propositum sequatur ; et propterea non sum
ausus multum urgere ipsum, praesertim cum optimum musicum jamdudum ad vos
profectum esse sciam, et fortassis habebimus alios ejus rei non imperitos. De pecunia
mutuo data illi Duacensi Lentalerio nec de ipso debitore quidquam audivi. Keverendissimus Oasselensis, Hybernus, est hic valde aegrotus. Solutionem promittit.
Mitto vobis, id est, reverendo patri confessarlo et domino Georgio Gilberto, ut
interpretentur vobis ac aliis, martyrologium quod nos adornavimus in nostra lingua his
diebus quam potuimus per occupationes diligentissime. Inde vestrum quod intenditis
martyrologium plenius erit. Epistolam praemisi apologeticam3 pro innocentia nostrorum
martyrum ; gratum (ut spero) nostris hominibus opusculum. Adhuc est sub praelo :
nunc mitto aliquot folia, per proximum nuntium mittam reliqua. Per scholasticos
mittemus plura exemplaria et integra. Si tota historia verteretur in latinam ac
ìtalicam linguam multum nos juvaret ac omnes (uti spero) aedificaret. Nos scripsimus
anglice ad usum imprimis nostrorum, quia 4 hoc multum a me requirebant nostri, et
quia nostrates multum juvat et animat ad pugnam hanc piane admìrabilem. Credo
non fuisse clarius martyrum certamen in antiquissima ecclesia.
De collecta Hispanica et reliquis expectabimus voluntatera et gratiam Dei. Nunc
accingimus nos ad alia scribenda ; et omnia ista fìunt magnis sumptibus, et tales libri
propter pericula vendi aut emi non possunt in Anglia, sed praeter expensas vecturae per
tot terras et maria debent spargi in vicos civitatum per totani Angliam. De Barretti
adventu laetabor multum, eritque mihi etiam in hujusmodi rebus valde utilis, sed ad
regimen et exemplum longe utilissimus. ,- De licentia D. Gulielmi Lucani super legendis
libris insto semper. Excusate me, quaeso, apud D. Georgium meum et p. confessarium
quod ipsis non scribo hoc tempore. Hoc unum dicat, quaeso, a me cum humillimo
manuum aacrarum osculo illustrissimo D. Cardinali Sabello, mihi ex Anglia signil

Ignoremus?

2

Gilbert G-ifford.

3

In MS. apolegeticam.

4

TheMS.has qui.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

157

ficatum esse de duobus qui vel jam sunt in itinere vel ad id destinati sunt ut veniant
in Italiani et, si fieri possit, ad Urbem etiam explorandi gratia. Alter est Italus, qui
se appellat Jacomoro, qui incedit ut nobilis et aulicus, homo venalis, Londini
aliquandiu et in aula Reginse versatus. De ilio habent spem magnam quod tarn facile
propter linguam et nationem discerni non possit. Alter est Anglus,. Oxonii educatus,
qui vocatur Audleyus Danettus, homo ingeniosus et pestilens. De isto me precipue
admonuerunt, quia videbatur ad me venturus sub praetextu studiorum, ut ita possit a
me habere ad vos testimonium. Efeec puto significanda, sed valde secretò, Christus
Jesus P. V. diu servet nobis incolumem. Remis, 16 Augusti, [1582].1
Vestree paternitatis in Domino fìlius et frater amantissimus,
G. ALÀNUS.

Addressed.
Reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, collegii Anglorum in [Urbe]
rectori optimo. Romse.
LXXV.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 28 August, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 137.

Jesus.
Reverende pater in Christo, diarissime collega ; Qui dabit vobis ista est nepos 2
ex fratre illustrissimo Cardinali Polo, sanctissimae apud nos memorise viro; qui non
solum communem fugiens contra catholicos persecutionem, sed nominis ac sanguinis
sui regii capitales hostes pertimescens, cogitur solum patrium vertere, possessionesque
conjugem ac liberos relinquere, maximum solum natu septem annorum puellum
filium secum in exilium ducens. Ut Romam proficisceretur non consului quidem,
sed tamen ire volentem et meas literas desiderantem nee impedire potui nee de
ejus excellentibus virtutibus testificari non debui. Pro ejus facultatibus non erat
quisquam in tota Anglia in catholicos afflictos et prsesertim in sacerdotes liberalior»
Ad ejus domum tanquam ad tutissimum portum presbyteri semper diverterunt.
Quatuor aut quinque, ssepe etiam plures, alebat. Cujus rei hie pater Hidus, vester
olim alumnus, oculatus testis et exemplum esse potest, qui quanta fecerit quantaque
pertulerit pro fide coram declarare potest; et alii ex Anglia ad me scribunt sacerdotes. Obsecro igitur pro tali et tanto viro facite quantum licet et potestis apud
illustrissimum et benignissimum Protector em ac patronum nostrum, atque etiam ubi
erit tempus apud Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum. Summam ponit spem in isto
bono presbytero 3 comite suo, quern omnino voluit secum ad Urbem referre : alioquin
ipsi dixi non futurum gratum quod, sacerdos cuni sit, deseruerit opus Dominicum.
1

From an old endorsement.

2

Geoffrey Pole.

3

Leonard Hide.

•'

158

LETTEES AND MEMORIALS

Sed pollicetur se rediturum, si jubeatis. Ista commendo pietati et charitati vestras,
ac meipsum preeibus ac sacrificiis vestris ac vestrorum alumnorum, fratrum mini in
Christo charissimorum. . Dominus Jesus tuara R. P. custodiat semper. Rhemis, 28
Augusti, 1 1582.
V. R. P. frater et filius,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed,
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, collegii Anglicani in
Urbe [rectori] dignissimo. Romaa,

LXXVI.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 2 September, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 141.

Pax Christi.
Reverende admodum pater ; Scripsimus ad illustrissimum D. Protectorem nostrum
pro admissione octo studiosorum. Ut id facilius benigniusque faciat, tuam etiam pro
illis sedulam solitamque intercessionem quantum possum postulo. Quam sint in
omnibus vestro aut meo desiderio consentanei illaque Urbe aut schola digni non
dicam, neque enim facile judicare possum. Hoc solum affirmo, selectiores esse ex
omnibus quos his temporibus habere potuimus. Richardus Lighus est nobilis, insignis
ingenii et jam ingressus cursum theologiae. Robertus Sarus est etiam pro theologia,
latine et graece peritus, honestissimis moribus praeditus. Andreas Wagus, logicus,
graecaeque ac hebraicae linguae non ignarus. Edmundus Calverleus est nobilis, latinis
ac graecis Uteris bene instructus.
Richardus Edwardi
) .
. .
..
.
m classe lo 1COTUnl
Mathseus Kellisonus
g
P n m l > e t JudlC10 Pr*cePRobertus Johns
)
torum ingenii capacissimi.
Laurentius Owenus fuit his educatus annis in collegio Societatis Andomaropolensi 2 ;
aetate paulo minor quam par erit ; supervenit postquam caeteri erant designati. In
fratris demortui apud vos locum mittimus. Est elegantissima indole puer. Commendo istos omnes vestrae primum paternitati, deinde RR.PP. confessarlo et praefecto
studiorum caeterisque omnibus. Ita disposui in proximam vicem ut videar habiturus adhuc elegantiores adolescentes. Conabor sane ut optimis abundetis. Non habui
nee habere hoc tempore potui chirothecas elegantes quas mitterem. Unum tamen
par qualecunque dabunt. Mitto 3 Officia D. Virginis parva. Unum vobis, id est,
ad dispositionem vestram; alterum cognato meo Gulielmo Haukeswootho ; tertium
1

In MS. Augustini,

2

St. Omer.

159

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Christophoro Suthwerdo, ut eos ad pietatem provocem. Vobis tamen liberum
relinquo dare vel non. Csetera juvenibus relinquo. Si jubeatis ipsorum minimum
vel cseterorum quenquam habere verba ad illustrissimum Protectorem dum ad ejus
conspectum admittentur, instruite de modo, et facient. Dominus Jesus vos mihi
meisque diutissime custodiat, laboresque vestros relevet spiritu consolationis suae.Rhemis, 2 Septemb., 1582.
V. R. P. filius et frater,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Reverendo admodum in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, [collegii] Anglorum
rectori [optimo]. Romam,

LXXVII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 3 September, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster,

III., 145.

Mi pater multum in Christo dilecte ; Hac ipsa die iter capiunt versus Urbem
scholares nostri, numero 8, id est, plures quam ipse cogitaram ab initio, veritus ne vos
nimis gravarem, et Oardinalem quern cupio nobis esse placatissimum offenderemo
Tamen adventantium indies turba ita nos hie premit ut nos aliquantulum exonerare
hoc modo cogamur. De 7 statueramus ab initio; sed subito e collegio Audomaropolensi missus, frater Audoeni* vestri istic demortui superveniens ante triduum, putavimus ilium ceteris adjiciendum. Scripsi per illos ad illustrissimum D. Protectorem
et ad vestram reverentiam de illis fusius. Expecto indies a vobis formulam procuratoriarum literarum de dispositione pecuniarum quas cupimus in censum istic dari.
Valde enim vellem 2000 scuta illic constitui, quia nos debemus a biennio tantum uni
et 400 scuta alteri et ducenta tertio amico. Ad quae solvenda cupio, si Deus daret,
semper ibi habere pecuniam in promptu, ut si quid mihi humanitus accidat conscientia
esset libera, dum collegium haberet unde contracta debita solvat. Tamen istas
ultimas summas non teneor solvere nisi restituta fide in Anglia. Ita vobis explico
totum statum rerum nostrarum. Urget me adhuc idem ille bonus vir [qui prius] 2 qui
antea habuit 1000 aureos, nunc habet reliquos tantum 666, quos desiderat collocari
etiam in aliquo simili aut eodem censu. Si ex menstrua nostra provisione, elapsa vel
futura, possetis tantundem nostro nomine ipsius procuratori D. doctori Harto, Anglo,
solvere, et eidem consilium ac adjumentum vestrum in pecunia prsedicta 666 scutorum
a uri in auro recte collocanda prestare, gratum esset nobis, et prseterea etiam utile, quia
hic habet in collegio nostro illam summam, quao nobis erit ad manum sine periculo
1

Owen.

2 These two words are superfluous.

160

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

gestationis ; et cogemur etiam ea interim uti, quia jam pridem nihil accepimus, et
collecta in his partibus nequidquam profuit nobis. De Hispania sperabimus. Ille
Lentallerius Duacensis, cui mutuo dedistis aliquot scuta, nihil solvit, et nescio an de
nobis cogitet aut ubi sit. Reverendissimus Casselensis solvit. Quando Deus dabit
vobis majorem a laboribus vacationem, poteritis mittere rationes hujus anni quoad
provisionem menstruam, et mittam generalem quittantiam sub sigillo collegii.
Scribo hoc tempore ad reverendissimum Patrem Generalem. Tradite suae
reverentiae literas nostras, quaeso. Est quidam Adamus, frater illius Isaci Hyggeni,
sed melioris et constantioris ingenii, qui vehementer desiderat cooptari in Societatem.
Venit, ut puto, una cum nostris scholaribus. Pro eo scripsi ad P. Generalem ; sed
praemisi literas propter alia quae maturius scribenda erant suae paternitati. D. Frisonius, canonicus Remensis, vere vos colit et am at in Domino. Cupit ut mandetis alicui
pro ipso comportare 4 agnos Dei in cristallo ita consitos et ornatos ut in omnes
impendantur 4 vel circiter scuta. Mittantur per proximos. Mitto nunc integrum
libellum de martyribus nostris. 1 Prius per partes transmisi ex praelo. Cupimus per
aliquem vel de collegio vel de Societate latine donari, quia hic non habemus tarn
disertos, et sumus pieni hujusmodi occupationum. Nunc enim aggredior statim alia :
ita homines nostri sunt hujusmodi rebus sustentandi ut non sinant me requiescere.
P. Rob., 2 qui solus potest in hujusmodi rebus commode adjuvare nos, aliter nunc melius
occupatur. Pater Gasperus 3 bene valet et proficit. P. Gulielmus Holtus bene etiam
se habet et est vir insignis. Ab utroque, sicut et a P. Roberto, 2 literas accepi et
accipio saepe. Tantum orate pro ipsis et pro nobis, ut facitis et vicissim facietis ;
beneque erit tandem omnibus vel in hoc saeculo nimis nobis laborioso, vel saltern in
futuro, ubi unum porro erit necessarium. Dominus te tuosque omnes custodiat et
consoletur, mi compar in Christo chiarissime. Vale. Rhemis, 3 Septembris, 1582.
Vestrae R. P. studiosissima,
G. ALANTJS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, pollegii Anglorum in
Urbe [rectori] [vigilantissimo. Romae.
1

Dr Allen's book was entitled : A brief e Historie of the Martyrdom of 12 reverend priests, &c.
Printed An. 1582. The same appeared in Latin under the title of Brevis narratio felicis agonis,
etc. Pragaa, 1583. (See Lowndes, s. v. Martyrs.) " This English book is that out of which was
translated into Italian, Historia di 16 Martiri stampata a Macerata, 1583 ; the 4 last martirs being added
2
by the translator." Note by F. Christopher Grene, S. J., Stonyhurst MSS. P. 159.
F. Robert
3
Persons.
F. Gaspar Hey wood.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

IBI

LXXVIII.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 12 September, 1582.

Printed in Theiner, Ann. JEccles. Tom. III., p. 372.
10

Ill" ac Rev

mo

in Christo patri ac domino, D. Cardinali Comensi, patrono suo optimo.
IUme ac Rev me patrone.

Etsi timide et illibenter Sanctitatem suam vel tuam Amplitudinem de his rebus,
quae et magis sunt vobis notae et non minus cordi quam nobis ipsis, interpellare soleo ;
tamen bonorum studio et flagitatione cogor ista vel importune vel non necessario
sapienti^ vestrae suggerere. Jam pridem variis ex Scotise Uteris intelligo eum esse
illic rerum statum ut et spei ac desiderii dilatione vehementer angantur, et ex hac
etiam qualicunque mora non parum periclitentur. Nam ita vel subodorati sunt aliquid
hostes, vel ipsa Principis aetas et inclinatio in Reginam matrem adversarios reddit
suspiciosos, ut videantur mox aliquid contra pueri personam et regni administratores
tentaturi, nisi celerrime prospiceretur. Cujus mali metus fecit ut Principis ac Lenoxii
nomine ac mandato prseterito Augusto publicatum sit edictum, quo protestantur se
permansuros in ilia jam recepta religione, nec cogitare de mutatione. Cui tamen
promisso ita non fidunt, cum sciant Ducem esse animo catholicum, et Principem ipsum
male in hsereticos affectum atque (ut existimant) ad simulationem doctum, ut, si
rumoribus qui recentissime per totam sunt sparsi Angliam quique jam in Galliis quoque
percrebuerunt credamus, jamdudum nescio quo stratagemate ac arte hostes abripuerint
ipsum Principem e manibus ac tutela Ducis ac suorum.1 Quod si verum sit, magni
existunt utrinque motus, prsesertim cum et Dux ipse liber sit et munitissima regni loca
ac castra occupet populusque sit indignissime Regis illiberalem oppressionem et
captivitatem accepturus, et sine dubio si ullas haberet suppetias opportunas promptissime vindicaturus. Est enim plebs universa et antiquissima nobilitas in istum
Principem summopere affecta, timebuntque non leviter ne in Anglorum potestatem
veniat. I s t e sunt ergo hoc tempore Scoticarum rerum illiusque adolescentis, in cujus
salute et conservatione tanta rerum momenta in futurum tempus sita sunt, angustila.
Nam vel est in manibus hostium, unde eripi quamprimum debet, et certe omnium
judicio facillime,potest ; vel periculum est ne primo quoque tempore incidat : cui malo
in neutram partem seu succurri seu occurri potest, nisi ipsorum et nostris prioribus
postulatis citissime et benignissime a Sanctissimo Domino nostro annuatur. Nihil
dico amplius quia scio ejus erga nos, afflictos filios suos, sancta desideria et Consilia etiam
vota in hoc genere nostra superare. Tua quoque mihi, benignissime domine, tarn est
explorata voluntas et propensio ut frustra plura addiderim, cum ista defungendi erga
meos officii potius causa quam ulla necessitate exaraverim. Tempus faciendi, optime
1

The raid of Ruthven, 23 August, 1582.
Y

162

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Cardinalis, tempus faciendi a Domino. Quod reliquum est, solum tuam Benignitatem
oro u.t dignetur servitutis nostrae istud obsequium Beatissimo Domino ac Patri nostro
suggerere, et idem apud Sanctitatem suam quantum potes et soles promovere. Deus
Optimus Maximus tuam iHmam Dominationem diu incolumem nobis conservet.
Remis, 12 Sept., 1582.
Celsitudinis tuao alumnus et servus,
G. ALANUS.

LXXIX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 13 September, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 149.

Jesus.
Noli obsecro, mi pater diarissime, me vel negli gentile vel oblivionis tui insimulare,
quod omnes scribendi vices aut nuntiorum curricula hac restate non servaverim. Ac
nec aegre aut aliorsum feras quam facio, si tumultuaria nonnunquam scriptione non
omnia literarum vestrarum, ac adeo meorum propriorum negotiorum (quid enim scribis
vel tractas quod nostra non interest ?) capita attingam. Nam extraordinariae mihi
multae his mensibus vel susceptae vel impositae sunt occupationes, quibus saepe extra
mearum rerum sensum rapior. Tamen ita non puto me tam diu apud vestram siluisse
paternitatem ut bis (sicut conqueritur in suis ultimis literis, 20 Augusti datis) sine
nostris Parisiensis nuntius accesserit ; ut credam potius aliquando meas intercidisse,
praesertim cum probe sim memor me variis respondisse capitibus, ac ad aliquos etiam
scripsisse praelatos et patronos nostros de quibus reposcitis ; ut de pecuniis quas recte
et gratiose .exolvit reverendissimus D. Casselensis; de 50 scutis pro pise memoriae
juvene Sherlaeo et 40 pro Edoardo Throgmortono a Morgano receptis. De Powellis
polliceor me semper curaturum solutionem : est enim certa licet tarda ; et ut ne ipsis
quidquam desit vel meo nomine cura, obsecro. De literis etiam procuratoriis aliquoties
petii ut authentica formula illinc mittatur. Sin autem per proximum nuntium non
detis, nos hinc tale quale curabimus mitti. Valde cupimus aliquam bonam summam
ibi in censum aliquem tradi, ut sit in promptu ubi debita collegii hujus repetentur a
creditoribus : quae autem ilia sint et quam magna superioribus scripsi Uteris. Scripsimus etiam ad RR. DD. Datarium et Odiscalcum. Si non recepistis miror sane. Ante
duos menses me fecisse recordor; sed imposterum notabo exactius talium rerum
tempora, quantum per distractiones et negotia licet, literae enim meae sunt multum
interceptionibus obnoxiae. Scripsi ad Papam ex alia occasione per viam reverendissimi
Nuntii Parisiensis, praesertim de illis articulis sanguinariis Anglicanis quos solent proponere presbyteris ; quibus etiam dignata est sua Sanctitas responsum nobis reddere,
quod non est adhuc propter justas causas multis commune faciendum, Scripsi ad
reverendissimum P. Generalem per tabellarium proximum.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

163

Rumor est ilium patrem Lasium, 1 venerabilem senem Romae ante biennium presbyterum ordinatum, qui habuerat ante in matrimonio Cresvelli vestri ac nostri matrem,
martyrio Eboraci vitam feliciter finiisse cum quodam Kirkmanno, nostri collegii alumno,
consorte ejus meriti et coronse. Sed nee modus nee res ipsa ita mihi constat ut certo
affirmare ausim. Captum fuisse in ipso pene limine castri Eboracensis, dum peraeto
in carcere sacro cum aliquot sociis sacerdotibus qui et ipsi eo ad confessores quotidie
convenerant egrederetur, certum est. Quo tempore magna Dei providentia evasit
P. Gulielmus Hartus vester, qui fructuosissime circa ilia loca proeliatur proelia Domini.
P. Harrisonus etiam incidit in manus hostium. Dicite multam salutem reverendo
mihi patri confessano et diarissimo domino Georgio Gilberto, quibus annuntio aliquid
in hoc genere tristius ne nimium nostrorum martyriis exultemus, aut saltern ne aliter
propter istas gratias quam in Domino. Istud est quod signifìcatùm cupio illis";
P. Aulfildum, 2 qui est illi malecontento famulo 3 domini Gilberti frater, lapsum esse
aliquousque formidine poenae, et propter aditam semel aut iterum haereticorum
ecclesiam carcere solutum esse, De Morgano aliquoties rescripsi P. V. ilium jam diu
in Wallia sua esse, nec Lutetiae multum moratum esse. De Gilberto Giffordio prorsus
nihil audio, ne[c] quidquam expecto boni. Gulielmus 4 sane bene se gerit hactenus,
et satis sibi ac nobis utiliter studet ac docet. De ilia facultate legendi libros prohibiten
pro magno collegii nostri amico et patrono, D. Gulielmo Lucano, doctore Sorbonico
et ecclesiaste Bellovacensi, vehementer vellem habere; et semel ad me scripsistis
concessam esse. Ab optimo P. Holto frequentes accipio literas ex Insula. Valet etiam
P. Gasperus Heywoddus. Meus etiam Joannes Hartus est plenus spiritus fortitudinis.
Expectabo nunc avide P. Barrett um cum sodalibus suis. Nostri ante decern dies
versus vos discesserunt. Sa3pe admonui me nihil nec accepisse nec audivisse ab ilio
Duacensi Lentalerio cui dedistis mutuo pecunias. Signifìcavit mihi P. V., sicut
reverendissimus etiam Assaph., datam esse facultatem nobis vertendi horas Beatae
Virginis et anglice edendi ac imprimendi. 5 Si aliquid tale est concessum, cura
obsecro expediatur ac mittatur Breve super ea re. Si mora est in D. Datario, et si
putetis meas ad ipsum literas posse rem promovere, significate, et continuo scribam, et
per earn occasionem tangam illud punctum quod desiderastis f usius. Undique accidunt
nobis nova3 miserile et novae expensarum occasiones. Ecce enim, vobis dum ista scribo,
nuntium tristem accipimus de 4 studiosis juvenibus qui, dum versus hoc collegium
veniunt Duaco, spoliati sunt et captivi tenentur a milite domini fratris 6 suae Majestatis;
et pro ipsorum redemptione petunt a nobis magnam summam pecuniae ; interim
trahentes miseros secum per oppida et loca versus castra in Belgica. Quanto redimemus Deus s[c]it ; nam Uteris civitatis Remensis pro illis deprecatoriis non cedunt quidquam. Sed haec sunt tristia. Juvate nos orationibus vestris. Nomina eorum sunt
3
6

1
William Lacy, martyr, 22 August, 1582.
4
Robert Alfield.
William GifFord.
The Duke of Anjou.

5

Y2

2
Thomas Alfield, martyr, 6 July, 1585.
See First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 365.

164

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Hay ward, Ingeram, Heth et alter Hayward. Salutate omnes in osculo sancto.
mi reverende pater, toto corde dilecte. Remis, 13 Sept., 1582.
V. R. P. fìlius et frater,

Vale*

G. ALANUS.

Quod scribitis patres Parisienses cupere liberari ab onere pensionis nostra
recipiendso * ; nollem equidem propter causas quas ad illos scribam : curabimus tamen
ut quam minimo sit oneri.
Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglicani in Urbe
rectori, Romao.
LXXX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 27 September, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 153.

Ex Uteris P.V. 3° Septembris datis video Barrettum et cseteros in procinctu esse ;
quodque hominem, utrique nostrum tantopere dilectum, tanto auctum hdnore ac cum
tarn ampia amoris vestri testificatione dimiseritis per mihi gratum et jucundum fuit,
habeoque gratias sane maximas. Ille gradus scholasticus 2 in his locis summum illi
authoritatem conciliabit ; quod erit alurnnis inprimis collegii hujus necessarium.
Nulla enim re magis continentur nostri in officio quam variorum statuum discriminatione et subalternatione. In summa erit baculum imirmitatis mese, eseteris
columna. Gulielmus Glffordius professus est mihi heri se illi homini post Deum
referre quod jugum non ejecerit, id est, quod non perierit. Ostendi illi earn etiam
partem literarum vestrarum ubi tarn amanter ilium salutatis et laudatis, qua multum
recreabatur. Fosterus optime valet et procedit in omnibus. Ego Gulielrnum piene
exercitiis onero ; ita tamen ut propter adjunctum qualemcunque docendi cseteros honorem lubenter quidlibet suscipiat et faciat. Hoc est illi utilissimum. Discessus
Gilberti 3 nobis vel propter ipsum fuit commodissimus, licet sibi (uti vereor) periculosus
vel etiam perniciosus sit futurus. De quo tamen nihil audio.
Mi pater reverende, de modo collocandi pecunias nostras de collecta acceptas et
accipiendas totum vestrse prudentise committo; hoc solum ut fiat utiliter et sine
peccato. Nam rationes ac differentias illorum cambiorum et censuum omnino non
scio. Solum formu]am proeuratorii (ut promittitis) mittite, et ego probabo ac ratum
lrabebo quidquid nostro et collegii nomine facietis et fecistis. De postulato Bruksbeii,
licet ipsi optime velim, nee ipsi praesertim vobis quoque desiderantibus aut inter1

In MS. recipiendi.

2

The degsee of D.D. conferred on Barret.

8

Gilbert Gifford.

165

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

cedentibus quicquam negari vellem, tamen quia est valde extraordinarium et multum
etiam quod postulat, nescio certe quid respondeam. Sed expectabitis resolutionem
nostram per proximum tabellarium. Vix enim a receptis literis ipsius et vestris
ante discessum nuntii licuit cogitare de re. Tantum volui ista pauca exarare ut
intelligatis me vestras accepisse epistolas. Dacreo, Nortono et Coffino de pecuniis
missis satisfaciemus, modo semel Parisiis intellexerimus receptas esse.
Auditione accepimus P. Laceum affectum fuisse extremo supplicio cum alio ; sed
res non est adhuc continuata. Persecutio nunc maxime consistit in spoliatione
bonorum, in qua hostes immitissime se gerunt. Et sunt in Catholicis plurimi qui
mallent semel extingui quam illis rebus omnibus spoliari quae sunt ad suam et conjugum ac liberorum vitam necessariae. Sed et hanc rapinam bonorum multi cum
gaudio patiuntur. Atque catholici incarcerati formaverunt libellum supplicem ad
Reginae consiliarios, ut saltern vellent permittere ut vinculis liberati ad tempus accepta
cautione de redeundo ad diem prsestitutum eant ad fundos suos, ut ex cultura, quae
jam pridem magna ex parte vacavit, colligerent quantum esset satis ad tributum vel
pcenam illam pecuniariam solvendum quod exigitur ab ipsis. Sed nolebant vel admittere libellum, nedum semel dignati sunt legere, sed graviora sicut JEgyptii
Israelitis comminati abire vel tacere jubent. Deus exaudiat gemitus compeditorum et
liberet populum suum in marni potenti ; interim det ipsis ac nobis patientiam et
gratiam fortitudinis. Res Scotise dicuntur esse multum perturbatae, sed nec de eis
habemus certam cognitionem. D. Thomas Throckmortonus, frater vestri Edwardi,
apud me aliquoties agit de fratris sui remissione in Franciam propter adversam
valetudinem. Conqueritur illum non posse ibi diu vivere. Instanter admodum et
obnixe egit his diebus mecum, sicut et ante, ut contenderem apud V. R. de ilio
dimittendo. Ego de ejus statu nihil scio ; sed velim ut fratri satisfaciat literis de
valetudine ac voluntate sua. Nescio an aliquid suspicetur et vereatur etiam ne cogitet
religionem ingredi. Promisi me scripturum. Reddite responsum, si placet et ubi otium
erit ; nam [non] 1 conquiescet. Dominus Jesus V. R. P. vestros pro nobis labores semper
fecundet. Rhemis, 27 Sept., 1582.
R.P. V. filius,
G. ÀLANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo [pa]tri, P. Alfonso Agazario, [collegii] Anglorum
de [Urbe] rectori sibi observantissimo. Romse.
1

non supplied to complete the sense.

166

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

LXXXI.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 20 October, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 159.

Mi pater colende in Christo ; His diebus a vestra. reverentia nihil literarum accepi;
et cum jam pridem proximis illis 3 Septembris datis responderim, nee quicquam esset
vel novi vel lseti quod vos scire magnopere referret planeque essem occupatus, a
scribendo supersedebam. Hoc nobis postea quoad rem domesticam jucundum audit u
accepimus a quodam amico Parisiensi, quod in comitiis imperialibus Augustae \ collecta
sint 438 scuta: quod divinse Providentiae inprimis, deinde et vestrse soUicitudini
referimus. Ex Ulisbona amici dant aliquam spem. E Madritio nihil audimus plane.
De Parisiensi contributione valde erravit P. Crittonius, sicut et nos prolixa spe sumus
frustrati, nescio enim an 200 ilia urbs ac tota Gallia hactenus dederit. Numero iterum
gravissime premimur, adeo sane ut jam novum exasdifìeemus refectorium : ita persecutions hujus hiemalis gravis motus extrudit ex Insula multos. Deus quoque noster
dilatat viscera in nos suorum. Illustrissimus enim dominus Guisianus Dux jubet
initia novi seminarli nostratium et Scotorum in Societatis collegio suo nuper Augii 2
instituto constitui; decern enim sunt ad festum Omnium Sanctorum admittendi
secundum judicium nostrum et P. Roberti. Erunt ex pueris, qui trajicient facile
ad eum locum ex Anglia; est enim littori adjunctus. Isti duo hseretici, Banus et
Gourus, quos habemus hie et Parisiis in vinculis, sunt nobis magno et oneri et
sumptui. Nisi ipsorum omnes sumptus faciamus, dimittent eos ; et custodes mire
nos pro victu, cubiculis et caeteris exactionibus, prsesertim ille Parisiensis, nos 3
emungunt. Heri ex Anglia a P. Georgio Hallo, id est, Birketto vestrp literas accepi.
Prsenuntiat futuram magnam contra catholicos hac bruma tempestatemi Sseviunt
enim in hieme magis. P. Joannes Hartus quotidie coronam expectat, et se obnixe
commendat utriusque collegii ac patrum etiam [precibus],4 quorum Socieibati in carcere
ex voto se sociavit. P. Arthurus 5 etiam et torturam et mortem quoque expectat ;
sed non est ille hactenus condemnatus sicut alter. P. Georgius prsedictus paucos
ante dies quam literas ad me suas scripsit inciderat subito in illum perditum proditorem Mundeum, sed Deus excsecavit illum ut [non] 4 agnosceret P. Georgium.
Trahebat ad carcerem 3 presbyteros ac tres nobiles catholicos ipsorum hospites quos
ruri comprehendi jam turn curaverat. Sed qui illi essent, P. Georgius hactenus non
intellexit. Lsetatur in Domino se periculum evasisse.
Quod ad Broukesbeum nostrum attinet, etsi de ejus voluntate et fide quoad solutionem piane sim certus, tamen de facultate reddendi sum valde dubius. Quicquid
enim in Anglia habet vel imposterum habebit vereor ne nihil omnino sint reddituri
1

Pitts.

Diet at Augsburg.

2

See p. 129, note.

3

nos redundant.

4

Word supplied.

3

Arthur

167

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

amici ejus ; ita sunt homines istic nunc vel timide vel mali, ut lubenter prsetexant
legum prohibitionem et Principis edicta, quibus sub poena capitis prohibetur ne
quidquam conferant aut mittant suis in seminariis. Tamen quia video vos velie et
juvenem valde cupiam animo erigere, potestis secreto illi concedere qus6 petit; sed
mallem sit contentus 50 scutis potius ; nam et ipse potest imposterum egere, et aliis
quoque identidem fortassis nonnunquam sucurrendum est. Committo vobis [rem] 1
totam. Fortassis ad ipsum scribam : si tamen otium non erit, potestis illi ista significare ex Uteris nostris. Licet ipsis videatur collecta magna, tamen non vident incredibiles esse expensas nostras in sustentatione 130 hominum (tot enim certe sumus hoc
tempore) mir93que in missionibus largitiones, et propter hanc collectam undique ad
nos concurrunt nostrates. Cum conaretur hie leguleius quidam facere nobis procuratorium vobis mittendum, displicuit plane formula. Proinde expectabimus vestram
formulam. Interim quidvis feceritis erit mihi ratum et gratum. De Gulielmo
Haukeswortho quid dicam aut quid faciam nescio. Reverendissimo P. Generali non
ita pridem scripsi. Cupio scire an receperitis. Dignetur R V. suam paternitatem a me
humillime salutare. 2 Vestros spero prope adventare. Saluta omnes vestros ac nostros,
senes cum junioribus, patres cum filiis, qui sunt omnes mihi meis oculis chariores.
Deus te, charissime pater Alfonse, custodiat. Remis, 20 Octobris, 1582.
V. R. P. servus et filius,
G. ALANUS.

Gilbertus Giffordius ex Anglia rediit. Quomodo fuerit a patre exceptus, quomodo
se ibi gesserit, quomodove discesserit nescio ; non enim invisit nos, sed ex Lutetia,
qua recta et mox contendit in Italiani, scripsit tantum breve epistolium italice cognato
suo, tantum innuens se reverti in Italiani nec habere unde debita persolvat. Quid
igitur meditetur nescio. Deus scit et vos [cum]* Romam venerit videbitis. Iterum
valete.
Addressed.
Reverendo patri Alfonso, collegii Anglorum rectori vigilantissimo.

Romse.

LXXXIL
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 5 November, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 163.

Jesus.
Nunc, Deo gratias, feliciter appulerunt doctor Barrettus cum sodalibus suis,
alumnis vestris sex, 3 scilicet Novembris. Pricius etenim, relieto Wigso, ut debuit, se
Word supplied.

In-MS. salutari.

168

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

suis adjanxit. Alter solus Venetias profectus adhuc non comparet. Wodroffus tota
via lenta 1 febri et tusse laboravit atque videtur non diu victurus. Reliqui bene se
habent de itinere et Inonestissime se gesserunt. De Barretto multum laetamur, laboresque ac curas nostras, quibus indies me magis et animo et corpore gravari ac confici
video (uti spero) alleviabit. Adventantium undique numero mire premimur. Intra
dies quatuordecim praeter istos vestros, minimum, venerunt viginti studiosi. Ita ista
persecutio catholicos fugat ex academiis Anglicis. Sed et collegia ista Romanum et
Remense facta sunt ex adversariorum concionibus et edictis adeo celebria, nedum et
libris editis, ut multi ex Oxonio prsesertim dicantur fugam adnos meditari. Si collecta
Hispanica non procedat melius quam Gallica, iterum hoc anno sequenti ad summas
veniemus angustias : sed spero in Deo, magnamque habeo in vestra charitate fìduciam.
De aliquot scutis ex collecta matri Storei dandis, quod cupitis, faciam lubenter : sed,
dicam V. P., est femina lingua virulentissima, et huic loco ubi collegium consistit incommodissima ; et nos conabimur illam transferre (si possumus) paulo longius a seminario.
Cupio pro Powellis accipiatis 100 scuta de nostra pecunia pro hujus anni pensione patria.
Nos tantundem capiemus a patre et amico ipsorum. Cupio ut ad me aliquando scribant
de rebus suis, ut de ipsorum studiis, voluntate ac valetudine amici per me reddi possint
certiores. Si putetis magis expedire ut revocem Gulielmum Haukesworthum hoc vere,
faciam, et mittam alterum fratrem, adolescentem ingenio admirabili, si csetera (uti spero)
sint consentanea. Multum profìciet apud vos; jam enim grasce et latine probe callet.
Sed Deus me punit in consanguineis ; vel ipsorum potius parentes castigat, qui sunt sanetissimi confessores. Non vacat hoc tempore plura seri bere. Isti notarii sunt hie tarn
vecordes et rudes ut nesciam an hoc tempore sim missurus procuratorium cujus formulam misistis. Reliqua cognoscenda scripsi domino Georgio Gilberto. Salutate quaaso
optimum p. confessarium et p. ministrum, p. Frabrinum 2 et caeteros meosque omnes,
et de muneribus sacris ac cseteris rebus receptis per istos nostros gratias habeo maximas.
Jesus vos custodiat. Remis, 5 Novembris, 1582.
V. R. P. filius et amicus,
G. ALANUS.

Reverendissimus D. Odiscalcus scripsit ad me omni humanitate et gratia plenissimas literas, quibus me servum suum piane beavit ; etenim pro benedictione habui.
Osculare ejus sacras meo nomine manus, quseso. Deus nobis tales patronos et protectores exilii nostri conservet.
G. ALANUS.

P. Bicklei munusculum sacrum fuit mihi gratissimum. Salvere ipsum jubeo.
Libellus quoque vester de eleemosyna fuit gratissimus.
Addressed.
Reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglorum [rectori] optimo. Romae.
1
8
In MS. /m^.
F. Fabrizio.

OP CARDINAL ALLEN.

169

LXXXIII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

[Reims] 13 November 1582.

From ike original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 167»

Jesus.
Pax Christi. Literas V. P. die 25 datas recepì, cum paulo antea ad vos alias ipse
dedissem ; quod officiorum mutuum commercium est eritque semper (ut spero) utrique
jucundum mihique inprimis necessarium. Illam novam 10 dierum intercalationem
vereor ut reverendissimus D. Datarius condonabit seu vobis seu nobis. De utiliori
collocandi pecunias nostras ratione vestro simpliciter judicio committo, nihil enim
conferre possum ponsilii. Misi in proximis Uteris procuratorium : secundum, illud
facite quod expedire judicabitis. Exolutum esse domino Georgio Gilberto lsetor;
ejus enim pecunias jam pridem expendimus, bonamque etiam partem illius summse
quae domino doctori Harto istic per vos assignanda erit. I n ea re id male accidit
solum quod in ista nummorum permutatione detrimentum sustineat dominus
Gilbertus : quod si vestra sequitate possit aliquo modo resarciri ex nostris rationibus, quidvis potius ferrem quam ut tantus collegii amicus et benefactor aliquid
incommodi a nobis capiat. Sed in neutram partem res potest esse magni momenti. Saltern illi nostram voluntatem significate. Reliqua minuta quae certis personis
nostro vel Bailei mandato solvistis in rationes ducemus. Ultimis Uteris dedi
facultatem accipiendi etiam pro Powellis 100 scuta ; sed nunc non displicet quod
porro 50 supra centum accepistis; et parentes admonebo, quibus vestrum de
utroque adolescente judicium adscribam, admoneboque ut cogitent de Carolo
disponere post completum cursum, et an velint nomen verum thesibus adscribi.
Cum ipsum valde diligam, tamen nunquam ad me scribit. Georgius l aliquoties literas
dat, de quibus ago gratias, licet character sit valde rudis et pene illegibilis ; alioquin ad
patrem misissem. De Martini 2 obitu felici scripsi antea: cupio ilium nostrorum
precibus commendari. Eo magis erit nobis Barrettus necessarius. Est quidam Hibernus, Leonardus Fitzimonus, 3 presbyter et meus olim Duaci contubernalis, vir plane
1
2
George Powell.
Rev. Gregory Martin died at the college in Reims, 28 October, 1582.
William Nugent, S. J., and Barnabas Georhagan, S. J., in a joint letter to the Cardinal of Como,
dated Paris, 4 J u n e , 1584, thus express themselves : " Dell' arcivescovato Dublinense si sente qui
qualche bisbiglio che sia per quel frate Bazzono : ma vostra Signoria illustrissima sia servita di non
lasciar quella, la quale è la prima dignità di nostro regno, cascar in mano di forestieri quando non
mancano de' nostri persone che ne sono degne, si come particolarmente ci è Leonardo Fizzymon, il
quale oltre alla dottrina et virtù sua è figliuolo del primo cavaglier di quella città." Theiner, Ann.
Eccles., I I I . , 819. Doubtless " q u e l frate B a z z o n o " is the " F r i a r Batson, a father of St. Francis
order, half Flemish by his mother," who is mentioned by F . Persons in his Autobiographical Notes
3

Z

170

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

bonus, doctus et gravis, qui vel in via est vel jam appulit apud vos. Si ipsum vel
mea causa tractetis humanius, pergratum erit. D. Polum incolumem venisse ad Urbem
lsetor. Humanissimas accepi literas a reverendissimo Patre Generali. Eas recte mihi
datas, si placet, suae paternitati significate ; nam ubi non datur justa causa rescriptionis,
hominem sanctissime occupatum non interpellandum censui. Sed a me osculare manus
quseso. Perbeati eritis tali prseposito, ac nos etiam tali patre, in cujus fìliis esse cupio.
Harto meo benedicat Christus Jesus, et oret pro me. Jam diu ab amplissimo et optimo
amico, reverendo domino Hurtado, nihil audivi. Si valet bene est, Deusque ipsum
incolumem nobis servet. Ex Anglia nihil prorsus novi, nisi quod novos scholares
indies accipiamus. Pestis quse Londini grassatur reddit hostes paulo mitiores vel
saltern ad tempus quietiores. Hactenus in Galliis antiquum calendarium secuti sumus :
nunc novam rationem inchoabimus. Deus det ut semel supra istos orbes et planetas,
qui nobis istas temporum vicissitudines et errores generant, perveniamus, ut seternitate
simul fruamur, suavissime collega, Alfonse pater. Vale. 13 Novembris, 1582.
Vester totus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, [collegii] Anglicani
rectori [m]ihi colendissimo. Romse.

LXXXIV.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
From the original

Reims, 23 November, 1582.

holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 173.

Reverende pater; Quia nihil scribendum occurrit de rebus Britannicis, quae eo
sunt nunc pacatiores quod pestis fecerit Londini justitiam et principes quosque urbe
expulerit, istas tantum lineas ad intercessionem cujusdam alumni collegii hujus exaravimus ; nimirum Milonis Gerardi,1 qui diu hie studiis sacris operam dedit et desideravit
ad sacros ordines promoveri; quod et nunc multum expetit, et est sane moribus et
scientia vai de idoneus ; sed propter unum oculum in pueritia quasi exesum et effossum,
ex quo est csecus, non potuit hactenus ordinari sine dispensatione. Summopere cupio
ut pro ilio ista gratia petatur et obtineatur prima occasione. Ille est dioecesis Cestrensis. Alium habemus alumnum qui propter pium studium in parentes quos perire
as having been employed by Dr Owen Lewis at Rome in connection with the party of Paget and
Morgan. " This man," F. Persons adds, "had a brother in the Society, but afterwards dismissed."
Stonyhurst MSS. P. 232. Leonard Fitzsimon was admitted to the college at Douay, 16 October,
1576, and ordained priest, 23 February, 1578. First and Second Douay Diaries, pp. 112, 135.
1
Miles Gerard, martyr, 30 April, 1590.

171

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

nollet propter contemptum legum ecclesiasticarum, aut potius propter non observatosin
matrimonio canones ecclesiasticos, cum contraxerint in quarto gradu consanguinitatis,
humiliter petit a vestra reverentia ut per aliquem procuratorem aut actorem causarum
vestrarum in curia obtinere [possit] 1 Breve Apostolicum super legitimatione matrimonii et prolium susceptarum in eodem. Nomina conjugum sunt Ovenus Lloydus et
Laurea Lloyda. Sunt enim ejusdem gentilis nominis ambo, et sunt Cestrensis dioecesis :
et nostri sacerdotes habent facultatem dispensandi in foro conscientise cum contractis
in 3 et 4 ; sed quia vir est hsereticus, nee vult venire ad conf essionem, non possunt
exercere in illos hoc suum indultum. Cum hujusmodi nollem vobis esse molestus,
nisi valde urgerer ab istis juvenibus. Lomaxium, quia per doctorem Barrettum vos
id velie video, retineo ad tempus. Dicite, quseso, meo et vestro Gulielmo Harto me
lubentissime illius nomine persoluturum ilia duo scuta quse debebat cuidam sodali
suo. Tantum sit memor mei ; atque sol vat, quseso, vestra paternitas et ducat in rationes
nostras. Arthuri Creswelli literas'perferendas etiam patri Holto curabo. Ilium salvere jubeo cum omnibus collegis suis. Omnes bene valemus praeter P. Wodroffum,
qui vult discedere, licet segrotet, propter consortium duorum presbyterorum sibi
charorum quos nunc mittimus. R. P. Gulielmum Crightonium ac dominum Georgium
salutate a nobis. Valete in Christo Jesu et nos ut soletis amate et juvate in Domino.
Petrus Kirkus 2 scribit ad vos et R. P. confessarium super pensione sua, et volebat nos
scribere ad M. Camerse vel Thesaurarium. Sed non videbatur mihi faciendum ; licet
optimo plane et dignissimo (ut ego existimo) nomini valde cupiam illam gratiam fieri,
et potestis, quantum lubet et prudentise vestrse convenire judicabitur, uti mea commendatione. Sed in hujusmodi rebus repulsam pati nollem, mallemque potius non
petere nisi ubi bona spes existat. Vos judicate. Iterum valete. Remis, 23 Novembris,
1582.
V. R. P. filius,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii Anglorum
rectori vigilantissimo. Romse.
LXXXV.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J. Reims, 6 December, 1582.
From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 193.

Jesus.
Rde pater, salus in Domino. Literas reverenti^ vestrse 8 Novembris scriptas
recepì, una cum rationibus in quibus hactenus non potuimus videre aliquem errorem.
1

2
Word supplied.
Peter Kirk, some time bailiff of the Earl of Northumberland, an
exile. First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 298.

z 2

172

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Et tamen in tarn multis, variis atque minutis summis atque extraordinariis multorum postulationibus quibus nunc 2, nunc 3 scuta postulant difficile omnia libello
inscribuntur. Sed modicum pro nihilo utrinque habebimus, erimusque quam possumus diligentes etiam hie, ne quidquam damni vobis contingat, ne prseter summos
pro nobis labores et molestias vestras quidquam prseterea detrimenti accedat. Quittantiam istius anni quam possum citissime mittam. Nos jam incipimus indigere
pecuniis et etiam mutuo accipere, quia ex numero studiosorum expenses nostra hunt
supra modum exorbitantes. Collecta Gallicana, ut ssepe admonui, vix satisfacit
nostri Coverti laboribus in cursitando ; nam et propter eas molestias extraordinarias
coacti sumus de eadem collecta ipsi satisfacere. Rothomagi aliquid tentatur, sed quid
fiet nescio, et si aliquid ibi accidat, sanctimoniales nostrates 1 qu86 ibi sunt debent
necessario habere bonam partem, quia indigent et dignse sane sunt. Postquam de
provisione menstrua vobis ac aliis quae debemus soluta erunt, dignetur R. V. aliquid
Parisios etiam pro nobis mittere secundum antiquum cambium. Video ex binis illis
Uteris ex Hispania ad illustrissimum D. Protectorem bonam esse spem divinse erga
nos Providentise in hunc annum venturum. E coiiiitiis Augustanis fere 400 aureos
sumus accepturi. Imposterum ut facilius inveniri et expediri queant illse summse quas a
vobis solvi istic cupimus, scribam semper in charta seorsim a Uteris, ut illis schedulis
solis servatis rationes imposterum sint minus laboriosa et magis secure. Ex Anglia
literas recepimus a P. Birketto : sed nihil novi scribit nisi de P. Harti mirabili
afflictione propter constantiam in confessione fidei, et quod duo hujus collegii alumni
ac sacerdotes sint nuper capti cum tota domestica ecclesia cujusdam nobilis et bonse
feminse. Nihil prseterea novi est. Habent Londini in uno carcere quern Mariscalli
sedem 2 appellant 18 sacerdotes.
Saluta R. P. confessarium cujus literas accepi et dominum Gilbertum, ad quos non
vacat nunc scribere. Literse vestrse ad P. Fosterurn erant bonse et valde illi utiles.
Spero ipsum et Gulielmum 3 Consilia vestra ac monita semper secuturos, Jesus te
mihi, pater mi, servet. Remis, 6 Decembris, 1582.
Vestrse reverenda paternitatis in Ohristo dilectissimus frater et servus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglorum de Urbe
rectori [opti]mo, mihi plurimum [dilecto]. Romse.
1

The Bridgettine nuns of Sion migrated from the Low Countries to Rouen in 1580, and left it
3
for Lisbon in 1594. See First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 360.
Marshalsea prison.
3
William Gifford.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

173

LXXXVI.
Dr "William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

[Reims] 30 December, 1582.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster,

III., 197.

Pax Christi.
Admodum reverende et longe charissime confrater in Domino; Ex Uteris 21
Novembris multimi sane indoluimus de transitu optimi Edoardi, 1 licet ipsi fuerit
felicissimus. Oret pro nobis sanctissima anima ipsius, sicut vicissim pro ipsa sacrificiorum hie et orationum officia rependemus ; quod vel eo nomine magis faeere debemus
quod etiam memor fuerit nostri, id est, collegii hujus ; quanquam dubitem partem
hsereditatis suao transiturum potius ad alios fratres quam ad sororem religiosam, si
qu83 futura sit. Agam et egi quam possum diligentissime pro recuperandis debitis
iis quae ipse, Sherleus et cseteri quos nominatis incurrerunt. De Gulielmo Brucksbeo
quod fecistis approbo, sed sit secretissimum. De bono patre 2 nostro, de quo quaeritis,
profecto vereor ne sit def unctus in via ; nam his duobus mensibus expectavimus ipsum,
et jam pridem etiam cum lachrimis, et adhuc non comparet. Quod non vocent aut
petant plures patres 3 in messem partim fit quod aliquot sint etiam in Anglia recepti
ex doctissimis optimisque presbyteris in ordinem eum ; partim quia expectant meliores
occasiones et persecutionis aliquam remissionem, quse adhuc gravior est, licet aliquantulum hac hieme propter pestem Londinensem deferbuerit nonnihil. Et nunc etiam
multi ex omnibus ordinibus consulendum sibi potius putant ex fuga quam ut domi
vincula aut depraedationem patiantur. Expectamus ingentem studiosorum turbam
hoc vere. Multi enim se parant, ut audimus, et oneramur multis pueris ex expectatione
seminarli Augiensis 4 quod futurum putabatur, sed adhuc nihil fit per illustrissimum
Ducem, 5 nee quando sit futurum scimus. Spes nunc est magna ex Hispania. Video
optimum patrem nostrum Oliverium plurimum satagisse pro nobis, sicut et illustrissimum Gonzagam, ad quos per proximum tabellarium scribemus. Subito enim receptis
V. E. Uteris ista exaravimus. De ilio juvene qui pecunia caret Bononise scripsi in
alteris Uteris me valde cupere illi satisfactum esse; nam revera habet 66 scuta in
manibus Balei nostri. Factum est negligentia quod prius non sit significatum. Cum
monoculo 6 nostro gaudeo esse dispensatum. Ingentes habeo Deo gratias ac vestrse
etiam pietati pro D. Poli 7 promotione filiique sui tarn honorifica educatione. Uret
illud haereticos nostros multum ; sed mallem illos alio ardere igne. Bayleus et multi
1
?
3
Edward Throgmorton.
F. Robert Persons.
i. e., patres Societatis Jesu.
s
6
7 u
Eu in Normandy.
Duke of Guise.
Miles Gerard.
Sua Beatitudo dominum
hunc [Geoffrey Pole] perhumaniter accepit, eumque patria, bonis et uxore orbatum amplis Romse
sumptibus sustentat, et illius filiolum cum filio Principis Parmensis in ill mi Card. Farnesii sedibus
educandum curavit," Literse Annua3 Collegii Anglicani de Urbe, Anni 1582.
4

174

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

gaudent de illis pecuniis a reverendissimo domino Assaphensi missis. Deus ilium bonum
senem nobis conservet, cui a me humillimas quseso salutes ; scribere enim ad reverendissimam Dominationem suam non vacat nee licet nunc. Itidem salutate reliquos
omnes, imprimis D. Gilbertum et p. confessarium dominumquePolum. Dignetur R. V.
mittere istas literas Neapolim. Christus Jesus dulcissimam mihi animam vestram
conservet. Postridie S. Tho. martyris, 1582.
Filius vester,
G. ALANUS.

In margin, but erased.
I pray tell Thomas Wentforth I have his letters, and so I have thother for Mr . . }
Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglorum [vigilantissimo
rectori. Romam.
LXXXVIL
Instructions regarding the way in which the collection ordered by Pope Gregory XIII.
for the English College at Reims was to be made at Rome. Lent, 1582.
From a contemporary document in the archives of Stonyhurst

College. MSS. P. 499.

Ricordi per li reverendi padri predicatori intorno alla colletta per gì' Inglesi.
Che dichiarino al popolo venerdì mattina et anco domenica l'importanza grande di
questo negotio, esplicando la inaudita crudeltà et persecutione che patiscono i cattolici in
Inghilterra et come molti son sforzati à partirsi per non perder' la fede, molti altri
sopportano quivi tormenti grandissimi fino alla morte. Quei che son fuora del regno,
per li quali propriamente è fatta questa colletta, si ritrovano per la maggior parte nel
collegio di Remis in Francia, dove concorrono2 ogni giorno tutti quelli che possono
scappare dalle fiere mani de gli heretici, et quivi son tutti con gran carità abbracciati
et instrutti nelle lettere et nella pietà, et fatti che son poi sacerdoti et bene armati di
spirito et di dottrina ritornano in Inghilterra per aiutare occultamente le anime anco
col proprio sangue.
Per aiuto di questa gente sua Santità non solo concede giornalmente buone
elemosine, ma vedendo il bisogno tanto grande et tanto universale ha concesso questo
Breve 3 essortando tutti fideli Christiani à porgere qualche aiuto.
Si desidera che venerdì il popolo sia caldamente essortato à fare una larga elimosina et quella mattina et anco la domenica seguente nel tempo della predica, et
faccino limosina più che l'ordinario, essendo bisogno estraordinario : et in oltre alcuni
reverendissimi prelati et signori vedendo l'importanza di questo negotio han preso
1
2
3
Name undecipherable.
In MS. concorrerlo.
Printed in Dodd. IL, 247,
See also various letters on this subject in the First and Second Douay Diaries, pp. 340-345.

175

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

l'assonto di andar' cercando et domandando alle case de' signori et gentilhuomini di
Roma et cosi essortar' tutti à far' la elimosina et in chiesa et in casa sendo ciò per la
salute d' infinite anime.
Per aiuto et conversione del medesimo regno Nostro Signore ha concesso anco
sussidio spirituale, et è che nella chiesa de gli Inglesi si faccia l'oratione delle quarante
hore con indulgenza plenaria a tutti quelli che confessi et communicati visiteranno la
detta chiesa et far&n oratione per la conversione d'Inghilterra. Quest' oratione comincierà domenica al tempo della messa cantata et durerà fin al martedi mattina, onde
si desidera che anco nella predica della domenica si essorti il popolo caldamente ad
andare quivi a fare orationi per questo bisogno.

LXXXVHI.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Paris, 16 February, 1583.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
Vaticano, Anglica Nunziatura, Vol. L, fol. 243).

(Archivio

Ill me Domine.
Jam diu nihil ture Celsitudini scripsi ; quod literarum argumentum vel novum
vel dignum non oceurreret.. In Anglia nulla rerum mutatio :. hinc gravis persecutio,
illinc constantissima professio. Scotire Princeps, ut prius, est in potestate hostium.
Lenoxius cogitur in Galliam migrare. Collegium nostrum constat jam centum quinquaginta studiosis. Numerum etenim propter collectam ecclesiasticam a S mo D. N t r o
ad nostrum subsidium indictam continuo augemus lubenter, et certe propter ingentem
multitudinem persecutionein fugientem augere cogimur. Unus tamen sàcerdos*tantum
his postremis mensibus ultimo supplicio est affectus. Ista minutiora nolui tacere, licet
alia sit nunc data occasio vel potius imposita scribendi provincia : nempe ut literas
serenissima Scotorum Reginre ad Sfcem suam propria marni scriptas transmitterem.
Quod officium sure Majestatis nomine libens faciò. Supplex oro tuam Amplitudinem
ut digneris eas S mo D. N r o tradere. Agit tantum, sicut ex literarum exemplari mihi
communicatarum percepì, causam Ducissre de Feria, feminre Anglre, illustrissimi ante
aliquot annos defuncti Ducis vidure. Istam dominam propter varia gratissima et
utilissima in se obsequia Regina plurimum amat, cupitque illam ex caloribus Hispanire,
quibus singulis aiinis extreme periclitatur, abduci in Belgium vel alias Catholici Regis
ditiones vitre et saluti sure magis consentaneas ; ubi etiam gratia, opibus et authoritate
sua popularibus suis possit et solatio et subsidio esse, sicut certe semper fuit. Est
enim femina sancta, fìdei ac Sedis Apostolicre observantissima et in afflictos gentis sure
homines benignissirna atque libéralissima. An ipsa migrare cupiat aut etiam velit

176

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

nihil sane scio, sed contributes in Anglia sui vehementer id desiderante Difficultas est
in eo quod in Hispania principum viduse solemni ritu perpetuo quasi lugeant defunctum
virum, nee ultra nisi jussi (sic) se loco moveant aut in publicum procedant. Regina
ita accipit quod facile jussu Regis ab ilia cer emonia exolveretur, prsesertim si sua
Sanctitas dignaretur uno verbulo idem per literas et Nuntium suum in aula Hispanica
agere. Quod negotium si sapientise tuse iniquum aut importunum non videatur, quseso
te, Cardinalis optime, ut authoritate tua (vel ut Reginae serenissima satisflat) promoveas. Hoc vehementer a tua bonitate postulo. De rebus publicis non est quod
hoc loquar tempore. Quantum tamen debeamus S mo D. N r o quantumque a Deo per
ipsum sperem scimus et gaudemus in Domino, identidemque tuse Amplitudini pro
admirabili in nos nostramque rempublicam propensione gratias habebimus seternas.
Jesus Christus te servet nobis incolumem, Mecrenas unice. Lutetise, 16 Febr., 1583.
Tuse Celsitudinis orator et servus in Domino,
G, ALANUS.

Addressed.
Ill mo ac Rmo domino Cardinali Comensi, domino suo benignissimo.

Romàm.

LXXXIX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 2 March, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 213.

Pax Christi.
Pater reverende ; Domum redii ad meos in principio quadragesimse. Omnia recte
offendi; laus Christo. Post ea quae scripsi Lutetia discedens peculiare nihil est.
Scholares nostri hinc discesserunt heri, feria nimirum tertia primse hebdomads. Ante
paucos dies accepi multas ex carceribus Anglicanis confess orum literas, qu89 tamen
non possunt semper tuto publicari, ne gravius affligantur hi quos in vinculis habent,
et ne exquirant hostes per quos et qua via inveniant scribendi et mittendi literas
eommoditatenr. Inter caetera habeo Joannis Harti (qui Societatem vestram ingredi
desiderai) 1 constantissimi confessoris ad patrem Gasperum Hayvodum 2 literas, ac
ejusdeni pair is ad eum responsum et alia plurima ejus generis. Mitto tantum vobis
nunc ejusdem Harti ad me (quia Latine scribuntur) literarum exemplar, unde ipsorum
statum facile cognoscere poteritis. Cupio etiam eas reverendissimo Patri Generali
communicari, quia se dicavit vestrse Societati. P. Birketti quoque literas anglicas
mitto reverendo patri confessarlo, ut vobis eas interpretetur et legat. Recentiores
tamen in occultis characteribus ab eodem Georgio Birketto accepi hoc mense Februarii
proximo datas, ubi narrat P. Tiderium et quendam alium sacerdotem nostrum jam
1
The sentence qui Societatem vestram ingredi desiderat is interlined in a different hand.
vodum is interlined in a different hand.

2

Hay-

177

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

pridem ut audistis antea captos, ductos ad consiliarios Reginae et ab iisdem mira vel
suavitate vel supra solitum arte tractatos leniter et in carcerem non ita gravem conjectos, reddita sibi sua grana benedicta et agnus Dei atque alia similia, quae ibi per
se solent haberi capitalia, porro etiam lenissimis sermonibus demulsos. Ita enim
dicebant :—Nos nihil debemus in vos gravius statuere, sed sua Majestas accepit causam
vestram in manus clementiae suae. Ita sane scribit ad me ille bonus pater : sed nil
magis ipsis fidimus, cum eodem tempore durissime illos confessores qui in turri Londinensi sunt tractaverint, ut alios pcenis et terroribus, alios verborum lenociniis a
fide et sancto proposito avertant, De Joanne Nicolao, quern (ut scripsi) cura vim us
Rothomagi in carcerem conjici, quid fiet nescio; ita hie leges contra haereses silent.
Homo impius f assus est se omnia ilia accusationum capita quae vel in concione vel
in libro contra nuper martyrium passos [protulit] x confinxisse, jubentibus et ni
faceret eculeum minitantibus quibusdam Reginae ministris et consiliaribus. De religione tamen dicit se multa ex animi séntentia dixisse contra catholicos, licet in
aliquibus articulis non credat protestantibus ; sed nunc se cupere cum catholicis
conferre. Ejus ad me scriptam epistolam,2 cum ex itinere Turcico quod cogitabat
reverteretur, misi etiam Lutetia, ubi Caddeum reliqui ejus socium, hominem parum
etiam constantem et quasi delirantem. Ita Deus istos traditores et miseros punit.
Cupio scire quid collegio debeat Throgmortonus vester nuper defunctus, ut ipse
possim a fratre repetere, sicut jam pridem dedi potestatem vobis illic de nostra
pecunia recipiendi. Varias recentium martyrum reliquias per scholares misi. Solum
de Cervino,3 ut desideratis, nihil possfum]4 nancisci, licet multum laboraverim.
Quidam amicus noster nobilis credit se e periculo mari[s fuisse] liberatum cum
omnibus comitibus ex injecta parti[cula] reliquiarum P. Campiani. Ejus rei ad me
[literas] suas mitto D. Georgio Gilberto, qui potest eas vo[bis] legere et interpretari ;
sunt enim nostro conscriptae [sermone]. Videte et judicate; et valete in Domino,
cui [te], mi colende pater, cum tuis omnibus, id est, meis qu[am] diligentissime
semper commendo. Idem pro misero peccatore et amico vestro mutuo, quaeso, tacite.
Remis, 2 Martii, 1583.
V. R. P. servus in Christo,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, [P.] Alphonso Agazario, collegii Anglorum
in Urbe rectori [vigilantissimo. Romae.
1

4

2
3
Word supplied.
See Concertatio, p. 231.
Ralph Sherwin, martyr, 1 December, 1581.
The MS. is worn away here : the words between brackets have been conjecturally supplied.

A A

178

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

xc.
The Earl of Westmorland and Lord Dacre to Dr William Allen. Tournay, 5 March, 1583.
From the original in the archives of the see of Westminster. III., 217.
Printed also in Dodd. Vol. II., p. 223.
Jesus ^ Maria.
Deare beloved Father; Sithe lately it hathe pleased God to rystore to more
perfecte healthe the Earle of Westmerlande ; whoe as he fyndethe hym self e nowe
more able of bodye, so lyckwyse is he in mynde the more desyrouse and wyllynge
to perfome a moste dewtyfull offyce in the servyse of hys devyne Majestie and
hys deare contrey ; havynge also wytheall the rude writter herof a promysed and
a vowed assyster and furtherer of hym in this same holye purpose and attempte
to the uttermoste of hys forse and power. Soe grette then ys the assured hope
and confidence bothe we have in your moste fervente and well-approved zeale to
advaunce and preserve the moste pretyouse quarell in the wordle, the honor and
glorye of God's chyrche ; a thinge in our poore contrey soe necessarye to be promoted, as the wante therof hazardethe yea many thowsande of sowles of eternali
damnation. And albeit many of your habite and coate hathe latelye executed theyr
prestely function wurthelye to the happy recoverye of a grette number of the same,
yet those fewe of us of the laytie now leafte alyve maye therat beare a holye envye,
which eyther throughe the slowe or colde dyspotetion [disposition] of the moste
myghtye princes we have dealte wythall, or rather throughe the lett of our gr evo use
synnes, colde never yet obteyne the spetyall grace to be imployed in this blessed cause.
Well perhappes the lycke apte opertunitie afore hathe not beenn offered, as presently
there ys by the late resorte into those partes of that noble and fathefull subjecte, the
Ducke of Lenox. Wherfor sythe that nexte unto God of all our natyon we doe
repose a moste spetyall tryste and affyance in youe, unto whose vertuouse dyrectyon
we have not alone promysed by woords, but also her by have wholye resygned and
commetted ourselves to be ordered by, tacke therfor herbye this commyssyon and
authoritie upon you as well to promyse of our behaulfe as well to the seyde Ducke,
the L. embassyclore of Scot., the L. of Rosse, eyther to one, all or eny of them,
whatsoever ayde, countenaunce or assystance our personnes, frynds or wellwyllers may
be eny way herunto, as also howe, wher and when to your wysdome and theyr appontment the same shall seame metteste and moste avaylable ; perswadyng alweys that
youe wyll tacke that fatherly care that our overture and redynesse herin be noe waye
prejudicial! to the contynewance of our honors and the good openion of hys Holynesse
and Catholycke Majestie, which hytherto hathe noryshed us; whom we do beleave
sholde receave not only moste sperytuall joye and comforth, but also in tyme gretteste
gay ne and wordlye commoditie her by. Wherfor yf this our intente and meanynge

179

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

by your dyscrett soly station may fynde the happy and fortunate howre to be herkened
unto, we muste further requyre you soe effectually to deale eyther with the spetyall
personnes before named or els wythe som other of more authoritie youe thyncke beste
for the procurynge of favourable letters that our intertaynmente be better answered
and payed, that we maye somewhat better be provyded and furnyshed whersoever
youe and they shall dyspose of us. Which yf you shall deame for the more spedye
executynge of eny thynge above seyde our presence requesytte, we shall not fayle
eyther the one or bothe furthewith upon your advertysemente and passeporte procured, yf you soe thyncke good, repayre to soche place as you shall dyrecte and
appoynte us. Thus bouldly cravynge your moste delygent laboure and travayle in
the premysses and your resolution with the sureste and spedyeste opertunytie that
comodyouslye youe can there fynde, that therafter we maye be the more redye to
accomplyshe the same accordyngely, doe surceasse from gyvynge youe eny longer
trouble at this tyme, commendynge us moste efFectuallye to your selfe. Her wythe
shall youe receave a letter to the Ducke of Lenoxe with the copy therof, that after
you have well perused youe maye eyther delyver or cause to be delyvered, yf you
dysserne it expedyent and necessary e ; other wyse youe maye at your pleasure deteyne
and kepe the same styll in your custodye. Fare well, our moste deare fryncle. At
Turnaye, this 5 of Marche, 1583.
Your moste assured,
CHARLE DE WESTMERLAND.
EDWARD DACRE.

Addressed.
To our very lovynge and assured frynde Mr docteur Alleynn.

l

At Remes.

Endorsed.
The Earl of Westmorland and my Lord Dacres letter.

XOI.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 9 March, 1583.

Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eecles. Tom. III., p. 477,
Ill

m0

ac rev

m0

in Christo patri et domino, domino Cardinali Comensi, suo singulari
patrono.

Illustrissime et optime patrone.
Miserator et misericors Dominus, qui escam dat timentibus se, sicut continuo multiplicat gentem, ita certe hoc tempore magnificavit lsetitiam. Cum enim collegium istud
1

T h e two signatures appear to be autographs.
A A 2

180

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

ita magnitudine et numero suo indies magis magisque laboraret, ut nec menstrua suae
Sanctitatis munificentia nec uUis undecunque eollectis eleemosynis t a n t e multitudinis
infinitis necessitatibus me succurrere posse putarem, planeque in futurum tempus essem
intime supraque solitum sollicitus, Deus excitavit cor suae Majestatis Catholicse, sine
omni de ea re cogitatione aut expectatione nostra, ut Christi indignis militibus duplicar et annonam, juberetque mini quotannis solvi ad collegii nostri amplifìcationem duo
millia ducatorum hispanieorum. 1 Quod licet mihi secreto exsolvi mandaverit, nolueritque id vel nostros vel Gallos vel alios quosvis propter certas causas scire, tamen
nullo modo potui nec debui istud a Deo nobis profectum bonum apud Sanctissimum
Dominum nostrum tacere; et ut tua Amplitudo humillimi servi sui nomine hoc
suse Sanctitati significet supplex postulo, ut flliorum suorum obedientissimorum bono
pater pientissimus laetetur, sicut non dubito benignitatem tuam nostris incrementis
non mediocriter affici. Utrum autem id porro petendum esset ut sua Sanctitas dignaretur aliquo verbulo significare Maj estati Catholicse hoc ipsius in collegium suum
beneficium sibi gratum esse nescio, quia ut occultum sit velie videtur. Et id totum
vestro sapientissimo judicio et in nos amori relinquo. Qusedam per reverendissimum
dominum Nuntium postulata ad spiritualem patriae nostrse profectum pertinentia
hoc tempore, uti existimo, Sanctissimo Domino nostro proponentur; quae ut promoveas
vehementer te precor, benignissime Cardinalis. Diu nobis et toti ecclesia feliciter
vivat sanctissimus Papa noster Gregorius, et tu quoque Beatissimi Patris sanctissimo
ministerio multos in Christo annos vivas et valeas, Mecsenas optime. Rhemis, 9 Martii,
1583.
Illustrissimse Dominationis tuse orator et servus,
GULIELMUS ÀLANUS.

XCII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

[Reims] 14 March, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 225.

Admodum reverende in Christo pater; Literfe vestrse pridie Cai. Feb. scriptse
venerunt ad nos paulo quam solent et vellem tardius. Pergrate erant tamen quod
de nostrorum istic omnium valetudine, de collegii optato progressu, de Dei erga nos
ex Polonia usque Providentia nuntiarint. Deus quidem hie nobis indies et multiplicat gentem atque sane multis modis etiam magnificat lsetitiam,
1
" Personio vedendo la buona disposinone del Rè [di Spagna] à aiutar li cattolici di tutti due
regni l'informò delli bisogni del seminario Inglese di Rhemis in Francia e del frutto che faceva in
Inghilterra, e che se bene Papa Gregorio li dava ogni anno due millia scudi di limosina tuttavia che
questo non bastava per la moltitudine de scolari che venivano d'Inghilterra abbandonandoTheresia.
Con che mosso il buon Rè assegnò anche subito due millia scuti per sua parte in aiuto di quel seminario." Punti della Missione d'Inghilterra per l'anno 1582, by F. Persons. Stonyhurst MSS., P. 35.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

181

In Anglia (Christo gratias) licet paulo minus solito hostes saeviant, mirifice profieimus. Gulielmus Hartus vester de cujus comprehensione aliis scripsi Uteris se strenuum
athletam praebet in carcere Eboracensi. Vita, disputatane, constantia adversarios
obstupef acit : reliquos aequiores vel confirmat vel convertit. Putatur futurus ejus
urbis quartus martyr. Tamen non est adhuc morti addictus. Illa civitas antea
erat in fidem catholicam propensa semper, sed trium priorum testium recenti sanguine
est multum conflrmata. Germanus frater meus 1 quern novit V. R a nudius tertius ex
Anglia ad nos venit, magnis ereptus periculis. Dum ipsum catholicorum in Insula
hine angustias, latebras, spoKationes, illinc consolationes, evasiones, devotiones
narrantem audio, varie equidem afficior ; sed major est in Domino laetitia quia in his
omnibus super ant confessor es Christi, quam in speculo tristitia quod tarn gravia
patiantur. Id erat plane jucundum quod affirmat, se hoc toto triennio quod a me abfuit
nulla die caruisse audiendi sacri commoditate, atque saepe in sororis 2 aedibus3 tria vel
quatuor uno die fieri,, imo quotannis in aniversario defuncti mariti officio duodecim
missas celebrari. Immittuntur tamen saepe in hujusmodi aedes de fide catholica magis
suspectas exploratores, qui tamen magis veniunt ut calices deripiant quam ut personas
comprehendant ; quos homines minimis fere placant. Illud totum territorium ubi nati
sumus est catholicum, licet vulgus promiscuum metu iniquissimarum legum ecclesias
haeretieorum aliquando ingrediatur. Imo passim per totam Angliam dicit nos occupare
corda pene omnium, Reginam tamen habere exterior es actus plurium. In quo non
parum videmur profecisse, cum animos videamus recta sententia imbutos, licet metus,
qui non est diuturnus custos magistri, oris conf essionem impediat ; licet indies confitentium etiam publice iidem augeatur numerus. Frater Londini integrum mensem,
dum transfretandi commoditatem expectat, coactus est subsistere. Interea visitavit
"carceres et confessores pene omnes praeter eos qui in Turri sunt, ad quos non est ausus
accedere. In uno, Castro Martio, 4 ut appellatur, sunt praeter caeteros catholicos
presbyteri viginti quatuor, qui ibi simul dulcissime vivunt in Domino. Et turn illic
turn in caeteris carceribus illius urbis multa fiunt quotidie sacra, custodibus, vel pecunia
corruptis vel religioni faventibus, annuentibus seu saltern conniventibus. Passimque
externi ad eos vel colloquii vel confessionis vel communionis causa admittuntur.
Quodque magis est, presbyteri sinuntur quotidie e carceribus exire ad varia urbis
loca, ut necessitatibus catholicorum spiritualibus inserviant, modo ad noctem
revertantur in custodiam. Unde incredibiliter multorum promovetur illic salus, non
minus sane quam si sacerdotes essent liberi. Ita undique Deus benedicit suorum
conatus, ipsaque experientia reprimit ista humana judicia multorum vel clamitantium vel susurrantium oportere nos nostros in commodiora tempora servare, persecu1
2
Gabriel Allen, who accompanied Dr Allen on his third visit to Home in 1579-80.
Eliza8
beth, widow of George Allen, Dr Allen's eldest brother.
Rossall in Lancashire.
4
Marshalsea.

182

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

tionibus cedere, ab opere cessare, Quibus consultoribus si uteremur, infinita quotidie
perirent animse quae nunc Dei beneficio servantur, omnisque patriae futura salutis ac
conversionis spes periret; neque enim expectanda sunt meliora [tempora erased] sed
facienda meliora, et a Deo Optimo Maximo studio, labore ac sanguine prsesertim sacerdotum sunt redimenda feliciora tempora.
Dum frater divertit in itinere ad insigniores quosque in regno catbolicos, multos
vidit ac allocutus est presbyteros collegii utriusque alumnos. In ipsa etiam urbe
Londinensi vidit multos prsetereos quos custodia mancipatos diximus; P. nempe
Gasperum 1 de Societate vestra, hominem piane prudentem et operarium insignem
qui hoc anno cepit magnos pisces. Vidit quoque P. Georgium 2 aliosque complures,
multaque mihi de omnibus lsetissima narrat. Illudque imprimis est jucundissimum
quod narrat in tam numerosa alumnorum et sacerdotum utriusque collegii turba
panicissimi, id est, tres aut quatuor tantum a fide vel metu vel commoditatum spe
defecerint; qui talnen et ipsi fuerunt potius dimissi et tanquam spurii abjecti a consortio cseterorum quam missi ad opus Domini. Et de poenitentia etiam unius aut
alterius ex pessimis spero me propediem 3 vobis Iseta nuntiaturum, nempe de Laurentio
Caddeo 4 et d e 5 ipso Joanne 5 Nicolao. Sed de talibus rebus plura alias; festinat
enim nuntius. P. Gulielmus etiam Holtus, Societatis 5 vestrae,5 optime valet. Accepi
ab eo literas Edinburgo in 5 Scotia 6 scriptas in principio Januarii. Est vir illi loco
aptissimus insignisque operarius. Hoc significate quseso reverendissimo patri meo, Patri
Generali et optimo patri Crittonio. Quaedam sunt in his Uteris quaa nollem omnibus
promiscue catholicis ac alumnis legi, ne tandem veniant ad aures nostrorum in
Anglia hsereticorum, et ita impediantur ac puniantur sacerdotes, ac catholici in carceribus magis exactiusque observentur, sed certis personis ac patronis prsecipuis.
Si antea intellexissem vos cupere aliquot adultiores qui cito pr omo veri poterunt ad
sacros ordines, hujusmodi facile misissem non inidoneos. Sed discesserunt nostri.
Proxima vice curabo desiderium compleri vestrum. De ilio juvene quem putatis
dimittendum, Novello nempe, dicam quid sentiam in proximis Uteris. Nunc, mi pater
vere dilecte vereque in Christo observande, vale cum tuis, id est, meis quoque omnibus.
Non vacabat certe relegere quae scripsi; proinde parcas festinationi et erroribus.
Jesus Christus vos omnes ut pupillam oculi conservet. 14 Martii, 1583.
- Vester,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, patri Alfonso Agazerio, [colleg]ii Anglorum
rectori [vigilantissimo]. Romae.
1

2
3
Gaspar Key wood.
George Birket.
In MS. prodiem.
5
from Caddy.
Inserted in another hand and with different ink.

4

Altered with blacker ink

183

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

XCIII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

[Reims] 16 March, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.
Pax Christi.

III., 241.

Mi pater reverende ; Ante biduum prolixas scripsi literas, sed istse fortassis una
vobis tradentur. His adjunctas literas scribo ad illustrissimum Proteetorem, in qui bus
de collegii hujus statu et rerum etiam Anglicarum progressu nonnulla significo hujusmodi qualia ad Cardinalem Sabellum scribenda judicastis. Occulte enim vel potius
satis aperte insinuo me cupere ut Sanctissimo Domino nostro eadem legat, quod
facturum potius Protectorem speravi quam alteram, quia ad officium aliquo modo
pertinet. Et id ut potius f aciat adjunxi quoddam postulatum, quod necessario ad suam
Sanctitatem referri debet. Illud hujusmodi est, ut vivse vocis oraculo concedatur
mihi potestas permittendi eis quorum opera hie in collegio ad hsereticorum libros
refutandos utar ut legant hsereticorum libros dum sunt in opere, neque ut nominentur
certse persons, quia non semper iisdem utor sed ssepe aliis atque aliis prout offert
occasio aut requiret necessitas. Rogo P. V. ut super hoc articulo interpellet Protectorem nostro nomine. Mitto quoque literarum ad eum autographum exemplar, ut
reliqua quae in eis contineantur videatis. Prseter ea quae in postremis Uteris commemoravi, frater meus Gabriel narrat quendam Hibernum, ante aliquot menses Romse
creatum episcopum, nomine doctorem Strongum 1 (proprium enim nomen non teneo)
nuper venisse in Angliam ut iliac in patriam suam transeat, et ita a catholicis Londini
et omnibus locis exceptum (licet occulte) tarn honorifìce et jucunde ut plurimi ad
parvulorum suorum confirmationem, cujus sacramenti major semper extitit apud nos
cultus quam in uUa orbis provincia, plurimi ad ejus accipiendam benedictionem, multi
etiam ad yidendum, quia jam diu non viderant catholice ac canonice ordinatum episcopum, qualem ipsum esse intellexerant, accesserint. In quamcunque domum intravit
omnes flectebant genua usque ad terram cum insigni laetitia et devotione. Prsedictus
frater meus vidit eum multos confirmantem sacro chrismate.
Magnse sunt apud consiliarios Reginse de Oxoniensi universitate querelse, quod
multi passim collegia sua relinquant et ad nos advolare putentur ; quod ipsos incredibiliter angit. In Testamenta non ita pridem hie versa et edita nunc intollerabili
furore sseviunt, conjiciuntque eos apud qùos repériunt, non solum catholicos sed
hsereticos seu saltern schismaticos, in carceres ; quqs tamen libros ab initio tolerabant.
Ilio opere propter annotationes adjunctas et libellum 2 quendam una a Martino pise
1
Probably D r Thomas Strong, who was preconized bishop of Ossory, 28 March, 1582, and shortly
2
afterwards consecrated in Rome. Maziere Brady's Episcopal Succession, I., 364.
" Discoverie
of the manifold corruptions of the Holy Scriptures by the heretikes of our daies, etc.," by Gregory
Martin. Rhemes, 1582.

184

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

memorise editum, qui continebat hsereticarum versionum sordissimas ipsisque ad ver sariis pudendas corruptelas, maltum promovimus causam catholicam ; sit benedictus
Deus. Multi hoc vere adornant fugam ex illis academiis ad nos, sicut ex reliquis
gymnasiis Anglicanis ; quos omnes eo lubentius confidentiusque recipiemus, quod hoc
anno Dei extraordinariam Providentiam multis modis sensimus multamque liberalitatem ex Hispania speremus ; de qua re, si ita contingat uti speramus, alias latius.
Hue appulit hoc mense quidam sacerdos catholice factus ante tempora hujus schismatis,
qui abierat multis annis post concupiscentias suas uxoremque duxerat, seu verius
pellicem intromiserat, qui nunc hie pcenitentiam agit. Sub idem tempus venit et
minister Calvinicae sectse. Uterque benefieiis satis amplis renuneiavit. Paulo etiam
antea accessit nobilis juvenis, Cantabrigise institutus, cum adhuc esset vere hsereticus,
professus se nobis non credere, sed amicorum suasu venisse tamen ut vitam et doctrinam
nostrani nosceret. Vidit et gavisus est, planeque a Deo factum est. Nam vivit nunc
catholicissime, admiratus suam prior em csecitatem et infelicitatem, est que verus
Israelita, qui suo tempore cupit ad vos venire et majora videre. Sed habet unde se
sustentet, modo patrimonium secreto ad se posset transferre, quod nunc satagit.
Desiderat anima mea videre P. nostrum Personium, indiesque eum expectol
Laboravit diu periculoso morbo, sed jam plane dicitur convaluisse. l Puto ilium
juvenem No vellum, 2 de quo ad me scripsistis dndum, plane esse liberaliter dimittendum potius quam detinendum, idque citius quam tardius, ne corrumpant bonos mores
colloquia prava. Quovismodo est tractandus potius quam ut integrum maneat annum.
Lentallerius de quo quseritis nihil solvit. Summa pecuniarum quam Lutetiam ad
p. rectorem vos misisse dicitis caetera quadrat. Solum ilia centum scuta pro R. P.
Gulielmo Crittonio non sunt per dominimi oratorem Scotise,3 ut scripsistis, nobis
solvenda. Non enim admittit sua reverendissima Dominatio. De ea re cogitate et
despicite mature. Mi pater in Christo amande, colende, vale et oremus pro invicem ut
post istos labores salvemur et requiescamus in pace. Saluta omnes nostros in osculo
sancto. Scribo pauca ad reverendissimum P. Generalem. Literas quseso tradas suae
paternitati. Vale in Christo Jesu. Raptim, 16 Martii, 1583.
V. P. devotissimus amicus et collega,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed,
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, collegii Anglorum de
Urbe [rectori] optimo.
Romse.
1
" Tornò Personio in Francia, ma cascando gravemente amalato nel porto di Bilbao in Biscaia
corse grande pericolo della vita ; ma rihavuto un poco andò al collegio della Compagnia nel' Università d' Oliate, dove restò sin' a primavera del anno seguente (1583)." Punti della Missione d'Inghil2
terra per Fanno 1582, by F. Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 35.
Novellum interlined in a
3
different hand and with blacker ink.
The archbishop of Glasgow.

185

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

XCIV.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 18 March, 1583.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Vaticano. Anglica Nunziatura,
Vol. I., fol. 245).
me
Ill Domine.
mo
Obnixe a R Rossensi episcopo Scoto nuper rogatus ut- ad tnam Àmplitudinem
super certo ipsius negotio vel potius querela scriberem, licet nee libens me hujusmodi
rebus incertis immisceam, hominisque praelati fides mese, id est, simplicis sacerdotis
testification! (ut debet) apud vos facile prseponderet, tamen flagitanti non licuit mihi
hoc officiolum denegare, prsesertim ne ex aliqua inter nos nationesque nostras simultate
(quam abominor inprimis) denegatum sibi studium exi stimar et.
Dubitat ergo se cum quibusdam aliis nescio cujus Angli nuper in Officio Sanctse
Inquisitionis falsa delatione honoris detrimentum apud vestram Celsitudinem, at que
adeo ex ea re ofYensam suge Sanctitatis incurrisse ; unde etiam timet ne in quibusdam
suis super suffraganatu Rothomagensi et aliis negotiis jam pridem factis postulatis
minus benigne audiatur. Ego vero quales quamque sequse sint ejus postulationes non
scio ; nedum intelligo quam accusationem homines suspectse fìdei et famae adversus
ilium fecerint. Hoc solum profiteor apud tu am Àmplitudinem, nee quidquam illis
subornatis hominibus contra catholicos ne juratis quidem credendum esse, meque r mum
virum habere pro fid eli in ecclesiam, patriam et Principem suum, in suosque ac in
omnes orthodoxos (prsesertim nostrates) pro fide exules benignum, liberalem atque
hospitalem semper extitisse. Hsec video, et ista pro ipso lubenter ubivis profiteor atque
testificor, maxime apud Ill mam Paternitatem vestram cujus gratiam et favorem in his
omnibus rebus summopere hoc tempore expetit. Concede mihi obsecro igitur, benignissime patrone, ut intelligat Rmus Episcopus et me officium abunde prsestitisse et id
aliquantulum apud vos valuisse. Dominus Jesus tuam Dignitatem diu nobis servet incolumem. Rhemis, 18 Martii, 83.
Vestrse Celsitudinis orator et servus,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S .

Addressed.
Ill mo ac rtno domino Card11 Comensi, patrono optimo.

Romse.

xcv.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S J . Reims, 29 March, 1583.
From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.
III., 249.
Mi pater colendissime; Illud occultum vestrum desiderium, quod aperuistis proximis
binis literis 14 et ultimo Februarii datis, est meo plane reciprdcum ; et de viribus ac
BB

186

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

valetudine, licet aetate jam laboribusque animi et corporis multum his postremis diebus
fractis, non ita diffiderem, nee est quidquam pene in bis rebus mortalibus quod magis
cuperem quam vobiscum et cum reverendissimo Patri Generali de collegii nationisque
rationibus constituendis cseterisque rebus ad salutem Anglise procurandam liberius ac
coram conf erendi. Sed dico vobis simpliciter, nee id hoc anno propter magnas causas a
me tentari posse, nec imposterum (ut puto) unquam nisi Pontifice non modo annuente
uteumque, sicut ultima vice, sed piane jubsnte : tantso sunt suspiciones, aemulationes
calumniaeque hominum invidorum. Sed de ea re alias. Nollem Gilbertum Giffordium
apud vos subsistere ; ac nec hic quidem, maxime propter Gulielmum 1 cognatum ejus,
qui est bonus gratusque nobis, sed valde labilis et infirmi animi. Mittemus fortasse
eum Lutetiam ubi venerit. Deo gratias, qui propitiatur omnibus iniquitati bus nostris
et sanat infirmitates nostras, datque cum tentatione proventum. Ecce post Nicolaum et
Laurentium 2 Caddeum, quorum iste (ut spero) est piane poenitens, ille confessus est
quoque multas in sanctos Dei calumnias et falsa testimonia, venit nunc etiam tertius
cum lachrymis ultro, offerens omnem satisfactionem pro commissa culpa et scandalo,
Osbornus, adferens secum juvenem prreclarae indolis ex academia Cantabrigiensi,
heereticum adhuc, sed audire veritatem paratum. 3 Alfildus quoque, qui et ipse quoque
ex metu tormentorum et mortis [lapsus est,] 4 est in via ad nos : quorum confessiones
et retractationes ita formantur prseloque per Dei gratiam mandabuntur 5 ut ex ipsorum
lapsu aliquid etiam spiritualis fructus catholicis et adversariis pudoris multum accessurum speramus.
Spero hunc annum nobis indulgenti*© et gratiee futurum tempus. Appulerunt sex
hac septimana ex Anglia : benedictus Deus. Ego si antea suspectatus fuissem (sicut
paulo tardius ex literis vestris et domini Georgii intellexi) vos desiderasse magis hoc
tempore seniores vel etiam sacerdotes, misissem equidem, et proxima vice mature dabo
quos aptissimos esse judicavero. Ego semel aut iterum scripsi ad patrem Gasperum an
cupiat judicetque hoc tempore aliquos e patribus Societatis mittendos ad se in Angliam,
et malletne exteros vel nostrates, quamque multos ex u^roque vel alterutro genere
velit. Ego hac utor cautione et cautela ne errem, prsesert^m absente adhuc reverendo
patre "Roberto quicum facile super hac re transigerem. Sed amicus noster D. Georgius
pro suo in me amore acriter objurgavit ac reprehendit meam cunctationem in hac re
per proximum tabellarium. Tamen debemus operari in hoc negotio secundum circumstantias mature et prudenter. Praedictum charissimum mihi hominem, cseterosque
patres, fratres ac fìlios a me salutate quseso. Dominus Georgius mihi signifìcavit vos
jam ecclesiam vestram Anglicorum martyrum sacris picturis 6 undique ornare. Ad
1
a
3
William Gifford.
Laurentium interlined in darker ink.
J o h n Roberts. First and
4
5
Second Douay Diaries, p. 194.
Words supplied.
Printed in the C o n c e r t a l o .
6
The pictures alluded to adorned the walls of the church of the English college at Rome until it
was pulled down at the end of the last century. They were the work of Niccolò Circignani, called
il Pomaiancio, who painted the martyrdoms in S. Stefano Rotondo. J o . Bap. Cavallerii engraved and

187

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

quod opus accipite quaeso in oblationem tenuem hujus collegii et Alani vestri scuta de
collecta 30. Spero enim, et etiam per literas postremas p. vestrse video Deum cum ex
Polonia turn ex Hispania atque Neapoli gratiam et benedictionem suam in nos indies
multiplicare, sicut gentem etiam ac familiam auget. Quod 500 scuta miseritis hac
vice Parisios bene factum est, nam mediocris pecunia nobis nunc non est satis. Speramus etiam aliunde aliquam bonam summam, de qua non possum nee debeo propter
causas adhuc vobis scribere i1 sed suo tempore significabo, si res ex votis et optatis
succedat. Sed jam accidit negotium cur ad D. Georgium quoque scribendum sit :
proinde, mi pater, vale in Christo millies. Quantum debeat ille felix puer Edwardus
Throgmortonus collegio non significastis, et scire cupio. Dignissima est illius
adolescentis historia, qua Gulielmus 2 etiam multum afficitur. Maximas de ilia gratias
ago. Iterum in Domino vale. Non mihi significastis pecuniam quam illi nobili juveni
Bononiae commoranti debuimus. Esse solutam valde vellem; nam et nunc pater
novam provisionem pro ilio nobis est missurus. Rhemis, 29 Martii, 1583.
Vestrae reverendae paternitatis in Domino frater et filius,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, collegii Anglorum in [Urbe]
rectori. Roma).

XCVL.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 14 April, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 261.

Reverende pater, amicorum in Christo diarissime; Literis r. vestrse 14 Martii
scriptis non potui hac vice diligenter respondere, cum ante discessum nuntii per
quern mittendae sunt nostrae Lutetiam vix una hora hue appulerant. Legi tamen cum
gaudio sicut omnia vestra, et scribemus literas quam primum ad illos insignes patronos
duos praesules Hispanos, itemque ad Ducem excellentissimum Bavariao, sicut consulitis.
Si scivissem mentem vestram paulo prius, misissem fraterculum Gulielmi Hawkesworthi, sed nunc net vestra gratia et verbo fretus in proxima missione. Est- 17
annorum, credo, vel circiter. Curabo quantum possum ut habeamus apochas domini
published them under the following title : Ecclesise Anglicana Trophsea, sive sanctorum martyrum, qui
pro Christo catholicseque fìdei v e n t a t e asserenda antiquo recentiorique persecutionum tempore mortem
in Anglia subierunt, passiones, Romae.in collegio Anglico per Mcolaum Oircinianum depicts, nuper
autem per J o . Bap. de Cavalleriis seneis typis reprgesentatso. Romse 1584.
1
2
See p. 179.
William Gifford.'
B B 2

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Ì88

Baerei et cseterorum. Nortonus valde senescit.1 Nunc taedio, ut fit, alterius loci
confectus venit ad nos. Quomodo jussu suee Majestatis, intercessione Reginse et
oratoris nostri, sit liberatus Nicolaus audistis scio. De Goro etiam quid actum sit
audistis per Covertum. Fieri non potest lit traducantur incarcerati nostri in ditiones
Pontificias 2 aut extra regnum hoc. Rex nunquam permittet. Hoc ipso tempore coacti
sumus deducere Baynsum nostrum ex publico carcere ubi hactenus continebatur, et
includere ilium in quodam cubiculo apud nos. Damus nunc prrelo confessiones Caddei
et Nicolai atque fortassis etiam Osburni. Eorum ruina fere non tantum scandali
generavit quam istse voluntariae caeterorum et ipsius Nicolai non ita multum coactse
retractationes. Nam postquam erat iste liberatus perstitit in sententia. Et Gorum
omnes existimant plurimum ilia custodia et hac liberatione potius per catholicos
quam per hsereticos in charitate, fide et humilitate profecisse. Quod mentionem
feceritis r. patris Oliverii,3 viri mihi multum colendi, aveo scire an sit reversus aut
ubi degat. Accepi literas reverendissimi Patris Generalis, quibus non multum est
quod jam respondeam. Venerunt Oxonio quatuor scholares hac septimana. Mittemus
aliquos in messem his diebus. Multi enim incredibili studio hoc a me etiam cum
lachrymis continuo petunt, quos alioquin propter temporum pericula moderatius mitterem. Sed fiat voluntas Dei. Vestros nunc indies expectabimus, et de Gilberto
Gifibrdio disponemus ut possumus. Literas ad Ducem Bavariee statuimus vobis mittere, illas [ad] 4 episcopos Hispanic recta ad aulam Hispanicam dabimus, cseteraque
curabimus ut possumus. Jesus vos omnes teque inprimis, pater mi, [custodiat.] 4
Rhemis, 14 Aprilis, 83.
V. R. P. addictissimus frater et filius,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Ànglorum de Urbe rectori optimo.
Romam.
1
In a letter to Don John of Austria, governor of the Low Countries, 26 July, 1578, Pope Gregory
XIII. writes as follows :—" Riccardus Nortonus, Anglus, vir olim domi suae nobilis et potens, nunc
autem nulla alia de causa nisi propter perpetuam in fide orthodoxa retinenda et tuenda constantiam
summumque ejus in Eboracensi provincia restituendo conatum, rerum omnium egentissimus, decrepita
astate, suis omnibus orbatus, una tantum filia, matrona, patris exilii miseriarumque omnium comite,
post longam diversarum provinciarum peragrationem profìciscitur ad Nobilitatem tuam ut possit tua
ope fruì Catholici Regis Philippi benignitate in ea pecunia exigenda quam ei Rex in singulos menses
persolvi imperavit. Rogamus igitur Nobilitatem tuam quantum possumus ut et hominem ipsum et
causam quam commendatissimam habeas, efficiasque ut pensiones turn prseteritse turn quae in posterum
debebuntur sine mora persolvantur." Theiner, Ann. Eccles. IL, 435. See also ib., p. 337.
8
3
4
In MS. 2>ontiftceast
Oliverius Manareus ?
Word supplied.

189

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

XCVII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 23 April, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 269.

Jesus.
Venerunt literae vestrae reverentiae 28 Martii scriptae, quo tempore miror non
pervenisse ad vos plures epistolas nostras 1 circa illos dies datas. 1 Scripseram enim paulo
ante plures, nee ullam praetermitto occasionem. Sed impedimentum est inter hane
ùrbem et Lutetiam. Sed spero jam pridem multas appulisse. Certe de Novello et
aliis rebus omnibus respondi quam primum potui. Illuni cupio piane dimitti ad nos,
quicquid cogitet aut etiam faciat mali ; tales enim retineri non possunt sine multorum
ruina et exemplo pessimo. De valetudinariis etiam cupio ut ad nos revertantur, sed
paulo maturius cum tabescere incipiunt praesertim ex ilia ptisi, nam postquam invaluerit morbus sero redeunt ; sicut patet in Standishio qui nunc mortuus est, in Lomaxo
qui semi tantum vivus est, et aliis ut Vodroffo atque similibus. Mox enim ingruente
aegritudine debent [dimitti.] 2 In qua re quidquid statueritis erimus contenti. Expecto
Gulielmum 3 cognatum nostrum, quem tractabo ut poterò ad ipsius, si Deus vult,
salutem. Respondeo literis reverendi Patris Generalis quoad iUum transfugam de quo
scripsi aliquid ad R. P. Gulielmum Good. Oportet nos per multas tribulationes illud
assequi quod cupimus. P. Robertus est adhuc in collegio Hispanico, 4 nec committet se
itineri ante Junium ut opinor. Si certe sciatis vel speretis quod illi famuli 5 ipsius et
D. Georgii Gilberti non sint capturi fugam, sed mansuri in Urbe, optarem ipsorum
liberationem. Sed si est aliquod periculum quod Angliam cogitent, hoc certe sciatis,
quod possunt non minus mali nunc illic facere quam si primo die fuissent reversi.
Vos ergo videritis. Ego in neutram partem ausim eonsulere. De illis 666 scutis ad
lucrum collocandis agam si poterò antequam tradantur vel claudantur istae cum
possessore illius pecuniae ; sin minus, proxima vice eurabimus ipsius mandatum vobis
mitti. Si forte non scripsero nunc ad charissimum nostrum dominum Georgium,
dignetur [V. R.] 2 significare ipsi illustrissimum Cardinalem Comensem mihi rescripsisse
de ilio negotio quod ipsi commendaveram supra quam solet benignissime. Porro me
aecepisse his diebus literas Londino a fratre suo, D. Edm. Smitho, quibus significat
fratrem quendam suum in via [esse]6 nos versus esse, sed adhuc non appulisse, atque cum
venerit me omnia illius causa facturum. Ego de domino Bassetto vereor ne fiat indies
imbecillior. Fortassis expedierit ipsum in Gallias remittere. Si sciret prorex Neapolitanus quam essemus suae Catholicae Majestati non ingrati, non illud objiceret nobis
quod dicitis. Sed speramus meliora ; saltern omnia debemus vestrae chiaritati, atque
1

4

2
In MS. epistola nostra . . data.
Word supplied.
6
See p. 184, note 1.
Robert Alfìeld and Roger.

3

6

William Hawkesworth.
esse is redundant.

190

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

multa etiam domino Nicolao Fitzherberto. Retribuere dignetur Ghristus omnibus nobis
bona facientibus vitam aeternam. Misimus ad vos per proximum nuntium literas pro
illis duobus episcopis Hispanis et pro Duce Bavariae. De comprehensione optimi
p. nostri Gulielmi Holti plura ad R. P. Generalem scripsimus, et alii forsan ad vos
scripserunt. De vestro praefecto laetor incredibiliter. Audio ilium esse insignem vobis
coadjutor em. Salutate mihi quaeso ipsum et omnes patres ac fratres vestros ac
nostros in osculo sancto. Christus Dominus vestram R. P. incolumem nobis conserved Remis, 23 Aprilis, 1583.
V. R. P. Alius,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglorum rectori optimo.
Romae.
XCVIIL
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 6 May, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 279.

Reverende pater ; Aliae literae nostrae, quae hoc eodem tempore Romam fortassis
venient, licet uiio aut altero prius die eas Lutetiam miserim, non fecerunt mentionem
Athertoni illius qui expectat a me literas quibus V. R. P. commendetur pro collegio.
Ego jam ante triennium primum et nunc postea atque non ita pridem hac pertranseuntem quasi invitavi ilium ad hoc genus vitae, praebens illi spem et collegii istius
nostri et vestri, si vellet relicta ilia aberratione et animi corporisque inconstanti vagatione se in disciplinam collegialem dare et tandem conquiescere. Non potuit unquam
adduci, licet variis et donis et pollicitationibus amicorumque quorundam sibi maxime
hie familiar[i]um interventione allexerim. Jam pridem cum in urbe Rhemensi esset,
vix septem dierum spatio potuit adduci ut ad me venir et. Cum in conspectum venit
amieorum suasu, rogavi quid a me desideraret. Cum nihil responderet, addebam—Vis
in hoc nostrum contubernium recipi et studere ? Respondit aut nihil aut dubie.
Aderat doctor Ely, testis totius colloquii et mei in ipsum ànimi et voluntatis. Jussi
eundem D. Ely ut suacleret amico eidem suo, ne se perder et, ut tandem aliquando
componat se ad studia utiiiora, ne amittat occasionem tam praeclaram meae erga
ipsum voluntatis, jubens confldere ut Romam postea etiam si bene se gerat mittatur.
In summa feci omnia quae potui et debui. Nolebat manere. Nollem tamen si vos
ullam de ipso spem concipiatis, eum respui ; licet de ejus turn inconstanti natura et
ingenio subverear, et exemplo sit malo. Valde ipsum salvum esse cupio. Hoc solum
de eo passim dicitur quod sit eatholicus. Utimini omni prudentia in ipso probando
antequam admittatur, et quidquid in ipsum aut pro ipso feceritis erit mihi gratum et

191

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

ratum, digneturque E. V.1 me accepisse literas ipsius et condonare lubenter ad
ipsius salutem omnes commissiones aut omissiones erga me suas. De Novello semel
ante mensem scripsi. Sed sane si adhuc ibi sit, putarem eum secreto vel in carcerem
vel in triremes adjudicandum. Propter tale genus perjurii, sinmlationis et scandali,
et maxime propter periculum quod creabit sacerdotibus in Anglia sic plane nunc sentio,
quicquid antea aliter scripsi. Totam tamen rem sapientise vestrse committo. Christus
tuam E. P. cum suis omnibus a malo liberet et conservet in bono. Si in aliis Uteris
meis minus pecuniarum quam necessitas vestra requirit ad complementum illius sacri
operis vestri 2 designavi, addat quantum judicet sequum. Erit enim quantum conjicere
possum prseclarum ad posteritatem monumentum. Iterum vale, mi pater observande.
Eemis, 6 Maii, 1583.
V. E. P. addictissimus frater,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazario, collegii Anglorum
vigilantissimo rectori. Eomse.
, P.S. under the address.
Eemitto cum his literas Athertoni, ut videatis quid ad me scribat.

XCIX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Eeims, 20 May, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 283.

Eeverende pater in Christo ; Ex iis quas scripsisti 25 Aprilis et ego in profesto
Ascensionis recepi lsetabar me intellexisse appulisse scholares nostros, variasque
nostras 3 ad illustrissimum dominum Protectorem et vos, nee missos displicuisse.
Vestros ibidem alumnos cseterosque qui circa id tempus iter cepisse video versus nos
sospites expecto. De Gulielmo* meo disponam ut possum. Avunculus Caroli
Somerseti multum ipsi succenset quod non potuerit morem gerere, scripsitque ad eum
acerbissimas ac minaces etiam literas ni pareret in omnibus suis superioribus. Sed
nunc eas non mittemus. Si ad nos veniat, de eo deliberabimus. Bonum AnoLream5
non consuluisse sibi prius ex mutatione coeli doleo. Quid de Novello faciendum aut
sperandum sit non video. Deus dabit aliquid consilii, si salvum velit. De optimo
P. Gulielmo Holto capto et in vincula in Scotia conjecto antea scripsi, et nunc porro
intelligo eum fuisse gravissime tortum equuleo ; sed fìdem, constantiam et taciturnita1

4

2
Mi dicere must be supplied for the sense.
See p. 186.
5
William Hawkesworth.
Andrew Wage died on the journey from Rome.

8

Supply literas.

192

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS.

tern summe servasse. Deus ilium consoletur. Quae scripsimus ante de capto etiam
doctore Alexandro Setonio non putatur esse verum. Accepi binas ex Anglia nuper
liter as ;* a patre Gaspare unas, alteras a P. Georgio Birketto, quas e ciphris extractas
feci in una scribi charta, quam ad R. P. Generalem [mitto] 2 quia ad ilium maxime
perti[ne]bant quae in primis scribebantur. R. V. potest ferre istas suas litems ad suam
paternitatem et ea quae ad vos pertinent ab eodem accipere. Laus Deo quod earn e
Polonia pecuniam receperitis. Ille vere est misericors et miserator Dominus qui nostris
succurrit ex tot locis necessitatibus. Illustrissimus Oardinalis a Guisia mire erga nos
afficitur. Sua Celsitudo voluit agere quaestorem pro nobis apud eos qui erant in
concilium hoc provinciale congregati, et collegit supra centum aureos. Nunc in dies
vel horas potius expectamus P. Robertum. Quae exhibuistis charitatis officia in ilium
sacerdotem nostrum et socium suum sunt mihi gratissima, et non male (uti spero)
collocata. Per proximum nuntium mittemus confessiones Nicolai et aliorum lapsorum ;
sunt enim jamdudum sub praelo. Ego nescio quid fiet de istis Greeno et Marklando, 3
qui continuo queruntur de valetudine nee videntur esse in proposito constantes. Fuit
hie mecum in prandio r. pater provincialis Franciae, cui nihil de voluntate sua, cum
tamen commode potuissent, dixerunt. Unus ex nostris egit cum ilio et fortassis
admittetur. Quoad caetera commendo vos Domino Jesu, qui vestros pro nobis
susceptos et suscipiendos sanctissinios labores immortalitate recompenset. Rhemis,
20 Maii, 83.
V. R. P. filìus et servus,
G. ALANUS.

Tirellus noster est valde sollicitus de sua pensione menstrua, quia nihil hactenus
audivit post discessum. Si quid audiatis, significate quaeso. Nos interim curamus ne
quid ei desit, quia scribit pro nobis. Vitam vel mortem Edwardi 4 optimi jam pridem
accepimus cum annalibus. Similia redderemus, sed laboramus nimia copia rerum et
paucitate eorum qui ejusmodi recte disponere queant. Cogor ipse in talibus laborare
supra pene quam vires ferent. Ego Barrettum meum compello in hujusmodi. Sed
et ipse humilior aut timidior quam ut auvsit talia facere. Sed curabimus tamen.
Reverendus pater provincialis Parisiensis cupit ibi solvi duo, si recte memini, millia
scuta ; pro quo spondet5 se redditurum nobis singulis binis aut ternis mensibus pensionem pontifìciam. Nescio an id fieri queat, quia vos saepe variis solutionibus
onero. Saltern simul solvi tantum pecuniarum non potest ; sed si variis temporibus
ac paulatim fieri queat, non debemus optimis patribus Parisiensibus qui tantopere nos
adjuvant denegare. Sua paternitas vel scripsit, vel ad vos de ea re scribet particu1

2
3
Printed in First and Second Douay Diaries, pp. 351, 352.
Word supplied.
See First
5
and Second Douay Diaries, p. 321.
* Edward Throgmorton.
In MS. spondit.

193

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

larius. Fecit enim ejus rei apud me mentionem dum hac transivit nudius tertius.
Scribat R. V. ad me et ad ilium quid commode fieri queat in hac re.
Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii [Ang]lorum de
Urbe [rectori] vigilantissimo. Romam.
C.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 30 May, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 289.

Jesus.
Literas R. V. scriptas 7 Maii lubentissime, ut semper, accepi et legi. Atque ut in
manus vestras illse fcedse lit erse quas remisistis incider ent Deus, ut interpret or, voluit ad
illius qui scripsit 1 castigationem. Licet enim ut seribitis prodendse non sint scriptori,
tamen possum eis uti ad multa bona. Quod ad hominem attinet ne dubitetis : scio
quantum et quousque illi credendum fidendumque sit. Amo ad suam salutem et ad
usum reipublictfe, atque ad eum finem quam possum dextre et artificiose tracto
ilium, idque possum commodius prestare quod his modis et aliis ejus naturales vitiositates mihi innotescant, quas apud ipsum per occasionem non taceo, et quas ipse
videtur lubentius a me quam ab ullo alio audire, cum recte judicet me ipsum amare.
Est difficillimum tollere ab eo illam antiquam quam habebat erga homines suae factionis inclinationem extraordinariam. Sed conamur tamen. Quantum ego possum
colligere, habet optimam de tua paternitate opinionem. De p. confessarlo et quibusdam aliis nescio an tarn bene cogitet. Illud commercium literarum, quod inter
eos frequens est, multum videtur auferre antiquam offensionem animorum, sed nonnihil potius refricare vulnus non satis adhuc sanatum ; quia pungunt se mutuo quibusdam aculeis verborum et rerum acerbarum commemoratione. Sed de his satis.
Accidit ut, cum vestras receperim, adfuerit D. Baro Dacreus. Dixi v. reverentiam
pro familiaritate sua et confidentia accepisse 10 scuta ipsius in illud opus novum.2
Ratum habet ; et cum dicerem suam nobilitatem non posse minus dare quam menstruam
provisionem, lubenter annuit. Igitur accipite 20 scuta. Mitto ejus etiam apocham,
sicut jam ante mensem misi D. Nortoni quittantiam, quam yos habere jam spero.
Ego adhuc habeo vestram cyphram, et potestis ad libitum uti. Ego non utor propter
laborem tantum, et quia ordinarie literae mese hinc inde tuto hactenus deferuntur,
P. nostrum Robertum 3 hactenus in dies, nunc vero etiam in horas et momenta, expectamus. Nam accepi ab eo literas 7° hujus mensis Maii, cum plane convaluerat, et hie
esse post paucissimos dies statuerat. Postea fortassis verba consolatoria vobis scribemus.
1
William Gifford.
College at Rome.

3

2
The pictures of martyrdoms for the Church of the English
F. Robert Persons.

C 0

194

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Mitto hocLtempore libelhim anglicum continentem varias diversorum hominum in
hac persecutione lapsorum satisfactions et poenitentias. Date quseso reverendissimo
Assaphensi unum exemplar, domino Gilberto alterum, r. patri Goodo, qui vobis omnium
sensum et sententiam communicabit, tertium. Utinam essent alia lingua scripta.
Videbitis, videbitis mirabilem confessionem nostri incarcerati sacerdotis.1 Georgius
Powellus valde cupit praficisci Neapolim recreationis causa hac sestate. Vellem id ipsi
concedatur (nisi vestra prudentia contrarium judicaverit) ut animo sit erga vos et
Societatem magis sincero, atque confirmetur in hac obedientia et affectu erga vos,
quern sane praa se fert nunc post cognati sui Caroli 2 discessum singularem. Scripsit
enim ad D. Elium 3 bonas literas et quod cognati sui actiones non probet ullo modo.. Si
iter judicetis necessarium, debetis illi viaticum necessarium dare, et ego curabo ut
solvatur. Aliquod est illi indulgendum ut in officio teneatur. Nunc expectamus
indies dominum Bassettum et reliquos tam presbyteros quam alios scholares et
peregrinos. Adhuc enim eorum nullus 4 comparet, cum tamen sex sint septimanse
quod a vobis discesserint. Post ultimas literas ad vos et R. P. Generalem per proximum nuntium datas ex Anglia aut Scotia nihil est novi. Hue interim appulerunt
decera studiosi ex Anglia in profesto Pentecostes. Non scribo hoc tempore domino
Georgio nee patri confessarlo aut aliis, sed vos me excusate apud omnes, quos in
Domino diligo. Commendo vos, vestramque Societatem, id est, vestros meosque
omnes gratiae Spiritus Sancti cujus nunc sacra festa colimus. Rhemis, 30 Maii, 1583.
V. R. P. filius et frater dilectissimus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed,'
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii Anglorum
[de] Urbe, rectori [vigilantissimo. Romee.
CI.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como. 30 May, 1583.
From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Vaticano. Gallica Nuntiatura, Vol. 17, pag. 165).
Cifra del Nunzio 5 di Francia di 30 di Maggio, 1583.
Il padre Roberto 6 è ritornato di Spagna et partì di Madrid l'ultimo d'Aprile
passato, dove ha lassato il Re Cattolico dispostissimo a l'impresa d'Inghilterra et di
Scotia, et S. M tà è di questo parere che se gii debba attendere in ogni modo questo
anno. E vero che mi ha detto che li ministri regii non mostrano sapere che fra N. S.
et S. M tà sia alcuna conventione di spendere in ciò alcuna somma certa di denari ;
5

1
2
Bichard Baynes.
Charles Powell.
M«r Giovanni Castelli, Bishop of Bimini.

6

3
Dr Ely.
F. Bobert Persons.

4

In MS. nullum.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

195

anzi gli hanno detto che Monsor Nuntio Sega già gli offerse 330m scudi d'ordine di
S. S tà , et V. S, I31ma ha scritto (et non dubito che non sia vero) che si è convenuto che
S. S t à concorra a la 4 a parte de la spesa. Come si sia presto, si porterà il stato di
questo negotio in scritto, come si disegni di condurlo, con che gente et navi, et donde
dovranno venire, et che denari vi bisogneranno, et si manderà a N. Signore et in
Spagna, et poi S. S t à et il Re Cattolico faranno quella risolutione che Dio inspirerà
loro. Piaccia a V, S. Ill ma eshortar N . S re a non perdere così bella occasione come è
questa di ridurre in un punto due regni a la chiesa cattolica, [et di] liberar tanti poveri
cattolici da la oppressione di quella Jesabelle. Quest' anno o si farà questa impresa,
o non vi è più speranza per opra humana ; ne N. S re può spendere il patrimonio di
S. Pietro più utile et più honoratamente che in la recuperatione di questi regni, per li
quali i suoi antecessori hanno tanto affaticato per piantarvi la fede di Christo.
CU.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J. Reims, 10 June, 1583.
From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster. III., 293.
Mi pater reverende, salve in Christo Jesu. Jam tandem appulerunt non solum
sacerdotes quos misistis ad messem Dominicam, sed reliqui omnes praeter duos Carolos,1
qui Lutetise adhuc subsistunt, hue ut puto post paucos dies etiam venturos. De eorum
statu, proposito, desiderio, quia hoc tantum die venerunt in ipsa S. Corporis Christi
celebritate, non potui quidquam scire nisi quod omnes bene valeant. Solus Novellus
cum Scoto ilio appulit triduum antea. Ab ilio, quid animi haberet, cur collegium
vestrum reliquerit, an haberet literas R. V. testimoniales suae vitse et pietatis ? Respondit se venire ut hie cursum studiorum compleret, nee dubitare V. P. literas in ejus
commendationem jam pridem me recepisse, rogareque obnixe ut possit recipi in
alumnum hujus collegii, Dixi me non debere nee posse eos recipere qui ab ilio sint
dimissi Romano collegio, nisi justa sit causa cur hie potius quam illic studere debeant ;
ipsum bona esse valetudine et csetera omnia quadrare, ac proinde me cupere veram
causam scire cur Roma discesserit. Respondit extitisse impedimentum quominus
jusjurandum de sacris suscipiendis ordinibus servare queat. Cum que quid esset
sciscitarer, dixit se debere aliquot annos servitii seu ministerii cuidam domino seu
mercatori Londinensi, cui pro more nostrse patriae fuit obligatus donee artificium
aliquod didicerit. Dixi hoc vinculum non posse nee de bere ilium impedire, et posse
alio modo solvi, prsesertim cum hoc tempore non queat tali hero hseretico inservire sine
salutis periculo. Petii tamen si vellet redire ad promissum servitium, et cur judicaret
hoc esse impedimentum sufficiens cur in collegio vestro Romano esse non debeat et
tamen putet se hic subsistere posse, cum idem sit utriusque collegii propositum, finis
unus. Urgebam ut mihi veram causam discessus sui de Urbe sine simulatione ac
1

Charles Basset and Charles Powell.

c c 2

196

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

fictione diceret. Respondit se simpliciter fassurum mihi omnia, modo illi culpam
condonar em ac imposterum propitius illi essem, Jussi ut diceret. Turn ille confessus
est se animo a collegio discedendi finxisse contractum quendam conjugalem intervenisse
inter ipsum et quandam mulierem ante multos annos. Adjuravi ut diceret mihi
verum si aliquid tale esset. Sancte juravit et cum multis lacrymis nihil tale esse, sed
merum et impium fuisse figmentum. Turn rogavi cur tantopere desideraret abire e tarn
sancta et excelienti schola, et num animus esset adhuc fieri presbyter. Respondet
se nunquam habuisse post ingressum collegii alium animum, et se nunc idem habere
propositum, atque veram causam sui mali desiderii de relinquendo collegio fuisse
suam propriam superbiam et inquietudinem animi natam ex illis dissensionibus, quod
judicaret se non amari aut curari a patribus nee in gratia esse sicut alios ; sed nunc
ipsum illarum suspicionum, superbise et inobedientise valde pcenitere, et quidvis satisfactionis ad meum arbitrium facturum, modo vellem ipsius misereri et non prorsus
a me repellere, adjiciens porro se facturum cuicunque mandar em generalem confessionem, cum earn in ilia animi perturbatione Romse jam diu rectam et sinceram non
fuisse subdubitaret. Jussi ut intra biduum faceret et ad me rediret. Fecit atque
rediit. Turn obnixe repetenti ut possit admitti in hoc collegium simpliciter negavi
me posse aut velie eum qui tarn graviter in collegium illud et vos peccaverat in
nostrum contubernium recipere; sed me tamen habiturum aliquam sui rationem
Lutetise, si illic vellet subsistere ac in collegio Societatis reliquum cursum diligenter
persequi, et in omnibus obaudire R. P. Thomse 1 nostrati ac se denique alium virum
omni fraude, dolo simulationeque deposita prsebere. Interrogavi cleinde si ilia conditio placeret, et si possit pro poenitentia parvo, duriter ac par ce vivere. Respondit
se quidvis facturum aut passurum lubentissime, nee aliquid appetiturum nisi pater
Thomas suse vitee et emendationis testimonium continuum daret. Parisios ergo misi
cum Uteris ad eundem patrem et Covertum nostrum, qui ipsi secunda quaque septimana dabit ipsi 2 unum coronatum. Si in proposito et studio persistat, augebo stipem
vel revocabo hue secundum consilium vestrum. Jussi ut ad V. R. P. scriberet literas,
et peccatum in vos humiliter agnosceret; quod fortassis facit his literis quas nunc
mitto. Multum metuebam ne in Angliam iret et aliquid mali sibi et aliis faceret,
et ne hoc accideret judicavi eum hoc modo tractandum. Sic enim debemus homines
et tempora ista mala.
Ex Anglia veniunt quotidie multi. Conduximus alias hodie sedes nostris conjungendas, sed tertise et quartse non suificiunt. De P. Hido, Nicolsono et quibusdam
aliis quomodo possumus disponere Deus scit. Osbernus etiam nulli loco est aptus, et
si tales homines, desereremus conjicerent se in summa pericula. G. Gif.3 cognovit ex
his qui nuper appulerunt de literis suis interceptis et quomodo in manus vestras
venerunt, Tractavi de ea re cum ipso prolixé. Pudet ipsum facti. Venerunt duo ex
1

F. Thomas Darbyshire, S.J.

2

ipsi is redundant.

3

William Gifford.

197

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Anglia qni attulerunt varias P. Gulielmi Harti martyris vestes, prsesertim camisium et
thoracem in qui bus passus est. Attulerunt ad me quoque literas anglice scriptas paulo
ante mortem. Perfunctus est omnibus poenis constantissime et mente tranquillissima;
de qua re alias. Tandem pater 1 tam diu desideratus venit in^jGalliam sospes, sed
adhuc [non] 2 vidi ipsum. Diffieulter admittuntur in Italiani qui ab istis locis veniunt
propter metum pestis. Incipio de mittendis esse sollicitus. Dominunì Georgium
Gilbertum, R. P. Crittonium, p. confessarium ac nostros vestrosque omnes ex animo
saluto in Christo, cujus sanctae protectioni te, mi pater, mortalium diarissime, commendo. Vale. Remis/ 10 Junii, 1583.
V. R P. uti filius,
G.

ALANUS. 3

P. Simsonus valde mihi deprsedicat vestram erga se caritatem ; quod Nicolsonus
etiam facit. Ideo utriusque nomine maximas ago gratias. Quid sentiam aut faciam
de cognato meo Gulielmo 4 nescio ; Deus scit. Omnia sunt mini suspecta.

CHI.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 26 June, 1583,

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 297.

Jesus Christus, me, mi pater, sopitem Remos reddidit ; Parisiis enim, quo profectus eram visum patrem Robertum, 5 ex eestu et itinere infìrmus paulo antea eram.
Sed pr86 magnitudine consolationis quam ex mutuo colloquio ceperamus reliqua contempsimus. Et de ejus rebus plura a.b ipso audietis. Illic etiam occurrit nobis, vobis,
domino Georgio mihique amantissimus Carolus Bassetus. Vidimus etiam semel
Carolum alteram, 6 qui coram domino Morgano pollicitus est se meum in omnibus
secuturum consilium ; sed ibi manebit pratextu studii juris civilis. Ego patris sui
consilium interim exquiram. Gulielmus Haukesworthus manet apud nos dubitabundus. Promittit se mihi in omnibus morern gesturum, sed ipsi non facile fido.
Et nunc aliud mihi accidit vel huic potius communitati perquam grave et
molestum planeque triste, quod P. Barrettus metu partim cujusdam segritudinis partim
cupiditate martyrii vult omnino in Angliam proflcisci7 idque hoc tempore et sine omni
mora. Unde plane reddimur desolati nee unde similem assequamur scimus. De vestro
1

2
3
F. Robert Persons.
non supplied.
There is no address, as the
4
5
writing fills the four pages of the letter.
William Hawkesworth.
" Subito
che il Dr Alano intese ch'il P. Personio era arrivato in Parigi andò a trovarlo e stettero insieme
alcuni giorni per communicar le cose ch'erano accadute nella sua assenza." Punti della Missione
d'Inghilterra per l'anno 1583, by F. Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 46. " After this . . . . I went
to Rome and Mr Brinkly with me, whence returning againe in a few weeks . . . " Autobiographical
6
7
Notes by F. Persons. lb, 230.
Charles Powell.
See First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 329.

198

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

et nostro P. Joanne Musseo * cogito, sed non placet multis ; et quid statuam ignoro.
Adjuvate me obsecro deque nobis cogitate serio. His postremis annis tarn multos
perdidimus ut iratum nobis Deum timeamus.
Mi pater reverende, excusate quseso nos apud patrem prsefectum studiorum quod
hoc tempore Uteris suis mihi melle dulcioribus non respondeam; non enim licuit jam
respondere, nee de pretiosissimo munere depictorum martyrum mihi missorum gratias
agere : sed faciam per proximum nuntium. Interim amo ilium, vobisque de tali viro
gratulor. Utinam daret mihi Deus talem collaboratorem. Deus vult omne onus in
meos imbecillos humeros conjicere, sublatis mihi coadjutoribus Bristoo, Martino,
Barretto ac similibus, Sed Dominus est, faciat quod bonum est in oculis suis. Habeat
me dominus Georgius Gilbertus excusatum quod variis Uteris suis per Carolum Bassettum, per nuntium et cseteros missis nihil, hoc tempore respondeam. De re ipsa in
omnibus satisfaciam, sicut et reverendo patri confessarlo caeterisque qui ad me scripserunt. Inprimis vero dignetur 2 significare Pormorto 3 meo me literas suas accepisse,
ac alteras Georgio Tlintono 4 misisse, nec quidquam nos omissuros quod ad rem ipsius
quovismodo pertineat. Literas quoque Danielis 5 lubenter legi et probe omnia ejus
desideria observavi. De Richardo Singletono cogitabo etiam diligenter, quem inprimis
mi pater tuse pietati commendo.
De mittendis nunc cogito in autumnum secundum prsescripta vestra. Atque plura
hoc tempore non possum ; proinde tuam p. multum Domino Jesu commendo. Id vero
curabimus semper, ut cum vestrum aliquis moriatur, sicut nuper Andreas 6 in via, fiant
hic publiese omnium et privatse omnium sacerdotum pro ipso preces et oblationes.
Mutuo enim facietis. Interea vale in Christo diarissime collega. Remis, 26 Junii, 83.
V. R. P. in Christo filius,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii Anglorum rectori.

Romam.

CIV.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 11 July, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.
III., 303.
Pax Christi.
Literas R. V. magna cum voluptate legi, eas dico quas sexto Junii scripsistis. Perjucundum enim erat intelligere qua celebritate istic superbenedictse
Trinitatis festivitatem in collegio egeritis, cui utinam mihi interesse licuisset vel
1
2
3
John Mush.
R. V. understood.
Thomas Pormort, martyr,
4
20 February, 1592.
F. Persons " procurò che un mercante molto pio e zeloso chiamato
Giorgio Flintono s'aplicasse totalmente a quell' essercitio della stampa : il che fece da poi per
alcuni anni sino alla morte." Punti della Missione d'Inghilterra per l'anno 1581, by F. Persons.
6
Stonyhurst MSS. P. 23.
. 5 Daniel Holdsworth ?
Andrew Wage.

199

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

propter devotionem vel etiam certe quod semel antequam moriar desiderem videre
illud fundatum et amplificatimi collegium, ilium benedictum et beatum patrem
nostrum, tanti muneris largitorem, sanctissimum Gregorium Papam, at que te etiam
tuosque complecti : sed interim ipsa rei commemoratione et cogitatione recreor non
mediocriter. Jam e nostro collegio numerosissimo seligo pro missione ad vos proxima
optimos et aptissimos quosque, paulo plures fortasse quam putatis, vel quia maxime
idoneos habeo vel quia hic numero summopere laboramus. Profecto ex Anglia nudius
tertius, id est, 9 Julii venerunt decern. Warrant cseteris in locis pacatiora et mitiora
quseque esse ; Eboraci tamen ita ssevire illius provincia prsesidem ut adhuc duos e
collegii nostri presbyteros 1 recenter martyrio vel crudeli morte mulctaverit. Factum
id esse dicunt ante mensem, sed modum non explicant. Si quid porro imposterum
intellexero non celabo.
P. Rob. Personium, quem ante 20 dies (ut ex prioribus Uteris intelligitis) Lutetise
conveni, nunc in horas hic expecto Rhemis. De P. Barretto dolens scripsi in prioribus
liter is ante 10 dies. Volebat subito, ut turn scripsi, propter suspicionem vehementem
illius morbi pulmonum in Angliam dimitti ; sed cum Parisios recte venerit et medicorum quorundam judicio adduceretur eum ilio morbo non laborare nec periculum
esse tabis, subsistit illic his diebus dubius de reditu ad nos an sit pergendum in
messem Anglicanam. Sed ego si ullo modo valentem videro revocabo; est etenim
inprimis necessarius nobis.
Erratum esse in nomine Joannis H a r t i 2 a reverendissimo Patre Generali facile
judicavi. Scripsi tamen ad suam paternitatem de ea re. Sed nunc cum vestris Uteris
reddor securus, curabo primo quoque tempore ut voluntatem optimi patris sciat,
unde capiet ingentem consolationem. Hactenus se certe heroice gessit et non dubium
hoc munere divino augebitur illi virtus et constantia. Quod collecta non bene nobis
Neapolitana successero ferendum est utcumque : de qua re plura ad D. Georgium
Gilbertum. De quorundam vestrorum resipiscentia lsetor quantum possum. Tandem
per Deum jacebunt omnes illae factiones quibus dsemon cupiebat perpetuo nos vel
cribrari vel piane perdi: sit benedictus Deus. Curabo ut mittendi sint in via saltern
in principio Augusti. Ne prius iter suscipiant faciunt extraordinarii hujus anni
calores ; nunquam etenim tales sensimus. Ut collegia nostra mutuam operam precum
et sacrificiorum tarn pro vivis quam pro defunctis prsestent sequissimum est, lubenterque suscipimus conditionem ; et hactenus id quidem utcumque observavimus, sed
deinceps strictissime tenebimus. Optimos pp. confessarium, ministrum &c prsefectum
exosculor in Domino. Valete. Rhemis, 11 Julii, 1583.
R.P.V.nlius,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii Anglorum de
Urbe rectori dignissimo. Romam.
i I n M S . presbyteris.

2

See p. 17G.

200

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CV.
Di* "William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 23 July, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster. III., 307.
Salve in Domino,
Mi pater ; Si aliquando desideres literas nostras, nec nuntiorum Parisiensium
singulas vices exacte servemus, noli id quaeso incuria© attribuere nostras ac nec occupationibus nostris, quae, licet magnaa ac continuae sint, tamen eas his erga vos et
collegium istud officiis lubens postpono semper. Sed bis multis diebus, ab eo sane
tempore quo Lutetia redii, adversa valetudine affligor, et adventantium ex Anglia
numero distrahor, ut scribere nec delectet nec liceat. Porro distulit P. Robertus
adventum suum ad nos diutius quam putarem, quocum multa vobiscum tractanda per
literas erant et sunt communicanda, quern dum in horas expecto a scribendo super sedeo. Interim redditae sunt mihi literae P. V. 20 Junii scriptae, in quibus non multa
sunt quae responsum requirant. Si habetis aliquas istic pecunias quae non sint in usu
debemus necessario habere. Nunc enim, ut D. Bayleus me monet, intra decern dies
erimus vacui, nec uspiam nummorum quidquam his diebus expectamus. Propter
numerum studiosorum indies excrescentem expensae redduntur intollerabiles.
Undecim appulerunt heri, et plures Parisiis expectantur. Illa spolia ex academia
Oxoniensi retulit quidam presbyter, 1 hujus collegii alumnus antiquus. Sunt ex
doctioribus illius universitatis et inter caeteros unus ex doctioribus et eloquentioribus
concionatoribus.2 Alter ingenio et doctrina apud suos clarior, Cicilius3 nomine, quern
non ante multos menses consiliarii Reginae suspicati fugam ad nos medi tari coegerunt
cum aliquot fidejussoribus suis subire pacta conventa de non exeundo regnum.
Conditiones accepit ; nunc tamen una cum sponsoribus suis evasit.
Mira est nunc importunitas multorum qui ambiunt ut Romam mittantur, nec certe
unquam habuimus tarn praestantes in omni genere, u t hac consolatione plane compensetur omnis ex difficultate rerum tristitia ac solicitudo nostra. Illi duo, qui altera
missione non lubenter consenserant ut proficiscerentur, nunc mire efflagitant, et caeteri
permulti; atque vel propter necessitatem nostri collegii vel honorem vestri cogar
fortassis plures mittere quam requiritis : quanquam, ut verum fatear, ipsa missio non
est nobis minus onerosa quam totidem hie per annum sustentatio. Sed vel propter
variorum exercitiorum onera, vel propter supplementum eorum qui vel moriuntur vel
propter valetudinem dimittuntur vel religionem ingrediuntur collegium illud longe
major em numerum requirit. Circa principium Augusti per Dei gratiam dabunt se in
iter, licet ille mensis paulo citius quam solebat 4 veniat et aestus hujus anni hie sit
1

2
3
Edward Stransani.
John Atkins, chaplain to the Earl of Bedford.
Edmund Cecil.
August began ten days earlier than it had hitherto done owing to the change in the calendar of the
preceding year.
4

201

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

maximus. Timuimus ante duos menses nonnihil de peste, sed nunc plane videtur
extincta ; Deo gratias.
De voluntate Greeni nostri inquiremus coram R. P. Roberto quid factu opus sit.
Est pius juvenis et bene se gerit. Covertus credo significavit vobis de 65 scutis illis
quae jussistis solvi a patre rector e collegii Parisiensis ex Uteris scriptis 20 Junii ; ex
quibus D. Nortono et Conino ut jubetis solvemus. Et ecce jam novum onus charitati
vestrae imponere cupit D. Baro Thomas Copleus ; cui, ut videtur, intercedente reverendissimo domino Nuntio Apostolico sua Sanctitas concessit 20 aureos menstruos.
Is per Christum rogat vestram paternitatem ut dignetur hoc ipsius procuratorium
acceptare et eadem opera qua Dacrei et Nortoni solutionem curare ac pecunias ad nos
mittere. Super qua re ipse ad V. R. has mittit literas cum aliis ad D. Thesaurarium.
D. Barrettus Dei erga nos magna benignitate plane putatur convaluisse, atque tarn
animo quam corpore ita esse confortàtum ut ipsum in dies hie iterum, expectem.
Domini Nicolai Fitzherberti laboriosam provinciam super promovenda collectione
fuisse non dubito, eoque magis quod in ilia civitate parum promoverit. Saluta ipsum a
me quaeso prolixe. Si vos judicaveritis, possumus procurare literas ad Viceregem l
unde intelligat fore domino suo pergratum si non impediat sed promoveat. Valete
usque ad proximum nuntium, mei meorumque semper memores, vestri enim vestrorumque non obliviscor unquam. Valete et gaudete in Domino semper. Rhemis,
23 Julii, 1583.
Vester in seternum,
G, ALANUS. 2

CVI.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 8 August, 1583.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Inghilterra, Vol. I., pag. 257).

Vaticano,

Ill me domine, patrone optime ; Quoniam secundum humanum judicium completae
sunt iniquitates hostium ecclesise atque Sedis Apostolica, et tempus venit judicandi
Babylonem nostram ac miserendi Syon, cum ceteris et pro cseteris qui salutem quserunt a Domino et Gregorio decimotertio ejus sanctissimo Vicario, supplices manus ad
te extendo, Cardinalis optime et sapientissime, ut hoc uno immortali beneficio csetera
omnia in nos gentemque nostram officia et amores compleas, id est, ut admoneas
Beatissimum Patrem nostrum nunc jam nunc esse tempus faciendi, nunquam hactenus
earn rei bene gerendse occasionem fuisse, talem nunquam imposterum fortasse futuram
opportunitatem.
Saltern quia quid futurum sit ignoramus, hoc solum scio catholicos tam diu optatas
1

2

The Yiceroy of Naples. See p. 189.
D D

JSTo address to this letter.

202

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

speratas, desideratas suppetias jam tandem ut maxime tempesti vas et opportunas
plane expectare. Frustra (scio) apud vos, nedum apud S. D. nostrum, hsec commemoro,
quorum in hac re singulare studium et in gentem miseram propensionem vestram
nemo mortalium me novit melius, nee ad seternam Sedis Apostolicse gloriam lubentius
predicare solet : tamen vel pro officio et sollicitudine mea hoc tempore, cum omnes
boni istud contendant summis precibus, ego solus tacere non debui. Particulares
interim rerum rationes ab aliis accipietis, aut etiam jam pridem (ut spero) a Rm0 domino
Nuntio accepistis. Longam vitam et beatam Smo Gregorio XIII 0 , patriae (ut confido)
liberatori, multos et felices etiam tibi dies, amplissime et optime patrone. Rhemis,
viii Augusti, 1583.
V. JUmse Dominationis charissimus Alius et in Deo servus,
GUL. ALANUS.

Addressed.
m0
Ill a[c] Rmo Cardinali Comensi, patrono optimo.

Romam.

CVII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 8 August, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 311.

Mi pater amantissime ; Transfretavit ad nos bis diebus partim negotiorum partim
mei visendi causa P. Georgius Birkettus. Nihil narrat prceter ea quae omnium oculis
et auribus sunt objecta ; nempe hostes indies esse iracundiores sed imbecilliores,
nostros patientiores, constantiores, fortiores. Omnium Londinensium ac vicinorum
locorum carcerum hospites catholicos, seu laicos seu sacerdotes, valere et viriliter agere
in Domino, nihil timere, omnia sperare, orare semper, sacrificare frequenter, in vinculis
denique vitam vivere vitalem et beatam, cum nihil sit nunc in Anglia illis ergastulis
felicius, nee extra ea sanctum pene quidquam. Atque ecce tibi Londinensis Castri 1
sanctum zeniolum quod gratitudinis ac devotionis ergo Arthur us Pittus vester, ejus
loci nunc clarus confessor et incola, isti collegio Anglorum, matri dulcissimse, mittit ;
purificatorium nempe pannum quo illi martyres, quorum nomina postea ipsius
Arthuri opera sunt insuta, in sacrificiis dum in ilio carcere conclusi sunt utebantur.
Cupio id ad vos tuto et quam citissime ferri, et mihi receptum esse significari. Nobis
egregiam partem cutis, variis aromatibus ad durabilitatem conditam, Campiani nostri
detulit ibidem P. Georgius. His martyrum benedictionibus valde laetemur.
Pugnant contra catholicos nunc honorum potius confiscatione, quorum incredibilem
hoc anno fecerunt rapinam, quam mortis sententia. Post Gulielmum tamen Hartum,
nobilem confessorem Eboraci factum martyrem, alter quidam presbyter, hujus collegii
alumnus, Trelcelus 2 nomine, simili supplicio et constantia vitam gloriose fìnivit.
1

The Tower.

* Richard Thirkill, martyr, 29 May. 1583.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

208

Scripserat iste historiam ejusdem Harti et trium aliorum sacerdotum eodem loco
occisorum, sed intercepta est ab hsoreticis lictoribus cum ille comprehendebatur eoque
modo periit ; ut hactenus nuspiam conf essorum istorum peculiares ac prseclarissimas
res gestas ac voces vel in judicio vel in morte assequi licuerit. Quae res facit ut
annales literas hujus collegii ac operariorum nostrorum, quas nollemus tarn prseclaris
et memorabilibus rebus vacare, tarn diu differamus. Porro et id nos impedit ne omnia
in publica scripta conferamus, quod ex particulari relatione rerum et personarum
magnum creetur catholicis periculum, quorum nomina, officia et actiones sanctissimie
magna cum voluptate et sedifìcatione legentium commemorari possent et deberent.
Sed non permittunt catholici, ne rapiantur ex his indiciis ad supplicium vel
etiam ad mortem. Declarandum enim esset quos haberent presbyteri fautores,
quos hospites, quorum opera pericula evaserint, quomodo faciant sacra quotidie
in omnibus carceribus, unde necessaria paramenta ad rem divinam, quomodo libri,
literae, donaria ultra citraque commeant in tanta exploratorum et custodum diligentia, et alia ejus generis reliqua magis particular ia et mirabilia qu88 prodere
non licet scriptis. Mox enim ut ilia publicantur, citius sane quam credi potest
veniunt in hostium notitiam. Reliqua autem quse in hoc genere scribi possunt
nimis sunt vulgaria atque omnibus pene nota. Ante paucos annos vel unius
hominis alumni pro fidei confessione vincula, tortura, nedum mors, pulchrum dedissent epistola scribendaa argumentum. Jam ista ita fiunt ssepe, ita passim, ut
nemo miretur. In hujus collegii initiis si scripsissem concessisse hue ex Angiia intra
mensem decern studiosos, quasi ex inferi faucibus ereptos et in ecclesiam vindicate,
fuisset commemoratone non indignum. Non mentior jam si dixero quinquaginta hue
hoc mense venisse, et tamen nihil attillerò novi nee Uteris dignum, hominum saltern
judicio, cum tamen re vera mirabile sit. Sicut et illud nunc quoque non est insoli turn,
venire nobilium non modo filios, sed unicos et hsereditati paternse ex asse destinatos, non
tantum ut fidem catholicam discant aut bonas literas, quod utcumque credi possit, sed,
quod est pene incredibile, ut clero ac sorti Dominicse in ipso setatis flore contempto
patrimonio se dedicent. x Cujus rei in hac missione et vos habebitis experimentum in
1

" Quando fu invecchiato il zelo della religione in Inghilterra, benché la Chiesa fusse all' hora
ricchissima, pure non ci fu quasi persona nobile che volesse farsi sacerdote. I n t a n t o che sotto il R e
Henrico ottavo si è vista emulatione grandissima tra la nobiltà del regno et il clero, che fu non poca
occasione della rovina del t u t t o . Ma dopo la presente persecuzione la maggior parte di quelli che
fuggono alli seminarii è di persone nobili eh' hanno mezzi di procurar passagio per via d'amicitia ò
danari, chi col consentimento de' parenti et chi senza lor saputa, et fatti poi sacerdoti a' tempi suoi
senza titolo et senza aspettatione di beneficio ò premio temporale (anzi al contrario) vanno allegramente et con desiderio dove son mandati per aiutar l'anime et essercitare con pericolo della vita le
funtioni et ministerii sacerdotali. E t questo s'è fatto non per poco tempo, ma per molt' anni, con
tanta constanza et si notabil frutto che già ristessi heretici cominciano avvedersi che non può essere
cosa humana che tanto supera le forze di carne et di sangue ; ma che c'interviene l'omnipotente mano
di Christo nostro Signore, che vuole nobilitare in questo modo la causa sua, etiamdio nel cospetto
D D 2

201

LETTEES AND MEMORIALS

nobili adolescente Dudleio* ac aliis. Ut nihil dicam de obstinatissimis hsereticis
qui non tarn propria voluntate quam amicorum impulsu aut divino potius tractu hue
venerunt his mensibus ; in quibus duos etiam hac vice ad vos in agnos generosissimos
plane mutatos mitto. Schismaticorum vero ac hsereticorum officiorum in Insula jam
pridem ministros, ac inter ceoteros unum nobilem apud hsereticos ecclesiastem, pcenitentes et reconciliationem humillime petentes habemus. Reliqua minutiora, quae
tamen certe divinitus nobis ad salutem (ut speramus) patriae indies obveniunt, coram
commemorabunt ii qui perendie capient Deo volente iter.
Mitto plures fortassis quam desideretis ; sed ubertas messis nostrse et horreorum
nostrorum ac rerum angusti se pauciores non requirunt. Nostrani qu83so in hoc genere
causam apud benignissimum dominum Protectorem, ac etiam (ubi licebit) apud
Sanctissimum Patrem ac Dominum quam potes age suppliciter ; sicut et ipse per literas
obnixe intercedam. Sed nimis ista pro occupationibus utriusque nostrum fuse, licet
ad animum meum ac fortassis etiam tuum, mi pater, parce satis. Vale in Ghristo
Jesu, vir optime ac charissime. Rhemis, 8 Augusti, 1583.
V. R. P. frater ac fllius amantissimus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglorum [de UJrbe
rectori vigilantissimo. Romse.

del inondo, et facilitare soavemente la conversione di quel regno, facendo che si tenga quel conto del
sacerdotio et della religione cattolica che se li deve." Eelatione del presente stato d'Inghilterra, &c.
p. 12. Roma, MDXC.
1
Richard Dudley, eldest son and heir of Edmund Dudley, lord of the manor of Yanworth in
the parish of Barton, Westmorland. His great grandfather, Thomas Dudley, of a younger branch
of the Dudleys in the South, married Grace Threkeld, daughter and co-heiress of Sir Lancelot
Threkeld, and had with her the manor of Yanworth. Mcolson and Burn's History of Westmorland
and Cumberland. Vol. I., p. 413. " Est praeterea magnae nobilitatis adolescens et suae famiJise haeres,
maximus natu filius, qui vocatur Dudley. Iste cum a parentibus ex scholis jurisconsultorum Londini
esset evocatus domum ut uxorem duceret quam sibi habuerunt paratam, propter Christum reliquit et
patriam et parentes, hsereditatem et omnia, et venit in has partes ut theologiae studeret et crearetur
sacerdos sicque ad suos reverteretur." Barret to Agazzari. Reims, 11 August, 1583. First and
Second Douay Diaries, p. 331. After studying at Rome and Valladolid he returned to England, a
priest, in 1591. In conjunction with Mr Mush he succeeded in appeasing the dissensions among
the catholic prisoners at Wisbeach in 1595.

205

OF CAEDINAL ALLEN.

CVIIL
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 12 August, 1583»

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 319.

Reverende pater ; Nisi me meum multorumque judicium fallat, mitto selectiores
aptioresque quam unquam hactenus habuistis ; et proinde quia non solum patria nostra
sed et collegium vestrum his opus habet, et nostrum contubernium sua laborat magnitudine, do plures quam requiritis, sed certe non plures quam illius collegii dignitas
et necessitas ac charitatis vestrse abundantia desiderat.
Christophorus Bagshaus. B. R.
Tredecim igitur vobis represento, quorum coripheus
Gulielmus Staffertonus. B.
est x Christopherus Bagshaus, presbyterio, setate et
Gulielmus Warfordus. Bar. f.
varia doctrina multis prsestans. Deinde Gulielmus
Thomas Warcopus.
Staffertonus, annis et eruditione vir gravis et sacerJoannes Fixerus. B.
dotio aptus. Turn Gulielmus Warfordus, insignibus
Joannes Robertus.
animse et corporis ornatus dotibus moribusque suavisRichardus Dudleius. B. C.
simis, prse multis mihi dilectus vobisque diligendus.
Gulielmus Jonsonus.
Item Thomas Warcoppus, vir sacerdotio et schoGulielmus Baldvinus. C. B. J.
lasticse theologise propter annos et indolem inprimis
Georgius Potterus.
acutam vitseque etiam mihi diu expertam probitatem
Samuel Kennetus. b.
apprime idoneus. Sequitur deiride Joannes Fixerus,
Christophorus Bails.
humanioribus disciplinis maximeque doctioribus linGeorgius Bustard.
guis moribusque etiam cultissimis prseclarissime inArisonus. B. B.2
structus. Atque hos omnes cupio utrìque theologiae
institutioni operam istic navare ; sicut enim sunt pene omnes latinse et graecse linguae
periti, ita sunt judicio et ingenio ad res majores addiscendas, uti existimo, admodum
idonei. Reliqui octo, aetate juniores, licet aliqui ipsorum dialecticam et philosophiam
leviuscule pro more academiarum nostratium et institutionis Anglicana attigerint et
in theologia etiam aliquid promoverint, tamen eos omnes vestro ac .magistrorum
examini relinquo. Fortassis ipsorum aliqui, ut Joannes Roberti, linguis et caeteris
rebus instructissimus juvenis ac non ita pridem ab haeresi feliciter revocatus, itemque
nobilis juvenis Richardus Dudleius, àtque item f ortasse alii possent mox tradi classi
vel physicorum aut etiam metaphysices. Reliqui autem sunt Gulielmus Johnsonus,
pientissimus juvenis ; Gulielmus Baldwinus, ipsi similis ; Georgius Potterus, suavissimis
etiam moribus et ab haeresi etiam non adeo nuper recuperatus ; Samuel Kennetus
propter P. Joannem Hartum, qui istum in vinculis genuit, summe mihi dilectus;
1

Compare Dr Barret's account of these students in his letter to F. Agazzari. Reims, 11 August,
2
1583. First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 330.
Arisonus and probably the letters appended to the names are not in Dr Allen's hand.

206

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

denique Christopliorus Bals et Georgius Bustardus, boni et apti omnes. Hos igitur
vestrse charitati, disciplinse ac regimini quantum possum commendo et committo, pro
quorum humilitate et obedientia spero me posse tuto et simpliciter spondere. Reliquum
est solum ut illustrissimum D. Protectorem ac patronum nostrum benignissimum de
numero placatum reddatis. Ad quern etiam ipse de ea re scribam, sed mittam
per cursorem Parisiensem, ut sint in manibus vestris illse literse antequam istse
appellant.
Prseter istos, quos in collegii alumnos coaptari cupimus, veniunt etiam alii duo,
qui suis vivent impensis. Alter est Gulielmus Lile, qui theologize est daturus operam,
uti amrmat. Alter est Johannes Harrisonus, vir insigniter pius et devotus, qui
peregrinationis tantum causa TJrbem sanctam cogitat. Satis pecuniarum apud me hie
reliquit; proinde curate obsecro ne quidquam illi desit ad vitam ac voluntatem
necessarium. Cogitat tandem ingredi aliquam strictam religionem. Si potestis
admittere ad aliquot menses ad victum in collegio, multum eedificabit omnes suo
exemplo. Atque hsec hactenus. Per ordinarium plura. Id solum admoneo postremo,
omnes pene quos jam mittimus esse nobili ac clara familia prognatos. Dominus Jesus
vestram reverendam paternitatem ipsis nostrisque omnibus ac etiam mihi servet
superstitem. Bhemis, 12 Augusti, 1583.
Frater et films in Christo,
G. ALANUS.

Veniunt nostri in duabus turmis propter numerum paulo major em quam ut una
commode proficisci aut in diversoriis recipi queat. Sed per Dei gratiam venient uno
ac eodem ad vos die. Mitto 4 chirothecarum paria de quibus disponite ut vultis.
Plura non potui assequi.
Addressed,
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii Anglorum de
Urbe [rectori] vigilantissimo. Romam.
CIX.
Dr William Allen to Pope Gregory XIII.

Paris, 22 August, 1583.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
Vaticano, Inghilterra, Vol. I., pag. 258),

(Archivio

Beatissime Pater.
Prsesentium lator 1 est unus ex reverendi s patribus Societatis Jesu, cseterisque
omnibus in Angliam his annis per illius ordinis Praepositum Generalem missis superior
designatus, qui post insignia istic animarum lucra resque pro illorum locorum con1

F. Robert Persons.

207

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

ditione felicissime gestas, ut nobiseum qui in eandem curam Sanctitatis vestrae auspiciis
et mandatis continuo incumbimus commodius omnia imprimisque nobilitatis et populi
studia ac desideria conferred concessit in vicinam Franciam. Unde paulo post communicata quaedam de republica et ecclesia nostra liberanda Consilia visus est non
solum nobis sed Sanctitatis vestrae Nuntio caeterisque et quorundam principum
oratoribus et proceribus esse aptissimus qui ad S. M. Catholicam super his rebus mitteretur, eodem nempe tempore quo alius ejusdem ordinis homo x piissimus ad sanctissimos pedes vestros fuit directus. In aula ergo Hispanica rebus pene ex sententia
expeditis, maximis saltern datis felicissimi successus spebus, principes hie viri non
judicarunt aliud superesse vel ad causam complendam vel labores nostros tandem
aliquando finiendos quam ut haec summa et fortasse ultima bene gerendae rei opportunitas per hominem istum omnium consiliorum tra[cta]tionumque istarum scientissimum coram prolixe et fldeliter explicetur vestrao Beatitudini ; ut vel jam tandem
omnia sanctissima vestra desideria, beneficia, Consilia erga Angliam vere vestram compleantur in Domino. Utinam vel una horula liceret mihi esse apud beatissimos pedes
vestros prostratus ut commoditatem rei agendae, gemitus compeditorum, catholicorum
ad patrem unicum in terris clamores, expectationem omnium libere et confìdenter commemorarem. Sed quia id nee sine mandato S tis tuae nee in hac maxima virium imbecillitate ea qua oportuit celeritate fieri potuit, suppliciter et obnixe precor vestram
Beatitudinem istum optimum et prudentissimum. patrem, nobis in Domino unanimem
et omnis Anglici status expertissimum, solita benignitate exaudire. Qui etiam de
numero, statu et progressu hujus vestri collegii Rhemensis per omnia vestram Sanctitatem informare potest. Dominus Jesus tuam Sanctitatem ad gentis nostras totiusque
ecclesiae salutem nobis in multos annos servet. Parisiis, 22 Augusti, 83.
Sanctissimae Paternitatis vestrae alumnus et servus,
GULIELMTJS ALANUS.

Addressed.
Beatissimo Patri, Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Gregorio Papae XIII 0 .

CX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 28 August, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster. III., 323,
Pax Christi.
Non potui, Parisiis his diebus existens, negotiorum majorum undis obrutus respond e d Uteris V. P. primo Augusti scriptis. Sed domum rediens primo quoque arripui
1

F. William Creighton, S. J.

208

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

calamum. Recepimus ergo ilia 170 scuta solaria 1 quorum in ilia epistola facta est
mentio ; de quibus ut jussistis disponemus. De pecuniis valde nunc laboramus, imposterumque (ut videtur) propter intollerabiles expensas laborabimus, nisi Deus, ut sempèr
hactenus, abunde manum suam nobis aperiat. Quemadmodum et nuper, sicut ex
vestris video Uteris, misit nobis alimentum largamque ex Ulisbona usque eleemosynam.
Sit benedicta illius episcopi anima et ceeterorum qui sunt erga nos divina Providentise
administri. De numero eorum quos jam pridem misimus ad Urbem si major sit quam
requiratis, necessitati nostrse condonate quseso ; cujus rei rationes vobis reddidi alias,
reddamque illustrissimo Protectori fusius per proximum tabellarium, quando etiam
aliis patronis et amicis, prsesertim R. P. Paulo Campanie pro procurata benedictione
Polonica, ut admonetis, scribam. Tarn infinitis distendor curis et occupationibus ut
non possim ista officia nisi tardius quam vellem et oporteat facere. De illis duobus
scutis Joanni Bartono meo concessis non displicet mihi. Ipsius orationibus me multum
commendo. Si aliquid Richardo Singletono, ubi requiret necessitas, etiam concesseritis,
non erit ingratum; prsesertim cum intelligam ex P. Suthwelli nostri ad doctor em Elium
scriptis Uteris ilium non esse indignum amore 2 nostro. Saluta quseso ipsum et cseteros
mihi et vobis charissimos filios. In Novello non fuistis decepti. Conjunxit se in Anglia
caeteris exploratoribus. De Barretti nostri in Angliam adventu prsomonebat consiliarios, sed feliciter deceptus est. Ille numquam melius valuit et antiqua officia repetiit
jam pridem. Valete in Domino Jesu. Rhemis, 28 Augusti, 83.
•. V. R. P. addictissimus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Reverendo admodum in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglorum rectori.
Romse.
CXI.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S J .
From the original

Reims, I September, 1588.

holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 327.

Reverende pater. Pax Christi. Ssepe accidit ut cum hinc Lutetiam adferantur
liters ad magistrum postarum [ u t ] 3 nuntius ordinarius una ante hora vel die
discesserit, utque sic remaneant Parisiis usque ad quartumdecimum diem. Unde fit
ut tardius aliquando quam expectatis, aut nonnunquam etiam ut variorum temporum
epistolse simul adveniant. Si hoc istis accidat sicut timeo ex longiori quam oportuit
mora hujus Rhemensis tabellarii, condonate nobis hunc necessarium defectum.
Mitto hie nomina scholarium, in quibus soli isti duo, Willelmus Lisle et Joannes
1
" Ecu d' or au soleil, monnaie frappée sous Louis XL et Charles VIII. avec un soleil au dessus
2
8
de la couronne." Littré, Dictionaire s. v. Ecu.
In MS. amomore.
ut superfluous.

209

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Harrisonus, suis ut dicunt vivent expensis. Cur tam multos mittam rationes vobis
antea reddidi, et culpam deprecabor apud D. Protectorem proxima vice. Literaa vel
per manus vestras vel scholarium reddi possunt. Aliquot certe insignes mitto.
Commendar em v. r. paternitati aliquot nominati ni et prse cseteris, sed communis amor
in omnes non permittit. Sunt quidam tamen tit illi primi tres, 6 quoque et 8,
linguarum et grsecse inprimis linguae magis studiosi ; in quibus secundus et tertius
eximiam ejus peritiam habent. In quo genere quia delectantur et quia hujusmodi
res nostris hominibus et moribus sunt admodum necessaria, cupio tales horas aliquot
pro judicio vestro in id studium extraordinarias collocare. Bagshaus ille primus est mei
vestrique ordinis amantissimus et ingenio prsestanti ; retate quoque matura, ut videtis.
Gulielmum quoque Warfordum valde amo et vos scio amabitis, sed metuo multum ne
sit imbecilliori corpore. Si in ipso senseritis aliquando declinationem valetudinis,
remittite obsecro. Samuelem ilium propter J. Hartum diligetis, et sic de ceteris.
Singuli enim habent aliquas gratias peculiares, pro quibus utrique nostrum, debent
esse diari. Et de numero nolite irasci. Dico simpliciter plures misissem, si viaticum
prò pluribus nancisci potuissem. Si recordari potestis quantum debebat vobis bonus
Edwardus Throgmortonus moriens, cupio illud in proximis Uteris significari. Vobis
per nos solutum est ; sed cum repeto ab iis hic qui debebant solvere mihi, requirunt
summam, et invenire non possum. Saluta quseso mihi multum patrem confessarium,
quodque rarius quam vellet scribo attribuat occupationibus assiduis. Christus tuam
reverentiam nobis incolumem custodiat. Rhemis, 1 Septemb., 83.
Vester totus,
ALANUS.

Tyrellus nobis consentientibus et aliis consulentibus e nostratium consortio ut commodius discat linguam gallicani Aurelias x concessit. Dicite quseso Georgio Powelio
me curaturum ut ad nos veniat circa Pascha. Interim pie et obedienter [se]2 gerat ;
ipsique suum patrem placabo ; inprimisque curet ut nitatur scribere characteres
meliores, hoc enim ipsius pater maxime offenditur.3
CXII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 8 September [1583].

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 329.

Pax Christi.
Mi pater reverende ; Prseter cetera in Uteris proximis 15 Augusti scriptis, quae
omnia semper sunt gratissima, placuit et necessarium fuit illud quod seribis de 400
aureis Parisios missis. Et cupimus adhuc plura de collecta vel undecunque mitti :
1

Orleans.

2

W o r d supplied.

3

There is no address to this letter, which fills two pages.
E E

210

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

mire enim pecuniarum difficultate premi mur, nee ordinaria provisiones quidquam pene
f aciunt ad nostras importabiles expensas sustinendas ; quemadmodum quidam maximus
intimusque amicus 1 utrique nostrum, qui Deo volente ibi brevi vobiscum erit, fusius
explicabit. Non expetivi particulates collects rationes, sed tantum quanta esset nobis
reliqua in universum summa, qua in extrema rerum nostrarum necessitate uti liceret.
Pestis incipit Lutetise spargi maxime in vicinis collegio patrum sedibus et vicis. Proinde, si vobis ita videatur, cuperem in literis cambii addi nomen Thomse Coverti, Angli,
procuratoris nostri, ut ipse solus possit a mercatore repetere et accipere missas pecunias,
si forte collegium (quod absit) infìceretur, aut reverendus pater rector absit aut non
prodeat in publicum.
Nunquam, mi pater, ita passi sumus difficultates domesticas sicut nunc, et certe
quantum video prememur magis. Nam ex numero et quotidianis catholicorum domi
incrementis majores nobis oriuntur angustiae foris ; ut non solum mente cum Apostolo
compatiamur omnibus afflictis, sed vere miseriarum participes reddamur. Hue omnes
oppressi, spoliati bonis, captivi etiam (ubi possunt) advolant. Quidam nobilis catholicus
nomine Joannes Stonerus, 2 cum ex Belgio nos versus ante decern dies veniret, capitur,
ducitur a milite domini fratris 3 in castra, spoliatur, jubetur aut solvere 300 aureos
aut perire fame. Non habet unde solvat teruncium, nos compellat, obtestatur, adjurat :
nihil habemus. In summa miseri sumus non solum nostris angustiis sed aliorum
casibus. Sed de his omnibus eripiet nos Dominus.
Credo non esse opus petere literas a sua Majestate Catholica pro ilia collecta
Neapolitana, cum amicus noster preedictus adferat (uti spero) ab oratore Parisiis
residente, qui scit optime et testari potest regiam erga nos voluntatem. Non scripsi
hoc tempore suae Sanctitati, quia ante quatuordecim dies id feci per aliam viam. Sed
scribo jam Magistro camerse, Cardinali Comensi, D. Datario ; et prolixe illustrissimo
Cardinali, cujus epistola mitto vobis exemplum. Si non displiceat, potestis spargere, cum
ipsius venia. Atque fortasse petendum esset a [sua] 4 Celsitudine ut velit suso Sanctitati
legere ; nam propterea statum rerum nostrarum paulo fusius persecutus sum. Poterit
esse pro literis anniversariis ; et imposterum illam servabo rationem ut singulis annis
vel missionibus talia scribam. Solus sum nec habeo in hujusmodi rebus scribendis
adjutores commodos, et opprimor infìnitis occupationibus, sicut et vos estis. Ideo compatiamur nobis invicem, et comprecemur ut Deus det nobis requiem sempiternam in
futuro speculo, quia in hac vita nunquam quiescemus. Valete in Jesu. Rhemis,
8 Septembris, nempe in festo Nativitatis Deiparse Virginis, in cujus Assumptione vos
vestras dedistis literas.
V. R. P. frater et fìlius,
G.

ALANUS. 5

1
2
F. Robert Persons.
See First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 193 : also p. 101 Ms,
4
6
Duke of Anjou.
sua supplied.
Below the signature in the MS. at the bottom of
the page Dr Allen has written verte folium.
3

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

211

Reverende pater ; Exciderat illud quod ante mensem scripsisse oportuerat. Valde
vellem paternitas vestra possit mihi expedire apud Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum
quoddam non magnae difficultatis negotium pro sum mo amico quern collegium nostrum habet in Gallia vestrique sincero amatore, domino Petro Frisonio, canonico
Rhemensi. Voverat ille profectionem Hierosolimitanam, amicisque omnibus propter
justissimas causas ne id faceret obtestantibus nullo modo cedere volebat, sed plane in
proposito solvendi voti adeo erat fìrmus ut jam esset iter suscepturus intra triduum.
Amici restiterunt quod ecclesia ilia insignis summum ex ipsius tarn diuturna absentia
videretur perceptura incommodum, cum esset prae caeteris in ilio capitulo zelosus et
spiritualis, ipsiusque et exemplo et monitis multi continerentur in officio ac ad frugem
converterentur. Porro accedit illud quod ipsius fidei et dispensation! soleant eleemosynae omnium fere piarum personarum Rhemensium committi, adeo ut praesit fere
omnibus largiendis eleemosynis, dicaturque et vere sit pater omnium pauperum.
Postremo nostrum collegium ex tarn multis constans externis iisque Anglis, inter quos
et Gallos fuerunt antiquissima dissidia, non nisi amicorum ac bonorum opera et
praesertim ipsius domini Frisonii studio potest hie in pace subsistere. Unde ex
ipsius tarn diuturna absentia ac incerto reditu nobis saspe graves difficultates accidere
queant. Tandem ergo his rationibus pene invitum ipsum tenuimus usque dum
voluntas suae Sanctitatis sciri possit. Promisi me daturum operam per vestram
paternitatem ut sua Sanctitas propter has rationes et vel nostri causa cum ipso de
voto dispensaret. Igitur ubi videbitur magis opportunum, quaeso, vos dicite unum
verbulum de ea re vel meo nomine suae Sanctitati, ut vivo vocis oraculo saltern
dispenset ; nisi videatur necessarium rationes praedictas scripto memoriali, quod non
puto, mandari. Responsum expecto.
Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii Anglorum de
[Urbe] rectori optìmo. Romae.
CXIII.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal Protector (San Sisto).

Reims, 12 September, 1583.

From a contemporary transcript, signed by Dr William Allen, in the archives of
the s$e of Westminster.
III., 333.
9 Copia.
Illustrissime domine Cardinalis, benignissime Protector; Quia aequum et necessarium ducimus certis anni temporibus peculii istius Gregoriani tuae Celsitudinis
protectioni et meae mediocritatis curae commissi rationem reddere, id nunc faciam
quam possum brevissime ; si tamen antea culpam audaciae meae apud tuam bonitatem
E E 2

212

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

deprecer quod paulo plures studiosos hac missione autumnali illi collegio vestro
Romano dederim, iion quam fortasse desideretis, sed quam requiratis. Fretus enim
incomparabili dementia Sanctitatis suae, expertus humanitatem vestram, intelligens
illud collegium pro dignitate et necessariis exercitiorum officiis sustinendis non esse
satis numerosum, hoc nostrum multitudine et magnitudine sua vehementer laborare
rerumque necessitate extrema periclitari, putavi hie plusculum audendum.
Me miserum ! vel illuc saltern plures mittere, vel in Angliam ad perditionem
multos remittere oportuit. Animae sunt, Protector optime, id est, res pretiosissimae, et
tales animae quibus ad institutionem Eomanam meliores vel doctiores nunquam illi
collegio, nisi fallor, dedimus. Addidimus ergo quatuor vel quinque iis quos volebat pater
rector. Ne displiceat Amplitudini tuae obsecro ; sed condonet aut approbet nostram
in causa Christi confidentiam.
Atque statum hujus collegii Rhemensis utinam possetis oculis cernere corporeis,
non ut majores erga ipsum aut compassiones in illis Sanctitatis suae vestrisque
misericordiarum et miserationum plenissimis visceribus excitentur, sed ut sanctissimus
D. N. certius intelligat quantopere Deus his operibus manuum suarum benedicat, id
est, quantum ex horum collegiorum institutione ac sustentatione ad ecclesiae incrementum atque patriae salutem proficiat.
Cujus certe consideratione et nos ipsi, licet in rei adininistratione graves continuo
difficultates, necessitates, labores, pericula undique sentiamus, animoque et corpore
subinde deflciamus, tamen ita recreamur in Domino, ut divina solatia omnes miserias
angustiasque nostras longe superare videantur. Imo vero illud ipsum, unde nobis
summa in saeculo solicitudo et rerum pene omnium ad vitae sustentationem desperatio,
id est, confluentium hue ex Insula indies frequentissima turba incredibilern a Deo
consolationem et spem nobis adfert. Licet enim ne quisquam accedat capitalibus
edictis prohibeant haeretici, et praesertim in universitatibus exquisitissima janr pridem
utantur diligentia ne selectiora nanciscamur ingenia, tamen a Calendis Martiis anni 83,
nempe hoc semestri, venerunt ad nos ex academiis et scholis Anglicanis studiosi
octoginta, ut nunquam his mensibus pauciores fere Rhemis simus quam ducenti,
praeter alios non paucos, quos propter aetateni et eommodiorem institutionem puerilem,
partim propriis, partim nostris expensis collocavimus Mussiponti,1 Verduni, Augii,2
ac aliis nobis vicinis gymnasiis.
Veniunt autem non modo praeclara indole et educatione varii, sed quod adversarios
imprimis male habet, ex nobilitate multi, ac nonnunquam etiam, quod ipsis parentibus
ingratum est, primogeniti, qui in ipso aetatis flore tain delitias patriae praesentes quam
futurae haereditatis paternae spem spernunt, ut haeredes fiant in domo Domini,
affligantur cum populo Dei, et, quo nihil est in gente nostra contemptibilius,
odiosius, periculosius, flant quoque sacerdotes Christi ; quod in iis qui liberam faciem
ecclesiae et presbyterio justum deferri honorem nunquam viderant, pro divino miraculo
1

Pont-à-Moussoii.

2

Eu.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

213

ducimus. Ex istis unum aut alterum Eomam nunc misimus : sicut etiam hoc ipso mense
duo confessores, antiqua fide et nobilitate clarissimi, possessionum amplissimarum
bonorumque proscriptione facti pro Christo pauperrimi continuisque addict! carceribus, coacti sunt hseredes ac cseteram prolem masculam, ne ab hseretieis domi in
prima setate corrumperentur, ad nos transmittere.
In ceteris qui hoc tempore venerunt sunt septem doctrina et astate maturiores
viri sectsD Calvinisticse diu apud suos ministri ac concionatores non vulgares, qui
pertsesi hseresis et illius conditionis damnabilis hie per dignos poenitentise fructus et
sacramentum reconciliationis in ecclesia gremium recepti sunt. Eeliqui, partim
sacerdotum nostrorum opera in Anglia facti sunt catholici ; partim illic bene affecti
hie reliqua institutione fìdei imbuuntur et ecclesia reconciliantur ; partim demum
amicorum orthodoxorum suasu advenientes, cum adhuc plane sint hseretici, consuetudine et colloquio nostrorum, divina concurrente gratia, non difficulter convertuntur.
Hoc semestri spatio decern et novem creati sunt sacerdotes, sexdecim in opus
Anglicanum missi: quo loco tanta tamque matura dicitur esse messis ut nunquam hactenus. Certe unus ex nostris, scriptis ad me ea de re nuper Uteris, sancte
affirmat se cum duobus presbyteris, collegis suis, post postremum Pascha in una regni
provincia non adeo magna reconciliasse ecclesia Eomanse supra quadringentos homines.
Alius per nuntium significat se unum hoc anno ad usum sacrum curasse calicum
plus minus triginta fabricam, cum plures sint per varias Insulse partes qui similem
prsestent operam. Altarium vero portatilium, quibus solis per totum regnum utuntur,
tanta est penuria tantaque in illis ac cseteris paramentis benedicendis difficultas, (cum
duo solum sint qui earn potestatem a Pontifice illic habeant) ut summopere cónquerantur omnes. Istud commemoro, illustrissime Protector, partim ut spirituales
nostras necessitates cognoscas et apud sanctissimum D. N. adjuves, partim ut eatholicaa
fìdei quotidiana apud nos incrementa cernas. Si tutum esset nomina omnium nobilium qui indies hseresi renuntiant et ad Sedis Apostolicse obedientiam redeunt
publicare ; si sine ipsorum periculo liceret indicare quibus quamque commodis et
secretis locis exercitia religionis sanctse fiant,1 in palatiis magnatum, in aedibus tarn
nobilium quam plebeiorum, in omnibus etiam carceribus, de tanto Dei munere ac tot
animarum in mediis persecutionis gravissimse ardoribus lucro abunde laetareris in
Christo, Cardinalis optime. His tamen mensibus non adeo est ssevitum in catholicos
ut prius, dum magistratus hasreticus justo Dei judicio cogitur a nobis in viscera sua, id
est, in furiosos quosdam Puritanos gladium convertere. Duo tantum, quod sciam,
presbyteri Eboraci morte mulctati sunt propter extraordinariam illius hominis qui
1

"Molti de' cortegiani et familiari della Regina di quando in quando si scuoprono cattolici, et si
sono arrischiati a far dire messa nel palazzo et alle volte sopra 1' istessa stanza dove lei allogiava, mancandoli per all' hora luogo più commodo." Relatione del presente stato d' Inghilterra, &c. p. 12.
Roma, MDXO.

214

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

civitati et provincia isti praeest 1 ex haeresi insaniam. Caeteris regni locis qui intercipiuntur sacerdotes carceribus tantum conduntur, ne munus sacrum exerceant ; licet
ne tunc quidem ab opere desistant, cum et illic saepe summa rei bene gerendae commoditas existat.
Saltern qui capti vis vel occisis succedant non deerunt per Dei gratiam unquam :
praeter eos enim quos patres vel e Societate sua vel e collegio nostratium Romano
continuo suppeditabunt, habemus hodie in isto collegio viginti quinque presby teros
praeter diaconos et subdiaconos caeterosque hujus militiae candidatos plurimos, qui
nullis priorum procellis persecutionum, nullis futuris periculis deterriti, incredibili
ardent studio patriae succurrendi aut mortem pro Christo appetendi. Quanti autem
et quam nobis intollerabiles ad tot homines alendos, tot ad Urbem et in Angliam mittendos, reliquaque infinita pro patriae salute obsequia requirantur sumptus vestra
sapientia facile cogitare poterit, mihi dicere non est necessarium. Atque ita se hoc
tempore habent res nostrae, quae cum hactenus non solum patrocinio Oelsitudinis tuae,
sed sanctissimis imprimis Gregorii XIII. patrui tui, clementissimi Domini nostri,
mandatis et auspiciis, id est, ut interpretor, Christi voluntate et benedictione, feliciter
gerantur, futurum aliquando speramus, ut nationem tandem universam salutis suae
tantique boni nostri authoribus representemus.
Vivat solummodo, per Jesum Christum, beatissimus Papa noster, ut hoc opus a se
divinitus coeptum tarn spiritualibus quam temporalibus nobis necessariis subsidiis
feliciter prosequatur, quod et sua largissima bonitate et tua intercessione, benignissime
Protector, ipsum facturum non dubito. Atque hie cum pro caeteris in illud collegium
continuis favoribus, turn pro amplissima procurata nuper vinea quae ad vitam et valetudinem nostrorum erat imprimis necessaria, prolixiores gratias agerem, nisi meliores
a domino verae vineae pro his immortalibus in nos meritis in ccelo expectaretis. Deus
Opt. Max. sanctissimum D. N. et te, Protector optime, ad ipsius et ecclesiae ministerium
diu servet incolumes. Rhemis, 12 Sept., 1583.
ALANUS.

Addressed.
Rd0 Patri Alfonso, Rectori.1
CXIV.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.

Reims, 9 October, 1583.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

III., 337.

Reverende pater ; Vestrae reverentiae literas 11° Septembris scriptas accepi nudius
tertius. Erant illae, ut vestrae omnes, propter variam plenae consolationis materiam
admodum jucundae. Inter caetera illud erat gratum quod dicitis Rev mum D. Datarium
1

R

do

The Earl of Huntingdon, President of the North.
Patri Alfonso, Rectori are in Dr Allen's hand.

8

The words 9 copia, Alarms and

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

215

lubenter quasdam literas ad paternitatem vestram non ita pridem a nobis scriptas
perlegisse lubenter ;x ad quern ipse etiam nuper epistolam peculiariter dedi, cum ad
cseteros patronos scripsi. Scholares non tarn multos misi quain vos video metuisse.
Prseter enim numerum ordinarium a vestra reverentia expetitum quatuor aut ad summum quinque dedimus, qui compensabuntur facile iis quos hoc tempore segritudinis
causa nobis remittitis, qui et ipsi sunt quatuor vel potius quinque, si utinsinuatis retineamus Odsonum. Vide quam simus erga vos, mi pater, justi et sequabiles. Profecto si
difficultas viatici non impedivisset, plures f orsan transmisissem ; cum nos hie hominibus
abundemus, vobisque sit satius carer e pecuniis quam alumnis. Sed et hujus belli
seu commercii nervus est pecunia, et illius defectu utrinque sumus miseri. Sed bono
simus animo. Deus in tempore opportuno miserebitur peculii sui. Christus Dominus
habet fidelem dispensatorem quern prseposuit familise suae, Gregorium XIII u m , cujus
misericordia maxime alimur, dabitque suis in tempore tritici mensuram largiorem.
Cupio audire vehementer de meorum ad Urbem appulsu. Vestros post 14 dies
avide vicissim expectabo. Jam pridem incolumis advenit Gilbertus Giffordius, totus
pauper habitu et corpore, spero etiam et spiritu. Certe nunquam ita se gessit
hactenus : confitetur simpliciter omnem priorem miseriam ac malitiam suam proterviamque contra V. P. et cseteros superiores ac bene monentes. Petiit veniam cum
lachrimis a Gulielmo Giffordio quod ilium implicuerit illis contentionibus iniquissimis.
In summa spondet se novam vitam instituturum, mihique in cunctis morem gesturum,
animumque totum ad s. theologise ac sacerdotii studium applicaturum. Porro se
certo scire vestram reverentiam nihil contra ipsum hoc toto perturbationis tempore
ex malo animo, sed ex amore omnia fecisse ; atque se hoc nunc adeo, cum ad se rediit,
agnoscere ut pro vobis vitam profusururn pro vobis,2 si opus sit, profiteatur. Haec et
similia mihi dixit ; unde spem aliquam concipio ipsius et salutis et studii atque diligentise, licet omnino non sim securus in tanta fragilitate ac consuetudine peccandi.
Animus erat ipsum Parisios amandandi; sed summo studio egit mecum ut possit hie
manere. Fortasse probabo ipsius constantiam, utarque in docendo dialecticam ad
tempus. Admonui ipsum de superbissimis ssepe sermonibus habitis cum r. patre
confessarlo. Confessus est omnia, seque fecisse poenitet valde, sicut ait. Quamdiu se
bene gerit, obsecro, mi pater, cura ut solvatur ipsi provisio menstrua. Ipsius comitem
Bradshaum statim dimisimus. Lutetise expectabit illos nummos quos apud vos
deposuit, de quibus ipsi persolvendis scribitis ; quod primo quoque tempore faciemus.
Item solvemus fìliae domini Nortoni undecim scuta nomine illustrissimi Cardinalis
Palleotti. Pensionem domini Baronis Dacrei recepimus usque ad primum Junii
exclusive et non ulterius ; non enim recepimus pro Junio. Cogimur D. Nortonum
saepe adjuvare antequam nobis solvatur : ita senex clamat post nos. Patri Cornelio
reddemus octo scuta et julios tres, sicut jubetis. Repetemus etiam ilia octo scuta
quse dedistis Henrico Anslaeo a domino Francisco Englefildo.
1

lubenter redundant.

2

pro vobis redundant.

216

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Significate, quaeso, Walpullo meo gratas mihi fuisse humanissimas literas suas ;
ipsumque ac caeteros mihi dilectissimos filios a me salutate, inprimis Bichardum
Singletonum, a quo aliquid literarum accipere cupio. Pater Greenus significa vit mihi
per literas ad D. Bayleum scriptas, se jam plane exhaustum esse nee habere quidquam
nummorum reliquum, ut proinde jam non possit se ultra sustentare suis sumptibus ;
quod optimo ac sincerissimo viro, plane credo. Eo enim semper fuit animo et affect u
erga commune bonum ut nunquam voluerit accipere quidquam ex publico serario quamdiu privata crumena suppeditaret sibi necessaria. Nunc vero cum parentes ipsius
optimi et fratres carceres et bonorum rapinam pro fide ita sustineant ut isti amplius
succurrere non queant, rogat ut vel ad reliquum tempus commorationis suae in Urbe
admittatur in alumnum vel ipsi procuretur dimissio cum ordinario viatico eorum qui
[in] 1 Angliam mittuntur ; quam petitionem aequissimam sine dubio vestra pietas
suaque etiam Sanctitas judicabit. Et ut hoc illi concedatur obnixissime rogo.
De munusculis sacris quae misistis nobis per nostros et impostefum gratias agemus et
disponemus ut cupitis. Dominus Jesus te nobis diu conservet, colendissime pater.
Rhemis, 9 Octob., 1583.
Y . R P . confrater et filius,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso, collegii Anglorum de Urbe
rectori vigilantissimo. Romae.

cxv.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 18 November, 1583.

' Ft"OTifi the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.
111«, 343.
Pax Christi.
Reverende pater ; Hominum necessitates et importunitates sunt tarn infinitae
ut nee ipse conquiescam nee V. R. patiantur requiescere. Est quidam illic in Urbe
Franciscus Foulerus, frater Joannis Fouleri, catholicissimi et cloctissimi librorum impressoris. Ex Urbe usque inconsolabiliter per literas me de extremis suis necessitati bus compellat ; ut apud vos intercedam per omnia sacra obsecrat ut aliquid a Pontifice
nanciscatur vel aliunde sibi provideatur. Ego quidvis ipsius causa cupio, quia testantur mihi quidam quibus piene fido ipsum esse probum, elegant em et catholicum
virum, et u t 2 pro opportunitate quantum licet et potestis eum oro ut adjuvetis : si
nulla alia ratione fieri potest, saltern ut possit vel ex pecuniis D. Georgii 3 piae memoriae,4 vel5 nostris habeat ad reditum 10 vel 12, decern inquam vel duodecim, scuta.
1

2
The MS. being worn away> in is conjecturally supplied.
ut redundant.
4
Gilbert, who died in Rome, 6 October, 1583.
habere understood.

3

5

George
ex omitted.

217

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Ecce sic cogimur facere, ista perpeti, ne pereant fratres nostri ; et tamen hodie mihi
sancte affirmavit idque in particulares rationes duxit Bayleus noster nos iterum debere
mille scuta. Sed quid faciemus ? In Domino Deo confidemus.
Accidit hie his mensibus aliquid unde nobis aliqua causa jurgiorum inter amicos
domini Audoeni et me. Quidam juvenis ex petulantia fregit ipsius picturam relictam
in quodam obscuro cubiculo ab aliquo Wallo. Ad cujus rei excusationem cogor pacifice
scribere ad D. Archidiaconum. Mittite, quseso, ipsi literas quam potestis citissime.
Christus Jesus semper servet vestram reverentiam. Rhemis, 18 Novembris, J583.
Vester totus,
G.

ALANUS.

Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso Agazerio, collegii Anglorum
de Urbe [Rectori] vigilantissimo. Rom se.
CXVI.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 20 November, 1583.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Inghilterra, vol. I., pag. 263).

Vaticano,

IUme ac benignissime Patrone ; Qua sit in nos patriamque nostrani voluntate
gmus D o m iim S noster, quantumque ipse in rem ac salutem Britannia incumbas meque
ipsum ames, et ex Uteris tuse Celsitudinis datis 24 Septembris et ex ejus qui eas
attulit prolixo sermone, magno meo solatio perspexi.
De muneribus autem illis amplioribus quae suo tempore obire jubeor hoc solum in
hac magna corporis et animi mei infirmitate polliceri possum, daturum me operam ut
Sanctse Sedi Apostoliche vestrseque pietati gratus, morigerus ac denique fidelis invernar.
Deus interim Opt. Max. nobis earn gratiam ac misericordiam concedat ut quibuscunque
vitse vel mortis laboribus istam tandem ecclesiam Anglicanam virginem castani Christo
ejusque sanctissimo Vicario exhibeamus ; ut ilio peracto opere dimittat demum servos
suos ih pace. Brevia 1 illa Apostolica tuto pervenerunt ad manus oratoris Regis
Catholici, quibus cum opportunum erit (ut admonetis) et non prius utemur. Reginam
afflictam interea diligenter prsemonebo quantum Sanctitati suse, quantum Dignitati
tuse debeat. Csetera quse scribenda essent Uteris commode committi non possunt.
Dignetur solum Amplitudo tua adjunctas literas S m0 Domino nostro tradere. Dominus
Deus te mihi, Maecenas optime, diu felicem conservet. Rhemis, 12 Cai. Decemk, 1583.
Vestrse Amplitudinis obsequentissimus alumnus,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

Addressed.
Ill mo ac rmo in Christo patri ac dno, D. Cardinali [Com]ensi, patrono optmo. Romani,
1

These were probably Briefs appointing D r Allen Bishop of D u r h a m and Apostolic Delegate to

the intended expedition for the restoration of the Catholic faith in England.
F F

218

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CXVII.
Dr William Allen to Pope Gregory XIII.

Reims, 20 November, 1583.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
Vaticano, Inghilterra, vol. I., pag. 262).

{Archivio

Beatissime Pater.
Quanto ardeas desiderio regna Britannica ad fldem et ovile Christi, cui felicissime
prees incredibilique solicitudine invigilas, reducendi, cum antea ex infìnitis his annis
in nos nationemque nostrani collatis beneficiis abunde perspeximus, turn hoc maxime
tempore ex ejus 1 qui non ita pridem ex Urbe ad nos rediit gratissimo sermone optatissimaque rerum suarum expeditione intelligimus. Nec in hoc genere quidquam jam
sane superesse videtur quod a Deo Opt. Max. petamus, nisi ut corda principum ad hanc
sanctissimam voluntatem tuam promovendam et exequendam misericorditer inclinet,
faustissimumque hunc nobis totique orbi presulatum tuum eousque proroget ut istorum
sanctissimorum consiliorum, laborum sumptuumque omnium optatos fructus in diebus
tuis cernas, de iisdemque postea in coelis cum primo auspicatissimi nobis nominis
predecessore tuo Gregorio, gentis nostre primo apostolo, eternum leteris ac
triumphes.
De meipso autem hoc solum liceat mihi apud Smam Paternitatem vestram libere
dicere, quod etsi vel ex his minimis ecclesie patrieque negotiis in quibus jam diu
Beatitudinis t u e jussu et auspiciis versor imbecillitatem indignitatemque meam piane
sentiam et agnoscam, ac proinde ad illa majora 2 obeunda vehementer animus trepidet,
tamen cuncta q u e mandato Sanctitatis vestre, id est (ut interpretor) Christi voluntate,'
mee mediocritatis humeris imponentur per ipsius gratiam, Apostolicam vestram benedictionem et nostram obedientiam fient (uti spero) si non levia tamen ita saltern mihi
portabilia, ut liceat cum Apostolo dicere :—Omnia possum in eo qui me confortat.
Cujus sanctissimo Nomini ad nutum divini apostolatus tui omnia q u e intra me
sunt usque ad mortem sine omni laborum periculorumque exceptione inservient.
Dominus Jesus Sanctitatem tuam nobis universeque ecclesie s u e beatam ac florentem
diutissime conservet, meque ac conservos hic meos, devotissimos alumnos suos, benedizione impertiat. Rhemis, in vestro Anglorum collegio, 12 Cai. Decemb., 1583.
Sanctitatis vestre alumnus et servus humillimus,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

Addressed.
S mo Domino Nostro.
1
2

F . Robert Persons. H e had remained only a few weeks in Rome.
See the preceding letter

p . 197, note 5.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

219

CXVIII.
The unjust seizure by the sheriff of Lancashire of property belonging to the
children of George Allen of Rossall, deceased. 1583-4.
From a contemporary document in the Public Record Office, London. Dom. Etiz.,
Vol 167, n. 42.
George Allen of Rossall in the countie of Lancashire gent died 21 of August in
the 21 yeare 1 of the raigne of our soveraigne Queene Elizabethe, etc., havinge the day
of his deathe Elizabeth 2 his wife and one sonne and heyre then of thage of XVth
yeares and three doughters, theldest of them at the tyme of his deathe of thage of IXth
yeares, etc.
The said George Allen had also at the tyme of his deathe a lease of a farme called
Rossall and another lease of the mannor of Norbrecke for certen yeares then enduringe
worth c marks by yeare, and certen good to the valure of ix c ll, and in monie ccc11
and in debts now collected CXL11. All which goods and chattels the said GeorgeAllen lefte to his wife and children : viz. the sonne and heyre havinge lands by discent
from his father can claime none of his goods by the costome of the countrie, but the
wife ought to have the third parte, the children the other third parte, and the husband
might disburse an other third parte to whom he would by the same costome. Also a
lease called Tatterstafe was ' conveyed to towe of the said doughters by ther uncle,
which ther father occupied in his life tyme and there mother since to ther use.
The wife of the said George Allen aboute tow years last past, beinge an obstinate
person and refusinge to come to the churche, [did] 3 deliver up to the handes of one
Thomas Curwen, servant to Thomas Preston esquire, goods to the valure of IVC iv x x x1*
to be kepte upon the farme of Rossall to the use of the said children ; and appointed
one William Any on to have the dealinge and imployinge of the said goods upon the
said farme of Rossall to the benefite of the said children by the over sight of the said
Thomas Preston, who did imploye the same goods accordinglie ; of the profltts of the
which said goods the said Elizabethe Allen and the said Anyon laid upp v cl1 with the
above said in c u of money which was left by the father of the said children in the
said Anyon's house. And then shortlie after the said wife, beinge knowen to be suche
an obstinate person as is afFore said, was therof indytted and outlawed in September
last, 1583 ; and in Januarie then next after the sheriffe of the said county of
Lancashire seysed the said goods and farmes as forfeyted by the said wife, and toke
away the said v c u in gould, not confessinge anie more the iv c Lll11 in gould, and made
an inventorie of the residue of the said goods, and upon Thursday the xxin l h of
Januarie, 1583 4 at Manchester caused an inquisition to be made and charged a jurie
1
21 August, 1579.
* 23 J a n u a r y , 1583-4.

2

See the Certamen D. Alanse in the Concertatio.
F F 2

3

Supplied.

220

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

therwith ; who found all the said goods and farmes to be the said wifes and forfaited
to the Queenes MaUe by reason of her outlarie : the truthe beinge otherwise, as is afore
said; for the iv c iv xx and x11 and the third parte of the farmes of Eossall and
Norbrecke and the whole lease of Tatterstafe do belong to the said children.
Endorsed.
Information touching some bad dealing of the sherife of Lancashire towardes
Mistresse Allen a recusant.
CXIX.
Dr William Allen to

Reims, [early in 1584 ?]
1

From a paper in Tho. Phelippes handwriting ; Public Record Office, London.
Dom. EUz., vol. 171, n. 85.
Hon frater, my harty commendacions. These are to request yow r worshipp to
send me word what is become of Throgmorton and thothers. I pray God comfort
them. Also of Mr Knots I have understode that one of my Lord Setons sonnes of
Scotland is gone imbassador into Spayne. I trust in owr Lord that all ow r banishement shall not be long time hurtful] to us. If yow send me any letter, I have direction
from docter Stapleton to deliver it unto Humfrey Eyton, and he will procure it by one
which docter Stapleton 2
letters, which safely will bring it me. Also send me
word what my Lorde Lumley pretendeth. For the rest. I trust in God all shall go
well very shortlye. I bid you most hartelye farewell, hoping that you will procure
my answer of Mr Knote ; which God grant very shortelye. I receaved Nicolles
letters of his recantation, but out of doute I make fambe 3 [small accompt] of him.
Thus in hast I bid you hartelye farewell. From Rheyms.
W.

ALLEN.

CXX.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

3 January, 1584.

From a transcript

by F, Christopher Grene, 8.J., in the archives of Stonyhurst
College. P. 61..
Mirifice nos de vestro sincero in nos amore recreor, etiam turn cum de vestris
laboribus afflictionibusque pro nostris hominibus ac rebus susceptis ingemisco, et ita
sane compatior vobis ut proper istam nostratium importunitatem 4 vitam pene meam
acerbam mihi putem. R. p. confessarius justa indignatione commotus putat hoc
esse vitium nationis quod nusquam sint contenti quomodocunque illis succedat,

1
2
3
Calendar of State Papers.
Blank left in MS.
farabe is underlined, and
4
small accompt written above it in the same hand as the rest of the letter.
The
occasion of this letter being written was according to F. Persons the following :—" Agazario per
il gran zelo chJ haveva dell7 aiuto d'Inglesi esuli in Francia e Fiandra procurava con ogni diligenza

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

221

minimamque gratiam amicis et adjutoribus referant. Ego istud attribuo potius
exilio, miseriis necessitatibusque nostrorum ut et in presumendo et postulando sint
importuni, et in habendo quod minus sit quam cupiant difficiles, morosi, inquieti.
Undecunque sit, u t 1 omnium pene malorum quae in humanae vitae societate accidere
solent molestissimum maximeque nobis invisum ; quo tamen prae omnibus aliis vult
Deus nos exercere 2 ad patientiam et pietatem, et (uti spero) praeparari ad gloriam.
Sic Moyses luctatus est cum populi sui murmure, querelosis clamoribus, seditionibus ac
aemulationibus in deserto. Sic primi Apostoli erant vexati murmure Christianorum
Graecorum contra fratres Hebraeos super ministerio et dispositione rerum temporalium.
Inter ipsos etiam Apostolos, dum portant evangelium per exteras nationes et collectas
sanctorum vel procurant vel dispensant, oriuntur leviusculae quaedam sed ipsis valde
ingratae dissentiones. Interim nos (quod etiam vos facitis) incessanter clamamus ad
fratres nostros in ista peregrinatione quod patriarcha Joseph fratribus a se domum
dimissis pro vale addidit—' ne irascamini in via/ Erit tamen semper aliquid, quamdiu
homines sumus in hac miseriarum valle, quo et probemur et tentemur et castigemur et
exerceamur. Et iste fortassis est stimulus noster quem, mi Alphonse pater, cupis tibi
auf erri : postulo enim et ipse a Deo quantum possum ut mihi tollat ; sed vereor ne non
faciat ; atque utinam saltern (quod plane spero) det gratiam sufficientem ad istas tribù lationes tam necessarias aequanimiter perferendas ut virtus ipsius in infirmitatibus
nostris perfìciatur.
Tamen ut ingenue fatear, ne stulto labore (ut ille dixit) consumamur, cupio non
solum mihi sed etiam tibi animo et voluntate robustiori ac promptiori adjutores
ascisci ad illorum externorum nomimi m negotia ac postulata promovenda. Scio enim
domesticam collegii curam et abunde esse satis et multimi his exoticis rebus impediri,
professionique vestrae ita parum consentaneam. 3 Sed quid faciemus ? Hominem qui
isthic his-rebus sit accommodatus non scio. In lai cis soli [sunt] 4 qui aliquid facere
fortasse possint DD. Fitzherbertus et Bainus, et tamen non sunt ejus aut conditionis
aut gratiae aut authoritatis ut nostra commode et fructuose agere posse videantur. In
clericis extra collegium solus est D or Hartus, cujus in rebus agendis gratiam ac voluntatem ignoro. Dignetur V.R. mihi suam sententiam de his aut aliis suggerere, et illi
quem magis idoneum judicaverit scribam.
di riscuotere le loro pensioni e mandarle. Ma perche più volte accadeva, per non esser pagati a tempo
per non haver modo di mandarle, che li pensionarli aspettavano più di quel che desideravano, vennero
a murmuràre del buon padre e questo in tal excesso eh' Alano gli consegliò di lasciare questa cura a
qualche secolare : il che fece : e vi fu poi contrasto tra 1' Inglesi della persona, perche Alano desiderava che fosse il Signor Rugiero Baines, confidente suo, ma li fattiosi volevano qualche amico loro :
m a finalmente Agazario fece elettione d'un Italiano e con buon modo levò da se ogni invidia, non
mancando pero d'aiutare in t u t t o quello che poteva." P u n t i della Missione d'Inghilterra per l'anno
1
2
3
1584, by F . Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P . 61.
est ?
exerceri ì
Sic in
4
M S . Perhaps it should be ista esse parum consentanea.
sunt supplied.

222

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Sin autem istorum nullum aptum senseritis, cogitet quseso de aliquo zeloso aulico
Romano, qui pro charitate et aliquo stipendio annuo hujusmodi negotia utriusque
nostrum et nationis nomine transigati scribemusque ad Ill raum Protectórem ut ipse
talem hominem tanquam agentem nostrum sub sua Ill ma Dominatione admittat ut
possit tarn apud suam Sanctitatem quam apucl IHmara Dominationem suam negotia
nostra trac tare. Atque hoc ego optimum judico.
CXXI.
Memorial from Dr William Allen and F. Robert Persons to Pope Gregory XIII.
16 January, 1584.
From the Soman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
Vaticano, Gallica Nuntiatiira, vol. 17, pag. 285).

{Archivio

Scrittura data dal padre Alano et dal padre Ruberto 1 a 16 di Genro (1584) perche
si mandasse a N. Sre.
Non è dubbio che S. M tà sarà desiderosa di ricever avvisi de le cose d'Inghilterra
per li varii rumori che arriveranno in Spagna sopra li nuovi accidenti di quel regno.
Ancorché sappiamo che l'Ami/ 6 di S. M tà tanto in Inghilterra come in Francia non
mancheranno di scrivere tutto quello che del caso intendano, nondimeno havemo
stimato per cosa pertinente al officio nostro verso Dio e S. M tà di proporre semplicemente nel conspetto del Signore tutte le conditioni presenti d'Inghilterra quanto
habbiamo potuto sapere per lettere de principali di quel regno. Prima, è cosa certa
che i ministri de la Regina sono stati qualche tempo con paura de lo stato loro, max 6
questo anno dopo la ricuperatione de la Terzera, l'accrescimento del' armata di S. M tà ,
ripigliati i porti di Fiandra, il Duca d'Alansone scacciato, et liberato il Principe di
Scotia ; queste consideration!, dico, hanno fatto che detti ministri siano stati più
1

" Toward the end of this summer (1583) I being not yet returned f romKome, the Prince of Parma,
being advertised from Spaine t h a t he should conferre with me, sent Mr H u g h Owen and M r
to
Rhemes to D o r Allen and from thence to Paris to call me ; whither I went from Roan. . . . Soe as I
stayd in Tornay with the Prince and with F . Oliverius [Manareus] all this winter. . . . About
Corpus Christi day (1584) I returned from Flanders to France. . . . The rest of this summer I remained at Paris, and Monsieur, Duke of Alencon, being dead, there was much parling between the
Princes for making their league that brake forth the next spring after.
Wherupon I buying myself
dyverse sortes of good books returned to live for the next winter in Roan in a voyde house given to
the Society in a garden, where were with me Mr Stephen Brinkly, a vertuous gentleman that translated Loartes book under the name of James Sanker, and Mr Flinton, an honest marchant, who both
of them did help me to set forth my 2 d edition of the book of Resolution much augmented." Autobiographical Notes by F . Persons. Stonyhurst MSS., P . 231, 232. F . Persons left Rouen for
Flanders about mid-Lent, 1585, and remained there until the autumn, when he went with Dr Allen
to Rome. " D a Lovanio, 10 Maggio, 1585, al P . Agazario. Mi partirò di qui (corno spero) fra 4 o 5
giorni per andarmi a St Omer. L a mia partita da Roan fu a mezza quaresima. Da St Omer, 12
Luglio, 85, al medesimo. Spero trovarmi fra pochi mesi in Roma." Ib.} 304.

223

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

sospettosi, però li mesi passati mandando fori spioni, acciochè avvisassero tutto quello
che si poteva sospettare et scoprire de le prattiche de' principi cattolici, max 6 di S. M tà
et S. S tà o vero de li SS1'1 Guisi, acciochè da queste relationi potessero formare qualche
construtto contra i cattolici d'Inghilterra. Mentre dunque attendevano a questo, permette Dio che pigliassero sospetto di Throgmortono, il quale pratticava la casa di don
Bernardino, 1 et al quale benché habbino dato tormenti tre o quattro volte, pur lui non
ha confessato cosa alcuna in pregiudicio de la causa, come ci scrive don Bernardino et
si vede per la confessione di Throgmorton fatta ne li tormenti. Circa il medesimo
tempo fu preso un parente del detto Throgmorton, detto Homerfildo,2 il quale già da
lungo tempo fu stimato per matto. Costui essendo tormentato confessò che havea
comunicato con varii signori, et signori tanto heretici come cattolici : de li quali quattro
solamente cattolici furono condannati a morte, ciò è il socero,3 la socera, la moglie et il
confessore del matto, insieme col matto, il quale dipoi impiccò se medesimo in prigione.
I cattolici vedendo questa crudeltà cominciorno a temere et alcuni a ritirarsi fuori del
regno, fra quali sono venuti qua in Parigi Milor Pagiot 4 et Carlo Arundello, tutti due
intrinseci con la nobiltà cattolica d'Inghilterra ; et questo saputo in Inghilterra, la
fuggita di costoro, si turborno li ad versarli dubitando che questo non fusse principio
d'una rivolta generale de la nobiltà, et però gettorno subito l'occhio sopra i più grandi
con li quali questi dui fuggiti erano stati più intrinsechi, come sono il Conte di Danundel 5 et il Conte di Nortomberland, a quali fu comandato che restassero come prigioneri
ne li proprii palazzi, et al Conte di Rutland fu comandato che non si partisse oltre x
miglia di Londres. Chiaro adunque è che queste crudeltà ch'hora usano gli heretici
procedono di diffidenza ch'hanno de le cose loro ; ma in particolare quanto a li trattati
di S. S t à et S. M tà Cattolica, sono ragioni a provare che non intendono fin qui niente :
prima perchè si dice pubicamente che i Conti di Arundel et Nortemberland sono
prigioneri per la fuga di Milor Pagiot come consapevoli di quella. Secondo, nissuno di
questi Conti imprigionati, fuori del Conte del Nortomberland, sa cosa alcuna del nostro
negotio. Terzo, se fussero imprigionati per rispetto del nostro gran negotio, certo è
che si metterebbono ne la torre di Londres, come si suole in simili casi et persone. Però
per queste ragioni ci assicuriamo che sin' adesso li adversarii non hanno penetrato
particolarità alcuna del nostro negotio : et quanto a quello che hanno fatto sin' adesso li
nemici, è parer di quelli che sanno bene la dispositione d'Inghilterra che gioverà a l'impresa, et che per questo dovrebbe animarsi S. M tà a la prosecutione di essa impresa con
ogni celerità : et quanto a le persone di questi tre Conti ristretti, non sarà per la gratia
di Dio la restrizione loro di grande impedimento, perchè è probabile che al tempo de
la guerra cominciata troveranno modo di liberarsi ; et quanto questo non fusse, pur ci
resteranno altri conti et principi dentro Inghilterra per esser capi de l'impresa, et li
detti ristretti hanno parenti, amici et figlì per pigliarla loro come il Conte di Arundel,
1

5

Don Bernardino de Mendoza.
Earl of Arundel.

2

Somerville.

3

Arden.

4

Lord Paget*

224

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

che ha dui fratelli potenti et un zio, tutti cattolici ; il Conte di Nortemherland ha sei
fìgu, et tre di quelli sono qui a Parigi ; ristesso si potria dir de gli altri. Per concluder
adunque dichiamo che questo che fin5 adesso gli adversarii hanno fatto non haverà
portato nocumento, ma più presto giovamento, a l'impresa con haver fatto la nostra
parte dentro l'Isola più risoluta che non era prima. Quello ancora ch'hanno fatto
contra li cattolici non è proceduto da alcuna cognitione loro del negotio in particolare,
ma da qualche sospetto in generale. E ben vero che si può chiamar gran miracolo di
Dio che una causa, la quale si communica con tanti amici per lo spatio già di dui anni,
non si sia scoperta totalmente da molti giorni in qua, et certo è che non potrà passar
longo tempo che non si scopra per una via ò per l'altra, et allora, se prima non viene
aiuto di fuori, seguirà la perdita di tutti i cattolici dentro quell' Isola : et per questo
gettandoci a li piedi di S. M tà la supplichiamo per amor di Giesu Christo che non
abbandoni tante anime afflitte, le quali con le mani alzate al cielo stanno aspettando
giornalmente suo aiuto. Il tempo è molto propitio adesso ; ogni giorno di dilatione ci
porta gran danno et pericolo : per questo supplichiamo S. M tà con ogni instanza possibile che non differisca l'essecutione più di quello [che] sarà necessario ; il che ancora il
Sig r Duca di Guisa ci ha comandato di supplicare a S. M in suo nome, il qual sta
più risoluto adesso che mai, et non aspetta altro che la buona risoluzione di S.
M tà Cattolica.
Una scrittura simile è stata data da sudetti padri a questo Amb re di Spagna.
CXXI1.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles.
Ill

m0

domino ac rev

m0

Paris, 21 January, 1584.
Tom. III., p. 597.

in Christo patri, domino Cardinali Comensi optimo.

Illustrissime domine, Mecsenas optime; Quod homines et res Anglicanas tarn
amanter semper et diligenter, cum suo l turn Sanctissimi Domini nostri nomine et
authoritate, reverendissimo domino Nuntio, singularis sane gratile, pietatis et prudenti^©
presuli, commendas, summo in nos amori et antiquissimse in gentis nostrse salutem
propensioni attribuo ; cujus me olim completissimum nationi mese futurum testem
spero. Hac sola commendatione et patrocinio sumus, ut confido, in Gallia utcumque
securi interim, dum Dominus Deus meliora et viciniora saluti nobis parat, licet his
diebus etiam in hac Christianissimi Regis ditione fratres nostros Anglise orator vexare
cceperat. Quo in statu res Anglicana sint vel ex literis reverendissimi domini
Nuntii vel ex quodam scripto,2 quod nos et pater Robertus suse Dominationi
tradidimus ad Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum transmittendum, facile tua Celsitudo intelliget. Hoc solum addo non rem hoc [sic] cunctando nobis sed festinando restituì : si sine mora, nunquam melius ; si tarde, nunquam pejus. Post
1

tuo ?

2

p. 222.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

225

aestatem videtur occasio futura salva. Quae recens acciderint non impedient sed
juvabunt gerendi rationes si mature suscipiantur. Caetera a dignissimo domino Nuntio,
his locis et temporibus nostrisque negotiis (nisi fallor) commodissimo suae Sanctitati.I
ministro, accipiet.2 Deus Optimus Maximus tuam Celsitudinem ad nostram spem ac
salutem et ecclesiae bonum quam diutissime incolumem servet. Parisiis, 21 Januarii,
1584.
Hoc ipso momento intelligimus mandatum fuisse a Regina illustrissimo domino
Bernardino Mendozio ut intra spatium viginti quatuor horarum discederet ; sed
interim subito mandatum ne domo exiret datamque ipsi custodiam.
Vestrae amplissimae Dominationis dilectissimus filius et servus,
G. ALANUS.

CXXIIL
F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J., to Dr William Allen.

Rome, 17 February, 1584.

From a transcript by F. Christopher Grene, 8. J., in the archives of Stonyhurst
College, P . 63.
Adm. Rde Domine, in Christo colendissime.

Pax Christi.

Tot et tanta sunt inconvenientia quae sequuntur ex isto nostro assumpto labore in
promovendis Anglorum extra collegium degentium pecuniariis negotiis ut omnino praaponderent cuicunque inde exsurgenti utilitati, et ut aliqua ex multis recenseam,
impediunt imprimis quam maxime collegii administrationem. Cogor enim saepius
negotia collegii negligere ut externorum causas promoveam; cum enim imbecillo
corpore sim, utrumque praestare nequeo. Praeterea nonnulli offenduntur tam Romae
quam Parisiis propter istam nostram (ut ipsi vocant) nimiam authoritatem, et quod
propterea ipsi in nulla sint existimatione quia volumus nos omnia tractare ; et cum
sit impossibile omnium necessitati et cupiditati satisf acere, si aliquid desit (licet quod
convenientissimum est obtineant) conqueruntur tamen dicentes nos non facere quod
facer e debebamus et poteramus. Mitto quod est contra nostram religiosam professionem quotidie cursitare per aulas principum ut procuratoria quodammodo negotia
tractemus. Mitto quod nimiam Pontifici molestiam exhibeamus dum non solum
negotia et pecuniarias petitiones pro collegio (quae satis multae sunt) verum et pro
quocunque Anglo ad Urbem ad ventante agimus ; unde aliquando fit ut pro collegio
petentes minime exaudiamur. His aliisque nonnullis rationibus permotus, de Consilio
etiam R. P. nostri Generalis, statui in posterum nullius prorsus in Urbe causam
pecuniariam agere. Quapropter cogor etiam ad vos scribere, et vel invitus interdicere
ne posthac quenquam mihi vestris Uteris commendetis ut ejus negotia pecuniaria apud
1

Sanctitatis ?

2

I.e., Celsitudo tua ; or else it should be aceipies.
G G

226

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Pontifìcem vel apud quemcumque alium promoveam. Cseterum si in quocunque alio
genere quicquam poterò, prsesertim in vestram gratiam, non recuso laborem. Paterno
cliaritatis affeetu amplectar omnes, Anglos prcesertim, quorum patriae saluti meipsum
devovi. Si petatur a me de quoquam testimonium, dabo libenter quam optimum, si
per conscientiam licebitj et si ipse quicquam prsestare poterò, illos juvabo quacunque
ratione, Puto D. V. R. totum hoc accepturam in bonam partem, sicut ex optimo
animo provenit. Dominus Jesus te mihi et Anglis omnibus conservet. Romse,
17 Feb., 1584.
CXXIV.
The Nuncio * in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como, 2 April, 1584, enclosing
a letter from Dr Allen to the Nuncio, dated Reims, 20 March, 1584.
Printed in Theiner, Ann, Eccles.

Tom. III., 810.

Cifra del Nunzio di Francia al Cardinale di Como.

Parigi, 2 Aprile, 1584.

In una lettera del padre Alano, scritta da Rhens a 1J 20 del passato, era l'infrascritto
capitolo.
Qui dabit suae Dignitati has literal est presbyter Anglus, licet aliquantulum
habitu, ut sua negotia peragat secreto, personatus. Est in rebus agendis apprime
sedulus, dexter ac sedulus ; de magno tamen negotio 2 nihil debet scire, licet ad me
sit peculiariter missus ex Insula super quodam secreto quod indicabit vestrse tantum
sapientise, et nemini in his partibus preeterea patefaciendum. Rem ipsam coram tutius
et commodius narrabit ac in scripta etiam rediget, ut interim, dum inter nos tractatur
causa, procuretur nobis ex Urbe facultas quse requiritur. Negotium debet undique
esse secretissimum, sicut et persons nomen. Expectatur responsum hujus presbyteri
vel reditum ipsius, ut cognita voluntate vestra ac propensione ipse mox veniat ad me
et reliqua conficiat. Si res habeat optatum exitum^ erit magni momenti et emolumenti.
Il messo che mi ha portata la sopradetta lettera mi ha dato la infrascritta scrittura, et havendogli io dimandato il nome del capitano di queste navi, mi ha detto
chiamarsi Joane Davisio,3 et esser nobile et ricco di forsi 800 scudi d'entrata, et haver
1

Mer Girolamo Ragazzoni, bishop of Bergamo, was appointed Apostolic Nuncio in succession to
Me Castelli, bishop of Rimini, who died at Paris, 27 August, 1583. The appointment of M«r
Ragazzoni was announced by Gregory XIII. to the King of France in a letter dated Rome, 28
2
September, 1583. Theiner, Ann. Eccles. III., 455.
The invasion of England.
3
The person referred to would seem to be Captain John Davis, who sailed from Dartmouth, June
7, 1585) with two barks in the hope of discovering a new passage by the North "West parts of
America to the East Indies. The expedition was fitted out at the charge of several of the nobility
and gentry, particularly Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary of State, and of many merchants of
London and the west country. Davis strait was so called from the name of Captain Davis, its
discoverer. See Biographia Britannica, s. v. Davis.
r

227

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

deliberato di vender tutti li suoi beni secretamente prima che si parta d'Inghilterra, et
di menar seco sua moglie et un figlio unico che ha, et haver già ricevuto in mano sua
forse 120 mila scudi de li interessati in dette navi et dover riceverne altretanti per
spendere in quello bisognerà, et non dubitar che li marinari non lo debbano seguitare,
si per altri rispetti, si perchè una buona parte di essi saranno catholici.
Detto messo si è già partito di qua dicendo di dover andare a Rouan per aspettare
esso capitano et condurlo a Khens al padre Alano. Et ha vendo io dimandato a questo
messo il nome suo, mi ha detto chiamarsi Thomaso Alfìdio1 et essere Inglese et sacerdote
già sei anni, nutrito per un pezzo nel collegio di Rhens, et stato prigione in Inghilterra
per più di un anno per causa de la religione.
Potentiores quidam haaretici in Anglia, quorum principes sunt Reginae a consiliis,
conlites Gii, Lhcestrensis, Beafordiensis, Huntingtoniensis, et Walsinganus secretarius,
tres rostratas et bellicas naves ad vim inferendam vel repellendam piane instructissimas
cum quatuor minoribus naviculis seu pironibus cursoriis, Anglorum idiomate vocatis
pinvisens 2 jam paraverunt, et easdem nautis, militibus, tormentis bellicis et omni
apparatu ad suas libidines explendas apto armatas brevi credere mari cogitant.
Ut autem populum sua celent Consilia, exploraturos se praetendunt aditum
quendam expeditiorem quam hactenus sunt experti ad regnum Ginee occupandum,
sed revera statuunt Hispanise Regis Catholici ditiones infensare, et suae Majestatis
annuos redditus ex India impedire et intercipere,
Huic classi prseficitur quidam nobilis astate florentissima, illorum judicio ad hoc
facinus suscipiendum aptissimus, et nostrorum istic degentium sententia non indoctus ;
qui, dum Londini versaretur hanc expeditionem curaturus, divino beneficio in quendam
catholicum summa sibi necessitudine a primo quasi vagitu conjunctissimum incidit ;
cui totum hoc negotium pienissime significavit, ipse eo tempore haereticus, non nihil
tamen rerum et reipublicse statum sugillans quern dixit hujusmodi iniquis consiliis
maxime sustentari.
Hac ansa data bonus ille vir, amici et familiaris sui animam sitiens, cum quibusdam presbyteris qui turn ob fidem catholicam tenebantur in vinculis sedulo coepit
promovere illius nobilis, in re nautica peritissimorum judicio exercitatissimi, salutem ;
et illum hoc nomine cuidam presbytero turn ibidem commoranti diligentissime praedicti
presbyteri commendarunt.
Huj us presbyteri opera et industria praefectus hic, revocatus ab haeresi inflammatiorque paulatim catholicaa fidei amore factus, se ccepit piane recipere ad frugem et se
totum nunc devovit eeclesiae, atque est jam dicti presbyteri Consilio perductus ut
prius nihil habeat quam ut hoc omni apparatu privet praedictos haereticos, modo hoc
ipsi per suae Sanctitatis condonationem et concessionem liceat facere, et in tutelam ac
servitium suum vel Regis Catholici recipi possit ; quam facultatem et protectionem si
1

Thomas Alfield, martyr, 6 July, 1585.
G G 2

^pinnaces.

228

LETTEKS AND MEMORIALS

Pontifex dabit, non modo praedictas naves vi et torni entis bellicis instructissimas
abducet, et in ejusdem * gratis sine omni stipendio militabit ecclesia et causae catholicae
vel contra Turcas vel haereticos vel quemvis Sedi Apostolicae hostem, sed sua etiam
omnia libenter ad ejus servitium conferete
Ad quam rem ut fidem suam magis suae Sanctitati contestatam faciat, et ut
reliquae partis gratiosior fiat remissio, dabit ornatissimo domino Alano ad suos alumnos
tuendos sastentandosque quindecim millia scutorum, et eidem totidem ad ea conficienda quae dictus dominus Alanus pro sua sapientia judicabit ad fidei propagationem
in Anglia spectare : ad quern mihi dixit ut hoc ei nuntiarem, et ad quern ipse est clam
et secreto venturus.
Hoc modo dicti haeretiei magna vi pecuniarum, quam ex rapinis et spoliis catholicorum collegerunt, et quibus nunc abuti cogitant non ad suas modo haereses disseminandas sed etiam ad suae Majestatis Catholicae ditiones invadendas, exhausti minus
in posterum valebunt vel ad turbulentos seditiososque cives foris in suos principes
armandos vel domi ad suos furores in innocentissimos homines exercendos.

cxxv.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles.
mo

mo

Reims, 21 March, 1584.
Tom. III., p. 607.

Ill ac rev in Christo patri ac domino, domino Cardinali Comensi, domino ac
patrono colendissimo.
Illustrissime domine, patrone benignissime ; In iis qui his superioribus mensibus
immanem persecutionem Britannicam declinantes Dei benignitate in vicinas Gallias
incolumes evaserunt eaeteris longe praestat illustris D. Baro Pagettus, vir et dignitatis
splendore et patrimonii amplitudine et gratia ac authoritate tam apud plebem quam
nobilitatem catholicam adeoque apud serenissimam Scotorum Reginam plurimum
potens, atque de religione orthodoxa si quis alius in tota Anglia optime meritus.
Qui cum cerneret se haereticis esse exosum, suspica[re]turque sua in ecclesiam studia
aliquousque ipsis esse patef acta, a tam truculentis hostibus merito sibi metuens fugaque
saluti consulendum ratus Parisi os mox concessit ; ubi cum nobilissimo ac prudentissimo
Carolo germano suo jam degit, domi proscriptus amplissimisque fortunis et possessionibus ac etiam pecunia universa quam ad vitam in exilio sustentandam praeparaverat
prorsus spoliatus.
Similem subiit eodem tempore miseriarum sortem, fugae et exilii sui comes,
dominus Carolus Arundelius, genere et virtute praestantissimus ac clarissimus vir.
Cujus in ipsius Elizabethae aula, ubi gratia apud Principem et proceres plurimum
valebat, multa insignia his annis erga patriam et ecclesiam officia extiterunt.
1

iisdem?

229

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Atque tales sane sunt isti, illustrissime domine, qui et imposterum magna possunt
et plane omnia cupiunt sanctae Sedi Apostolicae et causae catholics obsequia praestare :
ut proinde non solum hac tantorum virorum indignissima calamitate commotus, sed
publici etiam boni studio ductus, cogor ipsorum supplicibus ad suam Sanctitatem
Uteris et aliorum amplissimorum hominum commendationibus meae quoque mediocritatis testifìcationem adj ungere.
Obsecro igitur tuam Celsitudinem, Cardinalis pientissime, per viscera misericordia
Dei nostri et per observantiam in te meam ut caeteris tuis excellentissimis in afflictam
gentem nostrosque homines antiquissimis mentis hoc addas, ut Sanctissimus Dominus
noster per tuam pietatem intelligat meum desiderium erga istos excellentes viros, et
benigne ipsorum postulatis annuat. Hoc erit suae Beatitudini apud Deum ac homines,
uti spero, gloriosum et catholicis certe omnibus gratissimum. Domiims Deus te nobis,
patrone optime, diutissime florentem conservet. Rhemis, 12 Cai. Aprilis, 1584.
Illma3 ac Revma3 Dominationis tuae filius et servus,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

CXXVI.
Mary, Queen of Scots, to Dr William Allen. Sheffield, 22 March, 1584.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Ernies. Tom. III., p. 599.
Mi pater ; Recepi literas, quae in Octobri, Novembri ac Decembri scriptae propter
interruptas ex his no vis turbis ordinari as nostrae intelligentiae vias tarn tarde venerunt
ut maturius respondere non potuerim. Incredibiliter sum consolata ea quam commemorasti suae Sanctitatis in me incomparabili studio ac propensione ; quam in mea et
hujus Insulse causa tuis aliorumque literis cognovissem, tamen supra modum erat
gratum idem et particularius et certius et hoc maxime tempore moestitiae mese a te
audi visse, qui eris olim (uti conjicio et summopere desidero) mandati ipsius apud me
gratissimus interpres. 1 Idcirco cures, quaeso, ut meo nomine ac verbis gratiae humillime
agantur suae Sanctitati, ac ut porro illi declaretur me his suis favoribus ita in dies magis
magisque devinctam haberi suae Sanctitati ut ipsius et de me ipsa et de rebus publicis
mandatis sim sine exceptione per totam vitam obtemperatura.
Atque quod ad te, pater Alane, attinet, committo et commendo tuae pietati cum
mearum turn communium hujus Insulae rerum, quas omnibus meis privatis commodis
longe antepono, curam et directionem. Quod judicaveris ad gloriam Dei et bonum
utriusque nationis et maxime hujus Anglicani regni, ex quo solo (experta loquor) totius
•Insulse salus pendet et provenire debet, hoc ego, quantum in me erit, sincerissime
semper praestandum curabo.
Carentia illius pecuniae annuae, aliquot menses postulatae ad hic procurandam
1

As Apostolic Delegate to accompany the contemplated expedition for the deliverance of the
Queen and the restoration of England to the unity of the Catholic church.

230

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

liberationem meam e carcere, facit ut hactenus non transegerim cum amicis qui id
efhcere possint. De qua re mentionem peculiarem facio, ut scias, ubi tempus rei
gerendae venerit, opus esse in primis ut aliqua militum vel Anglorum vel externorum
manus mox ad haec loca ubi custodior ad me liberandam dirigatur : perfacile fiet, quia
neque locus est munitus, neque ex isto praesidio est quidquam curandum. Miror
tantillam pecuniam personas meae propriaa tam necessariam nusquam inter tot minus
necessarias expensas haberi potuisse, nisi forsan mese personse nullam rationem
habendam putant.
.
,
Si existimes Principem Parmensem ullam habiturum partem pro Rege Catholico
in negotio nostro, vellem meo nomine Eodulphum Ligonium in aulam ipsius commendari, ut per ilium si quid istinc cognoscere mea interesset, ipsius opera mihi communicetur. Potest ei fides in omnibus sicut mihi ipsi adhiberi ; sum etenim illius fidem in
meis maximis rebus experta saspe : quod quaeso eidem Principi meis verbis testari,
simulque eidem Ligonio adjunctas literas mittendas cura. Porro hoc solum restat hoc
tempore ut Thomam, Francisci Trogmortoni fratrem, qui Parisiis residet meo nomine,
ubi opportunum tibi videbitur, suae Sanctitati suppliciter commendes ; cujus tota pene
nobilis familia est mei et communis causae studio fracta, dissipata. Si essent eae
facultates mese ut de me tantopere benemeritis ullam compensationem tacere possem,
ab aliis principibus non peterem quidquam ; sed facere cogor, eonfidoque ipsos in bonam
partem accepturos si me tuis precibus commendo. Shefild, 22 Martii, 1584. Saluta
Eusebium, 1 si apud vos est.

CXXVII.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles.
Cifra del Nuncio di Francia.

Paris, 16 April, 1584.

Tom. I l l , p. 812.

Parigi, 16 Aprile, 1584.

Detto padre Alano è venuto hora in questa città, chiamato con grande instanza
dal ambasciatore di Scotia, per nome ancora del Duca di Guisa, per tirarlo ne la loro
opinione del nuovo disegno ; ciò è incominciar l'impresa d'Inghilterra per la Scotia ;
et havendo egli addotte alcune de le alligate difficultà, si sono essi alterati seco ; onde
desidera detto Alano che non si sappia che egli habbia data l'alligata scrittura, per
rincontro deda quale hanno ancora essi Scozzesi le sue ragioni che deveranno esplicar
a la Santità sua.
1

F. Kobert Persons.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

231

CXXVIII.
Memorandum by Dr William Allen to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) for transmission to Pope Gregory XIII. [Paris, 16 April, 1584].
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles.

Tom. III., p. 600.

Si exercitus exponatur prius in Scotiam quam in Angliam istse difficultates
obventurse videntur. Metuendum ne illi qui alioquin propter religionis causam conjuncturi se essent catholico exercitui, si recte in Angliam tenderet, sequerentur hostium
partes ; cum propter antiqua odia illarum provineiarum, et Scotorum magnam hoc
tempore ad hseresim propensionem, facile et sponte sua et haereticorum Anglorum
instigatione adducentur ut suspicentur nihil hie de religione sed de subdendis Anglis
Scotise imperio agi. Qui scrupulus si semel injiciatur, verendum est ne non modo
hsereticos sed etiam catholicos habeant hostes, qui de exercitu ex Scotia veniente omnia
habebunt suspecta.
Hanc dubitationem augebunt varia hominum judicia de Rege Scotorum, quern
suspicabuntur forsan nee militaturum religioni catholicse quam non agnoscit vel curat,
nee Papse quern non agnoscit superiorem, nee fortasse Catholico Regi quern catholici
Angli tarn propter ipsius cognitam fidem et obedientiam Sedi Apostolica^ quam propter
justum titulum regnare cupiunt ; sed sibi ipsi imperium retenturum, aut suae Sanctitati
obedientiam prsestiturum, nee fortasse restituturum (quod apud Anglos plurimum
valebit) foedus cum domo Burgundica observaturum, 1 sed foedera tantum Franeica
(sicut Scoti solent) sequuturum : de quo Rex Catholicus etiam bene cogitabit antequam
rem aggrediatur.
Si autem in Angliam recta trajiciatur, sine omni dubio catholici liberabuntur hoc
omni metu, et sequentur partes nostras lubenter ; quae2 etiam acceptabunt et expetent
tunc auxilia Scotica, et ipsius Regis copias non solum non timebunt propter causas
praedictas, sed incredibili studio sequentur.
Si eatur prius in Scotiam, dabitur tempus ac spatium hostibus se ad pugnam
prseparandi; dabitur commoditas intercludendi catholicos qui velint se adjungere
exercitui catholico ; dabitur tempus externis confoederatis haereticorum vel hujus
actionis vicinis semulis ut ingrediantur Angliam et juvent hsereticos ; dabitur denique
commoditas et spatium muniendi urbes aliquot, quae alias catholicis facile cederent.
Si per Scotiam aggrediantur, summa erit annonse difficultas, idque per plures dies,
cum transeundi sint montes desolati et loca vasta, utriusque regni confinia ; faciet
bellum prolixum, sive ibi subsistant ad subdendum regnum Scotise ut deinde Rex
tutius et securius Angliam invadat, sive ad munienda tantum loca qusedam necessaria
futurse expeditioni morentur, sive etiam quantis queant itineribus procedant ; quia
1
The text is manifestly corrupt. Perhaps non has been omitted before prcestiturum and nee
2
before observaturum.
qui?

232

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

aberunt longissime a Londino et principalibus regni partibus : unde et gaudebunt
plurimum haeretici quod vis hostilis tarn longe absit a visceribus suis, et insidientur
hostes tantum calcaneo ac pedém a longe mordeant.
Ubi et illud commodum erit hostibus quod ex ingressu exercitus catholici in
Scotiam praemonebuntur de loco et via per quam sunt invadendo quod erit utile ipsis
multipliciter : cum si in Angliam recte profìciscuntur, habent multos in variis regni
partibus portus commodos ad militem in terram exponendum ; unde id erit hsereticis
incommodum quod non possunt ad aliquem certum locum aut oram maritimam p r e sidia justa collocare, sed cogentur vel multa in variis partibus Insulse munire, atque
ita vires suas distrahere, vel plurima loca indefensa relinquere. Ipsa navigatio est
difficilior .ac prolixior, magisque non solum classi Anglicanse, quae semper est fortissima,
sed etiam casibus obnoxia, quam si in Angliam tantum trajicerent.
Contra vero cur in Angliam primo non trajiciatur hoc solum videtur habere
magnum momentum, quod ibi futuros putemus qui non solum in littore ubi est
exponendus miles externus resistant, sed qui quam possint citissime in terra confligent cum catholicis ; prsesertim si illic appellat miles ubi indigeni sunt magna ex
parte haeretici.
Si autem in partibus septentrionalibus, sive orientali sive occidentali ora oceani,
sive Walia,1 aut aliis locis catholicis appellere contingeret, de resistentia hostium non
erit magnum periculum ; sed nee ipsis in locis haereticorum, si manus externorum sit
satis numerosa et instrueta : nam communis et promiscua plebs, quam opponet in
primo hostis ingressu, non est bellicosa nee quidquam fere ad bellum instrueta. I n
summa spero rem alterutra via confici posse feliciter ; cum tamen existimem ob plures
difficultates et prolixius atque sumptuosius futurum bellum per viam Scotiaa, salvo
semper meliori judicio.

CXXIX.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Paris, 16 April, 1584.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Inghilterra e Fiandra. Vol. I., fol. 278).

Vaticano,

IUme et Rrae in Christo pater ; Quae jampridem de Rege rebusque Scotise certissimis
nuntiis et literis aliata sunt bonis omnibus ac suse inprimis Sanctitati tuaeque Amplitudini Irtissima videri debent. Certe animos multorum, meliorum rerum et temporum
longa expectatione languidos ac propemodum desperatos, ad majorem quam unquam
antea spem evexerunt. Quid sit licet multorum maximorumque hominum literis
copiose hoc tempore scribatur, tamen in ea causa quae mihi mea vita est charior nolui
1

Walise in Theiner.

233

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

committere ut vota mea deessent. Clamantem ergo ac manus supplices ad Beatissimum Patrem jam tandem et jam primum tendentem totius Britanniae Principem atque
futurae obedientiae suae testes primas literas, quantum potes quantumque nos et
ecclesiam Christi amas, complectere, exaudi, adjuva, benignissime patrone. Eo jam
omnium judicio res devenit ut, si primo quoque tempore pecuniis ad corporis custodiam
et paulo post justis ad rem Britannicam constituendam et restituendam copiis suae
Maj estati non succurratur, tristissimus horum omnium consiliorum eventus (quod
avertat Deus) Reginaeque matris et filli regnorumque omnium suorum ac populorum
miserabilis interitus videatur expectandus. Adhuc liber est Princeps ; rerum potitur ;
in communem causam, in matrem, in bonos et catholieos singulariter affectus, ad.
meliora demum Consilia ita propensus ut in ea aetate et rerum conditione plura requiri
aut sperari non queant. Ea est item utriusque regni dispositio, is in communis patriae
restaurationem omnium bonorum consensus ut Deum tentare gravissimeque peccare
Principes pjitemus si tantam salutem negligant tamque pulcfyram rei gloriosissimae
gerendae occasionem, qualem nunquam videantur in posterum habituri, contemnant.
Si per Angliae portus (quam viam et antea semper propter rationes alias propositas, et
adhuc credo esse expeditissimam) rem aggredi secure non existiment, saltern illud
ostium a Deo ipso in Scotia, ut spero, apertum nobis arripiant. Vel faciendum est
semel, vel nulla videtur in orbe septentrionali intra paucos annos futura ecclesia. Si
autem unquam fieri aut possit aut debeat, hoc sine dubio est tempus acceptabile.
Proinde per viscera misericordiae Dei nostri et per singularem charitatem tuam, ill me
patrone, gratiose et benigne (ut soles) has non tarn meas quam totius Insulse, utriusque
Majestatis, 1111111 Ducis a quilia,1 bonorum omnium preces apud pedes suae Sanctitatis
deponas obsecro ; ut Beatitudinis suae auctoritate et sancto mandato excitentur tandem
ad hoc gloriosissimum facinus et ecclesiae totius saluti tarn necessarium aggrediendum,
ipsius nomine et auspiciis per Christi gratiam etiam feliciter peragendum. Si hoc
anno non geratur, omnem humanam spem abjicio, et reliqua vita mihi acerba erit.
Scio Sanctissimi Domini nostri in hac re desiderium sanctissimum etiam vota nostra
superare : voluntas quoque Celsitudinis vestrae hie est omnibus notissima ; sed ex
abundantia cordis mei os meum promit necessario has querelas, ut solus omnibus
undique ad vos clamantibus ipse qui nostrorum gemitus et dolores optime cognoscam
non tacerem. Dominus Jesus te nobis, patrone unice, diutissime conservet. Parisiis,
16Aprilis,84
IUm9e Dominationis vestrae filius et servus,
G. ALANUS.

Addressed.
Ill mo ac Rmo in Christo patri ac domino, domino d° Cardinali Comensi, patrono
optimo. Romam.
1

Guisia ?
H H

-

234

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

cxxx.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 20 July, 1584.

Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles. Tom. IIL,_p. 607.
1110

Ill

in Christo patri ac domino, domino Cardinali Comensi, domino ac
patrono colendissimo.
Illustrissime domine Cardinalis ; Quantum licet et possum abstineo ab istis postulationibus pecuniariis, non modo sanctissimo Domino nostro molestis et oneròsis, sed
vestrse quoque Amplitudini et mihi imprimis ipsi supra modum ingratis. Cseterum
cogor hoc tempore serenissima Scotorum Reginse nomine (secundo enim id mihi serio
commendavit) pro Thoma Throgmortono intercedere. Is fratre natii majore post
qusestionem et varia tormenta dudum capite damnato et universa pene familia fracta
et proscripta, nunc patria et rebus omnibus interdictus, Parisiis vitam degit.
Sua Serenitas est de ipso et quibusdam aliis magis solicita quod judicet in hanc
eos fortunam sui causa inciclisse. Non est ille primaria nobilitatis, licet familiae
clarfB, et fortasse cum ad conditionem et necessitatem suam turn ad animum Reginse
esset satis, si dignaretur sua Sanctitas provisionem decern vel duodecim aureorum
menstruam ipsi clementer concedere. Dico audacius et simplicius omnia apud vos qui
fàcile sapientia et authoritate desideria nostra, si quid exorbitent, modificari potestis.
Obsecro ergo humillime tuam pietatem ut Sanctissimo Domino nostro rem proponat,
nosque saltern ad suse Majestatis satisfactionem, ne officium non fecisse ipsi videamur,
responso dignetur.
Puto illustrissimam Dominationem tuam jam ante aliquot menses audi visse
aliquid per reverendissimi™ dominum Nuntium Parisiis residentem de quodam Salomone Aldredo 1 nostrate, suse Sanctitatis pensionarlo; cujus varise antea interceptae
1

ac Rev

mo

•" E venuto qui in questi giorni da Inghilterra un certo Salomone Aldred, Inglese. Sua professione antica fu di sartore : adesso tratta molto con la Santa Inquisitione : ha la moglie in Lione, e
pensione da sua Santità in Roma. Furono prese qui in Parigi questo inverno passato alcune sue
lettere cattive scritte da lui in Roma ad un heretico in Inghilterra chiamato Umptono, del quale
V. P. sarà stata forse informata, perche le dette lettere furono di qua rimandate a Roma, come mi è
stato detto. Adesso lui è stato in Inghilterra molto accarezzato dalli consiglieri della Regina e
rimandato qua con favori, sicurtà e molti denari (come si dice) e lettere, &c. Non volle veder ne il
Signor Alano ne me, ma scrisse due o 3 paroline, significando oscuramente che lui non faceva questi
traffichi senza commissione et ordine di Roma, dove lui è adesso per tornare. Stette qui in Parigi
alcuni giorni e diede ad intendere a molti . . . che lui sia impiegato dalla Santa Inquisitione, e che
un fratello della Compagnia nostra chiamato Batsono è consapevole e compagno di tutti suoi traffichi,
li quali non piacciono troppo alli catolici di qui, &c." F. Persons to F. General of the Society, Paris,
23 July, 1584. Stonyhurst MSS. P . 175. " Hebbe anche principio in questi giorni o poco prima un
altra fattione contro li padri della Compagnia et Alano per mezzo di un certo Inglese chiamato
Salomone AndredoOV] di bassa conditione, il quale venendo a Roma li anni passati insieme con la

235

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

sunt piente suspitionis et scandali literse. Atque iste non ita nuper Roma transiit in
Insulam et in aulam Regino; et illinc nunc hue in Galliam reversus iterum ad Urbem
proficiscitur, ultro citroque (ut affirmat) commeandi libertatem a Regina et Summis
Inquisitoribùs habens, passimque iis quibus minime convenit divulgans se a Sancto
Officio missum in 'Angliam ut cum Reginae consiliariis agat de quodam inter partes
instituendo colloquio et de aliqua in religionis causa moderatione, ipsumque de ea re
gratissimum responsum ac literas ad Illustrissimos Dominos ex aula referre. Si vera
sint quae elicit, non possunt tuam Amplitudinem latere, et cur id flat justse forsitan
sunt rationes. Sed quod homini tarn suspecto et futili hujusmodi credantur multis
bonis viris, qui ejus ingenium et conditionem norunt, scandalo est. Efec non potui
apud tuam sapientiam tacere. De majori negotio 1 silemus, oculos et manus tendentes
ad Dominimi donee misereatur nostri. Christus Jesus te nobis servet incolumem,
humanissime patrone. Rhemis, 20 Julii, 1584.
Ill ma3 ac revma3 paternitatis tuse filius et servus,
G. ALANXTS.

moglie procurò per il favore di Monsignore Odoeno una pensione dal P a p a Gregorio, e mostrando
d'essere d'ingenio vivace il detto Monsignore, mentre stette Yicario del Cardinale Boromeo, cominciò
a servirsene di lui e particolarmente per l'occasione che un g e n t i l u o m o Inglese molto principale
chiamato Edoardo Umptono stava preso nel Santo Uffitio di Milano, per quale occasione fu mandato
Aldredo in Inghilterra dal detto Umptono alli suoi parenti et amici accio negotiassero la sua libertà ;
e nel primo viaggio che fece, che fu nel fine del 1582, il dottor Baretto tornando da Roma a Rhemis
andò in sua compagnia da Milano fin a Lion di Francia, e scopri il mal animo che haveva contro li
padri della Compagnia, e n'avisò il padre Agazario per una sua del 19 Novembre [see First and Second
Douay Diaries, p . 320] e molto più largamente per u n altra al Signor G. Gilberti, e finalmente li
effetti lo mostrarono. E benché costui fusse huomo di poco conto quanto alla persona sua, tuttavia
coli' occasione di questa negotiatione raccomandato da Monsignor Odoeno entrò in favore con alcuni
consiglieri della Regina, massimamente Hattono, dipoi cancelliero, [e] Walsingamo, segretario principale della Regina, e tornò alcune volte in Italia, et entrò in amicitia con alcuni personaggi principali
di Roma, e portò con seco quantità di danari da Inghilterra in Italia per distribuere a persone (come
egli diceva) che sarebbero aproposito per favorire le cose che lui trattava. Procurò anco che li fusse
dato per compagno nel secondo viaggio in Inghilterra un fratello scolare della Compagnia, chiamato
Batsono, nato in Fiandra da parenti Inglesi, ma spedito alcuni anni dipoi dalla Compagnia. Ne
sapeva il Padre Generale di che negotio si trattava, ne manco volevano passando per Francia vedere
Alano o Personio, anzi s'intendeva chiaramente che facevano oppositione a loro, e questa negotiatione
durava così coperta per alcuni anni, che riuscendo in vano t u t t e le speranze date dalli heretici, Aldredo
lasciata ogni dissimulatione si fece heretico e servitore di "Walsingamo, e così impiegato da lui nel
porto di Haverdegrace in Francia quivi morse/' P u n t i della Missione d'Inghilterra per l'anno 1583,
by F . Persons, Stonyhurst MSS. P . 59, 60. I n Raphe Brooke's Catalogue, & c , p . 188, ed. 1622,
mention is made of an Edward Umpton, who married Katherine, daughter of George Hastings, fourth
Earl of Huntingdon.
1

T h e proposed invasion of England.
H H 2

236

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CXXXI.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari,1 S.J.

Reims, 5 August, 1584.

From an early copy in the archives of Stonyhurst

College. P. 497.

Ex Uteris doctoris Alani.
2

De missionibus vero quod istic aliqui dubitent propter trajectionis et aliqu^e 3
rei gerendo difficultatem, minus miror quod viventes ibi in continua pace ecclesiastica
non cernunt quomodo hoc bellum Christianum geri debeat, qua ratione aut vitari
pericula possint aut subiri pro salute animarum debeant. Non perdidimus vitas
30 hominum his annis persecutionis. Lucrati sumus supra centum millia animarum,
ac ipsum pene statum ac gentem vel in summam hseresis defendendse desperationem
vel in meliorem rerum consiclerationem duximus. Si minimum cederemus hostibus
propter ista pericula, si gravioris metus levissimum ederemus indicium, actum esset de
1

This letter is addressed to F . Agazzari, as appears from a note in the handwriting of F . Christopher Grene, S.J. Stonyhurst MSS. P . 73.
2
" S i come il commun nemico non cessò nel principio di questa missione d'impedirla, così per
mezzo di persecutioni, minaccie et editti particolari contro li padri della Compagnia, come ancora
per via di persuasioni et rispetti humani d'alcuni cattolici poco zelanti, che persuadevano alli padri che
per qualche tempo si ritirassero dall' impresa cominciata ; così adesso coli1 occasione della presente
persecutione diede un assalto più gagliardo che mai a questa santa opera per mezzo d'alcuni cattolici
paurosi, dalle cui persuasioni vinto il padre Claudio Mattei, provinciale per all' hora della Compagnia
in Francia, scrisse al Padre Generale che sua paternità pensasse bene s'era servitio del Signore
mandare più soggetti in Inghilterra in tempo di tanti pericoli e persecutioni ; e non mancavano degl'
altri, tanto della Compagnia quanto de secolari, che davano il medesimo consiglio a sua Santità et al
R d o P a d r e nostro Generale. Il che saputo ch'ebbe il Personio scrisse subito al Padre Generale,
scusando il padre Mattei e sollecitando sua paternità per u n supplemento nuovo di padri per, Inghilterra, mostrando come li nostri e li sacerdoti erano già vincitori de tormenti e morti e che gli heretici
cominciavano a calare havendo poca speranza di guadagno per via di crudeltà. Metterò le parole
della sua lettera a nostro P a d r e delli 23 Luglio, 1584 :—Il nostro padre provinciale sta per il più
lontano daquì, e quando sta qui molti sono i quali non pensano che convenga per alcuni rispetti
fastidirlo molto con le cose nostre, onde sua r. non ha t a n t o modo di saper t u t t e le particolarità e
circostanze del negotio ; di poi ancora lui ha u n cuore molto tenero, il quale si muove presto con le
aversità e persecutioni che sente ; onde non mi maraviglio se sua riverenza si turbò u n poco con la
furia dell' ultima persecutione d'Inghilterra, la quale veramente fu asprissima, e non ci dispiacque qui
(come scrissi a V. P . da T u r n a y ) che V . P . andasse un poco differendo la missione fin tanto che si
serenasse e passasse in qualche parte : il che già è venuto per la gratia di Dio, perchè adesso non si
sente nulla di quel gran rigore, anzi dicono qui alcuni heretici e fanno creder così a molti cattolici
che non faranno morir più gente per la religione ; et io per me credo che se loro sapessero farlo con
l'honor loro desiderarebbono haver pace con noi, almanco qualche accordo, perchè temono estremamente e ben vedono che non long e abest mina ipsorum : di modo che adesso più che mai è il tempo
nostro d'andare inanzi, vedendo che Iddio ci aiuta così manifestamente nelle battaglie." P u n t i della
3
Missione d'Inghilterra per l'anno 1584, by F . Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P . 72.
aliquam?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

237

nobis et de republica. Nam sic hacteims tentarunt nos inimici et eum in finem
tantum, ut explorarent si aliquo modo vel ad tempus propter gravissima pericula et
tormenta vellemus intermittere ista officia et conatus religiosos. Si uspiam animadvertissent nos potuisse a proposito ulla vi aut diligentia adversariorum dimoveri,
excitassent truculentiorem persecutionem ; nam si olfacerent futurum esse ut non
mitterentur novi sacerdotes vel fere ut deseratur haec militia, trucidarent omnes in
Ànglia sacerdotes ; quorum vitas in omnibus carceribus nunc parcitur quod putant
frustra ipsos tolli cum magna orbis et sui populi offensione quibus mox succederetur
ex collegiis et aliis locis transmarinis. 1
1

The increased severity of the persecution of Catholics in England at this time is shown by the
following extract from a letter of F. Robert Persons, S.J., to F. Ribadeneira, S.J., dated, Paris, 15
September, 1584 :—" Cum violentissima superioribus diebus esset persecutio porfcusque Angliae tanta
vigilantia tenerentur ut nulli pateret vel ingressus vel exitus, necessarium videbatur ut aliquis his in
locis maritimis esset qui novas vias industria et pecunia pararet . . . quod per Dei gratiam perfectum
est. Nee D. Alanus qui longe abest a littore infinitisque aliis curis . . . distinetur, huic etiam oneri
sufficere poterat. Itaque partiti sumus invicem negotium, sic ut ille sacerdotes ex seminario ad me
mittat, ego autem . . . transfretationem tutam in Angliam illis pararem. Ad quam rem faciendam
et ad alia quaedam necessaria ad hujus belli spiri tualis appara turn cogor Rhotomagi . . . famili arn
quandam sustentare, ex qua aliqui excurrant ad littora, ut naves transvehendis hominibus prseparent
(non enim aut communibus navibus aut portibus ordinariis . . . uti possunt) alii praesunt excudendis
et invehendis libris . . . Deinde etiam chrisma, calices, vestes librique sacri transmittuntur, multaque alia ex his locis praestantur quae ad commodum aut auxilium pertinent eorum qui intus in Insula
laborant. Atque has sunt occupationes nostras, mi R. P r , satis quidem in se molesta? et difficiles, sed
Christi tamen causa quousque liceat perferendas. Tuemur quidem certamen contra adversarios
potentissimos et vigilantissimos, cum ipsi simus exules et egenissimi. Deus tamen hactenus nos juvit,
et juvabit, uti speramus. Quanquam, ut verum fatear, difficiliori longe loco sunt res nostras quam
unquam antea ob extremam rerum temporalium indigentiam. Cum enim quotidie catholicorum
numerus crescat qui bonis omnibus spoliati vel domi carceribus includuntur vel hue ad nos transfugiunt, curnque per universam modo Angliam rapinae publicae in omnes fidei nostras professores
permittantur, hinc fit ut nos hie multitudine egenti um opprimamur, et nihil subsidii ex Anglia
speremus, cum ipsi sibi sufficere non possint modo redacti in tantam inopiam ut a nobis petere
cogantur, maxime sacerdotes in ilia vinea laborantes, qui ad trecentesimum fere jam numerum
excreverunt et eleemosinis catholicorum antea sustentabantur, nunc autem spoliatis et eifugatis per
omnes fere provincias catholicis prascipue nobilibus, qui eleemosinas facere poterant, sacerdotes Dei
nee domos habent quo se recipiant nec cibaria quibus sustententur. Hie apud nos vel eadem vel
major est indigentia ; cum enim in seminario nostro Rhemensi ad 200 fere capita reperiantur nec
multo pauciores sint illi qui extra seminarium hinc inde vivunt pauperrimi et indigentes omnes (licet
major pars ex nobilitate sit) quotidieque etiam cum augeatur numerus ex Anglia fugentium, V. R.
existimare poterit quantis angustiis premamur quantoque successu temporis majores timere debeamus.
In his tamen omnibus per Dei gratiam non deest nobis animus, nec minuitur ardor sacerdotum
nostrorum ad pericula adeunda, sed acuitur magis et incenditur zelus ; caeterorum etiam catholicorum
constantia ipsa difficultate, Deo cooperante, roboratur ; quod V. R. ex his fere verbis quae scripsit
nuper ex carcere sacerdos quidam intelligere potest. Durissima, inquit, conditio fuit mensibus hisce
praeteritis catholicorum omnium qui carceribus tenentur ; nominatim vero Eboracensis et Hullensis
carceres egestatem magnanti perpessi sunt, pro quibus jam petuntur eleemosynae per omnes fere pro-

238

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Quid fecissent temporibus ecclesiae primis sub Diocletiano, Maximino, Juliano,
Valente ? Quid faciemus temporibus ecclesise ultimis sub Antichristo, cum ista ludum
jocumque esse dicas prse illorum tyrannorum et temporum rabie. Atque quod ad
meos attinet, coram Deo dico tuse paternitati ita nihil timent ista ut his 14 annis
quibus in hoc genere versor nunquam fuerint tarn ad hoc bellum ardentes et infiammati. Hac ipsa sestate partim abierunt et incolumes appulerunt in Anglia, partim
hoc mense ibunt, ad summum ante hyemem 20 ex hoc collegio. Et catholicorimi in
Insula studio et industria, quae assidue crescit cum hostium nequitia, habemus indies
oblatas nobis novas trajiciendi vias et portus, sicut et exeundi. Passim enim nunc
ultro citroque commeant sine omni periculo, neque ullus quod sciam his mensibus
duobus est captus. Sed de his rebus alias largius ; hoc solum hoc tempore est necessarium ut ex prudentioribus et melioribus seligantur qui opus Domini persequuntur. 1
Dominus Jesus V.E. din. nobis conservet. Eaptim, Rhemis, 5° Aug tì , 1584.
V. E. P. addit mua ,
GULIEL. ALANUS.

Endorsed?
L i t e r s D. Alani, 1584.

Pro missionibus Anglicanis tuendis contra impug.

vincias Anglias. Hie vero Londini non minores fuerunt angustise : statini enim postquam quinque illos
sacerdotes Dei ad sextum Februarii hoc ipso anno interf ecerant, mandatum exiit ad universos carcerum
custodesut catholicos quos habebant arctiori quam an tea custodia tenerent, laicosque omnino a sacerdotibus dividerent, nee unquam ad invicem convenirent, ne alii ab aliis consolationem acciperent ; ad sacerdotes autem nullum omnino permitterent introire amicorum, nee ad laicos quidem nisi post meridiem.
H o c autem faciebant ne sacerdos aliquis simulato habitu ingrederetur ad faciendum sacrum pomeridiano 51
tempore. Si quis externus ad laicorum colloquia admitti peteret, examinandus erat diligentissime
quis esset, quo venisset, quid apportaret negotii. Si autem suspicio vel minima in eum cadebat
(maxime vero quod eleemosinas adferret) statim retinebatur et ad judices adducebatur. Qua vigil a n z a hsereticorum factum est u t nullo audente quicquid mittere in subsidium inclusorum catholici
cceperint ingenti fame et inedia laborare ; quod cum cerneret custos quidam, misericordia motus
adivit pseudo-episcopum Londinensem [Aylmer], qui est primus inter Inquisitores, eumque docuit de
necessitate eorum qui suae curse commissi erant. Ille subiratus respondit custodi—Satis est u t illos
pane et aqua pascas. Imo, inquit custos, sed quis mihi solvet pro ilio pane ? Aquam enim ego facile
de meo dabo, sed panem nullo modo. Cui alter iratior, discede, inquit, quid mihi curas est ? Yescantur papistse, si velint, suis excrementis. Atque hsec sola spes fuit quam attulit nobis custos ab hoc
pio prselato. Unde repeto quod superius dixi, durissimam esse nostram in carceribus conditioner^
multosque catholicorum mortem potius quam carceres electuros, si dare tur optio, sed tamen ad
utrumque pro Dei gloria paratissimos esse, idque non sine Dei consolatione. Hucusque scripserat
sacerdos ex carcere." Stonyhurst MSS. P . 301, 494.
1

persequantur?

2

I n F . Persons' handwriting.

3

antemeridiano?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

239

CXXXII.
The Cardinal of Gomo to Dr William Allen.

Rome, 27 August, 1584.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Inghilterra, Vol. I., pag. 47).

Vaticano,

Al dottor Alano in Rens, 27 Agosto, 1584.
Molto reverendo come- fratello ; Sa ben la Santità di Nostro Signore che vostra
Signoria è talmente informata della buona dispositione che la Santità sua tiene di
compiacere in tutto la serenissima Regina di Scotia che, se ben non condescende sua
Beatitudine per hora a la grazia dimandata ne l'ultime lettere de xx del passato a
favore del Sig r Thomaso Throgmortono, non perciò crederà che in sua Beatitudine sia
in parte alcuna diminuita la solita buona volontà verso tutta la natione. Vostra
Signoria sa in parte quanto sua Beatitudine sia gravata ; certo che il gravarla più non
è hora comportabile a le forze di sua Santità, ne forse espediente per le cose che più
importano, oltreché non pare honesto che sua Santità habbi a dar trattenimento a
tutti quei che escono de la Isola: però sarà bene che in questo particolare vostra
Signoria scusi sua Santità nel miglior modo che potrà.
Quel Salamone Aldredo Inglese mostra bene di esser leggiero et bugiardo, havendo dette tante cose che non sono circa il credito et autorità che dice essergli data
qui dal Santo Officio ; ma sarà bene mostrar di credergli ogni cosa, acciò non si spaventi di venire in Roma, ma pigli confidenza et vi venga quanto prima. Et Dio voglia
che siamo più a tempo et che già egli non habbi preso più sospetto di quel che bisognerebbe, poiché si è trattenuto tanti giorni in Parigi senza seguitar il suo camino per
Roma. Il che è quanto ho a dire a vostra Signoria in risposta della sua, offerendomi
a lei di core et raccomandandomi a le sue sante orazioni. Di Roma.

CXXXIII.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.
tember, 1584.

Paris, 11 Sep-

From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio Vaticano 3
Gallica Nuntiatura,
Voi. Vi, pag. 523).
Il dottor Alano ha fatto stampare il suo libro (però senza il suo nome) composto
in risposta di quello che mandai già a V. S. IUma intitulato Justitia Britannica,1 et
1

" Li heretici hanno stampato un libro in inglese, latino, francese, tedesco et italiano intitolato
Atto della Gìustitia d'Inghilterra in scusa della persecutione loro. La risposta è fatta in inglese e
quasi stampata : si traduce ancora in latino, la qua! traduzione subito che sarà stampata inviaremo a

240

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

perciochè m'ha fatto a sapere che ne manderà con questo medesimo ordinario alcune
copie costà et una particolarmente per sua Beatitudine, io resto di mandarglielo.

CXXXIV.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

17 September, 1584.

From the Roman- Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura,
\Vol.~\ 17).

Vaticano,

Sono fatto certo da persone di verità che il collegio ò seminario de gli Inglesi a
Rens si trova in grandissima necessità, ne può hormai più sostentarsi, essendovi forse
200 persone, et concorrendone tuttavia : onde si dubita che, se non viene soccorsa
quella santa opera et sola speranza di mantenere la fede cattolica in Inghilterra, verrà
a cadere del tutto : et il dottore Alano si è lasciato chiaramente intendere meco di non
potere più reggere con forze cosi deboli tanta machina. Il che ho voluto per debito
mio notificare a V. S. Ill ma . Il padre Roberto Personio, Gesuita, m' ha detto che di
ordine del suo Generale, havuto pero da S. B ne , ha mandato ultimamente in Inghilterra
tre de la sua Compagnia, cioè due sacerdoti et un compagno, et che per loro necessaria pro visione di vestimenti, viatico et altro ha dato a ciascuno di essi 50 scudi d'oro,
i quali ha preso ad imprestito, et m'ha pregato che lo scrissi a V.S. Ill ma , si come dice
di fare hora esso stesso al detto Padre Generale.

cxxxv.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 27 September, 1584.

Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles. Tom. III., p. 610.
Illustrissime et reverendissime domine ; Ex Celsitudinis tuse literis x x v i n .
Augusti scriptis facillime serenissimse Reginse1 de domino Thoma Throgmortono satisfaciam; quse ut conjicio hujusmodi postulata non tam suopte marte quam aliorum
motu facit. Nec certe, cum non exauditur, de suse Sanctitatis in se nationemque

Roma, accioche sia tradotta li da qualche huomo intelligente della lingua." F. Persons to F. General
of the Society, Paris, 23 July, 1584. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 175. The name of Dr Allen's book is :—
" A true, sincere and modest defence of English Oatholiques that suffer for their faith both at home
and abrode against a false, seditious and slanderous libel intitled The Execution of Justice in
England."
1
Mary, Queen of Scots. See pp. 230, 234, 239.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

241

nostrani studio singulari et affectu plus quam paterno, tarn incomparabilem ssepe
experta charitatem et beneficentiam Apostolicam, debet aut potest dubitare; eaque
est prudentia ut et infinitas Beatitudinis suae expensas animadvertat, et publicse rei
rationes privatorum hominum commoditatibus anteponat.
Ego tamen feci quod sua Majestas jussit, qui alioquin in his rebus ita merito sum
tardus ut meorum ssepe reprehensionem immerito incurram. Sed dum in hoc genere
meam et aliorum vel deprecor culpam vel factum excuso, ecce cogor; patrone unice,
pro communi patriae causa novam querelam instituere, quam liceat mihi quaeso per
tuam charitatem apud pedes Sanctissimi Domini nostri deponere : quae res est dicam
breviter et simpliciter coram Deo et Chris to ejus.
His multis et maxime tribus superioribus annis extremam adhibui diligentiam
ut hoc collegium, quod toto hoc difficillimo tempore circiter ducentisalumnis constitit,
utcumque sustentaretur ; ut missiones Anglicana et caetera ad salutem gentis nostrse
varia commercia continuo quam commodissime fierent ; ut libri ad communem causam
et religionis defensionem pernecessarii ederentur atque in Tnsulam portarentur 1 ibique
dispergerentur ; ut aliorum coexulum meorum etiam per totam Galliam et Flandriam
dispersorum alioquin fame periturorum necessitatibus et desperationibus utcunque
succurrerem ; denique ut reliqua officia omnia quae Christo, Sedi Apostolicae meaeque
adamatae patriae vovi peragerem.
Non potui ista et hujusmodi facer e sine magnis sumptibus, ad quos ferendos
quantum singulis mensibus Sanctissimus Dominus noster tribuat, quantumque sua
Majestas Catholica suppeditet scitis : reliquam pecuniam cum incredibili molestia
variis collectionibus, mendicationibus mutuationibusque comiavimus, et nonnihil etiam
aliquoties ex patria, cum tempora essent utcunque tollerabilia, acquisivimus.
In summa, benignissime domine, omnia fecimus omniaque sustinuimus quam diu
rei illius majoris 2 gerendae ulla dabatur propinqua spes. Nunc et omnibus (ut apparet)
rebus fractis, et sublatis prioribus adjumentis, atque novis etiam ex hac graviore persecutione et meorum ad me recenti fuga et spoliatione oneribus additis, non possum
ultra procedere nisi nobis tempestive opitulandi aliqua via excogitetur.
Non habeo ubi has querelas deponam nisi apud sanctissimum ecclesiae et patriae
nostrae nobis a Deo datum parentem. Si deserat, perimus ; si diffluat collegium, consuetaque officia intermittamus, mirifice exultabunt hostes, lugebunt catholici, desperabunt boni omnes, et reliqua vita mihi in primis acerba erit. Proinde inveni obsecro,
1

" Ho fatto mandar in Inghilterra, dopo che sono in queste bande, in calici, paramenti, messali,
breviarii, officioli, catechismi, libri spirituali e di controversie a diversi tempi più che la valuta di
4,000 scudi : per le quali mercantie vero è che rimandano alcuna volta denari, ma con molta incertezza?
perdita e pericolo." F. Persons to F. Agazzari, Paris, 23 July, 1584. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 300.
"Rodolfo [B.Ralph Emerson] . . . e tornato adesso dal mare dove ha fatto mirabilia, havendo
tramato due nuove vie di passaggi, per le quali ha mandato dentro 4 sacerdoti e 810 libri ; ma ci ha
costato bene." The same to the same, Paris, 20 August, 1584, ib. 461.
2
The invasion of England as a nieans of restoring it to Catholic unity.
I I

242

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

sapientissime et optime patrone, modum aliquem unde si fieri possit sine magno suae
Beatitudinis gravamine nobis ita suceurratur ut in hoc saltem spirituali opere, ipsius
auspiciis felicissime coepto et multis annis ad Christi et Sedis Apostolica gloriam
innumerabiliumque animarum salutem sustentato, pergamus.
Et si libet, quia longe ab Urbe absumus, et statum rerum nostrarum non tarn
exacte cognitum habeatis, si sua Sanctitas dignaretur reverendissimo domino Nuntio
mandare ut vel collegium visitet, vel nos ad se vocet rationesque oeconomiae particul a t e examinet, ut quid desideremus quid ve facto opus sit certo cognoscat atque ad
eandem Sanctitatem suam referat, non dubitaremus fore ut intelligatur justissimum
esse desiderium nostrum. Quod toturri tamen Domino Deo exilii nostri protectori et
ejus summis sanctissimisque in terra ministris discutiendum relinquimus. Dominus
Jesus te nobis diu florentem et felicem, patrone optime, conservet. Rhemis, 27 Septembris, 1584.
Illma3 et revmse dominationis vestrae filius et servus obsequentissimus,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

CXXXVI.
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni). [Rome] 8 October, 1584.
From the Boman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Nuntiatiira di Francia, 16).

Vaticano,

Al Nunzio di Francia, 8 Ott re , 1584.
lll mo et molto Rever d0 Monsre ; Rispondo con questa a le lettere di V. S. di 17 del
passato 1 ricevute per l'ultimo ordinario. Pare a N. S re che V. S. più tosto non habbi
voluto che non habbi saputo risponder a chi l'ha informata che il collegio d'Inglesi in
Rems si trova in grandissima necessità, ne può hormai più sostentarsi, essendovi da
ducento persone et concorrendovene de l'altre, et che il dottore Alano le ha detto di
non poter più reggere tanta machina con forze così deboli : con che vien quasi a inferire
esso, et gl'altri che ne parlano, che quella casa sia aperta per tutti li Inglesi che
vogliono venirci se ben fossero a miliaia ; cosa absurda et fuori d'ogni ragione. Così
poteva V. S. rispondergli, et di più che quel collegio doverebbe haver prefisso il numero
de le persone che può sostentare secondo li assegnamenti che tiene, et se vengono altri
per entrarci non li accettare, ma dirli che aspettino che ci sia luoco : così usa di fare
chi governa collegii con ragione et con buona maniera : et di tanto do vera V. S.
avvertire il dottore Alano, essortandolo di ristringere le persone del collegio al numero
che può sostentare secondo li assegnamenti che tiene, li quali se a la giornata cresceranno, sarà sempre in tempo di crescere esso ancor il numero de suoi; et questo
officio sarà bene che V.S. lo facci quanto prima ad ogni buono effetto.
1

See p. 240.

243

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

In questo proposito d'Inglesi ho da dire a V. S. che N. S re è informato che li
catholici di quel regno in Francia patiscono persecutióni grandi da la lor Regina, la
quale non solamente ha posto lora grossa taglia adosso, ma procura anco di farli bandire
di Francia: onde dice la Sfcà sua che a suo nome V. S. operi con efficace officio appresso
il Re, che li Inglesi catholici che sono in Francia siano sicuri, et in particolare il
S r Carlo Arondel et S r Thomaso Morgano.

CXXXVII.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

30 October, 1584.

From the Roman Transcripts in the Publio Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura, [Vol.] 17).

Vaticano,

Scrissi a V. S. Ill ma hiéri quanto mJoccorrea. Hoggi ho poi ricevuto le sue del
ordinario, che sono de li Vili del corrente ; a le quali rispondendo dico che immediate
havute dette lettere ho scritto al dottore Alano in conformità di quanto V. S. Ill ma mi
avvertisce et mi commette in proposito de la necessita di quel collegio.

CXXXVIII.
Mary, Queen of Scots, to Dr William Allen.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles.

Wingfield, October 30, 1584.
Tom. I l l , p. 600.

Mi pater ; Post nostras ultimas confiteor me a vobis quaternas accepisse : non 1 u t
autem et mese sint rariores et tu93 reddantur tardius quam uterqtie vellemus faciunt tarn
varise istse et difficiles circa personam et res meas mutationes, de quibus tu securius et
plenius per alios intelligis. De libro autem tuo contra Justitiam Britannicam, quern
simul cum postremis Uteris 14 Augusti datis accepi, ago ingentes gratias. Sine dubio
est opportunissimo tempore et modo scriptus; atque in Scotia, quo eum te misisse
intelligo, causam communem insigniter promovebit. Vos in sollicitudine suppetiarum
tamdiu expectatarum sine intermissione pergìte. Tractatio de libertate mea continuo
fit ; sed ita omnia aguntur simulate ut nihil sperem. Quidquid autem mutationis circa
statum meum accidet, aut in quodcumque vitae vel rerum mearum periculum devenero,
vos in sollicitatione et procuratione suppetiarum tamdiu expectatarum turn sine inters
missione pergite, et contendite, quanto potestis studio, ne quidquam in executione
omittatur propter aliquem respectum aut curam personse meee. Jam enim statui nunquam mihi vitam felicius quam in hoc tempore et causa finire posse ; quod pro mea in
hac re ultima resolutione semel tandem tibi dictum velim, ne in posterum mihi tuto
1

Non is superfluous.

n i

244

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

scribendi libertas aut commoditas non detur : quidquid 1 cupio per te a me significatoli
esse his omnibus quorum interesse judicaveris ; prsesertim vero velim ut Sanctissimus
Dominus noster et Rex Catholicus hoc certo sibi persuadeant rem ex una parte ita nunc
in Anglia esse maturarti, et altera ita plenam desperationis ut si ultra proximum ver
differantur auxilia fore ut omnia perdantur, nee ut quicquam boni in diebus nostris
expectemus.
\
Filius meus aegre tulit quod ex destinatis et promissis sibi in suum proprium
usum decern millibus sex solum receperit. Ejus tamen erga communem causam
voluntas firma immobilisque manet, et ipsius in me summus vereque filialis existit
affectus, cui in omnibus se semper obtemperaturum sane pollicetur ; atque hoc tempore
misit nobilem quendam et catholicum juvenem Graium 2 nomine oratorem, maxime ut
me invisat curamque de omnibus istis rebus communibus agat. Det Deus ut Anglise
Regina ipsum ad colloquium nostrum admittat. Efeec hactenus; in posterum si non
licebit, vos causam meam, id est, vestram atque communem, apud Principes persequemini. Winxefeldii, penultimo Octobris, 1584.
CXXXIX.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.
Printed in Theiner, Ann. Eccles.

Reims, 16 January, 1585.
Tom. III., p. 633.

Illustrissime domine, patrone benignissime ; Quam non debeam nee certe velim
esse Sanctissimo Domino nostro in his pecuniariis postulationibus vel onerosus vel
ingratus vel importunus et ipse, qui ejus in cseter'as omnes nationes maximeque in
nostram gentem infinitam propemodum largitatem omnium optime video, mihi sum
conscius ; et tuam bonitatem mei in hoc genere metus ac moderationis testem habere
spero.
His quinque nobis laboriosissimis et gravissimis annis nihil pro hoc collegio a
sua Sanctitate prseter ordinariam stipem petii. Difiicillimis emendicationibus cum
meorum necessitatibus turn variis in patriam officiis quantum et quam diu potui
satisfeci. Quse a Deo sive per Beatissimum Patrem nostrum sive per Regem Catholicum sive per piorum eleemosinas interim donata sunt nobis, ut ad plurium salutem
extenderentur, tarn sobrie dispensavi ut multos semper singulis aureis menstruis
aluerim, in nullos supra duos in victum expenderim, atque in reliqua vita et apparatu
similem sane parcitatem servavimus. Omnia demum fecimus, omnia sustinuimus ut
hoc opus, quod Christi nutu ac ejus Vicarii benedictione ad salutem et reconciliationem
gentis nostrae coeptum est, quam minimo patronorum nostrorum sumptu prosequeremur.
Hoc solum tamen, amplissime domine, quod inliteris ad reverendissimum dominum
1

quodquidem't

* T h e Master of Gray.

245

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Nuntium servandum monuisti quodque scio in omne coll egiorum administratione fere
teneri, nempe ut preefìnitum tantum juxta facultates studiosorum numerum reciperem
utque neminem nisi ex alterius decessu vacet locus admittam (ut ingenue fatear) non
servavi, nee si rempublicam certe nostrani salvam esse velim observare imposterum
possum. Atque sine me, quseso, hujus rei tibi rationem reddere. In causa igitur hsec
sunt.
Hoc nostrum collegium est alterius instituti quam cetera quae in pacificis locis ad
juvenum tantum institutionem comparata sunt : habet alium finem superiorem et
difficiliorem, quern assequi non potest sine majori molimine, majori numero et pluribus
adminiculis, et nisi plusculum audeat aliquando quam ordinarise facultates ferant.
Necessarii sunt nobis hie exercitatissimi professores plurimi qui nostrani 1 ad
sacram contra hsereticos pugnam continuo exerceant, qui libros variis Unguis ad defensionem et declarationem catholicse fidei scribant, qui adventantes ex Anglia in fide
infirmos, dubios aut etiam religionis omnis expertes vel plane hsereticos docte et dextre
doceant et tractent.
Mediis etiam variis ad principum populique Britannici, quo omnia referimus,
conversionem opus est, ut librorum multiplici scriptione, impressione, per longissimos
maris et terrse tractus vectione, et demum in Insula distributione gratuita eaque periculosissima; qua una, licet plane intollerabilis sumptus, incredibiliter profecimus.
Opus etiam frequentissima sacerdotum ordinatione [et] continuis eorundem in patriam
missionibus, ut ibi extemplo pro Christo occisorum aut vinctorum in loca et officia
succedant et omnium catholicorum necessitatibus inserviant. Opus denique juvenum
ad Romanum nostratium collegium missione : quaa omnia hujus quoque coUegii
expensis fieri debent.
Hoc collegium cum aliorum turn maxime nobilium filios, vel parentibus pro fide
catholica orbatos, vel contra patrum voluntates advenientes, debet mox recipere ; quia
non possunt sieut in statis quietorum locorum collegiis expectare donee vacet locus,
cum in hanc exteram provinciam veniant desolati et exuti omnibus rebus, ssepeque
etiam de itinere sere alieno gravati : tantum abest ut in diem sine nostra ope vivere,
nedum ut per tot pericula terrse marisque spatia ad haareticos domum redire queànt.
Atque sane, si vel unum idoneum remitteremus aut rejiceremus, nulli deinceps
venirent.
Quinimo hujus instituti est juvenes melioris ingenii et spei adhuc in Anglia cum
hsereticis versantes ad nos donis et pollicitationibus invitare ut disciplinam catholicam
capessant, exilium exiliique incommoda contemptis patriae delitiis pro Christo seligant,
in collegialem nobiscum vitam veniant, denique ut ad sacerdotium hoc odiosissimo2
tempore et ad martyrium aspirent ; qui propterea cum veniunt non possunt a nobis
repelli aut donec vacet locus differri. Et certe si idoneos omnes prseter paucos et certos
repelleremus, Romam importunissimis clamoribus ad suam Sanctitatem pro provi1

nostros ?

2

odiosissimum ?

246

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

sionibus venirent, sicut illi quos recusavimus hactenus fecerunt ; quod ut plures non
faciant hoc solum collegium est in causa, licet omnes ab ilio itinere averti non
possunt.
Si secuti fuissemus modum tantum prsesentium facultatum, hoc seminarium nunquam fuisset institutum ; quod factum est ab hominibus pauperibus qui nullas habebant
opes, stetitque totum biennium sine ullo certo subsidio postremis Pii Quinti temporibus,
donec Sanctissimus Dominus noster vocatus ad culmen Apostolicum pensione centum
aureorum, 1 additis postea quinquaginta menstruis, nos benignissime donavit ; ut proinde
merito non modo collegii fundator, sed tanti boni quod ex eo secutum est author sit et
nuncupetur.
Porro vero si vel turn postea secundum illam Pontificiam provisionem, de qua sola
tunc eramus certi, rationes regiminis nostri constituissemus, Deus majora subsidia, quae
postea misericorditer variis modis concessit, nunquam donasset; ultra quadraginta
studiosos non aluissemus ; tot sacerdotes non creassemus ; missiones nullas adornassemus ; paucissimos ad iidem revocassemus ; tantos denique in Insula fructus, tamque
necessariam rerum, qualem hodie cernimus, mutationem, tantamque pro religione et
republica restituenda animorum contentionem, et ad mortem usque pro fide ac Sede
Apostolica tam gloriosam omnium ordinum concertationem nunquam vidissemus.
Quse omnia si istud collegium per divinum auxilium, expensis suae Sanctitatis
quam potuit fieri minimis, hactenus fecit, speramus suam incomparabilem bonitatem
alicunde nobis misericorditer prospecturam, nec huic tam necessario et salutari operi
suis auspiciis ccepto defuturam unquam ; ne quando dicat inimicus, prsevalui adversus
eum. Multa certe millia darent hostes ad hoc institutum tollendum. Nos non adeo
magna summa annua priori provisioni et piorum quas corrogabimus eleemosynis
adjecta (infinita enim hic non erit opus expensa) Christo adjuvante coeptum cursum
contra adversarios tenebimus.
Adsis ergo nobis, pie patrone, apud Sanctissimum Patrem nostrum, et ne sinas nos
cum haereticis, cum paupertate, cum exilio, cum infinita demum animi solicitudine pro
ecclesia conflictantes succumbere. Si quid prseterea de statu rerum nostrarum scire
cupiat Celsitudo tua, praesentium lator, coadjutor meus et laborum meorum omnium
particeps, vir vere pius et prudens, 2 qui religionis maxime causa ad Urbem proficiscitur, omnia exactissime exponet ; cui ut fidem tanquam mihi habeat suppliciter
postulo ; et de prolixitate literarum mihi quseso, humanissime domine, ignosce. Vale.
Bhemis, 16 Januarii, 1585.
s
Ill mae et Revm8e Dominationis vestrae devotissimus in Christo servus,
GULIELMUS A L A N U S .
1

The college began at Douay on Michaelmas day, 1568, and Gregory XIII., who was elected
Pope, 13 May, 1572, assigned to it a monthly pension of 100 crowns, 15 April, 1575.
2 u
1585, 17 Januarii, Romam profectus estesolo peregrinandi studio ductus, D. Thomas Baileus,
seminarli nostri ceconomus supremus seu vicepraeses." First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 203.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

247

CXL.
Dr William Allen to Mary, Queen of Scots.

Reims, 5 February, 1585.

From a deciphered copy by Curie in the British Museum, Caligula, C. VIII. 309 verso,
collated with another copy deciphered by Phelippes in the Public Record Office,
State Papers, Mary, Queen of Scots, Vol. 17, n. 74.1
Madame my good Soverane; God knoweth whether any of our former letters
may have cum saufly to your Majesties hands now since these new alterations in your
state ; the doubt whereof maketh me wryte seldom, as the slownes of such as shold
help us in our gret affaire geveth us no gret matter of new advise, only this, wherof 2
perhappes your Majestie is advertised by better meanes and more spedy than I can have
for our resolution owt of Sp.,3 that the wholl execution is committed to the Pr.4 of
Par.,5 and that fath. Euseb. [Parsons interlined], Mr Hew Owen and my self shold
deale with no other person, but solicit him only in your Majesties affaires ; whereof the
sayd Hew Owen hath browght the D G his determination to the Pr.,7 who seameth as
glade as wee that he may have the effectuating of the wholl matter so glorious in the
syght of God and man. He geveth goot 8 signe 9 to do. it streyt upon the recovery
of Antwerp, but harpeth still on this string that your Majestie shold by money or
meanes whatsoever put yourself owt of ther handes ; wherof and of other matters
him self wryteth now by an other meane for answer of your former. Par.10 by
order, as I take it, of D 11 acquenteth none particularly and fully with these things
but my self, Euseb.1? and Owen : yet because of your Majesties commendations he may
perhappes utter him self to IIC 13 [Liggons interlined], and so I have desyred and
written what experience your Majestie hath of his fidelitie ; wherof they doubt
not, but yet as theyr use is they kepe theyr secret in the compas of as few as
they can, and they think it béhoveth very much that it be mervellous secrete that
the affaire is to be executed by him and by way of FL U But, good Madame,
lett not these long delayes and manyfold crosses that God layeth on your
Majesties persone and your faithfull servants discourage yow; for if yow hold
hope and harte, all wilbe well with tyme. The Du.15 of Gwyse kepeth at
Jomiulle 16 still, of whom and whose affaires gret rumors still ryse* Christ Jesus
1

The variations from the B. M. copy are indicated in the notes by the letter P. which is ap2
3
4
5
pended to them.
which P.
Spayne P.
Prince P .
Parma P.
6
7
8
9
10
K. of Spayne P.
Prince P.
great P.
sir/nes P.
The Prince of
u
,2
13
Parma?.
the lting of Spayne V.
Parsons interlined P.
IIC omitted P .
14
5
,6
Flanders P.
* Dvhe P.
Joinville P.

248

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

prosper all his good intentions and preserve your Majestie from your enemys.
The L 1 of February at Reims, 1585.
These two pagets 2 deciphered by me, 5th October, 1586.

Gilbert Curii.

Endorsed.
D. Allen to the Scottish Q., 5 Febr. ; confessed by Carle, 5 Oct., 1586.

CXLI.
Dr William Allen to the Cardinal of Como.

Reims, 28 February, 1585.

Printed in Tkeiner, Ann. Eccles. Tom. III., p. 634.
Illustrissime domine, patrone optime; Cum in his rebus quas pro patriae salute
gerimus aliquid accidit insolens consiliique ac momenti majoris quam ut ipsi nos recte
expedire queamus, cogimur per vestram Celsitudinem ad Sanctissimi Domini nostri
Apostolicum judicium confugere. In causa hsec sunt.
Qui rem Anglicam pro Regina administrant, post acerbiora omnia ut progressus
nostrorum impediant frustra pertentata, novo tandem et admirabili apud nos Consilio
ac exemplo, ex singulis quibusque Londini ergastulis non omnes sed certos eosque
prsecipuos sacerdotes in universum viginti et laicum unum jubent per custodes eorum
carcerum in quibus detinebantur ad navem quandam in Thamesi prseparatam deduci
et in Franciam deportari. Id factum est die 21 Januarii secundum veterem quam
illic adhuc tenent supputationem.
Anfcequam conscenderunt navem nostri quantum poter ant verbis et rationibus
restiterunt, affirmantes se sinejudicio et condemnatione in exilium mitti non debere;
sed non sunt auditi: post biduum tamen in altum jam delatis qui illos deportabant
ostenderunt diploma quoddam regium aliquot consili ari orum chirographis munitum,
in quo post mentionem conspirationis ipsorum in Reginam continebatur sententia
exilii et clementise Reginse àc in ipsos misericordise insignis commemoratio, cum hac
tandem admonitione ut si unquam sine licentia in patriam redeant fore ut extremo
supplicio mox afficiantur.
Presbyteri cum falsi criminis objectionem et denegatum in patriam reditum
animadverterunt, unanimes clamabant sibi gravissimam injuriam fieri, se nullius in
Principem perduellionis esse conscios, ex ipsis plurimos nunquam de hoc capite accus a t a , quosdam etiam plane publico judicio absolutos, neque se posse quidquam de
non redeundo in Angliam polliceri cum in vita et religione superiores haberent
quorum arbitrio actiones suas moderari debeant.
Obsecrabant projnde ductores suos ut liceat Londinum revérti et ibi de criminibus
1
2
3 P.
Two pagets are mentioned by Curie because there is another letter deciphered
by him on the same sheet.

249

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

istis judicio legitimo contendere; se catholicos sacerdotes esse; religionis causa in patriam
a prsefectis suis missos ; exilium volentes non acceptare, sed cupere in patria pro fide
pati, nee agnoscere ullam in hac sententia exilii aut misericordiam aut aequitatem.
Hsec et similia dicentes confessores Christi nihil profecerunt, sed post aliquot dies
ducti sunt in Gallias.
Ex his aliqui nunc ad me venerunt ; reliqui his diebus venturi sunt, partim quia
non habent ubi ad tempus alibi alantur, partim ut de reliqua vita et actionibus
consilium capiant, partim et maxime ut de restituenda re spirituali, quae non leviter
hac istorum ejectione domi impeditur, deliberemus.
Atque sane nisi brevi compensemus istud damnum largissimo supplemento, nimis
de hoc suo artificio novo triumphabunt adversarii nimisque dolebunt catholici, qui
gegerrime dicuntur ferre hoc stratagemate sibi optimos patres sublatos.
Et nos hic possumus prseter eos qui ex Urbe mittentur quatuordecim vel sedecim,
si opus sit, dare in illam messem.
Sed hoc nunc mihi non constat, nec quidquam ausim de ea re nisi ex suse Sanctitatis
voluntate et mandato statuere, utrum isti ipsi qui nunc ejecti sunt vel ex eis aptiores
quique remittendi sint ad opus Dominicum : nam ipsi se reversuros sine exceptione interminate mortis aut quorumeumque periculorum ad superiorum arbitrium profìtentur.
Neque fortasse pejor erit istorum quam aliorum presbyterorum conditio, cum
putetur legibus hujus parlamenti novis futurum capitale ut quis sacerdotem quemvis
in domum recipiat. Sed hoc incertum est ; et quicquid statuant, non deerunt qui ingrediantur presbyteri lubentissime, non deerunt qui hospitium et necessaria tribuant
quique Deo magis quam hominibus obediant. Quia igitur noluimus de istis pulsis
sacerdotibus aliquid disponere, nec certe possumus, nisi cognita voluntate Sanctissimi
Domini nostri, putavimus hsec obiter insinuanda Celsitudini tuse, per quam speramus
nos brevi Apostolicam sententiam ad nostram directionem et solatium habituros ; atque
id ut benigne cures humillime in Christo rogo. Ipsorum perplures cupiebant interim
vel devotionis ergo vel aliis de causis ad Urbem ire ; sed quantum possum impediam,
licet diffieulter id faciam. Quidam etiam sunt de Societate, de quibus facile disponent
illius ordinis prsefecti. Christus Jesus tuam illustrissimam dominationem servet
semper incolumem. Rhemis, pridie Calend. Martii, 1585.
Ill ma3 ac revmae dominationis vestrse alumnus et in Domino servus,
GULIELMUS A L ANUS.

CXLII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.

Reims, 8 March, 1585.

From the original holograph in the archives of Stonyhurst College. Anglia, I., 60.
Admodum reverende pater; V. R. literas scriptas 12 Feb. accepi Remis 5 Martii,
unde vestram in procurandis nobis turn alibi turn ex venditione locorum montium ad
Carolum Buffettum pertinentium pecuniis sollicitudinem summam videmus. Pecuniae
K K

250

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

autem hac vice transmissse pro collegio vel pensionariis Covertus rationem reddet, et
nobis secundum literas vestras satisfecimus istis omnibus pensionariis. Putatur
Alfildus, jam dudum in Angliam clam me profectus, esse impius delator et proditor
sacerdotum ; idemque timetur de Rogero ejus socio, licet non tam certo adhuc de ilio
dicatur ; sed antequam certo sciatur, non erit f orsan consultum eos def erre ad Thesaurarium Pontificia.1 Quia video vos adhuc desiderare libros nostros contra ' Justitiam
Britannicam/ scribo ad Covertum ut duos vel tres mittat. Lsetor quod non displiceant
patronis nostris. Multum etiam dicitur juvisse res Anglicas : sit benedictus Deus.
In ilio libro vertendo italice curare debetis ut ilia quae adjecta sunt ad finem libri suo
loco ad primum caput apponantur. In quibus additionibus, ubi sermo est de sorore
Gulielmi Alani, cupio illud verbum—" prestantissimi "—-tolli, ne ii qui sciunt me
librum scripsisse existiment me appendicem quoque illam addidisse, et me hoc adjectivum meo nomini apposuisse ; cum re ver a ego illud additamentum non scripserim.
Bayleus noster cum suis (uti spero) jam vobiscum est ; ad quem forsan hoc tempore
non scribo quia multas habet a me post discessum literas, nec novi quidquam occurrit.
Istud solum cupio illi dici ut oret pro anima amici nostri Georgii Flintoni qui jam
pride[m] 2 Rothomagi obiit. Dicatur porro charissimo mihi patri et filio Suthwarto ut
in his rebus de quibus ad me hoc proximo tempore scripsit agat cum vestra paternitate
et eodem domino Baileo, et quicquid vos cir[ca] 2 omnia statuetis me approbaturum.
Idem dico d[e] 2 Joanne Pricio ; ut quam diu D. Bayleus es[t] 2 ibi non sit necessum
scribere, quia ipse pot[est] 2 de receptis aut debitis pecuniis omnibus coram satisfacere.
Multum doleo quod Suthw[artus] 2 etiam excreet sanguinem. Ego tandem, non obstantibus Uteris scriptis per Baileu[m] 2 ad Protectorem, sum persuasus vestris binis
aut ter[nis] 2 Uteris mittere sex scholares, qui hinc discedent eras per Dei gratiam hac
feria 6 Quinquagesim[se].2 Debetis exusare rem apud illustrissimum Dominum. Isti
pulsi sacerdotes vix poterant habere locum i[n] 2 variis refectoriis nostris ad tempus
nisi istis missis. Omnes enim isti [presbyteri erased] fere hue v[ene] 2 runt et lubenter
se submittunt nostre dispositio[ni],2 quindecim numero. Solum P. Tidderius vult ad
Urbem jam ire, [nec] 2 ulla dehortatione nostra permovetur ne ut tantillum quidem
expectet donec responsum ex Urbe [de] 2 ipsorum dispositione habeamus. Vereor ne
sit futurus vobis simplicitate et mendicitate molestus, et aliis forsan scandalo ;
quem tamen propter ejus importunitates debeo vobis qualitercunque commendare,
sicut et alium quendam laicum vulgarem, quem aliorum impulsu uteunque literis
cogor vestrse charitati. 3 Sed de omnibus discernite secundum sapientiam vobis
desuper datam. Valeat R. P. vestra in Christo. Rhemis, 8 Martii, 1585.
V. R. P. addictissimus,
G. ALANUS.
1

Concerning Alfìeld and Roger see p. 134. To inform the Papal treasurer of their malpractices
2
would have led to the stopping of their pensions from the Pope.
MS. worn away.
3
A word like commendare must be understood.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

251

Dignetur 1 literas adjunctas tradere R. P. Generali et cum ilio agere pro P>
Alexaiidro Marklando ut recipiatur in aliqua provincia Flandrise, Aquitanise vel
alterius regionis. R. P. provincialis Francia lubenter accepisset ilium, nisi locus
novitiorum fuisset plenus et plurimi expectantes ; sed post examen judicabat ipsum
esse non inidoneum, et me rogavit ut ilium commendarem V. R. P. ac reverendissimo
P. Generali. Ipse nunquam conquiescet nisi hoc ipsi concessum fuerit.
Addressed.
Admodum reverendo in Christo patri, P. Alfonso [Agjazerio, collegii Anglorum
[rectjori vigilantissimo. Romee.
Endorsed.
1585. Remis a D. Alano, 8 Martii. De Roberto malo. De scolaribus ad Urbem.
De P. Tederò venturo. De Sodvorto et Pritio. De Marcalando.
CXLIII.
Count de Olivares to Philip II.
From a transcript

Rome, 24 February, 1586.

of the despatch in the archives of Simancas.2

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 947. Copia de carta
descifrada del Conde de Olivares a S. M., fecha en Roma a 24 Febrero de 1586.
S. C. R. Md.
He recebido la carta de V. Md de los 2 de Enero, y estando todavia Luis Dovara
en Florencia sin nueva de quando vendra y haviendo el doctor Alano hecho todo su
esfuerco con el Papa y temendole tan prendado de la empressa de Ynglaterra corno
V. Md havra visto por mis precedentes, fue focoso entrarle en la ultima forma de las
3 que V. Md antepone.
Por el inconveniente que de negocio tan grande se pudiera seguir de qualquier
equivocacion, me parezcio necessario3 en la ultima audiencia di al Papa un sumario de
lo que de parte de V. Md le havia dicho, glosado de la resolution en que en cada
capitulo se havia finalmente apuntado, todo en espanol, porque posee la lengua muy
bien, para que el lo viese todo y se ratificasse en elio ; y porque en el capitulo del
dinero no me quise allanar a nada, sino escrivir a V. Md lo que me dixesse poco o
mucho, le lieve en bianco, y la glosa del corno va queda en mi poder de letra del
Cardenal Carrafa, que sirvira de memoria para todo lo demas.
En lo que toca al punto de general no me parezcio mover ninguna duda ; pues
1

Y.R. should be supplied.
For this and the following very valuable documents from the Archives of Simancas I am-indebted to the kindness of Don Pascual de Gayangos, at whose request Don Francisco de Paula Diaz,
director of the archives, was so good as to cause a search to be made in the àrchivium for letters and
documents relating to Cardinal Allen and to send me copies of such as could be found there.
3
Some words seem to be wanting, though the meaning is obvious.
KK 2
2

252

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

haviendo de estar a cargo de V. Md la empressa es justo que sea el que V. Md quisiere ;
y està muy bien con el Principe de Parma, celebrando mucho el no haver querido
acceptar la reduccion de las yslas con las condiciones que escrivi a V. Md los dias
passados.
El ultimo dia me dixo el Papa que estos • sen ores de Guisa le havian enbiado
a dezir desta liga para la empresa de Ynglaterra, que alla se sonava, que suplicavan
a su Santidad no se hiziesse cosa en que ellos no entrassen. Su S d dize le respondio
que no havia nada en quanto a esto, y que quando lo huviesse les avisaria, y offrezce
de no hazerlo hasta que a V. Md le parezca sin inconviniente. El Cardenal Sanz 1
procura persuadir al Papa de parte destos sefiores que no es tiempo de la empressa de
Ynglaterra ; que lo que conviene es la de tienevra porque con ella se darà calor a sus
cosas en Francia.
Lo del secreto que 2 encargue mucho, y ha se obligado a el con tanto encarezcimiento
que me tiene con alguna esperanga de que le ha de guardar, porque me dixo que no
hablaria con hombre nacido en el, ni yo lo hiziesse con ningun ministro suyo, hasta
que la necessidad al fin le costrinio el haver menester alguno, y se resolvio en tornar
por el mas secreto al Cardenal Carrata, que es a quien ha remitido el libro y la
correspondencia de Alano, el qual por lo que yo puedo juzgar se ha portado bien en
este negocio.
El tratar de querer persuadir al Papa que no sea el principal fin que mueve a
V. Md acudir a està platica la venganza de ofensas particulares, la conveniencia para
la cosa de Hollanda y la imposibilidad de poder de otra manera assegurar la navegacion de sus Yndias, es cosa de que no hay remedio hazerle capaz, aunque me he
esforcado quanto me he podido con las razones y miedos que en la relacion digo ; y
demas de la tenacidad de su condicion y el escudo de los exemplos de sus antecessores
ha 3 hecho mucho dafio los avisos que por todas partes lleven de las preparaciones
que V. Md haze y que sean para està empressa ; y quanto mas crecieren, se negociara
peor con su Sd, y el gusto que mostrava y desseo de hazer alguna cosa sefialada se le
ha resfriado con el dolor del dinero. Ultimamente me ha embiado una carta en que
le escriven de Portugal que el cosario Dragues 4 entre otras presas havia tornado una
nave de mucha ymportancia de las de la Yndia ; todo para mostrarme mas la necesidad
en que V* Md se halla de poner remedio a esto.
En caso que aya de yr està platica adelante supplico a V. Md mande se me embie
orden muy particular y precissa cerca de todos los puntos que 5 la relacion se tocan
y los tiempos en que se ha de procurar cada cosa; porque si ogano se huviese de
hazer esto, queda poco tiempo para gastarle en demandas y respuestas : y particularmente mande V. Md avisarme del tiempo en que se havra de poner en execucion lo
de la privacion del Rey de Escocia y ynvestidura de quien huviere de succeder para
Rey, que en hazello luego se offrezcen los inconvinientes de la publicidad y lo que
1

The archbishop of Sens.

2

que redundant ?

3

han ?

4

Drake.

5

en omitted ?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

253

estragaria el nombre de la empressa, y en dif erillo se pondria a risgo el efeeto ; y el
resolverse el Papa de hazello en secreto no dexara de tener difieultad con el, y
tambien el guardarle el despues en su condicion. Lo que V. Md eligiere en todo se
procurara executar con el mayor cuydado y desseo de acertar que fuere possible.
No toque en lo del Cardenalato de Alano, temendo por muy conviniente lo que V.
Md dize de que vaya al mismo passo que lo de la empressa, no haviendo de diferir, que
en este caso dize el Teatino x que seria de grande ymportancia para sostener en buen
animo a los catholicos. Yo le he dado un recaudo muy amoroso de parte de V. Md sin
dezille palabra que le meta en esperanza de brevedad hasta agora en la empressa ; y al
Jesuyta, que es el que habla en lo del Cardenalato, 2 le he puesto in mucha esperanca
de que V. Md ha de hazer lo que baste para que se consiga su desseo, sin darle prenda
ninguna ; y no tendria por malo que V. Md, porque passa necesidad este buen hombre
le hiziesse alguna ayuda, que mientras no es Cardenal de mil escudos seria buena y
quinientos no seria mala. Digolo, porque tengo por muy ymportante obligar este
hombre que ha de ser el que ha de guiar toda la dancu, y mucha parte para inclinar al
Papa en lo que V. Md dessea para lo de la. succesion, y otro Cardenal por lo del que
succediere ; y pocos tiene V. Md en su servicio que sean testigos de vista de aquel
tiempo, y solo yo de los que estan ocupados en negocios.
Tiene Alano hecho un libro contra la Reyna de Ynglaterra, cuyo sumario embio
aqui3 a V. Md, y no va el libro porque no 4 tiene mas que un volumen. Trata de querer
publicar la estampa, y tienenlo por obra que sera conviniente se publique algunos
meses antes de la empressa, por lo que les parezee que moverà los animos en la Ysla y
fuera a questo. Si V. Md hallare algun inconviniente a està publicacion, mandandomelo
avisar la procurare entretener.
Estan inclinados Alano y este Roberto a que en el fin se hiziesse un quaderno en
respuesta del manifiesto de la Reyna de Ynglaterra contra V. Md : pero yo les yre en
esto a la mano, mientras no tengo orden de V. Md ; y en haviendole ellos hecho,
embiare copia del, y quando algo huviessen de hazer estaria mejor dividido y V. Md
juzgara en cuyo nombre en tal caso se havra de publicar. Guar de nuestro Sefior, &c.
De Roma, a 24 de Hebrero, 1586.
1

I.e., the Jesuit, F. Robert Persons. When the Jesuits first came from Italy to Spain, they were
confused in the popular mind with the Theatines, to whom as clerks regular they bore a resemblance,
and hence were sometimes called by their name. Thus St. Teresa in a letter from Avila, 31 December, 1561, speaks of the Jesuits as " Teatinos."
2
F. Persons in his Autobiographical Notes, summing up the results of his first visit to Spain in
1582, writes thus :—" At this my being with the K. of Spaine I obtained 24 thousand crownes to be
sent to the K. of Scots, which were payed by John Baptist Taxis in Paris. I caused also 2000 duckets
of yearly pension for the seminary of Rhemes and a promise for Dr Allen to be Cardinal, which was
afterwards fulfilled." Stonyhurst MSS. P. 230.
3
4
The words italicised are underlined in the transcript.
no should perhaps be omitted.

254

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CXLIV.
Memorandum of certain propositions made by Count de Olivares to Sixtus V. and the
Pope's replies to each, with a narrative of the discourse thence arising between his
Holiness and the ambassador. Borne, [24 February] 1586.
From a transcript

of the original document in the archives of

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0. 947. Carpeta del
documento en la cual dice :—Relacion sobre lo que se propuso a su Santidad de la
empressa de Ynglaterra : lo que respondio y parezce en cada capitulo al conde de
Olivares. (No tiene fecha; està entre papeles del ano 1586).
Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 0 947. Copia de un
documento que dice lo siguiente:—Lo que su Md dize cerca de las exortaciones que
diversas vezes se me han hecho en nombre de su S d para que se encargue de la
reduccion del reyno de Ynglaterra a la obediencia de la Santa Sede Apostolica Romana,
y lo que su S d responde a elio (sin fecha).
Primer punto.
Que si bien su Md ha sido diversas
vezes amonestado para està empressa de
los successores 1 de su S d , no se ha assegurado tanto de las veras con que acudirian a ayudarle en elio corno se promete
del pecho y animo de su B d ; lo qual y el
mucho favor con que con tanta razon su
S d le dessea y 2 desseo que su S d tiene de
darle satisfacion le mueve 3 a acudir a elio,
no embargante lo que le importava dar fin
primero a las cosas de Holanda y Gelanda,4
y otras difìcultades que en tratar agora
desta empressa se offrezcen.

d

Su S da inflnitas gracias a Dios de
haver sido ynstrumento de mover el animo
de su Md ; a la qual da muchas bendiciones por el zelo con que se dispone a
acudir a negocio tan digno de la profesion de Rey Catholico,

Segundo punto.
Que el fin y nombre de la empressa
Alaba su S y se conforma con lo que
ha de ser reduzir aquel reyno a la obesu Md propone en esto.
diencia de la Yglesia Romana y poner en
la posession del a la Reyna de Escocia,
que tan bien lo merezce por haversa cond

1

antecessors ?

2

el omitted ?

3

mtwven ?

4

Zelanda !

255

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

servado entera en la fe en tantas calamidades.

3° punto.
Despues de los dias de la Reyna, dize
Tiene su Sd de gran consideracion
d
aquesto y por muy acertado no fiar la su M , que seria entrar en mayores ynconreligion de aquel reyno del Rey de Escocia venientes y mas dificiles de sobrepujar, si
por las razones que su Md da ; y en quanto succediesse el Rey de Escocia, su hijo,
al que sera bueno para successor de la siendo herege confirmado y pudiendose
1
Reyna se conformara su S d con lo que tener por dudosa qualquier convencion y
parezciere a su Md, y en hazer lo que para faeil la reincidencia, demas de haver mamado està ponzofia por haver por fuerca
el efecto desto fuere necessario.
de estar entre gente sospechosa corno los
que le han criado : haviendo menester
para afirmar la religion catholica en aquel
reyno persona que tenga muy fundada su
intencion en ella. Y assi parezce a su Md
que conviene pensar y mirar dende luego
en persona a proposito y lo demas que a
este punto toca ; para que la Reyna de
JEscocia no pueda, enganandola el amor
de madre, pensar que sera bueno introdurrle en la succession y meterle en la
possession del reyno.2
Quanto a esto estuvo su Sd en proposito al principio de convertir al Rey, y en
las replicas se le fueron mostrando tantos inconvinientes que inclino a que se fu esse
mirando en algun catholico que fuesse a proposito y casarle con la Reyna y que aquel
se hiziesse Principe, con que estaria proveido en caso que muriesse sin hijos. A esto se
le respondio el riesgo a que se pondria la vida de la Reyna con el desseo de tener
succession el que se casasse con ella, y la dificultad que havria en hallar este Yngles
qual conviniesse, y que, quando por si fuesse bueno, podria tener muchos parientes
que no lo fuessen, contra quien no havia de proceder ; que fuera de lo de la religion
ay facciones y passiones en aquel reyno corno en toda parte, y los de la contraria del
que se hiziese Rey, y aun sus mismos amigos, tomarian muy impacientemente que un
ygual se les aventajasse tanto, y no solo esto sino tambien sus parientes, que no
podrian dexar (dernas de la mala satisfacion) de tenerle poco respeto, y empec^r de
aqui passiones privadas que hiziessen dafio a lo de la religion, y que no podria con
aquella autoridad y securidad que convenia castigarlos, y lo que mas hazia en este
sentido : con que el Papa (aunque procuro diminuyr estos ynconvinientes y mostrar
la conveniencia de Principe naturai) todavia quedo confuso, y se salio con que havia
1

conversion ?

2

Assi viene rayado en la cifra.

256

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

tiempo de deliberar sòbre esto ; y en la respuesta le ate tanto (corno V. Md vera) en haver
de passar en esto por el parezcer de V. Md, y haviendola leydo y tenido en su poder no
dixo nada contra ella.
No ose salir a mas particularidades por convenir, corno V. Md lo manda, que este
primero assentado lo de las ayudas. Piensome valer en esto de Alano, quando fuere
tiempo de apretarle.
Està su S d muy assegurado que V. Md no piensa a la succession de Ynglaterra, y
assi lo respondio al Cardenal de Este en la ocasion que adelante apunto, y yo no le dixe
nada contra està opinion.
Tambien le veo lexos de ymaginar que V. Md tenga yntencion en cosa suya, y
assi lo ha de estrafìar mucho quando se le toque en esto, y por muy empenado que
està a conformarse con lo que parezciere a V. Md pienso que no ha de dexar de
hazer alguna dificultad, y algo que a este proposito se me offrezce vera V. Md de mi
mano}
Lo que adelante digo cerca de restituyr al Papa lo que socorriere para està
empressa podria servir de puente para esto, diziendo que, en satisfacion de lo que
V. Md pone, fuesse para dote de la Senora Ynfanta Dona Ysabel la succession de aquel
reyno ; y aun quando se dixesse solamente que le retuviesse hasta que se pagasse a V.
Md todo lo que en la empressa del reyno y por razon della huviesse gastado con danos
y yntereses, etc., a relacion de sus ministros, seria en efeeto lo mismo, pues en pocos
anos vernia a crecer tanto que seria ymposible j untar nadie lo que es menester para
esto. V. Md lo mandara ver ; que yo no movere nada sin orden de V. Md, aunque lo
tengo por punto de ymportancia y de poco ynconviniente, pues la carga de lo que se
huviere de bolver al Papa havia de ser dividida en anos, y la mayor parte dello havria
de tocar de razon a la Reyna de Escocia.
No he tratado mas claro lo de la privacion del Rey de Escocia, porque tomara
materia el Papa de hablar en ella, parezcien dome que podria ser de ynconviniente la
publicidad, pues debaxo de las palabras de la propuesta y respuesta se yncluye pribacion y todo lo demas que para este fin fuera necessario.
En lo que dixe a su S d en este punto me parezcio afladir a lo que V. Md me
mando escrevir lo que va rayado por parezcerme necesario tapar aquel portillo.
Sua Santità come tiene per benissimo
impiegato ogni agiuto ch'a questa ympressa si da, cosi sente dispiaccere di non
poter a pieno sodisfare a la demanda di sua
Mta, attesso che ha trobato il erario del
Pontifìcato molto exausto a2 la 3 yntrate
1

Quarto punto.
Su M se halla de las largas guerras de
Flandes tan alcancado, y tan apretados sus
subditos de todos estados que con mucho
desplazer suyo (por lo que holgara poder
sin pedir nada a su S d hazer està empressa) la grandeza de ella y las prepara-

The words in italics are underlined in the transcript.

d

2

e?

3

le?

257

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

de la Sede Apostolica in gran parte dispen- ciones necessarias para resistir a los musate e impegnate ; onde non potendo (seben chos que trataran de impedirlo haze neces^
volesse grabar a populi) offerir quello che sario que su S d de su parte le ayude con
volontier contriburrebe, e parata de ecedere dos millones de oro ; pues es para cosa en
ogni agiuto eh' habbiano dato i suo 1 prede- que tan bien empleados seran y de tanto
cessori in quel si sia impressa fatta fin servicio a este Sede Apostolica y de toda
hora per la religione catholiea, et offerisce la Christiandad, corno su Md darà por bien
a S. Mta, partita che sia la armata per l'im- empleado lo mucho que gastare en esto
pressa d' Ynglaterra, dar 200 V scuti, e por la satisfacion que tendra de haver sido
cento altre miglia darà subito che il eser- ynstrumento de boi ver segunda vez aquel
cito sarà smontato nella Ysola, e di più in reyno a la obediencia desta Santa Sede.
capo de sei mesi altre cento miglia, e
similmente doppò altri sei mesi centro2
altri miglia : e durando la guerra oltra el
anno seguitara sua S ta per ogni ano dar
200 miglia scuti, intendendosi durar la
guerra mentre la persona la quale dovera
haver el regno non sia posta in possesso ;
et questo agiuto darasi o in denari contanti overo parte in denari contanti e
parti 3 in tanta gente Italiana pagati, la
quale gente S. S ta volentieri opiegarebbe
in questa impressa si come s' e costumato
in ogni altra simile de ymportanza. In
oltre non mancara de eccitare e animare
tutti Principi Italiani a se4 gloriosa e santa
impressa, la quale succedendo come s'
espera con el favor d' Idio felicemente,
intende sua S ta che la Sede Apostolica
recupere e sia integrata efectualmente a
i vente, 5 ragioni, jurisditioni et accioni eh'
per prima haveva in quel regno avanti
eh'.Herrico Octavo apostatasse6 fede.
No entre por demanda de porcion por la diflcultad de las quentas, y mas desta
que es inexcusable que vaya mezclada con la de Flandes ; y aunque en la demanda
presuponiendo que costarla la empresa con lo que en consequencia de ella se havia de
gastar quatro millones pedidos (y en esto me quede en lo que di por escrito) de palabra
dixe bien que la ultima comision que tenia de V. Md era de baxar hasta millon y medio
» suoi ?

2

cento ?

3

parte ?

4

si ?
L L

5

le rendite ?

6

-dalla omitted ?

258

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

No hablo su S d palabra en que entrasse en està empressa el Gran Duque 1 por
agora, si bien se promete del y de Venecianos grandes ayudas despues de publicado el
negocio : que agora està con sospecha que podria ser del inconviniente que otras vezes
participarselo ; y cessando el fin que tenia el Gran Duque de ser general de la empressa
yo me prometo poco de su liberalidad ni de la de Venecianos, y assi en las platicas para
hazer alargar a su S d le ofrezci que sirviesse para alivio de lo que el havia de ayudar lo
que estos diessen ; de que hizo poco caso, y a mi parezcer con razon, porque quando les
saque algo sera vendido en mas de la que vale.
No me he valido de lo que algunas vezes se ha offrezcido de parte de los catholicos de Ynglaterra de pagar lo que se gastare en està empressa, que es cosa que podria
ser: de algun efecto con el Papa, por reservar esto para dar el ultimo golpe a la valanc^a ;
y para este mismo tiempo he reservado el valerme de Alano, despues de haver apurado
lo que en esto se podria hazer, por que con estas dos cosas verisimilmente se puede
esperar hazer dar algun paso adelante a su Sd,
Lo que creo le apretaria mucho seria si se le persuadiesse, o de parte de V. Md se le
pudiesse dezir, que sino ayuda con tanto que V. Md dexara la empressa, y sera culpa
de su Sd, y que se publicara por el mundo, y echalle entonces el Alano a la oreja ; que
si bien le he llegado a hazer alguna significaeion de algo desto, seria otra cosa dezirselo
con resolucion y de parte de V. Md, y aunque sea tan grande su tenacidad en lo del
dinero no podria dexar de hazerle nulla ; pero esto se entiende para alguna quantidad
mas, porque sino se baxasse aun de millon y se le diesse comodidad de tiempo sin duda
saltaria por todo, pareciendole que cumple con dar mucho mas que en ninguna ocasion
sus antecessores,
En lo que toca a agravar las yglesias de Spafia no he tocado ni hecho rostro a
elio, y assi solo se toco eri este a proposito de la demanda que el Gran Duque hizo para
Argel ;2 y queriendo yo deshazer la offerta del Papa dixe que V. Md no havia hecho
caso de los 3000 V escudos con 520 de subsidio y otras cosas, sin querer espresar lo de
los fructos de Toledo por no darle materia de quo travar.
Caraffa3 me dixo en gran confidencia que, tratandose destas primer as pagas que
fuessen luego, le havia hecho el Papa escrupulo de la seguridad que podria tener de
que V. Md no dexasse despues de hazer la empressa y se quedasse con el dinero ; a que
dize respondio 4 convenia: y aunque al principio yo procedi con lenguaje de que se
havia de dar luego una gran parte para empe^ar a hazer las preparaciones, porque no
parezeiese que acceptava offerta tanto menor de ]a comission de V. Md, aunque en
quanto a dinero de la bolsa de su S d sea la mayor que se ha hecho, no quise disputar
sobre estos pianos.
Haseme offrezcido por buen medio para assegurar a su Sd, sin mostrar que sea con
este fin ni que sesabe.su duda, que se.le podria anteponer que, para dissimulacion del
",

T

Grand Duke of Tuscany.

2

Algiers.

3

Cardinal Caraffa. -

4

Supply lo que ?

259

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

efecto a que ha de servir este dinero dandole luego, se fingiesse una compra de tanto
juro en Napoles con contraescritura secreta de que havia de servir para este efecto y
quedar extincto con el ; y desta manera me persuado que no dudaria de anticipar los
300 V a lo menos y aun quica todos 500 y mas, si le diessen reditos dellos o de parte
hasta los plazos, pues estos 500, aunque no ture tanto la guerra, va con la lectura su S d
de que los haga suyos V. Md.
Para tener seguridad en caso de muerte del Papa de lo que offrezce en anos se le
podria pedir obligacion con el Colegio x a tiempo que no huviesse inconviniente en la
publicidad.
Tambien se podria ypotecar las colectorias de Spana y Napoles y los 20 V escudos
que se pagan de la cruzada.
Por no alargar escritura en dezir a V. Md los coloquios que passaron entre su S d
y mi en lo que toca al dinero, que fuè lo en que mas tiempo se gasto, dire los fundamentos principales de que ambas partes nos ayudamos, para que V. M(1 vea lo que
podre afiadir para persuadir mas a su Sd. De cuya parte fueron que V. Md està necessitado a satisfazerse desta muger : se acaba con esto lo de Hollancia y Zelanda : se ha
assegurado, lo que nunca lo2 estaria con tan mala vezina : que sin coinparacion sera mas
i'acil empressa que la de Holanda y Gelanda : se asseguraran de cosarios las carreras
de las Yndias y costas de Spana : lo que montan las gracias que V. ÌILà goza de la Sede
Apostolica : haze quenta de muy poco gasto, y que en tiempo de Pio Quinto se tasso que
costarla està empressa 400m escudos: trae per exemplo que no gasto 200 V escudos
Pio Quinto en dos afìos de liga, y que en diversas vezes que socorrio con dineros al Rey
de Francia y le embio gente pagada no llego a 260 V, y alega otros exemplos semejantes, y muestra las quentas dellos : la necesidad en que està la Sede Apostolica, quasi
vendidas sus rentas y las anatas y derechos de las expediciones ; el escandalo que
causarla abrir puerta a haver dineros por los medios que algunos Papas lo han hecho,
de que plegue a Dios se abstenga : que lo que tiene junto en el cast ilio 3 no puede estar
ningun Papa sin elio para una repentina necesidad que se puede offrezcer a està Sede
Apostolica : que para la empressa de Argel no havia propuesto el Gran Duque que
seria menester mas de 400 V escudos, y aun estos sacados de subsidio en dos anos,4 que
no ha hecho ningun provecho ni tampoco los avisos que vienen de todas partes de que
V. Md va haziendo grandes preparamentos para està empressa.
Los de que me he valido para animarle a ayudar a socorrer gallardamente son :—
mostrarle por una parte que si quiere ayudar bien la empressa se podria hazer presto,
sin empenarme en el quando : que no es ynexcusable a V. Md, corno le parezce, mientras
no tiene acabado lo de Holanda y Gelanda : que no ha hecho la Reyna de Ynglaterra
offensa que no se le pueda muy bien perdonar la hora que sea ynstrumento de reduzir
aquellas yslas 5 : hechole echar en las orejas que se entiende que no està lexos desto aquella
"Reyna, ni aya querido con otro fin poner pie en las yslas, siendo el principal suyo asse1

The college of Cardinals.

2

le ?

3

Castle of S. Angelo.
L L 2

4

lo omitted?

5

Zeeland

260

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

gurarse que V. Md le dexe vivir : corno, passada està occasion y pacificado V. Md con
aquella Reyna, quedan eternalmente prescriptas las cosas de Ynglaterra para no poderse pensar en elio, y cerrada la puerta a las de Alemania, donde tantos terrores daria
.esto, y acabaria de allanar lo de Francia : que lo que mas mueve a V, Md son las persuasiones de su Sd : que vienclo V. Md que se ha entibiado en cosa que tantas prendas
ha metido y tanto ha persuadido a V. Md, terna por cierto que ha de ser lo mismo en
otra qualquiera en que hable : las necessidades de V. Md : lo que ha vendido por la
misma causa : efectos a que estan aplicadas las gracias ordinarias : quanto mas gasta
V. Md en lo mismo, y origen que tuvieron estas gracias : que en la.liga concurrian otros
de quien su S d podra sacar ayuda : la gran costa de la empressa ; porque ha menester
V. Md fuerc^as para conservar lo que tiene en Flandes, para yr continuando lo de
Holanda, para resistir a la diversion que en qualquier parte le quisieren hazer los
herejes de Francia y Alemania que no dormiran, demas de las fuer^as que son menester
para hazer seguramente la empressa y una potentissima armada que pueda resistir a la
de Ynglaterra, Flandesy Francia: el gran servicio de Dios y honrra 1 en el mundo que
ganara, que aunque viva 20 anos y no haga otra cosa dexaria gran memoria, y finalmente pedidole que tema menos el dar quenta a Dios y al mundo de lo que gasto a]go
mas de lo que convenia en està empressa que de que se dexe de hazer por andar corto
en ella, que es lastima que jamas perderia y reputacion que dificilmente recobrara :
que le parezcera carbones el millon del castillo, quando por guardarle se pierda està
ocasion : que havria de parezcer a V. Md muy pequefia oferta, y que temia que le havia
de resfriar : que quando su Sd por via del mismo Gran Duque viesse lo que V. Md pide
para Argel veria quan diferente era de lo que le havia querido dar a entender el Gran
Duque.
Despues de apartado yo del Papa aiiadio en lo de la offerta lo del dar parte en
gente ; de que tengo por cierto se apartara, entendida la difficultad y publicidad que
podra causar.
Dixome tambien de palabra el ultimo dia lo que toca a la jurisdicion de aquel
reyno a la Sede Apostolica, para que se assegurasse con la Reyna de Escocia y con el
que huviesse de ser successor antes de entregalle el reyno. Yo dixe a Carafa, que le
hable despues de recebido este papel, que entendia que V. Md no consentirla que lo que
en tiempo de V". Md se huviesse hecho dexasse de hazer la Reyna de Escocia, y en
quanto a lo del Rey Henrrico antes que fuesse cismatico podria haver alguna diferencia
que tuviesse difìcil verificacion : que lo avisaria todo a V. M d .
Quinto punto.
Su S d aunque siempre ha tenido '
Siendo la parte de donde se pueda
cuydado de favorezcer y mantener està esperar principal impedimento a està emparte, le terna mayor adelante, anadien- pressa Francia, particularmente si el Rey
dose està causa mas, que para el estan 2 hiziesse la paz que tanto procura y dessea
1

honra ?

2

està ?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

principal ; y quando el Rey Christianisimo
quisiesse en qualquier manera hacer ympedimento a la empressa, su S d hara quan
gran demonstracion fuere necessaria.

261

con los herejes, conviene al buen successo
della que su S d tenga firme a los Principes
coligados y los favorezca y anime para
que en ninguna manera se puedan rendir
a dar consentimiento a la paz, aunque los
procure el Rey reduzir a ella con fingir
aventajadas condiciones, corno lo hara por
desembaracarse para acudir a ympedir lo
de Ynglaterra. En el qual caso su S d sera
menester que assi con su autoridad corno
con las armas espirituales ponga el remedio
necessario.
Parezciome poner este capitulo para tener materia de yr haziendo officios a favor
de los Principes coligados de Francia en las ocasiones que se offrezcieren, y tambien
por tener asentado con el Papa este punto por escrito corno lo he hecho de palabra.
En la ultima audiencia, que fue oy, me dixo que ayer le havia hablado el Cardenal
de Este de parte del Rey de Francia offrezciendole con mucha seguridad de proseguir
la guerra contra los herejes y en la execucion de los edictos : pero que hazia saber a su
S d que por todas partes se via que V. Md hazia grandissimas preparaciones, y que
aunque echava voz de que era para la empressa de las yslas, se via claramente que
era para la de Ynglaterra, y que suplicava a su S d que en ninguna manera del
mundo assistiesse a tal cosa, porque Francia no podria en ninguna manera tolerar que
Spanoles entrassen pie en Ynglaterra. Su S d refiere que certifico al Cardenal que no
tenia ninguna liga con V. Md en este negocio ; que reprehendio tener el Rey por de
menor inconviniente la vezindad de una Reyna hereje que la de V. Md, tanto mas que
quando desto se tratasse (que estava bien lexos) no seria para quedar V. Md alli : pero
que de lo que pesava era que no podia mover a V. Md a està empressa; que oxala pudiesse, porque no lo dexaria por lo que el le dezia, ni el Rey de Francia podia creer que
no fuesse el primero que holgasse dello por el probecho que haria para la reduccion de
sus herejes y por no darle a el ocasion de hazer la demostracion a que procediendo de
otra manera le obligava, y muchas otras reprehensiones enderecadas al Rey y al propio
Cardenal.
Tambien el Duque de Guisa por medio del Cardenal de Sanz ha assegurado a su
S d de que, aunque el Rey quiera hazer la paz con los herejes, no vendran en elio. Lo
que se puede mas temer es que el Rey, que tanto dessea la paz y ympedir lo de Ynglaterra, dando palabra a los herejes de no poner en execucion nada contra ellos, los reduzga a hazer una paz corno la pudieran dessear los catholicos y el Papa.

262

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CXLV.
Dr William Gifford to Sir Francis Walsingham.

Keims, 18 April, 1586.

From the original holograph in the Public Record Office, London.
Vol 188, n. 116.

Dom. Eliz.

Bighte Honorable Sir; Whereas youre honor upon oure frendes information
hathe sente me a courteous letter and withall an ample pasporte to passe into
England, thease are to give youre honor to understande thatt for my owne parte I
hartiHe desier nott onelie to enjoye the comforte of my countrie butt alsoe to
induce all I maye to doe the like upon assurance of freedom in religion and conscience and to live in oure naturali soyle under the protection of hir Majestie. And
as I muste neades confesse thatt I am a catholicke and of thatt religion which all oure
aunciente Fathers and noble Princes have bene, as well in oure countrie as in other
Christian common weales, manye hundred yeares togither, and in thatt and noe other
I will live and die, soe I am farr from those untemperate spirites, which, importunatele
nott contente to enjoye sweetelie under her Majestie the quiett of theare conscience,
doe seake unnaturallie to disturbe and chaungethe estate by joininge or consentinge to
forrayners to the subversion of hir Majesties estate and the utter ruininge of all oure
families, withoute any regarde of religion, makinge thatt onelie a colom of the accomplishinge of theare ambitious desires. This I have saied, spoken and written publicklie
and privatelie, and yf hearein I maye serve hir Majestie I am moste readie, nott onelie
for the naturali cluetie and alleageance I beare unto hir Highnesse before all princes
Christened, butt alsoe somewhatt the rather for the ingenuous and most bountifull
actions youre honor hathe shewed diverse and sundrie wayes to me and myne, which
yf I will nott be moste ungratefull I muste answer with all dutifull correspondence.
I have (I assure youre honor) from tyme to tyme soughte the helpe and relief e of
some of my frendes by earneste perswasion to returne home and to joine with hir
Majestie goodes, landes and life for the defence of hir sacred person and the weale
of my deare countrie against all ambitious forrayne practises, and I woulde to God
I mighte have shewed by the fruite theareof suche affection as I beare to hir Majestie ;
but in truethe littell fruite I have reaped theareof otherwise than the discoverie of
manye wounded hartes, whoe with teares have protested that if they mighte have
assurance of theare conscience soee under hir Highnesse protection that they woulde
willingelie caste them selfes, theare honors, lands and lives att hir Majesties feete, to
stand unitelie and jointelie to the shedinge of theare bloud againste all wicked
practises tendinge to her disquietnesse and ruine of the realme : butt alasse ! say e they,
how can we be assured of thatt, seing soe manye are daylie with greate rigor and
uncivilitie searched and ransaked, soe manye of all estates restreyned, soe manye

263

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

indited, condemed and executed for meare matter of religion, seinge thatt the late
statutes and actes of parlaymente are soe extreame rigorous almoste even againste
the conceyte of Catholicke religion, and stande yett in force, and are practized in
diverse partes of the realme, nott onelie in respecte of the penali statute for nott comminge to churche, butt alsoe even to the effusion of bloude in many e places? To which
and other theare objections as love to hir Majesties person hathe answered somewhat,
soe in reason I coulde answer littell to theare contentmente and satisfaction. Now yf
itt shall please hir Highnesse and your honor to releese somewhatt of thatt rigor I
have mentioned, you shall turne unto hir Majestie many e aversed harte; in the doinge
whereof, yf I be thoughte woorthie to be an instrumente for the honor of God, safetie
of hir Majesties person, good of my countrie, and reliefe of some my poore frendes, I
humblie offer my selfe att hir Highnesse and your honors feete to deale and doe
effectuallie whatever pen, tunge and harte will permitt me, yf ferste by my kinseman
Gilberte Gifforde I maye understande youre particular directions. Thus acknowledginge
my selfe deepelie bounde unto youre honor for my eldeste brother and diverse other
my frendes, as alsoe for my owne particular, and promising all loiall correspondence, I
commit you to Christe Jesus, whoe protecte you from all youre enemyes. 18 e Aprili,
Rhemes.
Youre honors humble servaunte,
WYLLYAM GYFFORDE. 1

Addressed.
To the Eight e Honorable S r [Fr]auncys Walsingham, hir Majesties principali
Secretarie, thease be dd.
Endorsed.
18 Aprell, 1586, from Mr D. Gifford.

CXLVI.
Dr William Allen to Don Juan de Ydiaquez.
From a transcript

Rome, 8 May, 1586.

of the original in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas : Secreteria de Estado, Leg 947. Copia de carta
original de Guillermo Alano a Juan de Ydiaquez, fecha en Roma postridie Ascensionis
Dominici, 1586.
IUme domine ; Hoc ofncium scribendi rarius et timid ius facio, quia religio est mihi
amplissimas occupationes tuas sine gravi causa impedire. Et mihi ipse in hoc genere
et forsanmese etiam excelienti char itati 2 sit satis, cum sine intermissione a me meisque
1

2
This letter has attached a seal with armorial bearings.
The sense of the passage is
evident, though the text is corrupt. Perhaps the wording should be : Et mihi ipsi in hoc genere et
for san vestrm excellenti char itati fit satis.

264

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

pro sua Majestate Catholica, pro vobis proque liberis suis studiosissime oratur ac sacrifìcatur. Istius enim non possumus oblivisci quamdiu tam insigne regiae beneficentiae'
vestraeque charitatis in collegium nostrum existit monumentum ; sine quo divinitus nobis
concesso beneficio jam pridem diffluxisset, et hoc nobis domi forisque difficillimo tempore
plane cum seminario maxima ac pene unica ad rem bene pro Anglia gerendum spes
periisset. Sed ista omnia et nos et nostri hie homines et in natione catholici omnes in
memoria apud Deum ac homines caeterum* habebimus. Ego vero hoc tempore obsequii
tantum causa, tam opportunum narras 2 nuntium, R. P. Michaelem Hernandem, ista
scribo ; reliqua autem nostra in suam Majestatem desideria, miserias, angustias, exportationes, ubi simus, quid agamus, quid, quantum pro causa communi et Rege Catholico
vel facere vel pati cupiamus, idem optimus pater, cui jamdiu res nostras in Flandria
notae et cordi fuerunt, declarabit abunde tuae illustrissimae Domination^ in cujus sincerissimo zelo summas 3 his annis posuimus confidentiam. Exaudi ergo ilium, pientissime domine ; adjuva nos ; consilito 4 vobis5 orbique Ghristiano universo. Nihil tanto
Regi gloriosius aut salutarius, nihil meae6 bonitati ad sempiternam in ccelo mercedem
consequendam aptius esse potest. D. Jesus tuam illustrissimam D. cum prole diarissima servet vobis 7 incolumem. Romae, postridie Ascensionis Dominicae, 1586.
Amplitudinis tuae devotissimus orator,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

CXLVII.
Mary, Queen of Scots, to Dr William Allen.

Chartley, 20 May, 1586.

From the copy deciphered by Phelippes in the Public Record Office, London : State
Papers, Mary, Queen of Scots, Vol. l¥,n. 74. .
Reverend father in God; My last letters unto you were written in October, 1584;
since which time I had neyther meanes to send any moe any where nor receave any
from any parte, until the 20th of the last month I receaved yowrs of the 5th of February, 1585 ; uppon the which I am not able to take any grownde in giving advise of
any affayre, being all this while (as yett I am) a mere stranger and ignorant of the
course of the worlde abrode. If the Pope and the K. of Spayne reache forth theyr
actions for the weale and advancement of God's cause, I trust theyr owne private and
mine shall not fare the worse. I am glad that the K. of Spayne hia ministers impart
theyr secreti instructions to so few heades as yow write, but am sorrye they have
kept that theyr supposed intention towching the general cause so long close as that
yett no man at all doth see any of theyr beginning to the same. They have overslipped many good occasions, and I wish they shold not yett with all omitt this now
1

7

(sternum?
nolis?

2

nactus?

3

summam?

4

consulito?

5

nobis?

6

turn?

265

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

offred, pinching them so nere, by this Quene. If yourself had not moved unto me the
preferment of Liggons, I wold not have imployed him in the charge I gave him to
deale with the Prince of Parma. Although I am right sure of his fidelitye towardes
any service he can do for the Churche and what concerneth me, I will never the lesse
not refrayne to accept of the Princes offer, and answer the same by whome so ever he
liketh best of. Untili I heare further I can say no more, but pray God for the prosperity of all those that have His cause most in recommendation and to preserve you
and yours, whome I wish to pray for me. Charteley, 20th May, 1586.
Endorsed.
Letters between the Scottish Q. and D. Allen and the L. Pagett.
Decifred.1

1585, 1586

CXLVIIL
Summary of a letter of Philip II. in reply to a despatch from Count de Olivares;
dated Rome, 24 February, 1586.
[22 July, 1586.]
From a transcript of the original document in the archives of Simancas*
Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 947. Copia de un
documento que dice lo siguiente : Sumario de lo que su Md replica a, lo que el Conde
de Olivares escrivio en 24 de Hebrero passado que havia respondido a su S d por
escrito y de palabra a las amonestaciones que de parte de su B d se le havian hecho
para que se encargasse de la reduccion del reyno de Ynglaterra.
Que se enganan los que dan a entender a su S d que por los robos y atrevimientos de Yngleses se ha de mover su Md a hazer la empressa de suyo, y hablan corno
gente que se halla lexos y no han de poner las manos en la obra.
Su Md conoce el sitio de Ynglaterra, sabe quanto pesaria a muchos verla mudar
estado, y que el zelo de la christiandad y de ver catholico aquel reyno no estando en
Franceses ni otros muchos que estan cerca y lexos que no pesen mas con ellos otras
razones para procurar estorbarlo.
Su Md està mas obligado a assegurar sus estados y la religion dellos que a tratar
de procurarla en los agenos.
Por las piraterias que estos dias se han hecho a los subditos y reynos de su Md
basta echar tales armadas en la mar corno ya se ha comencado y se hara que la limpien
de cossarios y amparen lo de las Yndias y asseguren la navegacion de lo de las flotas y
el comercio de los subditos : lo qual se puede hazer sin mucha costa.
1

The endorsement refers to Dr Allen's letter to Mary, Queen of Scots, Feb. 5, 1585, her reply of
May 20, 1586, and a letter to her from Lord Paget, dated Madrid, May 4, 1586 ; all which have been
deciphered by Phelippes on the same sheet of paper.
MM

266

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Que sin esto Yngleses mueren por concertale con su Md y lo tientan y ruegan
por muchas partes y offrezcen hazer grandes emiendas.
Que siendo todo esto assi y teniendolo su Md facil y a la mano y no temendo
porque dexarse llevar de ambicion de ganar reputacion, pues 1 la bondad de Dios se
puecle contentar de la ganada, puede su Md por lo que le toca alcar mano desta empressa y excusar los gastos y difficultades della.
Que solo le ha movido acudir a està platica el servicio de Dios y las persuasiones
de su S d y creer que en su tiempo havra mas calor y efectos que en el de sus passados.
Y no mudara de proposito, siendo ayudado proporcionadamente a los gastos que la
grandeza y dificultades de la empressa piden y la necessidad que su Md tiene en el
mismo tiempo de no faltar a lo que trae entre manos en otras partes y prevenir de la
necessaria opposicion a los humor es que se pueden mover.
Que si bien le pesaria de no poner mas que buena voluntad en obra tan santa, le
parezcen mas obligatorias y necessarias para el las demas en que està occupado, no
pudiendo acudir a todo.
Su Md conozce que respecto de las pocas rentas de la Sede Apostolica y conforme
a las ayudas que otros Papas han hecho para semejantes empressas lo que su S d offrezce
para està es muy proporcionado a su grande y generoso animo, pero menos de lo que seria
necessario para lo que pide una empressa tan grande y los preparamentos que en consequencia della son necessarios en todas partes ; y que assi para poderse venir a efecto
seria necessario que su S d se esf orc,ase a alargar la offerta, a abreviar las pagas y a hazer
las otras gracias de que se pudiesse valer para poner el hombro a carga tan grande.
Quanto a las demas cosas su M(i se contenta y accepta lo que se apunto y su
d
S respondio a 24 de Hebrero proximo al memorial de puntos que el Conde de Olivares
dio a su Beatitud ; y lo que se afiadio cerca de que la Sede Apostolica sea reyntegrada
ef ectualmente en la jurisdicion, contribuciones, derechos y acciones que tenia primero
que el Rey Errico apostatasse parezce a su Md justissimo.
CXLIX.
Count de Olivares to Philip II. Rome, 29 August, 1586.
From a transcript of the despatch in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 0 947. Copia de carta
descifrada del Conde de Olivares a S. M., fecha en Roma a 29 de Agosto de 1586.
S. C. R. M d .
Conforme a lo que V. Md me manda en carta de 22 de Julio
cosas de Ynglaterra procurando mostrarle que no està V. Md tan
la empressa sino es bien ayudado ; aunque esto es predicar en
donde tienen tan arrayga 2 en el cora9on la vengane^ que en
' por omitted ?

2

hable a su S d en las
necessitado de hazer
desierto en tierra a
muchos siglos no la

Asi dice en el original. Qu. arraygada ?

267

OF CAKDINAL ALLEN.

olbidan ; y sonando aca tanto y tan crecidos los descomedimientos que la Eeyna de
Ynglaterra usa en los estados de V. Md, no es possible de que V. Md * tenga en el coracjon
està offensa y la v e n g a l a corno ellos la tienen, y el Papa no es de los menos2 tocados
deste humor. Lo que con el passe el primer dia, y estado en que quedo, havra entendido
V. Md por lo que escrivi a Don Juan de Ydiaquez, y en conformidad dello embie a
Carrata el sumario 3 cuya copia sera con està, y despues no he querido solicitarle ni al
Papa, por que conforme a su condicion es este el camino que conviene llevar en las cosas
que sufren tiempo, corno claramente 4 de todo lo que V. Md me escrive en està materia.
El ultimo capitulo se hizo a proposito de fortificar y confìrmar lo que su Sd tiene
offrezcido en el successor de la Eeyna de Escocia, aunque aquello fue con el rodeo y
limitaciones que podra V. Md mandar ver en las glosas de aquel despaeho, y en este
capitulo puse para dorarlo la aceptacion de lo que es ynteresse del Papa, parezciendome
que V. M d no haze ni puede hazer difficultad en elio.
Al Cardenal Sanz dixe corno V.M. me havia ordenado para oyr a Martel o a quien
por el me huviesse de hablar por orden de los coligados de Francia y de assistirles en
su pretension. Embiome al que haze aqui los negocios del Duque de Guisa, el qual.me
empe9o a hablar en el negocio, y quedo de embiarme copia de la ystruccion que el dicho
Martel Uevo a V. Md y de otros papeles tocantes a este negocio, el qual se desvanecera
facilmente haviendose cumplido por parte de V. Md con muestras de buena voluntad,
corno colijo sea la intencion de V. Md.
Este criado del Duque de Guisa me repitio lo que havia passado con el Papa en
està nueva propuesta de Escocia, y la poca acogida que le havia dado en lo de la
ayuda: declaro,5 contra lo que yo havia entendido primero, que los Catholicos de
Escocia se contentan o con la ayuda de dineros o con certeza de que sea divertida la
Eeyna de Ynglaterra. Todo lo entendera V. Md mejor alla, pues tiene la persona propria que vino de Escocia. Guarde nuestro Senor, etc. De Eoma, a 29 de Agosto de
1586.

CL:
Count de Olivares to Don Juan de Ydiaquez.

Eome, 2 January, 1587.

From a transcript of a paragraph of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, f° 9. Copia de parrafo de carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares a Juan de Ydiaquez, fecha en Eoma a
2 de Enero de 1587.
El Prior 6 de Ynglaterra que està en Venecia continua en lo que ha empesado de
1

2
3
no understood ?
The words italicized are underlined in the transcript.
See p. 265.
5
se ve understood ?
Al margen de le tra del Rey dice " No se si quierè decir dixo."
6
Sir Richard Shelley, prior of the Knights of St John in England, an exile for the faith. F.
Persons writes of him that Sir Thomas Stukely, the bishop of Ross, and others at Rome "laboured
MM 2
4

268

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

solicitar a Alano que seria bien tratar de reduzir- aquella Reyna por biéii a la fee. Yo
le he dicho que no corte el hilo, en quanto sin empefìarse ni obligarse a nada pudiere,
hasta ver si querra su Md usar de este hombre, que Alano le alaba por muy propio
para engaiiandole engaiiar con el a la Reyna.*

CLI.
Count de Olivares to Philip II.
From a transcript

of a paragraph

Rome, 27 January, 1587.

of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 949, f° 12. Copia de
parrafo de carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares a S. M., fecha en Roma a 27 de
Enero de 1587.
Alano y Melino 1 me han escrito el papel cuya copia embio aqui a V. Md. Ellos
tienen yngenio y platica de las cosas de por alla; y por otra parte son ayudados de
la necessidad, que es gran maestra, y assi hallan corno sacar de cada cosa materia y
conceptos para mostrar que en qualquier hora sea aquella la mas propia para el cumplimiento deste su desseo tanto en el negocio principal corno en la promocion de Alano,
que cada hora que se pierde la tienen por de grande daiio : y cierto que faitando
la Reyna de Escocia o estando en el estado de agora, que es lo mismo, que parezce
haze mas necessario el tener un subjecto grande en que pongan todos los ojos y
las esperan9as y que les consuele de la aflicion en que se veen para no venir en
desesperacion.
much to bring in suspicion the said Lord Prior as a friend or honorable spie for the Queene ; which
they made somwhat probable, for that the said Lord Prior was wont much to defend the Queens proceedings in diverse matters and excuse her persecuting of catholics, giving great hope of her conversion ; whereby he seemed to crosse much Sir Thomas Stukely's purpose of going with armes against
her. Wherupon matters were so farr urged against him as once he was in danger to be laid up in the
Inquisition, if F. Persons being then Penitentiary of the nation hearing of it had not given him
warning presently to prevent the same ; who ever held the said Lord Prior to be most innocent in
that imputacion, but rather that he used such speeches to perswade the Pope to make a Cardinal of
the nation, and perhaps himself, by that meanes to deale peaceably with the Queene then to send
Stukely against her with armes, as was pretended by the contrary part, and fell out evill, as the sequel
shewed ; for that Sir Thomas Stukely never went to Ireland but to Barbary with the K. of Portugal and there was slayn and all the Popes mony lost." F. Persons adds that " the Pope [Gregory
XIII.] thought best to cause the Lord Prior Shelley to retyre himself to Venice [1580] for ending of
all contentions. Of which inclination of his Holynesse he being advised, he obeyed presently." A
Story of domestical difficulties, &c. by F. Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 408, 409.
1
F. Robert Persons.

269

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

CLII.
Philip II. to Count de Olivares.
From a transcript

of a paragraph

Madrid, 11 February, 1587.

of the King's letter in the archives of

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 0 949, f° 15. Copia de
parrafo de carta de S. M. al Conde de Olivares, fecha en Madrid a 11 de Febrero de
1587.
A los dichos Alano y Roberto los conservareys en fee y en buena esperanca de que
se ha de procurar de veros el remedio de su patria, para que assi hagan con mas voluntad y hervor los officios que coiiviniere con el Papa : pero sea de manera que no
piensen que està tan cerca que se alarguen a comunicarlo con otros de su nacion por
darles alibio y Consuelo, y assi se benga a publicar : que es el camino por donde se han
perdido estos anos muchas cosas bien entabladas en beneficio de aquel reyno ; y assi lo
yd contrapesando, y sacando provecho dellos, y en todo hazed lo que soleys con vuestra prudencia y buena mafia corno lo pide el negocio, y lo confio yo de vos, y avisare}^s
lo que se hiziere.
Al margen de letra del Bey dice lo siguiente—Resuelto estoy de dar aquella abbadia que os dixe a Alano. Myrad si sera bien escrivir al Conde para que le diga algo,
entre tanto que va por el consejo de Italia.

CLIII.
Don Juan de Ydìaquez to Count de Olivares.
From a transcript

Madrid, 12 February, 1587.

of a copy in the archives of

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 0 949, f° 134. Copia de
otra de carta de D. Juan de Ydiaquez al Conde de Olivares, fecha en Madrid a 12 de
Febrero de 1587.
Por la satisfacion que tiene su Md de la persona del doctor Alano y la buena relacion que V. S. ha hecho ha resuelto de hazerle merced de la abbadia que ha vacado en
Napoles por muerte de Don Bernardino de Mendoga, hermano del Marques de Mondejar que oy es. Y. S. sabra alla el valor y qualidad della, que diz que es muy gentil
pieca; y entretanto que se embia el despacho por consejo de Italia, me ha mandado
que yo avise a V. S. dello para que lo pueda dezir a Alano,.poniendole buen animo
corno V. S. mejor sabra.

270

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CLIV.
Memorandum presented to Pope Sixtus V. recommending Dr Allen's promotion to the
Cardinalate, together with the Pope's reply. Rome, 14 March, 1587.
From a transcript of the document in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, £° 20. Copia de
un documento en cuya carpeta dice :—Memorial que se dio a su Santidad de las conveniencias que ay para hazer Cardenal al doctor Alano a 14 de Marc/) de 1587.
Las causas por donde ymporta al servicio de Dios y causa de la religion de Ynglaterra abreviar la promocion del padre Alano.
Principalmente la prision de la Reyna de Escocia, cabe9a desta causa, y a quien
reconocian todos los catholicos y se enderec^van las platicas de la reduccion de aquel
reyno ; que ha aumentado el animo de los herejes y diminuydo el de los catholicos y
cortado el hilo a las platicas internas que la Reyna tenia, perdiendose de animo muchos,
y los que estan en fee si dividen por no haver persona que todos puedan reconocer con
honor suyo.
Si la empressa se pudiere hazer presto, ay necessidades que precedan, algunas
preparaciones que seran sospechosas hechas por otra mano, y no ternan ninguna autoridad ni fuer^a siendo hombre privado : y quando fuesse formoso diferir la empressa,
es tanto mas necessario aplicar este def ensivo a la llaga sin dilacion para que el rebano
afligido este en le, viendo con efectos que su Santidad se duele y piensa en su remedio.
Ymporta tambien mucho la brevedad, para que quando vaya a la empressa tenga
mas arraygada la autoridad con haver llegado a noticia de los altos y baxos de Ynglaterra su promocion.
Tambien es conviniente que aya estado algun dia en el colegio*1 y tratado con los
del, y que no ygnore las cerimonias del.
En el subjecto del padre Alano concurren todas las partes que se pueden dessear ;
por que no tiene faccion, tiene lètras, costumbre, juizio, noticia grande de todas las cosas
de aquel reyno y de las negociaciones de la reduccion, y los medios de todas han sido y
son sus discipulos, entre los quales han recebido tantos el martirio que se podra
dezir que la purpura de su capelo sea tinta en la sangre de los martires que ha
ynstituydo.
Su Md afirma a su Santidad y toma sobre si que el hazer està promocion sin dilatarla es necessaria para las cosas de Ynglaterra, y que de diferilla se pueden esperar
danos de ymportancia assi en caso de abreviarse corno de diferirse la empressa, y que la
persona de Alano es la mas a proposito que puede ser. Y por estas causas suplica a
1

The sacred college of Cardinals.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

271

su Santidad que le haga quanto prim ero, y que fie esto de su Md, corno tan ynteressado
en que se acierte el negocio principal, y por la noticia que tiene de las cosas de aquel
reyno por los aiios que reyno y residio en el y por la necessidad que despues ha tenido
de conservarla con atencion y tantas vezes corno se ha tratado de hazer està empressa,
que misteriosamente ha preservado N. S. para el tiempo de su Santidad.
Que su Santidad con mucha razon dize que no quiere reparar en temporas,
haviendo tan grandes causas corno los clamores de aquel rebarìo de catholicos para
darles un Caudillo que supla lo mejor que es posible la sombra que les hazia la Reyna,
y engrandecerle a la Ynglaterra de entre los suyos un enemigo declarado y capital, y
premiar extraordinariamente en la cosa y en el modo un hombre tan benemerito de la
Sede Apostolica, temendo su Santidad pecho para mostrar al mundo que no se le pone
nada delante quando se atraviessa el servicio de Dios y bien publico tan limpio de
afectos humanos.
Que pierda su Santidad el cuydado de sustentarle; que la abbadia que su Md le
da agora basta para passar corno Cardenal pobre, no conviniendo al principio mas
ruydo ; y que, quando convenga que este con mayor explendor, su Md le proveera a
medida del, sin que sea a cargo de su Beatitud mas que el promoverle, porque con esto
se repartira entre ambos el merito con Dios que es el que solo les mueve a levantar este
hombre.
Sua Santità risponde che sempre che sua Mta sarà in ordine per la impressa la S ta
sua sarà pronto di criar Cardenal al S r Alano, non parendole a proposito farlo prima,
quando non sucedesse al un tempo estesso el intento che se tene, per la dichiaration
che si verrebbe a far creandolo fuor di tempo contra la constitutione. 1
ANTONIUS CARDINALIS CARRAFA,

per ordine di sua Sta.

CLV.
Count de Olivares to Philip IL
From a transcript

Rome, 16 March, 1587.

of some paragraphs of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, f ° 22. Copia de
parrafos de carta descifracla del Conde de Olivares a S. M., fecha en Roma à 16 Marzo
de 1587.
Quanto a lo del capelo de Alano le di el memorial 2 de razones que V. Md vera, concluyendo de parte de V. Md con lo que al fin se dize ; lo qual ni la diligencia que
havemos hecho Carrafa y yo, cada uno por su parte, ha bastado para hazerle hazer
luego ; y quando le apretavamos con que aunque no se huviesse de hazer la empressa
1

A constitution made by Sixtus V., 3 December, 1586, according to which promotions to the
2
Cardinalato were only to take place on the ember days of Advent.
See p. 270.

272

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

era necessaria està promocion para sustentar aquella gente, dize que està era razon para
que le huviera hecho la Navidad passada, sin echar de ver que en esto se echa el la
culpa ; finalmente dize lo que V. Md vera. Y corno de parte de V. Md se haga la
acceptacion para este ano, y se le representen los gastos que V. Md tiene hechos de su
parte y preparaciones, es de creer que le hara ; aunque tiene en mas que no vean que
rompe està constitucion que no que se pierda la religion en Ynglaterra, no pudiendo
dezir justamente en el consistono que le hiziere es para* la empressa, aunque se le
representaran los inconvenientes que ay en dezirlo; y sera muy a proposito que la
respuesta desta venga con brevedad, porque no se passen el dia de su creacion y de su
coronacion que facilitaran algun tanto.
Este padre Roberto, 1 entendiendo dende que passo la promocion que està . lexos lo
del capelo de Alano, me mata porque el Papa le criase Arcjobispo de Canturbere, con que
dize que se supliria en parte la falta del capelo, y encarece mucho la importancia de
aquella dignidad y quan conviniente seria puntamente con el capello. Yo no le 2 hecho
rostro a esto, porque por el mismo caso se divertirla el Papa de lo del capello. V. Md me
mandara lo que sera servido que haga en este articulo en caso de haverse o diferirse
el capelo.
El tiempo en que aya de em.pec.ar a escrivir Alano algunas cosas que se estampen,
y el de su yda, y modo y pretexto della, y el dezir en consistono la empressa, y lo que
havra de hazer el Nuncio de Francia aguardare la orden de V. Md ; advirtiendo, corno
otras vezes he dicho, que la hora que su Santidad de las cedulas para lo del dinero no
haga V. Md quenta de secreto, aunque le prometa con juramento, y lo peor es que no
es mas en su mano, y este fuera en tiempo de otro Papa por conjecturas, pero agora
de su boca sale todo, y lo peor es que no puede mas. Y assi no pudiendose negar
lo que dize, siendo tan verisimil y tal el autor, el lenguaje que traygo es responder
que yo escrivo a V. Md todo lo que me dize sin meterme en mas, y con el poco credito
que tiene de hombre de palabra y lo que hizo en lo de Polonia y otras cosas les parezce
que todo es ayre.
Al mar gerì de este ultimo parràfo de letra del Bey dice lo siguiente—A esto parezce
que falta de responderle sino se haze en la 2a carta.
CLVI.
Dr William Allen to Philip II.
From a transcript

Rome, 19 March, 1587.

of the original in the archives of Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 949, f° 23. Copia de
carta descifrada del Dr Alano a S. M., fecha en Roma a 19 de Marzo de 1587.
S.C. R. Mta.3
Moderatissimum ac invictissimum Majestatis vestrse in nos Anglos prius imperium
' F . Robert Persons.

2

lie understood ?

3

Mtas ?

273

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

et in religione[m] ac justitia[m] restituendam sincerissimum studium atque cum antiquissimis Regibus nostris summa sanguinis conjunctio effecit ut optimi quique non
solum praesentem amarent ac colerent, sed multo magis (ut fit) republica postea infelicis feminse et incesto impotenti dominatu perdita ut absentem desiderarent. Quod
bonorum fere omnium desiderium ita tam succedentes deinde domi forisque inexplicabiles catholicorum calamitates rerumque communium ac privatarum desperationes,
quam clementine vestrae in omnes communium ordinimi afflictos homines continuae commiserationes anteferunt, ut paucissimos esse existimem pietatis ac patriae amantes qui
iterum vestrae1 suavissimis subesse sceptris ex animo non cupiant. Nos vero qui pro
officio sacerdotii ac loci nostri animarum ac patriae perditione prae cseteris commovemur (quippe jamdiu piane sentimus neminem Regum aut hominum mortalium praeter
Majestatem vestram posse his nostris et ecclesiae deploratis rebus succurrere) quibus
lachrimis ac gemitibus talem tantumque liberatorem postulaverimus Deus cui quotidie
pro sacra persona, prole et imperio vestro sacrincamus novit; nec ignorat amplissimus
Majestatis vestrae hac in Urbe orator, cui in hac re intimum animi nostri sensum aperuimus, quique vicissim et antea saepe et hoc maxime tempore clementiae vestrae in rem
nostram communem summam propensionem atque in meam etiam humilitatem tantam
munificentiam contestatus est ut ampio ac honorifico beneficio ab ipsa donatum me
esse signifìcaverit De quo devotissime exosculor sacras Majestatis vestrae manus,
ipsique omnia sacerdotii, vitae et mortis meae obsequia coram Christo offero. Atque
homini exuli variis suis ac suorum necessitatibus implicato tanti Principis tam singularis gratia non potuit non esse gratissima, sicut certe est, sed non alia ratione tamen
quod 2 quod hinc plane inducor ut sperem Majestatem vestram illucl gloriosissimum ac
tanto solo-monarcha dignum opus pro Anglia restituenda tandem suscepturam. Nam
si illa perpetuo pereat, nulla 3 mihi nec dignitates nec divitiae placebunt, sed cuncta
mortalia erunt acerba nec vita ipsa vitalis existet. Sed qui divinitus inclinavit cor
Majestatis vestrae ut de rebus nostris serio cogitar et dabit (uti confidimus) voluntatém,
vires ac potentiam ad tam augustum ac sanctum facinus perfìciendum, quo solo perpetuo feliciter omnia vicina regna ecclesiae ac reipublicae ab his laboribus requiescent.
Quoad illud de successionis Majestatis vestrae in regnum Angliae jure, quod
dignatus est communicare nobis sapientissimus orator, censuimus omnino ac suavissimus 4 istud apud Pontificem ac alios adhuc plane tacendum propter eas rationes quas
suae Amplitudini in scriptis dedimus, cum nec iste (licet justissimus) belli praetextus
quidquam causam promovere posse videatur, et verisimile sit quod ex nostrum, aemulatorum, competitorum atque ipsorum etiam alioquin amicorum mala interpretatione
aliquid inde impedimenti provenire queat. Hujus belli, si ullius unquam alterius,
duae sunt causae justissimae, divinis ac humanis legibus approbatae et Sedis Apostolicae
publicis literis declarandae, religionis violatae vindicatio et in inograrum 5 actio ; quarum
1

4

E i t h e r vcstrce should be vestris, or Mtis must be supplied.
5
suasimus'C
injiuriarum?
N N

2

quam?

3

nulla ?

274

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

prior erit omnibus catholicis probatissima, altera nee ipsis haereticis videbitur
improbabilis. Ubi vero causae belli sunt legitimae, ibi justum est bellum : quidquid autem justo bello adquiritur legitime possidetur, neque minus juste occupantur regna legitimis armis quam natures et sanguinis propinquitate parta, licet
justorum armorum et propinquitatis titulus simul concurrens plurimum valet.
Atque propterea post partam a Deo victoriam Majestatis vestrae cum regia Lancastrensis familiae prosapia conjunctio juste ac tempestive allegari potest in conventu
statuum (quod parlàmentum vocant) ubi archiepiscopus Cantuariensis, qui est legatus
natus et primum habet totius regni suffraghila, quern sequentur omnes episcopi et
proceres quoque catholici, qui extinctis vel exauctoratis prius haereticis soli in ilio
concilio vota habebunt, potest facillime rem conficere ; et ad id perficiendum (si vixerimus) omnem operam sancte eonferemus, qui non inprimis 1 ita rem nostrani per Majestatem vestram restituì ut ab ipsa postea deseratur, sicut in priori regni reconciliatione
factum meminimus (cujus gravissimae negligentiae suae ii qui tum reipublicae praeerant
justissimas poenas dederunt) sed desideramus omnia fieri quae ad religionis et status
f uturam securitatem pertinebunt. Quod et serenissimam Reginam Scotiae commissuram
omnibusque votis expetituram non dubitamus ; quae caeteros quocunque praetextu
competentes non-catholicos nee proprium filium haeretieum Catholicae Majestatis2 vestrae
sit praelatura. Tum vero etiam Pontifex tot modis acquisitum jus ultra 3 et libenter
approbabit, et in summa omnia tum potentiae ac justitiae Majestatis vestrae ex tempore
per Dei gratiam cedent.
Aggredere modo ergo, optime maxime Rex, istud opus quod Christus auctor, conservator et amplificator imperii tui videtur ad complementum gloriosissimorum gestorum
omnium tibi reservasse. Per misericordiam Ohristi non differat Majestas vestra ulterius
liane sanctissimam totique orbi salutarem expeditionem, sed exaudiat humillimum
servum suum ad sacros pedes suos provolutum pro infelici patria sua deprecantem ;
exaudiat gemitus tot eatholieorum ac sacerdotum e earceribus et compedibus ad se
clamantium ; exaudiat sanctam per orbem terrarum ecclesiam quae omnium filiorum
suorum flebilibus vocibus hoc pie efiiagitat. Magna sunt (ut scis) sapientissime Rex in
mora pericula ; innumerae animae interea pereunt ; amici misere extinguuntur ; inimici
corroboranti^ ; multa nobis impedimenta intervenire possunt et fere solent, cum rei
bene gerendae oecasiones tempestive non arripiuntur. Non aegre ferat clementissimus
dominus meus si eonrldentìus servus suus fidelissimus in causa quae est ipsi sua vita
carior scribat. Hoc videtur esse tempus acceptabile quando Deus dedit Maj estati vestrae
requiem ab omnibus hostibus et aemulis imperii vestri ; quando dedit Pontificem magis
ad hanc rem commodum quam unquam f orsan simus habituri ; quando denique res
Anglicanae sunt plenissimae perturbationis, difndentiae ae miseriae.
Non moveant Majestatem vestram (nisi ad providentiam et cautelam) varii de
hujus expeditionis sive terrà sive mari sive in portibus periculis ac diffieultatibus sparsi
1

Perhaps queerimus or optamus should be substituted for imprimis.

2

Majestati ?

3

nitro ?

275

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

sermones. Ilio Domini et Gedeonis gladio, illis semper victricibus armis, quibus potentissimum Christi hostem Turcam fregistis, quibus in omni bello ac pene in omni praelio
de rebellibus aut hostibus vestris semper triumphastis, his auspiciis aut 1 totius ecclesise
precibus nostros hsereticos et istam Deo et hominibus odibilem feminam castigabitis ?
ac nobilissimam olim gent em Maj estati vestrse semper deditissimam in antiquam gloriam
ac libertatem vindicabitis. Si vero porro Serenitas vestra velit nos aliquam vel scribendo vel agendo viam expeditioni praeparare, quidquid per illustrissimum dominum
oratorem nobis in hoc genere mandaverit quam secretissime expeditissimeque pro virili
faciemus.
Dominus Jesus suam sacram Majestatem nobis, regnis suis totique orbi Christiano
diutissime incolumem servet. Romae, 19 Martii, 1587.
Majestatis vestrse fìdelissimus servus et subditus,
GULIELMUS ÀLANUS.

CLVII.
Count de Olivares to Philip II. Rome, 23 March, 1587.
From a transcript of the despatch in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas ; Secretoria de Estado, Leg0 949, f° 28. Copia de
carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares a S. M., fecha en Roma a 23 de Marzo de 1587.
Sefior.
Luego que partio el correo con las cartas, cuyo duplicado sera con està, quise para
empe9ar lo de la succesion reconozcer lo que tenia en2 Alano y Melino,3 por no les
haver nunca hablado de proposito en este articulo, aunque diversas vezes me lo han
apuntado con bonissima voluntad. Entreles con que para mover a V. Md mas de veras
a hazer està empressa seria punto muy essencial que pudiessemos hazer al Papa capaz
de la succesion de V. Md en aquella corona, corno algunas vezes me havian apuntado :
los quales confessando lo que otras vezes, me pusieron muchos ynconvenientes en
mover agora està platica con el Papa, corno V. Md podra mandar ver por un papel que
me dieron* a 18 deste ; y aunque en sustancia sabia V. Md todos los principàles, y aun
en parte los previene en està ca,rta de xi. de Hebrero, y el del secreto, en ,que estriban
los mas, tengo en diversas ocasiones representado a V. Md que no se puede esperar del
Papa sino por milagro y quic> en cosas que no ymportaria no tenerle,—
Pero lo que me ha hecho no dar passo en addante sin nueva orden de V. Md es
haverme tocado en la platica Milino que alguno (corno tambien lo apunta en el dicho
escrito) havia dicho que por uso de Ynglaterra yendo la succession hasta que se acaban
los de la prim era linea que conforme a esto tocaria aquella corona a los hijos del Duque
de Parma ; aunque rebolvio con dezir que haviendose juntado el derecho con la corona
de Portugal havia de seguir su naturaleza, y que assi lo havia respondido uno en su
1
2
3
4
ac?
sentimi?
F. Robert Persons.
The words in italics are underlined in the transcript.
NN 2

276

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

presencia a Pajet, el que estuvo en essos reynos, que lo havia dieho viendo un arbol
estampado, que estava en el colegio Anglico, que llegava hasta los hijos del Duque; y
tambien dixo que no havia visto ningun pensamiento desto en el Duque y en Fames 1 ;
y en Ynglaterrà todos tenian que se havia yncorporado con Portugal, que solo a Paget
havia oydo aquel motivo : y Alano se conforma en està union con la corona de
Portugal : y yo se lo hize assi bueno y passe lo de Paget por cosa de poco fondamento
y no bolvio a tocar mas en elio, aunque estuvo despues dos vezes comigo el Melino : y
el Cardenal Dega, con quien solo lo he comunicado, dize que sino ay particular en
Ynglaterrà que disponga este caso que por el derecho comun V. Md precede a los hijos
del Duque :
Todavia por lo que parezce que esto tiene de la succession de los mayorazgos dessos
reynos, en que no basta juntarse dos para que cada uno no aya de guardar su naturaleza
del llamamiento en quanto no es contra las leyes del reyno, no me he acabado de
quietar, pues quando por està otra via viniesse qualquier duda en la succession, seria
grande ynconveniente haverse fundado V. Md en ella, y no tornar por mas principal
f undamento el de la conquista ; no assegurandome nada el mostrarse Melino satisf echo
y Alano mas, ni el dezirme que no ha tenido ningun motivo del Duque ni de su tio,
porque lo que no es oy podra ser manana, y mas a tiempo el descubrillo despues de
hecha la conquista, demas de los otros respetos que ay en caer esto en la persona del
Duque de Parma mas que en otra ; y assi no he ossado mover esto de la succession
con el Papa ni con nadie sin nuevo orden de V. Md, parezciendome tambien por lo que
dire adelante que no sea danosa la dilacion.
Y siendo para qualquier camino que Y. Md quiera tornar de mucha sustancia tener
prendado en favor de V. Md a Alano, le he enderegado a que escriva a V. Md con ocasion
de darle gracias de la abbadia,2 diziendole las causas por donde no era conviniente ni
necessario tratar agora con el Papa este articulo de la succession, de manera que V. Md
se persuadiesse y juntamente se assegurasse de que a su tiempo el saldria a aquesto con
la autoridad que por mano de V. Md ha de tener ; y que por el secreto me diesse la
carta abierta, y que guardando yo el originai en mi poder la embiaria puesta en cifra3
a V. Md, y assi me la ha dado, y en ella se alarga harto corno V. Md vera. Pero lo
que mas me asegura del es su bondad y fervor en la religion y conocer tambien
corno elio es verdad que no se puede mantener segura la hora que aquello salga de
mano de V. Md o de cosa suya, y que los suyos han sido siempre de la faccion de
Alencastre,4 y que ha de quedar obligado con los beneflcios que de V. Md havra
recebido en su persona y de la causa, y que con el ymperio de V. Md o de alguno
suyo, a que mas ynclinarian por la presencia, se ha de conservar el suyo, y que
sintiendo el lo primero en consciencia, seria loco si a las armas y autoridad de
V. Md no assegundasse, aunque no le estuviera tan bien corno digo.
1
Cardinal Farnese.
transcript.

4

8
p. 272.
Lancaster.

3

The words italicised are underlined in the

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

277

Quanto al tiempo de tratar deste punto de la succession,,aunque por una parte
parezce muy conveniente el atarlo con la gana que el Papa muestra desta reduccion, no
le acabo de entender, porque quando mas vivo parezce està en la empressa me sale con
si seria mejor otra, y ultimamente el sabado con la de Hierusalem, y no terna poco en
que obrar està gana en tragar lo del desembolso de las cedulas del dinero, que tengo
opinion que no lo creo hasta agora, y en lo que ha de concederse sobre el clero,- J en
hazer contra su bulla Cardenal a Alano fuera de Deziembre, y juntandose el estremo
del poco secreto o casi certeza, y la sospecha de que el Papa no se ha de resolver sin
consejo, j que el Cardenal Carrafa tambien ynclinara a esto haziendosele de mal tornar
a cuestas que con solo el suyo parezca hecha cosa tan grande, y que metiendolo en congregacion havra muchos que no acudan tambien al negocio y que cierren los ojos al
derecho de V. Md y a la conversion de aquel reyno y a las conveniencias que de tal
ymperio se les siguiria por los malos con que veen la grandeza de V. M d ; a los quales
quanto mas adelante, se les darà menos tiempo de contradezir y a los enemigos de
ympeclir la jornada : y assi aunque con la #yncertidumbre y variedad de la condicion
del Papa no ay regia, tendria por lo mas acertado dexar para bien adelante el tratar
con el este punto de la succession, y mas temendo algun cimiento en lo contenido en
el cap 0 3° y glosa del papel de 24 de Hebrero del ano passado,1 con que no se puede
dezir que es cosa a lo menos lo de nombrar successor de la Reyna de Escocia nueva : y
quanto mas adelante viere el Papa las cosas de la empressa, menos se atrevera a mostrar
" diferente yntencion, y parezciendole que no le ha de aprobechar no se atrevera a retirar,
y mas facilmente hara virtud con el temor de la fuerca la hora que aya desembarcado
el exercito ; y para que no le reprueben lo que en el otro capitulo offrezcio, se pondra
el mismo a la defensa del sin publicarle, y mas haviendo en lo demas de la empressa
metido tantas prendas no lo ha de querer perder : y quando V. Md se contentasse
nanamente de lo de la sefiora Ynfanta Dona Ysabel, tengo opinion que correria lisamente tratandose entonces.
Tambien podra V. M d mandar considerar si conviene afirmar mas sobre lo de la
conquista que sobre el derecho, o a lo menos a la par ; que aunque no tenga sustancia
la opinion de Paget, no podra dexar de hazer sombra si acierta a publicarse en las
estampas grandes que estan los hijos del Duque : y yo tengo la que digo està en el
colegio Anglico.
Esto presupuesto propondre a V. Md tres formas de acabar de tratar este articulo,
para que V. Md mande ver la que dellas o otra terna por mejor y el tiempo de tratallo.
A Alano le parezce que con declarar el Papa la guerra justa baste hazer V. Md suyo lo
que se tornare ; pues aun sin hazer los Papas en otras guerras que proceden de disgustos entre Reyes christianos hazen suyas las tierras que conquistan, tanto mas està
en que concurren tantas otras calidades; y que para hazer està guerra justa aun
bastasse que entre las otras facultades, que se le han de dar corno legado, se le diesse
1

p. 254.

278

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

està de poder declarar la guerra justa, y dexarle proceder en la forma que el dize en su
parezcer ; que seria un poco aventurado negocio y floxo titulo, y no se si clausulas
generales bastarian, y especiales dudaria el Papa de hazello.
O haviendose respondido con acceptar la empressa pedir el cumplimiento de todo
lo offrezcido, y cogidas las cedulas y lo demas quando fuesse tiempo en virtud del cap 0
3 de* 24 de Hebrero pedir facultad para declarar V. Md por successor a quien le parezcera que mas convenga al servicio de Dios y bien de aquel reyno : que aunque no f alta
pano para hazer ynstancia en elio, difficilmente lo concederà el Papa a carga cerrada
aunque fuesse con exceptacion de la persona de V. Md.
Quando V. Md quisiesse al tiempo apuntado que se hablasse mas claro, y conten
tarse que fuesse en persona de la Senora Ynfanta Dona Ysabel y su marido, se podria
tornar un medio que sin enflaquezcer lo de la succession se podria asir lo de la conquista
en modo que mas facilmente acudiesse el Papa a elio ; y quando no lo hiziesse, quedaria
V. Md mas cavallerò, diziendole que quando su Santidad a los dichos 24 de Hebrero
tuvo por bien de offrezcer a V. Md, por mas moverle y por quitar los tropiec^os que en
està empressa se le representavan a V. Md, que haria de su parte lo que fuesse necessario para que no succediesse en la corona el Rey de Escocia, y que en quanto al que
lo ha via de ser despues de los dias de la Reyna su madre se conformarla con io que a
V. Md parezciesse ; que ynformado V. Md de corno en Ynglaterra no havia persona de
quien echar mano sino es con mucha sospecha y temor de bolver a los inconvenientes
passados, havia V. Md tenido yntencion de poner alli a la Senora Ynfanta D a Ysabel y
al que con ella casasse, por las razones que ay para esto, y que despues desto con la
carta y testamento de la Reyna de Escocia V. Md havia querido entender el misterio
en que estribasse, que recorriendo historias y arboles de genealogia havia hallado que
pertenecia a V. Md nanamente el derecho de aquella corona no solo despues pero aun
antes de la Reyna de Escocia ; mas que considerando V. Md de quanta ymportancia sea
para aquel reyno tener presentes sus reyes y tales, V. Md quiere posponer su ynteresse proprio y el augmento que a su ymperio hiziera aquesto y la comodidad que
dello se le podria seguir por la union con los estados de Flandes, y se contentava de
continuar por el mayor servicio de Dios en el primer proposito, y para despues de los
dias de la Reyna de Escocia, a quien V. Md no pretende perturbar, no embargante que
pudiera con su derecho, que si bien en virtud de V. Md pudiera dar esto a su hija, para
que el Principe N. S. y sus successores no tengan ocasion de ynquietar a la Senora
Ynfanta y los suyos, quiere que la Senora Ynfanta y su marido entre por via y titulo
de conquista y no por via de la sangre, y que para esto es necessario que este derecho
de la conquista preceda, porque si se difiriesse hasta despues della parezce que siendo
hecha por V. Md sin este pacto seria mas duro pribar de su derecho al Principe N. S r ,
y que por el ynconveniente de publicarse ninguna destas pretensiones su Santidad
mandasse despachar esto por Breve con el secreto que el negocio requiere ; y quando lo
difìcultasse, estando las cosas addante, se le podria dezir que en esto V. Md da y no

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

279

recibe, y que falta de lo prometido, y que con V. Md no se ^ufre y mas haviendo V. Md
liecho sobre este fundamento tanto gasto, y que no le ha de servir sino de mostrar
mala voluntad y desobligarse a V. Md, y otras cosas que le pongan miedo, al punto que
no se pueda descabullir ni tenga tiempo de anteponer a todo las leyes de falso estado
ni de hazer muchas consultas, corno queda apuntado ; y por accessorio se le podra dezir
lo que ymporta la religion y otras mil conveniencias : y aun con ser esto tan liso y tan
justincado y aya la prenda que ay del Papa, tendre por mas seguro el tratar dello
quando el exercito este en Ynglaterra o cerca.
Tambien convendra que V. Md me mande avisar (porque el Papa facilmente
tocara en prevenir que no se pueda en ningun caso juntar con los demas estados de V.
M dl ) lo que en este caso se havra de hazer y en los demas que pueden succeder en
cosas semejantes, pues no havra tiempo de consultar.
Hazeme fiar poco que el Papa aya de hazer poco lo que se dessea en este punto de
la succession por virtud ni por las muchas razones y conveniencias que en elio ay;
demas de lo que cada dia veo de su condicion en ocasiones de menor ymportancia, el
grande arrepentimiento que se le conozce de la pribacion de Bandoma 2 y la diligencia
con que ha procurado retratarla, en que ha tenido consejeros Cardenales algunos de
los que son tenidos en buena opinion, y que nunca cesso en este desseo hasta que yo le
hable con resolucion de parte de V. M(i, y aun no se si huviera bastado si huviera hecho
de su parte Bandoma lo que el Papa queria. Tambien passados los primeros, dias de
su pontificado no ha hecho buen rostro a los coligados de Francia hasta que yo le dixe
que V. Md no los abandonaria, y aunque con esto les da mejores palabras no me asser
guro lo que seria quando no los tuviesse por los mas poderosos, y todavia dize mal de
Sanz y de Como porque fueron con Papa Gregorio autores destos motivos. En lo de
Polonia vera V. Md la sospecha que tenemos ; que si fuesse cierto, no puede tener otro
fin que temer la grandeza de V. Md contra toda conveniencia y con riesgo de la religion
y del Turco : y agora ultimamente he descubierto que ha hecho grandes diligencias por
medio del Rey de Francia para que se convirtiesse la Reyna de Ynglaterra a la religion
con grandissimas offertas, aunque ella le ha respondido que no quiere, y en esto se ha
dado algunos passos despues que trae con Y. Md la platica de la empressa, en que
(perdohielo Dios) no creo sea el accessorio fin el nombre que del quedara en el mundo ;
lo qual me confirma mas en el diferir la platica de la succession a tiempo que se le
pueda hablar claro, y que el mismo negocio le muestre que no podra salir con otra
cosa ; y j untamente da esto causa a V. Md, siendo possible, a no diferir lo de la empressa antes que se venga a contentar con alguna fìngida conversion de aquella Reyna;
y quedarse con el millon. Con todo el rumor que aqui ha hecho el testamento 1 de la de
1

Al margen de letra del Rey dice :—" Esto no seria justo para adelante." (Note of the tran2
scriber.)
Henry of Navarre.
3
See an autograph letter of Mary, Queen of Scots, to Pope Sixtus Y. from Fotheringay, 23
November, 1586, in which she says of Philip II. :— " si Dieu pourmes peschez permet qu'il [mon fils]

280

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Escocia, que no puede dexar de haver llegado a su noticia muchas vezes, y con la facilidad que el dize todo lo que tiene no puede dexar de ser con gran cuy dado y misterio
el no ha ver me dicho nada.
A todo ha de preceder el Cardenalato de Alano ; y quando V. Md no quisiese
afirmar al Papa el hazer la empressa ogaflo por sin duda por el secreto corno para
sacar las cedulas, sera forcoso podria V. Md para lo de Alano tornar un medio de dezir
que tiene yntencion de hazer la empressa este ano, y para ella tiene hechos tales
embargos y preparaciones y en ellos grandes gastos, que assi, corno de parte de V. Md
se ha hecho todo esto, y ha sido necesario hazer anticipada està preparacion, lo es para
las platicas que se han de mover en Ynglaterra que no sufren dilacion que su Santidad
de su parte no difiera mas està promocion, por que seria de notable detrimento, y que
tambien lo seria (si aprobechare) que su Santidad dixesse le haze para la empressa,
pues ay tanta materia en lo de amparar aquella desamparada gente, y despues se
vera el efecto.
soit obstiné, ne saschant mil prince chrestien en ce temps qui tant travaille pour la foy, ni en a t a n t
de moyens d'ayder à la reduction de ceste isle que le Roy chatolique, à qui je suis beaucoup redevable
et obligée, estant celuy seul qui m'a aydée de son argent et conseill en mes nécessités, soubz vostre
bon playsir, je [lui] laysse t o u t ce que je puis avoir de droist ou interest au gouvernement de ce
royaulme, mon filz estant obstiné hors de l'Esglise." Labanoif, Vol. Y I . p. 453. T h e original of this
letter is in the Yatican archives, but there is a transcript of it with a copy of the authentication of
the document by Dr. Owen Lewis, bishop of Cassano, in the archives of the see of Westminster
(Yol. IV., p. 45) from which it would seem that the letter did not reach the Pope before March,
1588. T h e authentication is as follows :— u Ego Audoenus Ludovicus, Anglus, Dei et Apostolicae
Sedis gratia episcopus Cassanensis, utriusque s i g n a t u r e Sanctissimi Domini nostri Papas referendarius, notum testatumque bona fide facio epistolam hanc superius exaratam idiomate gallico die 23
Novembris 1586 scriptam esse maim propria clarae memorise Marias Stuart nuper Scotiae Reginae, idque
pro comperto omnino habeo ex similibus Uteris quas vidi et sine ulla d u b i t a t o n e ex testibus fide dignissimis didici scriptas f uisse propria ejusdem Reginae manu. Praecipue vero R n m s D. Jacobus Bettoy
[Beaton] archiepiscopus Clasconen. [Grlasguen.l Scotus, orator Scotias ad Regem Christianissimum,
per suas ad me literas 28 die Februarii hujus praesentis anni 1588 datas Parisiis, affirmat hanc ipsam
epistolam, q u a m in illis suis literis inclusam Sanctissimo Domino nostro Sixto Papae Quinto tradendam ad me misit, esse totam scriptam propria ipsiusmet Reginae manu. Ad cujus rei fìdem et
probationem haec propria mea manu scripsi et meo sigillo signavi. Romae, die 25 mensis Martii,
1588. L. S. Audoenus, Episcopus Cassanensis." T h e Queen of Scots in a letter of the same date t o Don
Bernardino Mendoza says :—•" J e meurs en bonne querelle et étant en aise d'avoir quitte mon droit
au Roi votre maitre. J ' a i dit que, mon fils ne retournant au giron de FEglise, j'avouais que je le
connaissais le plus digne prince et plus profitable pour la protection de cette ile. J ' e n écris autant à
jsa Sainteté, et je vous prie lui certifier que je meurs en cette mème volonté que je vous ai écrit et à
celui que savez, lequel est son proche et son ancien ami, et un quatrième, lesquels, sur tous autres,
j e laisse en la protection du Roi, et au nom de Dieu le requiers ne les abandonner ; et je leur prie
qu'ils le servent en mon lieu. J e ne leur peux écrire, saluez-les de ma part, et priez tous Dieu pour
mon àme." Labanoff, Yol. VI., p. 459. According to the endorsement "Recivió se en Paris a 15
Octubre, 1587" this letter did not come into Don Bernardino de Mendoza's hands before the date
just mentioned.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

281

Sera necessario, corno he escrito a V. Md, que se embie luego la presentaeion de la
abbadia de Alano y el resto de pension sobre alguna de las yglesias vacas ; que Rosticuche 1 me dixo le havia dicho el Papa, hablandole en lo que yo le havia apretado en
la promocion de Alano, que el otro dia dezian que le davan 2000 ducados y agora que
una abbadia, y que no sabia el efecto de lo uno ni lo otro. La rayz deste humor creo
que sea parezcerle que se tarda el despacho de los 4000 ducados de Miguel ; 2 y lo que
en hazer emprestidos y dar dineros adelantados le tiene recatado creo que sea los 50,000
ducados de Sega; 3 en que no me hahablado palabra, creo sea de miedo de no haverlos
y aventurar la reputacion de ponerse en elio.
Embio tambien a V. Md otro papel que me dio4 Milino por .si. y por Alano de
algunas cosas tocantes a la empressa, glosado por mi, con algo que respondio a repreguntas que le hize para mi mejor ynteligencia. Yo muestro tomarlos de buena gana,
diziendoles que para quando sea tiempo de considerarlo ; sin meterlos en esperanca de
brevedad ; y con està misma lectura les he dicho que no se pierde nada yr haziendo
borradores de los tratados que les parezciere que conviene, pues quando sea tiempo
seran mas faciles de mudar y ajustar que de hazer de nuevo.
En la postrera audiencia truxe a la memoria al Papa lo que le havia embiado a
dezir con el Cardenal Rosticuche, de que devia de ser tìngida està question del Rey de
Francia con la Reyna de Ynglaterra, y aunque le quadra la sospecha, le parezce que
metén muchas prendas para ficcion. Guarde N, S r , &c. De Roma, a 23 de Marco, 1587.
CLVIIL
Memorandum drawn up by Dr William Allen and F. Robert Persons concerning the
succession to the English crown and the expedition against England. Rome [March]
1587.
From a transcript of the memorandum in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas ; Segreteria de Estado, Leg0 949, f ° 40. Copia de
un parecer descifrado del doctor Alano y Roberto Possonio sobre la sucesion y empresa
de Ynglaterra : sin fecha, entre papeles del ano 1587.
Quello che noi Guillelmo Alano et Roberto Personio havemo potuto torvare 5 de
la descendentia di la casa de Lencastria con el studio che havemo fatto qui in Roma
intorno a quel negotio dopo la ultima nuova de la morte de la Regina de Escocia.
Primieramente per non haver huuto 6 qui Thistorie et croniche Ynglese insieme
1

2
3
Cardinal Rusticucei.
Michael Peretti, great nephew of Sixtus Y.
This must refer
to the sum of 50,000 ducats (nummi aurei) destined by Gregory XIII. for the proposed expedition
against England under Don Juan of Austria, governor of the Low Countries, and advanced to him
in his urgent necessities by M§r (afterwards Cardinal) Sega, who had been sent to Don Juan as
4
Apostolic Nuncio in 1577. Strada, De bello Belgico, lib. ix., p. 440.
Words underlined in
5
the transcript.
trovare ? No corrections have been suggested where obvious grammatical
mistakes in the transcript in no way affect the sense of the passages in which they occur.
6
Asi dice (note of transcriber). The word havuto was probably intended.

O O

282

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

con quella varietà de genealogia che in Parigi et altrove haveriamo havuto, non e stato
possibile far quella essata calculatione et exaine delle cose eh' altrimente se harebbe
potuto : nondimeno quello che seguita basterà per la sustancia del negocio.1
Sarebbe stata cosa desideratissima de noi per il servicio de Dio e bene de la patria
nostra che la successione de S. M ta e de la sua serenissima casa per la linea de Lencastria a la corona de Ynghilterra fusse tanto chiara, expedita, fresca et vicina che non
vi potesse nascer dubio, contradittione o dificulta alcuna. E quando pur cosi fosse,
S. M ta non deve pensare che, stando le cose de Ynghilterra come stanno, cioè possuduto
de heritici, e le gelosie d'altri Principi vicini come ogi di si vedono, anco in quel caso
ottenerebbe il suo, drito senza arme ; con le quali ancora adesso facilmente per la gratia
di Dio le ottenera, essendo che noi non havemo trovato diricolta alguna che si habbia
fatto scrupulo di conscienza o che la debia far a S. Mta, per esser noltre 2 altre consideration! giustissime che nel fine diremo, le quali compensano yn abundantia ogni
diricolta o diretto 3 che nella descendencia si trovasse de la casa de Lencastria ; la
qual descendentia essendo derivata da più che 200 anni in qua non e maraviglia se
tiene alcun dubio, obscurita e incertezza. Quel pur che li pare certo e quello che
seguita.
Nel primo loco dove per avanti sempre sono state representate tre linee diverse
pretendenti a la successione de la corona de Ynghilterra (come se vede nel albero de
la genealogie stampata questi anni passati dal vescovo di Rosse, Scozzesse ; cioè, una
descendente solamente da la casa da Lencastria come e quella de Castilla e Portugalia ;
la altra descendente solamente da la casa de Yorca, come e quella del Conde de Huntinton in Ynghilterra ; e da la unione de tutte due famiglie, come sono quelle tre linee
che restono hogi di in Ynghilterra et Scotia, uscite da Henrrico septimo) noi troviamo
che in verità non sono sinon due linee in tuto, cioè quella da Lencastria e quella di
Yorca ; perche quella chiamata mista o composta da tutti due linee non fu veramente
tale, perche Henrico septimo non fu da la casa reale da Lencastria, essendo discesso
solamente da Giovani di Gant, Duca di Lencastria, e de la terza sua moglie chiamata
Catherina Sflnfordia,4 la qual haveva niente di far con la heredita de la casa da Lencastria, la qual heredita vene al detto Giovanni per il matrimonio de la prima moglie
chiamata Bianca, li cui figliuoli furono tre solamente, cioè Henrrico fatto poi Re e chiamato Henrrico IV., ma primo R e d a la casa de Lencastria, e Philippa e Catherina,
maritate alli Re di Portugalo e de Castiglia, dalle quale 5 descende S. M la Catholica : de
manera che in tutta Ynghilterra et Scozia non e linea alcuna che può giustamente
1
" Fa. Parsons found in France or Spain an Englishman called Mr. Robert Heighnison [Heighinton or Higheton] who had been in rebellion with the northern earls and was fled for t h a t cause. This
gentleman was very skilful in the Histories of England, and had (as it is said) compiled a chronicle,
out of which and by daily conference Fa. Parsons drew the pedigree of all the competitors to the
crown of England."
Notebook of J o h n Southcote, DD., who died in May, 1637, second son of Sir
J o h n Southcote of Merstham, Surrey. MS. belonging to the Bishop of Southwark.
2
3
4
5
molte?
difetto?
Catherine Swynford.
quali ?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

283

pretender per la casa de Lencastria ; et questo apare l [ed] 2 e cosa chiara e verificata da
tutte le historie, de modo che e grande errore nella detta albero del Vescovo di Rosse
quando assigna una moglie solamente, cioè Bianca, a Go van de Gant, Duca da Lencastria, et consequentemente presupone che tutti suoi figlioli siano discessi da questa.
Polidoro Virgilio nel libro 29 de la Historia de Ynghilterra nella vita de Eduardo III.,
pagina 394, fa mentione de la seconda moglie detta Costanza, figliola di Don Pietro,
chiamato crudele, Re di Castiglia, la qual piglio il anno 1369 ; et le croniche Ynglesi
fanno mentione di la terza moglie chiamata Catherina Esfinfordia, come di sopra e detto.
Quanto poi a quello che escrive il detto Vescovo de Rose nel libro suo del Drito
de la Regina de Scozia a la corona de Ynghilterra, al foglio 6, intorno a li dui figlioli
del Re Henrico III. chiamati Edoardo [et Edmundo], 3 dicendo che Etmundo in verità
fu il primogenito, ma per esser gobbo fu posposto al suo fratello e fatto Conte da
Lencastria, oltre che e cosa contrarissima a tutto quello che lui pretende de stabilire in
quel libro, perche si quello fosse vero non sarebbe dubio che tutta la successione vera
restarebbe solamente nella linea di Portugalia, ci pare che non habbia fundamento
alcuno ; primo perche non trovamo alcun auttore d' antiquita o credito che le aferma ;
di poi perche troviamo dui auttori gravi che lo negono. Il primo e Matheus Vesmonesteriensis, Ynglese, nella sua Historia chiamata Flores Historiarum
nella vita di
Re Henrrico e de Leonora sua moglie,4 e fu baptizato alli 21 dal Cardenal Otone legato
per il Papa, e poi escrive que l'anno 1245 a li 17 di Genaro nache 5 Etmondo secondogenito ; di maniera che sei anni intervenero fra la natività di questi dui, il che questo
auttore ben poteva sapere per esser a quel tempo et poteva conoscere el uno e altro
Principe. El altro auttore overo scrittore di credito in questa materia e Polidoro
Virgilio, Italiano ; el qual vivendo in Ynghilterra et scrivendo la sua Historia sotto
Henrrico VII., il quale se fece coronare come da la casa da Lancastria, e dede instruttione
a Polidoro per scriver la sua Historia, e da presumir che non voleva dir cosa en pregiuditio de la casa da Lencastria che non fosse molto chiara e vera : costui adunque
nella vita de Henrrico III. in dui luoghi, cioè pagina 303 et 320, chiaramente afirma
che Edouardo fu il primogenito e non Etmondo ; e nel principio de la vita de Henrrico
IV., primo Re de la casa de Lencastria, pagina 429, dice che alcuni volevano che lui se ne
fusse servito di questa faccione6 (cosi la chiama) per giustificare il suo drito a la corona,
ma se gionge che la maior parte delli sui amici non aproborono la cosa, e cosi fu lasciata. L'istesso tene pagina 320, nel fine della vita de Henrrico III. Il medessiino
auttore nel sudetto luogo de la vita de Henrrico IV. afirma chiaramente che il detto
1
4

apjMre?

2

£6? supplied.

3

et Edmundo must,be supplied.

Some words have evidently been omitted after moglie. The passage referred to in M a t t h e w of
Westminster is as follows :—" 1239. I t e m eodem. anno natus est Eadwardus dictus Longshankes,
domino regi Henrico et Alienors reginse filius primogenitus, apud Westmonaster., xv. Kalendas J u l i i
in nocte sequenti, scilicet, in vigilia sanctorum Marci et Marcelliani, et est Eadwardus vocatus. . . . .
Qui quarto die post, domino Othone tunc legato in conventuali ecclesia ipsum baptizante," etc., p. 151.
5
6
nacque ?
Perhaps the true reading i^finziune ; the word used by Vergil being commentimi,
O O 2

284

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Henrrico I V , primo Be de la casa de Lencastria, hebbe il regno ingiustamente e per
forza : e di più in un altro luogo, cioè nella vita di Ricardo IL, pag. 412, tiene che
Edouardo IV., primo Re da la faccione de Yorca, giustamente ricupero il regno de 1
Henrrico VI. nepote de Henrrico IV. Il che pur pare 2 altrimente a Philippo Comineo,
consigliero et historico prudentissimo di Carlo, Duca di Burgundia, e de Ludovico XL,
Re di Francia. Il quali 3 Comineo, vivendo a quel tempo e conoscendo tanto el uno
come al altro di questi dui Re, scrive nel libro 10, pag. 354, delli suoi Comentarii queste
parole da Henrrico VI. diposto da Edouardo IV.—Henricum profliigavit Edoardus,
qui jam longo tempore potitus erat rerum, et mea quidem sententiajure.
El medesimo
Philippo Comineo nel libro nono, pag. 336, parlando di Henrrico VII., bene a lui conosciuto et a quel medesimo tempo Re d' Ynghilterra, dice i—Imperium
Anglicanum
nullo jure sibi poterai arrogare : il qual pur Henrrico Polidoro scrive esser discesso
da la casa da Lencastria come herede di quella; di maniera che il drito de quelle due
case era assai dubioso a li più prudenti che vivevano a quel tempo.
Havemo visto ancora un albero de genealogia scritta a mano in Italiano da 20
anni in qua (come pare) nella quale se dice che le due figliuole di Giovan di Gant,
sorele di Henrrico Re IV., le quale furono maritate in Portugallo e Castilla, non
furono figliole de la prima moglie di Giovan di Gant, cioè di Bianca heredera da la
casa da Lencastria, ma d'altra moglie posteriora ; il che e manifestamente falso come
si vede da tutte le Historie e particolarmente da Polidoro nel libro 20, nella vita di
Ricardo IL, pag. 415.
Nel albero del Vescovo de Rose se vede, e nella Historia parimente di Polidoro
nella vita di Henrrico IV., pag. 438, che questo Re hebbe, oltra 4 figlioli sui maschi da
li quali nissun descendente resta, due femine chiamate Bianca e Philippa, 4 de le quale
la prima fu maritata con il Duca di Baviera e la seconda [con il Re] 5 de Denmarke ;
de le quale due femine non sapiamo se questo Duca di Baviera o questo Re de Denmarke, che adesso siano, discesse ; ma, comunche sia, pensiamo che la cosa sia incognita
et non pensata da lore,6 come dessideriamo che resti sempre ; et per questo effetto sarebbe
expediente che il negotio di questi successioni sia tenuto secretissimo fin tanto che la
impressa sia fatta e la successione da S. Mta senza contradicion stabilita in Ynghilterra.
Et si come questi descendenti delle figliuole de Henrrico IV., si alcuni tali restono,
potrebbono pretendere successione avanti li descendenti delle sorelle del detto Henrrico
maritate in Portugallo et Castiglia, cosi ancora nella istesa linea e descendentia de
1

2
3
da ?
The sense seems to require a non before pare.
quale ?
" Blanch eldest daughter was married at Collen to William Duke of Bavaria, sonne and heire of
Lewis of Bavaria. After she married the King of Arragon, and thirdly shee married the Duke of
Barre, but had no issue by any of them. Philip, second daughter of King Henry the fourth, was
married to J o h n King of Denmarke and Norway and died without issue." Catalogue of the Kings,
Princes, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles and Yiscounts of the realme of England since the Norman
Conquest to this present yeere 1622, by Kaphe Brooke, p. 28.
5
6
con il iiV'supplied.
loro.
4

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

285

Portugallo quelle che sono discessi da Don Eduardo III. flgliouolo del Ee Don Emanuele regularmente secondo la lege municipali de Ynghilterra potrebbono pretendere
avanti li descendenti della Emperatrice Ysabella figliola del detto Re ; benché a questo
del altro canto si potrebbe dire che essendo già la successione di quella corona di
Portugallo legitimamente incorporata secondo la lege comune e de Portugallo nella
persona et sangue di S. Mta Catholica, tutti li driti che per quella via vengano consequentemente sono ancora uniti a quella casa. Ma basta che da queste cose se può
intendere che quando il negotio de la successione per via solamente de la descendencia
de la casa de Lencastria se metesse in disputa o boca delli huomini avanti che l'impressa sia fatta, se ne trovarebbono molte oppositioni de varii Principi ; i quali tutti
si tagliariano con l'empressa istessa e con el stabilimento de la successione legitima di
S. Mta, che da quella senza alcuna diflcolta ne seguitar ebbe particolarmente per questi
ragioni et driti che sogiungeno.
Primo, perche in tutta Ynghilterra et Scozia non vi e alcune 1 che giustamente
può pretendere per la casa da Lencastria, come s'è mostrato. Secondo, perche quelli
che ibi pretendono per la casa di Yorca sono tutti inhabili per heresie et altri defetti.
Terzo, perche non si sa che di fuora alcuni pretendono per la casa de Lencastria se non
la linea di S. Mta Catholica. Quarto, perche quando altri volessero ancora per la medesima via pretendere non hanno modo de ricuperare il loro drito e de discaliar 2 la usurpatrice che tene il regno, ne sarebbono accettati da li medesimi Ynglesi catholici. Quinto,
che per 3 la Regina di Scozia ha ordinato per testamento et letre 4 che S. Mta sia sua
herede e successore ; il che ancora si sa che la Regina Maria di bona memoria dessiderava grandemente a tempo.suo che si 5 M ta Catholica le succedesse. Sesto, S. Mta Catholica, oltra la causa della religione catholica et de suoi ingiurie recevute da Ynghilterra, ha giustissima ragione et necessaria causa di farle guerra per vindicar il sangue
de la Regina di Scozia ricomendatola da lei istessa, e consequentemente pigliando il
regno in una guerra cosi giusta e lodevole le ragioni 6 del conquisto sarà legitima.
Septimo, le danni fatti a S. Mta Catholica da le heretici di Ynghilterra in tempo di
questa Regina e le spesse 7 fatte in questa guerra e altri 8 in Fiandra et altrove 9 causa,
che da loro sarà tanto grande che quando si havesse il regno in paga et compensatione
di esse non sarebbe causa ingiusta. Octavo, il decreto del concilio Lateranense 10 da a
tutti Principi catholici i regni e terre che de heretici possono pigliar, quando herede
1

2
3
4
5
6
7
alcuno?
discacciare?
perchè?
lettere?
sua?
la ragione?
spese ?
9
I0
altre?
sono omitted ?
Fourth Council of Lateran (1215) cap. 3, de hcereticis.
u
Si dominus temporalis requisitus et monitus ab ecclesia terram suam purgare neglexerit ab hac
hseretica feeditate, per metropolitanum et cseteros comprovinciales episcopos exeommunicationis
vinculo innodetur. Et, si satisfacere contemserit infra annum, signifìcetur hoc Summo Pontifici : ut
extunc ipse vasallos ab ejus fìdelitate denunciet absolutos et terram exponat catholicis occupandam,
qui earn exterminatis hsereticis sine ulla contradictione possideant et in fidei puritate conservent :
salvo jure domini principalis, dummodo super hoc ipse nullum prsestet obstaculum nee aliquod impedimentum opponat : eadem nihilominus lege servata circa eos qui non habent dominos principales."
8

286

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

catholico non resta ; il che in questo particular e sarà confirmato da la bulla et exeomunione de diversi Pontifici. Et ultimamente se agiungera per cumpimento et confìrmatione di tutto la election! et admissione voluntaria del stato de catholici in Ynghilterra,
il x quali per rispetto di tutta questa causa e consideration^ e principalmente per il
beneficio recebuto da la fede catholica restitutta con sumo consentimento et alegrezza
abraciariano la successione di S. M ta ; e di questo non faciamo dubio alcuno : onde resta
solamente per il felice compimento di tutto questo negotio che S. Mta expedisca quanto
prima con la empressa tutte l'altre difìcolta, per che da la brevità del tempo dipende
il tutto.
GUILLELMO ALANO.
ROBERTO POSSONIO.

CLIX.
Dr William Allen to Don Juan de Ydiaquez. [Rome] 24 March, 1587.
From a transcript of the original holograph in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 949, f ° 29. Copia de carta
olografa del Dr Guillermo Alano a Juan de Ydiaquez, fecha a 24 de Marzo de 1587.
Ill me domine patrone ; Quoniam eo loco es apud mortalium Regum optimum et
maximum ut innumerabilium honorum sanctorumque per ipsum indies sanctorum 2
operum sis partici pes,3 atque eorum, quum 4 in me nationemque ineam confert, peculiaris
author vel summus certe adjutor, volui, post supplices gratias suae Ma li actas, etiam
tuse Amplitudini his paucis verbis quantas possum agere maximas ; ita tamen ut animo
non conquiescam, nec mihi ullo erga S. Mtem obsequio satisf aciam, donec aliquod gratum
servitutis ofncium tarn pro prioribus in nos meritis quam pro hoc nuper peramplo ad
vitse mese sustentationem benignissime tollo 5 benefìcio prsestitero. In quo genere
autem id facer e velim ac etiam queam, vestra imprimis sapientia novit, atque ut hujus
desideratissimi voti mei sim tandem aliquando compos, prse caeteris mortalibus per
Deum adjutor esse potest. Tarn 6 ergo rem ac mei 7 praefatum totum 8 commendo
vestro pientissimo patrocinio. Vale, 24 Martii, 1587.
111. D. V. devotissimus orator,
GULIELMUS ALANUS.

CLX.
Dr William Allen to Philip II. Rome, 30 March, 1587.
From a transcript of the original document in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 949, f ° 37. Copia
de carta descifrada del Dr Alano a S. M., fecha en Roma a 30 de Marzo de 1587.
S. C. R. Mtas.
9
Haec tristitia de miserabili serenissima Reginae Scotica csede nova faciunt ut
priores supplices voces nostras apud Majestatem vestram ingemi nemus, et ut majori
1

8

it
votim ?

2

factorum?
-9 tristissima ?

3

particepsì

4

quce ì

5

collctto ?

6

totani?

7

menni Ì

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

287

indies ipsi pro salute patriae ac imperii sui amplificatione Majestati vestrae serviendi
desiderio fiagremus. Iste enim casus licet sit bonis omnibus luctuosus tamen Majestati vestrae praebet maximas ac justissimas accelerandae expeditionis causas, eamque (ut
speramus) facili or em reddet.
Jam enim praeter desertae religionis et illatae injuriae justissimam punitionem se
offert Majestati vestrae gloriosissima innocentis sanguinis et a Deo unctae et coronatae
Reginae contra jus gentium perpetratae caedis vindicandi occasio ; cujus sceleris ac
sanguinis vindicata 1 magis ad Majestatem vestram quam ad ullum alium mortalem
pertinet, quod pia Princeps et antea semper seipsam et nuper sua omnia vestrae regali
fidei et protectioni testamento 2 commiserit ac legaverit.
Ejus praeterea morte Serenitas vestra facta et 3 sanguine propinquior, ipsiusque in
regnimi jus haereditarium 4 est redditum, cum jam reliqui ex ilia stirpe omnes praeter 5
haeresim incapaces habeantur. In qua etiam re plurimum valebit apud onmes nostrates orthodoxos quod serenissimae Reginae Scotiae donatione jam etiam istius regni
dispositio vestrae clementiae obvenerit. Catholici vero permulti, qui prius spem omnem
in Regina Scotiae posuerant, et propter ipsius (quern continuo expectabant) principatum
externa arma non adeo expectaverant sed timuerant potius, nunc non habent quo
confugiant nisi ad Majestatem vestram non solum a Deo sed ab ipsa Regina defuncta
Regem et liberatorem nostrum constitutum.
Tarn isti quam reliqui catholici omnes in tarn extremo nunc sunt pereundi periculo
positi ut quern vis a Deo vindicem, multo magis vestram clementissimam Majestatem,
vel de suo augustissimo sanguine aliquem, avidissime desiderant. Protestantes quoque
mitiores ac neutrales, superbissimi Elizabeth dominatus jamdiu pertaesi, et jam propter
caedem Reginae (cui multum dediti erant) magis aversi, ac cujuscunque (ut fit) innovations cupidi, non multum videntur impedituri. Caeterorum autem haereticorum atque
hostium nostrorum tarn sunt inter se divisae factiones, tarn timidae cogitationes, tamque
incerta de futuro haerede et e vent u rerum Consilia, atque demum ex hujusmodi
sceleratis factis tam horrendi conscientiae scrupuli, ut quo se vertant non habeant.
Denique cumhac unitae adeo6 Reginae scelerata trucidatione impii videantur mensuram iniquitatis tandem complevisse, speramus tot ante presbyterorum ac aliorum
catholicorum, huj usque nostrae [Reginae]7 demum sacrum recentem 8 fusum sanguinerò,
impetraturum Majestati vestrae auxilium et potentiam a Domino ad liberandos
captivos Christi, ac infensissimos nominis sui ac imperii vestri hostes debellandos.
Quando vivebat pia Regina, non poterat commode propter injuste usurpantis iniquitatem regnum occupanti Apostolica sententia concedi. Jam vero et Pontifex id
rite facere potest, et decreto magni illius Lateranensis concilii haereticum9 terrae
catholicis invadentibus piane ibuntur possidenda.10
1
vindicatio?
for the sense.
8
recenter ?

2

See p. 279, note 2.
5
jwopter ?
9
hcereticorum?

3

4
A word like evidentiusseems to be needed
7
unctce a Deo!
Regince omitted.
possidendce I

est?

6

10

288

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Supplices igitur manus ad cleraentiam Majestatis vestrse hoc tempore extendimus,
per Christum Jesum obtestantes ut hanc tarn pulchram a Deo rei bene gerendse concessam occasionem ulterius non differat, sed hoc gloriosum orbique universo salutare
opus quanta queat celeritate potenter perficiat. Dominus Jesus Majestatem vestram 1
sacram personam, augustissimam prolem, omniaque regna sua in perpetuum protegat
ac benedicat. Romse, 30 Martii, 1587.
CLXI.
Dr William Allen to Pope Sixtus V.
From a transcript of the memorial

Rome, March or April, 1587.
in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, £° 38. Copia de un
memorial descifrado que el doctor Alano dio a su Santidad : sin fecha, entre papeles
del ano 1587.
Beatissime Pater.
Etsi in hac suprema orbis Christiani specula omniumque ecclesiarum solicitudine
et ovium Dominicarum amore vere apostolico nostram inter cseteros tibi commissos
populos infelicem Angliam continuo consideres, cures et ames, majorique zelo ac commiseratione quam nos ipsi ejus salutem et restitutionem prosequaris ; tamen ne vel
officio nostro in Sanctitate vestra,2 in ecclesiam ac adamatam patriam deesse, vel recenti
ex indignissimse3 serenissimse Reginae trucidatione dolori meo non videar satisfecisse,
audacius pauca ista apud sanctissimos pedes tuos depono.
Res Anglicans, Pater ac domine sanctissime, nunc sunt ex hac morte varie in eum
statum redacts ut, nisi quam primum eis succurratur, in perpetuum ecclesise videantur
peritura. Hseretici, hoc unico impedimento sublato, sine mora confirmabunt in
futurum imperium suum ; adversam partem omni celeritate extinguere conabuntur.
Catholici, ea spe quam ex Regino Scotise futura fortuna habebant sublata, furorem
inimicorum diu sustinere non valent. Omnia denique erunt in extrema desperatione ;
ut primo quoque tempore et hoc ipso (si fieri potest) anno his intolerabilibus malis
remedium sit afferendum, dum innocentis Reginse recens effusus sanguis validius ad
Deum in coelum clamat, dum omnium Regum Christianorum corda tantum in sui ordinis
Principem contra jus ac fas perpetratum scelus abominantur, dum nostri homines
cujuscunque status, ante eorum4 oculos heec strages facta est, ex recenti facinoris memoria ita sunt permoti ut quid vis pro tarn atrocis rei vindicta facere aut perpeti 5
videantur.
Quo autem animo sint catholici Angli, quantumque et desiderant et cooperaturi
sint ad sui ab isto crudeli hsereticorum jugo et extremo periculo liberationem atque
sacri regalis sanguinis vindicationem nos optime scimus ; et strenuissimus ille belli dux,
Guillelmus Stanleus, qui nuper eum plus minus mille fortissimis sociis ac militibus ab
1

Majestatis vestrce ?

2

Sanctitatem vestram ?

3

indignissima ?

4

quorum ?

5

Supply parati ?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

289

mì

tis

1

haereticis venit ad castra ex Ducis Parmensis, et su88 M servitur, urbe Davetriensi ac
aliis opportunissimis commissis sive2 locis redditis, ultro concessit, argumento esse potest.
Horum enim exemplum non est dubium quin plurimi in Anglia sint sequuturi, si semel
res auspice Deo ac vestra Sanctitate pro fide catholica suscipiatur. Proinde per viscera
miserieordise Dei nostri et per illam sanctam et excelsam dignitatem cum apostolica
charitate conjunctam supplex vestram Beatitudinem deprecor ut de nostris miseriis
mature sublevandis non solum ipsa (quod sine intermissione facit) cogitet, sed ut
caateros omnes Principes Christianos ac precipue Regem Catholicum, qui ad hoc
perficiendum et potentia sua et voluntate et causaa justitia et majori cum Sanctitate
vestra prae caeteris conjunctione videatur esse aptissimus, Apostolica auctoritate ad
tarn insigne facinus aggrediendum excitet. Si inter csetera sanctissima et memoria
eeterna dignissima facta hoc etiam gloriosissimo opere felicissimum pontificem3 tuum,
Pater Beatissime, ornaveris, Sixte Quinte, vere felici4 apud Deum et homines ad
cumulum sempiterna laudis accedat.5 Deus Optimus Maximus, etc.

CLXII.
Instructions given to Dr Allen for his audience with Pope Sixtus V.
From a transcript

of the document in the archives of

31 March, 1587.

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 949, f ° 41. Copia de un
documento en cuya carpeta dice :—-Ynstruccion que se dio al doctor Alano de lo que
hablando a su Santidad ha via de responder a lo que le preguntasse.
Puntos en que el Padre Alano estara pre veni do para con el Papa quando le hablare, dados a ultimo de Marco) 1587.
1. Quitar a su Santidad la sospecha que ha tornado por malas relaciones de que
la Reyna de Escocia no aya muerto muy catholicamente, por haverle dicho que la
Reyna recomendo con calor a su hijo la amistad y dependencia de la Reyna de Ynglaterra : pues està dicha relacion es de razon falsa, y ay tantas causas por donde presumir
que murio bien y no solo catholica sino sanctamente.
2. Tornar ocasion buena para darle a entender corno comunmente se entiende con
mucha causa que el officio hecho por el Rey de Francia para que no muriesse la Reyna
de Escocia fuè fingido o muy frio, y que la Reyna de Ynglaterra se ha entendido con
el Rey de Francia.
3. Que la Reyna de Escocia conocio bien la obstinacion de su hijo en la heregia y
la poca esperanca que se tenia de su conversion, de la qual parezce que agora se tenga 6
esperanca que jamas por muchos argumentos y yndicios que se podran dezir.
1

2
3
servitio?
sibi?
pontìficatum, ?
name of Felix which Sixtus Y. bore before he became Pope.
to be required for the sense.
PP

4

felise ? There is an allusion to the
5
6
accedes?
menor seems

290

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

4. Si tocare que en la empressa, quando se hiziesse, podria esperar ayuda o a lo
menos no ympedimento del Eey de Francia, le dira que no puede ni deve su Sanctidad
hazer fundamento de Franceses in fiarse dellos por la yntelligencia manifiesta que
tienen con la Reyna de Ynglaterra, de que se han visto tantas senas y ultimamente
està muerte de la Reyna, y por la emulacion con su Sanctidad y sospecha que tendrian
los mismos catholicos de Ynglaterra, demas de la aversion natural y antigua de las
naciones.
5. Si su Sanctidad entrare en el punto de la succession, dira que este pensamiento
ha venido muchas vezes entre los catholicos en caso que la Reyna de Escocia muriesse,
despues que con experiencia se vio que no havia esperanc,a en la conversion de su hijo ;
mas que no se han querido meter en disputar este articulo, reposandose en la providencia
de Dios y cuydado paternal de su Sanctidad y buena voluntad que su Md les ha mostrado siempre, que poniendo tanto en la reduccion de aquel reyno despues de hecha la
empressa no se descuydaran de dar la orden que convenga para assegurar el peligro
de caer en manos de hereges, que es el fin principal de los catholicos.
6. Quando su S d le necesitasse a venir a mas particularidad, [dira] 1 corno la opinion
ordinaria de los catholicos de mucho tiempo a està parte està en que toque a su M(l la
succession por la linea de Portugal y por la de Castilla, aunque hasta agora no han
descubierto que su M(1 aya mostrado pensamiento de tal ; aunque los catholicos han
tenido siempre està opinion y mira en caso que la Reyna de Escocia faltase, pero que
tambien han tenido poi* buen acuerdo el callar, porque siendo por una parte esto a
proposito para mover a su Md y animarle a la empressa, por otra despertaria la contradicion de sus emulos, que se juntarian para estorbarlo con los hereges que tienen los ojos
en el Rey de Escocia y Conde de Huntincton y Rey de Dinarmarca, que son tan poderosos que si previ enen se levantaran con la corona y seran mas difìciles de quitar que la
precedente Reyna.
7. Que conviene en toda manera que no se hable en este' punto hasta tanto que
con el ayuda de Dios la empressa sea hecha, y entonces tienen mucha seguridacl que su
Sd y Md se entenderan facilmente.
8. Si su S d tocasse en cosa de Escocia, le dira que tambien seria expediente para el
bien de la Christiandad, siendo (corno es) aquel Rey heretico, que su S d y su Md tomen
alguna buena resolucion para la reformacion de aquel reyno quando se tuviere de hazer
la empressa de Ynglaterra o tras ella.
9. Si le preguntare de la abbadia de S* Lorenco de Capua, dira que ha embiado
poder a tornar la possession, y que sabe bien quanta parte ha sido su S d para que su
Md le aya hecho està merced.
1

dira must be supplied or understood.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

.291

CLXIII.
Leonardo Magnaro to F. William Holt, S.J.

Turin, 2 June, 1587.

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.

IV., 47.

Molto reverendo in Christo padre.
Pax Chris ti. Ricevei l'ultima sua, scritta alii 25 di Aprile, alii 15 di M[a]ggio
passato. Ringratio moltissimo V. R. della memoria et amore che mi porta, et gli ne
resto obligafto],1 et so quanto di cuore ella mi sofferisce, et quando io la potessi
servire in alcuna cosa, mi offerirei molto di cuore, et mi saria cosa gratissima che
mi venisse occasione per darne segni chiari.
Il P. Henrico si porta bene, ma temo non potrà durare per esser il signor Nontio
molto rigoroso et stretto nel governo di sua famiglia : ma tuttavia à lui gli è molto
utile et à gli altri.
Quanto à quello che dice haver scritto il P. Eighentono 2 al signor Alano et à V.R.
del suo scrivere poco intelligibile, resti certa et sicura chegli la fatto da se senza mio
ordine, [et] 1 mai gii dimostrai in questa matteria altro salvo che una volta facendomi
da lui dichiarare alcune parole della sua dissi cossi burlando—Oime [mi] 1 bisogna
perder molto tempo in legger questa lettera: siche non mi tenghi [al] 1 meno cossi imprudente in questo che f usse per mio ordine, ò dicessi cosse che havesse occasione di
scriver al signor Alano chio mi lamentava che lui mi scrivesse cossi scuramente,
poiché non dubito che lui havra difficulta colle mie mal scritte. Con questo padre
dovendo partire per Francia non gli volsi dir altro, accio partisse senza ombre.
Il loco che teneva P. Eighentono, si per benefìcio del loco, si perche dessidero che il
collegio Inglese habbia qui in questa citta sugetti per poter giovare in molte cose, etc.,
et questa piazza cossi honrata non vadi fori delli mii figlioli Inglesi, habbiamo tratenuto
il P. [D]1aniele3, et forse saria bene che questi figliolii quando penseran di partire
avisino in tempo, che parendo al signor [D.]1 Alano si possi mettere un altro alunno
delli più atti, ma convien tenghi lingua Italiana. La ringratio molto delle bone nove
scrittemi. Omnes saluto, massimamente P. Personio delqual ho ricevuto una sua,
ma senza sottoscritto. Vale mi pater et ora pro me. Di Turino, alli 2 di Jugno, 1587.
Di V. R. servo in Christo,
LEONARDO MAGNARO.

Addressed.
Al molto reverendo in Christo padre, il P. Guiglielmo Olto, Rettore del collegio
Inglese, della Compagnia di Jesu, in Roma.
1

2
3
MS. worn away.
Heighinton.
" Daniel Halsworthus, sacerdos Anglus, . . . .
Roma discedens ad aliquot annos in aula Ducis Sabaudise vixit." Pitseus, De illustribus Anglise
scriptoribus. p. 794. He is called Holesworth in Dodd, voi. II., p. 90.
P P 2

292

LETTEKS AND MEMORIALS

OLXIV.
Count de Olivares to Don Juan de Ydiaquez.
From a transcript

Rome, 15 June, 1587.

of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, f° 61. Copia de
carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares a Juan de Ydiaquez, fecha en Roma à 15 de
Junio de 1587.
Olbidoseme de dezir que Melino1 y Alano, de ver el tiempo tan addante y de
haver tenido una carta de Don Bernardino de Mendoca en que pinta por gran falta
para la empressa la de la Reyna de Escocia, se persuaden que su Md se aya entibiado
della, y se esfuercan de persuadirme que no solo no ha hecho falta, pero con su muerte
faltan muchas dificultades, que fuera menester trabajo para salvallas en la propria empressa y mucho mas despues que IN. Sen or huviesse dado buen successo a ella. Dios
guarde a Y. M. De Roma, a 15 de Junio, 1587.
CLXY.
Philip II. to Count de Olivares.
From ce transcript of some paragraphs

Madrid, 24 June, 1587.

of the letter in the archives of Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 949, f° 65. Copia de
parrafos de carta de S.M. al Conde de Olivares, fecha en Madrid a 24 Junio, 1587.
Lo del capelo de Alano le pedid de mi parte que haga luego a titulo que haviendo
faltado la Reyna de Escocia, que era la esperanca de los catholicos Yngleses y de aquellas provincias, podra ser que desmayen todos sino ven alguna persona de quien
puedan esperar que les ha de procurar remedio de sus trabajos, y que esto se evitar a
viendo en està dignidad y cabe su Sanctidad un hombre de su nacion, y de quien tanta
confìan9a y experiencia tienen todos ellos, y este sera buen color para poderlo publicar.
Mas fuera desto direys a su S^ para si solo que para las ynteligencias que conviene
tener con algunos de Yngiaterra para la empressa es ya tiempo (y antes tarde que temprano) que salga con està provision, y apoyarlo eys con las demas razones que teneys
entendidas, excusando siempre el dar sospecha de que se haze con fin de la empressa.
A las cartas de Alano se responde brevemente, corno ver eys por la copia? Yos le
direys lo que os parezeiere segun el tiempo, y procurareys por su medio enderezear lo
que conviene, y lo mismo por el de Melino, a quien dareys de mi parte las gracias de lo
bien que anda ; y de todo lo que se offrezeiere en el negocio avisareys. De Madrid, a
24 de Junio, 1587.
1

F. Robert Persons,

2

The words in italics are underlined in the MS.

293

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

CLXVI.
Philip II. to Dr William Allen,

Madrid, 24 June, 1587.

From a transcript of the minute in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, f° 164. Copia de
minuta de carta de S.M. al Dr Alano, fecha en Madrid à 24 de Junio de 1587.
Don Phelippe, etc.
Vuestras cartas de 19 y 30 de Marco herecibido, ypor ellas y lo que elConde de
Olivares, mi embaxador, me ha escrito he entendido lo que desseays mi servicio : y
aunque esto no mi ha sido nuevo, todavia os lo agradezco, y al Conde me remito en
lo que deseo y procuro el acrescentamiento de vuestra persona, de quien lo entendereys,
y podeys estar muy cierto que he de tener con ella y las cosas que os tocaren la quenta
que es razon, y espero que me merezereys.
CLXVII.
Summary of a message from Philip II. to Pope Sixtus V. contained in a letter to
Count de Olivares. [Madrid] 24 June, 1587.
From a transcript of some paragraphs

of the original in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, f° 82. Copia de
parrafos de un sumario de lo que S.M. en carta de 24 de Junio mando decir a su Santidad en la materia de Ynglaterra (1587).
Mandarne su Md dezir que la necessidad de no dilatar la promocion de Alano es
tan grande que no.se puede diferir mas sin cortar el hilo a toclo, y assi supplica a su
S d le haga luego, y aun que le despache correo con diligencia con el aviso, y que afirme
a su Beatitud que, aunque le haga al mismo punto, para las cosas que se han de disponer con su autoridad sera antes tarde que nada temprano ; y que, quando N. Seiior
quisiesse misteriosamente ympedir el effecto de està empressa, su Md havria perdido
ya entonces mas de quatro o cinco millones, y su S d ninguna cosa, sino ganado para el
colegio un subjecto muy digno y benemerito para el colegio.
Que si bien està promocion és para los efectos dichos, desearia mucho su Md que
la voz por agora fuesse para animar los catholicos con ver que tienen a las orejas de
su S d un padrino y tal, y para atajar las dissensiones que empiecan entre los catholicos
de aquel reyno por no tener cabeca despues de la muerte de la Reyna de Escocia, queriendo su B d levantarle en su lugar, porque con esto ya pensara la gente que en esto aya
desfogado lo que se havra de hazer en favor de aquel reyno, y en todo lo demas dessea
su Md se use de toda la dissimulacion y secreto possible.

294

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CLXVIII.
Count de Olivares to Don Juan de Ydiaquez.
From a transcript of a paragraph

Rome, 10 July, 1587.

of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, £° 71. Copia de
parrafo de carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares a Don Juan de Ydiaquez, fecha en
Roma a 10 de Julio de 1587.
Haviendo Alano y Melino1 hall ado en este Guillermo Cliton,2 Escoces, el humor
que corre en los de su nacion que estan en Paris de que sea conversible el Rey de Escocia,
y conviniente que la reduction que su Sd huviere de hazer de Ynglaterra sea para que
succeda el Rey de Escocia, no le ha parezcido que con venia por ahora desengaiiarlos de
està imaginacion, para que no imaginen turbaciones, y van contemporizando con ellos :
y a la par, corno quien conosce quanto mejor les està el imperio de su Md a los Yngleses
y los inconvenientes del de Escoceses, aunque no tuviera el peligro de la religion, van
de suyo formando libros que echar en Ynglaterra para dar a entender aquesto, quando
Dios truxere la hora, que presuponen, despues que les ha dicho este Cliton el socorro
de Escocia, que no se puede diferir mucho toda la empressa : y haviendo pedido a
Melino un sumario de las razones que piensan poner en el libro, me ha dado el que
sera con està, aunque las principales vienen a parar en lo que yo dixe a su S d en el
mes de Hebrero del ano de 86, que està en la giosa del capitulo tercero, con que saque
la respuesta que su S d me dio entonces a ella.
CLXIX.
Dr William Allen to Philip II.

Rome, 25 July, 1587.

Fro fri a transcript of the original in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 949, f° 85. Copia de
carta descifrada del doctor Alano a S.M., fecha en Roma el dia de Santiago Apostol
de 1587.
S. C. R. M.
Clementiae vestrae literae quas ad meam humilitatem scribere dignata est, simul
cum iis quae amplissimus dominus orator tarn de Majestatis vestrae in me benignissima
voluntate quam de nova nuperad vitae et personae meae incrementa ac ornamenta collata
gratia refert, me totum ita accendit 3 ut nisi aliquod tandem pro ter 4 regalibus beneficiis
obsequium praestandi spes esset, reliquam vitam et has ipsas quae in me eonferuntur
gratias mihi acerbas et ingratas existimarem. Etsi enim ista vitae et exilii mei amplissima
subsidia per se grata esse debent, multumque ad animum meum acceptabilior 5 quod a
5

1
F. Robert Persons, S.J.
accept•dbilior'a?

2

F. William Creigh ton, S.J.

3

accendcruut ?

4

ioti

295

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

vestra sacra Majestate procedant ; tamen optabilior erit mihi ille dies in quo queam
servitium, quod tantopere expecto et quod a Deo tot annorum gemitibus et sacrifìciis
postulavi, Serenitati vestree prsestare qua x omni 2 demum divinis 3 affluere. Sed hoc
meum desiderium et incrementissimum 4 in Majestatem vestram studium melius cognoscit5
per excellentissimum dominum oratorem. Interea continuis precibus et oblationibus
apud divinam misericordiam intercedam pro Majestatis vestrse persona ac regali prole,
ut ipsa longum, felix ac gloriosum imperium concedat. Romae, in ipso die Sancti
Jacobi Apostoli, 1587.
S. C. R. M. humillimus et obedientissimus servus et subditus,
GUILLELMUS A L A N U S .

CLXX.
Count de Olivares to Philip II. Rome, 30 July, 1587.
From a transcript of a paragraph of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, f ° 87. Copia de
parrafo de carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares a S. M., fecha en Roma à 30 de Julio
de 1587.
El capelo de Alano no se ha podido apretar corno conviniera por no embaracar lo
demas. Su Sd muestra disposicion de hazerle, pero repara en no riaversele dicho cosa
cierta en quanto al tiempo de la empressa, ni mandarme V. Md que trate de que vaya ni
haga otra cosa. Viniendome orden de V. Md o del Duque de Parma que el tuviesse de
hazer alguna cosa, con aquella tomaria ocasion de apretar a su Sd, y en defetto dello
voy pensando algun otro medio para hazerle abreviar.
Di a Alano la carta de V. Md. Delia y de la nueva merced que V. Md le ha hecho,
y procura que su S d le haga, està obligadissimo, y el y Melino de bonissima disposicion
para su servicio. Responde a la carta de V. Md Alano la que va con està ; y porque al
principio se hizo con yntento que fuesse en claro va breve, y por mayor seguridad la
embio agora en cifra. Dios guarde a V. Md. De Roma, 30 de Julio, 1587.
CLXXL
Count de Olivares to Philip II. Rome, 7 August, 1587.
From a transcript of the despatch in the archives, of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 0 950, f° 151. Copia de
carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares à S.M., fecha en Roma a 7 de Agosto de 1587.
Sefìor.
Viendo que V. M por la carta de 6 de Julio se contenta que yo haga a su Sd significacion de la brevedad en la empressa de Ynglaterra en quanto fuere necessaria para la
conclusion de lo que por el despacho de 24 de Junio me manda, faltando la promocion
d

1

quam ?

2

omnibus ?

3

diviitis ?

4

increscentissimum ?

5

cognoscet ?

296

LETTEKS AND MEMORIALS

de Alano, que en dicho despacho V. Md muestra que no convenga dilatar, fingi la orden
de V. Md contenida en el papel que sera con està, mostrando que V. Md presuponia que
estuviesse hecho Cardenal sin prendarme a tiempo fìxo ; lo qual ha sido de tanta fuerca,
j untamente con haverle hecho leer Carraf a lo que en està parte le di por escrito de parte
de V. Md en el pape! de 18 de Julio, que le ha hecho Cardenal en el consistono de oy,
mostrando ser eh §uplemento de la falta de la Reyna de Escoeia sin mencion de Ynglaterra
ni de V. Md, y pidiendo su parezeer y voluntad al colegio, el qual se conformo con el
mayor aplauso y contentamiento que jamas se ha visto hazer Cardenal.
Y aunque no era necessario para este negocio, no dexare de dezir a V. Md dos cosas
considerables para conocimiento de la condì cion de su S d : la primera, que se contento y
alegro con Carraf a con grande encarezeimiento de la causa que se tornava para està promocion suplir la falta de la Reyna de Escoeia, y mostro estranar mucho que nunca se
la huviessen dicho Carraf a ny yo, haviendolo hecho 100 V. vezes y dadoselo por escrito
dos corno V. Md havra visto por las copias que le he embiado : la otra, que encarezeiendose tanto la importancia del secreto y dissimulacion queria que el Alano viniesse a
aguardar la nueva a mi casa y que le llevassen della. Con todo esto hasta agora està
el negocio principal secretissimo, y el Papa contra su costumbre calla, y para mi es
milagro que hasta aqui no este pregonado y publicado : pero temo que con esto no ha
de bastar negarlo todos, quanto mas que el Papa dificilmente perseverara en hazerlo.
Dios guarde, etc. De Roma a 7 de Agosto, 1587.
Està carta me embia el nuevo Cardenal para V. Md. El originai queda todavia en
mi poder. Embiame a dezir que seria por muchos respetos de importancia que se
hiziesse la prevencion que yo escrivi en el papel que di a su Sd que va aqui.

CLXXII.
Note presented by Count de Olivares to Pope Sixtus V.
From a transcript

of the memorandum

in the archives of

August, 1587.
Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 950, f° 153. Copia de
un descifrado de un papel que dio el Conde de Olivares a su Santidad sobre el
capelo de Alano : sin fecha, entre papeles del ano 1587.
Lo que el Rey mi sefior ultimamente me manda que haga, presuponiendo que su S d
havra sido servido de promover al Cardenalato a Alano por la instancia que poco ha me
mando le hiziesse por la necessidad que ay que empiece a disponer la buena execucion
de la empressa de Ynglaterra.
Mandarne pues agora su Md que yo haga que el dicho elija tres personas de su
nacion de cuya fidelidad este satisfecho, y que sean personas diestras, y que tengan
opinion entre los catholicos de aquel reyno, y que las de cartas para los catholicos principals de Ynglaterra divididas entre las dichas tres personas, y que en dichas cartas

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

297

les de quenta de la promocion que su S d ha hecho de su persona para Consuelo y
servicio de los catholicos de aquel reyno, rematando con dar creencia a lo demas que de
su parte el tal les tratara, y que con este despacho los haga ir a donde estuviere el
Duque de Parma, el qual les darà recaudo para yr a Ynglaterra y la forma y orden
con que tienen de tratar con cada uno y participarle lo que convendra que sepan y
hagan para bien de la empressa, encargandoles mucho que en aquella conformidad la
procuren executar con toda diligencia, y sobre todo el secreto. La carta en que su
Md da està orden al Conde de Olivares es hecha a 6 de Julio. El Conde lo represento a
su S d a primero de Agosto, y por su mandado la entrego al 111"10 Cardenal Carraf a.

CLXXIIT.
Acts o£ the consistory in which Dr William Allen was created Cardinal. Rome,
7 August, 1587.
From the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (MSS. Ottoboni,
595,/oZ. 2196).
Ex actis sacri consistorii sub diversis summis Pontificibus.
A. D. 1587, die 7 Augusti, feria sexta.1
Sanctitas sua proposuit promotionem Gulielmi Alani, Angli, in Cardinalem ; et hoc quia cum Maria, Regina Scotiee (in qua Angli et catholici omnes
illarum partium spes suas posuerunt, expectantes illius successionem in regno
Angliae et finem tandem imponi tot calamitatibus, persecutionibus et miseriis)
defuncta sit, ne regnante impiissima Jezabele catholici et fideles omnino desperent ; et
cogita vit ilium in Cardinalium eoe turn aggregare ; et quod hoc non ad versar etur
Bullae seu Constitutioni suae ut non creentur Cardinales nisi in Adventu Domini (cum
eam Constitutionem velit perpetuo et nunc etiam valere) nam hoc faciat ex necessitate,
quae non est subjecta legi, quod connrmavit variis exemplis. Proinde ne Anglis
catholicis deesset per obitum bonse memorise Reginse Scotise prsesentaneum praesidium,
cogitavit ipsum Alanum assumere in Cardinalem ; '" sed non absque vestro consensu,"
inquit. De ejus etiam qualitatibus nonnulla peroravit, et subjecit quod angelos
Anglos vocare consuevit Sanctus Gregorius, et visus est Aere.
Turn domini Cardinales consilium et propositum Sanctitatis suae commendaverunt, et laudaverunt etiam prsedictum Alanum.
Dum autem haec dicerentur de virtutibus et meritis prsedicti domini Alani,
commota sunt viscera Sanctitatis suae, et lachrymatus est ; et tandem Sanctitas
1
There is a somewhat fuller account of this consistory in Maziere Brady's Episcopal Succession,
Vol. II., pp. 339*0.

Q Q

298

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

sua omnibus approbantibus assumpsit ilium in presbyterum Sanctae Eomanae
ecclesia.
Deinde accersitus comparuit indutus rochetto et manteletta, et accessit ad oscula
pedum Sanctitatis suse, et Sanctitas sua dedit illi birettum rubrum cum formula
verborum a se concepta.
Die xi. Augusti, feria 3 a .
In Quirinali f uit consistorium publicum de more pro galero dando Rev m0 Cardinali
Alano nuper creato.
Die 17 Augusti, feria 2.
In Quirinali fuit consistorium secretum in quo Sanctitas sua clausit os domino
Cardinali Alano.
Die 31 Augusti, feria 2.
. . . . . In Quirinali fuit consistorium secretum in quo Sanctissimus Dominus
noster . . . . aperuit os Cardinali Alano.
CLXXIV.
Pope Sixtus Y. to Philip II.

Rome, 7 August, 1587.

Printed from the original autograph in the archives of Simancas, (S. de i?., Roma,
Leg. 950) by Baron de Hubner in his Sixte-Qmnt.
Tom. III., p. 236.
Sixtus P.P. V. etc., Questa mattina ho tenuto consistorio, e si è fatto l'Alano
Cardinale per dar soddisfazione a V. M., e ancor che io nel proposto l'abbia tenuto
pretesto molto lontano da ogni sospetto, non di meno mi si dice que per Roma subito
fu comminciato a dire :—ora mettonsi in ordine per la guerra d'Inghilterra ; e questa
supposizione correva per tutto. Però V. M, non metta tempo, acciò non faccia maggior
danno a quei poveri cristiani, perchè tardandosi quello che lei ha giudicato bene
tornarebbe in male. Intorno all' ajuto per l'impresa, io ho fatto essequire subito
tutto quello che il Cte Olivares ha dimandato, e credo che ne mandi il tutto a V. M.

• CLXXV.
Cardinal Allen to Philip II. Rome, 7 August, 1587.
From a transcript of the original in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 950, f° 152. Copia de
carta descifrada del Cardenal Alano a/ S. M., fecha en Roma a 7 de Agosto de 1587.
Nova ista in nostrani humilitatem a Sanctissimo Domino nostro hodie collata
dignitas, quam non aliunde post Deum quam a vestra Majestate profectam agnosco,
merito veniret ut eidem clementissima3 Majestati primo 'quoque tempore et ante
ereteros mortales gratias agerem. Ago autem, provolutus etiam ad pedes suos, quanto

299

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

possum animo concipere maximas, non tam propter tantum personae mese ornamentum
(quod, testis est mihi Deus, nunquam desideravi nisi in ordine ad Ecclesia, Majestatis
vestrse ac patria meae bonum) quam quod cupiam et sperem ex hujus sacra 1 dignitatis
accessione me habiturum majorem occasionem et facultatem serviendi Majestati vestrse
et justa desideria nostra 2 erga infelicem patriam compiendo,3 quse si per eat nichil
minus 4 erit unquam in hac dignitate nee in vita ipsa suave. Sed cheterà per amplissimum et sapientissimum dominum oratorem cognoscet : hoc solum sciat dementia vestra
me sine exceptione omnia vitse ac mortis meve officia vestrse sacrse Majestati dicasse.
Tuam Deus, etc. Romae, 7 Augusti, 1587.
Deditissimus servus,
GUILLBLMUS C A R D I N A L I S ÀLANUS.

CLXXYT.
Cardinal Allen to Mr Thomas Bayly, Vice-president of the English college at Reims.
[Rome, August, 1587.]
Printed in Morns, Historia Provincice Anglicana? Societatis Jesw. Lib. IV., n. 5.
Lseta vobis est et jucunda mea promotio, sed ex hac quantamcunque lsetitias
causam habetis, eo magis vos omnes quibus ego tam charus sum novo vinculo tenemini
amoris et gratitudinis erga Societatem universam, nominatim vero erga antiquum nostrum et singulariter bonum patrem et praecipuum cooperatorem ; proxime enim sub
coelo pater Personius fecit me Cardinalem.5
GLXXVII.
A Jesuit in England to F. Robert Persons, S.J.

London, 23 October, 1587.

From a transcript by F. Grene, S.J., in the archives of Stonyhurst

College. P. 329.

The copye of a letter written by one of the Society of Jesus in England to
F. Persons touching a little book printed under the name of I)°* Allen.6
R. F. As the rule of obedience in our Company bindeth us, I sent you not long
since the annual occurrents of this kingdome : since which time there is chanced an
extraordinary cause to move me thus much to wryte unto you, a thing likely to
1

2
3
5
sacral
vestra?
complendi?
* nobis?
I t does not appear whether
these are Cardinal Allen's own words or only a translation of them.
« T h e book referred to is entitled as follows :—" T h e copie of a letter written by M. Doctor Allen
concerning the yeelding up of the citie of Daventrie unto his Catholike Majestie by Sir William
Stanleyj knight ; wherin is shewed both howe lawful, honorable and necessarie that action was ; and
also that al others, especiallie those of the English nation, that detayne anie townes or other places in
the lo we countries from the King Catholike are bound upon paine of damnation t o do the like.
Before which is also prefixed a gentJemans letter that gave occasion of this discourse. Matt. 22.
Rcddite ergo quce sunt Ccesaris Caesari : Render therfore the things t h a t are Csesars t a ,Ca3sar> -Im-

Q Q 2

300

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

breede great division among catholick gentlemen. The matter is that of late being at
M. 0 . house there came to see me dyverse gentlemen, who incontinent after dinner
fell into disputation whether a catholick man might lawfully serve against the
Spaniards in the present warrs of Flanders. And after great discussing too and fro
they all concluded unanimly that the warrs of the Low Countries was thought necessary by her Majesty and the Councell in the behalf of our country and comfort of
our neighbours, and that a good subject ought to look no farther into the matter, and
that they fought against Spaniards as being enemies to England and not as catholicks.
Which when we had all concluded, one of the company drew forth a little book intituled :—A copy of a letter written by an English gentleman out of the camp unto
Dr Allen touching the act of rendring the toivne of Daventry and other places unto the
Catholick King, and his answer and resolution unto the same. In which book Mr
Allen, or some other in his name, commendeth the rendring-upp of Daventry and exhorteth others unto the same. Whereupon we fell among ourselves into great altercation ; but in fine most of us resolved that Mr Allen would never have overshott
himself so fowly in these times contrary to his former wry tings and protestations, and
that it was not unlike some malitious man to make our cause odious to the world to
have published this book under the name of Mr Allen, thinking thereby to demonstrate us all traytors to our Prince and country. And therfore they requested me to
advertise you therof, desiring of you therin to be resolved wholy. Moreover, etc.
Therfore good father in behalf e of the greatest part of English catholicks I beseech
you that if any simple man (perhaps of zeale) hath set forth this book under the name
of Dr Allen, that speedy order be taken for the mitigating of his undiscreet assertions.
In the mean time the chief est of our catholicks have by common consent sett forth
an answer to the pretended letter of Dr Aliens, declaring to the whole world they
utterly defye the seditious doctrine qf his resolution. Which book of the Catholicks
herewithal I send you, beseeching Almighty God to blesse you with desyred felicity.
London, 23 Octob., 1587.
R. V. in Christo servus,
S. T.
The answer of diverse catholick English gentlemen to a certame seditious book
veyled with the name of D. Allen.
We have tryed by experience, etc.1 But now more plainly to discover the humour
of this author, lett us descende more particularly unto his disordred discourse. His
printed at Antuarpe by Joachim Trognsesius, Anno 1587/' This very rare book has been reprinted
by the Chetham Society under the title of " Cardinal Allen's defence of Sir William Stanley's surrender of Deventer, January 29, 1586-7. Edited by Thomas Heywood, Esq., F.S.A. 1851."
1
Note on the maryin of the MS. in the same hand. Tractatus hie impleret 3 vel 4 folia: ideo
omifctifcur maxima ex parte.

301

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

first assertion is, pag,
, that the rendring of such townes of the Low Countries
which be in any English custody is not lawfull, but necessary to be done under paine
of mortal sinne and damnation. The cause is for that every thing wrongfully obteined
and unjustly deteyned from the true owners ought to be restored to them to whome
they duely appertaine. The whole discourse of this author is briefly conteined in this
forme of argument : whatsoever is wrongfully obteined ought to be restored ; but
such townes as the English possesse in the Low Countries are unjustly obteined ; therfore subject to restitution. The major proposition of this discourse our author leaveth
as evident ; and we confesse the same in it self to be most true, when circumstances
necessary fail e not, as in our case they doe : for albeit we supposed that the detaining
of the Low Countries on her Majesty's part were unjust, doth it follow that Sir
William Stanly is bound to restitution ? etc. Secondly you are not ignorant that noe
law either divine or human bindeth to restitution when the same cannot be done
without detriment of our honour, danger of our life, hazard of friends, etc. Thirdly
her Majesty maketh noe tytle or chalenge to these provinces, but only for defence of
our neighbours and safety of our country deteyneth them. Yea, albeit she had taken
these provinces into her dominion, neither her Highnesse (much lesse any of her
private subjects) in these times is bound to restore them.

CLXXVIII.
Brief of Pope Sixtus V. to Cardinal Allen.

Rome, 29 October, 1587.

From a contemporary copy in the archives of the see of Westminster.
also printed in Dodd. Vol, IL, p. 219.

IV., 51 :

Copia Brevis Sixti V. ad Ill um Cardinalem Alanum de gubernatione collegii
Anglicani Rhem., etc.
Dilecte fili noster ; Salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem.
Cum Nobis nuper renuntiatum fuerit complures Anglos nobilesjuvenes etadultos,
et alias etiam religiosas personas, sisvitiam et impietatem Elisabeth prsetensse Anglorum
Reginee veritos, ex regno Anglise ad illud insigne collegium seu seminarium Anglorum
nuncupatum, quod magno tuo studio gravibusque expensis a viginti fere annis primum
in universitate Duacensi et postea in civitate Remensi institui curasti, confugere et
inibi bonarum artium et prsesertim divinarum literarum studiis operam dantes magnos
in eis progressus ad Dei laudem et sanctse Romanse ecclesise exaltationem facere : Nos
hanc dicti collegii institutionem promovere et ut in eo nihil fiat quod divinam possit
offendere Majestatem provider e cupientes, motu proprio et ex certa nostra scientia ac
de Apostolica potestatis plenitudine, tibi, quem paulo ante ob ingentia virtutum merita
quibus personam tuam illarum Largitor altissimus multipliciter insignivit, de fratrum

302

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

nostrorum sanctae Romance ecclesiae Cardinalium Consilio et àssensu, in ejusdem Romanae
ecclesiae presbyterum Cardinalem ad assistendum Nobis in regimine ejusdem universalis
ecclesia duximus assumehdum atque adeo cooptandum, ut Apostolica auctoritate dictum
collegium seu seminarium ac omnes et singulas personas cujuscumque gradus et dignitatis existentes reformare, ac ilia quae tarn quoad mores quam quoad reliqua eorum
instituta reformatione indigere cognoveris arbitrio tuo per te vel per alium seu alios
abs te deputatos seu deputandos reformare, corrigere, ac eos quos magis idoneos esse
judicaveris in ejusdem collegii rectores, lector es, administrator es ad tern pus tibi benevisum deputare et (si necesse f uerit) illos amovere et illorum loco alios sufficere et surrogare, omniaque alia quae ad dicti collegii manutensionem spectabunt gerere et exercere,
et quae circa praemissa juxta Circumspectionis tuae prudentiam reformanda et corrigenda
mandaveris exequi, necnon contradictores quoslibet et rebelles et praemissis non
parentes per sententias, censuras etpcenas ecclesiasticas aliaque opportuna juris et facti
remedia appellatione postposita compescere, ac brachium saaculare (si opus fuerit) invocare per te ut praofertur vel alium seu alios a te ad id deputatos seu deputandos,
plenam, liberam et omnimodam potestatem et facultatem vigore praesentium concedimus
et impartimur : non obstantibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus Apostolicis dicti que
collegii juramento, conflrmatione Apostolica vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis, statutis
et consuetudinibus, privileges quoque, indultis et Uteris Apostolicis illi quomodolibet concessis et confirmatis eaeterisque contrariis quibuscumque. Dat. Romas apud Sanctum
Marcum sub annulo piscatoris, die xxix. Octobris, MDLXXXVII. Pontiflcatus Nostri
Anno Tertio.
THO. THEM. GUALTERUTIUS.

CLXXIX.
Philip II. to Cardinal Allen.

Madrid, 11 December, 1587.

From a transcript of the original minute in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 949, f° 198. Copia de
minuta de carta de S.M. al Cardenal Alano, fecha en Madrid a 11 de Diciembre de 1587.
Vos podeys juzgar lo que holgue con la carta que me escrivistes avisandome la
promocion que su S d hizo de vuestra persona a la dignidad en que estays, pues
sabeys lo que lo dessee y procure. La qual conno qae ha de ser para mucho servigio
de Dios nuestro Sefior y dessa S ta Sede, y que os empleareys en el nuestro con la
voluntad que dezis ; y aunque no me es nuevo el entender esto, todavia os lo agradezco
mucho, y podeys estar ej.erto que con vuestra persona y cosas tendre siempre la quenta
y memoria que haveys visto por lo passado, corno os lo dira tambien el Conde de
Glivares, mi embaxador, a quien me remito.

803

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

CLXXX.
Memorandum drawn up by Count de Olivares and Cardinal Allen regarding future
appointments to offices in England. [Rome] 1588.
From a transcript of the memorandum

in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 950, £° 22. Copia
de un documento en cuya carpeta dice:—Lo que ocurre al Conde de Olivares y al
Cardenal Alano sobre la provision de las yglesias y officios del Key y reyno de
Ynglaterra. (Sin fecha entre papeles del aiio 1588.)
Lo que ocurre cerca de la provision de yglesias y officios del Rey y reyno de
Ynglaterra, dando Dios el successo que por su misericordia se espera.
En el reyno de Ynglaterra ay 24 obispados y dos arcobispados.
Dando Dios buen successo en las cosas, pretenderla el Cardenal Alano el arcobispado de Canturveri, y su Md tiene dado orden que publicandose la empressa se pida
a su S d que se le provea.
Tambien dize el Cardenal que havria necesidad de proveer luego corno se fuessen
reduziendo las demas yglesias, particular mente porque se pueda hazer parlamento ; y
va haziendo memoria de los subjectos que se le ofFrezcen, y se procurara al tiempo de
su despacho que lieve alguna forma de facultad por la primera vez de poderlos proveer
en personas gratas y acceptas a su Md, assegurandose que no saldra de la voluntad del
Duque de Parma o de la persona que su Md sefialare.
Adoeno Ludovico, 1 obispo de Casano, y algunos sus aficionados han procurado
hazer officio, quando han esperado buen successo en estas cosas, para que huviesse el
arcobispado de Yorca, que es la otra metropoli de Ynglaterra. La qual juzga Alano
que estaria mejor empleada en un Thomas Metamo sacerdote, el qual està agora presso
en Ynglaterra, y lo ha estado muchas vezes y a gran peligro de la vida por la religion,
o otrp Juan Bilolsolo2 tambien sacerdote, que anda escondido en Ynglaterra haziendo
el officio que los que han sido martirizados.
Bien juzga conveniente por ia condicion del dicho obispo de Cassano y por la
opposicion que pretende hazerle y favor que tiene de muchos Cardenales no dexarle
en Italia, porqué no se venga a Roma a contraminar y traer nuevas tramas, corno lo ha
empecado a hazer, y para esto, siendo el Guaio, darle el mejor obispado que alii ay,
1

2
Dr Owen Lewis, bishop of Cassano, 3 Feb., 1588.
Wilson ? Thomas Wilson, a priest,
came to Douay in 1569 to live in the college at his own expense. First and Second Douay Diaries,
p. 4. At FF. Persons and Campion's entrance into England in 1580, a " very grave and ancient
priest, named Mr Wilson, not so much in his own name as of others by whome he was sent, proposed
the matter to F. Persons/' viz., that the fathers should leave England again until a calmer
time. A story of domestical difficulties, &c, by F. Persons. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 410. .

304

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

que se llamassen David 1 o el de Herfort 2 o Barsenter, 3 que son al eonfin de Guala, eon
alguna occupaci on que tenerle entretenido desviado de Roma y de Londres tambien.
Y lo mismo juzga que convenga bazer con Grifidio 4 Roberto, que tambien es
Guaio, que al presente reside en el estado de Milan, por los mismos respectos.
Tambien dize conviene proveer los decanatos de las dichas yglesias, que son
dignidades principales y grandes, y de mano en mano lo demas con presteza que se
hallaran subjectos, porque no este nada vaco y todos ayuden.
De officios dèi reyno el primero es el de Gran Canciller, que presside en el
consejo de estado, y en el supremo de justicia, y tiene pro vision de mucbos officios y
beneflcios menudos, y la consulta de los gruessos y de los obispados.
Este officio parezee que ynclina el Cardenal a tenerle a los principios, quando a su
Md agradasse, mientras se hallasse persona a proposito ; porque para assentar la
primera vez las cosas y con el servicio de Dios el de su Md no se vee persona mas
ynformada y obligada de su Md.
El otro es el Thesorero que tiene el sello secreto.
El otro es Gran Mariscbalco que tiene a cargo las carceles del reyno y proveer
alcaydes dellas. Este officio tenia el Duque de Norfort quando le justiciaron. Està
su hijo en prision : que si fuesse vivo y con las calidades que bastassen, parezee que
ternia dereebo a el.
El otro es Guardian de los pupilos,5 que demas de tener a su cargo la renta que
pertenezee a la Corona hasta que tienen 21 anos, llevan dellos ciertos derechos, y no
se pueden casar sin licencia suya sopena de perdimiento de la hazienda o del dote ; y
assi en el tiempo que tienen la hazienda la tratan mal y venden los casamientos y
usan mal deste cargo. Dizenme que le tuvo Ynglefild 6 en tiempo de su Md.
Esto deve valer a los Reyes una minima parte de lo que pierden los subditos, y
seria una gloriozissima entrada de Principe quitar tan mal derecho, aunque fuesse con
comutacion, y disponer la forma de criarse los pupilos y de beneficiar sus haziendas y
de dexarlos casar a sus parientes y tutores, haziendo sobre esto las leyes que conviniessen conforme a lo que se platica en otros reynos bien ordenados, reservando, si
parezeiesse, quanto a la licencia las cosas que tuviessen de tanto arriba, y que està no
tuviesse fiscal sino el Rey, y en forma mas suave, corno de estilo se haze en Espana o
en otra manera que parezciesse.
El Grande Almiralle tiene todo lo militar de la mar y los baxeles, y le pertenezeen
los naufragios en toda Ynglaterra, y tiene officiales en todos los puertos, y gran sueldo,
demas de lo que se vale muy de ordinario de tener menos gente de la que se paga en
los baxeles.
De la casa, el officio de Gran Mayordomo 7 dizen que es muy grande, porque
demas de la superioridad en el govierno de la casa tiene gran jurisdicion, particular1

St. Davids.
Court of Wards.

2
6

s
4
Hereford.
Worcester?
Griffith.
Sir Francis Englefield.
' Lord High Steward.

5

Master of the

305

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

mente la criminal sobre los titulados y otras tantas preheminencias que diz^n nunca
se provee de ordinario sino por tiempo limitado, corno se ha hecho en tiempo desta
Reyna una vez por tres ò 4 meses, por no dar a nadie tan gran mano y autoridad.
Officio de Gran Camarero,1 demas del servicio personal del Rey y superintendencia
en los officios de la camara, la tiene assi mismo en los de la casa, siempre que està
vaco el officio de May or domo mayor. Tiene demas desto jurisdicion y a su cargo la
guarda de los bozques y selvas, parques, lagos, ca9a y pesca, con mucha juridicion y
derechos.
El de Gran Maestre de Estala 2 tiene a cargo solamente las cosas de la cavalleriza
y castas.
CLXXXI.
Louis Cardinal of Guise, archbishop of Reims, to Cardinal Allen. Reims, 3 April, 1588.
From the original, with autograph signature, in the British Museum.
Harleian MSS. 7015, 204
Ill m0 et Rmo Sig re mio ossmo ; Per le mani del signore Decano di Langres, 3 nominato
dal Rè Christianissimo al vescovato di Noyon, havera V. S rìa Ill ma et Rma la presente per
supplicarla, come fo io con tutto il cuore, di volere favorire detto signore Decano
appresso Nostro Signore nella speditione delle Bulle di provisione d'esso vescovato, a
ciò che ne possa ottenere la gratia intiera, per infiniti rispetti et consideration!, delli
quali sarà da esso più minutamente informato. Sopra di che non mi estenderò d'avantagio : solo li dirò che quando non vi fosse altro che li meriti et la sufficienza sua et i
lunghi et segnalati servitii da lui fatti al clero di Francia in qualità di promotore,
scindico et agente, si come viene da esso clero scritto et significato a sua Santità con
supplicarla per la favorevole et gratuita speditione sua, mi parerià bastante. Tuttavia a quelli suoi universali meriti voglio ben' aggiungere anche questo particolare, che
havendolo sempre conosciuto affettionato alla religione cattolica, a me et a tutta casa
nostra, desideràrei che vostra Sig ria Ill ma anche per questo rispetto, come molto padrone
et amico mio, si contentasse di agiutàre et favorirlo in questo negotio. Et oltra il
merito della persona la tassa escessiva d'esso vescovato,4 già da molti anni rumato et
ancora al presente esposto alle incursioni delli huomini di guerra che passano et soggiornano ordinariamente nella Piccardia, è di molta consideratione. Non terrò minore
questo favore che se fosse fatto a me stesso, et servirò in ogni altra occurrenza a vostra
Sig rìa Ill ma et Rma ; a cui basciando humilmente le mani le pregho da Dio ogni prosperità et contento. Di Reims, a di i n d'Aprile, 1588.
Di vostra S rìa Ill ma et R ma humillissimo servitore,
LOUYS CARD L E DI GUISE. 5

Addressed.
All' IUmo et Rmo Sig re mio ossmo, il Sig re Cardinale d'Ingliterra. - Roma.
1

2
3
4
Lord Chamberlain.
Master of tHe Horse.
Gabriel de Blaigrii.
The bishops of
:
5
Noyon were Counts and Peers of France.
The signature is in part worn away and the ink faded.

E R

306

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CLXXXII.
Count de Olivares to Philip II.
From a transcript

Rome, 3 October, 1588.

of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg. 950, f° 224. Copia de
carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares d S.M., fecha en Roma a 3 de Octubre de 1588.
Sefior.
El Cardenal Alano ha continuado en el desseo de acercarse a Ynglaterra, 1 a 20 del
passado escrivi a Don Juan de Ydiaquez, movido de desseo de servir mejor a la causa
y a V. Md ; y parezciendome que aqui para este negocio es de ningun effeto, por que
(corno entonces escrivi) el ni nadie puede con el Papa, donde de la otra parte ay ynterese
y gusto suyo y que ya no se puede encubrir la empressa, que era la causa principal de
averse diferido su yda, que si nuestro Sefior ha favorecido la causa con que la armada
aya podido dar algun principio por la via de Escocia o por otra parte, estara mejor
donde pueda calentar las platicas en Ynglaterra y mover las que la ocasion representare ; y lo mismo quando siendo buelta la armada en Espaiia conviniesse yr por via
de tratados, por lo que mas se fiarian del los de la tierra, y el Duque de Parma se
podria hazer mejor de su parecer en el quilate las propuestas de tratados y ynteligencias
que le viniessen movidas de dentro del reyno, consolar a y animara mucho los catholicos del y los entreterna con parecerles que V. Md no tiene bueltas las espaldas al
negocio. Tambien quitara mucho la sospecha que han tornado los buenos del proceder
del Papa y materia que los malos han tenido de esparzir que no va de buen pie en està
empressa, y los unos y los otros la ternan por una declaracion suya ; y aunque diga que
no le embia, corno facilmente lo hara con Franceses y con otros, no se lo creerà ninguno por la poca fee que le dan. Tambien sera util para dar a V. Md razon y luz de
muchas cosas con fidelidad, corno verdaderamente me la prometo de su bondad y de lo
que a V. Md deve està nacion y el en particular.
Demas de ver que se va entrando el invierno y la ne^essidad que ay de acudir
presto a los effetos que arriva digo, me ha hecho estar mas facil en no aguardar nueva
orden de V. Md, no siendo contra la que antes tengo ; y siendo esto tan en favor de
todos los intentos, los menores zelos que yendo desta manera podra causar en el Duque
de Parma que si fuera siendo consultado a V. Md, escrivole lo que V. Md vera por la
copia.
Hele dado 3000 escudos, que es lo que medidamente le bastara para el viaje y cosas
que ha menester para el, porque no tiene ninguna, ni haviendola hecho ni ningun desorden y vivido con mucha pobreza despues que es Cardenal, se halla con 2500 escudos de
deuda, juntandose para esto la carestia de aqui lo que se diminuye el dinero con el cambio,
y que nadie le ha dado, porque no tiene ministerio de los con que otros se valen, ni busca los
1

Perhaps corno should be supplied.

307

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

medios de que sé valen los que no tienen sus respetos ; de manera que no podia yr atras ni
addante, y para que no se cayera de hambre, me fuera forcoso socorrelle del dinero de
Y. Md. Pexa consignada la paga de sus deudas en lo corrido y que correrà de aqui a San
Juan que viene de la pinsion y abbadia que V. M d le dio, la qual le vale mucho menos
de lo que se presupuso, y assi no podra vivir llegado a Flandes sin que V. Md mande que sea
ayudado. Si V. Md no tuviesse proveyda la yglesia de san Tomer/ se le podria dar, y
estaria muy bien proveyda, y V. Md libre deste peso, y quando a V, Md pareciesse que
puede desto causarse mala satisfacion a los de la tierra, que no lo creo por ser el alii tan
conocido y amado, para atajar esto se le podra dar por un Breve del Papa en encomi»
enda libremente o por algun tiempo limitado que se podria yr prorrogando, y aquel
seria buen puesto para todo. Nuestro Sefìor, etc. De Roma, a 3 de Octubre, 1588,
CLXXXIII.
Count de Olivares to the Duke of Parma.

Rome, 3 October, 1588.

From a transcript of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.
0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secretarla de Estado, Leg 950, f° 225. Copia
de carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares al Duque de Parma, fecha en Roma a 3 de
Octubre de 1588.
Desde que la armada salio de Lisboa me ha dado orden su Md hiziesse officio con
su B d para que mandasse partir al Cardenal Alano la buelta de essos estados para con^
forme a la orden de V. Ex a y al tiempo que le parezciesse pasasse legado en la empressa.
Su Sd ha estado dificil en esto, a lo que se ha podido juzgar, claramente por defender
el fosso al dinero. Despues que en esto se ha declarado tan resoluta y aun ostinadamente, corno de las mias avrà visto V. Ex a , confiriendo con el Cardenal Carrata que
ha tenido la mano en està materia, no solo se ha dispuesto a que vayan 2 pero provocadola, alabandola por cosa acertadissima, pareciendole que si la armada buelve o
haze algun progreso que se hallara mas cerca, y que en este caso se le podra embiar
con un correo el despacho y facultades de la legacia, y que quando nuestros pecados
permitiessen que no le pudiesse haver hecho nada este ano, seria necessaria su
persona para de mas cerca tener en animo y en esperanca a los catholicos de la Ysla.
Por estas mismas causas, y estando en pie la orden de su Md de procurar su yda, y no
sirviendo su estada aqui nada para ayudar con su Santidad en materia de dinero ni
para cubrir los pensamientos ya intentados, he hallado buena la yda sin diferir a
nueva consulta de su Md, porque no entre el invierno, y assi se quedan haziendo sus
despachos con que partirà.
Yo le proveere del dinero que baste para llegar hasta essos estados, donde no le
bastara lo que tiene, tanto mas quedando por un pedac,o de tiempo consignado para
2
' St. Omer.
vaya?
6 R 2

308

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

pagar lo que devia, corno particularmente lo escrivo a su Md, proponendole que para
librarse desto peso, siendo tan a proposito el assiento de San Tome,1 y temendo (a lo
que creo) presidio de Espafìoles, que le seria de mayor seguridad, se le podria dar para
su sustento aquella yglesia, sino estuviesse proveyda ; que no creo que seria de mala
satisfacion para los de la tierra aviendose casi criado en la provincia, y arai para salvar
esto se le podria dar por Breve en encomienda por un tiempo limitado que en caso de
necessidad se podria prorrogar. V. Ex a vera lo que en todo mas convendra. En Milan
tomara lengua del camino que con mas seguridad podra Uevar. V. Ex a le podra mandar embiar, antes que llegue, orden de la parte de essos estados a donde juzgara conveniente que vaya a parar, y lo demas que para el servicio de nuestro Sefior y de su Md
juzgare que convenga.
,
.
CLXXXIV.
Count de Olivares to Philip II.

Rome, 9 October, 1588.

From a transcript of the despatch in the archives of

Simancqs.

0

Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 950, f° 209. Copia de
carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares a S.M., fecha en Roma a 9 de Octubre de 1588.
Senor.
Con los avisos que han venido de que el Duque de Parma se aya movido del
puerto en que estava, temendo por cierto que el Duque de Medina'aya tornado el viaje
de Espana, ha mostrado su S d los mismos semblantes y animo que en la de 26 Septiembré2 escrivi a V. Md ; y aunque he tornado de nuevo a hazerle instancia en el ayudar
a V. Md, no saco del mas virtud que la que antes, ni las personas de quien me he valido
ninguna, y assi tengo miedo que tampoco se ha de sacar, aunque venga la carta que
propuse a V. Md, y no se puede ymaginar lo que se ha descubierto su S d en està occasion en materia de ynteresse y mal pecho.
Hame mostrado Alano el capitulo de una carta que le escrive de Brujas en cifra uno
de los dos Jesuytas 3 que embio de aqui, que le alaba de muy prudente, que le dize che
se ha sacado de la yda de la armada y 4 conoscimiento de cosas que en otra manera no
se pudiera, y que se han hallado para la empressa medios en gran manera faciles y
seguros, y que el Duque estava satisf echo desto, y que en temendo nueva de la armada
y respuesta de V. Md se empecaria a executar ; lo qual demas de que me ha consolado
infinito me ha conflrmado en que sea mas acertada la yda de Alano, y assi voy solicitando su despacho sin dar ninguna intencion desto al Papa.
Yra con Alano el padre Ruberto Posonio Jesuita, qùe lo que yo le he tractado aqui
he hallado en el much a trac^a con muy buen asiento,; y el Cardenal tiene mucho juizio,
1

2
St. Omer.
The despatch referred to Has been printed by. lliihnev in his Si&tc-Quint.
3
Tome III., p. 257.
Qu. F. Edward Oldcorne and F. John Gerard. See the Life of F. John
4
Gerard, S. J., by F. John Morris, S. J'., p. 27. Third edition. 1881.
un ?

309

OF CARDINAL ALLEN*

aunque se aplicava mal a las trampas y mentiras de aqui por yr por muy .contràrio
camino*
Yo le tengo muy en la memoria lo que deve a V. Md, y el muestra conoscerlo bien;
Hele dicho estos dias en buen proposito que la principal pena que tengo de que no ayà
salido bien està empressa es porque no sea publico en el mundo que no movia a V. Md
cobdicia de mas reynos (corno los ambiciosos y terrestres se dan a entender) sino solo la
gloria de Dios, corno se vera quando Dios quiera que se efFectue, que los pondra V. Md
de manera que no les quede que dessear. Hagalo nuestro Seiior, y guarde la catholica
persona de V. Md corno desseo. Roma, 9 de Octubre, 1588.
CLXXXV.
Count de Olivares to Philip II.

Rome, 17 October, 1588.

From a transcript of the despatch in the archives of
0

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 950, £° 204. Copia cte
carta descifrada del Conde de Olivares à S. Md, fecha en Roma a 17 de Octubre, 1588.
Seiior.
Despues de estar apuntado (conforme a lo que tengo escrito a V. Md) la yda de
Alano con muestras de mucho gusto de su Sd, yendole el pobre hombre a hablar en
algunas cosas tocantes al viaje, le trato corno a un negro sobre la yda, mostrando
pesarle dello y tenerla por mal y no ser con su voluntad, mientras no se supiesse del
effecto y se le assegurasse la comodidad con que havia de estar alla, usando malissimos
ter min os con el hazia todas partes ; y despues otro dia con Carrafa, sin dezirle el nada
del negocio, entro en la platicay poco menos mal; y assi paresciendome que despues de
ydo Alano diria a todos y aun en la mesa lo mismo o peor, que se deauthorizaria la
persona y la jornada, y me par escio, no temendo orden de V. Md en el caso presente,
que no conveniva apretar mas el negocio ni passar adelante, y assi en la ultima
audiencia, que fue a los 15 deste, dixe al Papa que juzgando su Sd differentemente de
aquesta yda, y reparando en los ynconvenientes que digo para ser contra su gusto, que
yo no queria que fuesse, pues yendo en desgracia y aun disgusto suyo se haria contrario effecto que se pretendia; que yo le escriviria a V. Md : y el torno a replicar que
el sentia de aquella manera, pero que se remittiria si yo le hiziesse instancia con
lenguaje mas templado que el que havia hablado a los Cardenales, y mandandome que
yo dixesse, le represente por conveniencia de la yda todas las que escrivi a V. Md ultimamente que me movian a ynclinar a la yda, y los1 que huvo para su promocion que
me parescio que tenian ynconveniente que se publicassen, sin ynsistir en la ydà. El
quedo en esto, y otro dia por la mafiana llamo a Alano y le dixo que yo y Carrafa le
ympprtunavamos tanto sobre su yda y le davamos tantas razones para elio que ya no
1

los?

310

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

podia resistir y que assi estava ya resoluto en que fuesse, que me lo viniesse luego a
dezir, y le diesse una memoria de los despachos que havia menester suyos, y se pusiessen
en orden para partir ; y con el Cardenal De9a, a quien yo pedi yendo a palacio que le
diesse quenta del aviso que tenia por via de Yrun de aver tornado la armada a Espaiia,
le detuvo segun me dize una hora, aunque se le enfriava la comida, dandole quenta de
lo que havia passado en esto estos dias con las anadeduras que el acostumbra y con
hazer grandes encarescimientos de la mala Jornada que era y quan contra su voluntad,
pero que ya le havia mandado que se pusiessen en orden, y que pues yo queria le
embiaria, y que assi me lo dixesse luego, corno lo hizo ayer que passo toda. està historia.
Yo respondi a su S d està maiiana por medio del mismo Cardenal que yva a consistono que, si su S d se havia persuadido a tener por buena la yda de las razones que yo
le havia dado, que fuesse con la bendicion de Dios, pero que si se movia por tenerse por
ymportunado de mi o por otro respecto semejante, y le embiava contra su voluntad,
que en ninguna manera fuesse. Respondiome que ya el avia dicho lo que le occurria
quanto a està yda y que no tenia que dezir mas, que yo escogiesse ; y assi1 no ay novedad, se entreterna esto hasta que V. Md me responda a està, o de lo que me respondiere
a las primeras que sobre està materia he escripto pueda juzgar lo que V. Md tenga por
mas conviniente, no osando sin alguna nueva luz yr contra la corriente y a riesgo de
los desconciertos y mal termino de su Sd.
En caso que se diffiera la yda de Alano, yra Roberto 2 por lo que Alano lo dessea por
la mayor authoridad y mejor maria que tiene que los demas que estan alla, corno he
dicho a V. Md que la tiene, y por via de mar embio a Don Juan de Ydiaquez copia de
la cifra que ternan comigo, para que con ella le escrivan, y concertare el modo de embiar las cartas.
Al Duque de Parma escrivire la detenida de Alano, buscando para elio tal color
que si V. Md mandare que vaya se pueda encubrir y parezca que es continuacion del
primer motivo, y a V. Md embiare copia de lo que escriviere al Duque sobre este articulo, Dios guarde la catholica persona de V, Md. De Roma, 17 de Octubre, 1588,
CLXXXVI.
Appointment by Cardinal Allen of Dr Richard Barret to be President of the English
college at Reims. Rome, 31 October, 1588.
From the original instrument,
the see of Westminster.

with autograph signature and seal, in the archives of
IV., 61. Also printed in Dodd, Vol. II., p. 222.

Gulielmus miseratione divina S.R.E. presbyter Cardinalis Alanus, vulgariter de
Anglia nuncupatus, dilectis nobis in Christo collegii Anglicani Rhemensis administratoribus, doctoribus, lectoribus, scholar ibus ac alumnis omnibus et singulis salutem in
1
2
Qu. si omitted.
F. Robert Persons.

311

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Domino. Inter caeteras pro diarissima et communi patria nostra his annis susceptas
curas illius adamati nobis seminarii summa et pene prima sóllicitudo extitit, utpote in
cujus recta administratione ac felici in literis et pietate progressu ad perditae ecclesia
ac reipublicae nostrae restitutionem non leve momentum positnm esse existimavimus.
In quam cogitationem eo animo incubuimus magis quo corpore longius et diutius ab
illius gubernatione et vestra omnium gratissima praesentia ex hac nova vitae nostra
sorte abesse coacti sumus. Ubi non modo nos amor (ut fit) atque experientia infirmitatis humanae eorumque morborum quibus hujusmodi communitates et collegia
laborare solent, sed variae quoque de subortis inter vos scandalis et contra disciplinam
collegialem defectibus tarn a nostris quam externis nuper hue delate querelae nos
soUicitiores reddiderunt. TJnde et coacti sumus jam tandem cum de no vis decretis ac
constitutionibus faciendis, turn de certo creando ac vobis praeficiendo Rectore, qui
nostra et sua auctoritate collapsam disciplinam sedulo restituat, cogitare. Nos igitur
ea qua ex indulto Apostolico, cujus authenticum transumptum vobis mittimus et
publice una cum his legi decernimus, auctoritate in hac parte pollemus, nominamus,
crearnus ac constituimus per pr assent es in Praesidentem seu Rector em collegii vestri
dilectum nobis in Christo doctorem Richardum Barettum, almae ecclesise metropolitanae
Rhemensis canonicum ; illi, propter summam quam de ejus pietate, doctrina ac prudentia fiduciam in Domino habemus, ejusdem collegii tarn in spiritualibus quam
temporalibus plenariam administrationem committentes ; omnibus et singulis ejusdem
collegii membris, suppositis seu alumnis in virtute obediential mandantes, ut illi in
omnibus obediant, ac in disciplinae morumque reformatione assistant, neve quisquam
quovis praetextu huic nostrae ordinationi aut ejusdem in hoc officium assumptioni
resistat, verbisque aut faetis publice vel privatim opponat sub pcenis rebellionis et in
aliis in jure contentis. In quorum fidem, etc. Dat. Romae die ultima mensis Octobris,
anni MDLXXXVIIL, Pontificatus Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Sisti PP. Quinti anno IV.
GULIELMUS C A R D L I S ANGLIC.

L.S.
CLXXXVI1.
Madame Caterine de Cleves, Duchess of Guise, to Cardinal Allen,
Paris, 17 February, 1589.
From the original, with autograph signature, in the British
Harleian MSS. 7015, 208.

Museum.

Monsieur ; Je scay que feu Monsieur de Guise, mon mary, que Dieu absolve, faisoit
beaucoup d'estat de l'amitié et affection dont vous luy avez tousjours faict demonstration et par lettres et par effects quand l'occasion s'en est presentee, comme Monsieur
le doyen Frizon et Tabbé d'Orbais nous ont faict entendre. J'espère que vous ferez
ceste faveur à sa vefve et à ses enfans de luy continuer ceste mesmes bonne volonté,
dont je voussupplie bien humblement mesmement en l'affaire qui se présente et pour lequel

312

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

j'envois pardelà Monsieur Coqueley, conseiller en la court de parlement, oomme il vous
fera entendre. Je vous supplie, Monsieur, le vouloir escouter, et adjoupter foy à tout
ce qu'il vous dira de ma part tout ainsy que vous feriez a moimesmes. Sa principale
.charge est de demander à sa Sainteté justice du massacre commis en la personne de feù
Monsieur mon mary et de feu Monsieur le Cardinal de Guise son frère aussy injustement comme inhumainement, et de la detention contre toute raison de mon fllz aisné.
II vous en fera entendre toutes les particularites, encores que je croy que pires vous
en aurez esté adverty dailleurs. Je supply e aussy très humblement sa Sainteté pour
les benefices de feu Monsieur le Cardinal, qu'il luy plaise d'en vouloir gratiffier lung de
mes filz, nepveu du deffunct, auquel il avoit donne son nom sur les saincts fonts de
baptesme, et l'ayant aussy dessigné son succeseur, nous l'avons faict nourrir et . . .
en ceste profession et devotion pour faire ung jour quelque bon a . . -1 à l'eglise.
J'espère quec en vue 2 si urgente occasion sa Sainteté ne fera difficulté de la dispense sur
la minorité de .son aage, ayant eggard au grand nombre d'enfans tous jeunes et des
grandes debtes que m'a laissées le deffunct, comme vous pourra plus particulièrement
dire ce porteur. Sur la suffisance duquel me remectant je ne vous feray plus longue
lettre, sinon pour vous asseurer que de la faveur et bons offices qu'il vous plaira nous
faire en cet endroit nous demourerons à jamais obligéz à vous faire service. D'aussy bon
caeur comme très humblement je me recommande à voz bonnes graces, supplyant le
Créateur vous donner en bonne sante, Monsieur, tres longue et très heureuse vie. De
Paris 3 ce xvn t e Febvrier, 1589.
Vostre très humble et très affectionnée à vous faire service,
CATERINE DE CLEVES.

Addressed.
Monsieur Monsieur le Cardinal Alanus.

Kome.

CLXXXVIII.
The Duke of Mayenne tò Cardinal Alien.

Paris, 8 Aprii, 1589.

*om the original, with autograph signature, in the British Museum : Harleian 3fSS.
7015, 206. Printed also in Miehaud et Poujoulat, Nouvelle Collection de
Memoires pour servir à Vhistoire de France, 2me Serie, Tome I., p. 342.
Monsieur ; Je vous ay une infìnie obligacion des bons offices que je recois de vous
en la cause de feuz Messieurs mes frères,4 desquels ayant cogneu l'intégrité et le zelle
qu'ilz avoient à l'exaltation de la gioire de Dieu, sans aultre passion ny interest, vous
1
2
The MS. is injured at this point : a word beginning with a has perished.
de omitted?
The word Reims seems to have been first written, and then another word written over it, which it
appears from an endorsement is Paris.
* Henry Duke of Guise and Louis Cardinal of
Guise, archbishop of Eeims.
3

313

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

en pouvez rendre certain tesmoinage à Nostre Saint-Pere et à Messieurs vos confreres.
Ceste grande compagnye, qui est la première de la Chrestienté, scaura bien mettre en
considéracion l'indignité et inhumanité des actes qui ne touchent poinct plus au par-r
ticulier de ina maison que au general de tous les Princes et des catholiques ; comme
aussy ceulx qui ont mis les mains sanglantes sur eulx ont estimé par leur mort avancer
la ruyne de nostre sainte relligion. Nous espérons que Sa Sainteté et le Saint-Siège
pourvoiront à telz desordres par ung si sainct jugement et décret que nous nous en
puissions promettre restablissement et seureté de l'église de Dieu; en laquelle nous
protestons de vouloir vivre et mourir, n'ayant rien devant les yeux ny en l'àme que ce
pur zelle, selon que noz actions et deportemens le feront tousjours paroistre, dont nous
nous remettrons sur les preuves du passe et sur ce que Monsieur le doyen Frizon vous
en fera entendre. Vous baisant en cest endroict bien humblement les mains, et priant
Dieu vous donner, Monsieur, en parfaicte sante très longue et heureuse vye, de Paris ce
viii. Apvril, 1589,
Vostre plus humble and très affectionné serviteur,
CHARLES DE LORRAINE, Due

DE MAYENNE.

Addressed.
A Monsieur Monsieur le Rme Cardinal Allanus.
CLXXXIX
F. John Hay to Cardinal Allen.

Cologne, 26 June, 1589.

From the original among the Lansdowne MSS. in the British Museum.

90, 15.

Illustrissime domine, post oscula manuum omnem reverentiam obsequiique nostri
promptitudinem.
Cum illustrissimus dominus Octavius episcopus Calatinus, suae Sanctitatis Nuntius,
quern Colonise prsesentem habemus, rnihi in brevi amice dixisset vestram Celsitudinem
(ut fertur Roma) promovendum aut promotum ad archiepiscopatum Mechliniensem,
summo sum perfusus gaudio. Singulari enim Dei providentia hoc factum existimo ut
gens ilia Belgica, olim ab erroribus gentilismi per Britones et Scotos episcopos ad
lufmen] 1 fidei conversa, denuo per similes SS. Rumoldi et Bonifacii in vita et doctrina
successores lumen fidei nonnihil in gente ilia Belgica obtenebratum resplendeat. In te
enim uno (absit verbi jactantia) vitam S. Rumoldi, primi archiepiscopi Mechliniensis,
labores Bonifacii tanquam in speculo contemplor. Ille sanguine suo ecelesiam Mechliniensem sine macula et ruga acquisivit; hie totius Germanise fundavit rexitque
ecclesias : quas jam cum speremus ex hoc rumore sparso vestrse fidei et diligenti^ committendas, Deum Opt. Max. precabimur ut incertus rumor in certam scientiam conversus
vestram Celsitudinem nobis talem tribuat in cujus vita fervor martyrum S. Rumoldi
1

The MS. is worn away at this point.

s s

314

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

resplendeat et cujus labores Sancti Bonifacii meritis respondeant. Harum vero latorem,
Robertum Bellamy, Anglum, Londiniensem (ut asserit) ut vestrse Celsitudini commendem non opus esse existimo ; cujus virtus et fìdei constantia turn in Anglia turn in
Scotia multis argumentis emicuit, ut latius vestrse Celsitudini declarabit ; in cujus
causa et duorum aliorum, Thomao Hey the et Georgii Stoker, 1 Scotise Rex, etsi hsereticus,
ad illustr. Parmensem scripsit. De adversa fortuna Scotis comitibus contra Regem
congregatis illata ipsorum ignavia idem lator oculatus testis vestrse Celsitudini latius
explicabit ; quam Deus Opt. Max. ad ecclesise Albionis restitutionem diu servet incolumem. Datum Colonise Agrippina 26 Junii, 1589.
V. Cels. servus,
F R . JOAN. HAY, Scotus,

provincia Colonise fratrum S. Francisci de observantia minister.
Addressed.
Illustrissimo et rev mo domino, D. Guilielmo Alano, Cardinali, domino suo colendissimo. Romse, in sacro palatio.

cxc.
Testimonial from Cardinal Allen to Mr Clement Throgmorton.

Rome, 1 Nov., 1589.

From the original, with autograph signature and seal, in the Public Record Office,
London. Lorn. Eliz. Vol. 227, n. 33.
Gulielmus miseratione divina S. R. E. tituli S li Martini in Montibus presbyter
Cardinalis Alanus, vulgariter de Anglia nuncupatus, universis et singulis prsesentes
literas inspecturis, lecturis vel legi audituris salutem in Domino. Ad universitatis
1
I n the archives of the see of Westminster ( I I I . 7) there is the following letter concerning M r
George Stoker from F F . William Creytton and E d m u n d Hay, S. J., to F . Alphonsus Agazzari, S. J.,
rector of the English College at Rome, 16 J a n u a r y , 1582. " Siamo stiati inchiesti da huomini
molto da bene et Inglesi et Scossezi di scrivere la presente in raccommandazione del presente portitore
Signor Georgio Stoker Inglese, gli quagli ci hanno fatto fede eh' e huomo catholico et da bene et eh'
habbia servito circa venti anni il Signor Conte di Northumberland a, il quale patì la morte in Inglit e r r a per la fede catholica, et costui se salvò con grand pericolo et dipoi ha servito la Signora Contessa
vedoa del detto Signor Conte, et adesso trovvandosi in grandissima necessità et non odendo ritornar
al paese ni potendo ricevere cosa alcuna da i suoi parenti et amici per le rig [or] ose legi che lo vetano
desidera haver qualche soccorso da sua Santità per mezzo della R. Y. Noi preghiamola voler favorirli
secondo la sua carità, perche può esser membro molto utile per molte cose, perche sa benissimo le cose
sulli confini d' Ingliterra et Scotia, il che può lui servir molto, et non lo dichiamo senza buon fondamento. I l dolce Giesu sia sempre colla R. V., et alla santa sua devotione molto da cuore ci raccommandiamo. Da Pariygi, a di 16 di Genaio, 1582. Della Y. R. servi in Christo, Gugliel 0 Creytton
E d m u n d o Hayo." T h e signatures appear to be autographs aad the letter in F . Creytton's hand.

315

OF CAKDINAL ALLEN.

vestrae et cujuslibet vestrum notitiam deducimus ac deduci volumus per prsesentes
nobilem virum dominum Clementem Throgmortonum, Anglum, preesentium latorem,
nedum catholicum sed ob catholicse fidei professionem afflictum et exulem, ad liane
almam Urbem devotionis et pietatis causa superioribus diebus accessisse, modoque ad
alia catholicorum loca pii negotii causa se conferre decrevisse. Quocirca vobis omnibus
et singulis supradictis ilium in Domino summopere commendamus •; rogantes vos quatenus eundem ad loca vestra venire, stare indeque recedere ac transire una cum suis
bonis libere, secure et tuto permittatis, ac in omnibus rebus honestis ei faveatis ; cert i o r a t e s vos rem piam et gratam nobis facturos, deque ea gratias maximas vobis
acturos, ac Deo largiente vobis uberrime relaturos. In quorum omnium et singulorum
fidem ac testimonium prsesentes de mandato nostro confectas literas subscripsimus
easque sigilli nostri jussimus et fecimus impressione communiri. Romse, in palatio
Apostolico, die primo mensis Novembris, anni MDLXXXIX ; sedente D. N. Sixto V.
Pontifice Maximo.
GULIELMUS CARDLIS ALANUS.

L S.
CXCL
Laevinus Torrentius, bishop o£ Antwerp, to Cardinal Allen.
Printed in the Bulletins

25 January, 1590.

de la commission royale d'histoire à Bruxelles.
Serie; Tome 7, p. 327.1

Deuxième

Cum amicorum ex Hispania Uteris intellexissem te esse archiepiscopum Mechliniensem, valde quidem gavisus fui turn illius turn nostras quoque Antverpiensis, quae
illi subest, ecclesia causa ; sed multo magis cum Romae a Tornacensi episcopo2 nunciatum fuit te provinciam liane jam suscepisse ; unde nec dubitandum quin brevi tua hic
prsesentia fruamur. Et provinciam quidem nactus es duram et difficilem, sed in qua ob
id ipsum singularis tua doctrina atque prudentia magis effulgeat.
CXCII.
Cardinal Allen to Lord Paget. [Rome] 30 January, 1590.
From the original

holograph* in the Public Record Office, London.
Vol. 230,™. 17.

Bom.

Eliz.,

My good Lord ; Yours of the xivth came to me X dayes sith, being right sory for
that foule fact your L. writeth of, and that irremidiable disunion amongst our
1

For an account of Cardinal Allen's nomination to the See of Malines see the Historical Intro2
duction to the First and Second Douay Diaries, pp. lxxxvi.-lxxxix.
Dr John Vendeville.
3
There is a copy of this document in a later hand immediately following the original in the same
Volume, n. 18.
S S%

316

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

banished men, which is a plage of God farre more heavye then our banishment it
selfe ; and wo upon them that are thoccasion thereof, who so ever they be. I have
ever with much tolleration sought to reconcile all such breaches, and so I will do still,
and will as much as in me lyeth, and as authority and jurisdiction shall be given unto
me, seeke by force of law to redresse the same and correct all disorders without partialitye, as farre as God shall give me his grace and assistance. I trust it is a thing that
concerneth that young mans folly onely, trusting verily that no man of compt or honestye
wold ether counsel or encourage him to any such fact. Nether can it sinke into my
heade as yet that such men as your L. seemeth som what to suspect (whereof doctor
Griffeth here over and above your letter gave me insinuation) should be any wise
acquainted with any such foule matters. God forbid they should ; and me think I
might be so bold to warrant your L. there of. All my ciphers at the time of my
daungerous sicknes, when I departed from Reims and looked for no other but
death, 1 I made awaye, and I had cleane forgotten to tell your L. before that therefore I could not discipher those few words you wrot in your former in Mr Charles 2
his alphabet. Your L. must pardon that my negligens. We shall cum, I suppose, er
it be long nerer together, that we shall not neede to use ether letter or ciphers ; for I
think your L. hath hearde that his M.3 hath nominated me for Machlins, the revenewes
wherof, as the times now be, are so little that but in respect of servise and that his M.
will otherwise provide I durst not adventure to coom thether, where I am like to find
nothing but misery and discontentment of our coontrymen, and no lesse want and
calamity in myne owne province and bisshopricke, having not welthe nor meanes to
healpe as my heart desireth nether thone nor thother. But how and when so ever
I coom, all parts shall prove so great a good will and desire to serve the common
and particular, that I verily suppose all will be glad and contented, though not all
satisfy ed, or soch men as is desired or required. Fare you well, my good Lord Paget,
with my commendacions to all others,
Your L. assuredly,
T H E CARDNALL.

Jan. 30, 1590.
Addressed.
All 111"10 Sig r il Sig r Barone Pagetto come fratello ossmo.

Bruselles.

Endorsed.
Cardinali Allen to the L. Paget.
1

3 August, 1585.

2

30 Jan., 1590.

Charles Paget, brother of Lord Paget.

3

Philip II. of Spain.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

317

CXCIII.
Cardinal Allen to the cathedral Chapter of S. Rombaut at Malines.

Rome, 1 Feb., 1590,

Printed in Paquot, Histoire littéraire des Pays-Bas. Tome III., p. 667.
Venerabiles et nobis in Christo multum chari confratres.
Etsi literis et sermone multorum ante aliquot menses intelleximus Majestatem
suam ad ecclesia vestrae administrationem nostram humilitatem designasse, Pontificemque optimi Regis in ea re judicium summopere comprobare, nosque vehementer
desideravimus primo quoque tempore nonnihil et literarum et spiritualis benedictionis
vobis ac future sponsae nostrae impartiri ; tamen quia res non erat nee adhuc est perfecta vel legitime cognita, neque regias nominationis literas, nedum consecrationis
solemnem ritum, accepimus, scribendum hactenus non censuimus. Sed hoc nostrum
tacendi propositum fregit charitatis vestrae ad nos amantissima epistola, 20 Decembris
data : quo gratissimo officio nos a vobis vel excitatos vel praeventos esse non mediocriter
laetati sumus. Hanc ex iis quae scripsistis mox magnam concepimus spem fore ut et
sponsam nostri amantissimam haberemus, et vos omnes nobis in difficillima administratione unanimes in Domino coadjutores semper experiremur. De nostra autem erga vos
vicissim vestramque ecclesiam et remp. universam sincera dilectione non ex his verbis
sed futuris factis nostris vos judicare volumus. Id solum inter ea liceat dicere, nos nee
emolumentis, quae istic hoc tempore minutissima esse scimus, illectos ; nee dignitatis
incremento, qua majorem licet nobis immerito concessam esse scitis quam ut adeo hoc
titulo augeatur, inductos ; nee ulla alia humana affectione, sed sola divinse Providentiae
sorte et diuturno desiderio ecclesiae Dei et suae Majestati ac Belgiche inprimis vestrae
jam diu indignissime afflictae inserviendi, ad hoc alioqum formidabile pastorale officium
acceptandum impulsos esse. Tantum enim abest ut nostra vel commoda vel honores
vel otia hic quaeramus, ut facile praesagiat animus nos a vicinis contribulibus haereticis et falsis fratribus gravia potius et perpetua pericula subituros. Sed non facio
animam pretiosorem quam me ; fortis enim ut mors dilectio. Atque forsitan paucorum
dierum qui nobis restant cursum, quem in infelici patria cupiebamus consummare,
apud vos Dei voluntate ad corpus S tt Rumoldi, ex nostris locis oriundi, eomplebimus,
Illic in adamatum nobis vicinum Lovanium primum pro fide projecti sumus in exilium,
ibique in theologica disciplina sub excellentissimis magistris sumus instituti. Machliniàe omnes ordines ipsumque sacrum presbyteratum accepimus; ubi et aliquamdiu
habitavimus. Duaci postea longo et gratissimo hospitio accepti, variisque honoribus
scholasticis affecti, ac caeteris illius reip. singularibus favoribus continuo adjuti,
in civem jam plane Belgicae vestrae asciti videmur; ut proinde non nunc hominem
externum aut ignotum, sed beneficiis vestris vernaculum factum, vestraeque ac com-

318

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

munis salutis magis quam vitae suae studiosum sitis habituri. Ista vobis de me
polliceor : idem ut pro nobis reliquo in ilia dioeeesi clero ac praesertim praecipuarum
urbium eoUegiatis ecclesiis ac capitulis totique populo nobis dilectissimo spondeatis
obnixe postulamus ; nunquam enim per Dei gratiam vos f allemus. Plura in posterum
cum confìrmati et consecrati f uerimus scribemus, et a vobis de statu illius ecclesiae tarn
in spirituali bus quam in temporalibus magis particulatim omnia requiremus. Inter ea
si illi qui ista administrant de his rebus nos informaverint, erit gratum. Quoad caetera
nos nullum officium neque apud Pontificem neque apud Regem praetermittemus, quod
ad ecclesiae illius restitutionem aut ampliflcationem pertinere posse videatur : nam
quidquid in rebus temporalibus auxilii speratur non a nostris opibus, qua8 nullae sunt, sed
ab istis patronis expectari debet. Interim nostrum ad vos iter, quod in vere futurum
spero, piis precibus Deo Optimo Maximo illiusque ecclesiae patronis assidue (quaeso)
commendate. Valete. Eomae, Cai. Febru., A 0 Christi 1590.
W . DD. RR. uti frater charissimus,
GULIEL. CARDTNALIS ÀLANUS,

electus Machliniensis.
Addressed.
Venerabilibus viris ac mihi in Christo charissimis confratribus,
capitulo metropolitanae ecclesiae Mechlinien.
Mechliniam.

[Decano] et

CXCIV.
l

Charles Cardinal of Lorraine to Cardinal Allen.
From the originai,

Nancy, 30 March, 1590.

with autograph signature, in the British
Harleian MSS. 7015, 210.

Museum.

Monsieur ; Je ne puis laisser aller le secretaire Tysenone, present porteur, que
Monsieur le Due mon pere envoye en court de Rome, sans vous adresser ceste lettre
pour vous baiser très humblement les mains ; comme je lui ay encores donne charge
de fair e de ma part, et de vous tesmoigner le désir que j'ay de vous pouvoir fair e quelque service agréable. Faictes moy done ce bien de Tescouter et croire sur ce subjet.
Il vous pourra aussy rendre compte suffisament de toutes nos nouvelles, s'il vous plaist
les entendre, et où il aura besoin de voz faveurs pour les affaires de son Altesse ou les
miennes particulières, je vous supplye, Monsieur, Ten vouloir secourir et me commander
pardegà ou vous estimer ez que je vous pourray fair e service. Je m'y emploieray
tousjours avec Thumble devotion, de laquelle je supplye icy Nostre Seigneur vous
1
Charles, son of Charles III. Duke of Lorraine and Claude daughter of Henry II. King of
France, was born 1 July, 1567, made Bishop of Metz 18 July, 1578, Cardinal 14 December, 1589, and
Bishop of Strasburg 9 June, 1592. He died 24 November, 1607.

319

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

donner, Monsieur, en parfaite sante très longue et très heureuse vie.
trentiesme jour de Mars, 1590.
Vostre tres humble serviteur,

De Nancy, ce

CHARLES CARD 1 L DE LORRAINE.

Addressed.
Monsieur Monsieur le Cardinal Alano.

cxcv.
Cardinal Allen to Mr Charles Paget.

Rome, 4 January, 1591.

Printed in the " Briefe Apologie, ée.," by F. Robert Persons, S. J., p. 36. verso.
Whereof [viz. our common cause] yow must needs give me leave to be the leader,
because so it hath pleased God, his Holiness and his Majestie to accompt me, and notfor my owne private but for the advauncement of that service have put me in this
roome. Wherby it followeth that all those that seditiously conspire my disgrace
do band themselves directly and traiterously against the good of their countrey and
against the service of the highest Princes in Christendome, by whome only we expect
succour and releefe for our so unfortunate state; and when I name preists and
religious yow must not straight wayes inferre (as yow seeme to do in your letter)
that the priests band themselves against the nobility, as though all the nobility in
banishment or at home were of Morgans faction, or that preists were not divers of
them of as good nobility as most of those few that be addicted to Morgan.
And as for servants and followers in England, which yow say he shal fynd more by
following another course rather then this I do, God send us come to the trial and happily
arrive there, and then shal yow see by the effect what lacke of frends I shal there
have; where I thinke verily to have yow my frend also, which shalbe best for yow
and very grateful unto me, howsoever unadvisedly yow have here entangled your selfe
in my adversaryes broken matters. 1
1
"And as for the conceipt which the sayd Cardinali [Alien] had of me, you shall heare out of
his letter written with his owne hande not longe before his death, dated the 16 of July 1594, as
foloweth.
Good Master Paget, Doctor Gifforde and Master Mushe tolde you no lye, when they
advertised you of my affection, and desire of your frend ship : for so it is in deede, and so have I ever
thought of your callinge, discrete and honorable compoftement that you are worthy e to be employed, and
tojoyne with me or any e other in the service of our country e. I never had other opinion of you in my
life, etc.n An answere made by me Charles Paget Esquier to certayne untruthes and falsityes toching
my selfe, contayned in a booke, intitled a briefe Apologie or defence of the Catholicke Hierarchie
and subordination in Englande, etc. This answer is printed in Dr Humphrey Ely's Certaine Briefe
Notes, etc. p. 19. Paris. F. Robert Persons was the author of the anonymous work entitled a
Briefe Apologie etc. There is a (perhaps unique) copy of Dr Ely's Certaine Briefe Notes, etc. in the
Grenville Library of the British Museum.

320

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CXCVI.
Cardinal Allen to Mr Thomas Throgmorton.

Rome, 4 January, 1591.

From a contemporary transcript in the archives of Stonyhurst
Voli, p. 101}

College.

Anglia,

Good Mr. Throgmorton ; I receaved a letter from yowe by the hands of one of my
Lord of Gassanos chaplens, which came latter to my handes, as I answer yt latter, by
reason of the longe conclaive and sum other particular affayres incydent to the newe
elevation and coronation of his Holynes 2 ; which nowe beynge paste I coulde not forgeate to give yowe this my breefe answer to your said letter, which was both longe
and lovinge, but yett of suche matter as I thought good to inform you better of.
Therfore touchinge Thomas Morgan 3 1 cannot accuse yowe that yowe love constantlie
youre ould frende, muche lesse that yowe joyne not (as yow say sum would have yow)
in his condemnation, specyallie beinge persuaded hym to be innocent of all thinges
wherwith he was charged, and for which he was first imprisoned. Nether will I
dispute with you howe farr he was guiltye of suche matter as they lay to his charge,
beinge not acquainted in truthe with ther dealings4 or his actions in that behalf e :
indeede not thinkinge that he ever of purpose betraid the Queene of Scotts or the
common cause, thoughe I well knewe that he passed not in his pretended service that
way ether wiselie or sincerely, and that by many cunninge shiftes, doublinge and partiall dealinge he gave great suspition that he dealt not for God and accordinge to conscience but for hys owne advaunsment and sum his particular folowers ; which was
1

F. Persons has printed one or two extracts from this letter in his " Brief e Apologie," p. 35,
2
verso.
Gregory XIV. was elected Pope 5 December, 1590.
3
"Which Charles [Paget] this very yeare [1581] went out of England to live att Paris, and there
joy ned with one Thomas Morgan a Welshman that had served some yeares before, [as] secretary,
Young, called Archbishop of York, and after his death [26 June, 1568] putting himself into service of
the Earl of Shrewsbury, where the Q. of Scotts was prisoner, fell in favour and credit with her,
and afterward going into France and joyning with Mr Charles Paget in Paris made themselves both
her men, and entring further into league and streight frendship with two other secretaries, that lived
with the Q. (Nawe and Curie, the first a Frenchman, the other a Scott) and ruled all about her, they
four governed from thenceforth all the Queens affaires at their pleasure, until she being made
away in England the sayd two secretaries were pardoned and lett goe. And first of all the sayd
two in Paris opposing themselves secretly against the Archbishop of Glasco, embassador for the sayd
Q. in Paris, they broke his credit much with the sayd Q., and wrong from him iu time the administration of the Q. dowry in France, which was some 30,000 crownes a yeare ; by which they were able to
pleasure much their friends and hinder their adversaries : and then joyning themselves with Dr
Lewes in Rome and falling out with Dr Allen and F. Persons they were the cause of much division
among catholicks, which hitherto hath endured." "Story of domesticali difficulties," &c," by
4
F. Robert Persons, Stonyhurst MSS. P. 413.
The word dealings has a row of dots under
it, and doings is written between the lines.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

321

ever like unfortunately to fall out both to him selfe, his frendes and folowers and
spetiallie to the disadvauntage of the common cause and distruction of the poore
Queene, whose service he spetiallie pretended. Upon whiche presumptions yf any
theare of zeale accused him further then they could per allegata et probata condemne
hym, lett them looke how wiselie and how well they did. Yowe see many men be
accused and restrained of suspition as well in England as elswhear, and many that
have bene apprehended and indited for one thinge, whereof they have proved themselves guiltlesse, and yett by further ripinge in to matters and to their lyfe and actyons
have ben discovered of other greater matters, and so have ben condemned and executed
justelie for the same. Whearby commonly the Providence of God is rather wondred
att then the firste informers (thoughe they erred in their action) blamed ; whose zeale
is rather commendable then reprovable in any commonwealthe, att least yf they do it
not of passyon or partiality but of conscience and sinceritie ; as we may well beleave
of many of Morgans accusers, who havinge no juste cause of particular inimite for any
thing that I can know of, and divers of them beinge religious, and in a manner all the
cleargie, and sundrie also of the gentrie, cannot be thought to have dealte unjustlie in
the matter. And thoughe thear is a cunninge pretense thear amongste yow that the
cleargy in his case opposeth it self e against the nobilitie, yett that appear eth but to be a
seditious cover of sum men's iniquitie, as thoughe ther were none of the gentry that
followed not Morgans faction, but onelie priestes to be against hym. Nether will I
putt my selfe or yow to the payne to reakon all the noble men that have ben since oure
banishment or yett be alive ether in Spaine, France, Italie or Flaunders, muche lesse
that nowe be in England, whether (I say) more stand for Morgan or against him, not
for his condemnation to any greavous punishment but for defence of his actions.
Whiche I rather speake unto yowe, bycause sum tell me by ther letters from thence
that I shall gaine fewe frendes and servaunts by takinge part or defence of Morgans
accusers,1 of whose service I shall finde no lacke nether heare nor in England ; not
requiring any of ther offices that stand heare againste me for any my advauncement
or increase of creadite or honor ; though I shall accepte all waies willinglie their sayd
service and frendshipp for to do them selves good. Nether am I of the Englishe
ceremony to looke awrie att all suche as stand in deffence of my adversaries, muche
lesse to use my authoritie to revenge or represse ther unfrendlie deportments towards
me that way : and that is my nature, beinge nether cruell (I thanke God) insolent nor
inhumane, but muche countinge of everie honest mans love and spetiallie of gentlemen
as yow be, whom I have ever loved and honored no lesse before my exaltation to this
degree then after : in which affection contrary to Thomas Morgans false suggestions
(who maketh me a cruell man and of Wolsies inclination) I trust you shall fynde me
alwaies to continue spetially towards your selfe, yf yow thinke my love towards yow
may be as available as that of my adversaries. Wherin yett I have to warne yow of
1

accusers substituted for actions in the MS.
T T

.322

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

one erroi? frindlie and sincerelie ; that you interpret my doings herein to sounde rather
to my particuler and personali revenge then to the defence of the common cause,
and that Morgans accusation beinge for the common should not be adjoyned now in
the end nor be intermedled with my particuler ; this I say is your error, that yow
suppose thinges spoken, attempted and done by Morgan and his faction against me be
not done against the common cause, the service of God, [and oure] x the churche and
our cuntrie ; as yow might well think yf I were a private person and not a publicke,
not onely in respecte of the place whear I am, but in respect of all Christendom and
all persons that counte them selves subject to the Sea Apostolike. And I thinke your
selfe would not deny that contumelious, disordered and seditious speaches against the
Counsell or any of the Counsel! of England were punishable as defects don against the
publike. And to say more plainlie : the things that have ben don by that faction were
never don against me for any particuler or personali respect (my selfe nether before
my promotion nor after never gyvinge them any occasion in the world of offence) but
to the offence and spetiall hurt of the common cause. As to gyve you example ; to
drawe from me my schollers when I was in lesse degree, and to imploie them in
the common service whom I knew to be discontented and disloiall to me, then
ther master; as GifFord1 and dyvers other priests, whom the world hath now
discovered and were sett on worke to their own destruction and the ruine of
the common cause. To seek to put a pyke by cunninge dealinge betwixte me
and the cleargie on thoneside and the nobility and lay on thother. Also cunninge
fiction to make the worlde beleave ther were sum dissention betwixte the By shop of
Cassano and me, and to draw the good man into sum emulation of my dignitie and to
make him as it were a heade of a faction opposite to my frends and my procedinge ;
whear in deede we ever have lyved both togyther and asunder, he ever deferringe the
honour he knew dew e to my degree and I the mutuali love that I knew requisyte to
his ould love and respecte of me ; which we shall still continue notwithstandinge the
folishe jelousie or artificiali practise of certame ill persons do[n] to the contrary :
which howe muche it perteineth to the common cause his good, and that yt is a
thinge not of particuler personalitie but a matter parteininge to the publike, your wysdom cannot but see. When it pleased God by his Providence to induce the Pope and
King to put me in this place, for Morgan and his faction to be so boulde to address a
spetiall messanger (the poore unfortunate prior 3 of the Carthusians) under pretense of
1

2
and oure superfluous.
Gilbert Gifford.
" F a t h e r Arnold, the prior of the Englishe Carthusians in Flanders, began soone after to shewe
him selfe of this faction also, and that as is thought throughe his intrinsecali frendshipp whiche he
had with Thomas Morgan his countriman : and so loasinge his spirit of religious modestye came
to bee so outragious as hee was accused by the letters as well of his owne brethren as of the
Cardinals Allen and Caietane the Protector unto his General at Granopole [Grenoble] where having
beene and shifted of the m a t t e r he wandred into Spaine, leavinge his charge desolate the year 1590,
there to revenge him selfe by cryinge out against the said Cardinals, b u t especiallye Cardinal AllaiDe,
3

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

323

another busines of his order and house to deale openlie with hys Majestie against
me, and under pretense of my other insufficiencie or ill dealinge in the common affaires
to make supplica that the bushop of Cassano might be opposed against me and my
doinges and followers, was not this a matter of cumlie qualetie or can it be otherwise
counted then a plaine treason against the common cause ? A meanes in deede to bringe
the Kinge in doubtfullnes of us all and to thinke that under pretense of religion we
did nothing els but seeke to supplant one another, and so might have just cause to
surcease all doinges for us and to averte his holie intentions from the generali suecourse of our country ; all which the said priors treachery, as well by his owne letters
and hand as by Morgans writinges and other meanes, ys evident to all the worlde.
That, since, sum discontented persons, since the deathe of the said prior and Morgans
imprisonment, have sought to perswade some about his Majestie that this pretended
or fay ned division of our banished countrymen rose upon the difference of the Englishe and Welshe province, and that the remedie therof was to have a Cardinali also
of that parte to ballance the matter ; as thoughe it was alwaies necessary in England
that ther should be one Englishe and another Welshe Cardinali or else none at all, or
as though this matter of Morgan were a matter of cuntries ; wheras sum beguiled
Englishmen may followe hys seditious humour so many good Welshmen do detest
thiese false and dishonorable suggestions.1
Whoe all know and the whole worlde (but God especially and my owne consciens) that I never put difference betwixte Englishe and Welshe nor any one province
of our countrye and another, being readye to serve the whole and everye part and
parcell therof with all the faculties of minde and bodye and with my life also when
occasion shall be offered, as yo all maye acknowllege bye my continewall trade and
tra veil of life since I was a child e. Now as for my Lord of Cassano, the faction
coulde not have don him a greater displeasure or disgrace in the world, under pretence
and to put a red hatt upon doctor Lewis his head, as by his owne letters to Morgan he affirmeth : who
havinge committed that scandale in the co urte of Spaine and retourning whom ward with intent to
triumph therof dyed uppon the soddaine at his first entrance into Italye, beeinge younge and
lustie and resolute to prosecute the sayd faction more then ever, b u t t h a t God would not have it."
A n observation of certayne aparent judgments of Almightye God against suche as have beene seditious
in the Englishe Catholique cause for these nine or ten yeares past : written the first of December,
1598. Stonyhurst MSS. P . 485. F . J o h n Arnold was at Douay college before he became a Carthusian. See First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 98. Compare F . Persons, " Briefe Apologie," p. 32.
1
Here ends the first part of the letter written in a contemporary hand on the first two pages of a
quarto sheet of letter paper, the third and fourth pages remaining blank. A t the bottom of the first
page F . Grene, S. J., has noted " C. Alanus, 1591, 4 J a n u a r . " There is another endorsement on the
fourth page in a much older hand : '' The Cardinali to Mr Thomas Throgmorton." T h e second part
of the letter is written in a contemporary but different hand from the former part on the first two
pages of another sheet of letter paper and is endorsed on the back " T h e Card, to Mr Tho.
Frogmorton, 1591."
TT 2

324

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

to extoll him, to make him great of purpose to contradicte me, and to drawe him into
such dishonorable action both againste his knolleg and will : whose exaltation might
otherwise be comfortable unto me ; which otherwise atcheved or procured by faction
and partiality shold nether be profitable unto himself nor wellykinge unto his Majestie
and others who have more feeling in such matters and smell the bottom of such
traffick then the poore prior or his complices did thinke. Well, my good frend Mr
Throgmorton, the things descofered of Morgan yow tooke only to be personali, and
conser1 les, and mak the les of the matters wherwith he is charged ; which I impute to
your constancy e in his love and frendshippe, wherin I pray keepe som part alsoe for
me your old frende, whose affection may be in time as proffitable and honorable unto
yowe and with as litle burthen of your conscience as his or any of his complices may
be ; trusting that yo shall alwaies prove my actions as well in common as your
private to be without all fraud, treachery or simulation. It shall be ever good for
you to follow in that kind the maine streame and the principali of your nation with
soe many of the best and greateste of the nobilitye, clergye and relligious, and not
to cast your self into the creekes of a fewe and verye fewe discontented persons, which
are not soe many nor of such creditt ether at home or with Princes abroade to countervaile the numbers of those that mislike those left-handed men, nether enow to give
the name unto a faction, as thoughe the Englishe were devided amonge themselfes, as
som of follye maye give oute or of simplicitie may beleeve. And thus much I thought
to tell you in fewe words ; but the matter hath beene such, and together my love towards yow so sincere, that 1 thought not to spare a fewe words more then I mente to
mak plaine a thinge so necessary for yowe and me; which yow maye use to yourself,
or impart as far as you list alsoe to such frends as can be contente to hier the trewth
att my hands. And as for Thomas Morgan himselfe, as I deale not against him so I
have no cause to deffend him, but rather to remitt all to justice or mercye as yt shall
please God and the officers to deale towards him ; wishing his amendment with all my
harte, as I doe with like affection forgive him so much as toucheth my owne person ;
being very sorry that a man whom I have used sometimes famyliarlye and receaved
pleasures att his hande shulde fall into such busye practises as shulde bothe displease
his frend es and hinder the common good of our countrey. And I pray lett me hier of
the receite of this, whereof I have more doute because of the trowbles and difficulties
of the waise in every place. Thus fare yow well. From my lodginge in Rome,
4 Jan., 1591.
1

Perhaps conster, construe, was in the original letter.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

325

CXCVII.
Cardinal Allen to Mr Thomas Throgmorton. Home, 20 February, 1591.
From a contemporary transcript in the archives of Stonyhurst College.
Anglia,
Vol L, p. 105.1
Good Mr Throgmorton; Presuming that my letters untQ you of the 4 of February 2
have miscaried by the waie, wherby I suppose you thinke yt verry longe to have
hear de no answer as yet of yours, I have thought yt therfore necessary to sende you
a double againe of the same letters, that therby the better you may perceave bothe of
what minde and affection I was towardes you then and what also I do continew to
beare unto you still. So yt ys that I receaved a letter from you by the handes of one
of my Lorde of Cassanos chaplines, which cam later to my handes, as I answer yt also
the later, by reason of the longe conclave and som other particuler affares, incident to
the newe ellevation and coronation of his Holines ; which now beinge paste, I could
not forgeat to give you som answer to your said letter, which was bothe longe and
lovinge, but yet of suche matter as I thoughte good to informe you better of. Therfore touchinge Thomas Morgan I can not accuse you that you love constantly your
ould frende, much lesse that you joyne not (as you say som would have you) in his
condemnation, spetially beinge perswaded him to be innocent of all thinges wherwith
he wras charged and for which he was first imprisoned. Nether will I dispute with
you how far he was guilty of suche matter as they lay unto his charge, beinge not
acquainted in truthe with his doinges or any his actions in this behalf ; indeede not
thinking nether that he ever of purpose betraied the Q. of Scotland or the common
cause, thoughe I well knewe that he proceeded not in his pretended service
that way ether so wysely or sincerely as he ought to have done, but that by
many cunninge shiftes, ind[oubflinges and partiall dealinges he gave suspition
that he dealt not therin for God, nor yet accordinge unto conscience, but rather for
his owne advaunsment and sum his particuler followers : which was ever like unfortunatly to fall out both to himself, his frendes and followers, and spetially to the
disadvauntage of the common cause and distruction of the poore Queene herself, whose
service he spetially pretended. Upon which presumptions if any thear of zeal
accused him further then they could per allegata et probata condemne him, lett them
looke howe well and wisely they have done it. You see many 4 . . how men be
accused and restrained as well in England as elswheare upon mere suspition, and many
that have ben apprehended and indited for one thinge wherof they have proved themselves guiltles, and yet by further ripinge into matters and to their lief and actions
have ben after discovered culpable of other greater matters then they were befor
1

There is a sufficient amount of difference between this letter and that of which it is a duplicate
2
to make it worth while to print them both.
This must be an error of the copyist for January.
3
4
One or two letters worn away in the MS.
A word worn away in the MS.

326

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

suspected of, and so have been condemned and executed for the same. Wherby
comonly the Providence of God ys rather wondered at then the first informers (though
they erred in their action) blamed ; whose zeale ys rather commendable then reprovable in any comonwelth, so long as they do yt not of passion nor partiality, but of
conscience and sincere intention ; as we may well beleave that of Morgans accusers
did, who havinge no juste cause of particuler inimite for any thinge that I can knowe
of, yea divers of them being religious and in a manner all the cleargy of our nation,
and sundry also of the gentry opposinge themselves against him, yt cannot well be
thoughte that so many persons of sundry qualities may have dealt unhonestly in this
particuler mans matter. And thoughe ther be a cunning pretence thear amongst you
that the cleargy in this case opposeth yt self againste the nobillite, yet that appeareth
but to be a seditious cover of som mens iniquite, as thoughe ther were none of the
gentry that followed not Morgans faction, but that priestes only were the men that
were against him. I will not put miself nor you to the paines to reckon all the
noblemen that have ben since our banishment or yet are alive ether in Spaine, France,
Italy or Flanders, much lesse that now be in England, whether (I say) more of them
do stande for Morgan or against him, I meane not for his condemnation to any greavous
punishment but for mislike of his actions. Which the rather I repeat unto you at
this time, because sum tell me by their letters from thence that I shall gaine fewe
f rends and servauntes by takinge parte or defFence of Morgans accusers ; of whose
services assure yourself I shall finde at all no lacke nether heare nor in England ; not
requiring any of their offices that stand heare againste me for any my advaunsement
or increase of creadite or honor ; thoughe yet I shall accepte [allwaies] * willingly their
said service and frendship che[efly]2 for to do themselves [good].1 Nether am I of the
[English] 1 ceremony to look awrie at all suche as [stand in] 1 deffence of my adversares, much lesse to use my authority to revenge or represse their unfrendly deportments towards me that Way: and that ys my nature, being nether cruell (I thanke
God) insolent nor inhumane, but much accomptinge of every honest mans love and
spetially of gentlemen as you be, whom I have ever loved and honored no lesse before
my exaltation to this degree then after. In which affection (contrary to Thomas
Morgans false suggestions) I truste you shall finde me allwaies to continue spetially
towardes yourself, yf you thinke my love towardes you may be as availeable as that
of my adversares. Wherin I have yet to [warne] 1 you of one errour frendly and sincerely, namely in that you interpret my doinges hearin to sounde rather to my particuler and personali revenge then to the defFence of the common cause, and that
Morgans accusation beinge for the common should not be adjoyned now in thende nor
be intermedled with my particuler : this I say ys your errour that you suppose the
thinges spoken, attempted and don by Morgan and his faction against me not to be
x

A word worn away in the MS.

MS. worn away.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

327

don against the common cause and the service of God, the churche and onr countrie.
All which you might well thinke, yf I were a privat person and not a publike, not
only in respecte of the place wher I am, but in respecte of all Christendom besides
and of all persons whosoever that counte themselves subject to the Sea Apostolike.
And I thinke yourself wolde not deny but that contumelious, disordered and seditious
speaches againste the Counsell or an}? of the counsellors of England wer punishable as
offences don againste the publike. And to say the trothe, you well enughe knowe
that the thinges which have ben don by that faction never were don against me for
any particuler or personali respecte of mine owne (miself nether before my promotion
nor after never givinge them any occasion in the worlde of offence) but wer rather
don to the offence and spetial hurte of the common cause. As to give you example ;
to drawe from me my schollers, when I was in lesse degree then now I am, and to
imploie them in publike services, yea suche whom I knewe to be discontented and
disloiall to me, then their master, as Gifford1 by name aiid divers other priestes whom
the worlde hathe now discovered, all which wer sett on worke to their own destruction
and the ruine of the common cause. To seek to [put] 2 a pike by cunninge dealinge
betwen me and the cleargy on thoneside and nobillite and layety on thotherside. As
also by cunninge fiction to make the worlde beleave that ther wer som distention
betwixte the Bushop of Cassano and me, wherby to drawe the good man in to som
emulation of my dignite, and to make him (as yt were) a heade of a faction opposite
to my frendes and my proceedinge ; wher in deede we ever have loved bothe together
and a sunder, he ever deferringe the honor he knewe de we to my degree and I the
mutuali love that I knewe requisite aswell to his eallinge as to his oulde affection and
respecte of me ; which we shall still observe, notwithstandinge the folishe jealosie or
artificiali practises of certen ill disposed persons don to the contrary. AIL which
pointes how muche they parteine to the common cause good cr ill, and that they are
thinges not of particuler personalty but matters parteining to the publike yt self your
wysdom cannot I know but see. When yt pleased God of his Providence to induce
the Pope and King to put me in this place, for Morgan and his faction to be so boulde
to addresse a spetiall messanger, (the poore unfortunate prior 3 of the Carthusians)
under pretence of other businesses of his order and house to deale openly with his
Majestie against me, and under pretence of my ether insufficiencie or ill dealinge in
the common affaires to make supplica that an other might be exalted to the like
dignite and opposed against me and my doinges and followers, was not this a matter
of comly quality or can yt be otherwise accompted then a plaine treason againste the
common cause ? A meanes in deede to bringe the Kinge in doubtefulnes of us all,
and to thinke that under pretense of religion we did nothing else but seeke to supplante one an other, and so might have juste cause to surcease all doinges for us and
1
a
3
Gilbert Gifford.
A word worn away in the MS.
F. John Arnold.
See p. 322, note.

328

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

to averte his holy intentions from the generali succourse of our cuntrie ; all which the
said priors treachery, as well by his owne letters and hande as by Morgans writinges
and by other meanes also, ys now evident to all the worlde. That againe sum like
discontented persons after the deathe of the said prior and Morgans imprisonment
have sought to persuade som about his Majestie that this pretended or fained division
of our banisshed cuntriemen rose upon the difference of the Englishe and Welshe provinces and that the remedy therof was to have a Cardinali also of that parte to ballance the matter; as thoughe yt was allwaies necessary in Englande that ther shuld
be one Englishe and an other Welshe Cardinali or else none at all ; as thoughe this
matter of Morgan were a matter of cuntries, whear indeede yt ys not so. For as som
beguiled Englishmen may followe his seditious humor, so many good Welshemen do
detest thies false and dishonorable suggestions ; who all do knowe and the whole
worlde besides, but God espetially, and myne owne conscience, that I never put difference betwixte Englishe and Welshe nor any other province of our cuntrie and an
other, but have ever ben ready to serve the whole and every parte and parcell
therof with all the facultes of minde and body and with my lief also when occasion shall be offered, as you all may acknowledge by my continuali travell and
trade of livinge ever since I was a childe. Now as for my Lorde of Cassano
the faction in deede coulde not have don him a greater displeasure or disgrace
in the worlde then, under pretence to extoll him, to make him great of purpose
to contradict me, and to draw him in to suche a dishonorable action bothe against
his knowledge and will. Whose orderly exaltation as yt might allwaies be manifouldty
comfortable unto me, so otherwise accheaved or procured by faction and partiality
shuld nether be profitable to himself nor wellikinge unto his Majestie and others, who
have more fealinge in suche matters and smell the bottom of suche traffique better
then the poor prior or his complices did thinke. To drawe towardes som ende, coulde
you or any man beleeve that Thomas Morgan after so many his unfortunat proceadinges, wherby her Majestie of Scotland and so many have ben (thoughe not by his
intention yet by his rashenes) ruinated, and now all pretense of the said Queenes or any
other Princes agency or comission beinge voide, that he (I say) beinge but a mere
privat person shuld be of so resteles a disposition and withall so hedious as to complott
the makinge and placinge of ambassadors in Rome, Spaine, Paris, Savoia, the creatinge
also of Cardinals, governours, viceroys and suche like ? Thies be highe matters of state
and not of any privat person. Well my good frende Mr Throgmorton, the thinges
discovered of Morgan you tooke only to be personali and conster l beste and make the
least e of the matters wherwith he ys charged, which I impute unto your constancie in
his love and frendship : wherin I pray you keape som parte also for me your oulde
frende, whose affection may be in time as profitable and honorable unto you and with
as little burthen of your conscience as his or any of his complices can be ; trustinge
1
The word means perhaps construe.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

329

you shall allwaies prove my actions as well in common as your privat to be without
fraude, treachery or simulation. Yt shall be ever good for you to followe in that
kinde the maine streame and the principali of your nation with so many of the best
and greatest (without comparison) of the nobillite, cleargy and religious, and not
to caste yourself in to the creekes of a fewe and vèary fewe discontented persons ; who
are not yet so many nor of suche credit ether at home or with other Princes abrode as
to countervale the numbers of those that mislike the dealinges of thies left handed
men, nether yet enow to give the name unto a faction of a whole nation, as thoughe
the Englishe were indifferently devided amongst themselves about thies matters ;
which ys altogether untrue and in a manner also unpossible, thoughe som of folly may
give out so or of simplicite may beleave yt. And thus muche I thought to tell you in
fewe wordes, but that the matter hathe ben suche, and together my love towardes you
so sincere, that I thought not good to spare a fewe wordes more then I meante to
make plaine a thing so necessary for you and me. Which you may use to yourself e
or imparte so farr as you liste, cheefely unto suche frendes as can be contented to
heare the truthe at my handes. And as for Thomas Morgan himselfe, as I deale not
against him, so I have no cause to deffende him, but rather to remitt all to justice or
mercy, as yt shall please God and the officers to deale towardes him ; wisshinge his
amendment with all my harte ; as I do with like affection forgive him so muche as
towcheth myne owne person ; beinge very sory that a man, whom I have used sometimes familierly and receaved pleasures at his handes, shuld fall in to suche busy
practises as shulde bothe displease his frendes and hinder the common good of our
afflicted cuntrie. I pray you let me heare of the receyte of this, wherof I have the
more doubte because the former copies were loste, and because of the continuali
difficulties of the waies in every place. 20 Feb., 1591.
Endorsed.
My letters to Mr Thomas Throg. [In Cardinal
20 Feb., 1591. Card. Allen [In F. Persons hand].

Allen's hand] about the faction.

CXCVII1.
F. Kobert Persons, S. J., to Don Juan de Ydiaquez. Seville, 4 April, 1591.
From a transcript by F. Christopher Grene, S. J., in the archives of Stonyhurst
College. P . 246.
Copia de la carta para Don Juan de Ideaquez sobre los soldados convertidos a
3 de Marc.0, 1591, copyed out of F. Persons owne wryting.
Tras lo que escrivi los dias passados sobre la reducion de los Yngleses en las
galeras, 1 torno a escrivir algunos renglones aora a su Mgd de los sefLales que ay de que
1

" Personius magnam partem hyemis [1590-1591] apud portum S. Mariae [near Cadiz] consumerò
U U

330

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

està conversion aya sido muy verdadera, y esto por las causas que V. S. ya sabra, o las
dire a V. S. a la buelta ; y aunque bien se que su Mgd monstrara la misma carta a V. S.
toda via lie querido embiar el traslado para mayor seguridad.
En la substancia del negocio no tengo que afladir mas a V. S. sino fu ere dezirle
llanamente con la c o n n a t a que suelo presumir con V. S. que me lie espantado de
la tibiec^a con que si ha recebido la volundad de Ics Yngleses que ellos an offerecido
con tanto amor y con tan grande riesgo y perdida suya.
Muy buena obra si les hara en quanto a lo temporal en mandarles bolver a su
tierra en veniendo su riscate que si aguarda ; y en lo espiritual tambien confio en Dios
que por donde quiera que vayan la mayor parte dellos quedaran siempre constantes en
la fc, que es la sola cosa de mi inter es, si parte alguna tengo en està riducion, que sera
muy poca. Pero si esto sera mejor por el servicio de su Mgd si deve mirar, y yo por
mi lo tengo por muy cierto que si el enemigo tubiere tal occasion de honrar a se y de
ha9ernos daiio con gente nuestra, no lo dexare passar ansi sin servirse della con mayor
cuydado y demonstracion.
Una cosa muy*. cierta es que pensar poder prevalecer en Yngiaterra sin tener parte
de dientro es engaiio muy grande, y pensar tener està parcialidad sin procurarla y
conservarla es tambien erigano ; ni hai cosa tan contraria a esto corno la disconfian^a
la qual hasta aora si ha muestrado con los Yngleses, aun catholicos, en todas las
occasi ones, las quales podrei cuentar a V. S. en particular, pero bastara por todas la
del tiempo de la Jornada quando si manifesto a todo el mundo : pues temendo su Mgd
mas menester entonces que nunca de sirvirse de su parcialidad, ningun caso si hizo
della, ni si hizo confìan^a alguna de persona viviente de la na9i'on dientro o fuera del
reyno, aunque avia muchas que pudieren aver ayudado y avian offerecido sus vidas
antes en servicio de su Mgd.
Esto sintieron mucho todos los buenos de la nacion, pareciendoles que su volundad
fedelissima a su Mgd no merecia una disfìa^a 1 tan notoria a todo el mundo, Mucha
pena tambien les dava entender que algunos ministros principales de su Mgd dezian
(y esto se yo que es verdad) que ellos no entendian que avia catholicos en Yngiaterra ;
y si algun dixiere que el lo era, muy bien se recatarian en creerlo ; y si quesieren 2
reduzirse, no se admiterian sino con recato, &c.
En està manera V. S. vee lo que succediere a los pobres catolicos si la victoria
estubiere de nuestra parte ; y esto era f or9oso succederles no solamente por la poca
noticia y amor que llevavan los ministros, pero tambien y principalmente por la disconfian9a que tubieren de todos los buenos de la nacion, los quales les podian dar luz
de los demas. Y porque intiendo que Dios no quiso que a sus siervos si hiziessen
eoactus est in reducendis ab haeresi nonnullis Anglis qui in triremibus regiis captivi detinebantur.
Nonaginta autem et tres reducti sunt, et ab utraque servitù te turn animi turn corporis liberati."—
Annales seminarii seu collegii Anglorum Hispalensis ; ex autographa Personii usque ad mensem
l
2
Martii, 1595. Stonyhurst MS3. P. 3453 349.
disconjianza ?
quisiesen?

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

331

tantos estragos por mano de los nuestros, despues aver padecido lo que an padecido de
los hereges, dio el successo que emos visto ; ni tengo esperanza de mejor, hasta que si
toman medios mas proportionados al santo fin de la sincera reformacion de aquel reyno
que si pretende que no si tomaron la otra vez, aunque no si duda de la buena intencion
de su Mgd.
Esto escrivio a V. S. con la occasion de la disconfianca que si ha muestrado aora
de recibir al servicio de su Mgd los Yngleses reducidos en las galeras, ni lo dixo para
que no si mire muy bien para toda siguridad, antes deseo esto sobre todas las cosas :
pero con esto dixo que tan poco si deve creer a los que para parecer prudentes y
cuydadosos quieren poner dudas y suspechas en todos los extrangeros ; porque esto no
es siempre prudencia ni piedad, antes muchas vezes es enfermidad, y nasce de nuestra
casa, y es causa di muy grandes males, particularmente de enemistades ; pues adonde
hai suspecha y disconvenienza ne hai amor ni fìdelidad ; ni hai cosa nel mundo que
mas hace desesperar a los hombres que recebir disconfianca enpaga di buena volundad,
y quanto mas universal fuere o nacional tanto peor.
Y porque he commenc^ado hablar en està materia, dire tambien esto particular,
que en los 30 anos que ha reynada Isabella en Ynglaterra an venido al servicio de su
Mgd en Flandes y otras partes muy grande numero de Yngleses catholicos que ubieren
podido hazer grandes cosas y grandes daflos a la Reyna, y muchos dellos eran hombres
de calidad y perdieron lo que tenian para acudir a està parte, y otros quedavan alla a
la mira para seguirles si les succediere bien ; pero nunca si ha hecho confianca dellos
en cosa alguna de importancia, y assi an perecido todos in effeto, y no solamente los
hombres particulares sino las compaiiias y regimientos tambien de soldados, y esto por
el poco amor y cuydado que dellos toman los ministros para tratarles bien y conservaries : aunque los de la parcialidad de nuestro Morgan y Pageto an querido attribuirlo a principio mas alto, que es a la disconfianza que su Mgd y toda està nacion
tiene de los mismos catolicos de Ynglaterra, en lo qual si les ha hecho la contradicion
por el Cardenal y otros que V. S. en parte sabe, et hic fons discordia? extitit.
Mas he escrito de lo que pensava en està materia, aunque no mas de lo que
importa la consequencia deste negotio de los reducidos ; el qual corno es caso nuevo y
nunca antes accaecido y muy notorio por todas las partes, ansi si advirtera mucho la
demonstracion que en el hara su Mgd ; y si poco .caso si hiziere destos, no aya miedo
V. S. che otros siguiran a su exemplo, ni que los de Ynglaterra aguardaran mejor
tratamiento en llegando Espafioles alla ; y intiendo que esto solo pondra mas disconfìanca y disesperanca en los amigos de alla que qualquiera otra cosa que hasta aora ha
succedido. Dios encamine todo por lo mejor.
En lo universal no ay que eserivir mas, ni de que cansar mas a V. S. con mas
papeles, pues sobran los que emos escripto. V. S. me dixo en Escurial que o este ano
o nunca ; y ya estamos en lo primero, y veo tan poco aparejo que me haze pensar que
por ventura Dios quiere lo segundo : fiat voluntas ejus sicut in cedo ita et in teiera.
uu 2

332

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Una sola cosa tengo de supplicar muy encarecidamente a V. S., que si su Mgd no tiene
en que emplear de presto el coronel Stanley que se le de licencia para bolver a Flandes
o Francia, donde su Mgd fuere servido occuparlo en algo ; pues esto seria darle vida y
mucho Consuelo, y al contrario tenerlo aca sin hazer nada es martyrizarlo de mil
muertes. Y pues intiendo que esto otro sera servicio de su Mgd y grande contiento por
el buen cavallier, el qual lo merece por su fedelissima volundad a su Mgd, torno a supplicar a V. S que si haga con effetto con quanta instancia puedo pedirlo, &c. Dios
guarde a V. S. siempre. Se villa, 4 Abril, 1591.
ROB. PERSONIO.

CXGIX.
Gount de Olivares to Philip II.
From a transcript

Rome, 28 Aprii, 1591.

of the despatch in the archives of

Simancas.
0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado. Leg 957. Copia de carta
descifrada del Conde de Olivares a S. M., fecha en Roma a 28 de Abril de 1591.
Sefior.
Hable al Cardenal Alano en conformidad de lo que V. Md mando en el despachar
la yglesia de Malinas y su yda a residir, y demas de mostrarse aparejado a hazer lo
que V. Md mandare, muestra desseo de que no se le acabe la vida sin haver hecho
algun servicio a Dios con la dignidad en que le ha puesto y a V. Md por la merced que
le ha hecho, y tambien conoce que con estar en lugar donde aya pressidio de Espaiioles
no tiene peligro de las machinas que contra su vida podra yntentar la Ynglesa. Solo
repara en que estando alii, donde tantos Yngleses acudirian a el y donde havria
menester vivir con algun lustre, le seria mas hazienda, porque Malinas presupone que
el dia de oy no le vale ninguna cosa, y lo que el tiene, con los 100 escudos 1 al mes que
le cessarian en saliendo de aqui, con vivir limitada y estrechamente no ha tenido para
comprar paiios para colgar su aposento ni cama en que dormir, que de lo que se sir ve
es mio, y con todo esto deve algunos dineros, de que yo tambien en parte soy testigo.
Agora està muy occupado con la revision de la Biblia que hizo Sixto V., siendo uno de
los Cardenales a quien el Papa lo ha remitido, y el que mejor entiende la materia y
que mas resiste a las mudancas. Esto creo se acabara este verano, a lo menos hasta
ponerlo en estado de embiarlo a las universidades para tornar su parezcer. Conforme
a esto y a la utilidad que V. Md juzgare de su persona alla, podra mandar lo que mas
fuere de su servicio. Dios guarde, &c. De Roma, a 28 de Abril, 1591.
- ' " Nel conclave del 1464 fu eletto Paolo II., che come d'animo grande non solo aumentò le prerogative de' Cardinali, ma a quelli che non aveano di rendita ecclesiastica 4000 scudi annui ordinò che
la Camera Apostolica loro somministrasse 100 scudi d'oro al mese, ciò che volgarmente si chiamò il
piatto del Cardinale povero.''1 Dizionario Storico-Ecclesiastico by Moroni. Vol. LII., p. 274.

333

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

CO.-

.

Monumental inscription at Zagarolo.1 1591.
From a copy printed in Moroni, Bizionario

Storico-Ecclesiastico.

Vol. CIII., p. 385.

Gregorius XIV. P.M.
De incorrupta sacrorum Bibliorum puritate solicitus
Textum Vulgata editionis
Sedente pnedecessore suo Sisto V.
Typis Vaticanis indiligenter excussum
A pluribus quae irrepserant mendis expurgari
Pristinoque nitori restitui curavit,
Deleetis in hunc scopum
Atque Zagarolum missis clarissimis viris,
Bartholomaeo Miranda, Andrea Salvener,
Antonio Agellio, Roberto Bellarmino, Joanne de Val ver de,
Lselio Landò, Petro Molino et Angelo Rocca,
Additis etiam doctrina non minus quam dignitate
Eminentissimis Cardinalibus,
Marco Antonio Col umna et Guilelmp Alano,
Qui Pontificia obsequentes voluntati
Anno MDLXXXXI.
Communibus collatis animadversionibus et notis
Opus insigne
Et catholicse religioni maxime salutare
Assiduo seduloque XIX dierum labore
His ipsis in sedibus perfecerunt.
Ne tantse rei notitia aliquando periret,
Clemens Dominicus Rospigliosius,
Clementis IX. P. 0. M.
Ex fratre pronepos, Zagarolensium dux,
Monumentum posuit,
Anno salutis MDOCXXIII.
1
Zagarolo is a town about one mile and a half distant from Palestrina. It was formerly a fief of
the Colonnas, in whose favour St. Pius V. raised it to a dukedom. The conferences commemorated
by this inscription took place in a hall of the baronial palace of Zagarolo, which then belonged to
Cardinal Marc' Antonio Colonna.

334

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

OCT..

Joint protestation of Cardinal Allen and Dr Owen Lewis, bishop of Cassano.
Rome, 6 May, 1591.
From a contemporary copy without signatures in the archives of the see of
Westminster. IV., 95. Printed also in Dodd. Vol. II., p. 240.
Nos, quorum nomina inferius propriis nostris manibus scripta notantur, ad confusionem diaboli et membrorum ejus, haereticorum, qui mutuo et constanti inter nos
amori antiquo invident, et astutia serpentina fraternam inter nos unionem separare saepe
conantur, et ad certiorem quoque instructionem multorum catholicorum, nostrorum
amicorum communium, qui decepti falsis et fictis quorundam rationibus suspicantur
fortasse non esse inter nos duos solitam illam et sinceram amicitiam, et ideo studiis
partium pro suo quisque sensu fa vere vel contradicere aliquando cogitant, et ex hujusmodi falso dissidii inter nos fundamento inter se quoque aliquando dissident : declaramus per has patentes et communes tabulas, et notum omnibus testatumque facimus,
nullum esse aut fuisse unquam inter nos dissidium, nullam animorum alienationem,
sed semper in hoc nostro 30 annorum exilio utrumque nostrum animis conjimctis ac
fraterno plane et sincero amore nos semper invicem dilexisse, et cum summa animorum
consensione et conjunctione parique studio et communi Consilio ac totis viribus ubique
partes catholicorum, honorem Dei, religionis catholicae def ensionem, consolationem
nostratium qui propter constantem fidai orthodoxae conf essionem exulant, patriae denique
nostras dulcissimae et afnictissimae reductionem ad unionem sanctae matris ecclesiae
catholicae, apostoliche et Romanae procurasse et promovisse pro nostra virili : et hanc
quoque inter nos firmam et constantem amicitiam perpetuam fore speramus et profìtemur : et rogamus nostros communes amicos omnes ut invicem quoque diligant et
utrique nostrum sine discrimine tanquam uni homini faveant aequaliter. Nos enim
quicquid officii et studii erga unum ex nobis praestabitur, erga alterum quoque praestari
existimabimus ; et honore invicem praevenientes non nostra sed quae Jesu Christi sunt
quaarere semper studebimus ; et quicquid honoris aut favoris nobis accedet id totum
dicabimus et consecrabimus Deo Opt 0 Max0, cui soli honor et gloria, et servitio ecclesiae
catholicae et communis patriae nostrae restaurationi; et mutuis officiis conabimur promovere mutuam omnium erga nos charitatem ; et sincera benevolentia omnes praecipue
domesticos fìdei et coexules nostros diligemus in Domino et eorum rebus favere ac
necessitatibus consulere non omittemus quantum penes nos erit. Hoc interim per
viscera misericordiae Dei rogamus omnes fratres nostros Anglos seu Britannos in hoc
communi exilio nostro dispersos, ut non sint inter eos schismata aut jurgia aut ulla
propter nos personarum acceptio ; cum inter nos duos nullum per Dei gratiam sit aut
unquam fu erit dissidium. Et si in unam fortasse circa res omnes agendas non possint
omnes semper convenire sententiam, ita tamen modeste contendant circa istas res

385

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

òmnes exteriores ut non exeidant a charitate Dei et proximi et
scandal am, memores verbi Domini Jesu, qui dixit " Vehhomini
venit." Istas vero communes declarationes et amicitise nostras
nostrisque sigillis, ad majorem eorum omnium quae superius
tionem, signavimus. Komse, pridie Nonas Maii, 1591.

ut nullum inde nascatur
illiper quern scandalum
tessera s nostris manibus
diximus fidem et proba-

Endorsed.
Fede universale per levare tutti li falsi rumori che si facievano d'essere fra il
Card16 Alano et Monsigr vescovo di Cassano,

CCII.
Brief of Pope Gregory XIV. to Cardinal Alien. (Bome, 18 September, 1591.
From an authenticated copy in the archives of the see of Westminster.
Printed also in Dodd. Vol. II., p. 243.

IV., 99.

Dilecto filio nostro, Gulielmo titulo S. Martini in Montibus presbytero
Cardinali Alano Gregorius PP. XIV.
Dilecte fili noster, salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem. Inter maximas
pastoralis nostras solicitudinis curas quibus assidue urgemur, in ea cogitatione diu
noctuque versamur, qua scilicet ratione catholica fides in iis regnis et locis, quae
Sathanaa fraudibus decepta ab ilia misere desciverunt, restituì valeat. Sed erga
nobilissimam Anglic regnum ejusque populos prsecipua quadam commiseratione
permoti eorum saluti quibus possumus modis omnino consulendum censemus. De
tu83 igitur Circumspectionis in catholica fide constantia, jam a pluribus annis quibus
ob earn voluntarium ab ipso Anglipe regno, patria tua, exilium delegisti comprobata,
praacipuaque in ipsam patriam tuam caritate, prudentia, vigilantia ac restituendse
in primis in ipsa patria catholicse religionis ardenti studio plurimum in Domino confisi,
infrascriptas tibi facultates, quibus provide et circumspecte ad restituendam in regno
Anglias catholicam fidem et Anglorum salutem procurandam uti possis, concedendas
duximus. Motu itaque proprio, non ad tuam vel alterius pro te Nobis oblatse
petitionis instantiam, sed ex certa scientia maturaque deliberatione nostris, tibi, missionum Anglicarum Prsefecto, pro continuo catholicorum in ipso regno operariorum
supplemento, ne desint qui occisis, vinctis aut defunctis presbyteris succedant, quoscumque Anglos vel Hibernos catholicos doctrina ac moribus idoneos cuicumque
catholico antistiti gratiam et communionem Apostolic86 Sedis habenti per tuas literas
commendandi, ac etiam sine suorum ordinariorum Uteris dimissoriis ac sine titulo ad
primam tonsuram ac omnes etiam sacros et presbyteratus ordines praesentandi :
omnesque pariter Anglos et Hibernos, qui agnitis erroribus pcenituerint et ad sanctae
Romanae ecclesia) catholicse gremium redire voluerint, ab omni haaresis et schismatis

336

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

labe ac quibuscunque peccatis et excessibus quantumvis enormibus ac censuris et
pcenis ecclesiasticis, etiam Apostoliche Sedis absolutioni reservatis, et contentis in
Uteris die Ccenae Domini legi solitis, per eos propter ea incur sis : ipsis tamen clericis,
qui hseretici Calvinistae seu sacramentarii fuerint, ab altaris ministerio perpetuo vel
ad tempus tuo arbitrio suspensis, dummodo non sìnt relapsi, in foro conscientise
absolvendi, et cum eis super irregularitate prsemissorum occasione quomodocumque,
videlicet ob communicationem cum hsereticis, contracta in eodem foro dispensandi :
atque sacerdotibus in prsedictis regnis Anglise et Hibernise degentibus vel illuc pro
tempore mittendis vel aliquibus eorum similem vel limitatam absolvendi et dispensandi, personarum ac temporum qualitate pensata, facultatem secundum prudentiam
tuam communicandi eosque ad prsedicta subdelegandi ; necnon eisdem ut in carceribus,
cameris, cryptis, et aliis locis, ubi tutius et melius atque cum majori qui licuerit cultu et
ornatu, sacrosanctum missse sacrificium super altari portatili etiam ante lucem celebrare
possint licentiam et facultatem Apostolica auctoritate concedendi. Nonnullis etiam
eorundem sacerdotum, quos magis idoneos judicaveris, paramenta et indumenta aliaque
utensilia ecclesiastica, non tamen calices, patenas et corporalia aut alia in quibus
sacrum chrisma adhiberi solet, pro earum partium usu benedicendi facultatem
tribuendi. Atque etiam cum personis catholicis aut hseresim relinquentibus dictorum
regnorum, durante in iis schismate hujusmodi, si salutem animarum, bonum religionis
aut evidentem rei necessitatem id exigere cognoveris, quas secundo in linea sequali, ac
secundo et tertio, ac tertio et quarto simplicibus vel mixtis consanguinitatis et seu
affinitatis gradibus conjunctas matrimonio jungi aut in jam contractis matrimoniis
remanere utile futurum sit, ut non obstantibus gradibus hujusmodi matrimonium,
servata forma concilii Tridentini quantum in illis locis fieri potest, contrahere
et solemnizare, ac in eis, et seu jam contractis, remanere, ac super cognatione
spirituali similiter, non tamen inter levantem et levatum, tarn de contracto quam
de contrahendo in foro conscientise tantum dispensandi, easque a censuris et pcenis
ecclesiasticis propterea incursis et incestus reatu absolvendi prolesque susceptas et
suscipiendas exinde legitimas nuntiandi et decernendi : et ad prsemissa quoque pios
aliquos sacerdotes in iisdem partibus subdelegandi ; dummodo tamen, cum fides
catholica ibidem restituta fuerit vel alias commode potuerint, dispensationes et legitimationes hujusmodi ab Apostolica Sede in foro exteriori impetrentur. Vota pariter
qusecumque (castitatis et religionis dumtaxat exceptis) in alia pia opera illis locis,
personis et temporibus magis convenientia commutandi, vel super eis cum personis
illarum partium quae ilia emiserint dispensandi, et ad hsec quoque sacerdotes tibi benevisos subdelegandi. Ad hsec libros catholicorum contra hsereticos Anglico idiomate
scriptos ac Sacras Scripturas in idem idioma fideliter versos approbandi, catholicisque
ut eos legere possint licentiam concedendi ; certis etiam personis, doctrina et pietate
ac catholics religionis zelo praestantibus, ut libros hsereticorum ad effectum illos con-

337

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

futandi dumtaxat legere et contra eos scribere valeant licentiam concedendi plenam,
amplam et universam facultatem, auctoritatem et potestatem concedimus et impartimur. Mandantes propterea in virtu te sanctae obedientise dilectis flliis sacerdotibus
et aliis catholicis in Anglicana et Hibernica messe laborantibus et illuc pro tempore
mittendis ut tibi tanquam missionis hujusmodi Prsefecto eorumque superiori in
omnibus prsemissa 1 et missionem hujusmodi concernentibus prompte pareant et
obediant ; omnes ad te inter ipsos catholicos aut alios controversias, dubia ac difficultates referant, ac tua monita et jussa exequantur, non obstantibus quibusvis Apostolicis, ac in universalibus, provincialibus et synodalibus conciliis editis, generalibus
vel specialibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus, cseterisque contrariis quibuscumque.
Datum Romse apud S. Mar cum sub annulo Piscatori^ die 18 Septembris, 1591, Pontiflcatus Nostri Anno Primo.
Sum turn ex minuta originali Brevium secretorum San. mem, Gregorii PP. XIV.
collatum concordat.
Pro E. Card11 Passioneo,
L. S.

CAJETANIJS AMATITS.

CCIII.
Cardinal Allen to Redmond 0'Gallagher, bishop of Derry ( + 15 March, 1601)
Richard Brady, bishop of Kilmore ( + September, 1607) and Cornelius O'Devany,
bishop of Down and Connor ( + 1 February, 1612). Between Oct. 1591 and Oct. 1594.
From an ancient transcript in the Library of Trinity
MS. E. 3. 8. p. 28.2

College, Dublin.

Wos Gulielmus miseratione divina sanctse Romanse ecclesiae Cardinalis Alanus 3
nuncupatus, vigore Literarum Apostolicarum a sanctissimo bonae memoriae Gregorio
14° 4 die 18° Septembris, 1591, nobis in hac parte conscriptarum, reverendissimis DD.
Redmondo Derensi, Richardo Kilmorensi, Cornelio Dunensi episcopis.
Cum de vestra pietate, doctrina ac zelo domus Dei multa audivimus, vobis facultatem damus et licentiam concedimus audiendi confessiones, ac ab omnibus peccatis
quantum que enormibus ac quibusvis casibus, e t 5 in bulla Coense Domini contentis,
atque etiam ab hseresi et schismate et a quibuslibet censuris inde incursis, pcenitentes
absolvendi in omnibus partibus totius regni Anglise et totius regni Hiberniee, idque in
foro conscientise tantum ; necnon vobis damus facultatem praedicandi, sacramenta
1

prmmissis ? An ancient copy of the Brief in the Westminster archives has this reading. -•
*
I am indebted to the courtesy of Professor John K. Ingram, LLD, librarian, and Thomas French
Esq., assistant librarian of Trinity College, Dublin, for a copy of this transcript. The text is evi3
dently very corrupt, but a few emendations have been suggested in the footnotes.
It is
probable that in the original document the words vulgariter de Anglia were interposed between
4
5
Alarms and nuncupatus.
Pope Gregory XIV. died 15 October, 1591.
etiam ?
2

XX

338

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

ecclesiastica et in universum alia omnia quae animarum exereitium convenienza et quae
per episcopos vel eorum licentia exerceri possit 1 in locis etiam profanis ministrandi,
et praesertim missam in commodis vel aptis vel etiam ante lucem celebrandi super
altaribus portatilibus, vestimenta sacerdotalia et alia hujusmodi benedicendi ; modo
per omnia decenter et quantum fieri in illis locis potest cum convenientia tractantur.
Vobisque damus facultatem quoties id necessitas aut animarum salus requirat, in
matrimoniis contra canones in diversis consanguinitatis aut affinitatis [gradibus} 2 usque
ad tertium gradum inclusive pro majore animarum tranquillitate de contrahendis dispensandi licentiam concedimus turn catholicis turn ad catholicam fidem redeuntibus in
foro conscientiae dispensando ab incestu omnibusque peccatis, poenis ac censuris incursis
absolvendi ; [in] 2 praedictis matrimoniis, si partes consentiant, [per]3manere permittendi ; prolemque inde susceptam et suscipiendam legitimam faciendi : ita tamen ut,
postquam Dei misericordia praadicta regna ad ecclesia^ unionem 4 ac obedientiam
redierint, admoneatis omnes hujusmodi ut has literas super hoc in curia Romana ad
satisfaciendum ecclesia? in foro exteriori juridicialiter pro tempore illis inclultum fuerit
expedire curent. Quod autem ad clericos vel haereticorum ministros seu etiam presbyteros legitime ordinato[s] 5 qui se haereticorum officiorum aut sacramentorum
ministratione contaminarunt, illi absol vi possunt et ecclesiae reconciliari ac (poenitentia
injuncta peracta secundum peccati gravitatem) sacramenta etiam suscipiendi ; sed non
statim ad sacramentorum administrationem, ac iion nisi longiore peracto tempore a
vobis definiendo, admitti possunt. Si qui autem essent relapsi, super his absolvendis
nullam habemus potestatem : [ad]2 sacrum officium Inquisitionis Generalis recur rendum erit. Haec autem omnia semper valeant durante haeresi et schismate in regnis
illis, et non ulterius. In cujus confessionis6 notitiae7 fidem et testimonium his propria
nostra manu subscripsimus, solitoque sigillo nostro munivimùs. Datum Romae in
loco recidentiae, die, etc.
Ego Joannes Olingus,8 Hibernus, sacerdos Societatis Jesu, fidem facio hanc copiam
esse veram.
CCIV.
Cardinal Allen to F. Robert Persons, S.J.

[Rome] 7 January, 1592.

Fragment of a letter printed in the " Brief e Apologie or Defence of the catholike ecclesiastical hierarchic and subordination in England" by F. Persons, f 38. verso.
My good Father ; God is angry with us, as yow may perceave and we do feele
by the open taking from us our head and pastor ; for now is Innocentius also, in whome
1
2
3
possint I
Supplied for the sense.
'
yer is in a later hand.
fi
7
unitateni ?
the s of ordinatos is eaten or cut away.
° concessionis ?
nostra t
8
Olingus is called Olingo in Patrignani's Memorie, Holing in Spicilegium Ossoriense, Huling in
an English book published circ. 1607, and Houling in the preface of F. Fitz Simon's work on The
Masse ed. an 1611. He retains the appellation of Olingus in the Literse annuse Lusitaniae, an. 1599.
4

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

339

for his great prudence, learning and vertue we had great hope, taken unto God after
he had byn in the Seat only 2 monethes,1 &c.
And now we are to enter the 10 of Jan. into the conclave againe. God send grace
and mercy and avert His wrath from us, &c.
And this for that. Now for our English matters. I wrote to yow I thinke by
one of myne upon the 26 of October last past how N. N. had written hither from
Flanders to some of the Inquisition that the Counsel of England offered him a pasport
and safe conduct to passe and repasse especially with C. and H., who wil he saith
become catholikes ; by which you may see what kind of practises these good fellowes
(of the faction)2 have in hand and with whome they deale. Moreover I had warning 2
or 3 moneths agoe, and wrote to yow of the same, how the two companions N. N., N. N.
were with the Treasurer and were suspected to have discovered all they knew, and
perhaps added somwhat of their owne more then they knew, since which the former
of them hath byn heere as yow ere this knowe. But now we are further advertised
that they have betrayed all indeed, &c.
By whose advertisments and I know not by what other meanes or surmises they
have lately set forth a Proclamation 3 of an entended invasion by the King of Spayne ;
wherin particularly they set downe his practises, and how he procured me for my
treasons to be made Cardinal, and other things to bring us and all priests into hatred
of the people ; and I thinke yow be named in the said Proclamation, and the way how
the preists are sent out of Spayne to prepare (as they say) the way to the said
invasion ; and so followeth in the said Proclamation most strayte order and provision
for prevention of the said fayned invasions with very cruel provision against priests
and catholikes. The poore wretches are more afrayd then we know cause; sed
Deum non invocaverunt, ideo trepidaverunt, &c.
T h e present form of the name is Howling or Howlin. " Father J o h n Huling, naturali of Wexford,
by his industrie and t h e charitie of godlie people did relieve a certeine nomber of Irish youths in
Lisbonne, and in t h e time of the plague in t h a t citie sought licence of his superiors to serve in the
hospital of the plague, whereof he died ; which is a sufficient sign of his great charitie." Coppinger's Mnemosynum t o the catholics of Ireland, p. 268, published about 1607. See also F . Hogan's
Ibernia Ignatiana, pp. 31, 33*, 55 and 56. As F . H u l i n g died in 1599, the transcript of Cardinal
Allen's letter in Trinity College Library could not have been written by him ; for the next two documents in the MS. volume, though in the same handwriting as the letter, are entitled respectively
Clemens V I I I . ad Ibernos, Apr. 18, 1600 and Clemens V I I I . ad Ibernos, 1601. T h e information
contained in this note is due t o the kindness of the E e v . F a t h e r E d m u n d Hogan, S.J., who has also
been so obliging as to collate my copy with the transcript in Trinity College Library.
1
2
Innocent I X . was elected Pope 29 October, 1591, and died on December 30 following.
The
words in brackets are apparently F . Persons' comment and not from the Cardinal's pen.
3
This Proclamation (Strype's Annals, IV., 78.) was published in London, 20 Nov., 1591. D r
Stapleton under the name of Didymus Veridicus Henfildanus replied to it by his " Apologia pro Rege
Catholico, Philippo I I . , contra varias et fàlsas accusationes Elisabethse Anglise Reginse. Constantiae"
[1592].

x x 2

340

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

And D. Dee,1 their conjuror or astrologer, is said to have put them in more doubt ;
for that he hath told the Counsel by his calculation that the realme indeed shalbe
conquered this somer, beleeve him who wil.
If it should come to his Majestie or other superiors eares that those priests should
betray the catholike cause or be occasion of this Proclamation, it would be very scandalous, especially there in Spayne. I trust we shal have a copy of the Proclamation
shortly. I doubt me your way of entercourse betwene England and Spayne and
contrary wise is now by the said companions discovered. Gods wil be fulfilled and
save us a falsis fratribvs.
I hope yow be before this perfectly recovered. Have a
good hart in God, for by Him we shal overcome all. Thus much for a farewel before
I enter the conclave. Adew, my deare Father, my comfort in these tribulations and
temptations : this 7 of Jan., 1592.

ccv.
Cardinal Allen to Count Mansfeld, governor of the Low Countries.
Rome, 22 February, 1592.
From the original in the archives of the kingdom of Belgium.2
Original dans la liasse No 295 de la collection des Papiers d'État et de l'Audience ;
aux archives du royaume, Bruxelles.
Monseigneur.
Combien que entre votre Excellence et moy ney ayt eu jusques à present ou
familiar ite ou congnoissance, s'y est ce que en respect de voz anciens mérites à l'endroict des Pays-Bas et vostre très-grande fidélité endroit sa Majesté, dont elle est à
bon droict renommée vers tous, j'ay, ilj a bon espace, porte singulière affection à votre
Excellence, come estant aussy très-affectionné serviteur de sa dite Majesté catholique
et fort desireux du bien et salut du Pays-Bas ; mesmes estant présentement comme
naturel du dit pays, depuis que par la nomination de sa Majesté j'ay esté désigné
archevesque de Malines. A cause de quoy si j'ay moyen de fair e quelque service ou
amitié à votre Excellence je le f eray très-volontiers et d'affection. Et réciproquement
il me samble que je ferois bien d'avoir recours à votre Excellence pour mes affaires et
de quelques miens proches parens et singuliers amys, veu mesmes qu'il a pleut à sa
Majesté vous ordonner Gouverneur General des Pays-Bas en l'absence de Monseigneur
le Due de Parme; dont je prie très-affectueusement le Seigneur Dieu qu'il lui plaise
1

Concerning Dr Dee see " Dr John Dee's private Diary," edited by James Orchard Halliwell
Esq. for the Camden Society, 1842.
2
Transcripts of this letter and of the fragment of a letter to Dr Thomas Stapleton printed
at p. 343, have been very kindly furnished to me by M. Gachard, Archiviste general du royaume de
Belgique.

341

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

vous donner la grace de bien régir et gouverner à l'advancement de son honneur et
du bien des dits pays.
Monseigneur, il y a en Flandres plusieurs gentilshommes et aultres honestes personnages, exilez d'Angleterre leur patrie pour la foy, ou s'en estans retirez soubz la protection de sa Majesté Catholique et entretenus de la seule liberal ite et munificence d'icelle ;
lesquelles personnes fort desolées, a raison de nostre commune patrie et de la charité que
je leurs dois, les recommande à votre Excellence très-aifectueusement et autant qu'il m'est
possible. Et entre autres, ou plus que nul des aultres, mon frère Gabriel Alanus et ma
soeur Elisabeth, en respect de la grande conjonction et proximité de sang quy est entre
moy et iceulx, lesquelz se sont retirez d'Angleterre avec leurs enfans et famile pour la religion, d'autant plus que en mon respect ilz eussent esté fort persécutez, et sont présentement demourans en la ville de Namur, n'ayans aulcun autre moyen de vivre que l'entretènement qu'il a pleu à sa Majesté leur ordonner. A cause de quoy et que bien
souvent ilz sont payez bien tard et non sans difnculté, ilz se retrouvent quelques fois en
bien grande nécessité comme j'entencls. Par quoy, Monseigneur, je supplie très-affectueusement et tant que faire puis qu'il plaise à votre Excellence donner ordre qu'ilz soient
secourus en cest leur extreme nécessité, commandant que l'entretènement qu'il a pleu à
sa Majesté leur ordonner leur soit pavé plus tost ; priant aussis qu'il plaise à votre Excellence donner tousj ours benigne audience à ce porteur, lequel sollicitera leurs affaires
vers icelle. Quoy faisant votre Excellence fera ung grand oeuvre de miséricorde et trèsagréable à Dieu ; et le tiendray à très-grande obligation, prest à le recognoistre par
touts moyens à moy possibles s'offrant l'occasion. A tant, Monseigneur, je prieray le
Seigneur Dieu de tout mon coeur qu'il luy plaise avoir votre Excellence en sa garde et
luy tousj ours donner sa sainte grace pour bien régir et gouverner. De Rome, ce 22 de
Février, 1592.
Votre très-affectionné et bon amy,
LE CARDINAL ALANUS.

Addressed.
A Monseigneur, Monsieur le Conte de Mansfelt, par le present gouverneur general
des Pays-Bas. Bruxelles.
CC VI.
Madame Caterine de Clèves, Duchess of Guise, to Cardinal Allen. Reims,
22 February, 1592.
From the original, with autograph signature, in the British Museum.
HarleianMSS.
7015, 212.
Monsieur ; Oultre la charge que j ' a y donne a M. l'abbé d'Orbais, prévost de l'église
de Reims et vicaire general de Monsieur l'abbé de St. Denis en France, 1 mon second filz,
1
Charles Cardinal of Bourbon was abbot of St Denys until his death, which took place 30 July,
1594. Louis of Guise, second son of Henry Duke of Guise and Catherine of Cleves, was thereupon

342

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

que son frère aisné dépesche présentement vers Nostre Saint-Pere, de vous veoir et
saluer de ma part comme celluy qui a tousjours beaucoup honoré nostre maison de son
amitiéet bienveillance, je vous ay bien encore1 faire ce mot pour vous prier de le croire
au tesmoignage qu'il vous fera de nostre commune affection à vous servir et de la
mienne en particulier, que je me sentirois bien heureuse vous pouvoir démonstrer par
effect, si les occasions s'en presentoient. Je vous prie de vouloir favoriser le diet s r
d'Orbais de vostre autorité et assistence en ce qu'il pourroit avoir de besoing en vostre
court de delà, dont je me revancheray ailleurs pour vostre service de bon coeur ; comme
je prie le Créateur vous donner, Monsieur, en bonne et parfaicte sante très longue et
heureuse vie, me recommandant très humblement à voz bonnes graces. De Reims, ce
xxii Febvrier, 159 [2].2
Vostre très-humble . . .
,
CATERINE DE CLEVES. 3

Addressed.
Monsieur Monsieur le Cardinal Alanus.
Endorsed.
1592. Di Rems, li 23 [sic] di Febr. Mad. Caterina di Cleves, Duchessa di Guisa,
in race118 et credenza dell' Abb. d' Orbe. Risp 0 a 21 di Maggio.
CCVII.
Charles Cardinal of Lorraine to Cardinal Allen.

Saverne, 22 July, 1592.

From the original, with autograph signature, in the British
Harleian MSS. 7015, 213.

Museum.

IIP10 et Rmo Signor mio ossmo ; La natural bontà di V.S. Ill ma et la scienza che ella
ha per prova delle sagaci et ostinate persecutioni delli heretici, oltre [al] amore che io
so che ella porta anche a me la persuaderanno senza miei lunghi preghi ad abbraciare
con ogni protettione et zelo la causa mia di Argentina, 4 et a considerarci dentro l'importantissime conseguenze che ella ha seco per servitio di Dio et della sua chiesa et per
nominated abbot by H e n r y I V . of France, and shortly afterwards confirmed by the chapter. H e took
possession of the abbey, 3 December, 1594, though he had not yet obtained his bulls from Rome. Gallia
Christiana, Vol. V I I . , p. 412. I cannot harmonize this statement with the expressions of the letter.
1
2
fait omitted ?
The last figure of the date is completely worn away ; but in the endorsement, which has also suffered at this point, the upper portion of the figure still remains, and from
its shape appears to have once formed part of the figure 2.
3
T h e signature is much injured and only partially decipherable.
4
Strasburg. T h e Cardinal had just been elected bishop of Strasburg (9 J u n e , 1592) by the
catholic members of the chapter, the protestants voting for a near relation of the Elector of Brandenburg. I t was only in 1604, three years before his death, that the Cardinal obtained peaceful possession of his bishopric. Grallia Christiana, Vol. V., p. 818. See also supra p. 318, note.

343

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

mantenimento della religione cattolica, et ad aiutarmi ad impetrare dalla somma carità
et prudenza di N.S re qualche subsidio di danari per mettere in sicuro il possesso et la
salvezza di questa mia chiesa. Onde non spenderò seco molte parole, ma rimettendomi
a Giovanni Poya, mio secretano, rassicurerò che meritando con il publico benefitio la si
obbligherà in perpetuo anche me, il quale mi offero a lei di vivo cuore et le bacio la
mano. In Saverna, il dì 22 di Luglio, 1592.
Di V. S. Ill ma et Rma humilissimo servitore,
CARLO CAKDLE« DI LORENO.

Addressed.
All' Ill mo et Rmo S r mio ossmo, il S or Cardinale Alano.

Roma.

CCVIII
Cardinal Allen to Dr Thomas Stapleton.

Rome, 15 August, 1592.

Extracted from the volume entitled 'Negotiations de Borne' 1587—1597, / . 239. in the
archives of the kingdom of Belgium, Brussels}
Ex literis reverendissimi et illustrissimi domini Cardinalis Alani ad doctorem
sanctse theologize, Thomam Stapletonum.
Quid vero fiat aut non fiat in negotio reverendissimi domini Middelburgensis2 du
Blionlus et Sublindius ejus procuratores reddènt rationem. Nos, quantum possumus et
licet, eos urgemus ut expediant. Dominus Tornacensis3 jam ad suos discessit, nec impedire potest. Quid prseterea sit in mora nescio, prseter hujus curiae in hujusmodi
causis majorem quam homines exteri crederent tarditatem. Romse, ipso die Assumptions Beatae Virginis, anno 1592.

CCIX.
Cardinal Allen to the catholics in England. Rome, 12 December, 1592.
From a contemporary copy in the archives of the see of Westminster}
TV., 132 bis.
The Indorsment.
Charissimis in Anglia fratribus Londini vel alibi.
My deerest brethren and children whom I love in the verie bowells of Christ. As
the excessive troubles and paynes and per ills that you suffer daily and hourely in that
1

2
See p. 340, note.
John de Stryen, Bishop of Middelburg in Zeeland, being unable to
obtain possession of his see, was appointed president of the theological college at Louvain ; in which
3
office he died, 8 July, 1594.
John Yendeville, bishop of Tournay. He died
4
15 October, 1592.
There is a contemporary copy of this document, together with
two later ones, in the Public Record Office, London. Dom. Eliz., Vol. 243, nn. 80, 81, 82.

344

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

extreame heate of persecucion gave me contynuall sorowe of minde with all possible
compassion, yea truly with incessante desire at our mercy full Lords hancles that I
might deliver, yf it were possible and so pleased his Divine Majestie, you and your
afflicted children with an hundreth deathes and lyves of myne owne; so on the other
side the daily intelligence and consideration of your notable patience, constancy and
fruitfull labors in that harvest giveth me in manner equivalent comfort and consolation with hope in Gods goodnes that wee shall, ere yt be longe, see an end of all those
myseries and Christes and the Churches enemies brought to confusion. Our brothers
bloud makes forcible instance for the same from the earth, and theire soules from
heaven with no lesse efficacy crieth out for the same. Doubt yee not, my moste sweete
and faithfull coadjutors and true confessors, that our adversaries iniquities are now in
Gods sight neere accomplished and at the height : on the contrary side the nombers of
our bretheren that are to suffer for his truith are nere made up and shortlie to receive,
not onlie in the next, but in this worlde, the worthie fruites of theire happie labors.
God Almightie and all mercyfull will not suffer longe the rod of the wicked to leay so
heavy upon the lott of the just, neither let us be tempted more then by his grace we
shalbe able to beare, but will shorten those daies of affliction for the electes sake.
Comforte your selves herein, my lovinge fellowes, and in the moste Christian and
glorious cause that ever Gods preists or people suffred in. Wee are ashamed heere
to syt ad sarcinas and see you in the fight and so bloudy a combatt ; and wee compt
your case a thousand tymes more happie and more meritoryous then ours. But this
is Gods ordynance and disposicion of all our actions and persons dyfferentlie accordinge
to his will and wysdome ; and wee that by his appointment staye yet heere maie in
good tyme have our turne, and in the meane wee succor you and the cause with
prayers, sacryfice, teares, sighes and grones from the bottomes of our hartes and with
contynuall instance to God and man for some releife of your miseries. Thus muche I
write for myne owne comforte and yours and to dischardge my harte of the daily
sorowes, care and sollicitude I have over you and your afflicted fiocke, requiring you
to whom these my letters maie come to make all good catholiques partakers of the same
and of my infinite desyre I have to serve them even with my life, expectinge contynually good occasion to effectuate and accomplishe that which you and they moste
desire. And havinge this commodity of writinge [I] cannot but require and advertyse
you, my lovinge brethren that be preistes, of this one thinge, that I would have you use
greate compassion and mercyfulnes towards suche of the laytie especially as for meere
feare or savinge theire family, wyfe and children from ruyne are so far only fallen as to
come sometymes to theire churches or be present at the tyme of their service. For
though it be not lawfull to do so muche, nor in yt selfe any waies excusable, yet suche
necessity in that kynde of men maketh the offence lesse and more compassionable, yea
and more easily by you to be absolved. And therefore be not hard nor roughe nor
rigorous nor morosi in receavinge againe and absolvinge them when they confesse

345

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

theire infirmities and be sorie for the same and yelde some reasonable hope that they
will hereafter stand more strongly, or have hope to have meanes to escape and not to
be led into the like temptacion by anie morali 1 shiftes which they maie finde and
with 2 the circumstance of the tyme by ceasinge of the persecution or otherwyse maie
bringe. Which mercie you muste use, thoughe they fall more then once, and thoughe
perhaps you have some probable feare that they will of like infirmity fall againe ;
whereof yet we cannot be assured, because God maie give them more strengthe :
wherein no more severity is to be required of the penitent then in any other synnes
that be subject to the sacrament of pennance, and perhappes [less,] 3 all circumstances
well and discretly waighed. In all which matters that cannot be so well subjected to
certame rules you muste use muche wysdome and muche charitie and be assured that
in moste cases of this kynde tutior est via misericordice quam justitice rigoris ; sed
Deus dabit nobis intellectum in omnibus.
Yet on the other side you and all my
bretheren muste have great regard that you teache not nor defende that it is lawfull to
communycate with the protestantes in theire praiers or service or conventicles where
they meete to mynister theire untrue sacramentes; 4 for this is contrarie to the practyse
of the churche and the holie Doctors in all ages, who never comunycated nor allowed
in anie catholique person to praie togeather with Arrians, Donatistes or what other
soever. Neither is it a positive lawe of the churche, for so it might be dispensed
withall upon some occasion ; but it is denyed of Gods owne eternali lawe, as by many
evident arguments I coulde convynce, and it hathe bin largely proved in sondry
treatyses in our owne tongue, and we have practysed from the beginninge of our
myseries. And least either any of my bretheren might either mistruste my judgmente,
or be not satysfied by suche proves as have bin made therein, or my self e to be beguiled
therein in my owne conceipte, I thought onlie to take the opinion of the best learned
devines here ; but to make all sure, I have demaunded the Popes Holynes that now is 5
his sentence ; who expreslie told me^that to participate with the protestants either by
prayinge with them or cominge to their churches or service or suche like was by no
meanes lawfull or dispensable, but added withall, that such as of feare and weakenes
or other temporali force or necessity e should do yt ought to be gentlie dealt withall
and easily absolved, as before saide. This is his Holynes expres will and myne
opinion, in which I desyre all my lovinge fellowes to agree, ut non sint in vobis schismata. And if any there [be] 3 which cannot quiet his mynde in the matter, send me
worde, and I will take the paines to treate of the matter at large that they maie see
theire error. In the meane tyme I hope this maie serve for some taste of my lovinge
meaninge towards you all, and especially of the contynuall care I have that you be
unanimi in Domino. Remember me, your lovinge father in Christe, as you be all
1
of any mortali shifts K. 0. MS.
supplied to complete the sense.
Clement VIII.

4

2
which R. 0. MS.
See p. 56 and p. 57, note 1.

Y Y

3

Conjecturally
5
Pope

346

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

printed in my verie harte.
December, 1592.

Fare you well, my sweet children.
•
By the hande of your dearest
W.

Rome, this XIIth of

CARD L L .

It is notefied also by certaine intelligence unto all preistes, that his Holynes being
myndfull of their labors for Gods churche and benefitte of theire contry sendeth them
a jubile. If, within three monethes after notyce had, they make a generali confession
either of their whole lyfe or of the tyme passed since their last generali confession,
which happely they maie have made ; no other condicion is intended. Therefore it
belongeth to every ones devotion to prepare him self e for su che a benefltt as he shall
thincke moste effectuall. Also that those who by his Holmes ymediat graunt maie
admitt unto the Society of the Rosary maie do the same without any limitacion of a
particular alter, but that the plenary indulgence at the first admission maie be received
wheresoever; and that there needeth no writinge of names at all, but only a bare
admission without solemnitye.
Endorsed.
Copie of a letter sent from Card. Allen which was found in Mr Wisemans house.
1592.

ccx.
Cardinal Allen to a Cardinal in Spain.

Rome, 15 March, 1593.

From the original letter in the archives of the English College at

Valladolid.1

Illustrissime et reverendissime Domine.
Scripserat ad me diebus praeteritis P. Robertus Personius, Societatis Jesu, cum
Hispalim proficisceretur, se istac in reditu per D.V. Ill inam transiturum ut manus vestras
osculetur et benedictionem accipiat resque Anglicanas cum D.V. Ill ma tanquam cum
patre amantissimo fideique catholicae defensore acerrimo zelosissimoque (id enim a
multo tempore intelleximus jam omnes) fiducia multa communicaret. Quod et ego
satis quoque mihi causae esse existimavi ut has statim literas exararem, quibus et tantam pietatis famam ex animo Illm8e D.V. gratularer, et patri Personio testimonium
praestarem quod ejus virtus et prudentia religioque merentur. Fuit enim mihi a
multis jam annis fidelissimus semper in hac communi patriae nostrae ac Dei causa sustinenda et contra haereticos propugnanda coadjutor, maximosque labor es et pericula
subiit pro Dei gloria. Quo etiam Dominus usus est instrumento ad seminaria gentis
nostrae istic in Hispaniis instituenda ; e quibus cum insignem Dei honorem turn ingens
etiam patriae nostrae. afflictissimae solatium et immortalem nationis istius laudem
1

A copy of this letter is due to the kindness of the Very Reverend Charles Allen, Rector òf the
English College at Valladolid.

347

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

emanaturam confido. Ipse* coram explicabit rerum nostrarum statum et conditionem
eique in omnibus tanquam mihi ipsi fidem praestari cupio. Dominus Jesus illustrissimam D. V. incolumem semper salvamque conservet. Romae, Idibus Martiis, 1593.
Illusm£e D. V. servus indignusque frater,
GULIELMUS CARD™8 ÀLANUS.

CCXI.
Laevinus Torrentius, bishop o£ Antwerp, to Cardinal Allen.

Antwerp, 24 April, 1593.

Printed in the Bulletins de la commission royale d'histoire à Bruxelles,
Deuxième Sèrie ; Tome 7, p. 337.
Reverendissime et illustrissime domine ; Placuit Regi Catholico me, nihil minus
quam hoc cogitantem, Celsitudinis tuae loco, designare archiepiscopum Mechliniensem.
Et exigebat quidem horum temporum necessitas ut ecclesiae illi primaria jam quartum
annum vacanti provideretur. Sed quis ego sum, obsecro, qui tali viro succedam aut
sperare possim tanto oneri futurum parem ?—oneri, inquam, qupd talem ac tantum
virum magnitudine sua deterruit quominus illud aggrederetur. Obstupui itaque audito
nuncio. Cum tamen vehementer me premerent tam Mechlinienses ipsi quam qui
Bruxellae Regis secretiori concilio praesunt, re tota non oscitanter perspecta, quanquam
nihil in veni quod animam alliceret meam ad obediendum, tandem tamen eo me adduci
passus sum ut civilitatis servandae causa non prorsus supterfugerem. Scripsi itaque
ad Regem, pateretur me tantisper excusari dum provinciae hujus statum penitius considero; necdum ea me Antverpiae, quae tanti momenti civitas est, praestitisse quae
conceperam, cupere enim me separari hanc ecclesiam a conventu et monasterio S. Bernardi ; defore non unde tam futuri episcopi quam novi abbates commode et honeste
vivant; tantuminodo desiderari ut hoc saluberrimum consilium Regi primum ac
deinde Summo Pontifici non displiceat ; rem esse minime difncilem et alioqui admodum
favorabilem. Dicebam praeterea constituisse me reformationem quandam edere huic
tempori accommodatam, quae jam edita fuisset, nisi bis repente evocatus Bruxellam
aliud egissem. Si Majestas sua haec quae libello supplici jampridem peti ver am
annueret, me obtemperaturum, dummodo tamen interea omnia propius examinans
agnoscerem meliorem Deo atque ecclesiae ejus me Mechliniae operam quam Antverpiae
praestiturum ; alioqui imprudentiae et ambitionis notam incursurum, si nondum recte
ordinata hac ecclesia alteram susciperem multo difficiliorem. Quae rationes si non
persuaderent, cogitari posse de alio mihi surrogando, praesertim in tam gravi aetate
mea, cum sim prope septuagenarius. Missa hac in Hispaniam epistola, ad quam
responsum expecto, nihilominus urgeor ut diutius rem non differam quominus saltern
administrationem subeam. Verum ad hoc opus est Summi Pontificis auctoritate
atque assensu. Et alioqui nihil ad manum est quo placari creditores, qui plures sunt
Y Y 2

348

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

et permolesti, aliqua saltern ex parte possint. Relinquo sumptus necessario» in tali
dignitate. Omnia pa3ne desunt. Nulla Mechliniae domus, supellex nulla, nulla etiam
ecclesise ornamenta, ita ut vel maxime obsequi si velim, impediar tamen paupertate,
cui malo nullum a me remedium est, aliunde occurri oportet, quod lentum sane negotium esse video, Aut igitur me simpliciter excusare cogor, aut necessarium est conjungi duas istas ecclesias saltern ad aliquod temporis spatium, ut puta biennium aut
triennium, ut alterius sim dominus sive episcopus. alterius vero tantum administrator,
ut Pontifici placuerit. Sunt enim civitates admodum vicinse Mechlinia, cui subest
Bruxella, atque Antverpia, ita ut uno eodemque die adiri possint omnes tres. Atque
ita quidem res sese habet, dubie sane et perplexe ut non possim animo conquiescere,
prsesertim multo magis nunc seeviente quam unquam antea bello, quo quas dixi civitates imo totus iste tractus gravissime affligitur. Spes tamen melioris tandem successus, maxime ob populi catholica in religione constantiam. Quod si etiam, Deo nos
miserante, qualiscumque tandem pax contingeret, facillime constitueretur ecclesia heec
Belgica, nee tantus nobis incumberet labor, qui tametsi gravis esset, ob provenientem
inde in publicum utilitatem minus nos offender et. Nunc miserrima prorsus nostra
conditio est. Sed consolabitur nos Deus Ego pro perpetua mea erga Sanctissimam
istam Sedem observantia omittere non potui quin hsec perscriberem ac consilium simul
atque auxilium implorarem. Nee profecto ulla orbis Christiani, meo quidem judicio,
provincia est a qua plura dependeant quam ab bac Belgica, cujus summa vis atque
potentia diuturno isto octo et viginti annorum bello manifeste cognoscitur. Su per est
igitur ut Celsitudo tua suam hie nobis operam non deneget. Scribo equidem ad Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum, sed paucis tantum verbis, ne prolixius scribendo molestus
sim. Tantum rogo ut intellectis bis quae a Celsitudine tua proponentur, quid per me
fieri vult significare non dedignetur, praesertim si quid etiam ex Hispania hac de re
Rom^e intellectum fuerit. De urn autem rogo quam possum humillime ut Celsitudinem
tuam quam diutissime nobis servet incolumem. Antverpise, an. MDXCIIL, mensis
Aprilis die xxiv.
CCXIL
Cardinal Allen to Mr Richard Hopkins.
• Printed in Strype's Annals,

Rome, 14 August, 1593.
Vol. IV., p. 203.1

Good Mr Hopkins; Yours of the 10 th of July came safely to my hands, and gave
me knowledge of a certain overture made to you by one that might seem to do it by
some secret commission of treaty of an accord between England and Spain, with
1

The following is the title in Strype : " Cardinal Allen, from Rome, to Richard Hopkins, fugitive,
August 14, 1593. So endorsed by the Lord Treasurer's own hand. This letter of the Cardinal was
in answer to one from Hopkins at Antwerp upon report of a treaty between England and Spain to
endeavour a liberty of religion for the catholics."

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

349

desire of my sense therein either of myself or with the Pope upon some reasonable
conditions for toleration of the catholic religion in our country. Which argument
how grateful it should be unto me, you that of old know so well my opinion and
desire in that cause may easily deem.
And after a little pause of mind upon so sudden and unwonted news, I could
think no otherwise but that God himself hath stirred up in their hearts this motion
for the saving of that realm from the present fears and dangers and perplexities it is
fallen into. And thereby also a special [favour] offered at length unto me, once ere I
die, not only to give the willing desired comforts I owe unto my afflicted catholic
friends and brethren, but therein also to serve most faithfully and profitably even my
very enemies ; though otherwise than through these unfortunate differences and
debates in religion (our Lord God forgive the author thereof) I know I have none ;
or 1 to do to the one or the other and above all to my neighbour country most dear
unto me so much good as an unfeigned peace would bring I would travail to the last
drop of my blood.
I thank God I am not so estranged from the place of my birth most sweet, nor so
affected to foreigners that I prefer not the weal of that people above all mortal things;
whereof, if it pleased the Queen's Majesty or Council to take a sure taste, I desire no
more but that they would confidently use and command me in this matter. And in
truth upon the receipt of your letter I had not slept before I had dealt with his
Holiness, if the party that made the motion unto you had brought any warrant in the
world from any in authority, or any sufficient proof or attestation of their contentment therein, which might have been (as yet it may be) kept as close as themselves
would require. That they so did not, if they meant any matter indeed, I marvel.
And you did well and wisely to stand on that point, without which I cannot in reason
nor honour attempt a thing of that weight and quality with the Pope ; much less
bring our purpose to pass either with him or the King. With whom also, not only by
his Holiness' ntediation but by myself, in matters concerning our country and religion,
I may perhaps do more than I need now to say : and whatsoever I can do with either
of them, I would employ in this case myself to the uttermost. Though to say the
truth, if the Pope were a temporal prince only, being no less injured (though in
another kind) than the King himself, his person were not so fit to be a moderator of
this pretended peace. But being a spiritual person and the common and most loving
father of all Christians, and attending above all human respects the service of God
and the advancement of religion, without all formalities and punctos of worldly
honour, I am assured he will embrace this cause with all hearty affection. For I know
many ways his most tender heart and desire towards our country's weal both in God
and in the world.
Only we want good grounds of her Majesty's intention and good acceptation of
l
for?

850

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

our travails herein ; which if you can by writing or other equivalent means obtain,
let me alone for the rest, promising mine own pains without exception, and not much
doubting but that his Holiness will most favourably and earnestly employ his autho~
rity for the same.
In all which matters as myself would proceed with much more alacrity, if I
might understand how far and in what sort they of themselves would condescend in
matters of religion, so I am sure that upon a reasonable toleration according to that
state of that realm, we may induce his Holiness to take this motion to heart and to
proceed carefully, steadily and effectually in the same. Where otherwise, if he be not
well warranted of some reasonable accord for religion, as I know he will never deal,
but with all possible force debar all other treaty of peace, so it is no less certain that
the King of his like zeal and piety will never make peace (or if I suppose his posterity after him) without some important moderation in religion.
Therefore this point well established and cleared and the places holden of England rendered to the King, I trust, without all other restitution or recompense of
losses, spoils or damages, the King by his Holiness' means and by labours may be induced to a peace, most necessary and happy for England and profitable for the whole
Christian world ; whereof if I might by any office of my life or death be a promoter
or procurer, I would reckon the remnant of my few years I have to come more fortunate than the many evil and long years of my life past; assuring myself that there is
no other way but this to save my beloved country from imminent ruin temporal and
(as it may be feared) perdition eternal. From either of which I w^ould willingly
deliver it by my death.
Of this my desire and entire affection to serve and save them in this cause, I pray
you, as you have occasion, make them in England to understand : wishing them if
they mean sincerely, as I do faithfully and as before God and my soul for their general
and particular good desire it, to send over some one or two of their civil or temporal
wise lawyers of catholic inclination, void of passion and partiality, that know how far
the state of the realm may comport [with] the exercise of the catholic religion, and
how far the Queen and Council can be contented to condescend therein for a firm and
stable peace. Which persons, joining with you there and with some such of our
principal English clergy and gentlemen in those parts as you shall choose, may set
down such articles as among you shall be agreed upon and so send them hither to me
that I may present them to his Holiness ; that thereby he may the sooner be incited to
take this matter in hand. Or if the parties think better to come hither with her
Majesty's licence and you (if it be thought good) with them for more speed and substantial despatch of all things, I will give them or any of them protection, and procure
them large passports and benign audience of the Pope ; and all this with as much
secrecy as themselves shall desire.
But these and all such like particulars I commit to your discretions, praying you

351

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

to advertise me of the receipt hereof. And so with my hearty commendations, I bid
you farewell. From my house in Rome, this 14th of August, 1593.
Yours assuredly,
W.

CARDINAL.

CCXIII.
Cardinal Allen to Pope Clement VIII., with two letters enclosed.
tember, 1593.
From the Roman transcripts

in the Public Record Office, London
III., 74).

[Rome] 8 Sep(Borghesiana,

Beatissime Pater.
Etsi vestra Sanctitas nihil eorum quse in Galliis geruntur ignorat, tamen ut intelligat qui sit sensus eorum qui ad me aliquando scribunt, meae in ipsam obedientia? et
observantise consentaneum duxi istud binarum ad me nuper missarum literarum a
quodam nobili Anglo, Ducis Magni 1 familiari, scriptarum exemplar post oscula sanctissimorum pedum offerre. Die 8 Septem. [1593].
Vestra? S tis obedientissimus fllius et servus,
G. C. ALANUS.

Exemplar literarum 12 et 16 Augusti Parisiis scriptarum.
Scripsi jam pridem semel aut iterum de rerum nostrarum statu, progressi! et difficultatibus, sed nescio an litera? rectse 2 sint traditaa, nam ssepissime intercipiuntur, ac
proinde eadem quae antea significata sunt breviter repetenda censui.
Hie Statuum conventus 3 putabatur remedium allaturus hujus regni malis ac
miseriis : et ita certe f ecisset, si omnes ad quos hoc negotium pertinebat accessissent
rebus necessariis et liberis animis instructi, secundum id quod dominus meus Dux
Mayneus prudentissime prsescripserat, qui ab initio prsedixit omnes conatus irritos
fore nisi Justus adesset exercitus. Certo enim sciebat sine magnis copiis nec nominari,
nedum constitui regem posse ; prsesertim cum hostis jam et armis esset potentior et
frequentibus victoriis insolentior.
Ministri Catholicse Majestatis bona fide promiserant ante finem Junii sufficientes
ad hostem reprimendum copias adf uturas. lnterea ita fuimus milite et omnibus rebus
necessariis destitutiut in conspectu nostro ad deditionem oppidum Drusense 4 cogeretur;
sicut et eodem tempore Burgum St8B Gertrudis 6 in Brabantia. Qua re multum animi
hosti additum et nobis tantundem detractum. Et sane de toto negotio regni et reli1

4

Maynei l
Dreux.

2

5

reete?
Geertruidenberg.

3

The States General which met at Paris, 26 January, 1593.

352

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

gionis actum fuisse videretur, nisi dominus meus eorum opinioni et sententise qui
statini eligendum regem censerant 1 restitisset. Cujus regis primus ingressus fuisset
non modo subjectus intollerabili bus necessitatibus, sed etiam tarn inimicorum irrisioni
quam amicorum compassioni obnoxius. Quibus rationibus inductus dominus meus
coactus est non admittere pro conditione temporis quae tantopere ministri Catholics
Majestatis urgebant. Hinc magni animoruin motus et partium offensiones varice, qua3
sine tedio et dolore commemorari non possunt.
Dum in his angustiis essemus, Navarrus dolo et artificio hsereticis peculiare 2 consilium iniit de mutanda et abjuranda religione sua; effecitque ut divulgaretur per
Franciam ac orbem Christianum universum quod jam tandem constitutum haberet
catholicam fldem et religionem suscipere, ecclesiam adire ac missam audire. In quern
finem misit literas Parisios ad certos doctores et urbis parochos, huic fraudi magis
aptos, ut adessent ac adsisterent futurse actioni; quorum aliqui profecti sunt, Legato 3
etiam repugnante. Haec autem fabula seu commedia erat apud S. Dionysium exhibenda. Illuc ergo ad diem constitutum accessit Navarrus cum toto exercitu suo, ac si
esset obsessurus Lutetiam; id enim se facturum minabatur. Eo etiam venit tota ipsius
nobilitas, suarum partium prselati, nobilium quoque feminarum ac omnis generis et
sexus innumerabilis turba. Ministros interea suos (Calvinistas praedicatores) jussit ad
sororem suam Mantes divertere. Sacrum igitur in die S tì Jacobi publice audivit ; quod
et ab eo tempore quotidie facit. Hujus rei fama ita movit hujus populi animos ut,
neglecta omni cura et cogitatione religionis catholica} conservando, ineundam mox
cum hoste pacem sperarent. Unde summum toti causa3 creatum. est periculum ; et
Parisiensis plebs etiam tumultuari ccepit ; nee in hac tempestate aliter rebus nostris
consul turn iri videbatur quam ut vela complicaremus et ancoram jaceremus. Magnse
interim disceptationes et continuse deliberationes inter nostros Principes, Regis Catholici ministros et Legatum Apostolicum extiterunt quomodo tarn gravibus et tarn
prsesentibus periculis occurrendum esset. Dominus meus, cujus ab initio Consilia non
ita probabantur, ad priora remedia recurrebat, et eadem tanquam salutaria a ceteris qui
antea dissenserant ultro jam acceptabantur. Eo autem h&3c Consilia tendebant ut
simularent se non improbare conversionem Navarro, sperantes earn non fictam sed
sinceram esse, seque rem omnem suo Sanctitati relaturos et quod ipsa judicaverit
libenter secuturos : voluntatem autem suge Sanctitatis nisi Romani misso nuncio sciri
non posse : interea dum nuncii irent et negotium tractarent, se paratos esse inducias
aliquot mensium ante ssepe oblatas acceptare. Et dominus meus vidit hoc solum esse
remedium prosentis mali avertendi et in futurum bene sperandi : in quam sententiam
ab omnibus tandem itum est, cum viderent nullam aliam esse viam se a prsesentibus
necessitatibus expediendi. Porro cum Dux Guisius fuisset paulo ante a sua Mte in
generum nominatus, modo ipsum Status crearent regem, tamen post multas deliberationes erat judicatum necessarium ut ab hoc negotio supersederetur et ut omnem de
1

senserant?

2

peculiari?

3

Cardinal Sega, bishop of Piacenza.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

353

eo sermonem supprimerent. Induciarum vero spatio, quae per tres menses duraturae
sunt, judicatum est posse suam Sanctitatem recte informari de toto negotio, quod
tanto majoris momenti et periculi est, quando 1 apertissimis argumentis constat liane
praetensam Navarrae conversionem non modo fictam et falsam esse sed plane fallacem,
fraudulentam ac omnis doli ac impietatis plenam, nee ullo modo a.Spiritu Sancto (ut
fìngitur) profectam esse. Interea quoque temporis sua Majestas Catholica informari
potest de statu totius causae deque erroribus hinc inde commissis et quam incommodo
tempore propositus f uerit Dux Guisius, et quomodo ex hoc maximo errore in has
necessitates et in variorum hominum calumnias inciderimus affirmantium hoc factum
esse ut inter se domus Lotheryngica et Borbonica committerentur et aeternis dissidiis
Francicum regnum dissiparetur. Quae omnes calumniae Majestatis suae sanctissimis
consiliis ac in Galliam studiis patefactis facile detegi possunt. Postremo harum
induciarum tempore non solum Pontifex sed et Rex Catholicus et totus Christianus
orbis possunt magis particulatim de domini mei actionibus informari et instrui.
Post publicationem harum induciarum Ordines hie congregati simpliciter et sine
exceptione acceptarunt sacrum Concilium Tridentinum et renovarunt jusjurandum de
catholica unione tuenda et conservando Et ut semel concludam, ne Amplitudinem
tuam nimia prolixitate onerem, ita omnes boni hic sentiunt hujus totius causae successum optatum primo et precipue a sua Sanctitate pendere ; nempe, si rite et exacte
examinet insufficientem modum procedendi in Navarri absolutione et fraudulenta conversione : secundo a sua Majestate, quae si tempestive justis auxiliis militariis et pecuniariis electioni Ducis Guisii adsistat, Navarrum facile et haeresem omnem prorsus ex
hoc regno abiget et gloriosissime ubique de hostibus suis triumphabit. Parisiis, 12
Augusti.
Àlterae literae 16 Augusti scriptae.
Post publicationem induciarum de ulteriori pace cum Navarro tractari aiunt. Ad
id deputati sunt ex parte nostra Villeroy, praesidens Janing, 2 Bassompier et Sebastianus
Jamet. 3 Quid resolutum sit non est hactenus cognitum ; rumor tamen est conclusum
esse super certis capitibus, et inprimis ea quae conclusa sunt non aliter fore rata nisi
modus absolutionis et conversionis praetensse a Pontifice approbetur, et Navarrus a
Sede Apostolica simpliciter absolvatur ; quod nunquam futurum speramus ; nam si ita
accideret turn actum esset de Francia, et hoc miserum regnum, Angliae exemplo, in
geternam laberetur ruinam. Res ista incredibili artificio tractatur : proinde nisi summa
prudentia et constantia isti fraudi occurratur, religio hic omnis peribit. In principio
hujus mutui inter partes colloquii seu conferentiae non putabatur fore ut unquam in
necessitatem pacis faciendae adduceremur ; et Lsgatus revera constantissime semper se
opposuit. Faxit Deus ut omnia ad bonum religionis catholicae tendant, et ad honorem
1
2
3
quanto?
Jeannin.
Zamet.

354

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

etiam domini Ducis, patroni mei; cujus intentiones, quantum ex signis externis judicare licet, verse et sincerse sunt. Sed, ut verum fatear, res tota est in summo periculo,
et dominus meus fortunam suam hactenus non stabilivit ; hostis denique abundat
fraudibus et cautelis.
Cogitant nostri de mittendo Romam archiepiscopum Lugdunensem. Pro inimicis
ac Navarrse absolutione iturus dicitur Nivernensis ; i idem qui tempore Sixti Quinti
sollicitavit ejusdem Navarrce excommunicationem. Parisiis, 16 Augusti, 1593.

CCXIV.
Cardinal Allen to the Eev. Anthony Martin, in religion Dom Athanasius.
January, 1594.

Rome, 21

Printed in Weldoris Chronological Notes? p. 40.
Most dear brother and child ; I have received two letters from you since you have
withdrawn into those holy places, both of them elegantly and lovingly, but (what is
above all) religiously written. To the first I answered by some about me, but to the
last having got a little leisure I resolved to write myself; first that you might not by
other persons words only see how much I affection you, but also by my own ; next
that you might know how much I esteem your progress in that most holy state of
life, for which much more now in the Lord than ever in the world, although your
remarkable talents ever rendered you very dear to me, I love and embrace you ; lastly
that I might communicate unto you the joy I have conceived of this most happy
state of life, to which I apply the words of the Apostle : I have no greater joy than
to hear that my children walk in truth. Wherefore I most highly congratulate your
contempt of human affairs and fervour in pursuit of those of heaven, and that having
escaped and overcome the most cruel and most turbulent movements of a worldly and
secular life you model and form yourself in such holy discipline, prudently preferring
to the most turbulent businesses of the world the most holy leisures of a most ancient
and most glorious religious state of life. For this solid good and most saving advantage I congratulate with you from the bottom of my heart : neither is there any thing
more for you or me to crave Christ our sovereign good, who inspired you this, than
that He will please of His infinite piety and goodness to assist you to the end of the
work of your salvation which He has so happily begun; which He will not' fail, if
that, since you have put your hand to the plough of the Lord, you do not look back,
but advance forward to the utmost you may be able ; if you are diligent in the hard,
yet sweet, labours of religion ; if courageously and stoutly you shake off temptations ;
1

The Duke of Nevers.
There is a Latin version of this letter in Reyner's " Apostolatus Benedictinorum in Anglia,
Tract, I., p. 243." F. Martin had been a priest of the English college at Rome.
2

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

355

if you cast out of your mind what for your trial you have suffered in the world either
from heretics or bad catholics or rivals and envious, and also pray for your persecutors ; which all the saints in heaven do, whose life and charity you have taken on you
to express on earth by a lively imitation of them.
Let others think and say what they list of this your most holy state of life ; I
would have you persuaded I most heartily espouse your affairs and mightily like this
resolution you have taken of engaging in religion, and hope that you are taken from
this wicked world to contribute to the restoration of this most holy order which
formerly so flourished in our country ; and your pen and genius will render you an
ornament thereof; and therefore so much the more you make in that most holy discipline, so much the more I shall love you, and you will have no occasion to repent you
of this resolution.
If a letter would allow it or that I had time, I could expose to your piety out of
the histories of our nation many things concerning the sanctity and greatness of this
order in England. For S. Austin himself, and all the other disciples of S. Gregory
who converted our nation to the faith were all of your order ; and all the first monasteries (of which Venerable Bede, as likewise he himself) were of the self same institute ;
and all the cathedral chapters, which were afterwards held by secular canons, were at
their beginning in the hands of Benedictine monks. So was Canterbury church in the
time of Lanfranc, Anselm, Thomas the martyr, who themselves were monks of the self
same order : that I may say nothing of the most noble monasteries of Westminster,
St Alban's, St Edmund's, Glastonbury, whose abbots and many other more proved
glorious martyrs under Henry VIII. These examples, my child, are able to encourage
you and the rest of our countrymen to strive after the solid glory of Christ and His
church. For my part I mightily delight at the sole thought of such great men ; which
thought and the remembrance of our old affairs has made me longer than I would
have been ; but not to the dislike of either you or me, for I talk freely with you.
Wherefore remember me in your prayers and sacrifices, and salute from me the superiors of your house and order very affectuously in the Lord, who will abundantly
recompense this most Christian charity which they thus exercise on our fellow pilgrims and exiled. Adieu, my dear child; from our mansion at Rome; the 12 of the
Calends of February, 1594 ; with my own hand, thine in Christ,
WILLIAM CARDINAL ALLEN.

ccxv.
Petition for faculties presented by Cardinal Allen to Pope Clement VIII. and granted
by his Holiness. 16 February, 1594.
From an ancient copy in the archives of the see of Westminster.
IV., 107.
Beatissime Pater,
Supplicatur S. Vestrse ut pro variis necessitatibus afflictissimse ecclesia Anglicana?
z z 2

356

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

dignetur concedere Cardinali Alano infrascriptas facilitates, et ut easdem certis pres
byteris quos magis aptos judicaverit communicare possit.
1°. Facultatem dispensandi super impedimentis criminis et justitise publicse
honestatis tarn in contrahendis quam contractis matrimoniis.
2°. Super impedimentis quae impediunt ad contrahendum sed non dirimunt contr actum.
3°. Dispensandi cum iis qui amiserunt jus exigendi debitum conjugale.
4°. Dispensandi cum sacerdotibus super irregularitate et eos ad celebrandum
habilitandi.
5°. Dispensandi super juramentis ex metu factis vel extortis.
6°. Commutandi et dispensandi super jejuniis et abstinentiis ubi legitima existit
causa.
7°. Dispensandi super male perceptis beneficiorum fruetibus cum ministris, presbyteris aut aliis clericis hsereticis, schismaticis vel simoniacis ad ecclesiam
redeuntibus.
Hcec subscripsit manu propria lllmus et Rmus Cardlis

Alanus.

Haec omnia S mus D. N. Clemens 8US vivae vocis oraculo concessit, die 16 Feb., 1594.
GUILIELMUS CARDLIS ALANUS.

CCXVL
Cardinal Allen to Rev. John Mush.

[Rome] 16 March, 1594.

From a contemporary copy in the archives of Stonyhurst College. Anglia, Vol. I., p. 162.
Printed also in the Catholic Spectator. Third Series. Vol. I., p. 63. 1824,1
Welbeloved father and freind ; Because I could not satisfie my self ynough, nor
make you knowe so fully as I desired in presence how much contentment I tooke of
your late company and conversation and especially of the often and lardge relation
you made me of the state of the catholique cause and in particular of every of my
lovinge fathers and brethren and childrens paines, perills, zeale, constancy and most
generouse proceedings in defence of fayth and promotinge our countreyes salvation, I
could not omitt farther to assure you of my said contentment in the premises by theis
fewe lines of myne owne hand, which male serve for a more stable memorie betwixt
us of all such communication and conferences as hath passed at your late beinge here.
Christs blessinge be ever on my sweet fellowes and children to make them partakers
1
A paragraph of this letter was printed by F. Persons in his Brief e Apologie in defence of the
Hierarchiè in England, p. 11, verso, and also by Strype, Annals of the Reformation, Yol. IY.,
p. 273.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

357

of theis 2 speciali points, which I soe often, soe wofully and carefully commended to
your remembrance at your beinge with me ; which was to be ware above all things
of partialities, differences, dissentions, discorde, semulation and discontentment of one
towards another, of old against yonge, secular against religiouse, preists against
Jesuits. AH which come ex malo et ex inimico homine,1 who soweth amongest their
manifold graces and vertues theis seeds of his darnell to make their happie laboures
voide of merrit and profitt. Such things be of the Apostle numbred amongest opera
cavnis ; as peace, concord, mutuali love and unanimitie be the workes of the Spirite,
fruites of charitie and evident markes of Gods grace. Peace is the blessinge of Christ
that he left to his disciples and which he recommendeth in everye acte of his life and
religion and without which all our preachinge, prayinge, yea our dyinge for our faythe
is worth nothinge in the worlde. And specially that singular concorde, love and
unitie of harte and mynde which was amonge Christs first disciples, which the Apostle
calleth charitatem fraternitatis and is more specially to be required betweene Gods
preists, chosen to soe holy e a worke and called of purpose to preache Gods peace unto
mens hartes and to drive out the divell which is authour of all division; amongest men
(I say) of that profession that they and we are of, if perfect charitie, unitie and peace
want, all is lost we doe.
Wherein I spend soe many wordes with you at this tyme, for that I have heard
saie to my great greife that there is not all good correspondence betweene the fathers 2
and other preists, I cannot tell upon what discontentment that grewe heere or else
where ; but whereof soever yt cometh or by what humane infirmitie soever it is contynued, it is of the enemye, and is with all possible discretion and diligence by the
wiser sorte on both sides to be rooted owt, or else it wilbe the ruyne of the whole
cause and distruction of both partes : qui, si invicem movdeant, invicem conswmentur,
Therfore in this pointe specially M. M.3 be earnest and per emptor ie with all
parties and everie one in particular, and tell them that I chardge and adjure them by
the blessed bloode and bo wells of Gods mercy e that they honour, love and esteem e
one another according to everie mans age, order and profession ; that those of the
secular order, and especially all those that have beene brought upp under the fathers
and found soe great love, charitie and helpe in all places at their handes, that they be
correspondent in all gratitude and thankfullnes ; reverencinge them in worde and
deede, as is requisite to their meritt and callinge ; and the fathers on the other side to
love, cherishe, favour and embrace all the secular as their' owne bowells, life and soule,
and as their deerest fellowe-souldiers, breethren and children. My good freind, inculcate in my name, yea rather in Gods behalf, to both sides this pointe, least they loose
all and bringe my grey heyres the sooner to the grave.
An other thinge ther is which I praie both yourself and the fathers of the Companie and all other my godlye freinds, preists or lay men ; that they extend theire
1
2
3
Matt, xiii, 28.
Jesuits,
Mr Mush in F. Persons extract.

358

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

hands and hartes of compassion towards the maytainance of the semynarie of Dowaye,
which is as deere to me as my owne life, and which hath next to God beene the beginninge and ground of all the good and salvation which is wrought in England ; which
must needs be dissolved in verie shorte tyme except it be abundantly one way or other
releived. The decaie wherof as it would rejoyce the enemie much, soe certainely it
would be the fall of all other colleges erected for our nation abroade in the world.
You knowe the case, my freind, and how much it importeth your good and honour of
the catholique cause. All other things that we have talked of I recommend to your
memorie. Our blessed Lord blesse you and be with you for ever. In hast, 16 March,
1594
W. C.
Endorsed in F. Henry Garnett's hand.
Card1 Allen to Mr Mush after his departure from Rome.
Also endorsed in F. Robert Persons hand.
The letter of Card. Allen to Mr Mush agaynst the faction raysed agaynst the
Jesuites. 16 Martii, 1594.
CCXVII.
Cardinal Allen to Ernest Archbishop Elector of Cologne.
Printed in Chapeauville, Gesta Pontificum

Rome, 17 September, 1594.

Leodiensium.

Tom. III., p. 588.

Illustrissimo ac reverendissimo in Christo patri ac serenissimo principi, Ernesto
Electori Coloniensi, etc., domino suo colendissimo.
Illustrissime ac reverendissime Princeps Serenissime ; Ego jam diu Celsitudinem
tuam, cum propter meam in universam inclytam Bavaricam familiam studium peculiare, turn propter amplissima persona atque ecclesia dignitatis suae splendorem singulariaque in ecclesiam et rempublicam merita, unice colui et dilexi. Sed in eo sermone
quem non ita pridem sua Sanctitas in pieno consistono coram Cardinalium collegio de
rebus a Principibus catholicis maximeque ecclesiasticis in comitiis Ratisbonensibus pro
fidei defensione contra heoreticorum conatus preclare gestis habuit, tam multa et tam
honorifica nominatim de aptitudinis * tuse incomparabili in haereticis repellendis virtute
et constantia dixit, ut omnem 2 in ejus amor em et observantiam pellexerit. Meum
certe animum, pientissime prsesul, tam exquisito laudum tuarum preconio pius Pontifex
ita affecit ut mox calamum arripuerim, ut conceptum gaudium communicarem, tibique
de felicissimo comitiorum successu simul et gratularer et gratias agerem. Quod his
paucis lineis quanto possum studio et affectu facio, Christumque Opt. Max. prece et
1

Amplitudinis ?

2

omnes ?

'

359

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

sacrificio suppliciter postulo ut pietatem tuam benigne aspiciat, atque ut hostes
clementise sure potentius debellet, virtute induat ex alto, praesulatumque tuum longum
et beatum faciat in terra ; ut in diebus sacri ministerii tui nobilissimam et gravissimam
olim nobisque semper adamatam Germaniam ab his impurissimarum sectarum sordibus
expurgatam videat. 111am enim provinciam et ecclesiam celeberrimam, tot catholicorum principum ac prsesulum munitam praesidiis, licet gravibus et diuturnis jactatam
tempestatibus, tamen non omnino perituram, sed ex istis haereseon fluctibus emersuram
tandem non dubitamus. Sed, 0 nos miseros Anglos ac infelicem patriam nostram,
quae tota jam diu impiorum libidini inservit, ut nee unde se extricet nee quid speret
uspiam videatur ! Neque nos tamen desperabimus, cum adhuc multa millia existant
catholicorum qui genua non curvarunt ante Baal, et ubi Deus dat plebi suae virtutem
et f ortitudinem ut non solum credat in eum sed pro ilio patiatur. Sed quicquid nobis
Dei judicio evenerit, tamen mirifice animos nostros Germanise vestrse in fide et religione
conservatio consolatur, ac de nostris miseriis conceptum dolorem plurimum minuit.
Sed nolo tuam Celsitudinem ulterius distinere ; ipsi omnem salutem et gloriam in
(Jhristo et ecclesia exoptans, eidemque mea obsequia devotissime offerens. Vale.
Romre, 17 Sept., 1594.
CCXVIII.
Faculties granted by Popes Gregory XIII. & XIV. & Clement VIII. to Cardinal Allen.
From a paper in Dr Thomas Worthingtorìs handwriting
see of Westminster.
IV., 111.

in the archives of the

Facultates concessa per Gregorium 13 um domino Guilielmo Alano et sacerdotibus
ab eo subdelegatis et in Angliam missis vel in Anglia versantibus.
1. Absolvendi in foro conscientise ab omnibus peccatis, censuris et pcenis ecclesiasticis, etiam reservatis Sedi Apostolica, item in Bulla Coenre Domini.
2. Ab omni irregularitate contracta occasione hseresis vel schismatis quomodocunque.
3. Dispensandi vel commutando super omnibus votis, exceptis perpetuae castitatis
et religionis, vel ea commutandi in alia pia opera.
4. Dispensandi in foro conscientise in occultis debitis quae heereticis debentur et
disponendi de summis ita debitis in pios usus.
5. Dispensandi ut vendatur jus patrocinatus, modo disponatur proventus inde
veniens tripliciter.
6.2 Benedicendi et consecrandi superaltaria, calices et omnia paramenta altaris et
sacerdotis.
1
2

The words vel commutandi, interlined in the MS., have a line drawn through them.
7 in MS., 6 being omitted.

360

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

7.1 Dispensandi super matrimoniis eontractis intra gradus prohibitos, modo una
partium sit extra secundum gradum. Item in cognatione spirituali, excepto
inter levantem et levatum.
Anno 1591, Sep. 18, Gregorius 14us renovavit Ill m0 Cardinali Alano omnes facultates supradictas a Gregorio 13 concessas (exceptis 4 et 5) eundemque Cardinalem
constituit superiorem omnibus sacerdotibus et clericis Anglis et Hybernis, et sequentes etiam adjecit.
1. Licentiam legendi libros catholicos Anglice scriptos contra hsereticos, et concedendi aliis facultatem eosdem legendi, itemque Scripturas Anglice versa».2. Legendi libros hsereticorum ad effectum dumtaxat eos confutandi verbo vel
scripto.
3. Dispensandi in foro conscientise tantum ad contrahendum in 2 gradu eonsanguinitatis et affinitatis in linea sequali ; item in 2° et 3°, et deinceps.
4. Similiter in matrimoniis jam eontractis in eisdem gradibus ut matrimonium
legitimum fiat.
5. Item in cognatione spirituali tarn in contrahendis quam in eontractis ; non
tamen inter levantem et levatum. Turn etiam proles susceptas et suscipiendas legitimandi. Ita tamen ut cum fides in Anglia resti tuta fuerit
legitimationem a Sede Apostolica in foro exteriori impetrent.
Alise facultates 2 concessse Ill mo Cardinali Anglise Alano per Clementem 8 um cum
potestate easdem sacerdotibus Anglis et Hybernis subdelegando 16 Feb., 94.
1. Dispensandi super impedimenti^ criminis et justitise publicse honestatis tarn in
contrahendis quam eontractis matrimoniis.
2. Super impedimentis quse impediunt contrahendum matrimonium sed non
dirimunt contracture
3. Dispensandi cum eis qui amiserunt jus exigendi debitum conjugate.
4. Dispensandi cum sacerdotibus super irregularitate et eos ad celebrandum riabilitando
5. Dispensandi super juramentis ex metu factis vel quo vis modo extortis.
6. Commutandi et dispensandi super jejuniis et abstinentiis, ubi legitima existat
causa.
7. Dispensandi super male perceptis beneficiorum fructibus cum ministris, presbyteris aut aliis clericis hreretieis, schismaticis vel simoniacis ad ecclesiam
redeuntibus.
1

8 in MS.

s

See supra p. 355.

361

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

CCXIX.
Faculties granted by different Popes to Cardinal Allen both before and after his
promotion.
From a paper in the archives of the see of Westminster}

IV., 109.

Facultates omnes Cardinali Alano concessae tarn ante quam post promotionem.
A. 1. Conceditur a Pio V° Alano et duobus aliis faeultas absolvendi Anglos ac Scotos
poenitentes in omnibus casibus, etiam in Bulla Coense Domini contentis, in
foro conscientise dumtaxat.
2. Item cum quibusvis clericis et presbyteris secularibus et regularibus super quacumque irregularitate quomodolibet contracta in regno Anglise et Scotine
dispensando in foro conscientise dumtaxat.
B. 1. Extenditur per eundem Pium V. preedicta faeultas absolvendi ad plures ac ad
regnum Hyberniae.
2. Conceditur faeultas scribendi et approbandi libros etiam in lingua vulgari de
controversiis, et dandi licentiam catholicis eosdem legendi.
3. Alanus omnibus his missionibus praeflcitur cum omni potestate spirituali ac
ministeriali in tali causa necessaria.
C. 1. Eadem potestas per Gregorium XIII u m ab haeresi et omnibus casibus Sedi Apostoliche reservatis absol vendi Alano conceditur.
2. Datur eidem potestas subdelegando
3. Faeultas dispensandi super matrimoniis in gradibus prohibitis usque ad secundum consanguinitatis et affinitatis inclusive, ac in omni cognatione spirituali
excepto inter levatum et levant em ; et hoc in foro conscientise tantum, et cum
conditione quod, restituta catholica religione, illi quibuscum sic dispensatum
est dispensationem tarn pro conjugii quam prolis legitimatione 2 Literas Apostolicas in foro externo expedire teneantur.
D.

Alano datur a Gregorio XIII. autor itas prsesentandi quoslibet Anglos sibi
approbatos ad omnes ordines etiam sacros sine titulo et dimissoriis.

E. 1. Eadem faeultas ordinandi Anglos sine titulo et dimissoriis ita ampliatur ut possit
etiam extra tempora ipsorum ordinationem curare, ubi missionis occasio Alano
id requirere videatur.
2. Alano datur faeultas dispensandi in irregularitatibus et 3 delictis occultis, seu ex eo
quod causis criminalibus aliquis se ingesserit, ad effectum ordinationis.
3. Alano datur authoritas ut condonet ministris aut presbyteris seu aliis clericis
1
From the character of the handwriting this paper seems to have been written early in the
2
3
seventeenth century.
per omitted ?
ex ?
3 A

362

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

hsereticis, schismaticis vel simoniacis ad ecclesiam redeuntibus male perceptos
beneficiorum fructus.
F. 1. Datur a Gregorio XIII. facultas Alano ut constituat sacerdotes qui Anglos extra
Angliam in omnibus casibus absolvant in foro conscientire.
2. Ut sacerdotibus in Angliam missis et in Anglia laborantibus det licentiam
legendi libros ha3reticorum pro eorum refutatione.
G.

Sixtus V. concessit Alano ut constituat et nominet quos velit in Anglia sacerdotes qui altaria portatilia, calices, cruces, vasa ac vestimenta consecrent et
benedicant.

II.

Gregorius XIV. dedit Alano facultatem dispensandi cum alumnis collegiorum
Anglicorum sacros ordines suscepturis super irregularitatibus ex eo incursis
quod vel ipsi h seretici antea fuerint vel ex parenti bus hseretieis nati ac inter
hsereticos seu schismaticos versati aut educati, in foro conscientise.

I. 1. Clemens Octavus hanc facultatem confìrmavit, et declaravit earn sufficientem esse
in ordine ad sacros ordines rite suscipiendos, vivo vocis suae oraculo.
2. Simili vivae vocis oraculo dedit Alano facultatem dispensandi in ordine ad suscipiendos ordines omnes, etiam primam tonsuram, cum quibuslibet Anglis
super omnibus irregularitatibus quocunque modo sive delicto incursis et contract is.

ccxx.
1

The Duke of Sesa to Philip II.

Rome, 24 October, 1594.

From a transcript of the original in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas, Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 963. Copia de carta
original del Duque de Sesa a S. M., fecha en Roma a 24 de Octubre de 1594.
Senor.
El Cardenal Alano murio a 16 deste, corno tengo avisado, y aviendo sido su
enfermedad retencion d'orina, que le duro cosa de 15 dias, estuvo siempre en si dexando
grande exemplo de paciencia y conformidad con la voluntad de Dios. Su S d le envio
a visitar diversas vezes con Diego de Campo su camarero secreto, y le hizo merced de
500 escudos d'oro para los medicos, porque supo que estava con mucha necessidad ; i e
sabido por cosa cierta que dando el Cardenal a su S d muchas gracias por este favor i
los demas que avia recibido dixo a Diego que si mereciesse ver a Dios lo paga ria alla
con rogar por su S d , i que en este rnundo no sabia con que satisfazer a su obligacion,
sino con acordar a su S d que mirasse mucho corno se flava de ereges i de sus proinessas
1

The Duke of Sesa succeeded Count de Olivares as ambassador to the Court of Rome.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

363

i guardasse no ser enganado ; que el estava ya oleado i aguardando cada ora la muerte,
i que assi podia estar cierto su Sd que ningun fin humano le avia movido a hazerle
aquel recuerdo sino el puro servicio de Dios i suyo, i la larga esperiencia que tenia de
los embustes de los ereges.1 Yo le visite algunas vezes en el discurso de su enfermedad ; i dos o tres dias antes de su muerte, temendole los medicos desafiuzado del todo,
me hablo a solas con mucha terneza, diziendo que no sentia otra cosa mas de aver
llegado el fin de sus dias antes de aver podido cumplir el desseo que V. Md avia mostrado de enviarle a Flandes, donde por ventura pudiera ser de algun provecho para
ayudar a los buenos catolicos, los quales, aunque sabia que no era menester encomehdarlos a V. Md que tanta protecion tenia dellos, me pedia que suplicasse a V. Md no los
desamparasse, por que moria con confianca que por medio de la corona de V. Md avia de
bolver aquel reino algun dia a reduzirse a la obediencia desta S ta Sede ; y entre otras
cosas en que ha mostrado la confianca que Ile va desto a sido que en su testamento a
dexado ciertas casullas de poco valor que tenia en su capilla a la yglesia parroquial
donde nacio, cuando fueren catolicos, que entretanto las guarclen en el colegio de los
Yngleses d'aqui donde se mando enterrar.
Dixome mas que suplicava a Y. Md le perdonasse las faltas que uviésse hecho en
su servicio, pues despues de Dios i desta S ta Sede a nadie reconocia la obligacion que a
V. Md ; i si Dios por su misericordia le Ile vara a su gloria procuraria satisfazer alla lo
que aca no avia podido, rogando por la salud de V. Md i conservacion de su real corona.
Que lo que mas le afiixia era morir con deudas, i qùe assi suplicava umilmente a
V. Md fuesse servido de hazer merced a sus erederos de los 4 m ducados que està van
senalados para su viage de Flandes, con los quales i con lo que se podria sacar de las
pocas alhajas de su casa creia que se podria cumplir con sus deudas, corno mas particularmente me daria razon el obispo de Cassano, uno de sus testamentarios.
Que tambien encomendava a Y. Md sus parientes i criados Yngleses, pues los pocos
que avia podido acoger en su casa son personas que an padecido por la religion catolica
i algunos de calidad. Con està envio a Y. Md una memoria dellos i de sus partes, i tambien la sustancia de lo que contiene el testamento i relacion de sus deudas i una carta
que hizo escrevir a Y. Md el mismo dia que murio, i por no poderla firmar pidio al
obispo de Cassano que la firmasse en su nombre.
A un sobrino eclesiastico que tenia en casa, hijo de ermana, Uamado Tomas
Heschet, transfirio en vida con facultad de su S d 700 escudos de pension sobre Pavia
que le dio Gregorio XIV., i tambien le hizo su S d gracia de la abadia de S ta Maria de
Capua, cuya nominacion toca està vez al Duque de Trayeto, pero el Papa pretende que
por aver muerto el Cardenal en la Corte pertenece a su S d la provision, pues solamente
los patronatos reales son reservados desto. Todavia avrà pleito, i segun una cuenta
que me a mostrado el dicho sobrino el valor de la dicha abadia un ano con otro no
1

Cardinal Allen had evidently in his mind the great question of the day, whether or not the

P o p e should absolve from heresy H e n r y IY. of France.
3 A 2

364

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

llega a 1500 ducados de Napoles, i los cargos y pensiones que tiene sobre si passan de
1200 ducados, de suerte que nunca le ha valido 300 ducados limpios, i fuera de lo dieho
no le queda otra cosa alguna al dicho su sobrino.
A su ermano Gabriel, que no tiene aora otro, i se a hallado aqui presente, i le a
dexado por eredero para que tenga cuidado de satisfazer a sus acreedores, a sefialado su
S d entretenimiento aqui en Roma de 25 escudos al mes. Tiene otro entretenimiento de
V. Md en Flandes de 40 escudos al mes, de que dize se le deven muchas pagas, y assi
no pudiendose sustentar alla por no tener otra cosa, le £ue forcoso venirse a casa de su
ermano avrà casi un ano, i corno ombre de edad i soltero, que nunca se a casado, dessea
quedarse aqui para poder vivir con mas quietud i gozar desta merced que le haze su Sd,
si fuese servido V. Md de que el entretenimiento de Flandes se le pagasse aqui i assi
mismo lo corrido; y con està merced entiendo que quedaria may contento, porque no
pretende sino poder cumplir con el testamento de su ermano i passar su vida quietamente.
Otro pariente sacerdote que le servia de maestro de camara llamado Ricardo
Hadoc, el qual dizen que es ombre doto i muy virtuoso, i queda sin nada, i assi me le
encomendo particularmente el Cardenal despues de su ermano i sobrino, tengole por
ombre dirlo de que V. Md le mandasse pro veer de alguna yglesia mediana de las de
Napoles.
I no me pareze razon callar a V. Md las palabras que casi ultimamente dixo el
Cardenal, que el mayor dolor que llevava era ver que aviendole hecho Dios merced de
que a su persuasion tantos uviessen padecido carceles, persecuciones i martirio en
Ynglaterra, uviesse el merecido por sus pecados acabar en aquella cama. Su muerte a
sido sentida de su S d y de todo el colegio, porque siempre f uè bien quisto i muy conocida su virtud i buenas partes. Dios le de el cielo, i guarde la catolica persona de
V. Md. De Roma, 24 d'Otubre, 1594.
E L DUQUE DE SESSA.

CCXXI.
Funeral discourse on Cardinal Allen delivered in the church of the English College
at Rome, 1594.
From an early copy in the archives of the see of Westminster.

IV., 239.

Oratio f unebris habita in collegio Anglorum Roma3.1
In obitu Cardinal is Alani an. 1594.
Utinam intra unius aulse privatos parietes se contineret causa doloris ! Utinam
una solum familia orbitatem sentiret ! Utinam hoc solum templum luctuosissima pyra
1

MS,

This heading, though in an ancient hand, differs in its character from that of the rest of the
There is however an endorsement upon the document by the original writer in precisely the

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

365

funéstaretur ! Utinam hoc solum collegium patre amisso in luctu ' esset ! Utinam
amicos solum, ubicumque terrarum sint, damni vis adigerei/ ad lamenta ! Utinam
solos sincerae religionis amantes tanti viri ruina affligeret, ac non id 1 ipsos hostes fidei,
ad ignotos, ad integras urbes, provincias, regna se extenderet calamitatis et jacturae
malum ! Sane tolerabilior esset dolor, facilior patienti ad supprimendum, dicenti ad
exprimendum. Nunc dolor ipse in dolore versatur, quia si nos non vexet quantum
potest, ingratus ; si vexet quantum debet, tyrannus est. In Alano Anglia non minus
sanguinis quam morum nobilitatem, innocentiam, constantiam ; Belgium et Gallia
prudentiam, charitatem et retinendae religionis ardorem ; Roma pietatem, modestiam,
integritatem est admirata. Ac mitto jam haereditariam quam ex primo flore Lancastriae accepit a parentibus nobilitatem ; adolescentiae fior em illustri urn f aeminarum
procacitate frustra tentatum; quern florem ad extremum spiritum illibatum non
incertis signis, secto def uncti corpore, medici se comperisse testati sunt : virginitatis
enim laude fior ere debuit cujus omnis vitae labor huic rei militabat ut Anglicanam
ecclesiam jam et passim adulterantem Christo virginem castam exhiberet. Praotereo
celerrimum ad sapientiam ac proinde ad summos honores, quos illa parere solet,
excursum. Relinquo honestissimam ex Angliae finibus fugam, ac propter lentam
febrem sese in imas medullas penitus insinuantem nullo alio quam nativi coeli remedio
in eosdem reversionem, in quam 2 multo magis suae patriae quam suo corpori curando
intentus fuit. Ad ea tempora venio quibus Duacum appulsus subitoque docendi
muneri praefectus suorum sibi desideriorum veluti auroram quandam afTulsisse vidit ;
ccepit enim suam in domum, domum pietatis, domum refugii, domum quam sibi
aediflcavit sapientia, cogere dissipatos Anglos, semen electum, spem fidei resurgentis,
eversae reliquias religionis. O domum felicem ac beatam, qua 3 primos illos martyres
patremque martyrum tenuisti ! Nulla te consumat vetustas ; nulla te ventorum aut
tempestatis labefactet injuria ; nulla unquam te ruina dejiciat ; tota olim vertaris in
templum, tota auro, tota gemmis, si quid divini in posterum mens nostra praesentire
potest, vestienda. O florentissimum olim, nunc afflictissimum Angliae regnum !
same words as the heading. The funeral discourse was delivered by Francis Tregian, eldest son of
Francis Tregian of Yolveden or Golden near Truro, who after having suffered the forfeiture of his
estates and an imprisonment of twenty-eight years for harbouring the Kev. Cuthbert Mayne, martyred at Launceston, 29 November, 1577, died in exile at Lisbon, 25 September, 1608, in the odour of
sanctity. " I n ejus [se. Cardinalis Alani] funere oravit Franciscus Tregianus, Anglus." Ciaconius,
Tom. IV., p. 174. The younger Francis Tregian had evidently a reputation for eloquence, since,
when only a student of scholastic theology at the college of Reims, he had been chosen to pronounce the complimentary address on behalf of the community on the occasion of the visit of Msr
Sega, Bishop of Piacenza and Vice-legate of the Holy See in France, 14 August, 1591. First and
Second Douay Diaries, p. 240. He was afterwards for two years chamberlain to Cardinal Allen. At
length he returned to England, and died a prisoner in the Fleet, 1619. See " The economy of the
Fleete," edited by the Rev. Augustus Jessopp, D.D., for the Camden Society, p. 193, note.
1
2
3
ad ?
qua ?
qua ?

366

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Numeras tu quidem hoc tempore veros Christian!, nominis cultores et defensores
multos, in cavernis quidem terree habitantes, profugos, fortunis omnibus spoliatos,
morti destinatos ; sed numeras tamen : totum est hujus domunculae beneficium. Audeo
affirmare nullum hoc tempore in Anglia futurum fuisse verse pietatis vestigium,
recordationem nullam, nisi apostolicam hanc Alanus familiam erexisset. Lapsi erant
omnes : fi dei stellam libidinum et licentiae nubes obscuraverat : nullus jam sacrilegos
conventus et conciones horrebat : boni si qui superfuerant aut clam profugerant aut
carceribus includebantur : publice jactabatur paucos jam esse atque aetate confecta
sacerdotes ex Mariae Reginae temporibus, qui ubi semel occubuissent totum regnum
conscientiae liberam impunitatem habiturum ; ita plane futurum nisi heec ccepisset
Alani domus similes submittere sacerdotes. 0 quicunque ex Anglorum natione
exteras gentes divina petitis aut humana de causa, huic domunculaa vos proni ac
venerabundi submittite ; huic debetis si libero coelo, si hominum consuetudine fruì
potestis; haec vestrum nomen, omnibus gentibus aut suspectum jam aut perosum,
amabile fecit ac venerabile. At qui bus praesidiis succrescentern familiam Alanus
aluit ? Virtutum videlicet suarum. Liberalitatem quaeris ? Suas fortunas omnes et
stipendia consumpsit. Humilitatem ? Yiros primarios ecclesiastica praesertim dignitate conspicuos adivit, nomenque et amorem Christi praetendens, mendicus Christi
factus, stipem coegit. Prudentiam ? Nemo unquam in tarn soluta ac libera gubernatione querelam aut concipere potuit, aut si concepisset efTundere. Christianam
eloquentiam ? Vix ullus sceleratis opinionibus imbutus unquam venit quin ejus
colloquio victus se fìdei redder et. Sapientiam ? In luce jam doctissimorum hominum
versantur ejus epistolae, libelli, majora monumenta, materno latinoque sermone
eruditissime suavissimeque conscripta. Humanitatem ? Quidam furore percitus ad
collegium cum venisset germanum fratrem rapturus, Alani comitate verborumque
suavitate repressus demulsusque, ipse etiam collega est factus. Patientiam ? Plurimas
haereticorum injurias et convicia pertulit, sicas vix effugit. Constantiam ? Cum
collegarum numerum indies augeret Deus, nec ilium sustentandi spes superesset (quod
ante etiam Pio Quinto Pontiflce fecerat) Romam advolat. At ad quern Pontificem ?
Quam pium, quam recuperandae Angliae cupidum ? Quam misericordiae addictum ?
Gregorius fuit. Non necesse est aliud afferre quam nomen. Huic exposita ac
deplorata causa et lacrymas et annuam pecuniam excussit. Tranquillitatem animi,
etiam in summis vitae periculis ? Cum amici serio ut caveret admonuissent, ejus vitae
esse positas insidias, hostes sacrorum solum Alanum petere, aliquo proinde se praesidio et comitatu tueretur ; ' si quid,' inquit ' discrimen capitis imminet, non recuso.
Caeterum quod praesidium aut quern meliorem comitatum quaeram cum quotidie'
Christi corpus et tractem et suscipiam?' Quid hoc animo tranquillius ? 2 Quid
D. Thomae Cantuarensi siinilius cum praesidium et comitatum nullum alium
voluit quam altaris ? Charitatem in gregem ilium suum quern inter lupos mitte1

After tranquillius there is a capital A in the MS.

367

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

bat ? Cum magnam in illos effundi invidiam sentiret collegiique et alumni
nomen tota Anglia infame, exosum ac scelestum haberi, justissimam aeque
ac modestissimam defensionem, ne hostibus quidem asper esset sciens, in lucem edidit.
In Deo fiduciam ? Cum semel odio incensi impietatis satellites magna et armata manu
collegium illud, arcem illam propugnandae fidei erectam undique cum telis ac facibus
obsedissent, cum filiis patrem per summum scelus trucidaturi, jussit Alanus omnes
primum ad preces confugere, turn fores aperiri, tantundem esse vel in Anglia vel in
Belgio martyrem fieri. Tantae virtutis factum divinitus rei exitus comprobavit. Vix
in atrium hostes irruperant, stricti gladii de manibus concidunt, ponit praefervida
rabies, emnes 1 re non solum infecta sed etiam intentata discedunt. Indefessam perseverantiam ? Cum hoc ipso tempore haereticorum et bellorum ardor collegii statum
everter et, migrandum censuit. Iterum ad Gregorium venit : Rhemos collegium transfert, ut tam sancta familia plures orbis terrarum regiones honestaret. Quo in itinere
nihil minus cogitans in adventu Cameracensi canonicatu, in discessu Dunelmensi
episcopatu a Gregorio auctus est. Denique magnitudinem animi ? Audite, patres
amplissimi, sapientiam admirabilem. Cum aliqui ex augustissimo Cardinalium senatu
gravissimi patres illi signifìcassent non omnino tutum videri tam multos, tam florentes
sacerdotes quodammodo prodi et ad manif estum interitum ruere, satius esse eosdem ad
meliora tempora reservari, rescripsit pro ea qua illi innata erat modestia valde demisse,
aequissimo se animo admonitionem accipere, caeterum oportere meliora tempora non
expectare sed facere. O vocem viro sapientissimo dignam ! Quae enim meliora tempora expectanda erant ? Quis ilia faceret meliora? An succrescens Juventus? At
ilia in omnem praeceps intemperantiam per apertam libidinis viam insolentius rueret.
An perditissimus coetus ha9reticorum magistrorum ? At ii odio religionis omnem 2 sanctitatis vestigium nituntur delere. An populi in summum Pontificem quae olim
maxima reverentia fuit et pietas ? At in ludibrium versa est. An nobilium vis et
constantia ? At Principis potentiam et fortunarum amissionem multo magis quam
Dei judicium timent. An regii senatus sapientia et consilium ? At coecum cupiditate
fertur. An Reginae authoritas et majestas ? At eo temeritatis et amentiae ventum est
ut ipsa pro Pontifìce esse velit, ut impudentissima faemina ipsorum ecclesiae ementiatur.
An denique ipsi qui jam in eadem Anglia latent sacerdotes ? At ni nos subinde subsidiarias veluti copias mittamus, his paucis haeretici semel extinctis victoriam libertatemque proclamabunt. Quid multa ? Haec suprema vox—oportet meliora tempora
non expectare sed facere—ita alte in Cardinalium, in Gregorii omniumque deinceps
summorum Pontificum animis insedit ut studiosissime ex nostra juventute semper
miserint quos sua sponte ad tam piani et honestam mortem incensissimos videre. 3 Nee
vero non est ista vox effectum veritatemque sortita. Jam enim nostrorum opera tempora sunt facta meliora. Quantum vis enim fremant Pontifìcii nominis hostes, quantum vis honestum 4 et lethale sonent edicta, quantumvis laxentur et impleantur
1

omnes ?

2

ovine ?

3

viderent f

4

funestavi ?

368

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

custodiae, quantumvis nostro sanguine patibula perfluant, plurimi tamen sunt et de
plebe infima et de prima nobilitate gravissimi viri, innocentes pueri, clarissimae
faeminae, qui fortissimo pectore invicem quod amissam fidei drachmam invenerint
gratulantes summa cum laetitia et divitiarum et vitae profusionem expectent. Sed jam
tanta virtus privata esse non debet, tam ardentem lucentemque lucernam occultari sub
modio non aoquum est. Romam collegiorum causa venientem Sixtus Vs, mirae prudentiae
Priiiceps, Cardinalem renunciat, ut luceat omnibus qui in domo ecclesiae sunt. Quod
ultimum vitae tempus quia magis notum audientibus mihi minus persequendum erit.
Satis per se apparuit singularis modestia in summis honoribus, ut vero illi fuerit
Cardinalatus corona meritorum non ambitionis follis : per se emicuit rerum humanarum
contemptus omnium, ut videatur ea minime appetiise cum caruit quibus frui neglexit
cum habuit. Quam tam excellentem virtutem ejus etiam libet testimonio confirmare.
Is in extremis vitae horis cum jam nihil cogitaret aut loqueretur nisi Deum, cum se
recte factorum suorum conscientia recrearet dixisse fertur : ' Mihi convenire non potest
ilia S. Augustini de relictis retibus sententia—multa humana perdidit qui pro Dei
amore omnia reliquit : etsi enim omnia mea reliqui, plura tamen ejusdem generis
bona Deo dispensante sum consecutus. Verum illud pro certo afBrmare possum, nunquam hue spectasse labores meos, nunquam animum meum tam humiliter se abjecisse
ut in humanorum honorum aut divitiarum adeptione conquiesceret ; nunquam
privatam meam aut meorum utilitatem publica patriae meae meorumque civium
salute mihi fuisse chariorem/ Haec inquam rerum humanarum despicientia satis
per se omnibus elucebat ; ex ejus tamen dulcissimo ore audita nescio quomodo delectat
magis. Notus est integerrimus ille animi candor qui in ejus vultu, in oculis, in
actione, in alloquio eminebat : nota prudentia : nota gravitas. Quid dicam de amore
et pietate in afflictos cives suos ? Esse non poterat ut qui illis olim tenuem rem suam
totam effuclit, nunc cum habuit ampliorem non magnani tribueret partem. Nuhus
Anglus cujuscumque generis homo Romani venit qui non aliquid ab eo receperit, una
illa de causa tristiore quod non tantum auri suppeteret ut penitus sublevare plurimorum indigentiam posset. Quid cum illam S. Augustini sententiam subinde
repeteret—ad res magnas gerendas òportere divitem esse et contemptorem divitiarum
—illud cum lacrymis addens : ' hoc secundum bonitas mihi divina concessit, illud
primum Providentia negavit ' ? Quid quod ita erat ab auri cupiditate alienus ut
memorabilis Romanae pecuniae asstimationem nesciret, ut eandem nunquam tractare
vellet nisi forte cum sua marni pauperum consolaretur inopiam ? Quid ilia verba ab
eo saepius audita ; guttas sanguinis e corde sibi exprimi cum auditis suorum miseriis
unde opem ferret non haberet ? Quid illae charitatis voces : ' dum mihi supererit
indusium ad tegendum, tu rerum mearum partem semper habebis'? Erga hoc vero
collegium quo animo fuerit, quam paterna pietate, qua vigilantia, qua quam aequabili
in omnes amore, et tacitas nunc lacrymas et alterius desiderat orationis exordium.

369

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.
1

Qui ita vixerit quomodo mortuum esse existimandum est ? Profecto non dissimili.
Tanta in maximis cruciatibus patientia ut diceret gaudere se quod, cum tarn multos in
vita ad martyrium impulerit, ipse etiam in morte aliquid martyrio simile pateretur.
Tanta animi tranquillitate et innocentise signiflcatione, ut crebro diceret animo non
magis anxio mori quam si infans esset divino fonte recens ablutus. Tanta religione,
ut divinissimo presente Sacramento dixerit velie se quod ante calamo fecerat, tunc
etiam lingua coram exigua familia, quod libentius coram omnibus gentibus faceret, tanti
Sacramenti divinitatem et catholicse integritatis sinceram puramque fldem proflteri
effusissime in Deum religionis indicium. Quid jam restat nisi ut, involutes potius in tanta
orationis brevitate quam explicatus, Alani virtutes eo maxime laudabiles quod publicse
semper utilitati servient publico etiam luctu prosequamur. Guillelmus Reginaldus, vir
doctus in primis et eruditus, ab Alano ex magno haeretieo maximus catholicus factus,
ante aliquot jam menses est mortuus ; cujus eruditionis et pietatis Antverpiensis episcopus ilium invisens illustre testimonium dedit. Is ergo morti proximus Alani in se
merita in memoriam revocans prse affectus magnitudine hanc imam vocem edere
poterat—Alanum ; Alanum geminabat, forte inquiens hsec extrema Alano suspiria.
Queer enti bus quid tandem vellet ista Alani tam dulcis tarn iterata appellatio—' Annon '
inquit ' inter mortuas hasce voces ilio invocando consumam,2 qui causa f uit salutis meae,
per quern catholicus morior, per quern jam ccelum ingredior V Alane ! Alane ! Alane !
Alane ! Quod enim ille moriens te vivo fecit id nos viventes te mortuo faciemus : nam
immensam vim beneficiorum et charitatis tuse sestimantes exclamare cogimur Alanum
Alanum, et doloris magnitudine omnis alia quam ista vox includitur. 3 Alanum,
Alanum : haoc vox ad Angliae Kttora repercussa gloriose resultare credendum est : ipsa
etiam Alanum, Alanum sonat. Si enim Reginaldus lecto affixus quod aliquam sibi
prselucere spem gloriae sentiat exclamare cogitur Alanum, Alanum, quid tandem
evenisse tota Anglia existimandum iis qui pro Christo sanguinem te authore fuderunt,
cum non otiose in tabernaculis sed for titer in acie, non in lectis sed in patibulis, non
4
sed inflictam mortem oppeterent, quo facto non aliquam spem salutis
sed certum seternse glorile pignus acciperent ? Cum se in tam nobili agone tam
generose dimicantes viderent, cum caput in laqueum, i.e., in coronam, in ccelum insererent, cum agnoscerent se in patibuli, i.e., in paradisi gradibus stare, idque tua opera,
Consilio, authoritate, nutu, a te olim conquisiti, conversi, instructi, missi ; an non verisimile est ipsos etiam placidissimis vocibus nomen tuum identidem ingeminasse
Alanum, Alanum ? 0 nomen beatissimum per sanctissimorum martyrum ora tanta
cum laude volutum ! Sed haec dum in morte essent cum a mortalibus audirentur quid
nunc cum te ecelo venientem excipiunt, cum pulehro ordine aspectuque se tibi obviam
ferunt palmasque tua veluti manu sibi decerptas prsetendunt ? Quanto dulcius et
gloriosius idem nomen tuum coram ccelitum agminibus et coeli Principe, Deo, iterant
1

4

At this point in the MS. there is a capital A.
A blank space for a word is left in the MS.
3 B

* consumar Ì
"

3

intercluditur ?

370

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

atque inclamant ? Alanus, Christe optime, jam ad te venit qui tuam semper causam
egit in terris ; illas manus perpetuis attritas pro tua fide laboribus onera sempiterna
mercede ; illos pedes perpetua pene fuga exiliisque pro tua religione fatigatos in terra
viventium stabilito ; ilium sinum, illud pectus tuo semper amori patens ac pervium,
omni terrestrium rerum affectui clausum et inaccessum, divini gaudii mensura bona,
conferta, coagitata et supereffluente cumulato ; illud denique caput tibi devotum, in
omni vita toties pro tui nominis gloria appetitum, merita corona praacingas. Nos
vero, collega optimi, imaginem quam nobis expressam virtutum maximarum optimus
parens reliquit prosequamur admiratione, veneratione, imitatione. Scio nuper hsereticos ejus imaginem inventam in Anglia per summam contumeliam atque licentiam
conviciis et ludibriis appetisse, maculasse luto, procidisse ferro, cremasse fìammis, ut
quod corpore exoptabat saltern in imagine martyrium ferret. Ejus imaginem corporis
divexent pro libidine ac deleant hseretici, qui non essent Alani hostes nisi fuissent
religionis proditores : nos qui ad eandem religionem propugnandam vocamur ejus
imaginem animi vivam in memoria atque inviolatam servemus.

CCXXII.
Abstract of Cardinal Allen's will.
From a transcript

Rome, 9 October, 1594.

of the original document in the archives of

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 963. Copia de un
documento en cuya carpeta dice :—La sustancia de lo que contiene el testamento del
Cardinal Alano.
Die nona mensis Octobris, 1594, Ill mus D. Cardinalis Alanus condidit testamentum.
Voluit sepeliri in ecclesia collegii Anglorum de Urbe. Reliquit dicto collegio
suos libros.
Reliquit suae familise seu suis familiaribus domesticis ultra stipendia eis debita
scuta quingenta m.1 dividenda inter ipsos, mandans solutis debitis portionem unicuique augeri juxta vires hsereditarias, si hseredi videbitur et commodum erit, et praesertim Ludovico Gualterio suo familiari, ut adjuvare possit Mariam suam sororem ad
vitam monasticam propensam.
Reliquit dictse Marise charitatis intuitu scuta viginti quinque.
Mandavit persolvi sua debita saltern intra triennium. Item mandavit suo haeredi
ut sol vat suae cognate viduse scuta tria millia quae ipse donavit pro tribus illius filiabus pro dote.
Reliquit paramenta et alia sure capellse ecclesia cathedrali 2 S u Michaelis,3 necnon
1
2
n. i.e., nem.pe ?
parochiaM ?
the district from the time of the Heptarchy.

3

St. Michaels-le-Wyre, the mother church of

371

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.
1

ecclesise filiali in oppido Pultoneae, Gestrensis diocesis, si regnum Angliae ad fldem
catholicam revertatur ; alias voluit spec-tare ad collegium Anglorum de Urbe.
Executores nominavit Ill mos D. Cardinales Caetanum, de Montealto et Aldobrandinum.
Haeredem instituit ill rauni dominum Gabrielem Alanum, suum fratrem germanum.

CCXXIII.
Petition of F. Joseph Creswell, S.J., to Philip II. on behalf of Cardinal Allen's
relations. 1594.
From a transcript of the original in the archives of

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 963.
memorial del P. Cresuelo sin fecha entre papeles de 1594.

Copia de un

Suplican a su Mgd los deudos del Cardinale Alano que les haga merced de los 4000
escudos senalados al Cardinal para su yda en Flandes, porque de otra manera no pueden
pagar las deudas y cumplir las mandas del testamento del dicho Cardinal.
Suplican tambien a su Mgd que se sirva continuar la merced que a hecho estos
aiios passados a la viuda Ysabela Alana, cufiada del Cardinal, de ochanta ducados al
mes en Flandes para sustento suyo y de sus hijas, mandandolos asentar en alguna cosa
firme ; y que haga merced a Gabriel Alano, hermano del Cardinal, en Roma o Napoles
del entretenimiento de 40 ducados al mes que su Mgd le da en Flandes.
Y a Ricardo Hadoco, sacerdote, pariente 2 del Cardinal, se sirva mandarle pro veer
de alguna cosa para su sustento por estar desamparado con la muerte del Cardinal,
Siendo servido su Mgd hacerles merced de los 4000 escudos, le pueden senalar
2000 escudos para la dote de las dos monjas sobrinas del Cardinal y 2000 escudos para
la dote de la tercera que està para casar, y asi recibiran la merced immediatamente de
su Mgd, y juntamente se cumplira^ el testamento del Cardinal.
El Papa despues de la muerte del Cardinal a dado a Gabriel. Alano, su hermano
del Cardenal, 25 ducados de entretenimiento al mes.
Ya he dado particular memorial a V. S.3 para Rugero Baynes, que fue secretarlo
y mayordomo del Cardenal, y desea servir a su Mgd.
Jos.
1

CRESUELO.

Poulton, the parochial church of Rossall, from which it is about four miles distant.
Richard Haydock's mother, Helen, daughter of William Westby, and wife of Yivian or E v a n
Haydock, of Cottam, near Preston, was sister of Elizabeth widow of George Allen, the Cardinal's
eldest brother.
3
Perhaps the Secretary of State, through whose hands the petition would pass, is here addressed.
3 B 2
2

372

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CCXXIV.
Memorandum concerning Cardinal Allen's relations.

1594

From a transcript of the original document in the archives of

Simancas.

Archivo general de Simancas; Secreteria de Estado, Leg° 963. Copia de un documenta en cuya carpeta dice :—Memoria de los parientes del Cardinal Alano.
Per noticia delli veri et più propinqui parenti del Cardinale Alano di bo. me. si
dice lui havere havuto o havere li sottoscritti parenti.
Giorgo, suo fratello primogenito ; quale ha havuto moglie et figlioli, et morse 1 16
anni sono come si dira qui soto.
Gabrielle, suo fratello minore, qui presente, quale no ha mai havuto moglie ne
figli.
Elisabetta, sua sorella, maritata in casa Heschitta, della quale i 2 nato Thomaso qui
presente, il quale vene fora del regno X I I X 3 anni sono,4 et di continuo e stato appresso
il zio bo. me. sotto la disciplina, cura et governo suo.
Ysabella, maritata in casa di Coniers, senza figli, si bene ne ha avuto molti.
Giorgio, primogenito sopradetto, presse per moglie Lisabetta Wertbey 5 et da essa
hebbe un figlio primogenito maschio et tre fìgluole femine, ciò e Giovanni, qual morse
fora d'Ynghilterra undeci anno sono in circa.6
Helena,
\
Caterina,
> quali tutti vivono.
Maria,
/
1
I n the Inquisitio post mortem G-eorgii Allen taken at Preston, 12 J a n u a r y , 1579-80, the j u r o r s
state on oath " quod prsedictus Georgius Allen obiit nono die Augusti ultimo p r e t e r i t o , et quod
Joannes Allen est filius et hasres propinquior prasdicti Georgii Allen, et quod prsedictus Joannes est
astatis, die captionis hujus Inquisitionis, quatuordecim annorum, quatuor mensium et sex dierum."
They enumerate all the lands and messuages at Poult on and elsewhere held in fee by George Allen
at his death. They also find t h a t George Allen's father, J o h n Allen, now deceased, by a deed
dated 26 J u l y , 1563, had granted certain other lands to George and Elizabeth his wife for their
several lives with remainder to George's lawful male issue, and, failing this, to the grantor's rightful
heirs. They add that the aforesaid J o h n Allen by his will of 1569 gave the life-use of certain
specified lands to his younger son, Gabriel Allen. Ducatus Lancastriae inquisitiones post mortem,
Vol. 14, n. 80. Public Record Office, London. Compare p . 219 supra with reference to the leaseholds
2
3
and personalty of George Allen deceased.
eì
Asi (transcriber's note).
4
Thomas Hesketh was sent from Reims to the J e s u i t college at Verdun, 5 October, 1581. H e
accompanied his uncle, D r Allen, to Rome in September, 1585. First and Second Douay Diaries, pp.
5
183, 207.
Westby.
6
I n the Inquisitio post mortem Joannis Allen made at Wigan, 3 April, 1612, the jurors testify
" quod prasdictus Joannes Allen obiit apud Preston in Amoundernes vicesimo tertio die Junii, anno
regni dominas nostras Elizabethae nuper Reginas Angliae tricesimo quinto [A.D. 1593] absque aliquo
exifcu de corpore suo legitime procreato, Maria Worthington, modo uxore Thomas Worthington de
Blainscowe in comitatu Lane, praedicto armigeri, ad tunc et adhuc existente sorore et haerede praedicti

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

373

Detto Giorgio [morse] come si e detto 16 anni sono, lasciando doppo se la detta moglie
et figluoli.
Lisabetta sua moglie, sendo rimasta vedova, xni. anni sono in circa, fu per la fede
cattolica gravemente afflita et perseguitata et spogliata de tutti i suoi proprii beni, et
quello che più da maravigliarsi et che mai fu udito ne fatto ad alcuno altro nel regno,
fu ancho priva et spogliata di tutti li altri beni di detti suoi figli ; dal che chiaramente
si giudico che, non havendo essa ne li suoi figli fatto cosa che meritasse tal privatione,
tutto ciò fusse fatto dalla Regina et da ministri suoi per invidia et odio che portavano
al Cardinale, all'hora chiamato il dottore Alano. Per questo Tanno seguente desiderando detta vedova fuggire l'altre persecutioni et conservar se stessa et li figli catolici
se ne fuggi 2 secretamente fora del regno, menando seco detti suoi figliuoli et portando
occultamente tutto quel poco ch'haveva potuto ascondere et liberare dalle mani di
raptori. Condottasi in Francia, l'anno appresso li morse Giovanni suo figlio primogenito, il quale già era in età d'anni 19 et per inderizzo del tio attendeva alli studii di
pietà et delle buone letere. Sendo re[s]tata con le tre figlie femine se ne e stata in
Francia da detto tempo in sino alle anno 1591, vivendo parte con quel poco che potè
trasportare d'Ynghilterra e parte con quello che le dava il Cardinale mentre era in
minoribus, et anco dopo fatto Cardinale. Delle 2 anno poi 1591 essa vedova con le sue
figlie se ne paso in Fiandra, dove dalla Mta del Re Cattolico per mezzo del Duca di Parma
de fé. me. li furono per loro sustentamento assignati scudi 60 d'oro il mese di pensione,
li quali ha hauto in sino al presente, si ben fosse interrotamente et con qualche difficulta
et tardanza insieme, oltra di quello che sempre ha havuto dal Cardinale predetto.
Joannis Alien ; et quod prsedicta Maria est die captionis hujus inquisìtionis triginta sex annorum
et amplius." The lands and messuages enumerated are the same, with certain additions, as those
possessed by George Allen at his death. The jurors also find that after the decease of the aforesaid John Allen, the yearly rents and profits thence accruing were severally accounted for and paid to
Queen Elizabeth during her lifetime, and since then to King James ; but by what right or title this was
and is still done, they profess themselves to be wholly ignorant. Due. Lane, inquis. p. m., vol. 20, n. 23.
Such are the statements under oath of the seventeen esquires or gentlemen of Wigan or the neighbourhood who formed the jury of inquiry. On the other hand the Second Douay Diary, p. 206,
records that John Allen died at Pont-à-Mousson, 24 June, 1585, and Dr Thomas Worthington, uncle
to Thomas Worthington of Blainscowe, has added in his own hand to this entry the words " qui
erat festum S. Joannis Baptistae." The finding therefore of the jurors is clearly incorrect ; but
on what grounds it was made, and why the Inquisitio was not taken until 1612 are by no means
evident. Mary Worthington's elder sisters, Helen and Catherine, professed nuns in St Ursula's
convent at Louvain, died the one in 1603 and the other in 1612. Records of the English Jesuits.
Second series, p. 133, Hence as Mary wrould not be sole heiress until Catherine's death in 1612, it
is just possible that she may have refrained until then from claiming the inheritance of her
deceased brother John. There would still however remain the erroneous statement about the date
and place of his death to be accounted for.
1
Mrs Elizabeth Allen with her two daughters Helen (Eleanor) and Catherine arrived at Reims
2
from England, 9 September, 1584. First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 202.
detto ?

374

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Di dette tre figlie, non essendo ci modo di maritarli tutte, ne colloco le due prime
maggiori nel monasterio de S ta Orsola in Lovanio con promessa di certa somma per
loro vitto, ritenendo la minore per maritarla.
Per vitto dunque delle due prime fatte monache et per dote della minore destinata
a maritarsi il Cardinale, bona me., oltre quello que a questo effetto li ha dato di tempo
in tempo, di più promesse alla vedova scudi tre mila da distribuirsi fra loro secondo a
lei fusse parso ; ma venendo poi egli a morte senza haver adempito questa promessa ha
incaricato il suo herede ad ademplirla et di pagar quanto prima li 3 m scudi ; il che e
quanto si può dire della vedova Alana, delle figlie et dello stato loro.
Quanto poi [a] Gabrielle qui presente, egli venne fora di Ynghilterra xiv. anni
sono,1 et anco esso e visuto parte con le poche cose portate, parte con l'agiuto del
Cardinale, suo fratello, bo. me., cosi inanzi al Cardinalato corno dopo. Finalmente
l'anno 1588 la Mta del Re catolico col mezo del Duca di Parma di fé. me. li asigno
per suo trattenimento scudi 40 d'oro il mese di pensione.
Hora reducendo le cose narrate in una breve somma, si dice gli parenti più stretti
rimasti al Cardinale di bo. me. esser questi, ciò è—
Gabrielle, suo fratello, qui presente.
La vedova Alana, sua cognata, absente in Fiandra,
Le due figlie maggiori, messe nel monasterio.
L'altra minore, distinata a maritarsi.
Thomaso Heschetto, qui presente, figlio d'Elisabetta sorela del Cardinale.
Si potrebbono nominare altri parenti, ma questi sono le più principale et che sono
stati tenuti in più conto dal Cardinale.

ccxxv,
List of the members of Cardinal Allen's household.
From a transcript

1594.

of the original document in the archives oj

Simancas.

0

Archivo general de Simancas ; Secreteria de Estado, Leg 963. Copia de un
documento que dice lo siguiente :—Lista di tutta la famiglia dell' ili"10 signor Cardinale Alano.
Gabriele Alano et herede del suo testamento et solo fratello vivo di tre fratelli ;
et nostro Signore l'ha fatto gratia di 25 scudi il mese. Il fratello primogenito si
chiamava • Geòrgie Alano, Gabriele il minore.
Thomaso Heschetto, suo nipote, clerigo, ha 700 escudi d'oro di pensione sopra la
chiesa di Pavia et l'abbadia di Capua che era del signor Cardinale, ma parisce 2 difficolta per il jus patronatus del Duca di Traietto. Tomaso e figliolo della sorella del
detto signor Cardinale.
1

" 1583, Martii 9° die ex Anglia rediit Mr Gabriel Alarms."
2
p. 194.
patisce?

First and Second Douay Diaries,

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

375

1. Ricardo Hadoco, maestro di camara del Cardenale, sacerdote, nipote della
cognata del signor Cardinale, moglie del defunto suo fratello maggiore, la
quale vive hora in Fiandra con tre figlie femine, delle quali doe sono già
professe monache in Lovanio, lare 1 da maritar.
1. Questo fu alumno del collegio Ynglese di Roma, et e poi stato molti
anni in Ynghilterra et Ybemia 2 secretamente per servitio della fede
cattolica.
2. Giovanni Byas, 3 camariero et servitore manzi al Cardinalato.
2. e adesso in Milano o por strada in Fiandra per mutar aria per la sanità
et vive alle spese del signor Cardinale : e bon giovane laico, bon musico,
poverissimo.
3. Ludovico Gualtieri, camariero et servitore manzi al Cardinalato.
3. Nato in Roma da patre Ynglese et matre Romana : bonissimo musico
et poverissimo : e bon giovane : sa servire bene.
4. Nicolo Fierberti, 4 coppiero et servitore dal principio dal Cardinalato.
4. Gentilhuomo assai nobile; da bene; li cui parenti hanno patiti molto
per la fede cattolica. E clerigo, capace di pensione, si ben non va in abito :
sa servire bene: e stato sette anni in servitio del signor Cardinale, al quale
era carissimo, in Roma, dove era stato prima molti anni, et da Papa
Gregorio XIII. beata me. hebbi dieci scudi d'oro il mese per studiare.
Suo patre mori in prigione di 26 anni per la fede, et suo tio anco lascio la
vita in prigione per la medesima causa, carcerato 32 anni continui.
5. Rugiero Bayns secretano per la lingua Ynglesa et servitore dal principio dal
Cardinalato.
5. Garbato gentilhuomo : sa servire bene : e stato molti anni fuori d'Ynghilterra per la fede cattolica: ha una pensione di cento escudi Tanno, et
per mano di questo passavano tutte l'intelligenze che il Cardinale teneva
in Ynghilterra, Franza et Fiandra.
6. Don Guglielmo Warmintono, sacerdote, maestro di casa et servitore dal principio del Cardinalato.
6. E stato alumno elei detto collegio, et poi bandito d'Ynghilterra per la
fede cattolica : e pio e di buoni costumi : non vorria servire più, se
*
trovasse il modo di vivere poveramente et servire Dio.
7. Giovanne Smazzone, maestro di stalla et servitore dal principio del Cardinalato.
1

2
Valtra è?
In the archives of the see of Westminster, Yol. vii., p. 311, there is
a memorial to the Pope dated 1602, to which among other autograph signatures that of "Richardus
3
Hadocus, sacrse theologise doctor et Dubliniensis decanus " is appended.
John
Bias was Dr Allen's servant at Reims and went with him to Rome. First and Second Douay
4
Diaries, p. 207.
Nicholas Fitzherbert.

376

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

7. Laico nobile, tempato : ha patito molto per la fede in Ynghilterra : ha
servito il patre del signor Cardinale Sfondrato, quale l'ha già pigliato al
suo servitio.
8. Guglielmo Wartone, scalco e servitore dal principio del Cardinalato.
8. Bonissimo giovane, laico : e bon scalco et trinciante, quieto, di bonissimi costumi, poverissimo.
9. Don Ludovico Huys, 1 sacerdote, caudatario et servitore • da quatro in cinque
anni.
9. Bon sacerdote : e stato carcerato in Ynghilterra per la fede cattolica e
poi bandito, et vuole pur tornarvi per servitio della detta fede : non vuole
più servire : alumno del collegio di Reymes.
10. Don Thomaso Harleio, capellano, servitore da alcuni mesi in qua.
10. Bandito per la fede d'Ynghilterra : e stato scolare del collegio de
Reymes : ha un benefitio picolo di residenza nella diocesi di Milano, dove
dice voler andare la primavera, perche non può cavare li frutti fin all' hora.
11. Francesco Trigiano,2 camarero, servitore di dui anni.
11. Molto nobile, di 20 anni, secolare, di ingenio felicissimo, dotto in
filosofia, in musica et nella lingua latina. Suo patre già ricco e per la fede
cattolica condennato in Londres a perpetuo carcere et confìscatione di tutti
li beni, et vive de elemosina esso et la sua moglie et figli. Questo e il
primogenito et herede legitimo di molte belle posesioni di 7 m scudi
d'entrata. Tutta questa crudeltà fu usata con esso perche fu trovata una
copia stampata della bolla del giubileo del l'anno santo et un agnus Dei
presso suo capellano,3 qual per questa causa et anco per haver celebrata la
messa secretamente in casa del sudetto suo patrone fu squartato vivo.
12. Nicolo Balduino, camariero et servitore da dui anni.
12. Non sono informato di questo gentilhuomo, secolare di 40 anni in
circa, e di statura grande. Intendo che e quieto et huomo da bene.
13. Christoforo Ysamo, admesso nuovamente al servitio della camara del Cardinale.
13. Gentilhuomo molto bono di 40 anni in circa. Ha suo figliolo scolare
del collegio Ynglese in Roma et un altro figlio scolare del collegio Ynglese
di Douax in Fiandra, et e poverissimo, l'havendo detto signore Cardinale
chiamato al suo servitio a posta da Fiandra in Roma poco avanti la sua
infirmita : ha anco doi figli picoli in Ynghilterra, dove ha perso molte
intrate et tutto c'haveva per la fede cattolica, et in particolare perche sotto
colore di traficare mercantie in Franzia conduceva li petri 4 delli collegi
1
Hughes.
November, 1577.

2
4

Tregian.
preti?

See p. 364, note.

3

Cuthbert Mayne, martyr, 29

377

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Ynglesi da Roma, Franzia et Fiandra in Ynghilterra, dove li dava ricapito
in casa sua.
Guglielmo Bostoco, parafrenero.
Giovanni Harrisone, scopatore; quale ha. la sua moglie Ynglese seco a
Roma.
r

lj

> servitori del signor Gabriele.
Thorn aso Mader, J
Christoforo Cossin, servitore del signor Thomaso.
Oltra li sudetti sono anco in Fiandra doi mandati questo anno dal detto
signor Cardinale.
Guglielmo Gifford, dottore in theologia, molto nobile et dotto, theologo del
signor Cardinale : e stato scolare del collegio Ynglese di Roma, e poi ha
letto philosophia molti anni nel collegio di Reymes : e di molto valore et
merito et ha niente per mantenersi.
Thachiero, giovane laico nobile, camariero, mandato per mutar aria per
la sanità, et hora vive in Fiandra alle spese del signor Cardinale : e
bellissimo giovane di 22 anni et di costumi angelici.
Li sopra detti tutti sono Ynglesi.
CCXXVI.
Inventory o£ Cardinal Allen's debts.

1594.

From a transcript of the original in the archives of Simancas.
Archivo general de Simancas;. Secreteria de Estado, Leg0 963. Copia de un
documento que dice asi:—Debiti del Cardinale Alano che sono scoperti fin adesso.
. Il detto Cardinale di bo. me. mi ha detto pochi giorni avanti la sua morte
che il suo maestro di casa l'haveva all'hora notificato debiti liquidi in Roma di
mille et cinquicento scudi
.
.
.
. 1500
Detto Cardinale a donato inter vivos un pezzo fa tremilla scudi per li dote
delle sue tre nepote femine, figlie del defonto suo fratello maggiore, le quali
hanno vissuto molti anni con la sua propria madre, gentildona di santissimi
costumi, in esilio per la fede cattolica ; et hora due delle dette figlie sono già
professe monache in Lovanio, dove la madre poverissima vive con la terza figlia
minore da merito : et li detti tre milla escudi non sono ancora pagati, come il
signor Cardinale ne fa mentione in suo testamento, et era molto sollicito di far
pagare questo debito
3000
Sono anco debiti cinque cento scudi per Fanello cardinalicio, delli quali sua
S t a non ha fatto gratia, perche già per Breve questo emolumento dell' anelli de
Cardinale defonti e applicato a S. Giovanni Laterano
500
3 e

378

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Il detto Cardinale, sendo l'anni passati in minoribus rettore del collegio
Ynglese all'hora de Reymes et adesso tomato a Douay in Fiandra, piglio in
presto per servicio necessario del detto collegio dui milla scudi, se ben mi ricordo
della quantità, dal signor Tomaso Somerseto cattholico gentil'huomo Ynglese,
quale era in Ynghilterra all'hora, et adesso e passato a migliore vita ; et detto
Cardinale mi a detto che esso era o b l i g a t o r verbo sacerdotis di far pagar detti
danari ogni volta sarebbeno domandati, et era molto solecito d'esseguire detto
obligo all'heredi del detto Tomaso quando domandassero .
.
.
.
.

2000
7000

CCXXVII. >•
Rév. Thomas Audley to P r Christopher Bagshaw.

26 June, 1595.

From the original in the archives of the see of Westminster. V., 39.
I can not but be very sorry, as a brother of yours (though one of the lest) to hear
of those sturres among you, which is much spoken of by the catholickes every where,
and is thought a greevous matter that inter personas Deo militantes such discorde
should ryse and continewe so longe. And that which maketh the matter more greevous is that in that place where all catholickes eyes are fastened to look for order, the
desire of order and discipline shoulde be hindred upon stomacke onely against the
Jesuits, and that order being the thing which is resisted, yet the collour of this disquyett is such a thing as hath lest collour at all of any reason. And to this effect I
was moved in charyty to wry te unto you, that allbeit I knowe the Jesuits are unwilling
to take any such superioryty (neyther indeed is that which is there l attributed to one 2
of them worthy to be tearmed by the name of superioryty, for it is not prceesse sed
prodesse) yet such a matter was otherwyse esteemed of and commended unto all by
our absolute superior, and in other manner then is there accounted of. And that no
longer since then at Lent last was a twellmonth, at what tyme our mission, having
allredy receyved the Popes benediction, was alltogether with my Lord Cardinal
before our journey hetherward ; whoe then used unto us a longe and earnest speech to
commend unto us, when we came in England, peace, unyty and gratitude towardes
the Jesuits there. He took occasion to beginne with telling us howe after wee wer
gone out from the Popes presence, himself and the Protector having been there with
us at the Pope the same tyme, the Protector tolde the Pope that ther was peace in
our colledg, for ther had been sturres amongst us to the great disquyett and discreddit
of the house, and that the Pope knewe well inough of, wherto the Pope sayd agayn:—
Then there is God. Upon which wordes of the Popes, which our Cardinal extolled
1
2
Wisbeach Castle.
F. Edmunds, alias Weston, S. J.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

379

hyghly as worthy of such an absolute monarke, he earnestly charged us that when
wee came into England, wee should looke especyally to keep peace with the
Jesuits and to joy ne with them and to goe to them for ther advyse and direction, and
to take heed of emulation and contention with them, and willed us to tell our brethren,
when wee came into England, from him, if any such matter did happen, what his
mynde was and ho we sore he mislyked it, and as they did regard his love and favour
and wolde hear him they should take heed of such matters. Besydes he tolde us how
wee ought to acknowledge them as those which had been our superiors and masters, o£
whome wee had receyved our education and learning and all our cheifest good, and
this they had bestowed on us freely without any temporali reward. Besydes he
shewed us howe carefull they wer of us after wee wer gone from them, and howe
ready to asist us in any thing in our journey and every where ; further what great
good the whole Church receveyed by them, and that himself used ther help very much
and could not be without it.1 And that this might take better impression in us, very
fewe dayes after he wrytt unto us a long letter with his owne hand to the same effect,
which overtook us in our journey at Millan; wherin even as it wer his last will and
testament being not longe before his death, with most loving, godly and vehement
wordes, able to move any, he charged us to love one another in charitate
fraternitatis
without making any difference with the fathers for that they wer of different vocation
from us, and to beware of all dissensions and emulation with them, saying they proceeded ab inimico homine ; and if he should hear of any such thinges among us, wee
should bringe his* gray hears with sorrowe to the grave. I hope you may heerafter
see the letter, which wilbe worthy the reading, and I will say is worthy his spiritt. If
he wer then so carefull to prevent such matters, what may wee thinke wolde he say if
he wer alive to hear of this nowe ? And that I may speak what I think in this
matter, besydes the discouragement which the report of these sturres among you doth
cause in catholickes myndes, so allso (as farre as I can perceyve) the catholickes are so
wholly affected to the Socyety and have them in such estimation that whoesoever
shall shewe him self to favour any part against them or not so thoroughly to affect
them, yea though he be one of our coate, he shalbe lesse gratefull and wellcome to
them. This I speak as my selfe have perceyved since my coming into England, and
1

Compare on the other hand, the following passage in a Memorial addressed to Pope P a u l V. by
William Harrison, archpriest, and his eleven assistants. I t is dated London, 2 December, 1619, and
has the names of each of the twelve attached to it. " Unde meminimus Ill nium Allanum sub extremum
vitas de rectoribus seminarli Eomani ob alumnos ad suam Societatem pellectos multoties conquestum
fuisse, uti et de patre Personio caeterisque qui in Hispaniis seminarla fundaverant ad clerum Anglicanum, ut prae se ferebant, propagandum, revera tamen quibus sibi ipsis commodarent, eleemosynas
quae clericis sustentandis porrigebantur ad Jesuitas copioso numero in iisdem seminariis alendos convertendo." From a copy of the document in the Third Douay Diary, a M S . in the Westminster
archives, p. 182. An English translation of the entire Memorial will be found in Tierney's Dodd,
Vol. V., Appendix p. ccxxii. See also pp. 138, 153, supra.
3 C 2

380

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

not in a fewe nor of the meanest qualyty ; for that themselves being alltogether free
from any passion in these matters doe in all sincerity acknowledge the universali good
which God bestoweth on the wThole Church by the fathers more then by all other
orders at this day besydes, and the particular good by them to our countrey at home
and to ther children and freinds abroad. And (to say truely) our selves in all due
reason ought especyally above any others acknowledge all this, having more reason to
knowe it and having reaped part therof in our selves.
Thus much I thought to wryte unto you, allthough I thinke I am knowen to very
fewe there, yet I hope it wilbe taken with the same goodwill which I intend it, which
is onely of desire of peace amongest you, for which I doe dayly pray and doe thinke
wee are all bound to pray for the same and to sett our handes to helpe to it as much
as wee can. And so commending my self to your good prayers I committ you all to
our B. Saviour, whoe sayd to his disciples : Habete sal in vobis, et pacem habete inter
vo8. 26 of June, 95.
Servus in Christo,
TH.

AUDLEY.

Addressed.
To Mr Christopher Bagshaw* be these at Wisbich dd.
Endorsed.
Thomas Audley to Bagshaw movinge him to like of the Jesuits. What charge
Cardinali Allen gave that the preists in England submitt themselves to the Jesuits.
That the Jesuits are allready in such creditt as what priest soever shall oppose
himself e against them shall discreditt himself e.
CCXXVIII.
Sir Francis Englefield to Mr Thomas Hesketh.
From a contemporary

[Spain] 27 January, 1596.

copy in the archives of the see of Westminster. V., 117.

A clause of a letter of Sir Frances Engleflldes to Mr Thomas Hesket of the 27 of
January, 1596.
The rest of your letter, being in deffence of the wronge charge wherwith you had
burthened me in your former letters, demaundeth no greate replie, as well for that all I
said thereof was upon the expresse wordes of your former letters to me, as also for
that you acknowledge ether not to remember them, or to deeme them more worthie of
blame then justification, which ys recompence enughe for my satisfaction. Yet this
point I can and do avvere unto you, that I knowe, to whom the Busshop of Cassano
wrote expressely, that your deer uncle tould him by his owne mouthe som monthes
1
The name Christopher Bagshaw has been carefully written over in order to efface it.

381

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

before he died, that he had no meaninge nor intention to goe to Flanders, insinuatinge
withall that he writt yt to this ende that the King heare might be undeceaved of your
uncles meaninge, and not to expecte at his handes that which your uncle meante not
perforine, and this do I know who hath yt of the Busshopes owne hand writinge. In
all such cases therf ore wherof you do knowe somwhat, and others may knowe more,
your surest way shall be to averr and avowe only that which you knowe to be trewe,
without aecusinge or suspectinge others for saieing that which they knowe more than
you did. And whether yourself or any others of his Graces famely wer of oppinion
that by his Graces tarienge in Eome he might become Pope, and whether yourself or
they in that respecte did caste furthe any plausible speaches to your uncle tending to
perswade his abode theere or delaie of f ulflllinge the Kinges desire, thies pointes beinge
better knowne to yourself then me, I will not accuse you resolutely of them ; thoughe
I knowe some which love you full dearely, of whose mouthes miself have hearde that
their owne eares have ben witnesses of divers speaches to that sense uttered by yourself and by some more aboute his Grace also in familier conferences amonge yourselves.
CCXXIX.
F. Eobert Persons, S.J., to F. William Creighton, S.J.

Seville, 10 May, 1596.

From a transcript by F. Christopher Grené, S.J., in the archives of Stonyhurst
P. 316.

College.

Epistola Persomi ad P. Crittonium. Hispali, 10 Maii, 1596. De libro Successionis,1
etc. ex autographo.
• :
*
P. Christi. Serius aliquanto reddito mihi sunt literse E. Y®. Quod agit mihi
gratias E. Va de subsidio quodam pecuniario procurato, animo certe meo debentur ac
desiderio, licet non operi, ob temporum difficultates. Egi quod potui agoque; sed
cluorum hic seminariorum 2 pressus onere, quorum unumquodque ad septuaginta fere
alit, quid aliis preestare possim E a V. pro sua prudentia facile videbit. Utinam E. V.
istius seminarii Scotici, cum hic adesset, opus ursisset. Aliquid sine dubio effect urn
fuisset. Nunc autem deabsentibus lentum negotium ac languidum. Neque exiguo
mihi dolori est inopia vestra, cui levandae etsi impar onmino sim, aliquid tamen ut conferam, hoc libentissime ex tenuitate nostra offero, ut si V. E. sex habeat istic adolescentes Scotos bonae indolis, qui ad studia philosophica idonei sint atque Anglorum
convictum non respuunt, eos in hsec seminaria admittemus ; et si hoc initium ex animo
nobis successerit, fieri potest ut reliqua deinde sequantur ampliora.
Quod de alio negotio successionis regise E. V. scribit, nescio sane quid respondeam,
1

" A conference about the next succession to the Crowne of Ingland divided into two partes.
Published by R. Doleman. Imprinted at JN~. with license, 1594."
2
T h e seminary at Yalladolid founded in 1589, and the seminary at Seville in 1592.

382

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

et an quicquam hac in re respondendum sit, cum magis optar em de ccelesti tantum
regno et non de terreno tractandum nobis foret ; sed quia temporum iniquitate patriaeque nostrae extrema calamitate factum est ut de salute ei procuranda, quae ex religionis
catholicae restitutione pendet, nulla ratione agere possimus nisi etiam de successore
catholico cogitemus, dicam hac occasione R^ V86 quicquid animo conceptum habeo.
Ego ab anno oetogesimo, quo primum in Angliam mandato superiorum appuli,
Regis Scotiae studere commodis omni qua potui ratione ccepi; et statim quidem
Guilielmum Waytes 1 sacerdotem meis expensis in Scotiam ex Anglia misi. Patrem
deinde Holt submisi. Et cum haec initia non male succederent, scripsi ad Reverendissimum Patrem nostrum ut aliquot viri Societatis ex gente vestra in Scotiam mitterentur ; cumque statutum esset ut R. V. experiendi gratia praemitteretur facile recordabitur qua animi alacritate Rotomago ei adf ui, adeo ut socium 2 unicum quem habebam
mihi ipsi detraxerim ut Reverentiam vestram in Scotiam sequeretur. Revertenti
deinde Reverentiae vestrae neque Consilio neque opere unquam defui. Iter arduum ac
difficillimum in Hispaniam, Olyssiponem usque, suscepi cum magno vitao periculo ;
neque cum minori aliud deinde in Flandriam ; ac tertium demum Romam usque.
Atque haec omnia post Deum Regis Scotiae matrisque suae in gratiam ; quibus licet ad
vota quae cupiebantur non esset utilis opera mea, duabus tamen vicibus viginti quatuor
aureorum millia a Rege Hispaniae in eorum usum impetravi, et a Summo Pontiflce
Gregorio decimotertio quatuor /millia.- Cujusmodi nescio an alii praestiterint officia;
horum tamen cogor mentionem facere ut eis opponam qui Regi me Scotiae adversarium
faciunt. Ad quos refutandos nemo testis locupletior esse potest quam Reverentia
vestra quae haec omnia novit et meminisse potest. 3
Tandem vero cum mortua Regina Regem vestrum obflrmatum haeresis cursum
tenere animadvertimus, fateor tam Alanum quam me, cum nondum esset Cardinalitia
dignitate praeditus, languidiores animo in Regis haeretici negotio promovendo nos
exhibuisse ; cum tamen R a V. Romae dixerit anno opinor 86, saepiusque repeteret, nihil
certi statuendum esse quoad flrmum aliquod experimentum de Regis animo haberemus,4
quod se allaturam Ra Va promittebat cum eo ipso tempore una cum aliis profectionem
in Scotiam pararet. Expectavimus libenter R. V83 reditum, qui cum aliquot deinde
annis successisset omnem plane spem nobis omnibus de Regis reductione eripuit ; omni
enim asseveratane affirmabat R. Va, turn alibi turn hie caspissime in Hispania (quod et
alii quoque viri pii prudentesque nationis vestrae connrmarunt) nihil esse quod quisquam de Regis ad fìdem catholicam conversione expectaret; quod reliqua etiam deinde
secuta vehementer comprobant. Itaque fateor ex eo tempore Cardinalem Alanum
meque alia omnia quam de Rege Scotiae cogitasse, idque unum atque solum cogita1
2
Or Watts.
Kalph Emerson. Autobiographical Notes by F. Persons. Stonyhurst
3
MSS. P. 230.
The whole of this paragraph is printed in Morus, Historia Missionis
Anglicana Societatis Jesu, p. 122. F. Grene has not transcribed it, but simply refers to Morus.
4
See p. 294 supra.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

383

tionum nostranim meta fuit, quis potissimum et prae cseteris competitoribus religioni
catholicae divinoque cultui in patria nostra restituendo atque stabiliendo opitalaturus
videatur ; cumque cogitando atque perscrutando earn praetensionum latitudinem praetensorumque varietatem perspiceremus, quoad ipsum etiam suecedendi jus haereditarium, amoto oinni religionis respectu, quam R a quoque V. ex edito nuper libro de hoc
argumento vidit, quid viris bonis facere liceat vel etiam incumbat addita religionis
ratione, id est, an clebeant vel tuta conscientia possint praetensorem haereticum vel
dubium saltern sequi in praetensione quoque dubia, cum catholicorum praetensorum copia
sit, nemo piae mentis est qui non videbit.
Jam Rre VlB dixi, verissimumque sane est, vehementer me cupere ut haec ipsa de
terrenis regnis nihil quicquam ad nos pertinerent ; sed cum nostra peccata id effecerint
ut prostrata omni republica nostra res politicae atque religionis adeo sint immixtae
atque perplexae ut de unis restituendis sine aliis tractari non possit, neque de religione
catholica restituenda sine Principe catholico, cumque tantum sit jam in priori laboratum ut non solum laboribus magnis sed copiosissimo etiam sanguine constiterit, non
possumus de secundo quoque non esse soliciti, ex quo omnia pendent. Itaque quod E/®
V"3 praesenti saepe praesens affirmavi (quod et piissimum Alanum nostrum fecisse quoque
memini) id iterum in hac occasione repeto, id unum atque primo omnium loco me
intueri in futuro nostro Principe ut vere sit catholicus, sit cujuscunque alioquin nationis, gentis vel linguae sub coelo, et si hoc in eo non sit, vel dubium sit, neque patriam
ego respicio neque personam neque ullum aliud juris haereditarii praetensi genus,
quod contra Dei causam admitti non debebit etiamsi alias validissimum esset. In
Regis vero Scotiae praetensione quam sit inflrmum vel cum aliis commune ex eo quern
jam dixi libro edito apparet; atque hoc quoque sensisse Rain V. aliquando bene memini ;
et certe mirari satis non possum adeo mutatam jam videre ut scribat se non esse ex eis
qui precoces sunt ad Regem Scotiae excludendum, cum nemo se neque precociorem
neque maturiorem ea in re ostenderit, aut efficacius illud nobis et aliis idque infinitis
prope testibus persuaserit, etc. Itaque stultos nos plane ac miseros si post tot exantlatos pro fide catholica sustinenda labores, tot emensa pericula perpessaque martyria
velimus jam iterum in Regis haeretici vel dubii omnia nostra Deique ac reipublicae bona
manibus deponere. Hoc est. judicium, hie sensus meus, Deo angelisque testibus, me
nihil praeter divinam gloriam hac in re quaerere, neque minimae mihi curae esse quis
hominum regnis terrenis fruatur, modo coeleste quaeramus aliisque procuremus. R. Va
haec aequo animo amicoque (ut solet) accipiat reliquisque amicis nostratibus ac vestratibus quibus videbitur communicet, meque divinae misericordiae in Sanctis suis sacrifices
commendet. Hispali, 10 Maii, 1596.1
R. V93 servus in Christo.
1

" But howsoever these matters of tytles goe, which God only must determine, my conclusion
shal be to your whole letter that among such variety and perplexity of pretenders as now are for that

384

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

ccxxx.
F. William Creighton, S.J., to F. Robert Persons, S.J.
From a transcript

20 August, 1596.

by F. Christopher Grene, S.J., in the archives of
College. P. 318.
Crittonus ad Pers., 20 Aug., 1596.

Stonyhurst

Pax Christi. Accepi literas R*6 V. datas 10 Maii mihi peroratas. Omnia quae
commemorat Ra Va erga Regem nostrum et nationem fateor esse vera. De libro Successions parum habeo quod dicam. Quod scripsi fuisse precocem, de publicatione
libri erat prsecipue intelligendum, quae mihi et multis visa est tempus non sine praejudicio multorum quibus R a V. favet antevertisse. Quid fructus attulerit libri publicatio
plane ignoro ; quid vero damni certo scio, etc. Est proverbium Gallicum, leporem non
esse capiendum tympano. In pulpitis tarn Angliso quam Seotiso ministri pulsant. 1

CCXXXI.
F. Robert Persons, S.J., to F. William Creighton, S.J.

Madrid, 2 November, 1596.

From a transcript by F. Christopher Grene, S.J., in the archives of
College. P. 318.

Stonyhurst

F. Persons 2 d letter to F. Chritton.
P. X. Literas vestras 20° Aug. scriptas reddidit mihi hesterno die colonellus
Simplus, etc. Egi quoque apud Regem solicite seminarii vestri causam, etc.
Quod R. Va addit tarn copiose contra librum de jure Successionis regiae, nollem hoc
argumentum ssepius inter nos tractari literis ; video enim dispari affectu oculoque rem
hanc nos intueri. Si una essemus, facilius fortasse in unam eandemque veniremus sententiam. Existimat R. V a precocem fuisse libri illius editionem dicitque ex proverbio
Gallico non esse tympano capiendum leporem. Ad quod respondeo primum, librum
illum antequam ederetur perlectum fuisse ssepius atque accurate a viris Anglicana
nationis prudentissimis qui in Hispania, Italia, Belgioque reperiebantur, et fortasse
crowne it is enough for a catholick sober man to have any Prince, admitted by the body of his realme
and allowed by the authority of Gods catholick church and that will defende the religion of his old
noble ancesters ; and without this nothing is sufficient, nor should any reason in the world move us
to yield him favour or obedience, though he were our father, son or brother." F. Persons to Mr
Standen, Madrid, Sept. 8, 1595. Stonyhurst MSS. P. 311.
1
The transcript ends thus abruptly in the middle of a sentence, half a page being left blank
between the last line of this letter and the beginning of the next.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

385

etiam in Anglia, neque illis precocem sed permaturam ac pernecessariam fuisse temporibusque accommodatissimam libri editionem visum est, adeo ut nihil bactenus scripturn fuisse utilius ad causàm catbolicorum promovendam censuerint : at que si virorum
nomina bic apponerem nihil eis exceptionis opponi posset. Quod vero dictum est de
tympano, si libri editionem tympanum esse R. Va vult, dicerem tympanum hoc non
esse positum ad capiendum leporem, sed ad lupum potius arcendum qui nocte cupit
subingredi. Cum enim lex haereticorum, qua sub laesae majestatis prohibetur poena ne
quis aliquid decernat de successionis jure, eo pertineat ut haoretici suo tempore, cum
omnium jura sint obseura, successorem nobis haereticum, ignorantiae hujus nocte usi,
obtrudant, tympani hujus sonitu detegitur. Principes etiam Christiani ac catholici
hoc tympano excitantur ut videant quid cuique juris competat, quid sibi, quid reipublicae Christianae expediat ; praecipue vero omnium Summus Pontifex, qui praeter
universalem reiigionis tuendao causa datam ei a Domino potestatem particulare quoque
majestatis ac supremi domimi jus in Angliam habet, quo uti legitime saluberrimeque
poterit ad litem hanc difficillimam dirimendam si omnium praatensionum jura actionesque intellexerit. Denique hoc tympano expergefient catholici Angli ut cogitent quid
sibi faciendum sit cum necessitas impulerit ut in unam alteramve partem se dent, ne
res priùs ad arma quam ad disceptationem perveniant, et precipitare se suaque
cogantur antequam consilium de re tanta ineant. Itaque si tympanum liber hie appellandus est, non inconcinnum nee malesonorum videtur qui tot habeat utilitates
publicas. Et quanquam R. V a scribat de bono quod attulerit se penitus nescire, de
multis damnis certam esse, ego tamen de commodis has attuli rationes, testes etiam
afferre possem locupletissimos ex Anglia qui affirmant prae caeteris libris hactenus
scriptis vehementer profuisse, quod copiosius postea docebit tempus. De damnis vero
nescio quid R. Va afferat ; nam quod de persecutione aucta affirmat, contrarium plane
cernimus in Anglia, ubi post libri editionem mansuetius multo actum est cum catholicis.
De Scotia nihil amplius affirmare possum quam quod Ra V. scribit patres duos Societatis per Regem liberatos esse aliosque nonnullos benigne habitos ; et res ipsa loquitur
nam ante libri editionem Rex Scotis8 Baronem Fentrium reiigionis catholicae causa
capite mulctandum curavit, post editionem vero libri neminem quod sciam. Neque
sane est cur Rex Scotiae in catholicos Scotos hujus libri causa inhumanior fiat, qui eis
non tribuitur, etc.
Fateor me cupere (regni) possessionem penes hominem notae fldei atque constantiae
esse : haereticos dubiosve pro omni mea virili parte aversor, etc. Satis calamitatum perpessi jam sumus ob eum errorem quo Anglicani catholici, Maria Regina mortua, Elizabethan! istam ob earn solam causam quod natione esset Angla (dubiae licet fldei) Mariae,
Franciae Reginao, catholicae, quod patria esset Scota, praetulerint ; quam postea tamen
Reginam Scotani vel capitum suorum periculis cum Angla hac commutare cupiebant.
Itaque ne iterum in eundem errorem incidamus, et ne juxta Evangelium posteriora fiant
pejora prioribus, nullis lenociniis, nulli spei dubiae credendum judico hac tanta in causa,
3 D

386

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

sed quod summum ac prsecipuum est primo loco intuendum. Sit vere catholicus, sit
fidei probate Princeps, et quacunque ex mundi parte veniat parum refert, modo vires
habeat turn adipiscendi turn etiam tuendi ac conservandi regni, Summusque Pontifex
(cujus maxime omnium interest) calculo suo rem approbet. Ejus enim judicium in re
adeo dubia nobis regula prsecipua esse debet quid nobis, quid reipublicse etiam Christianae ad majorem Dei gloriam expediat ; ad quam rem non exiguam puto lucem allaturum librum ilium de quo jam diximus, neque amplius habeo quod hac de re
scribam. R93 V. precibus, etc. Madriti, 2° Novemb., 1596.

CCXXXII.
F. Robert Persons, S.J., to Don Juan de Ydiaquez.

[Rome] 30 June, 1597.

From a transcript, endorsed by F. Persons, in the archives of the see of Westminster.
VI., 153. Also in part printed in Tierney's Dodd, Vol. III., Append, p. lix.
Que la parcialidad de Carlos Pagetto y de Tomas Morgano aya sido y sea muy
preiudicial al servicio de su Magestad para las cosas de Ynglaterra. 1
No ha sido poco darlo a la causa publica de todos los catolicos Yngleses y a las
cosas de su Magd tocantes aquel reyno que algunos ministros suyos no ayan entendido
bien o no tenido la cuenta que convenia con la parcialidad y faction de los dichos dos
hombres ; y muchos may ores dafios seguirse han, si de aqui adelante no si mira con
mas atencion en ella, corno por lo que aora se dira cada uno entendera.
La primera origen desta disunion fue en el ano de 82, quando en una junta que
se hizo en Paris del "Nuncio Apostolico y del embaxador de Espana, Juan Baptista
de Texis, y del Duque de Guysa y del arzobispo de Glasco, embaxador de la Reyna de
•Escocia, y de otros se concluyo que en la reducion de los reynos de Ynglaterra y de
Escocia se avia de tornar el arrimo del Rey de Espana y no otro camino. Por confirmacion de lo qual fueron embiados a Lisboa y a Roma el padre Personio y el padre
Oritonio para pedir cierto soccorro para Escocia. Y porque avian sido excluydos
desta junta los dos dichos Pagetto y Morgano, que se llamavan criados de la dicha
Reyna de Escocia y tenian corespondencia con dos secretarios suyos, Nau, Frances, y
Curie, Escocez, que residian con ella en Ynglaterra y tenian las cifras y podian mucho
con ella, hizieron tanto con ellos estos dos discontentos que resedian en Francia, y todos
quatro juntos con la disdechada Reyna, que la divertieron de todo affetto y confianza
deste camino comenzado por via de Espana.
De todo esto es testigo hasta oy el padre Henrico Samerio, Frances, de la Com1
This memorandum was enclosed in a letter from F. Persons to Don Juan de Ydiaquez, dated 3
July, 1597, a copy of which is in the Westminster archives (VI., 157) bearing an endorsement in F.
Persons handwriting "Copia de mi carta al sefior Don Juan de Ideaquez a 3 de Julio " [1597].

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

387

pania de Jesus, el qual vive en Flandes y en està sazon se hallo con la dicha Keyna en
Ynglaterra con nombre de medico y veya las cosas que passavan. Tan.bien el Duque
de Guysa era testi go desto mientras que vi via, el qual dixo con mucho sentimiento a
muchas personas y particularmente al padre Claudio Mateo, Loranes, de la compania
de Jesus su confessor y al padre Personio y mas, que los dos dichos Pagetto y Morgano
havian puesto en disconfianza con la Reyna a el mismo en cierta [cosa] por demas[i]ado
confidente de Espaiia y de los padres de la Compania.
Tras esto se sabe que los dichos dos tratavan algunas vezes con el dicho Duque de
Guysa para que tornasse en si de librar a la Reyna de Escocia y de metterla en el reyno
de Ynglaterra y Escocia con las fuercas de Francia y de sus amigos, Franceses sin
admitter a Espanoles, y quando el Duque no queria consentir a esto, si no que se
resolvio de nuevo en el ano de 83 de pedir otra vez soccorro de su Magd de Espana,
Carlos Pagetto no podiendo impedir està resolucion ofFreciose de andar a Ynglaterra
para juntar tan bien el Conde de Nortumberland con el Duque, Pero el llegando por
alla hizo officio contrario, divertiendole para que no se juntasse, corno el mismo Duque
de Guysa lo dixo despues a muchos. Y el mismo Pagetto lo avia dicho en secreto a
Guilelmo Wattis, sacerdote Yngles, quando estava para embarcarse para yr a Ynglaterra, que tenia està intencion. Y mas se sabe por el testimonio del sobre dicho padre
Samerio y de otros que Pagetto y Morgano avian por cartas divertido a la misma
Reyna de Escocia y hecho que escreviesse al dicho Conde che en ninguna manera se
juntasse con el Duque de Guysa ni con los Espanoles en està empresa. Y esto hezieron
Pagetto y Morgano en Paris despues de reconciliados con el Duque de Guysa y con el
doctor Alano y con el padre Personio ; los quales por el deseo que tenian de paz y
union y para que estos dos no esturbasseii mas las cosas les avian admittido a la
participacion de todos los secretos. Pero estos nunca despues les fueron fieles, corno
parecera por las cosas seguientes.
Passada està primera traycion de la diversion del Conde de Nortumberland, la cual
£ue causa tam bien de la perdicion del Conde, andavan cada dia los dos opponendose
en secreto por todas vias possibiles (pero principalmente por via de la Reyna de
Escocia, la qual ya tenian muy ganada) a todo quanto la otra parte yva haciendo en
beneficio de la dicha Reyna y de la causa publica por via de Espana, quexandose y
dando por causa, corno oy dia tam bien lo hacen, que los dichos Alano y Personio y
Ynglefildo y otros sus parciales no communicavan con ellos las cosas de la Reyna de
Escocia que les toccavan para ser criados„ della. Por lo qual los dichos Alano y Personio el ano 84 venieron otra vez a Paris a renovar amistad con los dos y communicarles
de nuevo los negocios con la occasion que el Baron Pagetto, hermano de Carlos, avia
venido de Ynglaterra, y avia speranza que por su medio se podia ganar a los dos,
aunque succedio al reves, pues los dos ganaron a el Baron a su bando ; y hecieron otra
traycion que fue que mientras que estavan tratando con el Duque de Guysa y con
Alano y Personio de procurar y aguardar algunas fuercas de Espana, de las quales ya
3 D 2

388

LETTEES AND MEMORIALS

avia mucha probabilidad que vendrian presto, los dos embiaron secretamente a Ynglaterra un cierto espia que avia sido muchos aìios de la Reyna de Ynglaterra en Italia y
otras partes, llamado Guilelmo Parry ; el qual descubrio lluego a la Reyna todo lo que
passava, come se save por sus confessiones que estan impresas, y mas, la dixo comò
tenia commission para matar tarn bien a ella a su tiempo para llevantar a la Reyna de
Escocia y para prevenir la invasion Espanola, la que los Jesuitas pretendian : y
aunque por entonces la Reyna le agradecio y le regalo, toda via despues le hizo ahurcar;
y este fue el fin del doctor Parry.
Despues desto los dos attendian por mucho tiempo a hazer odioso para con todo
genero de humbres el nombre de invasion Espanola y a los que a su parecer la procuravan o la favorecian, dando nombre de invasion Espanola a todo genero de ayuda o
soccoro que se pretendia por via de Espana. Tarn bien llamavan a Alano, Personio y
Ynglifeldo y a los demas que seguian este camino de Espaiia o favorecian a este pensamiento confederados de los Espanoles y desyosos de la conquesta y de la perdicion
de su patria. Con lo qual les hazen odiosos, y de la otra parte acrecentavan su parcialidad. Pero mas que por otra via ninguna tiravan muchos a su bando con dezir que
la misma Reyna de Escocia aborrecia tan bien de està invasion y de los que la
tratavan, y que queria mas presto qualquier otro genero de remedio que no por las
fuercas de Espafia, corno los Jesuitas pretendian; y a este effecto escrivia la dicha
Reyna una carta al Duque de Guy sa en el aiio 85, diziendo que mirasse bien a los
andamentos de los dichos Jesuitas en su causa en quanto que tratavan por via de
Espana, reprehendiendo puntamente al dicho Duque y al arzobispo de Glasco por que
no avian acudido a entregar una cierta summa de deneros a peticion de Morgano y
Pagetto a un cierto cavallero mozo1 en Ynglaterra, el qual avia prometido a los dichos
dos de matar a la Reyna de Ynglaterra para la dicha summa de deneros, corno ellos
hacian creer a la Reyna. Pero por entender el Duque y el arzobispo que el dicho
cavallero era un perdido y que no haria nadà, corno en effetto seguio (ni se pone aqui
su nombre por ser aun vivo) no quesieron entregar el denero, por lo qual los dichos dos
les procuravan una reprehencion corno se ha dicho.
Seguio el aiio de 86 en el qual los dos, viendo que se yva aparejando una armada
de Espafia para el remèdio de Ynglaterra, trataron con un cierto clerigo disviado,
llamado Barlardo, 2 persuadiendole que para devertir este enconveniente de la invasion
andasse a Ynglaterra y tratasse con algunos cavalieros mozos catolicos de mattar a la
Reyna ; y por otra parte que el mismo tratasse con Walsingamo, secretarlo de la Reyna,
corno lo hizo ; y no se save las cosas que tratasse, pero el fin fue, que los cavalleros
catolicos fueron presos y hechos quartos, quatorze dellos, y tam bien la Reyna de
1
T h e initials I. G-. are in the margin of the MS. opposite to these words. W i t h reference to this
story, see the more accurate account of it given by the Nuncio at Paris to t h e Cardinal of Como,
2 May, 1583, from which it appears that the Queen of Scots refused to have anything to do with the
2
proposed assassination of Queen Elizabeth (p. 413 infra),
Ballard.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

389

Escocia fue muerta, y- escaparon solamente los dos secretaries, el Frances y Escoces, que
eran los corespondentes de Pagetto y Morgano, y avian tratado todas las cosas por cifras.
Al mismo tiempo trato Morgano con otro ' clerigo Yngles, Uamado Gilberto
Giffordio, en Paris, y le persuadeo que andasse a Ynglaterra y tratasse con Walsingamo,
y se offreciesse a su servicio contra Jesuitas y Espanoles ; y al mismo Giffordio persuadeo despues y a otro clerigo de su humor Grateleo,1 que, en conflrmacion deste
offrecimiento hecho al secretarlo, escreviessen dos libros contra los dichos padres de la
Compania y contra los Espanoles ; y asi lo hecieron, y los libros quedan hasta oy, y
estan llenos de mil mentiras y calumnias contra la nacion Espanola y contra las intenciones de su Magd en particular : y dieron los dichos libros escrittos de mano a
Walsingamo, corno por las confessiones del dicho Giffordio se hezo despues manifestamente en el afìo 880.2
Muchas cosas an succedido despues por las quales se ha ydo descubriendo de
tiempo en tiempo el mal affetto que estos dos y los de su parcialidad an mostrado a las
cosas de su Magd, tirando a todos discontentos y tentados a su bando. Pero enxiinguna cosa se a visto mas esto, que en lo que an dicho y escritto y travajado contra el
libro de la Succession de Ynglaterra, el qual aunque se a escritto con toda la moderacion
y indifferencia que se pu[do] 3 usar en tal materia prejudicando a nadie, toda via
porque allega el dicho libro muchas razones en favor de las pretenciones que su Magd
y sus hijos por differentes vias pueden tener a la dicha corona entre los demas pretensores, los desta parcialidad no lo han podido tragar ; sino con su Santidad y con otros
Principes y con los que han podido de la nacion Ynglesa, tanto en Ynglaterra corno
fnera, an procurado disacreditar y calumniar al dicho libro, corno todos saven, y de
llevantar faction en favor del Rey de Escocia para contradicer mas por està via a las
cosas de su Magd. Y ultimamente para abrevi[a]r las cosas, los desta faction se han
conjunto manifestamente con los estudiantes Yngleses Uevantados y rebeldes en Roma,4
los quales han mostrado publica aversion y malissimo affetto a las cosas de su Magd
tanto por palabras y escritto a su Santidad y a otros personajes, corno tarn bien por
hechos, abominando del dicho libro de la Succession y de lo que lo 5 favorecian, y parlando siempre mal de las cosas de Espana, y mostrando mucho pesadumbre de qualquier
buen successo dellas y gusto y allegria de lo contrario.
En una carta de 7 de 9bre del ano 96, la qual estos inquietos de Roma escrivieron
al doctor Guilelmo Giffordio Yngles, dean de Lila 6 en Flandes, de la faction de Pagetto y
su intimo secretarlo y consejero en todas estas cosas, va escritto en està manera, y son
las primas palabras de la carta. " Nos otros vemos y sentimos tanto de sus prepara1

Edward Grateley, a priest educated at the English college in Rome.
3
See F. Persons 'Briefe Apologie, &c.,' fol. 4, verso.
MS. worn away.
4
The students in the English college at Rome who, being dissatisfied with the method of government and administration pursued by the Jesuit fathers, sought to obtain their removal from the
5
6
college.
•
los?
Lille.
2

390

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

ciones para la monarchia, de la qual vos aveis dicho mucho y muy a proposito, que
tenemos ya por coniun proverbio entre nos, qui habet tunicam vendat et emat gladium et
certet pro justitia usque ad mortem, y tenemos esperanya que todos los demas de nuestra
patria que no han degenerado, no solamente diran, pero tarn bien haran, lo mismo."
Està carta se escrivio para encender y animar a los clerigos y a algunos otros que
los sediciosos de Eoma con el apoyo de la autoridad del Cardinal Toledo -1 avian embiado
a Ynglaterra para hacer parcialidad de su humor, y divertir la gente de la devocion
del Rey de Espana y de la union con los padres de la Compania, y se pensava que los
dichos agentes quedavan aun en Flandes, pues se avian entendido que el Serenissimo
Cardinal Archeduque,2 avisado por el Duque de Sessa 3 de la mala entencion desta
negociacion, les avia negado el passeporte para andar a Ynglaterra por los puertos de
Flandes. Pero Pagetto y este Giffordio y algunos otros desta parcialidad, aviendoles
regalado mucho y animado a que perseguiessen sus intentos, les avian procurado
entrada por otras partes de Germania; y ansi Giffordio les embio lluego està carta
afladiendo la postilla que sigue de su letra. "Mirad bien lo que haceis. La vuestra
esperanza consiste en el secreto, en la brevidad y en la perseveranza. Haced y acavad
presto. Los enimigos vuestros embian y reembian, van a Roma, dan preesa, énforman,
travajan, escriven, transladan. Consolad vuestros hermanos ; haced lo que aguardan
de vos otros ; no les dexeis uerphanos y desamparados ; os sean por exemplo y incitamiento los vuestros inimigos."
Este mismo Giffordio, en una carta que escrivio a 19 de 7 bre de 1596 a los sediciosos de Roma para que la mostrassen a su Santidad y a los Cardinales contra los
padres de la Compania, les pone estas dos accusaciones entre otras muchas calumnias :
Discordiarum inter summos Principes per libellos famosos sine nomine àuthoris
seminatio, et antiquissimi
et quondam fiorentissimi regni Anglice in
provinciam
redueendi eonatus. Estas son las palabras en Latin, y lo mismo se ha de presumir
que el y sus complices an scritto al Papa, pues se save que han escritto muchas cartas
y muy largas desta materia, usando del medio del monsignor Malvasia 4 para tratar lo
mismo. Y queren dezir en el primero de los dos cargos que el libro de la Succession
es un libello enfamatorio, y que tira a discordia contra el Rey de Escocia : lo qual
manifestamente es falso, pues no habla contra la persona de algun Principe, y tiene el
nombre de su autor. 5 En lo segundo dan a entender que los padres Yngleses de la
Compania tratan de hacer al Rey de Espana Rey de Ynglaterra, y por està via reclu1

Vice protector of the English college at Rome, a member of the Society of Jesus and a Spaniard.
3
i
Governor of the Low Countries.
Spanish Ambassador at Rome.
Some
time Apostolic nuncio in the Low Countries.
5
This assertion is not true. The book of the Succession bore the name of ' R. Doleman ' on its
title-page ; but this name was only a pseudonym, signifying ' A man of sorrows,' as F. Persons, the
chief (if not the sole) author of the book, expressly states in his letter to King James I., dated 18
October, 1603. See Tierney's Dodd, Yol. III., Appendix, p. lxxiii., note, and ib. p. 34, note. The
charges which F. Persons brings against his opponents must be received with caution.
2

391

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

cirla a provincia : la qual cosa aunque sea tan bien muy falsa, to da via los desta
faction lo andan publicando por todo, para hacer a los dichos padres y a los demas
catolicos que estan unidos en la dependencia de Espana odiosos : y con todo esto los
dichos parciales y factiosos andan quexandose, diziendo que se les hace aggravio en
pensar que no favorecen a las cosas de su Mag d .
Y aunque estas differencias con. la nacion Ynglesa parecen por ventura a algunos
de poco momento, por ser de pocos respeto de todo el cuerpo de los catolicos, toda via
se halla por experiencia que los effetos son muy danosos y de grande importancia y
consequencia, porque tienen dividida y inquietada grande parte de la nacion ; y mucha
gente moza, saliendo de Ynglaterra con buenos intentos y caiendo en manos destos
sediciosos, embeven tales impressiones que nunca despues se les pueden quitar hasta a
ruynarles, y no tanto a si mismos sino tam bien a otros ; y muchos se hacen finalmente
enimigos, espias, apostatas, hereges por està via, corno se a visto, y cada dia se vee,
cayendo de un mal a otro. De manera che conviene sumamente que su Magd y sus
ministros miren con attencion en està liga de inquietos y contrarios, antes que cresca y
se confirme mas, porque otramente se veran tantos inconvenientes que no se podran
facilmente remediar despues ; y a la reducion de Ynglaterra se hara mucho mas difficultosa por la disunion de los catolicos que estos procuran. Y no a sido poco darlo a
la causa publica de Ynglaterra y al servicio de su Magd el no aver hecho caso hasta
agora desta parcialidad; y quanto mas se delatara, tanto mas dano seguirà. Con
apartar uno o dos de las cavecas de Flandes, o quitarles los entretenimientos pubicamente por inquietos, estubieren ya los demas escarmentados y otros avisados de no
unirse con ellos : y si esto no se hace o alguna otra demostracion de la parte de su
Magd y de sus ministros, no veo fin que se puede esperar del negocio. Haga nuestro
Senor lo que mas convenga. A 30 de Junio, 1597.
Endorsed in F. Persons
handivriting.
De la parcialidad de Pageto y Morgano en la nacion Ynglesa.

1597.

COXXXIII.
F. Robert Persons, S.J., to Mr Charles Paget. Some, 20 December, 1597.
From a contemporary copy in the archives of Stonyhurst College. P. 453.1
. . All Inglishe men knowe that those aversions and disagreements of yours are
no new things, but of many years. . . . For you will remember your self that about
1
T h e whole of this letter, which is a very long one, is in the Stonyhurst archives ; b u t I have
printed t h a t part only which relates to Mr Charles Paget's proceedings during Cardinal Allen's lifetime. The historical value of the statements which it contains is considerable, and as the charges
made by F . Persons are addressed by him immediately to the person concerned in a private letter, we
may rely upon their general accuracy with greater confidence than if they had been made in anonymous and partisan pamphlets, or even in private memoranda drawn up many years after the events
referred to in them had taken place.
<

392

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

fourteene years agoe when'you and I dealt togeather first in the cytie of Roan in
Fraunce 1 you shewed your self no lesse disgusted then now, when yet neyther F. Holt
1

F . Persons relates in his Autobiographical Notes that the original cause of Paget and Morgan's
division from D r Allen and himself was that they were excluded, by desire of the Duke of Guise and
the Archbishop of Glasgow, from the consultation held in Paris in 1582 relative to the deliverance of
the Queen of Scots and the restoration of England to catholic unity by means of a foreign invasion.
" W h e n " he adds " I returned to Paris [from Spain in the spring of 1583] I found Mr Paget and Morgan
wholy aversed. B u t D r Allen and I sought all meanes to regayne them againe. I went first to
Roan where Mr Paget lay and made peace with him, and after went to Paris and called D o r Allen
thither from Rhemes to doe the same. We went and lay in the same lodging to performe the matter
better, but all would not serve. After this we imparted all our affaires with them, and upon a new
agreement Mr Paget was sent into England and I went to Rome (1583) and Mr Brinkly with me,
whence returning againe in few weekes, I found M r P a g e t come from England and to have brought
contrary answer to t h a t which was expected by the Duke and promised by him, which the priest, M r
Watts, t h a t had bin [in] Scotland (whither he was sent by me out of England together with F . Holt,
anno 1581) declared to the Duke and to F . Claudius and me t h a t it was procured of sett purpose by
Mr Paget, as he had told Mr W a t t s before his departure that he would
T h e said Mr W a t t s
told us that walking upon the strande or seaside with Mr Paget, at what time he expected his barke
to passe into England with promise to draw the Earles of Northumberland and Arondel to joyne with
the Duke of G-uise for delivery of the Q. of Scotts, [he said] that he coming into England would in few
daies dissolve all that had been treated therein by Jesuits, and soe it ensued. A t this very time came
from Lions to P a r i s D o r Parry, Morgan's countryman ; which Parry, having bin a spye for the Queen
some yeares before in dyverse places of Italy and France, was now become a catholick, as he sayd,
and Mr Paget and Morgan desiring to bring him into dealings with D01' Allen and me by this meanes
they refused it, so as P a g e t and Morgan sent him away into England secretly without taking his
leave of any of us, and that with commission (as he tould t h e foresaid Mr W a t t s , being his contryman, at Roan as he passed to Diepe) to make a parte against the Jesuits : b u t P a r r y coming into
England revealed all and more to the Queene and Treasurer Cecil, and soe had favour for a time ;
but a little after, being accused by Nevel Lord Latimer to have practised with him about killing the
Queen, h e . was hanged." Stonyhurst MSS., P . 230. These Notes were begun by F . Persons at
Rome, 8 May, 1601. See also F . Persons letter to Don J u a n deldiaquez, 30 J u n e , 1597, p. 386, supra.
Compare, however, with this narrative two letters from F . Oliverius Manareus, S.J., provincial of
Germany, to F . George Duras, S.J., assistant of the Society of Jesus, written from Belgium, 18 Sept.
and 12 Oct., 1597, and printed from the originals, now in the archives of the see of Westminster,
in Tierney's Dodd, I I I . , App. pp. xciv and xcviii. T h e following extract from the first of
these letters is especially noteworthy. " Quod cum P a t e r noster [i.e., the Father General], turn
reverentia vestra aliquoties, turn denique pater Personius scripserit jam certis documentis constare
qui sint authores factionis, ego tamen tarn rudis sum, fateor, u t hucusque nihil omnino perspicuum
et manifestum viderim : puto tamen me vi disse eadem quae vos istic vidistis, saltern prascipua : et
[quamvis] literas viderim, et, dum mihi legerentur, ostenderim me sentire vobiscum propter debitam
reverentiam quantum veritatis candor passus est, non acquievit tamen intellectus : nam historia ilia
quae prsetendit declarare originem primam discordiarum, relatam ad congressum quendam Parisiis
habitum aliquot prsestantium virorum cum oratore Regis nostri, a quo se exclusum f uisse Page tt us
questus sit, et inde moliri coeperit contraria continenter magis ac magis, videtur habere debile fundamentum ; et pater Personius in ea contexenda potuit facile errare ex vetusto ilio suo prsejudicio
in magna parte narrationis." lb., p. xcv. Archives of the see of Westminster. VI., 195.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

393

nor Mr Owen were neare you or gave you any molestation, but that then all your
complaynt was aga}^nst preists in generali and agaynst Mr Doctour Allen (after
Cardinali) in particuler and by name, about whom you and I had longe disputes why
hee or other preists or religious men should meddle in publique matters of our conntrie
and not you gentlemen, meaninge your self and Mr Morgan, for that other gentlemen
of worshipp then present in Fraunce, as Mr Charles Arundell, Mr William Tressam,
Mr Thomas Fizherbert, Mr Fulgiam, Mr James Hill, Mr Hopkings, Mr Timstead, and
others complayned not of that poynt, but tooke rather part agaynste you in that verie
quarrell which you endevred to rayse betweene gentlemen and preists, repeatinge often
(as I well remember) why preists did not meddle with their breviaries on lie, and the
like. And I answeringe you that if preists besides ther breviaries or with ther breviaries or by ther creditt in catholike Princes courts, where breviarie men were
esteemed, could holpe and assiste and serve you gentlemen also towards the reduction
of our countrey, why should not yon be content to use ther labours to your and the
publique commoditie without emulation ? Upon this you cannot but remember also
how carefull Mr D. Allen and I did endeavour at that tyme to yeald satisfaction both
to my Lord Paggett, your brother, then newlie come over and to your self and to
Mr Morgayne, makinge a jorney of purpose for that cause to Paris, and lyinge in your
owne house and impartinge all our affares and secretts with you, and how }7ou brake
from us agayne by your secrett sendinge of D. Parry into England without our knowledge, though wee were present ; which Parry revealed all (as the w^orld knowethe) and
more unto the Queene (though, as I presume, not by your wills or commission in this
poynt) and yeat how after this wee made a newe composition and attonement agayne
with you in the same citie of Paris, wher it was concluded that you should goe to
Ingland and I to Kome, and that this league was broken agayne by you and not by
us upon the defeat of all the designements by that your jorney, and especial]ie
upon the relation and othe of Mr Watts, the preiste, who bothe affirmed to the
Duke of Guise, to F. Claudius Matheus his confessor, D. Allen and to my self
that you had told him in secrett at the seas syde, when you weare to embarke,
that you ment in England to overthrowe all our endeavours, and so the effect
shewed ; and yett you khowe that notwithstandinge all this our desires of peace
and union were so great that in the yeare 86, a little before our goinge to Rome
togeather, 1 Mr D. Allen and I made a .third accord with you and Mr Morgan and
desired the continuance of that same, as amonge others Mr Ligons, which was the last
man which brought us in our way from the Spaw, can partlie testine with what mynds
we departed in this behalfe, whom wee desired to do his best also to the same effecte
1

" D. Alarms et R. P. Personius sunt in itinere jam a tredecim diebus. Deus conducat eos et
reducat incolumes
D. Baileusfuit cum D. Alano usque ad ejus discessum : Leodi autem eum
constituerat relinquere ; atque sic ille Romani, isteRhemos discessit." Dr R. Barret to F, Alphonsus
Agazzari, S.J. Paris, 29 September, 1585. Stonyhurst MSS. Anglia, vol. I., p. 64.
3 E '

394

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

with you in Flaunders after our departure. But wee beeinge in Rome, you can not
forgett how you and your freinds continewed your treatyes with Salomon Aldred, 1
that came in and out from England to Paris from the counsaile and professed him
self oppositt to our proceadings. The sendinge also into England of Ballard and
Savage without our privities or ever wrytinge one sillable therof unto us, thoughe the
one were a preiste, therby subjecte to D. Allen.2 Afterwards in licke manner your
dealings with Guilbert Gifford and Grattley, other two preists, were kept secrett from
us, as also thear treaties in England with the enemie, their wrytinge of two infamous
books agaynste D. Allen, Jesuits and Spaniards, wherof insued the generali and particular hurts that all men knowe, those matters (I say) and others like passed in Paris
amonge you and your secrett freinds alone without any knowledge of ours, or rather
any participacion (I dare say) of any of those noble and gentlemen that now you name
participant of your affayrs and disagreements agaynste us. And after this agayne the
seditious proceadinge of Mr Morgan, as appeareth by his letters to the bishopp of Dublayne 3 the yeare 89, and of the prior Arnold 4 in Spay ne agaynst our Lord Cardinali,
as is evident by the priors owne letters to the said Morgayne in the same yeare,
wherof you could not be ignorant, or at leastwise cannot be so presumed in reason,
your intrinsecali conjunction with them beeinge such as it was : which dealinge my
Lord Cardinali in his letters to your self5 yett extant in the yeare 91 affirmeth playnlie
to be traytorous to the publique cause
From Rome, this xx t h of December, 1597.
CCXXXIV.
F. Robert Persons, S. J., to the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia.
From

a transcript

[Rome ?] 10 June, 1601.

by F. Christopher Grene, 8. J., in the archives of
College. P. 420.

Stonyhurst

Lettera di Personio all' Infanta di Spagna, 10 Giugno, 1601.
Serenissima Senora ; Con Tomas Jaymes que se embio de aca en el mes passado
para dar cuenta a V. A. y al Serenissimo Archiduque 6 de las cosas de Ynglaterra
escribi brevemente lo que avia en aquel negocio.7
. . . .
1

Solomon Aldred proved to be a spy in the pay of the English government. See p. 234 supra.
Dr Allen was then prefect of the English mission.
3
Dr William Chisholm, bishop of Dumblane in Scotland, administrator of the bishopric of Vaison
near Avignon, resigned his see into the hands of Pope Sixtus V. and entered the Carthusian order at
Grenoble in 1586. He was made prior of the Certosa in Koine, where he died in 1593. See " Briefe
Apologie " by F. Persons, pp. 31 seq.
4
Prior of the English Carthusians in the Low Countries. See p. 322 supra.
* P. 319 supra.
6
The Archduke Albert of Austria, governor of the Low Countries, some time Cardinal, married
the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia (by proxy) 15 November, 1598.
7
The dots indicate omissions in F. Grene's transcript.
2

OF CAEDINAL ALLEN.

395

Mucho Consuelo ha sido por aca a todos los buenos entender con quanta devocion
W . Altecas andubieron a visitar la yglesia de Nuestra Sefiora, y todos esperamos
. . que Dios, Nuestro Sefìor, por la intercession de su Santissima Madre de a V. A.
hijo y heredero. . . . Y al presente yo escribo tanto a los superiores de los sacerdotes y religiosos que viven en Ynglaterra quanto a los rectores de todos los seminarios
que para el dia della gloriosa Assuncion de Nuestra Seiiora y para quatro meses despues digan todos missas y rosarios cada dia y hagan oraciones . . a està entencion.
. . .
Y para mas mover a su Divina Majestad a concedernos esto supplico a V. A. de
hacerle un voto y a su Santissima Madre de que se en algun tiempo dieren a V. A. la
corona de Ynglaterra (la cuya yglesia antigamente se Ramava Dos Murice por aver
sido el primero reyno que se convertio entieramente a la obediencia de su hijo Jesu
Christo) que V. A. restituera la dicha yglesia a la antiga libertad y splendor y privilegios que tenia quando el Rey Henrico V i l i , la desamparo y commenco a perseguirla
. . en el ano 1531.
Este voto dicen que la buena Reina Maria, hija de Henrico Vili., hico quando se
hallo en medio de aquellas grandes tribulaciones que tuvo, y quando la quiseron 1
privar del reyno y de la vida, y Dios la libero y la higo Reyna : pero porque no se
complio 2 despues la santa intencion de la dicha Reyna ni se hico la reformacion que
convenia, antes por artificio de los herejes y de muchos politicos que entrava se entroduxo una grandissima confusion, y los clerigos casados se admitian a celebrar sin reconciliacion alguna, y mil otros males se permitian con grande indignidad y contra la
voluntad y deseo de aquella santa Reyna, Dios se la llevo muy presto para si, y el buen
Rey, que està en gloria, padre de V. A., por ser estrangero y absente la mayor parte de
su reynado no lo pudo remediar. Pero yo conflo en Nuestro Senor que su divina Providencia aya reservado està empresa gloriosa para V. A. . . .
Y si V. A. quisiesse veer los puntos mas principales que se an pensado para la
buena, facil y mas suave y perfeta reformacion de la yglesia Anglicana, quando Dios
sera servido de bolverla a la religion catholica, . . . a V. A. unlibrillo o memorial 3
destos puntos puesto en lengua Espanola, antes que V. A. saliesse de Espana, y yo tenia
entencion muchas veces de presentarlo a V. A. quando estava por alla, pero no osava
entonces, y por ventura sera mejor occasion aora, pues se ha tenido siempre el libro con
secreto para quien Dios quieresse encaminar a està grande empresa ; y porque tengo
esperanga que està sera la persona de V. A. no me parece mala conjontura està para
presentarlo a V. A. para que por algunos ratos lea las cosas de Ynglaterra y las grandes
faltas que ay y los remedios que se desean ; y supplico a V. A. que me perdone està
tan larga carta.
. . .
1

2
quìsieron?
cumplio?
There is a MS. copy of this work in English in the archives of the see of Westminster. It is
entitled "A Memoriali for the reformation of England conteyninge cèrtayne notes and advertisements
3 E 2
•
3

396

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

ccxxxv.
Dr Thomas Worthington to Mr Thomas Allen (alias Hesketh).

Pouay, 18 Dec, 1601,

From the original holograph in the archives of the see of Westminster.
V I I , 307.
Eight worshipful! Sir ; Though I am most assured that my good Lord Cardinali
your deare uncle (of b. m.) his honour and estimation is most carefully respected and
diligently defended by you ; yet for discharge also of my owne dutie towards his
Grace I thought good, either in testimonie of that you know, or to put you in mind of
it, if you have forgotten, that when his Grace finally after manie earnest dissuations
condescended to the desired mariage of Mr Tho. Throgmerton and your cosin,1 he precisly by his letter of his owne hand written to me willed me (which was to me a commandement) to advertise and from him to assure his old fast freindes (meaning Sir
William Stanley, F. Holt, Mr Hugh Owen, Mr Freeman, Mr Fen, and others) that they
should nothing at al feare that Mr Tho. Throgmerton or other men linked with him in
familiaritie should make him to runne or folowe anie other course then that which he
had alwayes kept, adding these express wordes, that they should still see him the same
man without change ; that a new nephew in law nor all his coherents should not draw
him byas, nor incline him to change his tipett (for all these are his owne termes) but
that his new nephew should conforme him selfe to him in al points concerning the
common cause of our countrie, and either bring others to do so likewise, or els leave
them, or if he should not, he should then drink as he brewed. And after concludeth
that no nephew nor nece nor sister nor brother nor anie flesh nor bloode should alienate
which seeme might be proposed in the first parliament and nationall councell of our country, after
God of his mercie shall restore it to the catholique faith, for the better establishment and preservation of the said religion ; gathered and set downe by R. P., 1596." The M S . ends with the
following attestation in F . Persons handwriting:—" This I had to suggest to the honor of Almightié
God and good of our countrye. Rob. Persons." I n the li Manifestation of the great folly and bad
spirit of certayne in England calling themselves secular priestes, etc., by priestes lyving in obedience.
Superiorum permissu, 1602," fol. 56-62, F . Persons, the real author of this tract, discourses at length
concerning the " Memorial," its origin and subject-matter, "wherof," he says, " we have procured a
true copy out of the original, though with great difficulty, for t h a t no copyes are given abroad but
only to some few confident frends to have a sight therof and give their judgement of the matter."
I t was first made public in 1690 by Edward Gee, a protestant minister, who printed it with the title
of the " Jesuits Memorial for the intended reformation of England under their first popish prince,
published from the copy that was presented to the late King, J a m e s II.' ' T h e Public Library of Douai
possesses another MS. copy of the " Memorial," which probably once belonged to the English college
in that town.
1
Mary, the youngest daughter of George and Elizabeth Allen. Mr Thomas Throgmorton died,
16 October, 1595, before the marriage took place, and Mary Allen subsequently married Mr
Thomas Worthington of Blainscowe in Lancashire. See p. 372, note 6, supra.

397

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

him from those his old fast freindes. It was the last letter that I received from his Grace
He writt it with his owne hand, and withall subscribed to an other much longer contayning manie great reasons to diswade your aunt and your cosin to breake of that
desired mariage, willing me not to send my letter but to go my selfe and reade it unto
them; which I did, but they went forward for al that, and so his Grace yelded, with
all these forewarnings to behave them selves well, for els he would leave them to them
selves. This matter I here repete, because our trublesome bretheren in their new
bookes strive to perswad the world that my Lords Grace disliked of the fathers of the
Societie and of such as best agreed with them, and that he was more confident with
Mr Charles Pagett, Mr Tho. Throgmerton and their most familiar freindes then with
Sir William, F. Holt, F. Parsons, Mr Owen and the rest; And their principali or only
argument is that intended mariage, which, as you know and I know and will sweare it
and can prove it, was not of his election, nor desired by him; but after long pressing
with much ado he condescended to let wemen have their liking, because he could not
otherwise content them, nor him selfe be at rest from continuali molestation for his
consent. Yea, and I thinke if I had not truly and sincerly related unto his Grace the
manie infirmities of the mother and daughters mindes and that I thought it unpossible to content them but by graunting them their owne will, certaynly his Grace had
never consented ; for none els but my selfe durst, nor could so conveniently informe his
Grace the whole truth. This may suffice to cause you also to call to mind what you
can for the true decision of this new coyned question, whether his Grace liked better
of Mr Pagett, Mr. Throg. and their felowes proceding, or of F. Parsons, F. Holt, Sir
William Stanley, Mr Owen and us all that ever Mowed our Superiors designments.
Their other arguments others can answer and solve better, though I also know some
thing ; but about the intended mariage no man, except it be your selfe, can solve better
then I. Nor no man living except your selfe, with whom being his nephew I will not
compare, can be more carefull to avouch the truth and defend his honour then I. And
to this end I write it that you may produce me in this matter, when nede may
require, for a witnes. And so I commend you most hartely to God and me to your
good prayers. From Doway, this 18 of December, 1601.
Your owne most assured ever,
THO.

WORTHINGTON.

I besech you commend me most hartely to Mr Swete and Mr Price.
Addressed.
•
To the right Worshipfull Mr Alane 1 at Rome or Perugia.
Endorsed.
Dr Worth, letter to Mr Heskett, the 18 of December, 1602,2 about Card. Allen.
1

2

Mr Thomas Hesketh, nephew of Cardinal Allen, took the name of Allen after his uncle's death.
The date 1602 in the endorsement is an error, as the letter itself bears unmistakeably the date 1G01.

398

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

The following letters have come to hand for the most part during the printing of
the work, so that they could not be placed in their chronological relation to the
other documents. They will, however, occupy their proper position in the Table of
Contents.
CCXXXVI
F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J., to Dr William Allen.

Rome, 13 June, 1579.

From a copy of the letter by F. Christopher Grene, S.J., in his transcript of "A story
of domestical difficulties, &c." by F. Robert Persons, S.J., in the archives of
Stonyhurst College. P . 384.
Admodum Rde et Magce D. Alane.
Pax Christi. Significavi jam antea reverendse Dominationi tuae de principio
bonoque progressu hujus collegii, idque facere seepius in posterum videor debere, cum
sciam te maximam istorum juvenum, qui partus tui sunt et fìlii in Christo, curam et
solicitudinem habere. Nunc autem fere aliud non habeo quod scribam nisi ut p r e pares nobis novum subsidium, hoc est, novos scholares pro locis quaa vacua sunt, de
quibus jam antea ad te scripsi, et ut optime speres de universo hoc seminario, quod eo
jam loco constitutum per Dei gratiam videtur ut magnum brevi tempore progressum
et certissimum Anglise subsidium videatur. Intus enim tanto fervore scholares omnes
sese prseparant ad illud Anglicum certamen, sicque anhelant quotidie ad tormenta et
mortem pro fide catholica, ut impossibile videatur quin Deus vehementer adjuvet tarn
pios et tarn sanctos conatus. Foris autem tanta est bonitas, tanta liberalitas tarn
mirabilis affectio suae Sanctitatis erga hoc collegium, illustrissimi etiam Protectoris tarn
solicita et tarn paterna cura, ut zelus fervorque scholarium cum per se (ut dixi) maximus sit, turn hac insigni patronorum suorum bonitate atque benevolentia augeatur
indies et crescat magis.
Nunc autem, domine mi Alane, omni diligentia, studio et cautela providendum
nobis est in his initiis ut quo spiritu coeptum est hoc collegium eodem perseveret, et ut
zelus fervor que horum juvenum, quern habent nunc insignem ad juvandam Angliam et
universam ecclesiam, non minuatur in posterum, sed conservetur et roboretur potius.
Qu83 res ea mihi sola ratione videtur fieri posse et nulla alia, videlicet, si erit recta
subordinatio illius vestri seminarii Belgici ad hoc Romanum, ita ut in eorum loca qui
hinc in Angliam discedent nova semper suboles, i.e., selecti et probati juvenes istinc
per vos tanquam ex quodam novitiatu et probationis domo successione perpetua nobis
subministrentur. Hoc enim nisi fiat, cum spiritus prsesens hujus collegii singularis sit
et qualis forte in ecclesia vix alias auditus, professio scilicet publica et juramentum 1
1
The oath taken by the students to go upon the English mission at the command of superiors.

399

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

ad martyrium vel saltern ad martyrii manifestum periculum, videtur vix fieri posse ut
diu conservetur, si cogamur ad implenda haec loca homines vagos et incognitos admittere, 1 . . . qui, cum sine spiritu et devotione sint et pieni plerumque ambitione,
perverterent facile aliorum animos et ab altissimo quem nunc habent fine ad alia
vanitatum saecularium desideria successu temporis dimoverent.
Hoc ego cum cogito, fit saepe ut cupiam praesentiam tuae Dominationis, ut cum ea
loqui possim coram de hac re prolixius, et ut ipsa apud suam Sanctitatem et illustrissimum Protectorem, Principes per se zelosissimos conservandi hunc spiritum, . . .
serio et diligenter ageret de modo quo tantum bonum conservari possit. . . .
Certe
sua Sanctitas, cum paucis abhinc diebus loqueretur me praesente de his et similibus
rebus et de toto spirituali statu hujus collegii, significavit se cupere ut ad aliquot
menses tua Dominatio hie adesset ad haec et similia sibi suggerenda. . . . Sed
utcunque fuerit, sive praesens sive.per literas haec negotia tractet, non dubito quin optimum successum habitura sit, primo quia causa Dei est, deinde quia post suam Sanctitatem et illustrissimum Protectorem, quos propensissimos habet, alios etiam opinor
Cardinales habebit faventes, maxime illustrissimum Comensem, qui et per se et magis
etiam fortasse propter illustrissimum Moronum 2 semper huic collegio visus est favere.
De illustrissimo Paleotto 3 non opus est dicere, qui, si Anglus esset, magis amare Anglos
non posset quam omnium sermone dicitur eos amare, maxime autem horum duorum
seminariorum alumnos. Atque hie scribendi finem faciam, summopere rogans ut particeps fiam sacrificiorum et orationum vestrarum. . . . Romae, Idibus Junii, 1579.
Tuus in Ohristo totus,
Rector collegii Anglicani.
CCXXXVII.
The Cardinal of Como to Dr William Allen.

Rome, 10 July, 1579.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Arm. 44, Vol 28, n. 234).

Vaticano,

Reverendo D. Guglielmo Alano.
Admodum reverende domine, amice diarissime; Non dubitabam te animo vehementer commotum iri cum de importunis nonnullorum hominum motibus et turbis hic
excitatis 4 inaudisses, sicut tuis literis pridie Kal. Junii ad me datis significasti. Sed
bono animo sis ; jam enim conquieverunt, et R. Archidiaconus 5 ea usus est patientia,
pietate et prudentia, quae peropportuna fuit ad frangendos hujusmodi Sathanae im3
4

1
2
The omissions indicated by dots occur in the MS.
Cardinal Moroni Protector.
Cardinal Paleotti, archbishop of Bologna. See First and Second Douay Diaries, pp 150, 342.
5
The disturbances among the students of the English college at Rome.
Dr Owen Lewis.

400

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

petus, cujus (ut nosti) proprium est illuc machinas suas omnes admovere ubi opus
aliquod Dei surgere animadvertit.
Cfeeterum ab exemplo literarum quas Decuriones Duacenses ad te scripserunt
libenter intelleximus eos de facto expulsionis excusare sese conatos fuisse, et tuum
collegiique reditum exoptare, propterea quod indicio hsec sunt apud eos sanioris consilii hominibus non nihil loci esse. Quod tamen ad redditum attinet, videtur non esse
properandum, sed subsistendum potius donee pacatiora et tutiora illinc nuntientur, ne
rursus periculum cum dedecore subeundum sit. Quod si (ut speramus) bellum restineturn fuerit et res Belgicse quoquomodo composite, tunc poteris de reditu deliberare, et
Sanctissimus Dominus noster cum quo haec omnia communicavi libenter viaticum subministrabit, teque ac collegium ipsum qua coepit charitate ac liberalitate prosequi non
desinet, sicut nee ego ullum quod quidem a me proficisci possit officium desiderar!
patiar* Vale in Domino. Romse, die 10 Julii, 1579.

CCXXXVIII.
Dr Thomas Goldwell, bishop of St. Asaph, to Pope Gregory XIII.
23 April, 1580.

Bologna,

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Epist Principum} Vol. 42, pag, 151).

Vaticano,

Beatissimo Padre.
Qui in Bologna mi è stato riferito da un gentilhomo che quel pseudo vescovo il
quale hebbe in custodia Monsor Rmo di Lincolnia 1 sia mortuo et che il detto Monsor sia
hora in Londra in assai libertà. Io pur continuare* il mio viaggio, et trovando che
questo sia vero et che li catholici non haveranno bisogno del fatto mio, io penso di
ritornar a Roma, se da V. S à non havero altro commandamento per Monsor Rmo suo
Nuncio in Parigi. A. V. S t à bascio humilmente li piedi. Di Bologna, alli x x n i .
< Aprile, 1580.
T
Di V. S tà deditissimo servo,
Il vescovo

ASAPHEN,

Addressed.
gmo Dno N ro ? Gregorio X I I I , Pont. Max.
1
Dr Thomas Watson, bishop of Lincoln, after having been in the custody of the protestant
bishop of Ely and then of the protestant bishop of Kochester, was imprisoned at Wisbeach Castle,
where he died, 2d September, 1584.

401

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

CCXXXIX.
The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como.

18 June, 1580.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol.] 14).

Vaticano,

Il Nuntio di Francia al Cardinale di Como. 18 Giugno, 1580.
Hebbi tre giorni sono una lettera dal dottore Alano, con la quale m'avisò l'arrivo
in Rens del vescovo Asaphense,1 et mi diceva che ò per un poco d'indispositione che hebbe
o per timore che gli sopragiunse pareva raffredato nel proposito co'l quale s'è partito
di Roma; et perchè lui l'haveva consigliato di non fare altra deliberatione senza
saputa di N. S re ò almeno senza parlarne prima meco, haveva risoluto di venire a
trovarmi. Questa mattina è comparso, et m'ha detto che, se bene ha inteso da alcuni
che sono venuti d'Inghilterra che quella Regina è stata minutissimamente avisato
della partita sua di là, del viaggio suo, et di ciò che deve fare, et che perciò può
temere ; nondimeno che ne questo lo rimove ò spaventa, ne fa che muti pensiero, nel
quale tanto più si conferma havendo inteso da me quello che V. S. Ill ma con la sua
di 2 del passato m'ordinò di dirgli, et veduto la partita medesima della lettera ; ma
che s'è trattenuto dopo il male, perchè havendo visto che i Brevi con le facoltà che
N. S re vuol concedergli, promessigli da Monsr Datario alla sua partita et sollicitati da
uno in suo nome, non gli sono ancora stati mandati, non è certo che S. S t à trovi hora
buono che passi più oltre, et che non può anche senz' essi far cosa alcuna di quelle che
ha in commissione et in intentione. Per il che io gli ho detto che darò aviso a V. S.
Ill ma et del suo buon animo et di quello che l'ha fin'a quest' hora trattenuto et la
supplicare (come faccio) a farmi sapere la mente di N. Sre, et, se vorrà che egli seguiti
il suo viaggio, a mandarmi i Brevi con le facoltà che vuole concedergli, et l'ho
eshortato fra tanto che si trattenghi in luogo dove creda di poter stare più secretamente,
et egli ha detto di tornarsene domani ò l'altro a Rens, et m'ha detto che quelli Giesuiti
che lo seguitavano già devono essere in Londra.
CCXL.
Dr Thomas Goldwell, bishop of St Asaph, to the Cardinal of Como.
1580.

Reims, 3 July,

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London
(Archivio
Vaticano, Gallica Nuntiatura, Vol. 14,/o£. 292).
Ill"10 et Rmo S or mio ossmo ; Alli x v i n del passato io fui a Paris con Monsor Rmo
Nuncio di N. Sor, il quale mi monstro un capitulo di una lettera di V. S. Ill ma che sua
1

Dr Thomas Goldwell, bishop of St. Asaph.
3F

402

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Santità voleva ch'io continuassi il mio viaggio. 11 che haverrei fatto molto volentiere
un mese fa, se io havessi havuto il Breve delle facilita, le quali sua Santità al mio
partir mi concesse ; senza lo quale il mio andar in Inghilterra saria indarno. Quando
io presi licentia da Monsor Rmo Datario, S. S. Rma mi promise che fra n i ò IV giorni il
detto Breve saria stato expedito, et io diedi ordine come saria stato mandato a Rhemis ;
si che io speravo di trovarlo al mio rivar' qua. Et non solamente non lo trovai ne qua
ne a Paris, nla al contrario mi fu data una lettera che Monsor Rmo Datario non monstrava haver volunta d'expedirlo. Io spero che Dio mi darà gratia di preferir sempre
la volunta di sua Santità in queste sante imprese a la mia propria vita. Supplico
adunche V. S. Ill ma che si degni favorirme che in me non sia notata negligentia. Et a
lei humilmente bascio la mano. Di Rhemis, alli n i di Luglio, 1580.
Di V, S. Ill ma et R ma humill mo servitore,
Il vescovo
Addressed.
Air Ill mo et Rm0 S or mio ossermo, Monsor il Carle di Como.

ASAPHEN.

A Roma.

CCXLI.
The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como.

12 July, 1580.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol.] 14).
Il Nuntio di Francia al Cardinale di Como.

Vaticano,

12 Luglio, 1580.

Il vescovo Assaphen. con una lettera che mi scrive da Rens mostra poca volontà
di stare in quelle bande per il timore che ha della peste et de soldati Ugonotti ; et se
bene dubito che l'impresa sua gli paia hora più difficile che da principio, credo però si
fermerà fino che io havrò da V. S. Ill ma risposta di quanto le scrissi sopra il suo
particolare, la quale egli desidera grandemente. Ho alcune sue lettere per lei, per
Monsr IH1110 Morono et per Monsr Datario; ma perchè non m'assicuro del buon ricapito
di questa, mi risolvo non mandarle se non con solito mio pachetto, che suole esser
portato dall' ordinario.
CCXLIL
The Cardinal of Como to Dr William Alien.

Rome, 25 July, 1580.

From the Roman transcrip>ts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Arm. 44, Vol. 28, n. 274).

Vaticano,

G. Alano, rectori collegii Anglorum.
Admodum reverende domine, amice charissime; Quod de discessu illorum
hominum qui in Angliam trajecturi erant tuis Uteris 25 Junii datis significasti, id

403

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

S rao D. N. et mihi longe fuit gratissimum; ac de eorum illuc appulsu nuncium avide
expectabimus, interimque precabimur Deum ut illis adesse dignetur. D. episcopus
Asaphensis scripsit Smo D. N. quamobrem et ipse non discesserit, preecipuamque
causam obtendit quod Breve facultatum non acceperit : quas quidem excusatio, cum
frìvola sit et nullius momenti propter rationes abs te commemorantes,1 satis ostendit
aliam potius causam, scilicet timoris, obstitisse quominus proficisceretur cum aliis.
Quod ad Breve attinet, scribimus ei responsum D. Datarii, ex quo illud intelliges.
iEquum autem erit ut deliberet velit necne trajicere, ne diu vobis oneri et impedimento
sit. Audoenus 2 noster est Mediolani apud IHraum D. Gardlem St8S Praxedis, 3 ut te puto
ab aliis intellexisse. Spero familiaritatem hanc maximo illi fructui et ornamento
futuram. Quoniam vero is a nobis abest nee potest ostendere liter as tuas, recte facies
si ad nos ipse quae cognitu digna fuerint significabis ; vereri enim non debes ne nobis
molestus sis. Vale in Domino. Romse, die 25 Julii, 1580.

COXLIII.
The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como.

14 August, 1580.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura} Vol. 14, fol, 359).

Vaticano,

Le lettere che V. S. Ill ma mi mandò con l'ultima sua di 25 del passato per il
vescovo Assaphen. et per l'Alano mi vennero molto opportunamente, perchè nell' istesso
punto che io le inviai ricevei da lui l'alligata 4 per N. Sre, et da quel dottore aviso che
egli era di già così pentito di passar oltre et talmente risolato di tornare in Italia,
considerando i pericoli della peste et del paese ancora fatti molto maggiori per il bando
che nuovamente la Regina d'Inghilterra ha publicato, del quale ho havuto la sostanza
che hora le mando, che ne per sue persuasioni voleva pure aspettare più la risposta che
hora havrà della mente di S. B ne , et allegava la dilatione per segno certo che ella anche
si fusse mutata : di che egli mi mostra dispiacere,5 se ben giudica che men male è
finalmente ch'il vescovo hora ceda al timore che h a 6 che lo faccia s u l luogo con
scandalo di molti, et mi prega di darne conto a V. S. Ill ma ,
1

2
commemoratasi
D r Owen Lewis.
• 8 St. Charles Borromeo.
There is a letter from the bishop of St. Asaph to the Pope, dated Keims, 13 J u l y , 1580, in Theiner,
5
Ann. Eccles. I I I . , 700.
T h e words in italics are underlined in the transcript.
• « « 1580.
Aug., die 8, discesserunt rev. in Christo pater, D. Assaphensis, et doctor Mortonus cum Edovardo dni
episcopi famulo." First and Second Douay Diaries, p . 169,
4

3 F 2

404

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CCXLIV.
The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como.

11 September, 1580.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol.] 14).

Vaticano,

Hoggi ho ricevute lettere del dottore Alano con l'alligata per V. S. Ill ma , et
con quella sua, che gli mandai per il vescovo Assaphense, il quale mi scrive che a
quest'hora deve essere in Roma.
Il medesimo m'avisa havere qualche avertimento et sentirsi in Rens voce che
questo ambasciatore Inglese fa istanza in nome della sua Regina che quel collegio sia
scacciato da questo regno, il che io cercarò di penetrare per fare quelli offitii a bene
fitio.di esso che trovare necessarii.

CCXLV.
The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como.

25 September, 1580.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol.] 14).

Vaticano,

Co'l vescovo Assaphen. già havrà V. S. Ill ma conosciuto eh' io non posso operare
cosa alcuna, essendo partito per Italia, come le scrissi per aviso dell' Alano, a chi
inviare domani la lettera eh' ella m' ha mandata per lui.

CCXLVL
The Nuncio in France (Dandini) to the Cardinal of Como.

6 November, 1581.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London [Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol^\ 14).

Vaticano^

Diedi conto al dottore Alano dell' offitio eh' io feci i giorni passati con queste
MMta a benefìcio del collegio di Rens, et egli me ne ringratia come di cosa molto
necessaria et fatta in tempo, essendo (come scrive) assicurato d'Inghilterra che di là si
fa ogni cosa per anihilarlo, et che per certo nel Parlamento che deve farsi in Londra vi
si farà qualche ordine contro, et almeno che sia impedito il comertio che ha con
cattolici di quelle parti et prohibito che figliuoli de nobili ò altri non vadano a educarsi
in quel luogo. Il che m'è parso bene di far sapere a V. S. Ill raa , parendomi bene che

405

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

N. S re sia informato del termine in che quel luogo si trova, al quale io di qua non
mancare mai di quelli offitii che potrò per parte di S. Sfcà, finche da lei non mi vien
commissione in contrario.

CCXLVII.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.

8 May, 1582.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura,
Voi. 15, fai. 472).

Vaticano,

Cifra del Nuntio di Francia, di 8 di Maggio, 1582.
Il Duca di Guisa due volte si è trovato meco, facendomi sapere che parendogli
trovar dispositene ne li cattolici d'Inghilterra vuol egli stesso far impresa in Inghilterra, assaltandola improvisamente da certi suoi luoghi che sono sul mare, de quali in
sei o sette hore si può sbarcar in Inghilterra; et per la parte che tocca a se non ha
bisogno di cosa alcuna, che havendo la intelligenza di cattolici d'Inghilterra spera haver
ancora a l'improviso tanto numero et qualità di persone che basteranno a fare quanto
bisogna. Ma è necessario a far poco para sollevar i cattolici di Scotia, quali sono preparatissimi a farlo ; et il Duca di Lenos, qual è Monsr d'Abigni, che ha la guardia della
persona del Rè, con molti altri signori sono sopra modo desiderosi di far alteratione ; et
quel padre Jhesuita, 1 che andò, è tornato di Scotia et ha portato lettere a Monsr di
Guisa, et ancora a me, di Monsr di Lenos, di quanto essa vedrà per ristessa lettera che
le mando, si come anco giudica bisognar2 che si dia caldo a li Hiberni, che ancor
guerreggiano con la Regina d'Inghilterra, acciochè sentendo lei questi moti sia
necessitata a voltar le navi et le genti che ha in quelle parti, lasciando la frontiera
verso Francia sprovista, qual si potrà assaltar quando i cattolici che stanno verso quella
frontiera, de quali è grande il numero, saranno sollevati. Per far questo par' a
Monsr di Guisa esser necessario haver per Scotia et Hibernia sei sin a 8 m fanti almeno
per 4 ò 5 mesi, et haver alcuni corsaletti, picche et archibusi per armar qualche numero
di quelli Inglesi che si solleveranno, poiché sono disarmati, et li par' esser come necessario que questo si comunichi da N. S re col Rè Cattolico, l'Agente del quale in
Inghilterra promette molto aiuto. Questo è parso al Duca di Guisa che io significhi
a N. Ste per hora, no potendosi passar più oltre per la infìrmità del padre Roperto, 3
Giesuita, che è venuto d'Inghilterra, dove è stato dui anni 4 trattando questo negotio ;
il quale ha in se tutto quello che si debba fare, et verrà qua da Roan 5 dove è con febre
1

2
F. William Creighton, S. J.
The words italicised in this letter are underlined in
3
4
the transcript at the Eecord Office.
F. Robert Persons, S.J.
F. Persons
was only about fifteen months in England, but he had been connected with the English mission
5
for two years.
Rouen.

406

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

fra pochi giorni, et aggravandolo la f ebre se gli manderà quel padre Giesuita che è
tornato di Scotia, et alhora più pienamente scriverò a N. S re tutto il disegno che si ha
et il modo che si vorrà tenere per porlo ad effetto. ' Sperano questi signori che N.
S re non vorrà perdere così bella occasione dì ritornar' a la fede di Christo dui regni
con non molto danno temporale ; et io non dubito che Sua Santità non sia per la
parte sua per abbracciare questa^ gloriosa impresa ; che se Gregorio Primo è molto
lodato per haver guadagnato quel regno a Christo, di molto maggior merito appresso
Dio et laude appresso il mondo sarà di Gregorio XIII. ritornando dui regni a
Christo et liberando tanti miseri Christian^ che giornalmente sono stratiati, maxime in
Inghilterra, et levando con questo mezzo il sussidio che hanno tutti gli heretici del
mondo da quel regno. Onde saria bene che N. Sigre andasse pensando l'aiuto che
vorrà dare a questa impresa et quel che vorrà fare col Rè Cattolico, poiché tolto la
carica da così prudente et valeroso capitano come Monsv di Guisa si può stare sicuro di
non essere ingannato, et che il negotio sarà guidato con molta prudenza. Dirò
ancora che questo signore giudica sin' ad hora che l'aiuto del Rè Cattolico debba
essere meglio in denari che in gente, ma circa a li particolari si rimette a le lettere che
scriverò poi,

€OXLVni.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.

Paris, 22 May, 1582

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio Vaticano,
Gallica Nuntiatura,
Voi. I5.,pag. 477). Printed also in the Appendix to the
First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 337.1
Cifra del Nuncio di Francia,

22 Maggio, 1582.

Venne il padre Roberto, Gesuita d'Inghilterra, quale a me par huomo molto
prudente ; ma sin ad hora non so che il Duca di Guisa sia venuto, col quale si deve
resolver minutamente il disegno trattato. Il detto padre mi ha dato il Memoriale del
quale mando copia. So che non occorre a dire che il vescovo del quale si tratta nel
Memoriale non bisogna espedirlo per concistorio, perchè scoprirla facilmente il maneggio, e però non lo dirò. Questo padre presuppone che vi m fanti bastino in Scotia per
passare poi in Inghilterra, ma venuto che sia il Duca si risolverà meglio. La spesa mi
pare poca a dui si gran Principi, maxime dovendo durar pochi mesi, et il guadagno di
ridurre a Christo dui regni non si può stimare, et il non attendere a questa impresa
porrebbe in estrema disperazione li cattolici dell' uno et del altro regno. Fra pochi
giorni verrà a Roma il padre Critone, Scozzese, che poco fa é tornato di Scotia con il
. J The great importance of this despatch both in itself and in its relation to Dr Allen's political
life seems to furnish a. sufficient reason for reprinting it in this volume.

407

OP CAKMNAL ALLEN,

discorso pieno del stato d'Inghilterra et Scotia ; et per quello che conosco, se si possono
condurre a l'improviso queste genti in Scotia, et di qua andar parimente a l'improviso in Inghilterra, parmi che il negotio sia facilissimo : quel sangue delli martini
fatti in Inghilterra farà pure la sua oratione a Dio per quel che credo. Il Memoriale
segue :
E cosa necessaria à l'impresa di crear secretamente un vescovo di Dnuelmi ; 1 est
enim 2 episcopus Dunelmensis è di grandissima importanza tanto per il seguito grande
di genti chi haverà, quanto ancora per governare et levar differenze fra gli altri signori
di quelle bande : onde bisogna che questo vescovato sia dato ad un huomo di credito
et reputatione appresso al popolo di queste bande d'Inghilterra ; quale huomo troviamo
nissuno adesso de la natione Inglese fuor del S r Alano, presidente del seminario di S. S t à
in Rhms, il quale è di tanta autorità et rispetto appresso tutta la natione, che la sua
presenza sola, benché fusse huomo privato, farà più appresso gli Inglesi che alcuni
milliari di soldati, et non solamente il Conte di Westmerland, il che altrimenti è assai
difficile a governare, ma tutti gli altri Signori sbanditi gli portano tanta riverenza che per
una sola parola sua farebbono ogni cosa ; ma molto più se fusse in qualche dignità o
prelatura appresso di loro. Tutto questo dico acciocché V, S. R ma sappia la dispositione
de li Inglesi hoggidì tanto di dentro quanto di fuori, li quali si riposano tutti nella
confidenza di Alano, et tutto quello che gli verrà raccontato da lui li sarà gràtissimo et
risolutissimo ; onde in tutte quéste attioni è necessaria la persona sua. Sono molti
altri vescovati in Inghilterra più ricchi et grandi che questo vescovato di Dnuelmi, ma
per la commodità del sito a le frontiere, et per l'autorità et giurisditiohe regale che
tiene in queste bande, ancora ne le cose temporali, è di più importanza a questo negotio
solo che molti altri vescovati insieme. Bisognerà che il S r Alano sia avvisato presto de
la intentione di S. S t à acciocché lui disponga di alcune persone, per averle in ordine in
quel tempo, ancora per scrivere et stampare alcuni libri secretamente, che scriviamo a
quell' istante per dar sodisfattane al populo d'Inghilterra,, et per far altre moltissime
preparationi necessarie tanto per la persona sua, perchè è necessarissimo che lui si
trovi lì in persona, altrimenti le cose d'Inghilterra non anderanno bene a me, ancora per
altri Signori, li quali bisogna che lui trovi modo, come farà, di mandar secretamente et
travestiti in Scotia. Ancora al tempo saranno avvisati li principali cattolici in Inghilterra de la cosa per via de' sacerdoti ; ma questo non si farà se non pochissimo innanzi
l'impresa istessa per il pericolo che sarebbe di palesare la cosa, perchè l'anima di tutto
questo negotio è il secreto. Sarebbe ancora molto utile come pensiamo, se S. S tà volesse
chiamare a Roma il dottor Odveno Ludovico, arcidiacono di Cambrai, Inglese, che sta a
.Milano eò è assai prattico ne le cose d'Inghilterra. Questo huomo se fusse mandato da
Roma in Spagna sotto qualche altro pretesto, et così di là andasse in Scotia con l'esercito a ricontrarsi con Alano, il quale potrebbe partirsi di qua, saria grande aiuto, alla
1

Durham.

2

etcnim?

408

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

causa; perchè questo dottore Odoeno, benché per le differenze che nuovamente sono state
fra Wali et Inglesi, essendo lui Walo, non sia in troppo buon conto appresso la maggior
parte de li Inglesi, tuttavia essendo lui huomo grave et prudente et congiungendosi
con Alano, il quale possiede li cori di tutti, sarebbe assai d'aiuto, maxime appresso li
Wali suoi paesani, i quali potranno aiutare assai in questo negotio, et voranno ancora
per la affettione grande che portano a la fede cattolica ; et quando sarebbe arrivato
l'esercito in Inghilterra, questo dottor Odoeno si potrebbe mandare in Walid, con
quelli Signori grandi di quel paese che già favoriscono a noi, per sollevar più la gente in
quelle bande. Tutta la importanza di questo negotio è nel secreto et ne la celerità ; perchè
se non si spedisce presto, non ci è speranza che durerà questa occasione, né manco servirà più per l'avvenire, ma pigliandola adesso non è dubbio nissuno per la grazia di
Dio che non habbia quell' effetto che desideriamo, perchè tutte le cose sono già più che
dispostissime. Questo ancora ho da ricordare a V. S. Rev ma come cosa di grandissima
importanza, che (per esser punti grandi et emulatione naturale fra le due nationi di
Scotia et d'Inghilterra per innanzi, le quali se si risuscitassero, come speriamo che non
faranno, darebbono assai impedimento) bisognerà provedere che nelle cose o ammissioni che veranno da S. S t à tutte le due nationi siano ugualmente unite ; il che si potrà
fare, se vederanno gli Inglesi che il S r Alano o qualche altra persona Inglese simile, benché
gli Inglesi adesso non hanno altro capo a chi rimettersi se non ad Alano solo, sia congiunto come per la parte d'Inghilterra insieme col reverendissimo arcivescovo Glascuense
per parte di Scotia in quelle cose che tocheranno al stato di tutti dui i regni insieme.
Finalmente, ho da offerire a V. S. Rma a nome de li cattolici d'Inghilterra la vita, li
beni et tutto il poter loro al servizio di Dio et di S. S tà in questa impresa, de la quale
lor restano tanto desiderosi, che promettono, se Dio N. S re gli darà la vittoria, et
pregano V. S. R ma di promettere a nome loro, honorevolissima consideratione a tutti
quelli che aiuteranno il negotio, o travagliaranno in quello, o che faranno qualche cosa
o favore in servizio di questa impresa.
Di nuovo è stato da me il Duca di Guisa, l'ambasciatore di Scotia, il dottor Alano
et il padre Roberto, et dopo essersi letto il discorso sopra le cose d'Inghilterra et di
Scotia che il padre Critone, Scoto, porta seco, et a la ricevuta di quanto 1 sarà forse stato
con N. S re et con V. S. Ill ma , et lasciatoglilo, quale fu molto commendato del Duca, il
quale si risolse che innanzi ad ogni cosa altra io replicassi a N. S re che S. E. persisterà
in andare in persona a questa impresa con tutti li suoi amici et parenti, et che, stando
le cose come le stanno, lui non dubita che questa impresa non sia riuscibile : quanto al
modo a lui pare che si doveriano haver x m fanti per farla sicura, ma che poiché a li
Scozzesi par che basti minor numero, si rimette a loro. Ci vogliono almeno 3 m archibusi forniti et 1000 corsaletti, et da 3 m picche et qualche pezzo piccolo di artiglieria
da campagna, et denari per pagar qualche soldati Scozzesi et Inglesi. La spesa, se
1

questo?

409

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

dovesse esser lunga, saria gravissima ; ma il Duca presuppone, che in un mese o si sarà
vincitori o tutti saranno morti, onde la brevità del tempo potrà farla tollerabile. Questa
gente pare al Duca che si debba fare in Italia in nome di N. Sre, per non dare ombra al
Rè Christianissimo, sotto qualche pretesto che parerà a S. S tà più a proposito, et bisogna
proveder di capo Italiano prudente, di autorità. Questo è il senso di S. E. A me
pare che questa impresa sia tanto honorata et utile per la Chiesa di Dio, che credo non
solo non se ne possa far, ma né ancora immaginare, alcuna maggiore ne più fruttuosa :
et io non posso se non supplicare V. S. Rma ad inanimare N. S re a questa impresa
degna del Vicario di Dio; poiché con capo così prudente, et che sarà ancora approvato
dal Rè Cattolico, come promettono li Agenti suoi, si può sperare ogni felice
successo.
CCXLIX.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.

Paris, 22 May, 1582.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura, Voi. 15, pag. 474).

Vaticano,

Ill mo et Rmo Signore, patron mio colendissimo ; L'aportator della presente sarà il
padre Crittone Scozzese della Compagnia di Giesu, del quale ho scritto per altre mie a
V. S. Ill ma . Quanto udirà da lui degnesi udirlo volentieri et ciarle piena fede et farlo
introdur' a N. S., poiché vien solo per trattare cose in honor di Dio, come pienamente
intenderà da lui, et com' io per l'altro ispaccio et per quello d'hoggi ho scritto al lungo.
Bacio-reverente le mani di V. S. lll ma , et le prego da N. S. Dio augumento della sua
santa gratia. Di Parigi, alli 22 di Maggio, MDLXXXIT.
Di V. S. Ill ma et Rma devotissimo servitore,
Gio. BATTISTA, vescovo di Rimini.
Addressed.
All' Ill m0 et Rm0 Signor et patron mio colendissimo, il signor Cardinale di Como.

CCL.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.

17 July, 1582.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura, Voi. 15, fol. 499).

Vaticano,

Il dottore Alano mi scrive che molti catolici in Inghilterra timidi desiderano che
S. S t à le faccia sapere la sua volontà circa a questi doi punti, cioè se S. S tà voglia che
per diffendere con parole la sentenza di escomunicatione et privatione de la Regina
d'Inghilterra prof erta da Pio V. di santa memoria devono patire la morte, ò come
3 G

410

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

devono respondere sopra ciò quando ne sono interrogati da giudici in poter de quali
sono.
Et parimente se S. S tà vuole che essi catolici patiscano la morte per diffondere,
quando sono prigioni, la propositione che il Papa possa deponere un Principe et
comandar al populo che pigli Tarme contro il Principe deposto.
In questo preme la Regina sopra tutto, et se ben li sacerdoti che sono in quel
regno non hanno mai fatta parola sopra detta Bolla, tuttavia la Regina vuole che tutti
siano interrogati sopra questi punti ; come V. S. Ill ma vedrà più espressamente per gli
alligati articoli 1 che sono stati mandati al padre Alano d'Inghilterra.
Mi avvisa il medesimo che ha prigione in Rhems un che fu già de suoi,2 et era
andato per amazzarlo, et con certi modi destrugere quel collegio Rhemense, del quale
quella Regina mostra più. temere che ne di Francia ne di Spagna.
CCLI.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.

6 November, 1582.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nantiatura,
Voi. 15, pag. 567).

Vaticano,

Cifra del Nuntio di Francia del 6 di Novembre.
Diedi al Duca di Guisa : la risposta sua fu che restava molto obligato a N. Sig re
per la confidentia che sua Santità mostrava in lui, ma che hora non poteva dar risposta
risoluta, poiché dovendo lui essere capo di questa impresa voleva molto ben prima assicurarsi di quello che poteva fare et promettere, perocché quando havesse promesso, se
poi dovesse andar con dui soli, vi anderia et moreria : ma che fra 8 o 10 giorni aspetta
un padre Giesuita, quale dopo questo travaglio di Scotia ha mandato sconosciuto a la
Regina di Scotia, che è di ritorno di Londra, et da esso si saprà quello che si possa
promettere la detta Regina de li suoi amici in Inghilterra et Scotia, et si saprà quello
che questo padre havrà trattato con li signori d'Inghilterra per il negotio che si tratta
et in che stato sia ; intorno al quale negotio dice che l'Agente di Spagna le ha detto in
nome del Rè Cattolico che il suo Rè è per porvi tutto quello che può ; il che il padre
Roberto 3 scrive che non manca al Rè Cattolico voluntà ma denari. Mi ha ancora detto
che ci sono lettere di Scotia che contro quel Principe non si sono scoperti se non
gl'istessi che sono stati nemici a la Regina sua, et che il detto Principe haveva commandato al Duca di Lenox che venisse in Francia a dimandare aiuto, et che il Rè Christianissimo desidera la venuta sua et mostra inclinatione ad aiutar quel Principe ; nel
qual caso crede il Duca di Guisa con l'aiuto di N. Sig re si potrà condurre a buon fine il
t u t t o ; ma per hora non sa dir altro. Ha ben soggiunto che crede esser bene che
qualche parte del denaro che vuol dare N. Sig re fosse in alcuno luogo di dove non si
1

See p. 146 supra.

2

Richard Baynes.

3

F. Robert Persons.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

411

potesse movere senza me qui, acciò venendo qualche opportunità, subita occasione, non
si havesse a ritardar per scrivere et haver risposta, et che trattanto l'occasione f ugisse ;
ma gli ho risposto che in questo caso io spedirei corriere in diligenza. Tuttavia esso
mostra questo desiderio; ma più. d'ogni altra cosa dubita che non si rompa la guerra fra
Spagna et Francia, di donde ne risulti la distruttione di questo negotio; et dimandandogli su quello che credesse di questa rottura, rispose che credeva che si dovesse rompere se la Regina Madre non moriva in questo mezzo, perocché lei gli haveva detto che
non havea se non dui figli, et che per mantenerli concordi era necessario che questo Rè
rompesse la guerra con Spagna, et che lei vi faria tutto il possibile per ridurvelo ; onde
essendo lei posta tutta in questo desiderio tiene per fermo che vi tirerà questo Rè,
se ben non n'ha voluntà : che ha bene per sicuro che si habbia armata a tempo nuovo
per condur forse x m fanti, et che Monsr di Gioiosax come ammiraglio di mare vi debba
andar per capo. Et domandandole se vi sariano denari per far due armate per mare
et per terra, rispose che sì, et che il Rè Christianissimo dovea haver più di 20 millioni
di scudi, et che se gii può credere che non se le discosti molto per quello che si vede in
stampa; onde, come non vorrà pagar niuno a che sol dare provisione, haverà denari più
del bisogno.

CCLII.
[The Cardinal of Como] to the Nuncio in France (Castelli). [Rome] 14 February, 1583.
From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica N'iintiatura [Vol.] 16).
In cifra alNuntio di Francia.

Vaticano,

14 Febr., 83.

Poiché al Duca di Ghisa pare di non poter far altra deliberatione intorno le cose
di Scotia sinché non ha l'informatione che aspetta, N. Sig re aspetterà d'intender a quel
tempo la risolution sua ; tra tanto se al predetto Duca pur paresse di mandar qualchi
denari al Duca di Lenox accio non si perda d'animo, si potrà farlo, et de la quantità et
del modo di mandare potrete consultarlo fra voi tre, cioè, V. S., il Duca di sopradetto
et l'Agente di Spagna, il quale già ha havuto il denaro dal suo Re et la commissione di
sborsarlo a nostra requisitione. Et il sborso già V. S. sa che havera a essere per li tre
quarti il Re Cattolico et noi per l'altro quarto. Hor Dio vi consigli a quel che sia
meglio a farsi in questo caso : poiché del far altra cosa di meglio mi par di vedere che
le speranze si vadano ogni [di] allungando da tutte le bande. E carissimo a N. Sig re
che il Re si trovi alieno da rottura di guerra, ma non per questo resta la Santità
sua di pensar di mandar persona a far gli officii che convengono a la persona di sua
Santità.
1

Joyeuse.
3 G 2

412

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

CCLIII.
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Castelli).

[Koine] 28 February, 1583.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol.] 16).

Vaticano,

In cifra al Nuntio di Francia, ultimo Feb 0 , 83.
Ne le cose di Scotia aspetta N. Sig re d'intender la risolutione che farà Monsr di
Guisa dopo che havera parlato col Duca di Lenox, qual essendo venuto in Franza darà
al predetto Duca di Guisa tanta informatione di quelle cose di Scotia che non occorrerà
aspettar per questo conto il ritorno del huomo che esso Duca di Guisa ha mandato in
Scotia. Per quel che noi intendemo, le cose di quel regno sono in peggior stato che
siano state sin' adesso, et piaccia a Dio che si trovi la strada di rimediarle. Fratanto
so che V. S. non si lascerà uscire il denar di mano senza buon consiglio et consideratione, se ben io le scrissi ultimamente che poteva sborsarlo.

CCLIV.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.

2 May, 1583.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura,
Voi. 17, pag. 141).

Vaticano,

Del Nuntio di Francia al Cardinale di Como, del giorno 2 Maggio, 1583.
Cifra del Nunzio di Francia.
Il Duca di Guisa et il Duca d'Ulmena 1 mi hanno detto haver maneggio di far
amazzar la Regina d'Inghilterra per mano di un cattolico che sta appresso lei, se ben
non mostra esser cattolico, qual' e mal sodisfatto di lei per esser fatti morire certi suoi
parenti cattolici. Havera costui mandato a la Regina di Scotia,2 ma lei non ha voluto
attendervi ; ma e stato mandato qua, et sono convenuti di dargli se campa o a li suoi
flglii 100m franchi, de' quali si contenta haver per sicurtà il Duca di Guisa per 50m, et
gli altri si contenta veder che siano depositati in mano di Monsig1' Glasquense in un
coffano del qual esso tenga una chiave a fin che si diano a lui o a li suoi fìglii succedendo il maneggio, qual Duca di Guisa reputa riuscitole ; ne per questo fatto esso Duca
dimanda alcuno aiuto a N. Sigre, ma quando sarà il tempo andera a un suo luogo vicino
al mare aspettando il successo per passar subito in Inghilterra. In quanto al far morire
quella mala donna le ho detto che non ne voglio scrivere a N. Sigre, come faccio, ne
dico a V. S. IUma che gli lo dica; pero che, se bene io credo che a N. Sigve fusse di contento che Dio per qual si voglia modo castigasse quella sua nemica, tuttavia non con1

Duke of Mayenne.

2

See p. 368 supra.

413

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

verebbe farsi che il suo Vicario lo procurasse per questi mezzi ; et esso si quieto, ma
soggiunse poi che per l'impresa d'Inghilterra, quale in quel caso sarebbe molto più
facile, bisognerebbe haver qui pronti denari per assoldar qualche gente che lo seguitasse, pero che lui disegna di entrare subito in Inghilterra a fin che li cattolici habbino
capo; ma per questo suo passaggio lui non dimanda aiuto; ma dovendoli Duca
d'Ulmena restar in terra per adunare qualchi soldati per seguitarlo, essendo verisimile
che gli heretici che hanno in mano il thesoro, l'armata et li porti non mancheranno a se
stessi, onde bisogna fargli contrasto, per questo effetto desidera per qui sin a 100 o
almeno 80 m scudi. Io gii ho fatto sapere la conventione che e tra N. Sig re et il Re
Cattolico circa la contributione, et gli ho detto che per la parte di N. Sigve si può promettere ogni aiuto possibile quando il Re Cattolico facci la parte sua. L'Agente di
Spagna crede che il suo Re darà volentieri questo aiuto, et pero sarà bene, in conformità di quanto già più volte se le promesse, andar pensando come si dovrà proveder di
questa somma, che sarà per N. Sig re di 20 m scudi quando il Re Cattolico dia i 60m,
P[i]acesse a Dio che con questa poca somma si guadagnasse questo cosi gran regno.
La Regina di Scotia scrisse più giorni sono che haveva guadagnato il Conte che la
custodiva,1 et che e sicura di potersi liberare quando vorrà, ma che vuol aspettare buona
occasione. Fuori di questo maneggio il Duca di Guisa fra pochi giorni aspetta avviso
da 4 principali signori d'Inghilterra, et mi avviserà del seguito : tratanto ne d'Inghilterra ne di Scotia mi sa dire cosa alguna di momento.
CCLV.
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Castelli).
From the Roman transcripts

Rome, 23 May, 1583.

in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntìatura [Vol.] 16).

In cifra al Nuntio di Francia.

Vaticano,

23 Maggio, 1583.

re

Ho riferito a N. S ciò che V. S. mi scrive ne la cifra circa le cose d'Inghilterra, et
perche la S ta S. non può se non sentir bene che in qual si sia modo venghi levato
d'oppressione quel regno et restituito a Dio et a la religione nostra santa, S. S ta dice
xho in evento che il negotio habbi effetto non ha dubbio che li 80 m scuti saranno (come
V. S. dice) molto bene impiegati. Pero S. S ta non farà difficulta di sborsare il quarto
suo, quando sarà il tempo, se li Agenti del Re Catholico faranno il medesimo de li lor
tre quarti, sopra che doverafmo quei Signori di Guisa pigliar buono et saldo appuntamento con l'Agente Catholico costi : et per li nostri ventimille, poiché V. S. già ne tiene
in mano 4m, et il mandar il resto senza saper certo che l'effetto habbi a seguire potrebbe
esser opera gettata, et in non mandarli potrebbe nocere al negotio, quando per sorte
venesse il bisogno di sborsarle, S. S ta ha pensato esser meglio che, se il bisogno verrà,
1

The Earl of Shrewsbury.

414

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

V. S. li pigli a cambio o tutti o parte col credito di qualche mercante Italiano o altro
personaggio, et si tragga qua, perche S. S ta non mancherà di farli subito satisfare. Et
dico tutti o parte, perche non e verisimile che habbino a bisognar tutti in un colpo,
essendo più verisimile che si habbino a spendere in dui o tre mesi che in un solo, nel
quale caso V. S. supplirà facilmente a la prima mesata con li 4 m che già tiene in mano
et ha vera tempo di scrivir qua per il resto. Tuttavia se il bisogno richiederà altrimenti, V. S. pigli l'espediente che ho detto di trarli qua, et non si resti per questo di
far bene : ma Dio voglia che questa non sia simile a tante altre promesse che non
hanno havuto mai effeto.
Quanto a la pratica di nuovo ricordata da V. S. di pacificare Alanzon con il Re
Catholico e molto da dubitare che al Re Christianissimo et a la Madre non piacerebbe
questa pratica, se ben in apparenza mostrassero altrimenti. Imperoche non e credibile
che lo desiderino in Francia ; et semper impediranno che non segua l'accordo, con poca
dignità et derisione di chi se ne impaccerà. La vera via era che l'accordo seguisse tra
il detto Alansone et il Principe di Parma, sicome e stato vicino a seguire et forse
seguirà un giorno ; perche la società d'esso Alansone con quei Stati si conosce esser
troppo infida, et un giorno proromperà a maggior disordine che non e stato il passato.
CCLVI.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to [the Cardinal of Como].

30 May, 1583.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura, Voi. 17, pag. 167).

Vaticano,

Dal Nuntio di Francia. 30 di Maggio, 1583.
t)opo haver scritto quanto ho scritto ne le altre lettere, il Duca di Guisa, stimolato molto da la Regina di Scotia et da Milort Seton, Scozzese, ha risoluto di voler'
attendere a l'impresa et cominciarla per Scotia, et sta in pensiero di mandarvi um (sic)
de' i signori del suo sangue et dargli Monsor di Menevil 1 luogotenente ; et lui stara qua
alle frontiere d'Inghilterra secondo l'ordine già dato. Credo che gli debbano bastar
per Scotia 4 m fanti, et per Inghilterra farà secondo l'occasione. Fanti pensa havera
qui senza molto rumore, et il Re Cattolico gli ha fatto sapere che ogni volta che vorrà
gli manderà nuovi armati ; ma perche ci vogliono denari in maggior somma di quella
che ci e, piaccia a V. S. Ill ma far officio con N. Sig re che mandi ordine che ci siano
denari, accio per la parte di sua Santità non vi sia causa di ritardare. Qua (come sa)
ci sono li 4m scudi, quali non pagherò se non a proportione di quello che sarà pagato da
Spagna, come faro del restante che si manderà. Dopo la venuta di Monsor di Menevil il
Duca di Guisa si trova molto riscaldato a questa impresa. Quel disegno sopra la persona de la Regina d'Inghilterra credo che andera in niente. Con le p e si darà piena
istruttione di tutto il fatto.
1

Monsieur de Menainville, the French ambassador to the Scottish King.

415

OF CARDIKAL ALLEN.

OOLVII.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como.

11 June, 1583.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura,
Vol Vl^fol, 193).

Vaticano,

Cifra del Nuntio di Francia, de li Xi di Giugno, 1583.
Del negotio d'Inghilterra si è intorno a far un discorso come si debba guidare ;
perochè essendo morto il Duca di Lenox habbiamo perduto il fondamento di Scotia, et
bisogna far nuovo disegno per quel regno al quale si è intorno. Si per detto regno
come per Inghilterra fussimo insieme a casa mia à Parigi, dove andai a posta, il Duca
di Guisa, l'Agente del, Rè Cattolico,1 l'ambasciatore di Scotia,2 Monsre de Mone vile,3 il
padre Claudio,4 con il quale tutti confidano, et ha vendo il Duca di Guisa letto un discorso ne fece dare una copia Francese a l'Agente di Spagna et una Italiana a me; et
l'Agente et il padre Claudio vennero poi a trovarmi qua a S. Giù,5 ove è ancora il
padre Roberto, 6 et mutassimo alcune cose, et il detto Agente restò di distendere in
Franzese quanto gli era parso bene ; ma fin' hora non mi è tornato in mano, che subito
lo manderò a V. S. IlPna in cifra. Questo solo per hora posso dire che questo negotio
per la morte di Lenox è molto peggiorato et le difficoltà sono cresciute et vi bisognerà altro che 80m scudi se si verrà al effetto di quanto si disegna. Quanto a li denari
che N. Sigre haverà a provedere, le dirò che non è molto che, trattando con quello che
deve sborzare à me i 4 m scudi, se per non dire quello che non è non affirmai quello
ch'io diceva, tuttavia parlai di modo che esso s'indusse a credere che N. Sig re disegni
fabricare o aiutar fabricar un collegio a Scozzesi ; onde se per la medesima via mi si
mandasse maggior somma di denari forse sarìa più secreta et seria certa : però che non
mi assicuro poter trovare quel credito che ci potrìa bisognare ad un punto quasi improviso,7 et tengo per fermo che non mi riuscirla, tuttavia V. S. Ill ma potrà farmi
sapere a chi io potrei indirizzare le mie lettere per pagare il denaro, se un caso insperato ricercasse che si pagasse.
< Dopo haver scritto fin qui ho havuto il discorso dal' Agente di Spagna, ma perchè
non è fermato non lo mando. Questo dico che se bene il Duca di Guisa dice quanto a
1
2
3
J o h n Baptist Tassis.
The Archbishop of Glasgow.
M. de Menainville.
5
6
F . Claude Mathieu, S. J., provincial of France.
St. Cloud.
F . Robert Persons.
7
" I o penso che troverei qui a cambio sino a 3 o 4000 scudi, ma non già maggior quantità, onde
credo esser necessario di haver qui lettere di credito a bastanza
E t in quanto a le lettere di
credito, o a trovar denari qui, ho provato nel mio particolare, et nel riscotere quelli 3000 scudi, che li
mercanti devono essere avvertiti molti giorni inanzi, perciochè non essendo questa piazza ordinaria di
cambio molte volte li mercanti non hanno li denari pronti, et quelli 3000 se. mi furon dati in molte
volte et in varie monete et t u t t e non buone." The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of
Como. Paris, 27 Aprii, 1584. Theiner, Ann, Eccles. I I I . , 813.
4

416

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

se farà l'impresa d'Inghilterra, però a l'Agente di Spagna et a me pare impossibile che
si possa far questo Settembre ; et il Duca lo conosce, ma fa sapere che sarà pronto
quando sia in ordine quello che bisogna. La Regina di Scotia prega che non si rinovi
cosa alcuna sinché il suo figliolo non sia in libertà, et confirmata la parte sua in Scotia ;
onde credo che non si farà niente questo anno. Tutti habbiamo risoluto che si mandi
in Scotia il nipote del ambasciatore de la detta Regina con denari per confirmar gli
amici et acquistarne de gli altri. Ad instanza del Duca di Guisa l'Agente di Spagna
darà v m scudi per questo effetto, et io> se bene sono stato ricercato a dar il mio quarto
et che sapeva haverlo in poter mio per le cose di Scotia, tuttavia, perchè l'hebbi per
trattenimento del Duca di Lenox, non ho voluto consentirvi senza nuovo avviso. Et
perchè guadagnandosi li Scozzesi ò il Principe per suo interesse et di sua Madre favorevole saressimo s u l primo disegno, credo esser bene che non si neghi al Duca di Guisa
questa piccola somma per principio di questa impresa, per la quale già Spagna ha dato
10m scudi, et io ho promesso di dar' sempre a proportione di quanto darà il ministro
del Rè Cattolico. Questo nipote del ambasciatore di Scotia, persona molto prudente,
anderà in Scotia sotto pretesto che il padre lo richiami per lassargli come a primogenito la roba sua andandovi, ò darle al minore non andandovi.

OCLVIII.
The Nuncio in France (Castelli) to the Cardinal of Como. St. Cloud, 30 June, 1583.
From the Roman transcripts in the Publio Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura,
Vol. 17, pag. 207).

Vaticano,

Del Nuntio di Francia al Cardinal di Como, del giorno 20 Giugno, 1583,
Ill m0 et Rm0 Signore, patron mio colendissimo ; Non ho eh' altro scrivere più di
quello ch'è nell' incluso foglio. . . .
Di S t0 Clu, li x x di Giugno, MDLXXXIII.
Di V. S. Ill ma et R ma devotissimo servitore,
GIOBATT A VESCOVO

*

.

.

Addressed.
All' lll m o et R mo Signore, patron mio colendissimo, il sigr Cardinale di Como.
Roma.
Disegno per l'impresa d'Inghilterra. 1
Che si manderà quanto prima una persona in Scotia con mezzi et denari per
dispor quelli del paese ad imbracciare questa impresa, che havea cominciata il Duca di
Lenox et che è stata assai migliorata per l'ambasciatore di Francia che vi è stato; 2 et
1

See p. 195 suyra.

2

Monsieur de Menainville.

417

OF CARDINAL ALLEN".

si farà ogni opera che esso ambasciatore vi torni quanto prima per continuar questa
prattica in quel regno et disporre il Rè aceiochè si faccia capo di questa impresa sul
primo piede ; et quando non volesse, si spera guadagnarvi presto tante corrispondenze
et farsi sicuro di tanto soccorso in quel regno che il detto Rè sarà constretto d'accomodarsi ; per lo manco non potrà dar alcuno impedimento a l'impresa.
Che quanto prima si potrà si mettino in ordine due armate, una in Spagna che
venga in Scotia, se le cose vi saranno disposte, ò vero in Inghilterra a la frontiera di
Scotia, onde sarà facile impatronirsi di qualche porto con l'aiuto de li partiali cattolici
che vi si trovano in gran numero periti ne le armi; oltre che in Inghilterra tutti li
porti sono aperti et, sicuri per mettervi su le ancore una armata, et doverà questa
armata di Spagna essere di x ò xii m huomini ò più, se sarà possibile, cioè 4 m Alemanni,
altri 4 m Italiani et 3* Spagnuoli. Che questa armata venga pro vista di vettovaglie per
20 giorni dopo essere in terra : che porti seco denari per pagar essa gente et levar
altri 20 m Scozzesi; et Inglesi, et insieme quantità d'armi per armare soldati' del paese :
et doverà questa armata essere la prima ad arrivare in Inghilterra, et venir per capo
qualch' uno che sua Santità et il Rè Cattolico eleggeranno, non potendo esser'alcuno de
li dui fratelli,1 non essendo ragionevole che ambidue eschino di Francia. . L'armata
seconda sarà di Franzesi condotta da uno de li due fratelli, la qual armata non si puoi
mettere in terra che a Susez 2 per la poca commodità che si trova altrove, et sarà ivi
questa smontata molto commoda per far il traghetto di mare in una marea secura et
brevissimamente; ma non doverà questa armata esser la prima a mettersi in,terra,
essendo quella di Spagna così lontana che non si potrà giudicar il giorno certo che
doverà arrivare ; oltre che il sforzo principale d'Inghilterra si trova ne la banda di
Susez per esser vicina a Londra una giornata, non potendosi fare de la parte di Francia
più di quello che fu offerto da principio, ne la cui essecutione non sarà fallo ò mancamento alcuno. Queste due armate stando in Inghilterra non si possono unire se prima
ambidue non habbiano combattuto, per che. fare sarebbe necessario che traversassero
l'Inghilterra, et per ciò è di mestiere che siano forti, tanto più che ( non essendo in
Inghilterra torri serrate saranno astretti gii Inglesi combattere quanto prima, non
potendosi salvare se non con una battaglia. Bisognerà ancora far havere mezzi a li
cattolici et mal contenti che fanno il maggior numero in Inghilterra per unirsi; il
che si va procurando, et con che si opera 3 il conquisto di quel regno in breve tempo ;
massimaménte essendo impossibile che Inghilterra sia soccorsa fra due o tre mesi, se si
piglia a tempo che li nemici non siano risoluti, et non habbino cominciato a prepararsi
oltre che per soccorrerli haveranno per concluderlo molti diversi, del che non si deve
temere.
Quanto al tempo de la essecutione di questa impresa, quanto più presto sia sarà
meglio, et non si troverà mai mancamento dal canto di Francia. Questa armata di
Francia et il capo di essa pensa di poter ovviar la gelosia che il Rè Christianissimo
1

2

The Dukes of Guise and Mayenne.
3 H

Sussex.

3

opererà ì

418

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

potrebbe pigliare di questa impresa, et però si potrà far sicuramente ; oltre che ne
l'armata di Spagna sarà gran quantità d'Italiani et Alemanni et il capo suo posto da
sua Santità, di che il Nunzio di Francia avertirà il Rè Christianissimo, assicurandolo
che la intentione di sua Santità è di usar solo di quel potere che Dio gli dà per la sua
gloria et augumento de la fede cattolica. E necessario far in Parigi buona provisione
di denari tanto per li bisogni di detta armata che di Scotia et d'Inghilterra. Si farà
sapere al Duca di Baviera, il qual si è offerto a questa impresa, questa risolutione,
acciochè si tenga in ordine conforme a gli avvisi che gli darà di continuo colui che
menerà i Franzesi in Inghilterra, poiché sua Santità et il Rè Cattolico si saranno risoluti circa l'essecutione di questa impresa, quali forse troveranno espediente che il
fratello del Duca di Baviera sia capo del armata di Spagna. Si manderà ancora subito
uno in Inghilterra a la Regina di Scotia et a l'ambasciatore di Spagna per avvertirli di
questa risolutione et saperne il lor parere, et che conto si può fare de le forze de cattolici Inglesi, quali si avviseranno ordinariamente di quello che sarà di bisogno acciochè
à suo tempo piglino le armi. Quanto à Irlanda pare che sarà bene che di Spagna vi
si mandino 2 m huomini insieme con quelli signori Irlandesi che stanno in Spagna
dimandando soccorso. Sarebbe bene che questa gente arrivasse in Irlanda qualche
giorni prima che le altre armate in Inghilterra ; et per fortificare più questa gente
sarebbe espediente mandar denari al Conte di Arguii * et Macovil in Scotia, acciochè
mandassero ancora loro contra gli Inglesi come sogliono ogni anno.
Che li cattolici fuorusciti d'Inghilterra non ritornino al loro paese prima che le
armate stiano in Inghilterra acciochè il disegno non si scopra, ma si avvertischino che
stiano pronti per congiungersi con le armate quando vi andranno : et servirà a questo
molto il Consilio del signor Bernardino Mendozza per esser persona esperimentata ne i
fatti di guerra et che sa quello che si possa promettere de li cattolici et partiali de la
Regina di Scotia in Inghilterra. L'Agente di Spagna oltre li primi v m scudi hora ne
ha dati altri vim, et sono in mano del padre Claudio 2 per spenderli secondo che il
nepote del ambasciatore di Scotia ricercherà ; et essendo io ricercato come sono di dar
la parte di N. Signre, non vedo che si possa restare, acciò il Duca di Guisa non dica che
se gli diano parole. Il dottore Alano è venuto qua, et pensa che questo sia troppo
apparato; però bisogna stare à li soldati ne le cose di guerra. Uno che per hora non
vuol esser nominato mi ha due volte fatto sapere per un padre Jhesuita che lo ambasciatore d'Inghilterra d'ordine de la sua Regina ha fatto diligenza di haver piena informatione de le persone di auttorità in Polonia et che ne ha fatto una lista ; onde pare
che questk Regina voglia provar di fare qualche profitto per la sua setta in Polonia.
E stato preso dal governatore di Gravilingo quello Sciartrier, pessimo huomo et
secretarlo di Monsr d'Alansone, uno de i tre che fecero l'inventione di Salzedo,3 il
1

2
3
Argyll.
F. Claude Mathieu, S.J.
Salcedo, a Spaniard, and Basa,
an Italian, were accused of having attempted to poison the Duke of Alencon and the Prince of
Orange. Basa died in prison: Salcedo was executed at Paris.

419

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

qual' è tomato da la Regina d'Inghilterra al detto Alansone con 43m scudi et lettere di
essa Regina, et tutto si è havuto a man salva, et si spera che si scopriranno molte cose,
et si potrà saper se è vero quello che si è detto alcuni giorni, che Alanzone con l'aiuto
de la Regina d'Inghilterra voleva suscitar travaglio in Francia.
CCLIX.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

12 December, 1583.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nunziatura, Voi. 17, fai. 264).

Vaticano,

Cifra del Nuntio di Francia.
Scrive l'ambasciatore di Spagna residente in Inghilterra al Duca di Guisa con sue
lettere de li 19 del passato che erano poco prima stati posti prigioni di quella Regina
sette nobili, de' quali 4 sono cattolici et 3 heretici, ma tutti molto confidenti de la
Regina di Scotia. Dipoi il medesimo ambasciatore scrive a l'istesso Duca con altre sue
lettere de i 26 del detto mese che uno di quei prigioni cattolici chiamato Trhot Morton l
era stato posto in Torre, et si ragionava di tormentarlo, essendosi trovato in casa sua
una nota con tutti i porti di quell' Isola et nomi de principali nobili cattolici di quel
regno ; il qual Trhot Morton intendo qui dal padre Claudio,2 Giesuita, esser così in
genere consapevole del trattato che è fatto in aiuto de cattolici. Soggiunge detto
ambasciatore dubitare assai che non si sia già scoperto o non si scopri esso trattato. Il
medesimo dubbio che non si scopri mi è parso che habbi l'ambasciatore di Spagna residente qui, il quale anco mi ha detto che in ciò si ha troppo fretta et conviene aspettar
la commodità del Rè Cattolico. Ho mandato una copia simile al Nuntio di Piacenza 3
adoperando la zifra che ho trovato qui ne le scritture di Monsig1' di Rimini 4 usarsi con
li Nuntii.
CCLX.
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni). Rome, 14 February [1584],
From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol.] 16 ; lettere da Roma).

Vaticano,

Al Nuntio di Francia, in cifra, a 14 di Feb. 1583.5
N. S ha veduta la scrittura che V. S. mi ha mandata in cifra, datagli dal padre
Alano et dal padre Roberto intorno a le cose d'Inghilterra ; et poiché n'e stata manre

1

2
à
Throgmorton.
F. Claude Mathieu, S.J.
Mgr Sega, bishop of Piacenza,
4
Nuncio in Spain.
Mgr Castel.i, bishop of Rimini, the preceding Nuncio in France.
5
The date 1583 is clearly incorrect ; for F. Persons did not return from Spain to France before
3 H 2

420

LETTERS AtfD MEMORIALS

data una simile in Spagna, non occorre dir altro se non che dal canto di S. S ta non si è
mancato ne si mancherà di continuo di favorir vivamente appresso S. Mta il buon exito
di questo negotio, et di far quanto sarà possibile accio se ne venga al desiderato fine ;
et se in man nostra fusse l'executione, il padre Alano l'haveria vista un pezzo fa. Il
che servirà per risposta di quanto il detto padre scrisse a S. S ta et a me.

CCLXI.
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni).

Rome, Aprii, 1584.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [FbZ.] 16 ; lettere da Roma).
Al Nuntio di Francia, in cifra.

Vaticano,

Aprile, 1584.

Il padre Alano mi raccomanda quelli dui signori Inglesi, che V. S. mi raccomando
ancor lei, cioè, Arondel et Paget, accio N. S re dia loro qualche intertenimento. 1 Ho
fatto Pofficio, et S. S ta mi ha risposto che se si farà di presente l'impresa d'Inghilterra
potranno li detti signori andar a servir in essa, perche cosi non solo haveranno intertenimento, ma ricupereranno anche tutte le cose loro : se poi l'impresa non si facesse,
bisogneria far un altro conto, il quale per hora e superfluo et fuor di tempo. V. S.
potrà far intendere tutto questo al detto padre Alano in risposta de la lettera sua, non
scrivendogli io se non quattro righe in credenza di V. S.

CCLXIL
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni).

Rome, 9 Aprii, 1584.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [FòZ.] 16 ; lettere da Roma).
In cifra al Nuntio di Francia.

Vaticano,

9 Aprile, 1584.

S'è visto il Memoriale dato a V. S. dal Duca di Guisa con l'altre copie tutte
aggiunte : et primieramente ho da dire che cose si fatte non si doverebbono mai mandar attorno senza cifra, perche vanno con troppo pericolo, oltre che anco il mandarcele
cosi in idioma Francese et di cattivo carattere non e senza gran molestia di chi le ha a
May, 1583. See p. 194 supra. He could not therefore have written in conjunction with Dr Allen
the memorandum referred to in this despatch. The true date is doubtless 1584, and the Cardinal
alludes to the paper given by Allen and Persons to the Nuncio, 16 January, 1584, and printed at
l
p. 222 supra.
See p. 228 supra.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

421

legger qui et non sa la lingua. Quanto poi a la sostanza del negotio a K. S re e gratissimo che il Duca habbi preso si nobile e si santa resolutione, et vorebbe volentieri
poterlo aiutare a bastanza con la borsa sua sola ; ma la tenuità del erario di S. S ta non
lo comporta in conto alcuno; et sarebbe pazzia se noi pensassimo o dicessimo altrimente,
et ad altro non servirebbe che ad imbarcare il Duca, et poi lassarlo nei pericoli senza
poterlo lungamente sostenere ; et cose si fatte non bisogna ingannarsi, perche l'inganno
risulterebbe in troppo preiuditio et publico et privato. E adunque necessario che per
voler aiutare da dovero l'animo et l'impresa del Duca si stia ne li medesimi proposti
che furono trattati et appuntati da Mona1' di Rimini 1 di bona memoria, cioè, che il
tutto si faccia con gli animi, consigli et forze congionte tra li ministri di S. S ta et del
Re Catholico. Et pero sicome noi havemo comunicato qui ogni cosa con l'ambasciatore
di S. Mta catholica, accio ne scriva costi al Tassis et in Spagna al proprio Re, cosi V. S.
si abboccherà subito con. il predetto Tassis, et discoreranno insieme sopra questo motivo
et risolutione del Duca, et trovandola buona et riuscibile parleranno poi col proprio
Duca, et gli mostreranno la buona volunta del Papa et del Re di voler per ogni modo
aiutarlo accio possa venir quanto prima a l'executione ; per la quale hieri scrivessimo
gagliardamente in Spagna con un corriere espresso con ordine che la risolutione sia
subito mandata a Parigi per non perder tempo in farla prima venir qua. Pero se il
Duca vorrà di buona volunta aspettar quella risposta sarà forse meglio ; ma quando
non volesse, overo il negotio non lo comportasse, si potrà vedere se il Tassis ha ancora
in mano il resto di quelli 30 m scuti che gli furono mandati l'anno passato per questo
istesso effetto, che devono essere scuti 18 m , non sapendo noi che ne fussero spesi più
che 12m. Et havendoli, questo ambasciatore Catholico gli scrive che li debba sborsare
al Duca, et se li sborserà, N. S re vuole che Y. S. sborsi lei ancora il suo quarto, che
saranno scuti 6m. Et se il Tassis non li havesse tutti 18 m , sborserà almeno quelli che
ha, et V. S. similmente il quarto di quello che lui sborserà ; che se bene non sarà grossa
somma, non sarà pero ancor tanto tenue che non possa servir a molte cose per dar
principio a l'impresa. Ma se il Tassis non havesse alcun dinaro, o vero al Duca paresse
che in nissun modo questa somma possa bastare, bisognerà in tal caso che s'aspetti la
risposta di Spagna ; et alhora se il Re Catnolico farà pro visione di maggior somma,
come speramo, V. S. ancora sborserà tutta la portion nostra contingente. Et perche
V. S. non ha in mano più che scuti 3 m et qualche cosa meno, potrà pigliar da mercanti
in Parigi tutto quel che gli bisognerà per questo conto et trarlo qua al signore Bernardo
Olgiato, depositario generale di S. S ta , che subito si farà il rimborso a chi li detti mercanti di Parigi'per lor lettere ordineranno. Et non e già da dubitare che V. S. non
habbi credito con loro per una somma si piccola come sarà questa. Pero faccia hora il
Duca quel che gli pare circa il mover presto o tardi queste arme benedette, che questa
e la final risolutione che da S. S ta può aspettare : se ben noi non sapemo ne cercamo
1

The preceding Nuncio.

422

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

sapere da qual banda voglia entrare in Inghilterra, et crederessimo che miglior consiglio sarebbe stato l'andar personalmente in Scotia, si per la buona sicurezza della
persona di quel Re, come per entrar poi da quella banda in Inghilterra, facendo fondamento non tanto nel exercito che potesse condur seco, poiché non potrebbe condur gran
numero, quanto ne la commotione delli catholici d'Inghilterra, maximamente in questo
tempo che sono si rabiosamente perseguitati.
Ha verno ordinato a questi dui gentilh uomini Hibernesi che sono qui che vengano
quanto prima a Parigi, conforme a l'avviso del Duca ; et cosi partiranno fra dui o tre
giorni, et con loro verrà un altro pur Hiberno, sacerdote et huomo di negotio. Procureremo ancora che un altro che sta a Napoli et e provisionato dal Re Catholico venga
similmente in Franza. Ma per non scoprir ad alcuno fuor di tempo che il Duca habbi
le mani in questo negocio non diremo altro a costoro se non che l'arcivescovo Glasguense desidera che vadano a Parigi per qualche buon rispetto, et gli commetteremo
che faccino quanto il detto arcivescovo et V. S. gli diranno, et le lor provisioni gli
saranno continuate come se fussero in Italia. Pero quando bisognerà, V. S. dira poi
l3ro che obediscano al Duca.
Quel che il Duca dice di sperare circa il far accordar che in Scotia possano liberamente vivere tutti li catholici et di far rimandar in Scotia l'ambasciatore di Francia
che hora sta in Inghilterra saranno due cose di grave servitio a Dio et a la causa
publica. Pero S. S ta desidera che S. E. lo faccia quanto prima.

COLXIIL
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni),

Rome, 23 Aprii, 1584.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol.] 16; lettele da Roma).

Vaticano,

Cifra al Nuntio di Francia, a 23 d'Aprile, 1584.
1

Le copie de la lettera che il padre Alano ha scritto a V. S. in credenza di quel
sacerdote Inglese et de la scrittura che egli le ha lassata et che V. S. mi manda in cifra,
N. S re ha a pieno inteso la risolutione che Joanne Dovisio2 ha fatta di rubar a gli
heretici d'Inghilterra le tre navi et 4 navilii che tengono preparati per mandarle a
infestar le riviere di Spagna et impedir al Re Catholico le flotte che vengono de le
Indie, et l'absolutione che perciò il detto Joanne ricerca da S. S ta . Et parendo a la
S ta S. che la detta risolutione sia santa et buona si contenta di concedergli l'absolutione
che dimanda, et cosi V. S. gli la potrà dare, sempre che ne sera ricercata, che in virtù
de la presente S. S ta le da faculta di poterlo fare. Et perche S. B no non ha occasione
1
2
Da le?
Captain John Davis. See p. 226 supra.

423

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

alcuna dove impiegar il servicio che il detto Joanne offerisce di fare con le presenti
navi, si potrà trattar con li ministri del Re Catholico accio procurino che S. Mta se ne
serva lei, et riceva questo gentilhuomo sotto la sua protettione, accio come S. S ta gli
assicura la conscienza cosi la Mta S. gli difenda la vita et le facuita che delibera di
portar seco.
Da le mie precedenti V. S. havera a pieno inteso quel che S. S ta può fare per
servicio del impresa d'Inghilterra, che il S r Duca di Guisa disegna di far in persona, et
pero per questo conto sarà superflua la venuta qua del*padre Alessandro Setone.
Pur non si mancherà di ascoltarlo et di dargli ogni possibile satisfattone.*

CCLXIV.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

Paris, 28 May, 1584.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura [FoZ.] 16).
Cifra del Nuncio di Francia.

Vaticano,

Parigi, 28 Maggio, 1584.

Il Duca di Guisa ha giudicato esser bene che li dui gentilhuomini Hibernesi, che
vennero qua ultimamente di costa, vadano hora in Scotia ad aiutar quel Re ; onde io
lodando questa sua deliberatione gli ho detto che vadino, et che perciò non cesseranno
le provisioni che hanno da la S ta S. Non sono ancor giunti i 12m scuti che il Re
Catholico promise di mandare per pagar la guardia del Re di Scotia, ne di la si ha
ancora alcuna risposta per l'impresa d'Inghilterra.

CCLXV.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

25 June, 1584.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura \Vol^\ 17).
Cifra del Nuntio di Francia.

Vaticano,

25 Giugno, 1584.

Ogn'uno afferma che il Re Christianissimo e più allegro dopo la morte d'Alansone1
che non era prima. Di Spagna ho lettere del primo del presente di Monsr di Lodi,2
senza nissuna risolutione del negotio d'Inghilterra ; ma questo Agente del Re Cattolico
ha detto al padre Claudio 3 di haver esso nuova, che su M ta Cattolica non si contenta
che sua Santità conferisca il quarto de la spesa. Mi scrive detto Nuntio di Spagna che
1

The Duke of Alencon, or Anjou, the last surviving brother of King Henry III., died 10 June,
2
1584.
M«r Ludovico Taberna, bishop of Lodi, Nuncio in Spain.
• 3 F. Claude
Mathieu, S.J.
'

424

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

ivi non si credeva che il Duca di Guisa fusse per allontanarsi di questo regno, stante
la malattia di Alansone ; onde molto meno doveranno crederlo dopo la morte, et
poiché il Re di Scotia non e più in alcuno pericolo, il che pare che movesse più che
altra cosa esso Duca a quella impresa, de la quale questi Inglesi et Scozzesi consapevoli
di essa mostrano di non sperar più.

,

CCLXVI.

The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

23 July, 1584.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London {Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatura, [Vol.] 17).
Dal Nuntio di Francia,

Vaticano,

23 Luglio, 1584.

E stato stampato in Inghilterra in lingua Italiana quel libro che mandai già a
V. S. Hl ma in Francese,.composto in deffensione de le crudeltà usate in quell' Isola a
cattolici. Dubito che saranno mandate in Italia molte copie di detto libro, il quale ha
questo titolo :—-" Atto di giustitia d'Inghilterra esequito per la conservatone de la
commune et Christiana pace contro alcuni seminatori di discordie et seguaci di rebelli
et de nemici del reame et non per niuna persecutione che fusse lor fatta per cagione
de la religione, si come e stato falsamente publicato da diffensori et da sostentatori de
la costoro rebellione et tradimento. Stampato in Londra appresso Giovanni Wolflo,
1584." La risposta di qual libro presa a fare dal padre Alano, 1 come già scrissi a V. S.
Ill m a , non e ancora uscita, ch'io sappia.

CCLXVII.
The Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni).

13 August, 1584.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Kuntiatxira [Vol.] 16 ; lettere da Roma).
In cifra al Nuntio di Francia.

Vaticano,

13 Agosto, 1584.

Già che V. S, mi scrive che il Duca di Guisa et Mons. Glasguen. restano satisfatti
de l'oblatione da lei fattagli a nome di N. S1*6, dopo che l'hebbero date le scritture da
lei mandate, non occorre a S. B ne dir altro per hora intorno quelli particolari, se non
che li piace che il Re di Scotia vadi a la giornata avantaggiando li affari de la religione
catholica nel suo regno.
<
1

See p. 239 supra.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

425

coLxvni.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como. Paris, 3 September, 1584.
From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio Vaticano,
Gallica Nuntiatvura, Vol. 17, pag. 476).
Cifra del Nuntio de Francia.

Da Parigi, alli 3 di Settembre, 1584.

Fecero poi morire in Inghilterra quel gentilhuomo^di casa Framurtone, 1 per le
confessioni del quale fu licentiato di quel regno Don Bernardino di Mendozza ; et hora
e uscito fuori un libro in lingua Inglese nel quale e narrata la confessione fatta nel
tormento dal detto Fragmortone, che contiene (si come mi ha detto il padre Ruberto 2 )
tutta quasi la historia del trattato per Vinfpresa, et tocca principalmente il Duca di
Guisa; il che non e dubbio che sia venuto a le orecchie del Re Christianissimo ; et dice
esso Fragmortono di haver inteso tutto questo dal sopradetto Don Bernardino. Li
12 m scudi di Spagna per le cose di Scotia non sono comparsi ancora.
CCLXIX.
F. William Creighton, S. J., and the proposed invasion of England. 4 September, 1584.
From a contemporary paper in the archives of the see of Westminster.
III., 373.
Also in part printed in Strype's Annals, Vol. III., pt. 1, p. 602.3
4 September, 1584.
An enterprise founde about a Scottish Jesuite taken on the seas for the invation
of the realme.
There are these partes or divitions contayned in it.
The first is the end that the conspirators do pretend by the enterprise they have
in hande.
The opportunitie invitinge them to undertake the same.
The fowndation and grownde worcke whereuppon they have to builde.
1

2
Throgmorton.
F. Robert Persons.
There is another contemporary copy of this document at the Record Office, London. State
Papers, Domestic Elizab. 173, 4. It is less complete than the one printed above ; for besides some
lesser differences it omits most of the passages which refer to the tyranny of Queen Elizabeth and
her ministers and the intolerable oppression of the Catholics. It is headed, " These are the partes or
divisions of the discours in Italian fownde about the Scottish Jesuite taken on the seas in his way to
Scotland." There is no pretence of giving more than the substance of the discourse. Thus the
compiler says in one place :—" The pretext or cover to this preparation is set downe, but so torne and
wantinge as it can not be deciphred. But (as I gesse by this place and another) should come from
Spaine " : and again :—" Then there is specified some authoritie the Pope should give, or create (as
I gesse by this place and another) a bishop of Durreme, where they be all Catholicks." The copy,
from which Strype printed his extracts, is still among the, Cotton MSS. in the British Museum,
Julius, F. ; vi., 58. But the first part is wanting, as it begins with " The reasons to shew the easiness
3 I
3

426

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

The meanes to conducte the enterprise to effect.
The facilitie of the enterprise. *
The laste division entreateth of the disposition of the estate of this realme as a
fit matter and subject to receave that alteration and conquest they pretend.
I t doth not obscurelie appeare by the whole course of the declaration of the
enterprise that it was the same whereunto Throgmorton and Charles Paget were
privy and that the Spanish ambassador had his parte in it : and that it was not a
discourse onelie or device how such a thinge might be brought to passe, but the plott
and desseignement set downe and agreed uppon to be put in execution, whereunto the
Scottish Queene was made privy, as is confessed and as it appeareth further by a litle
peece of paper of instruction in the Latin tonge geven by the Scottish Queene to
that effect to one sent to the Pope in her and her sonnes name, whose instructions the
Jesuite had at the tyme of his apprehension and tare quite asonder.
Touching the firste parte, of the end which is pretended, there are these thinges
set downe.
First the restitution of Eomish religion both in Englande and Scotlande.
Next the deliverie of the Scottish Queene out of prison.
The preservation of the younge yeares of the Scottish Kinge from perils and from
beinge confirmed in heresies, as they tearme it.
The releefe of the papists in England and other places.
The peace and quiet of other kingdomes in travayle and disquieted by the malice
(as he saithe) of the protestants.
Lastelie and especially to depose her Ma tie and set up the Scottish Queene, which
indeede is the scope and white whereto all this practise dothe level.
Opportunity.
With greate instance it is pressed to advaunce the enterprise with all expedition
for these reasons foliowinge.
That the tyme doth serve, offeringe dyvers opportunityes, for the intelligence they
have in England and Scotlande.
of the enterprise," and even what it gives is not quite complete. Sir Francis Walsingham evidently
refers to this document in the following passage of his letter to Sir Ralph Sadler, 16 September,
1584 :—" Of late one Creichton, a Scottish Jesuite, was taken by a shippe sett forth by the admiral
of Zeland, and sent hither by him unto hir Majestie, about whom was found a very daungerous plott
sett down abowt two yeares past in the Italian tongue for the invading of this realme. And although
it was torn in peeces, and divers parts thereof lost, yet have we gathered the sense thereof, which I
send you hereinclosed. Your charge there was made acquainted withall, and the young King hir
sonne, and, as we are enformed, gave their allowance thereof, which had been executed if Lennox had
lived ; and as by the same Creichton is confessed there is an intent and meaning when the King of
Spain shalbe ridd of his Low cuntryes trowbles to proeead to the execution therof." Sadler's State
Papers, vol. ii. p. 400.

OF CABDINAL ALLEN.

427

While the D. of Lenox is in credyt, and, as by apeece of a Frenche discourse dothe
appeere, while Mendoza was in England.
Lest the enterprise should be discovered ; for in one place he saithe, if it were not
executed the laste yeare there would be no hope hereafter to set it on foote.
In September, or at the latest in October, the enterprise is to be undertaken ; for
if it be deferred another yeare, there is no hope in the worlde that it should take effecte
for the reasons ensuinge.
That the catholicks in Englande are reduced to so harde a straight as they shall
not be able to houlde out and would be contente of anie alteration ; who, if the enterprise be defTerred, will by the execution of penali statutes be reduced to that povertye,
and by imprisonment kepte in soche sorte, as they neither can nor shalbe able to
afforde hereafter that helpe they nowe maie doe.
Lest the Kinge growingein yeares shoulde come to be established and confyrmed
in religion.
Leaste he shoulde marrie with some protestante, whereby likewise the hope were
taken awaie to alter him in religion.
Leaste the King should be slaine or made awaie by his ennemyes.
The foundation of the enterprise.
That not onely the catholicks of Scotlande but divers of the protestants desire the
dely very of the Scottishe Queene, and all in generali for the reason of succession.
The title of the Scottishe Kinge to whom also ^divers protestants in England are
well enclyned for the same respecte that they favor the mother. But in Scottland all
will followe him in the enterprise of the conquest of England, savinge a fewe who
easely maye be kepte under by the forraine power which they shall have.
The title of the crowne is of greate efficacy with the Englishe nation: for when
soever anie Prince did governe evill, if the successor did take uppon him to remedie
the same, as by the histories it dothe appear, never anie to whom the succession dyd
belonge did at anie tyme take armes to reforme the governement but he had good
successe.
This enterprise particulerlye hathe ben imparted to the Scottish Kinge and Queene,
the D. of Lenox, the Erie of Huntley and L. of Seton who canne carrie the greater
parte of all Scotlande.
The enterprise shalbe done in the name of the Scottishe Kinge, who shalbe in
person amongest them.
Dombarton, one of the strongest holds in all Scotlande, shalbe the landinge place
for the forraine powers : which standeth well to receave shippes out of Spaine and
Italie ; and all in those partes are catholicks, where the E. of Cassells, of Morton and
the L. of Lochinvar and dyvers other which shall be in a readynes-to joyne with them
so soone as they shall sett on lande.
3i 2

428

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

That two of the greatest and moste mightie factions in Scotland are broughte so
lowe at this present as they can not hinder them ; which is the Hamiltons and the
Dowglas; and all those familyes ronne not one course.
That a nomber are most desirous of this enterprise ; some for religions sake,
others for hatred they beare to those that are in authority e, hereticks and such e as for
their evill life and great covetousnes are growen into hatred almoste of all men ; which
will greately serve to this purpose.
This disposition of the estate, as it will yeeld greate helpes in Scotland, so they
make reckoninge, if the Pope and Spanishe Kinge afforde the desired forces, that so
soone as the soldiers are embarked forthwith with the Scottish Kinge in person to
marche towardes Englande, where assisted with the catholicks of that realme, which
are manie in nomber, they maye be able to prevaile.
Of the meanes to conducte the enterprise to effecte.
Firste they demaunde 8000, or at the least 6000, good and trayned soldyers of
strangers and money to entertayne 8000 of the lande for sixe monthes or fower at the
leaste : in which tyme and lesse after the arryvall of the forraine powers the matter
maye be broughte to passe. For the soldiers so soone as they arrive, are to make
noe staye in Scotland, but presentlye to passe into Englande, before the Queen maye
suppresse and overthrowe the catholicks army.
The pretexte or cover to this preparation is set downe, but so torne and wantinge
as it can not be deciphered, but that they shoulde come from Spaine.
Of the catholicks they assure themselves ; which is often repeated. Next of soch
as are colde and indifferent in matter of religion. Thirdlie they make accoumpt of
those that are miscontented, and that with some assurance ; whereof some they name
for example, and gather argument that some likewise for hate they beare to some
principali person in the courte will take parte with them.
Then they make an argument that her Matie is not beloved; againste whom, to
bringe her Matie into sclaunder, they have most infamous and sclaunderous libels ready
made, but not yet printed, which then shall be published with other proclamations ; to
which end they appoynte to have a printer with them.
The enterprise was to beginne in September laste paste or October for the furthest.
There must be armour for 3000 footemen brought with them to arme, as it shoulde
seeme, Scots.
There is a bishope to be created by the Pope to come with them to make preists,
absolve and excommunicate. This shoulde be created bishopp of Dunelme ; x for that
in those parts they are catholicks, and the greate authority which that bishoppe hathe.
The E. of Westmerlande and other Englishe noble men and gent of the land
shall come secreetely into the realme and remaine in private howses, untili the armye
1

Durham.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

429

entreth the realme, and then shall joyne with the army which shall come out of
Spaine.
Money to be provided in Paris for their charges in their journey and other thinges
necessary. .
This seemeth to inferre that the E. of Westmerlande shoulde passe that waye.
The cause why the Scots should arme is for the title to the succession of the
crowne of England by the saide Kinge.
To have proclamations readie for suche purpose and againste the E. of Huntington
and the E. of Leycester, because they goe aboute not only to take awaye from the
Kinge the right to the succession, but also to take from him his owne kingedome : and
so to publishe them, at the tyme. There is to be added in this proclamation (if it shall
be thoughte expedyent) somwhat againste the tyrannie of those in authority, who are
growen to that pride that they doe not only offer injuries to the nobilitye but oppresse
the people of the lande, and that they be of the faction afore named,
When .they enter into Englande the Popes excommunication is likewise to be
proclaymed, which shalbe renued declaringe her Matie, &c, and that all suche as beare
armes in her behalfe shalbe guiltie of treason and shall be held for soch, unlest they
come to joyne with the army of the Scottish Queene in England by suche a certaine
daye, and they shall not only loose their lyves, but also all their possessions, lordshipps
and lands shall be geven to the nexte of their bloode.
These and soche other like thinges maie be published accordinge to the occasions
of tyme and place and other circumstances; for which purpose it shall.be verie
necessarie to have a printer with them.
It is moreover verie needfull that the Pope doe againe sende forthe his Bulls of
excommunication againste her Matie, signifyinge that albeit his Holines hathe forborne
all this while under hope of amendment, how be it now, seinge her tyrannie breake
forthe, &c, which shalbe donne by the bishoppe.
On the borders they make accompte of certaine noble men, as the erle of Westmerlande nowe in the Kinge of Spayne his service. The erle of Northumberland,
whose eldest sonne was in Fraunce, maie have perhapps good meanes to employe himselfe in this enterprise. There is mention of another they thinke to fynde the meanes
to get to their side, who was forbidden the court by the Q. Matie. The L. Dacres, L,
of a greate contrie and people, very desirous to retorne home, is with the rest requested by his freindes so to doe ; who shall be able to make 3 or 4000 men, as it
was seene in the army that was levied by the erle of Westmerland against the Queene,
where he alone gathered together 6000 men in a fewe dayes. Theire are in those
frontyers divers other noble men and gent of lesse power then the afore named.
When they are paste the frontier, the army shall enter into a large champion
contry verie fruitfull and plentifull of all kinde of victualls, and all affectioned to the
faithe, even almoste unto London.

430

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

The greate and riche cittyes for the moste parte, as Newcastle, Yorcke and soche
like, are all full of catholicks, who will repaire to the army, so as they shalbe victorious without drawinge sworde ; and all the catholicke lords and gent of those
sheeres will unite themselves unto them: which wee say e not by conjecture, but
knowe assuredly that they will doe yt, althoughe they dare noe more truste anie
bodie in the worlde but onely their preists, who are alreadye dispersed thorowe out all
the sheeres of the realme. From the place in. Scotland where the army shall enter
unto London is not paste nine or tenn dayes journey. Another place of the realme is
noted, where he saithe there be sixe or seven provinces which are all affectionate to
the catholicke religion and to the Scottish Queene ; and that neere unto Scotlande they
are moste catholicke and warlicke, because they have daylie exercise in armes againste
the Scots of the frontyers.
That there be stoare of horsemen which they use in those warres, as likewise in
tyme of peace againste the inroads of those that come to robbe them.
In this contrie neerest unto Scotland there are onlye fower greate lords, who
keepe the straights and passages of England and possesso the parte on the west sea,
which all will take our parte.
There is like wise specify ed some authority the Pope shoulde give to the bishop of
Dunelme, as is saide in another place before, to denounce excommunication to all save
to soche as shall repenting them selves with purpose to be confessed joyne to the
army. It shall serve to the purpose likewise soche as the preists in England have
confessed.
To appointe to the generali two choice men of both the nacyons to take awaie
and appease soche differences as may rise betwene the two nacyons.
That one likewise have ecclesiasticall power to declare the excommunication
againste the Queene and doe other ecclesiasticall matters, which shalbe put in vulgare
Englishe, partely to declare to the people the force of excommunication against hereticall Princes, partelie to let them understand the cruelty and 1
of the Queene
no we rayninge and to manifest to all men the right of the Queene of Scots. These
bookes are allready written, thoughe not printed, and staie the awnswere from Roome.
Reasons to shewe the easines of the enterprise.
As for the contrie of England, easie to overcomme with a fewe forces.
Fewe fortresses or stronge holdes in the lande ; so as one army woulde suffice to
end that warre.
The people gyven to change and alteration cheifly when they see some beginninge
or assurance.
For our stories doe declare howe a fewe and weake have overcome a greate manie,
as it is evident in the victorie of Henry the VII t h Kinge of Englande, who with a fewe
1
Blank space for a word in the MS.

OF CARDINAL ALLEX.

431

strangers and some intelligence with, &c. And to set forthe this pointe more cleerly,
in the tyme of Queene Mary, wife to the Catholicke Kinge yet lyvinge, a private man 1
risinge up againste her led his army e even unto London. Of other tymes wee have
likewise manie examples of base men, vid. poore artisans and people, beinge discontentid have overrun the greater parte of the realme, &c.
Of the disposition of the realme for this enterprise.
Firste the catholicks without anie exception doe favor or rather doe greately
desire some soche enterprise : firste and cheifely, for the greate desire they have of the
restitution of the catholicke faith : secondly, for the righte and interest which the
Queene of Scots hath to the kingdome, and to deliver her out of prison, where thus
manie yeares againste the lawe of nations she remayneth to the offence of the dignity
of Matie royall : thirdlye for the greate trouble and miserie which they endure more
and more, the which in deede is intolerable. Besides this the Queene of England havinge made nue lawes dothe beginne to execute those lawes, for so moche as toucheth
the confiscation of their goods, in soche sorte as in shorte tyme she would reduce the
catholicks to extreame povertie.
The faction of the catholicks in England is greate and able if the kingdome were
devided into three partes to make twoe of them. But because there is no fortresse in
all the contry where they maye remayne in suertie while they gather forces together,
and that there are officers of the Queenes alwaies which have eye over them that they
can not moove without beinge seene and taken, allthoughe they are the greater parte
of the realme, notwithstandinge they dare not rise without some beginninge of forraine forces. For firste all the catholicks and knowen for soche in England remaine
despoiled of all the offices, magistracies, favors, honors and other commodityes of the
estate, which have ben graunted them in other Princes dayes, and have ben all waies
duringe this tyme and raine so kepte under, and dishonored in their contryes and
sheeres that they have no kinde of authority beside the love of the people, which they
can not take from them by all the injuryes offred them. Moreover in publique justice
and in soche matters as they have in the lawe they are used with greate disfavour and
intolerable partiallity for the disgrace of the Queene most greevous which they sustaine, which is to be subjecte to punishmentes, tormentinge and condemnation to
unjuste deathe, confiscation of their goods; the barbarous separation of the wives from
their husbands, the extreame povertie of very manye servaunts and greate misery of
their masters and lords, all which thinges make the catholicks desirous of this enterprise for their delyverance out of this bondage.
Then there followeth a devision of the realme into twoe partes : the one of earles,
barons, knightes and esquiors, the which are able all of them to conducte and bringe
men of theire owne charges : the seconde is of yeomen, the which (he saithe) for the
1
Sir Thomas Wyat.

432

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

moste parte are catholicks. Moreover there are not a fewe banished men for religion
which woulde retorne to seconde this enterprise. And concerninge the heretickes; they
are devided into two or three factions in respecte of succession to the crowne, and verie
manie of them doe favor the right e of the Scottish Qùeene, and a greate nomber are
discontented with the present government, partelie for t h e l
, partly for the
unworthines of the cownsailors, men of base sorte, which have already drawne unto
them selves the whole government excludinge from the same all the nobility e of England ; besides that there are a moste infynite nomber of those which have and doe
receave particuler offence and oppression of the favorites of the Queene.
The credy t of the D. of Lenox is set forthe. The state of Scotland is at this
presente subjecte to sodaine mutation, whereby the D. of Lenox and the L. Seton, the
principali foundation of this enterprise, maie be made awaye ; which importeth them
more then the person of the Kinge himselfe.
The catholicks of Englande are broughte to that straight, and wilbe reduced to
that povertie that they shall not be able to houlde out.
"Wherefore nowe is the tyme, if ever it be the pleasure of God to reduce these two
kingdomes under one empire, which wolde be a moste happie thinge. Wherefore his
Hollines shoulde, &c, whereby should ensue the fynall peace of the churche, &c.
Finally the said Queene (as it were to accomplishe her tyrannie) did cause to be
published the 4th of Aprili laste paste, 2 and so hathe declared to the people, that they
should holde the catholicks for capitali ennemyes unto her person and state ; and so
declareth and commaundeth to all her subjects by that proclamation so to accoumpte
and reporte them, that is, all those that are of the catholicke religion or which within
the realme of England shall receave Jesuits or priests or which in anie sorte shall shewe
themselves to be catholicks. By the which proclamation and others published before
to that effecte the catholicks are proclaymed to be ennemies and traitors to the Queene
without anie cause, and by the same meanes are every day in danger of their life.
Whence it is come to passe that they are allready resolved rather to take armes to
attempte their delyverance by anye other meanes that they maie then thus to become
the praye of hereticks which stande over them every daye to cut of theire heads.
CCLXX.
The confessions of F. William Creighton, S.J., in the Tower.

1584.

From a contemporary document among the Cotton MSS. in the British Museum.
Galba,G.X. 322.
William Creytons confession what he had hard spoken.
It was determined at Eome, the D. of Lenox should attempte the deliverie of the
Scottish e Queene.
1
2
A blank in the MS.
This proclamation was given at Greenwich, 1 April, 1582. See
Strype's Annals, Yol. III., pt. 1, p. 120. •

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

433

The pioti set downe by the B. of Domblaine touchinge Scotland, and by an English gentleman concerninge England.
The Pope and King of Spaine should furnish the Duke with x m men, Spaniards
and Frenche. They to land at Dumbarton: on the borders of Scotland to joine with
the banisht lords of England.
The D. of Lenox would have with him the greatest part of the realme.
The D. of Guise should invade the sowth of England with 4 or 5000 men. He
should be receaved theare and should passe to London ; her Maties forces beinge
occupied in the northe.
That the matter pleased the Pope, but the enterprise to great for him alone. He
would willingly joine with the Spanish Kinge. The King answered he would concurre, when time should serve.
The enterprise failed by the deathe of the D. of Lenox.1 He supposeth the intention remainethe.
Plottes presented to the D. of Guise to land in the partes of England nearest
France, to passe with fissher boates. Others of opinion he should begin neare Scotland. The English confederates, that he should attempt on the coast of England to
deliver the Queen, being assured of her religion. The Scottish King being constant
in his religion, no trust to be put in him. Neither would they make this expense to
advance him.
That the Pope should contribute the 4 part of the chardge and the Sp. the rest.
The King continued an imposition uppon the clergie of Spaine for that 4th part.
"William Oreitons second confession.
That he received the discourses, Latin, Italian and French of his superior at
Paris. 2 He supposeth his superior had them of the D. of Guise, whoe used him familiarlie. The Latin discourse did conteine a condolencie of the Scottish Queenes longe
imprisonment and sickness, &c. Hir constancie in the catholieque faithe. What
diligence she should use to restoare that faithe, rentes and liberties ecclesiastical. And
the like for the conversion of her sonne, the King, to that faithè. If he should persist
obstinat, to give him her malediction.
The effect of Creitons third writinge.
His conference with the Pope was onelie as followethl
That theare was no catholique service publique in anie part of Scotlande. How
little hope theare was of the reduction of that realme. Of the Kings education in
religion. The best wàie for his Holines was to norish gentlemens sonnes in catholique
schooles and to augment the rentes of the seminaries*
That at his retorne to Lions he was visited by an English gentleman called
Arundell.
1
2
See p. 415 supra.
F. Claude Mathieu, S.J., provincial of France.
3 K

434

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

That the author of the Italian discourse shall hardlie be fownd out; but in the
margin he noteth George Golbert.1
That at his first retorne into Scotland he had in charge by his Generali to sownd
the disposition of the nation for the receivinge of Jesuites. At his retowrne he
declared he found noe entertainment for men of his order and profession.
CCLXXL
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

Paris, 10 March, 1585.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica Nuntiatìira [Vol.] 17).
Cifra del Nuntio di Francia.

Vaticano,

Parigi, 10 Marzo, 1585.

Questo Thomàso Morgano e tenuto qui da molti, et massimamente da nostri padri
Giesuiti, per un tristo; et nondimeno la Regina di Scotia si fidava più in lui che nel
suo proprio ambasciatore, si come esso stesso ambasciatore mi ha detto più volte.
Ragionando alcuna fiata con esso Morgano ho compreso che egli sa tutte le còse, se
ben da me non ha mai inteso cosa alcuna ; et ho ancora conosciuto che egli era molto
intrinseco di Guglielmo Pary, et sapeva il disegno che egli havea. Alcuni di questi
Inglesi vorebbono che io aiutassi appresso il Re Christianissimo detto Morgano, ma io
andero in ciò molto trattenuto per non mostrare di esser partecipe di quel che gli e
apposto.2 Il padre provinciale de Giesuiti mi ha detto hoggi che il padre Critone e
stato interrogato in Inghilterra se sa che S. S ta habbia depositato 12m scudi in mano
del padre Claudio, Giesuita, per far ammazzare la Regina di Inghilterra ; la quale interrogatione e stata fatta dopo la prigionia di detto Guglielmo Parry.

CCLXXII.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

18 Aprii, 1585.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio Vaticano,
Gallica Nuntiatura [Vol.] 18).
Mi riferisce un amico mio Inglese, buon cattolico, d'haver nuova ultimamente da
Rens ch'erano state intercette alcune lettere de la sopradetta Reina d'Inghilterra
scritte al Duca di Boglione,3 segnalato heretico, per le quali lo pregava strettissima1

George Gilbert is probably meant. He died at Rome, 6 October, 1583.
Thomas Morgan had been arrested and imprisoned by order of the French King at the solicita
tion of Queen Elizabeth of England, who had claimed that he should be delivered over to her on the
ground that Parry had accused him of being a partner in his plot, real or pretended, to assassinate
her. The French King refused to give up Morgan, and after a time released him from prison.
3
Bouillon.
2

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

435

mente a far opera perche fosse ammazzato il signor Alano, dottore, di quél collegio
Inglese.

COLXXIH.
The Nuncio in France (Ragazzoni) to the Cardinal of Como.

7 October, 1585.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Gallica JSTwntiatura [Vol.] 18).

Vaticano,

Il vescovo di Bergamo, Nuntio, al Cardinale di Como. 7 Ottobre, 1585.
Sara presentatore di questa lettera il dottor Guglielmo Alano, Inglese, prefetto
del seminario degli Inglesi a Rens. Il qual dottore e tenuto qui, et e veramente conosciuto da me, per huomo di ardentissimo zelo verso la fede cattolica, per amor anco de
la quale ha lasciata la patria, et e in queste parti corno il porto di rifugio di tutti li
cattolici che partino da quel regno. E poi di vita innocentissima et di esquisita
dottrina, come a me pare. Le quali tutte cose io, perche mi truovo qui, ho voluto
scrivere a V. S. Ill ma , non perche credi che questo buon servo di Dio habbia bisogno di
questo mio testimonio, ma per satisfar in ciò a me stesso et a la verità.

CCLXXIV.
Pope Sixtus V. to Philip I I .

Rome, 25 July, 1589.

From the Roman transcripts in the Public Record Office, London (Archivio
Ottoboni MSS., 2640, fai 578).

Vaticano,

Copia de carta escrita del Papa Sisto V. al Sefior Rey Don Felippe l i . en la ocasion
de armar contra Inglaterra. 1
Sisto Papa V.
Carisimo in Cristo hijo, salud y Apostolica benedicion. El Senor Conde de
Olivares, embasador de V. Md, me a propuesto en su nombre tres cosas.
La primera, que quiriendo V. Md continuar la impresa de Inglaterra si tengo la
misma resolucion que tenia el anno 1587 de dar e l a y u d a que prometi. Respondi
que Si.
La segunda, si queria anticipar la paga. Respondi que No. Porque V. M. con1

Although according to the testimony of Count de Olivares Sixtus Y. had a good knowledge of
Spanish (p. 251 supra) it seems unlikely that the Pope would have written to a sovereign in any
other language than Italian or Latin. Moreover he undoubtedly used Italian in his letter to Philip
II. when announcing Allen's promotion to the Cardinalate (p. 298). Perhaps therefore this document may be a translation and not a copy of the original letter.

3

K

2

436

LETTEES AND MEMORIALS

sume tanto tiempo en consultar sus impresas que quando llega la hora de exeeutarlas
se a pasado el tiempo y consumido el dinero.
La tercera, si prosperando Dios, nuestro Sefior, la impresa si segnase aquel regno,
si daria yo algun cosa de mas de lo que tengo ofrecido. Respondi que Si. Y en buena
cantidad, porque tengo con que poder lo hacer. Yo lo e procurado solo para acabar la
impresa. A me pedido a l 1 Sefior Conde escriva estos renglones a V. M., y asi lo
hago de mi propria mano, y de Dios a V. M. todo bien, y en 2 le inbio la bendicion
Apostolica y la mia. De Roma, dia del glorioso Santiago Apostol. 1589.
CCLXXV.
Philip II. to Pope Sixtus V.

Aranjuez, 10 November, 1589.

From a copy in the archives of the kingdom of

Belgium}

Extrait du volume intitule: "Patentes eeclesiastiques, 1588—1596," fol. 12.
Nomination à l'archevesché de Malines pour le Cardinal Alanus, Anglois : de Aranjuez,
le 10e de Novembre, 1589.
Sanctissimo in Christo patri, domino Sixto Quinto, divina Providentia sanctae
Romans ac universalis ecclesia Pontifici Maximo, Philippus Dei gratia Hispaniarum,
utriusque Siciliae, Hierusalem, etc. Rex ; Archidux Austria ; Dux Burgundiae, Lothrici, Brabantiae, Limburgi, Luxemburgi, Geldriae et Mediolani ;. Comes Habspurgi,
Flandriae, Artesiae, Burgundiae, Tirolis ; Palatinus et Hannoniae, Hollandiae, Zelaiidiae,
Namurci et Zutphaniae ; Princeps Sueviao ; Marchio Sacri Romani Imperii ; Dominus
Frisile, Salinarum, Mechliniae, civitatis, oppidorum et territorii Trajectensis, TransIssulanae et Groenighae, necnon Dominator in Asia, et Africa, salutem, felicitatem et
fìlialem observantiam.
Sanctissime Pater ; Quum tain jure regaliae, quod praadecessoribus nostris et nobis
ad ecclesias nostrarum ditionum in Inferiori Germania sive Belgio sitas, precipue
vero ad ecclesiam Mechliniensem, specialiter et antiquitus competere dignoscitur,
quam ex indulto et concessione nobis facta per Paulum Quartum felicis memorÌ83
Pontificem Maximum, Beatitudinis vestrse in ista Sancta Sede praedécessorem, nobis
concessum datumque sit ad archiepiscopatus et episcopatus in iisdem nostris ditionibus
et provinciis Germaniae Inferioris et Belgii personas idoneas nobis acceptas et gratas
(prout in Bulla desuper expedita contine tur) Beatitudini vestrae nominare et praesentare ut de illis ad nominationem et praesentationem nostrani provideatur :—^ne diutius
ecclesiae illarum provinciarum pastorum solatio careant, hisce praesertim deplorandis
temporibus et rerum fluctuatione in qua eorum praesentia et vigilantia imprimis est
necessaria quo dominia illa nostra patrimonialia in avita nostra catholica religione
1

2
el ?
en seems to be superfluous.
I am indebted for a transcript of this document to the kind courtesy of M. Gachard, archiviste
general du royaume de Belgique.
3

437

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Romana sine labe et scandalo conserventur ; ad archiepiscopatum Mechliniensem,
qui jam pridem vacat per obitum quondam Johannis Henchin,1 ultimi possessoris,
admodum reverendum in Christo patrem, nobis amicum charissimum, Guilielmum
Alanum, natione Anglum, sanctse Romance ecclesise Cardinalem, cujus merita in Sanctam istam Sedem et pietatem zelumque et studium in nostram religionem catholicam
Romanam habemus perspeeta, necnon vitse ac morum integritatis et literature contemplatane, Sanctitati vestrse ut personam idoneam nobis acceptam per has literas
prsesentamus et nominamus ; ab eaque qua decet humilitate et reverentia petimus ut
supra dictum Cardinalem Alanum ad hanc nostram nominationem et prsesentationem
eidem Mechliniensi ecclesia prseficere et providere velit, necnon diplomata prout in
similibus fieri consuevit expedire jubeat. Quod et Deo erit gratissimum et Sanctitas
vestra et nos officio nostro satisfecisse videbimur quum eeelesise Mechliniensi talis
prceficiatur vir, qualis ad ejusdem administrationem ppterat desiderari. Deus Optimus
Maximus Beatitudinem vestram regimini, conservationi et incremento suae sancte et
universalis ecclesia diu et felicissime servet incolumem. Datum in villa nostra de
Aranjuez Castells regni, die decima mensis Novembris, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo octuagesimo nono.
CCLXXVI.
Testimonial from Dr Owen Lewis, bishop of Cassano, to Mr Thomas Morgan.
Cassano, 24 February, 1590.
From the original2

in the archives of the see oj Westminster.
Printed also in Dodd, Vol. IL, p. 267.

IV. 88 bis.

Audoenus, Dei et Apostoliche Sedis gratia episcopus sanctae ecclesise Cassanensis,
omnibus et singulis Christi fìdelibus ad quos istse nostra literse pervenient attestamur
et in verbo praelati notum testatumque facimus et affirmamus nos Romse, die 23 mensis
Septembris, 1586, recepisse literas notis secretis seu signis, quae cyphrae vocantur,
idiomate Anglico exaratas et ad nos scriptas per serenissimam claras memorise Mariam
nuper Scotise Reginam ex Charteley, loco captivitatis ejus in Anglia, die ultimo mensis
Aprilis ejusdem anni 1586, quae explicate et scriptae characteribus vulgaribus verbatim
hujus inferius sequentis sunt tenoris. ' Trustie and welbeloved friende, by my servant
Thomas Morgan I have understoode the contynuency of your good will towardes me
and the restablishing of myne estate: wherupon, confyrming in my selfe the assurance which heretofore I have hadd of you, I have made choise of you in speciali to
imparte and yelde in my name my obedience unto our Holy e Father,' etc. Et inferius.
1

The words in italics are underlined in the transcript.
The document is a draft with corrections in the handwriting of Dr Owen Lewis, bishop of
Cassano, with the exception however of the part containing the extract from the letter of MaryQueen of Scots and the translation of the same, which is in a different hand.
2

438

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

' I can not omytt to recomend most effectuallie unto his Holynes good helpe the povertie and neede of the Inglishe and Scottishe seminaries, as also diverse gentlemen of
this realme for God his cause and myne, whom it greeveth me to the bottome of my
harte that my owne meanes maye not reache to supporte according to ther deserts and
my obligation towardes them ; amongest the which is the say de poore Morgan, unto
whom as all readie you have shewed no smale frendshippe, and therefor obliged me to
geve you noe smale thankes, soe I praye you contynue in his behalf e and for his
fidelitie and integritie to answere in my name particularlie, wher soe ever it shalbe
requisite, upon the right good experience I have thereof and wolde be unthankefuU yf
I shold not geve testimonie of the same against his adversaries and calumniators who
ever they be/ et csetera. Quae verba Anglica Latine pene verbatim ita reddi possunt:— c Fidelis et admodum dilecte amice ; Ex meo servitore, Thoma Morgano, intellexi continuationem tuae erga me bene voi entise et erga restaurationem hujus mei
status ; unde, confirmata in illa assecuratione quam hactenus de te concepì, te nominatim elegi ut impertias et reddas meo nomine meam obedientiam Sanctissimo nostro
Patri/ etc. Et inferius :—f Interim non possum omittere quin pro Dei causa et mea
suge Sanctitatis auxilio commendem paupertatem et necessitatem seminariorum Anglicorum et Scotorum et plurimorum quoque virorum nobilium hujus regni, et ex intimo
corde doleo quod meae proprise non suppetunt vires ut eos ita juvem uti et eorum requirunt merita et mea erga eos debita postulat obligatio : in quorum numero est ille
superius nominatus pauper Morganus, erga quem quemadmodum ostendisti non
parvam hactenus benevolentiam, et eo nomine me tibi ad non parvas gratias referendas obstrinxisti, ita ego te rogo ut in te officium suscipias respondendi meo nomine de
ejus fide et integritate nominatim, ubicunque opus erit, ex maturo et securo experimento quod ego de eo feci ; atque ingrata plane forem si id ego non testarer liquido
contra omnes ejus adversarios et calumniatores, quicunque sint illi/ et csetera. Proinde
ut eidem [nobili, probo et catholico viro]1 D. Thomse Morgano [nostro conterraneo
diarissimo]1 suse probitatis et integritatis haec honestissima [hcee et debita ejus
meritisi commendatio et regium serenissima et prestantissima illius Reginae testimonium [ad perpetuare ejus laudem et]1 ad ejus defensionem apud omnes et ubique
perpetuo conservetur, nos optima fide superiora omnia ex ejusdem serenissinue Reginse
ad nos Uteris extraximus, traduximus et hic inseri fecimus, et ad majorem omnium
probationem istis nostris publicis tabulis nostra propria manu signatis nostrum sigillum imprimi jussimus. Datum Gassani in Calabria ex nostro palatio episcopali, sexto
Calend. Martii, 1590.
AUDOENUS, EPISCOPUS CASSANEN.

Cancelled by a line drawn through the words.

439

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

OCLXXVIL
Reply to Mgr Pegna regarding the affairs of England. l

27 January, 1597.

Front a contemporary copy in the archives of the see of Westminster.

VI., 29.

Tre soli modi sono per la recuperatione d'Inghilterra, ciò è, per forza, per arte o
per accordo. Delli dui primi ho già dato in scritto il mio parere al sign™ Duca. Resta
adesso l'ultimo modo, il quale veramente è il più desperato, per ciò che con quelle arme
che saranno da bisogno per facillitare un honorato accordo con restitutione della fede
catolica, con quelle, giungendosi un poco d'arte, si potrebbe disponere del regno senza
accordo. Et dell' altra banda per far accordo senza toccare il negotio della fede, o vero
con semplice libertà di conscienza solo, parirebbe cosa indegna del sangue già sperso de
tanti martiri. Nondimeno dirò realmente quello che mi corre in mente in torno a
questo terzo modo, per esser cosa da me domandata.
Il trattare dunque un tal accordo si può intendere in dui modi, o apertamente con
la Regina, o secretamente con quelli che governano le facende sue ; et questo poi o
con la parte contraria a Cecilio o vero con esso Cecilio.
Per trattare accordo aperto con la Regina entrano tutte queste difficoltà :—la restitutione delli luoci usurpati, il riparo delli danni fatti per mare et per terra, il non
agiutare più li ribelli Holandesi, il stabillimento del regno dopo la sua morte a un Re
catolico, la sicurezza delli catolici per il presente, et il modo come s'haverà de stabilire
le cose sudette con buona sicurtà. Alle quale conditioni, quando ella si trovasse in
alcun pericolo, la necessità la potrebbe sforzare de condescendere piutosto che di perdere
il regno, ma senza tal necessità poco effetto si può sperare de tal trattato.
Dell' altra banda per trattare accordo secreto con li ministri della Regina, questo
bisogna che habbia relatione o al tempo presente o al futuro : si al, presente, haverà
d'includere la deposi tione della Regina; si al futuro, la dispositione del regno dopo la
morte sua ; et nel uno et altro modo bisogna per forza che entra la subornatione, et che
entri ancora per sicurezza delli subornati la conseguente - morte della Regina quanto
prima, altramente scoprendosi il negotio il trattato divetarà 2 vano.
Di modo che pigliando per fondamento di tal trattato la subornatione parirebbe
che la parte contraria a Cecilio, il capo delli quali è il Conte d'Essexa, non meno
potente apresso la Regina per la sua persona che Cecilio per l'ingenio, sarebbe la più
facile a subornare ;—per esser il detto Conte sottoposto a grandissima spesa et carico
de grandissimi debiti ; per esser egli novo consigliere et che non abbracia le cose cominciate dal Cecilio come sue ; per haversi egli già scopertosi contrario a tutti li modi de
governo de Cecilio con haver più volte anteposta la via di pace a quella della guerra ;
per trovarsi egli in grand pavura, si morisse la Regina, della tiranide de Cecilio et li
1

See Tierney's Dodd, Vol..III., Append, p. lxvii.

2

diventerà ?

440

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

suoi ; et per havere egli già proposto al serenissimo Archiduca Herneste 1 (se sia vero
quello che in questa materia è stata scritta alla bona memoria del Cardinale Alano)
d'accettare provisione del Re di Spagna. Che sono tutti inditii de speranza de potere
cavare da lui qualche servitio ; il mezzo del quale potrà esser un Inglese, chiamato
Antonio Standeno. 2 altre volte servitore del Grand Duca morto, poi de sua Ma tà Catolica, et adesso sta con il detto Conte in Inghilterra, et facilmente haverà intelligenza
tuttavia con alcuno di quelli politici Inglesi che stanno in Fiandra per la longa amicicia
che hebbe con loro et per esser stato semper egli di quella fattione.
Hora per vedere dell' altra banda che partito ancora si potrebbe sperare da
Cecilio, non è dissimile, per esser egli anco politico, che lui sarebbe secondariamente
contento d'hayere qualche dependenza sotto mano con qualsivoglia Principe catolico
che potesse succedere alla corona d'Inghilterra, per supportar così la casa sua in evento
che li suoi altri dissegni non andassero bene. Et di questo riabbiamo alcun inditio per
mezzo d'un matrimonio già proposto tra un suo parente et una nipota del Cardinale
Alano, al che il Cardinale non diede or echio, dubitando qualche fraude in quello che lo
propose, che morì poco fa in Fiandra. Era este certo Moody.3
Ma eh' il Cecilio volesse mai mettere realmente nel primo luoco tutta la sua fortuna, havendo egli come archiheretico fatti tanti ingiurii alla parte catolica et da loro
anco ricevuto molti, sopra qualsivoglia accordo con alcun Principe cattolico non è da
credere per le seguenti ragioni : cioè, per non voler egli periclitare il presente suo prosperoso stato alla sorte d'esser scoperto tal trattato alli suoi nimici avanti che fosse
maturo ; per havere egli già maritata la più propinqua sua parente 4 con un heretico
principe Inglese del sangue regio, con dissegno (come s'imagina) de seguitare dopo la
morte della Regina la fortuna sua, il quale con consenzo de Cecilio si da d'intendere
alli cattolici sotto mano ch'egli, morta la Regina, vuol esser catolico, quantumque li
principali catolici stimano la restitutione della fede per una marcantia tropa pretiosa
d'esser venduta così a credito ; per che egli s'oppose più in tempo della Regina Maria
contra l'havere un Re forastiero che nessun altro, del che segui una grand ribellione
con pericolo d'ha vere deposta quella Regina ; et per haver egli già gabbato sotto questi
pretesti d'accordo con li catolici et l'Imperatore et il Grand Duca et il Cardinale
1

T h e Archduke Ernest, governor of the Low countries (1594—1595).
" Severall letters of Fa. Persons, anno 1604, concerning Sir Antony Standen, who had been sent
by K. J a m e s to severall Princes of Italy to inform them of his cominge to the crowne, and without
or perhaps against his masters order came also to Koine to have the blessing of the Pope, who gave
him severall things of devotion for the Queene ; for which cause he was p u t t i n prison in London,
Feb. 1604." . Stonyhurst MSS. F . Grene's Notes, P . 476. F . Persons wrote thus to him, 6 Oct. 1603 :
" The much good you have spoken and imprinted every where of our niew K i n g doth comfort us
all, and h a t h made great motion in strangers harts, and so much the more, for that of many yeares
they know you for a catholic." l b . 421.
3
era este certo Moody is in darker ink. See First and Second Douay Diaries, p. 404.
4
Elizabeth, daughter of Edward E a r l of Oxford by Ann his wife, daughter of William Cecil first
Lord Burleigh, married William E a r l of Derby, 26 Jan., 1594-5. Stow's Ann., p. 769.
2

OF CARDINAL ALLEN,

441

Alano, a chi si mandò in tempo di questo Papa imo in secreto per proponere un tal
negotio, ma tutto finto, et però come dice il grand eloquente Latino ex frande, fallaciis
et mendaciis constare toti videntur.
Nientedimeno, quando alcun altro che sa in questi negotii più. di me sarà d'oppinioìie che sia cosa conveniente cominciare con Cecilio alcun tal accordo, all'hora il
meglior modo di trattarlo parirebbe questo, di metter la spia a un suo nipote che sta
adesso (come si dice) in Fiorenza per pigliarlo, quando partirà da là, in alcun stato del
Re Cattolico o verso Napoli o verso Milano, dove si potrebbe tenerlo fin a tanto che il
vechio Cecilio mandarà alcuno per trattare la sua liberatione, et con essi dui insieme si
potrebbe trattare il sudetto accordo, tornando il messagiero in Inghilterra per quel
effetto, et tenendo l'altro per pegno fin che torna, per che nessun bon catolico sarà atto
per questo manegio, essendo stato uno accusato et impiccato quatro anni fa per un
simile negotio ; 1 et questo è tutto quello eh' m'occorre dire in questa materia.
Endorsed.
Un aviso alii ministri del Re di Spagna della difficoltà de potere far bori accordo
con la Regina d'Inghilterra.
Also in another hand.
La risposta alla domanda de Monsigre Pegna intorno al far accordo con Cecilio :
fatto a di 27 Genua1'6, 1597.
CCLXXVIII.
Inquisitio post mortem Georgii Allen, fratris Cardinalis Allen. Preston, 12 January,
1579-80.
From the original in the Public Record Office, London (Ducatns Lancastrian
Lnquisitiones post mortem.
Vol. 14, n. 80).
Lane. Inquisicio identitatis capta apud Preston in Amoundernes in comitati! Lancastriae praedicto, die Martis, videll, duodecimo die Januarii, anno regni Elizabeths,
Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae et Hiberniae Regime, fidei defensoris, etc. vicesimo secundo,
coram Johanne Culchethe et Alexandro Rigbie, armigeris, et Gilberto Moreton, generoso,
feodario dictae dominae Reginae in com. praed., commissioneriis dictae dominae Reginae,
virtute commissionis ejusdem dominae Reginae in natura Brevis de diem clausit extremum post mortem Georgii Allen generosi eisdem commissioneriis directae et huic Inquisicioni annex, per sacramentum Thomae Whittingham generosi, Roberti Mygeall
generosi, Willelmi Latewis generosi, Georgii Beisley generosi, Willelmi Bannester generosi, Antonii Walls generosi, Ricardi Walton generosi, Willelmi Walton de Walton in
Ledale generosi, Radulphi Serjante generosi, Johannis Walsheman generosi, Ricardi
Farrington generosi, Georgii Walton generosi, Alexandri Lyvesey generosi et Willelmi Charneley generosi, QUI DICUNT super sacramentum suum quod quidam
1
Richard Hesketh, executed at St. Albans, 29 November, 1593.
3 L

4ft 2

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Johannes Allen generosus defunctus, pater praedicti Georgii Allen in dicta commissione
nominati, in vita sua fuit seisitus in dominio suo ut de feodo de et in sex mesuagiis,
octo cotagiis, quadraginta acris terrfe arrabilis, decem acris prati, quadraginta acris
pasturae, sexaginta acris morse et turbariae cum suis pertinentiis in Pulton in Amoundernes, Thorneton, Hamleton, Northbreck, Ellell, Magna Bysphum et Forton in comitatù praedicto : et sic inde seisitus existens per cartam suam datam vicesimo sexto die
Julii anno regni dictae domina) Reginae nunc Elizabethae quinto dedit, concessit et per
praedictam cartam suam confirmavit praedicto Georgio Alien et Elizabeth uxori suae
omnia praed. mesuag., terras, tenementa et haereditamenta sua quaecumque cum suis
pertin. in Thorneton, Hamleton, Pulton, Ellell, Forton, Bysphum et Northbreck
praecl. ad tunc in tenuris Jacobi Horton, Johannis Hoole junioris, Willelmi Hoggarde,
Willelmi Hogeson, Johannis Howle, Elenae Tynkler viduae, Willelmi Rowcrosse,
Thomae Pateson, Johannis Welbye, Thomae Caton, Rogeri Gardener, Aliciae Mason
viduae, Willelmi Rossehall, Roberti Grene, Johannis Slaye et Alexandri Dulson capellini, aut assignatorum suorum, habendum et tenend. omnia praedicta mesuagia, terras,
tenementa et haereditamenta in praedicta carta express, et speciflcat. praefatis Georgio
Alien et Elizabeth uxori ejus et assignatis suis ad terminum vitae praedictorum Georgii
et Elizabeth et alterius eorum diucius viventis remanere ; inde post decessum praed.
Georgii et Elizabeth haeredibus masculis de corpore praed. Georgii legitime procreatis ;
et pro defectu talis exitus remanere inde rect. heredibus praefati Johannis Alien imperpetuum, prout per cartam praedictam manu propria et sigillo ipsius Johannis Alien
signatam et sigillatam, ac possessione et seisina inde coram testibus fide dignis capt.
et deliberat, et juratoribus praed. super capcionem hujus Inquisicionis in evidenc.
ostens. plenius liquet et apparet. Virtute cujus quidem cartae praed. Georgius Alien
et Elizabeth uxor ejus in praed. mesuag., terr. et ceteris praemissis cum suis pertin. in
praed. carta expressis et speciflcatis intraverunt et fuerunt inde seisiti in dominio suo
ut de libero tenemento pro termino vitae eorundem Georgii et Elizabeth et eorum
alterius diucius viventis, juxta uni ver. formam et effectum cartae praed. AC ETIAM
pred. jurator. dicunt super sacramentum suum quod praed: Johannes Alien ante
obitum suum fuit similiter seisitus in dominio suo ut de feodo de et in uno mesuagio
et viginti acris terrae cum pertin. in Warton in Amoundernes in com. praed; ac de et
in duobus mesuagiis et viginti acr. terr. cum pertin. in Merton in com. praed. ; necnon
de et in sex mesuagiis, quatuor cotagiis et viginti sex acris terrae arrabilis, prati et
pasturae et quadraginta acris morae et turbariae cum suis pertin. in Plumpton, Thisleton,
Hayholme, Thorneton, Northbreck et Cleveley in com. praed. Et sic inde seisitus
existens in vita sua fecit et condidit testamentum sive ultimam voluntatem suam in
scriptis, et per eandem voluntatem dedit, legavit et concessit cuidam Gabrieli Alien
filio suo juniori omnia illa praedicta duo mesuag. sive tenementa sua cum pertin. in
Merton praed. adtunc in tenuris sive occupacionibus Nicholai Sanderson et Johannis
Fraimce, annualis redditus viginti octo solidorum, habendum praefato Gabrieli Alien

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

443

et assignatis suis durante vita naturali ipsius Gabrielis, prout per praelict. testarm
dat. sexto die Aprilis, Anno Domini 1569, juratoribus praed. super capcionem hujus
Inquisicionis in evidenc. ostens. plenius liquet. Virtute cujus praed. Gabrieli in praed.
mesuagiis cum pertin. intravit, et fuit et adhuc est inde possessionatus pro termino
vitae suae juxta formam testamenti praed. Qui quidem Gabrieli adhuc superstes et
in plena vita existit, videll., apud Talderstathe in com. praed. Et praed. Johannes
Allen sic de resid. omnium mesuag., terr. tenementorum et ceterorum praemissorum
supradict, cum suis pertin. in Plumpton, Thisleton, Hayholme, Thorneton, Northbreck,
Cleveley et Merton praedict. seisitus existens de tali statu obiit inde sei situs. Post cujus
mortem omnia et singula prsemissorum cum suis pertin. in possessionem et revercionem
descendebant et de jure descendere debent praefato Georgi'o Allen in dicta commissione
nominato ut filio et heredi praed. Johannis Alien. Qui quidem Georgius in praedictis
mesuag., terr. et ceteris praemissis cum pertin, ut praedict. [est,] 1 intravit et fuit inde
seisitus, videll., de praed. mesuagiis, terris et ceteris praemissis cum pertin. in Thorneton,
Hamleton, Pulton, Ellell, Forton, Bysphum, Northbreck praed., ut in carta praedict.
exprimitur et declaratur : ac de et in revercione praedictorum mesuagiorum cum pertin,
in Merton post mortem praed. Gabrieli Alien: et de praedictis mesuagiis et ceteris
praemissis cum pertin. in Warton, Plumpton, Thisleton, Hayholme, Thorneton, Northbreck, Cleveley cum pertin. seisitus existens de tali statu obiit inde seisitus. Post
cujus quidem praedicti Georgii Allen mortem praedicta Elizabeth, uxor praedicti
Georgii, in praed. mesuag., terris et ceteris praemissis cum suis pertin. in praedicta
carta expressis et specificatis intravit, et fuit et adhuc est inde seisita in dominio
suo ut de libero tenemento pro termino vitae suae, et exitus et profìc. inde provenient. percepit et habuit et adhuc percipit et habet virtute donacionis praedict re.
Quae quidem Elizabeth adhuc superstes et in piena vita existit, videll., apud Talderstath praed. in com. praed. ET ULTERIUS juratores praed. dicunt super saeramentum suum quod praedict. mesuag. et viginti acr. terr. cum suis pertin. in Warton in
Amoundernes in com. praed. tenentur de Thoma Singleton de Broghton in com. praed.
generoso per servic. militar. 2
Qui quidem
Thomas Singleton tenet praedict. manerium de Warton in Amoundernes in com.
praed. (de quo quidem manerio praedict. mesuag. et viginti acr. terr. praedict. cum pertin.
in Warton praedict. sunt parcell) de dieta domina Regina nunc ut de ducatu suo Lane,
per servic. militar. Qui quidem Thomas Singleton est infra aetatem et in custodia
dictae dominae Reginae nunc racione minoris aetatis ejusdem Thomas. Et quod praed.
mesuag., terr. tenementa et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Plumpton praed. tenentur de Cuthberto Clyfton armigero in socagio. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera
praemissa cum suis pertin. in Hayholme praed. tenentur de Ricardo Shirburne milite in
libero socagio. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr., tenementa et cetera praemissa cum suis
1
2

est is interlined in different ink.
There is a blank apace left here, from which some six or seven words have been carefully'erased.
3L 2

414

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

pertin. in Pulton praed. tenentur de Willelmo Fletewood armigero in socagio. Et
quod praed. mesuag.,* terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Thorneton praed.
tenentur de Henrico Comite Derb. in socagio. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera
praemissa cum suis pertinen, in Hamleton praed. tenentur de praed. Ricardo Shirburne
milite in socagio. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertinen. in
Northbreck praed. tenentur de Edmondo Fletewood generoso in libero socagio. Et
quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Magna Bysphum praed.
tenentur de praed. Willelmo Fletewood armigero in socagio. Et quod praed. mesuag.,
terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Forton praed. tenentur de Francisco Holte
armigero in socagio 1 et per redditum duorum deneriorum per annum pro omnibus
serviciis. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et tenementa cum suis pertin. in Ellell praed.
tenentur de Ricardo Molyneux armigero in socagio et per redditum quatuor solid, et
quinque deneriorum per annum pro omnibus serviciis. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et
cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Cleveley praed. tenentur de Gilberto Gerrarde
milite et Johanne Rigmayden armigero ut de manerio suo de Netherwyrsdale in libero
socagio. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Merton
praed. tenentur de Willelmo Fletewood armigero in socagio et per redditum viginti
deneriorum per annum pro omnibus serviciis. ET ULTERIUS juratores praed. dicunt
super sacramentum suum quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin.
in Warton in Amoundernes praed. valent per annum in omnibus exitibus ultra reprisas
tresdecem solid, et quatuor denerios. Et quod praedict. mesuag., terr. et cetera
praemissa cum suis pertin. in Plumpton, Thysleton et Hayholme praed. valent per
annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. triginta solid. Et quod praed. mesuag, terr. et
tenementa cum suis pertin. in Pulton, Thorneton, Hamleton, Ellell, Forton, Magna
Bysphum, Northbreck praed. praefat. Georgio Alien et Elizabeth uxori ejus per praed.
cart, concess. valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra reprisas quatuor libras. Et
quod praedict. mesuag., terr. tenementa et cetera. praemissa cum suis pertin. in
Plumpton, Thysleton, Hayholme, Thorneton, Northbreck, Cleveley et Merton praed.
valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra reprisas quatuor mercas.2 AC ETIAM
praed. jurator. dicunt super sacramentum suum quod praed. Georgius Alien in dieta
commissione nominatus nulla alia si ve plura maneria, mesuag., terras aut tenementa
habuit seu tenuit de dieta domina Regina nec de aliquo alio si ve aliquibus aliis in
dominio, revercione nec in servicio die quo obiit in dicto com. Lane, aliter quam
supradict. est. Et quod praedictus Georgius Alien obiit 3 nono die Augusti ultimo
praeterito. Et quod Johannes Alien est filius et haeres propinquior praedicti Georgii
1
The sentence relating to the property in Forton from et quod to in socagio is interlined in
differently coloured ink from that which has been used in the rest of the document.
2
A mark was equal to 13s. 4d.
3
See p. 219, supra, where in an ancient account of the leaseholds and personalty left by George
Allen at his death it is erroneously stated that he died on August 21.

445

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Allen. Et quod praedictus Johannes est aetatis die capcionis hujus Inquisicionis
quatuordecim annorum quatuor mensium et sex dierum. I N CUJUS REI testimonium huic praesenti Inquisicioni tarn praedicti comissionerii quam juratores praedicti sigilla sua apposuerunt. DAT. die, anno et loco primo supradictis.
ALEXANDER RIGBIE.

per

GILBERTUM MORETON.

CCLXXIX.
Inquisitio post mortem Johannis Allen, nepotis ex fratre Cardinalis Allen.
Wigan, 3 April, 1612.
From the original in the Public Record Office, London (Ducatus
Inquisitiones post mortem. Vol, 20, n. 23).

Lancastrian

Inquisicio 1 identitatis capta apud Wigan in com. Lane, tertio die Aprilis, anno
regni domini nostri Jacobi Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae et Hiberniae Regis, fldei defensoris, decimo et Scotiae quadragesimo quinto, coram Edwardo Rigbie armigero, escactore
comit. praed., Henrico Suthworth generoso, feodar. dicti domini Regis in com. praed.,
Jacobo Anderton de Lostock armigero, Jacobo Anderton de Clayton juniore generoso,
et Thurstano Tildesley generoso, commissionariis dicti domini Regis virtute eommissionis dicti domini Regis in natura Brevis de mandetmus ad inquirendum
post
mortem Johannis Allen generosi defuncti eisdem commissionariis directae et huic
inquisicioni annexat., per sacramentum Richardi Hauhton de Parkehall armigeri,
Hugonis Adlington de Adlington armigeri, Willeimi Chorley de Chorley armigeri,
Roberti Mollineux de Wood generosi, Milonis Gerrard de Ince generosi, Wilhelmi
Foarde de Swinley generosi, Roberti Markland de Wigan generosi, Thomae Worthingbon de Crosley generosi, Johannis Baylieffe de Adlington generosi, Hugonis
Challiner de Wigan generosi, Edwardi Markland de Wigan generosi, Willeimi Pilkington de Wigan generosi, Matthei Markland de Wigan generosi, Johannis 2
de
Wigan generosi, Oliver Baron de Wigan generosi, Thomae Tarleton de Wigan generosi,
1

From this inquest it appears that J o h n Allen at his death was seized of 15 messuages, 12 cottages, QQ acres of arable landj 10 acres of meadow, 40 acres of pasture, 40 acres of arable, meadow
and pasture land, and 100 acres of moor and turf. This is the precise amount of the property by
donation, inheritance and reversion, of which J o h n ' s father, George, was seized when he died, as stated
in the inquest made after his death. Moreover the two inquests agree in their account of the nature
of the tenures and of the persons under whom George and J o h n severally held. They further agree
in omitting all notice of how and of whom the property at Thisleton was held, though they both
allude to the existence of such property in their enumeration of the several portions of the estate.
On the other hand they disagree in that the inquest at J o h n ' s death speaks in general terms of his
being seized of messuages, &c. in Carleton, Linton and Trimore, while the inquest at his father's
death makes no mention of such places : and yet, as has been already remarked, the sum total of the
2
possessions of George and J o h n is the same.
The writing is worn away at this point.

446

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Roberti Orrell de Wigan generosi, jurator. ; QUI DICUNT super sacramentum suum
quod praed. Johannes Allen in dicta commissione nominatus die quo obiit seisitus
fuit in dominio suo ut de feodo de et in sex mesuag., octo cotag., quadraginta acr. terr.
arrab., decern acr. prati, quadraginta acr. pasturae et sexaginta acr. morse et turbariae
cum pertinentiis in Poulton in Amoundernes, Thorneton, Hambleton, Northbreck
Ellell, Magna Bisphum et Forton in com. praed. : ac de et in uno messuag. et viginti
acr. terr. cum pertin. in Warton in Amoundernes in com. praed.: ac de et in duobus
mesuag. et viginti acr. terr. cum pertin. in Merton in com. praed. : necnon de et in sex
mesuag., quatuor cotag. et viginti sex acr. terr. arrabilis, prati et pasturae et quadraginta acr. morae et turbariae cum suis pertin. in Plumpton, Thisleton, Heyholme,
Thorneton, Carleton, Linton, Norbreck et Clevelley et Trimore in com. praed. Et
quod praedictus Johannes Alien in dieta commissione nominatus, sic de praedict.
mesuag., terr. et ceteris praemissis praedict. cum suis pertin. seisitus existens, de tali statu
suo obiit inde seisitus. ET ULTERIUS jurator. praed. super sacramentum suum dicunt
quod post mortem praedicti Johannis Alien reddit. et profic. praedict. praemissorum
annuat. respons. et solut. fuer. per separat. tenen. et occupator. praemissorum dominae
Elizabethae nuper Reginae Angliae durante vita ejusdem nuper Reginae, et post
decessum dictae nuper Reginae turn domino Regi praedicto usque ad diem capcionis
hujus Inquisicionis, sed quo jure sive quo titulo sic solut. fuerunt vel modo sunt jurat,
praed. penitus ignorant. Et juratores praedicti super sacramentum suum ulterius dicunt
quod praedict. mesuag. et viginti acr. terr. cum suis pertin. in Warton in Amoundernes praed. tenentur, et tempore mortis praed. Johannis Alien tenebantur, de Thoma
Singleton de Brough in com. Lane, praed. ut de manerio suo de Warton in Amoundernes per servic. milit., et valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra reprisas sex
solid. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr., tenement a et cetera praemissa cum suis
pertin. in Plumpton praed. temp. mort. praed. Johannis Alien tenebantur de quodam
Cuthberto Clifton armigero, modo defuncto, et modo tenentur de Cuthberto Clifton
armigero, consanguin. et hered. praed. Cuthberti Clifton defuncti, in socagio, et
valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. quinque solid. Et quod praed. mesuag.,
terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Heyholme praed. temp. mort. praed. Johannis
Alien tenebantur de Richardo Sherburne milite, modo defuncto, et modo tenentur de
Richardo Sherburne armigero, filio et herede praed. Richardi Sherburne milite in libero
socag., et valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. decern solid. Et quod praed.
mesuag., terr., tenementa et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Poulton praed. tenentur, et temp. mort. praed. Johannis Alien tenebantur, de quodam Willelmo Fleetewood
modo milite in socag., et valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. quinque solid.
Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Thorneton praed.
temp. mort. praed. Johannis Alien tenebantur de praenobil. Henrico nuper Comite Darbie
modo defuncto, et modo tenentur de praenobil. Willelmo Comite Darbie, hered., vel
assignat. suis, in socag., et valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. sex solid.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

447

Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Hamleton praed.
temp. mort. praed. Johannis Allen tenebantur de praed. Richardo Sherburne milite, et
modo tenentur de praed. Richardo Sherburne armigero in socag., et valent per annum
in omnibus exit, ultra repris. novem solid. Et quod mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa
cum suis pertin. in Northbreck praed. tenentur, et temp. mort. praed. Johannis Allen
tenebantur, de Edmundo Fleetewood armigero in libero socag., et valent per annum in
omnibus exit, ultra repris. quinque solid. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Magna Bisphum praed. tenentur, et temp. mort. praed. Johannis
Allen tenebantur, de praed. Willelmo Fleetewood modo milite in socag., et valent per
annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. tres solid. Et quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera
praemissa cum suis pertin. in Forton praed. temp. mort. praed. Johannis Allen tenebantur
de Francisco Holt armigero, modo defuncto, et modo tenentur de hered. vel assignat.
ejusdem Francisci Haut in socag. per redditum duorum denariorum per annum pro
omnibus serviciis, et valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. octo solid. Et
quod praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Ellell praed. tenentur,
et temp. mort. praed. Johannis Allen tenebantur, de Richardo Mollineux milite et
baronet, in socag. et per reddit. quatuor solid, et quinque denar. per annum pro omnibus serviciis, et valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. sex solid. Et quod
praed. mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Oleveley praed. temp. mort.
praed. Johannis Allen tenebantur de Gilberto Gerrarde milite et Johanne Rygmayden
armigero modo defunct, ut de maner. suo Netherwise..., et modo tenentur de praenobil.
Thoma domino Gerrarde ut de maner. suo de Netherwyersdale praed. in com. praed. in
libero socag., et valent per annum in omnibus exit, ultra repris. tres solid. Et quod praed.
mesuag., terr. et cetera praemissa cum suis pertin. in Merton praed. tenentur, et temp. mort.
praed. Johannis Alien tenebantur, de praed. Willelmo Fleetewood modo milite in socag,
et per reddit. viginti denar. per annum pro omnibus serviciis, et valent per annum in
omnibus exit, ultra repris. quatuor solid. ET ULTERIUS jurator. praed. super sacramentum suum ulterius dicunt quod praed. Johannes Allen obiit 1 apud Preston in
Amoundernes vicesimo tertio die Junii, anno regni dominae nostrae Elizabethae nuper
Reginae Angliae tricesimo quinto, absque aliquo exit, de corpor. suo legitime procreai,
Maria Worthington, modo uxor. Thomae Worthington de Blainscowe in com. Lane.
praed. armigeri, adtunc et adhuc existent, soror. et hered. praed. Johannis Alien. Et
quod praed. Maria est aetat. die capcionis hujus inquisicionis triginta septem annorum et
amplius. Et quod praed. Johannes Alien nulla alia sive plura mesuag., terr. nec tenementa habuit seu tenuit de dicto domino Rege nec de aliquo alio sive aliquibus aliis in
dominio, revercione nec in servic. die quo obiit intra com. Lane, praed., prout jurator.
praed. in evidenc. constare poterint. IN CU J U S REI testimonium uni parti hujus
inquisicionis tam praefati commissionar, quam jurator. praed. sigilla sua apposuerunt :
1

With regard to the true place and date of John Allen's death see p. 372, note 6, supra.

448

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

alter, vero parti huj us inquisicionis penes prsed. jurat, remanenti prsefato escactor
sigillum suum apposuit diet, die, anno et loco primo supradictis.
E D . EIGBIE, escactor.
J A . ANDERTON.

HENRI E SOUTHWORTHE, feodarie.
J A . ANDERTON.

THURSTAN TYLDISLEY.

CCLXXX.
Cardinal Allen's epitaph in the ancient church of the English college at Rome.1
Printed in Ciaconius 'Vitce Pontificum Romanorum et S. R. E. Cardinal hum.'
Tom. IV., p. 174.
Deo Trino Uni.
Gulielmo Alano, Lancastriensi,
S. K E. Presb.
Card. Angliae, qui extorris a patria, perfunctus laboribus
diuturnis in orthodoxa religione tuenda, sudoribus multis
in seminariis ad salutem patriae instituendis, fovendis, periculis plurimis ob eccl. Rom. opere, scriptis, omni corporis
et animi contentione defensam, hie in ejus gremio scienti*©,
pietatis, modestia^ integritatis fama et exemplo clarus ac
piis omnibus charus occubuit, xvii. Kal. Novemb., An, setat.
LXIII., exilii XXXIII., sal. huma. MDXCIV,
Inter lachrimas exulum pro religione
Civium, perpetuum illorum effugium,
Gabriel Alanus frater, Thomas Heschetus sor oris fllius,
fratri, avunculo chariss., optimo optimeque merito
moerentes posuerunt.
1

Here also were buried D r Owen Lewis, bishop of Cassano ( + 14 Oct., 1595) G-abriel Allen
(-f 23 March, 1597) and F . Robert Persons ( + 15 April, 1610). T h e gravestone of D r Lewis bore
the following inscription :—" D.O.M. Audoeno Ludovico, Cambro-Britanno, U . J . D. ac professori
Oxonii in Anglia, ac Regio Duaci in Flandria, archidiacono Hannonise et canonico in metropolitana
Cameracensi atque officiali generali, utriusque signaturse referendario, Caroli Cardinalis Borromei
archiepiscopi Mediolanensis Vicario generali, Gregorii X I I I . et Sixti V* in Congregatione de consultationibus episcoporum et regularium a secretis, episcopo Cassanensi, Gregorii x i v . ad Helvetios
Nuncio, Clementis v m . Apostolicse visitationis in alma Urbe adjutori. Anglos in Italia, Gallia ac
Belgio omni ope semper juvit, atque ejus in primis opera huj us collegii Duacensis et Rhemensis
fundamenta jacta sunt. Vixit ann. LXI., menses ix., dies x x i x . , exul a patria x x x v i . Obiit x i v . Octob.
MDXCV. Ludovicus de Torres, archiepisc. Montis Regalis, amico posuit." Ughelli " Italia Sacra,"
Tom. IX., p. 354. These inscriptions have been corrected by M.S. copies in the archives of the see of
Westminster.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

449

CCLXXXI.
Dr William Allen to the Reverend William Barrett.

Reims, August 1 and 3, 1580.

From a draft Latin translation in the General Archives of the Society of Jesus.
Anglici, MSS. Soc. Jesu (1550-1589), p. 319.1
Cum magno animi mei dolore et continua mentis solicitudine et molestia,
charissime Barrette mi, audio inter vos schismata esse, et ex parte credo ; eo quod
bonusùlle pater Rector vester,2 quamvis ne mihi nimium timorem incutiat, sicut ego
interpretor, et quia aegre sibi aliquem in particulari notare in animum inducat, 3 in
permultis suis posterioribus literis erga se et patres alumnorum quorundam ingratas
mentes et suspitiosas deploret, idque verbis tantum dolorem significantibus operamque
sibi meam et praesentiam optantibus ; ut mihi videor posse colligere seditionem
aliquam scholarium aut factiones, quaerimonias aut concursum aliquem contra patres
et eorum regimen extitisse. Quod quamvis ita non sit, Rector que quaerimoniae suae
causas literis non exponat, amoris tamen mei erga vos omnes et collegium illud et gen4
tem totam solicitus fervor me ad illius quod
accidere posset timorem adigit. Ideo
eo praesupposito in hunc sensum scribo, atque hanc animi mei sententiam deliberatam
et tibiet quibusvis judicavi communicandam, mortem mihi optabiliorem futuram quam
aliquorum contra alios tumultuosam aliquam divisionem aut multorum ant omnium
contra superiores inter vos excitatam esse intelligere. Esset quidem certo inferis
scandalo, amicis nostris offensioni, inimicis gaudium et exultatio, perpetua Pontificis et
Protectoris et patronorum nostrorum alienatio, collegiorum ruina et calamitas patriae et
honoris Anglicani [per] universum orbem indelebilis infamia; eo quod ilia gens,
ubicunque exilii sui sedem his temporibus calamitatis posuèrit, dissentionis et
discordiae .maculam nomini suo inusserit non sine ingenti rerum Anglicanarum
dispendio et detrimento. Quamvis enim [ab] exilii nostri taedio hoc malum procedat §
et ex multiplici praesentis nostri status ad versi tate et miseria, sitque nobis cum aliis
gentibus simili modo victis et afflictis commune, videtur tamen alienis, qui alias
ingeniosi et prudentes sunt, homines vestros, non exulum statum, hanc dissentionis
notam sequi, aut saltern communem omnibus quod quibusdam inquietis et factiosis
proprium est quibus stultorum turba adhaeret. Seditionis notam apud praecipuos
patronos nostros tunc, sicut bene nosti, a collegio ilio et valde difficulter abstersimus
1
This letter, with the two extracts which follow it, has been very kindly communicated to me by
the Very Beverend Father Provincial of the Society of Jesus in England, though not in time to allow
of its being printed in its chronological place. It is a first rough draft full of alterations and corrections. The handwriting is so bad in parts that some few words have been only doubtfully deciphered.
They do not however affect the sense, which is plain throughout. The occasion of the translation is
2
explained in the postscript.
F . Alphonsus Agazzari, rector of the English college at Eome.
3
Some words appear to have been omitted here, such as nihil clari scripserit.
4
5
Word undeciphered.
See supra, pp. 136, 220.
3 M

450

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

cum alumni solum pro prudenti patrum regimine ferventer et constanter decertarent ;
nunc autem quid de vobis dici cogitarive posset aut quo vos modo tractari conveniret
si, in omnium animis existente adhuc recens praecedentis illius tumultus memoria,
novam quandam et singular em machinetis rerum vestrarum mutati onem, idque non
contra alienos Consilia ineuntes, sed intestina quadam dissentione agitati, nee inquam
aliquod intollerabile nolentibus obtrusum excutientes, sed regimen illud respuentes,
quod cum summa animorum consensione et multorum laborum pretio comparatum
volentes suscepistis. Hoc ipsum a quibusdam contrarile factionis hominibus praedictum est, quod, cum Wallis finita contentione, intestinae inter vos dissentiones
consequuturae essent, et hoc est in quo inimici vestri exultabunt, cum vos ita, quaeumque de causa, congressos viderint, praesertim si appareat ulla contra patres
inobedientiae scintilla ; etsi neminem putem, nisi haereticos solos excipio, tarn atroci
vos odio insectari qui collegii ruinam videns sibi multum complaceret. Quiviscunque
fuerit fructus consiliorum vestrorum hoc certo vobis persuadeatis, nee aequitatem
causae nee felicem exitum a vobis expectatum factionum et dissentionum periculo
39quiparari posse, nee indelibili maculae quam inde contrahetis. Sed, Christe sancte,
quae potest esse tanta causa quae homines partim bene moratos partim prudentes tarn
saepe a me et aliis praemonitos ad tumultus novos excitet, collegiis omnibus et
societatibus tarn pestif eros et exitiosos ? Hoc ipsum nescire me vehementer angit et
majore timore solicitum et suspensum tenet quam res ipsa forte si exacte sciretur
postularet. Patres, a quibus vos et in vobis gentem totam interno quodam amoris
ardore diligi et vos scitis et ego dare video, quid admittere possunt cui tam gravi
remedio sit occurrendum ? Quid non sancte et prudenter conari ant moliri volunt, si
tamen consiliorum vestrorum praetereatis causam quod alumnorum aliquos ad Societatem
consulere et ad illam eos disponere et allicere videantur ? Ego quidem certe P.
Generalis animum ita interne cognitum ex literis habeo, prudentiam, amorem,
integritatem et sinceram in agendis rebus mentis simplicitatem ita teneo exploratum,
et idipsum de patre Oliverio* et Rectore vestro et totius ordinis primariis patribus
polliceri possum, quibuscum propter magna in ecclesia Dei munera et incredibilem
erga vos et nos omnes et uni versanti gentem nostram amorem adeo internam contraxi
familiaritatem, propter quod Deo ingentes ago gratias, ut Deo teste me scire
asseverem, sicut cordis mei intima mihi cognita sunt, quod, quandocunque aliqui ex
inferioribus zelo sine scientia indiscreto ducti erraverint et erga ullum flliorum
nostrorum imprudenter se gesserint, ipsi tamen ab omnibus illis illectionibus et
attractionibus ex collegio ad Societatem adeo longe absunt ut.aegre sibi persuadeant
ullum ex vestris admittere turn conscientiae st[imulis ?] permoti turn quia gravem
Pontificis et Protectoris offensionem incurrere nolint. Puto te non esse oblitum, et ego
certo scio, quot et quantae offensae et turbationes illorum duorum occasione excitatae
sunt, qui cum ego Romae essem Societatem omnino ingredi vojuerunt. Deus mihi
1

F. Oliverius Manareus, S.J.

OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

451

hac in re testis est quam diligenter laboraverim ut eos averterem ab ilio proposito,
quod etsi vituperandum non esset sed multo laudandum tamen in illis initiis nascentis
adhuc collegii liominibus inferis et superioribus etiam vestris offensum et turbamentum
tunc fuit. Memoria sat scio tenes meum de illorum ingressu et exemplo ilio loquendi
modum ; fuisse scilicet, eorum discessum et a Pontifìcis voluntate alienum et Cardinalis
animum dolore magno affecisse, et ipsis patribus non fuisse gratum.
Quo etiam
tempore et Pontifex et patres et ego in hunc sensum consensimus, quod non ultra
fleret, nisi aliqua gravi de causa, valde raro, idque non sine Pontiflcis et Protectoris
expresso consensu. Quam quidem determinationem nec Patrem Generalem nec
Rectorem vestrum certo scio ullo modo violaturos, multoque minus illecturos aliquem,
aut in illuni fìnem ex eorum collegio persuasuros. 1 Ego sane mihi persuadeo me non
esse , deceptum in patrum sinceritate, fidelitate, prudentia, amore, et gravi hac in re
consideratione ; immo clarum mihi est, sicut est mihi cor meum, quod in hoc minime
fallor. Et quamvis forte quicquam admittant vel permittant in illa juventute inexperta quod videatur [non?] sit optandum secundum ordinariam prudentiae vestrae
directionem et voluntatis desiderium tamen, 0 fratres mei in Christo chari et
exiliorum socii filiique amantissimi, vera et recta remedii via non est per turbulentas
ad superiores vestros quserimonias. Quandoquidem pro eo quod hoc Consilio collegium
integrum conservare cogitetis (quod optime a vobis hac in re spectari potest) totum
illius statum in maximum periculum adducetis, et vos ipos seterna in Deum delieti
macula reos statuetis. Cogitate, obsecro, quantis laboribus et difficultatibus in hanc
altitudinem collegii fabrica perducta sit : non piane et fìrmiter stabilitami considerate,
et quod minime adhuc stabilita, fundata, leviter quidem percussa facile corruet.
Imprimite animis immensum amorem et labores magnos illorum patrum et totius
quidem ordinis, qui eousque in hoc collegio servando laboraverunt ut famse suae
periculum apud multos primarios viros inde sustinuerint. Ambulate caute. Actorum
omnium fìnem respicite et malorum consiliorum exitum, scilicet, dissipatorem. Pietati
et devotioni ferventer incumbite. In studiis diligentes estote. Humilitatem et
obedientiam precipue colite, et regulatam vivendi rationem quam inter superbos
tamen 2
et zelus atque contentio probant vos carnales
esse 2
. E t rescribas mihi, diarissime Barrette, t a n t e
unius contra alium aut omnium contra superiores alienationis causarti. Si enim in
causa erraverim, quod silentio vestro imputandum est, vos ipsos causate quod verba
mea sint a proposito aliena, maxime cum non dare intelligam unde orta fuerit ruec
tota ofFensio. Cognatum meum, obsecro, Gulielmum Hauksworth 3 Consilio semper
juves. Scripsi ad te nuperrime Rhemis. 1 Augusti, 1580.
Semper tuus,
W. ALLEN,
1

2
See supra, p. 379, note.
Blank space in the MS.
William Hawkesworth was the second son of William Hawkesworth of Hawkesworth (alive in
1585) by Rosamond his wife, daughter of Thomas Lister of Westby (Glover's Visitations of Yorkshire)
3 M 2
3

452

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

Post absolutas superior es liter as, quas ex Rectoris Consilio cuicumque utiles esse
possunt communicare possis, me male habuit quod latine non scripsissem ut et ipsi patres
intelligerent quam internam in illis reposuerim fiduciam et quantum ab illis seditiosis
abhorream tumultibus qui vel contra ipsos fiunt vel collegii pacem et tranquillitatem
impediunt ; eoque magis ne forte optimi illi patres illam animorum affectionem qua vos
semper prosecuti sunt hac occasione avertant, illud judicantes omnibus commune quod
solum est quibusdam non bene moratis proprium. Et nunc non est mihi istas literas
transcribendi ptium, unde velini ut Anglis aliquibus qui ex Societate sunt eas legendas
tradas et, si ita visum fuerit, latine reddendas. Modis ergo omnibus prsecavendum esse
arbitror ne illi sancti viri a vobis avertantur qui sibi vos tarn multis nominibus
obligarunt. Vale, 3 Aug., 1580.
Tuus totus,
W.

ALLEN.

CCLXXXII.
Dr William Allen to F. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
From a transcript

October, 1581.

in the general archives of the Society of Jesus.
Soc. Jesu (1550-1589), p. 311.

Anglia,

MSS.

Ex literis D. Alani ad P. Rectorem scriptis in mense Octobri, 1581.
Providentia Divina longe superat rationes et cogitationes nostras. Doluimus
omnes de captura et carcere P. Campiani, quo tamen nil accidisse admirabilius, nil ad
religionis propagationem felicius omnes existimant.
Undique enim ex academiis
accersuntur doctiores hi£retici qui ilium et socios suos disputationibus et qusestionibus
adoriantur : sed semper ipsorummet hostium judicio et confessione fit superior.
Benedictus Deus.
CCLXXXIIL
Dr William Allen to R Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J.
From a transcript

March, 1584.

in the general archives of the Society of Jesus.
Soc. Jesu (1550-1589), p. 294.

Anglia,

3£SS.

Ex literis D. Alani, mensis Martii, 1584.
Admodum reverende in Christo pater ; Cura obsecro quam potes diligenter ut non
modo nostri qui in ilio collegio sunt, sed devoti omnes maxime sancti sodalitii vestri,
carissimi nobis in Domino fratres, pro charitate sua orent et lachrymas incessabiles
and sister to Jane Lister, wife of John Allen, Dr Allen's father. Dr Allen and William Hawkesworth
were therefore first cousins. I am indebted for this information to the Keverend T. E. Gibson of
Southport.

453

OF CARDINAL ALLEN»

fundant pro miserrima patria nostra, ubi tantopere invaluit his diebus et nunc viget
persecutio ut quae hactenus adversum nos gesserunt ecclesia* hostes ludum joeumque
fuisse dicas.
Septendecim presbyteri uno tempore ad crudelissimam mortem
condemnati sunt, in quibus primus £uit pater Gasparus 1 vester, de cujus responsis
apud judices et aliis multis mitto peculiares literas P. Tyrelli. Vertat aliquis eas in
latinum sermonem ut labori meo parcatur et dolori etiam, qui non patitur me reliquam
calamitatem describere. Mihi conjunctissimi quique honorum proscriptionem passi
sunt. Omnia ibi constantissime et patientissime a catholicis feruntur.

CCLXXXXV.
F. Robert Persons, S.J., to Pope Clement V i l i .
From a transcript

Seville, 15 April, 1593.

by F. Christopher Grene, S.J.> in. the archives of
Stonyhurst College. P . 327.

Ad Clementem VIII., 15 Ap., 1593. Da Seviglia . . epistola Persomi.
Beatissimo Padre ; Benché l'obligatione . . • Ma di poi che il P. Gios. Creswelo,
che fu rettore di cotesto collegio Inglese in Roma, arrivò qui nelli mesi passati e m'ha
detto tante cose della benignità singolare di V. S t à verso di noi e del zelo suo santissimo per la conversione della nostra patria, et il Cardinale Alano et il nostro Padre
Generale ci hari scritto altre tante, non ho potuto differir più di ringratiar humilissimamente la S tà V. . . . et in particolare per il Breve che con l'ordinario passato V. S t à fu
servito di scrivere a questo Cardinale arcivescovo di Seviglia in favore del nuovo seminario, che in questa città Nostro Signore ci ha dato, del quale e di alcune altre cose
nostre darò breve raggualio a V. S t a in questa, come a padre et signore amantissimo,
con tutta confidenza.
.
.
Penso che sia stata providenza molto particolare di Nostro Signore che in questi
4 anni passati, nelli quali li heretici ci han voluto dare la maggiore stretta che già mai,
et il seminario Rhemense ha corso pericolo di esser disfatto, ci riabbia Iddio aperto una
porta così grande in Spagna che per questa via teniamo già tre altri seminarli, uno in
Valladolid . . . l'altro qui in Seviglia . . . et il 3° in Sant' Omer di Fiandra, che la
M tà di questo buon Re ha ordinato che si faccia adesso, per ricevere immediatamente li
figliuoli più piccoli delli cattolici Inglesi. . . .
Questi altri due seminarli posti in Spagna vanno bene innanzi per la_ gratia e
favore molto particolare di Nostro Signore. Vi stanno in essi più di 100 persone, et
ogni dì va crescendo il numero, con molto fervore e meravigliosa risolutione degli alonni
di offerire le vite loro in questa impresa, alla quale vanno di qua ogn' anno con maggior
animo et alegrezza di quel che si potrebbe credere, se, non vedessimo con gli occhi proprii.
1

F. Heywood, S.J.

454

LETTERS AND MEMORIALS OF CARDINAL ALLEN.

Iddio ne sia sommamente ringratiato e glorificato, poiché è un beneficio che pare che ad
altra natione in questi nostri tempi non sia conceduto, e così che lo potiamo pigliare
per segno di sua grandissima misericordia verso Inghilterra e che non l'habbia d'abbandonare totalmente. . . .
La maggior parte del sostento di questi due seminarli in Spagna dipende dalla
carità et elemosine de particolari, benché a quello di Valladolid sua M tà contribuisce
1700 scudi ogn' anno. . . . A questo di Seviglia sua M tà non da elemosine ; pero il
favore e patrocinio di sua M tà è quello che da animo a tutti li altri di favorirci,
e così in effetto tutto si deve attribuir a sua Mtà, e conforme a questo preghiamo
humilissimamente la S t à V. di riconoscere e ringratiar la M tà sua di tanta e tanto singolare
pietà.

PRINTED BY WERTHEIMER, LEA AND CO., CIRCUS PLACE, LONDON WALL.

INDEX.
1, To facilitate reference, the page is considered as divided into four equal parts of about ten lines each, and
of the name or subject referred to is indicated by the letter a, b, c or d, placed after the number of the
The ordinary spelling of names is given in the Index, as far as it is known; any unusual form in the text being
added in brackets, unless the variation is unimportant.
Christian names absent in the text, but known from other sources, and in some cases additional particulars useful in
identifying persons referred to, have been supplied.

A., cipher used by Dr. Sander for the Pope, 385.
From the same, 6 Dec, 1582, 171.
Adlington, Hugh, of Adlington, 445c.
From the same, 30 Dec, 1582, 173.
Agazzari, Alfonso, S.J., rector of the English Seminary
From the same, 2 March, 1583, 176.
at Home :—
From the same, 14 March, 1583, 180.
Letters from him ;
From the same, 16 March, 1583, 183.
To Allen, 13 June, 1579, 398.
From the same, 29 March, 1583, 185c
To the same, 17 Feb., 1584, 225.
From the same, 14 April, 1583, 187.
Letters to him ;
From the same, 23 April, 1583, 189.
From Allen, 23 June, 1581, 95.
From the same, 6 May, 1583, 190.
From the same, 8 Aug., 1581, 101.
From the same, 20 May, 1583, 191.
From the same, 11 Aug., 1581,104.
From the same, 30 May, 1583, 193.
From the same, Oct., 1581, 452.
From the same, 10 June, 1583, 195.
From the same, 7 Feb., 1582, 110.
From the same, 26 June, 1583, 197.
From the same, 12 Feb., 1582, 113.
From the same, 11 July, 1583, 198.
From the same, 23 Feb., 1582, 118.
From the same, 23 July, 1583, 200.
From the same, 23 Feb., 1582, 119.
From the same, 8 Aug., 1583, 202..
From the same, 3 March, 1582, 120.
From the same, 12 Aug., 1583, 205.
From the same, 28 March, 1582, 124.
From the same, 28 Aug., 1583, 207.
From the same, 16 April, 1582, 125.
From the same, 1 Sept., 1583, 208.
From the same, 4 May, 1582, 131.
From the same, 8 Sept., 1583, 209.
From the same, 28 May, 1582, 135.
From the same, 9 Oct., 1583, 214.
From the same, 11 June, 1582, 143.
From the same, 18 Nov., 1583, 216
From the same, 23 June, 1582, 146.
From the same, 3 Jan., 1584, 220.
From the same, 17 July, 1582, 147.
From the same, March, 1584, 452.
From the same, 18 July, 1582, 149.
From the same, 5 Aug., 1584, 236.
From the same, 19 July, 1582, 151.
From the same, 8 March, 1585, 249.
From the same, 5 Aug., 1582, 153.
From F. Persons (extract), 10 May, 1585, 222^.
From the same, 16 Aug., 1582, 155.
From the same (extract), 12 July, 1585, ib.
From the same, 28 Aug., 1582, 157.
He desires to have Allen in Rome (1579), 399#
From the same, 2 Sept., 1582, 158.
is disturbed at accusations of unduly drawing stuFrom the same, 3 Sept., 1582, 159.
dents into the Society (1582), 153d ; mentioned,
From the same, 13 Sept., 1582, 162.
129d, 134d, 221d, 20òd, 235c, 2365, 241d, 314*,
From the same, 27 Sept., 1582, 164.
393d.
From the same, 20 Oct., 1582, 166.
Agellio, Antonio, one of the revisers of the Yulgate of
From the same, 5 Nov., 1582, 167.
Sixtus Y., under Gregory XIV., 3335.
From the same, 13 Nov., 1582, 169.
Alva, the duke of ; Dr. Tendevi)le suggests an application
From the same, 23 Nov., 1582,, 170.
to him for assistance for Douay Seminary, 235,
N

456

INDEX.

Albert, archduke, of Austria, formerly Cardinal, governor
of the Low Countries, 390«, and note ; marries the
Infanta Isabella of Spain, 394«^, note.
Aldobrandino, Cardinal, one of the executors of Allen's
will, 371«.
Aldovardensiis, takes charge of a commission from Allen
to Yendeville, 465.
Aldred, Solomon ; an account of his intrigues, 234c«^,
235 W ; Allen warns the Cardinal of Como against
him, 234c ; he is a spy of the English government ;
Paget's dealings with him, 394« ; mentioned,
2395.
Alencon, the duke d' ; disappointment of hopes for the
lives of Campion and other martyrs founded on
his influence, 107c; breach with Elizabeth, 222c;
question of reconciling him with the King of
Spain, or the Duke of Parma, 4145 ; his last illness, 424« ; and death, 423r/, 222«\
Alneld, Thomas, Martyr, put to the torture, 144« ; (Aulfildus), yields so far as to go to the Protestant
church and is set free, 1635 ; his repentance, 1865 ;
he introduces Captain Davis to Allen, 227«.
Robert, brother of the Martyr, imprisoned by Gregory XIII., 134«^; Allen's advice about his treatment, 189c and note ; 250« and note.
Allen, William, Dr., afterwards Cardinal ;
Letters written by him;
To the Cardinal of Como (with the professors and
students of the Seminary), 13 June, 1575, 24.
To the same, 13 June, 1575, 25.
To Dr. Bristow and Mr. Bailey, 6 Aug., 1577, 30.
To prior Chauncy, 10 Aug., 1577, 31.
To the Cardinal of Como, 4 April, 1578, 39.
To the nuncio Dandini, 22 June, 1578, 42.
To Dr. Yendeville, 27 July, 1578, 45.
To Madame Renée of Lorraine, 29 Aug., 1578, 47.
To the King's lieutenant at Reims, 7 Sept.,1578, 48.
To the rector of Louvain University, 11 Sept.,
1578, 50.
To Dr. Yendeville, 16 Sept., 1578, 52.
To Louis, Cardinal of Guise, Sept., 1578, 68.
To Everardus Mercurianus, General of the Society
of Jesus, 26 Oct., 1578, 68.
To Pope Gregory XIII., 16 Feb., 1579, 71.
To Cardinal Moroni, 16 Feb., 1579, 72.
To Richard Hopkins, 5 April, 1579, 75.
To Dr. Owen Lewis, 12 May, 1579, 78.
To F. Campion, S.J., 5 Dec, 1579, 84.
To the Cardinal of Como, 10 July, 1580, 87.
To the nuncio Dandini, 14 July, 1580, 88.
To William Barrett, Aug. 1 and 3, 1580, 449.
To the Cardinal of Corno, 12 Sept., 1580, 89.
To the Cardinal di San Sisto, 10 June, 1581, 94.
To F . Agazzari, S.J., 23 June, 1581, 95.
To the Cardinal of Como, 8 Aug., 1581, 99.
To F . Agazzari (extracts), 8 Aug., 1581, 101.
To the same, 11 Aug., 1581, 104.
To the same, Oct., 1581, 452.
To the Cardinal of Como, 20 Dec, 1581, 106.
To George Gilbert, 15 Jan., 1582, 109.
To F . Agazzari, 7 Feb., 1582, 110.
To the same, 12 Feb., 1582, 111
To the Cardinal of Como, 18 Feb., 1582, 114.
To F . Agazzari, 23 Feb., 1582, 118.
To the same, 23 Feb., 1582, 119,

To the same, 3 March, 1582, 120.
To the same, 28 March, 1582, 124.
To the same, 16 April, 1582, 125.
To Pope Gregory XIII., 24 April, 1582, 129.
To the Cardinal of Como, 24 April, 1582, 130.
To F. Agazzari, 4 May, 1582, 131.
To George Gilbert, 12 May, 1582, 132.
To F. Agazzari, 28 May, 1582, 135.
To George Grymeston, 31 May, 1582, 141.
To the Cardinal of Como, 3 June, 1582, 142.
To F . Agazzari, 11 June, 1582, 143.
To the same, 23 June, 1582, 146.
To the same, 17 Julv, 1582, 147.
To the same, 18 July, 1582, 149.
To the same, 19 July, 1582, 151.
To the same, 5 Aug., 1582, 153.
To the same, 16 Aug., 1582, 155.
To the same, 28 Aug., 1582, 157.
To the same, 2 Sept., 1582, 158.
To the same, 3 Sept., 1582, 159.
To the Cardinal of Como, 12 Sept., 1582, 161.
To F . Agazzari, 13 Sept., 1582, 162.
To the same, 27 Sept,, 1582, 164.
To the same, 20 Oct., 1582, 166.
To the same, 5 Nov., 1582, 167.
To the same, 13 Nov., 1582, 169.
To the same, 23 Nov., 1582, 170.
To the same, 6 Dec, 1582, 171.
To the same, 30 Dec, 1582, 173.
To the Cardinal of Como, 16 Feb., 1583, 175.
To F. Agazzari, 2 March, 1583, 176.
-To the Cardinal of Como, 9 March, 1583, 179.
To F. Agazzari, 14 March, 1583, 180.
To the same, 16 March, 1583, 183.
To the Cardinal of Como, 18 March, 1583, 185.
To F. Agazzari, 29 March, 1583, 185.
To the same, 14 April, 1583, 187.
To the same, 23 April, 1583, 189.
To the same, 6 May, 1583, 190.
To the same, 20 May, 1583, 191.
To the same, 30 May, 1583, 193.
To the same, 10 June, 1583, 195.
To the same, 26 June, 1583, 197.
To the same, 11 July, 1583, 198.
To the same, 23 July, 1583, 200.
To the Cardinal of Como, 8 Aug., 1583, 201.
To F. Agazzari, 8 Aug., 1583, 202.
To the same, 12 Aug., 1583, 205.
To Pope Gregory XIII., 22 Aug., 1583, 206.
To F. Agazzari, 28 Aug., 1583, 207.
To the same, 1 Sept., 1583, 208.
To the same, 8 Sept., 1583, 209.
To the Cardinal di San Sisto, 12 Sept., 1583, 211.
To F. Agazzari, 9 Oct., 1583,- 214.
To the same, 18 Nov., 1583, 216.
To the Cardinal of Como, 20 Nov., 1583, 217.
To Pope Gregory XIII., 20 Nov., 1583, 218.
To
'
early in 1584, 220.
To F . Agazzari, 3 Jan., 1584, 220.
To Pope Gregory X I I I . (with F . Persons), 16 Jan.,
1584, 222.
To the Cardinal of Como, 21 Jan., 1584, 224.
To F. Agazzari, March, 1584, 452.
To the nuncio Ragazzoni (extract), 20 March,
1584,226,

INDEX.
To the Cardinal of Como, 21 March, 1584, 228. I
To the nuncio Bagazzoni, for Pope Gregory XIII.,
16 April, 1584, 231.
To the Cardinal of Como, 16 April, 1584, 232.
To the same, 20 July, 1584, 234.
To F. Agazzari, 5 Aug., 1584, 236.
To the Cardinal of Como, 27 Sept., 1584, 240.
To the same, 16 Jan., 1585, 244.
To Mary Queen of Scots, 5 Feb., 1585, 247.
To the Cardinal of Como, 28 Feb., 1585, 248.
To F. Agazzari, 8 March, 1585, 249.
To Don Juan de Ydiaquez, 8 May, 1586, 263.
To Pope Sixtus V., March or April, 1587, 288.
To Philip II., 19 March, 1587, 272.
To Don Juan de Ydiaquez, 24 March, 1587, 285.
To Philip I I . , 30 March, 1587, 286.
To the same, 25 July, 1587, 294.
To Dr. Thomas Bayly, Aug., 1587, 299.
To Philip II., 7 Aug., 1587, 298.
To lord Paget, 30 Jan., 1590, 315.
To the Chapter of Malines, 1 Feb., 1590, 317.
To Charles Paget, 4 Jan., 1591, 319.
To Thomas Throgmorton, 4 Jan., 1591, 320.
To the same (duplicate of preceding), 20 Feb.,
1591, 325.
To F. Persons, 7 Jan., 1592, 338.
To Count Mansfeld, 22 Feb., 1592, 340.
To Dr. Thomas Stapleton, 15 Aug., 1592, 343.
To the catholics in England, 12 Dec, 1592, 343.
To a Cardinal in Spain, 15 March, 1593, 346.
To Richard Hopkins, 14 Aug., 1593, 348.
To Pope Clement VIII., 8 Sept., 1593, 351.
To Dom Anthony Martin, 21 Jan., 1594, 354.
To the Rev. John Mush, 16 March, 1594, 356.
To Ernest, archbishop of Cologne, 17 Sept.,
1594, 358.
Letters to him.
From Mary Queen of Scots, 3 Aug., 1577, 29.
From Dr. Nicholas Sander, 6 Nov., 1577, 38.
From the Cardinal of Como, 19 May, 1578, 41.
From Dr. Vendeville, 26 Aug., 1578, 46.
From F. Persons, 30 March, 1579, 74.
From F. Agazzari, 13 June, 1579, 398.
From the Cardinal of Como, 10 July, 1579, 399.
From the Cardinal of Como, 25 July, 1580, 402.
From the same, Nov. or Dec, 1580, 91.
From bishop Goldwell, 17 April, 1581, 92.
From F. Persons, 4 July, 1581, 98.
From Sir Francis Englefield, 4 Sept., 1581, 105.
From the earl of Westmoreland and lord Dacre,
5 March, 1583, 178.
From F. Agazzari, 17 Feb., 1584, 225.
From Mary Queen of Scots, 22 March, 1584,
229
From the Cardinal of Como, 27 Aug., 1584, 239.
From Mary Queen of Scots, 30 Oct., 1584, 243.
From the same, 20 May, 1586, 264.
From Philip II., 24 June, 1587, 293.
From the same, 11 Dec, 1587, 302.
From Louis Cardinal of Guise, 3 April, 1588, 305.
From the duchess of Guise, 17 Feb., 1589, 311.
From the duke of Mayenne, 8 April, 1589, 312.
From F. John Hay, 26 June, 1589, 313.
From Laevinus Torrentius, bishop of Antwerp, 25
Jan., 1590, 315.
I
3N2

457
From Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, 30 March,
1590, 318.
From the duchess of Guise, 22 Feb., 1592,
341.
From Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, 22 July, 1592,
342.
^
From Lsevinus Torrentius, bishop of Antwerp, 24
April, 1593, 347.
Sis life ; at Oxford, offices held by him, xxi« ; takes
his M.A. degree ; teaches logic and philosophy ; is
made proctor, 45c ; forced by the persecution to quit
Oxford and escape from England, ib.cd; nurses
Christopher Blount at Louvain and catches infection, 55 ; returns to England ; his work in Lancashire, at Oxford, and in Norfolk (1562-65), 5cd, 6ab ;
quits England finally, 6c ; receives all his orders
at Malines, 317«"; ordained priest, teaches
theology, Qd ; diploma of the chancellor of Douay
University fixing a day for conferring on him the
license in Divinity, 23cd; he is one of the distributors of Philip II.'s alms to the English
exiles, xxxiii«; draft of writ for his apprehension, 21 ; plots against his life, 13^, 14c, 88c,
109c; his courage, 109c; Baynes' confessions of
his calumnies and evil designs against him, 139c,
140«*, 1415 ; design of Baynes to assassinate him,
410« ; his affliction at the dissensions in the Seminary at Pome, 83« ; is " weak and weary of body "
ib. c ; overwhelmed by work, and finds few who
can help him (1582-3), 1485, 1625, 192«/, 198«,
200« ; particulars of his prebend at Cambrai,
cxxic ; has lost his Flemish prebend and English
income (1582), 110«; his brother-in-law in
prison (1582), 1445 and note ; will not go to
Home except at .express command of the Pope
(1583), 186« ; contributes to the expense of the
paintings of the martyrs at the Seminary in Pome,
187« ; receives a present of pictures of the
martyrdoms, 198« ; goes to Paris to meet F .
Persons (1583), 197c; recommends Arundel and
Paget for assistance from the Pope (1584), 4205 ;
seriously ill (1585), 15« ; goes to Borne (1585), ib.
c, lxxiic ; Philip I I . gives him the Abbey of S.
Lorenzo di Capua (1587), 2695«; 2735, 290«^;
takes part in the Conclave of Gregory XIV., 3255 ;
and of Innocent IX., 339«, 340« ; employed by
Gregory XIV. and Clement VIII. in the revision
of the Vulgate, 16c, 332«*, 333c ; undertakes for
the Congregation of the Index the editing of
St. Augustine, 16c ; his testimonial to Clement
Throgmorton, 314; his affection for Owen Lewis,
322c ; efforts to divide them, ib. ; joint protestation of their unaltered friendship (1591), 334; he
wishes to be near England, 306« ; his poverty
as Cardinal, 307«\ 332c ; he commends his
brother Gabriel and his sister-in-law Elizabeth
to the protection of count Mansfeld (1592), 341 ;
his last illness and death described by the duke of
Sesa, 362«" ; his poverty in his last illness, 362«*,
363c ; solicitude for his relations and servants, ib.;
his zeal when dying, 363«; his death, 195c;
funeral discourse in the church of the Seminary
at Borne, 364 ; his epitaph, 448 ; abstract of his
will, 370c ; his picture outraged in England, 370
a ; memorandum concerning his relations, 372 ;

INDEX.
his household, 374 ; inventory of his debts, 377 ;
his character, 19«*, 20 ; his maxim, oportere
meliora tempora non expectare sed facere; its
effect, 3675c; opinion of him held by Mary
Queen of Scots, xxxiii« ; by Sander, 28a ; by
Olivares, 276«; 308<£; by Eagazzoni, 4355;
his treatment of his servants, 1 8 W ; documents
relating to him at Simancas, 25Id.
His literary work ; his bad handwriting, 2915 ; writes
on Purgatory, 55 ; on the Priesthood and Indulgences, 6« ; Short Beasons for the Catholic Faith ;
their efficacy, ib.5; on Images, Predestination and
the Sacraments, 10c ; his Apology for the Seminaries,
1 Be ; its plan approved by the Cardinal Protector
(1581), 925; bishop Goldwell on it, ib.^; and
on his book " de Micharistia" 935; the Apology
much esteemed in England, 965 ; and widely read,
985 ; his " Brief e Ristorie of the Martyrdom of12
Reverend Priests" (1582), 1605 and note; he is
continually receiving matter from England for his
accounts of the Martyrs, 1485 ; his answer to
"Justitia Britannica" (1584), 145, 239^, 240«*,
424c; Mary Queen of Scots thanks him for a
copy sent to her, 243c; he prepares a book against
Elizabeth (1586), 2535c ; his defence of Sir
William Stanley's surrender of Deventer (1587),
299«*, 300, 301 ;
Sis political life ; his missionary and political life
kept quite apart, xxix«*; his appeal to force for
England's remedy, xxiv5 ; beginnings of his
political life, xxxic ; in frequent correspondence
with Mary Queen of Scots, lxiii^, lxxc ; in consultation with the duke of Guise and others
about plans for restoring England to the Faith
(1582), 129c«*, 408c: urges the Holy See to do
something immediately, 161, 162«; the only head
of the English catholics, 4085 ; his proposed
appointment as bishop of Durham (1582), 4075;
his great influence with men of all-classes, ib. ; he
thinks the preparations for the enterprise excessive (1583), 418c; the bishopric of Durham
(1583), 217c and note, 218c; report from him and
Persons on English affairs (1584), 419«*; consultations about the enterprise (1584), 222c, 230«*;
he introduces Capt. John Davis to the nuncio
Eagazzoni, 2265c; his intended appointment as
Apostolic delegate for the enterprise (1584), 229c
and note; at Eome (1586) ; stirs up the zeal of
the Pope, lxxvc ; his earnestness testified by Olivares, 251c, 2525 ; Olivares counts on his influence
with Sixtus V., 256a, 2585, 289 ; he and Persons
write a paper on the enterprise for Olivares, 2685 ;
memorandum drawn up with Olivares on appointments in England supposing the Armada successful, 303 ; he himself to be archbishop of Canterbury, ib.5; and, at first, lord chancellor, 3045;
his views on the succession to the English crown,
275c, 276«5 ; memorandum on the question by him
and F. Persons, 281 : why he finally gave up all
idea of promoting King James' succession, 382c«* ;
his relations with Charles Paget, 319«*; Morgan's
intrigues against him, 320 seq. ; he is deceived by
Morgan and Paget through love of peace, 387c«* ;
their calumnies aganist him, 3885 ; Paget reprocahes him with "meddling in public matters,"
339 a ; his efforts to concilitate them, ib.«\

Sistory of his promotion to the cardinalate ;
it had been offered him by Gregory X I I I . , 16a ;
first mention of it as part of Spanish policy, 253« ;
Persons' share in promoting it, ib.d. ; he himself
ascribes it to Persons, 299c ; Spanish memorandum
about it presented to Sixtus V., 270 ; negotiations
about it, 271, 272 ; Philip I I . presses for it, 292c,
293c ; the promotion takes place in the Consistory of 7 Aug., 1587, civ«*, 15«*, 296«; its
reception by the Sacred College, 296«, 297«*, 298«;
acts of the Consistory, 297 ; Allen receives the
hat, 298« ; the closing and opening of the mouth,
ib.«5 ; Olivares announces the promotion to
Philip II., 296« ; Allen's high conception of the
cardinalate, cxvik*; his manner of life as a cardinal, 165; various references to the promotion,
2685, 277«, 280«, 2955.
Sis nomination to the see of Malines ;
history of the appointment, cxvc ; the act of bis
nomination by Philip I I . (1589), 4365 ; the bishop
of Antwerp congratulates him (1590), 315c; his
views in accepting it, 3165, 332c ; his letter to the
Chapter on his appointment, 317 ; poverty of the
see, 3165, 332c ; he mentions his nomination (1592),
340«* ; appointment of Lsevinus Torrentius, bishop
of Antwerp, in his stead (1593), 347 ; the project
of Allen's nomination again taken up, but cut
short by his death, cxvii«.
Sis missionary work ;
he laboured for England's conversion as a kingdom,
xxii« ; dissuades many catholics from attending
heretical services in Lancashire and at Oxford, 5«*,
6« ; has faculties to present English candidates for
ordination, 705«"; is impartial between the Welsh
and English, 84« ; asks faculties for permitting the
use of prohibited books, 1835 ; overpowered with
work and care, 2085 ; complains of want of coadjutors, 210c ; defends the missions against
timorous counsels, 236, 237 ; cannot attend, himself, to all the works required by the missions,
2375 ; anxieties about the resources of the Seminary, 2405 ; distressed for money, 242c«* ; appoints
Dr. Barrett president of the Seminary by a formal
instrument, 310; exhorts religious and secular
missioners to concord, 379^ ; conflicting accounts
of his opinions about the Society of Jesus, 3795
and note, 350c, 351« (also 138c, 153«*) ; asks for
solution of questions of conscience for catholics in
England, 409«*.
Briefs addressed to him or in his favour ;
By Pope Gregory X I I I . , 15 April, 1575, 24.
By the same, 30 Aug., 1575, 27.
By the same, 18 July, 1577, 28.
By the same, 4 Nov., 15 78, 70.
By Pope Sixtus V., 29 Oct., 1587, 301.
By Pope Gregory XIV., 18 Sept., 1591, 335.
Sis missionary faculties ;
faculties given him by brief
f Pope Gregory
XIV. for England and Ireland' 33 5 ; facultties
granted by Popes Gregory XIII., Gregory XIV.
and Clement VIII., 359 ; faculties g ranted by St.
Pius V. and Gregory XIII., 361 ; and by Sixtus V.,
Gregory XIV. and Clement VIII., 362; supplica from him to Clement VIII. for certain faculties, 16 Feb., 1594, 355 ; faculties granted by him
to four Irish bishops, 337.

INDEX.

459

Mentioned, 141«", 221«", 228a, 234«", 235«", 2435, 2655 Antonio, Dom, prior of Crato, pretender to the throne
of Portugal : partisans of his claims in France
and note, 268«, 2695, 2705«", 271c«", 2725, 281a*,
and the West of England, 1035 ; secretly sup291c, 292««", 294«, 295c, 2965, 2975cd, 307c, 308c«",
ported by the English Government, 108«".
3095c«", 315«*, 320«", 322«", 3236?, 329c, 392«, 401«,
Any on, "William ; appointed by Elizabeth Allen to have
403c, 404«c«", 437«, 440«.
the administration of certain goods on behalf of her
Allen, Catherine, daughter of the Cardinal's brother
children, 219c.
George Allen, a nun in St. Ursula's Convent,
Arden ; his execution, 2235 and note.
Louvain, 372c, 373««".
Elizabeth, the Cardinal's sister, married to Thomas Argentina, i.e. Strasburg ; Charles Cardinal of Lorraine,
its bishop, asks Cardinal Allen's help to get
Hesket, 144 note, 3725.
possession of his see, 322«* and note.
Elizabeth (Westby), wife of the Cardinal's brother,
George Allen, 371rf, 3725 ; (1583) three or four Argyll, the earl of, one of the supporters of the catholic
cause in Scotland (1582), 116«; proposal to aid
masses a day often said in her house, 1815 ; indicted
him with money to make a diversion in Ireland in
and outlawed for recusancy, as ' an obstinate perfavour of the enterprise, 4185.
son,' 219««", note ; unjust treatment by the
Armilla, quoted by bishop Goldwell in his criticism of
sheriff of Lancashire, ib.«", 220« ; her sufferings
for the faith, 373« ; pensioned by Philip II., ib.c ;
Allen's book on the Sacraments, 93«".
settlements on her by her husband, 442«5, 443c ; Arnold, F. John, prior of the English Carthusians in
in distress at Namur (1592), 3415.
|
Flanders : his intrigues against Allen, 322«", 327#,
3945 saia note; his sudden death, 323c; had been
Gabriel, brother of the Cardinal ; accompanied him
at Douay before becoming a religious, ib.«".
on his 3rd visit to Rome (1579-80), 181 note ; his
Arran, James Stuart, earl of, an enemy to the catholic
account of religious matters in England (1583),
cause, 116«; captain of the royal guard, ll7d
181 ; able to hear mass every day, ib. 5 ; in exile
note; his designs against the duke of Lennox
and distress at Namur (1592), 341« ; has a pension
and the catholic party, ib.'5.
- from Philip II, but cannot get payment, ib., 346« ;
in Cardinal Allen's household, 374«"; never Arrowsmith, Edmund, a student sent to Rome, 119«".
married, 3725 ; present at Cardinal Allen's death, Arundel, the earl of, 3925 ; (Danundel) a prisoner in
364«; is left bis general heir, 371«; receives a
his own house, 2235c«" and note.
pension from Clement VIII., 364«, 371fi", 374«"; Arundell (and Arundel), Charles, escapes to France, 2235«"
left by his father the life use of certain lands, j
and note; recommended to the Pope by Allen,
372c, 442«" ; buried in the church of the Seminary
228«", 4205 ; the nuncio is ordered to use his offices
at Rome, 448«" ; mentioned, 183c, 374« and note,
for his protection in France, 243« ; mentioned, 393«.
448c.
Assassination, its lawfulness in certain cases maintained
George, the Cardinal's elder brother, 181 note, 3725 ;
by John Knox, xlix«" ; of Riccio ; Knox a party to
his death, 21 Aug., 1579, 219« and note, 444«" and
it, ib. ; of Elizabeth, the proposed ; inaccurate
note ; particulars of his property and its disposal,
account given of it, 388c and note; refusal of
219 ; the property of his children unjustly seized,
Mary Queen of Scots to have anything to do with
ib.; Inquisitio post mortem on him, 372c, 441c;
it, ib. note ; of the King of Spain and the Pope,
settlement on him by his father, 442«.
planned by Walsingham's directions, 107«"; of
Helen or Eleanor, daughter of the preceding, a nun
Mary Queen of Scots, ordered by Elizabeth, 1«";
of Allen, plotted by Baynes, 13«", 4105, and by
in St. Ursula's Convent, Louvain, 373««".
Egremont Ratcliffe, 14«" ; of the duke of Guise,
John, father of the Cardinal, of good family and
312«; of the Cardinal of Guise, ib.
connections, 3c ; settlement of his property, 372c,
Atherton, Christopher ; Allen cannot persuade him to
442«.
enter Reims Seminary ; his desire to enter that at
John, eldest son of George Allen, 372c ; Inquisitio
Rome, 190c«", 1915.
post mortem on him, ib.«*, 4455 ; the income of his
estate, after his death, taken by Elizabeth and Atkins, John, a convert, previously chaplain to the earl
of Bedford and a distinguished preacher, 200c and
James I. without any pretext, 373c, 4465 ; connote.
flicting evidence as to the time and place of his
death, ib.«", 447c and note ; his age, 444« ; sum- Aubigni and d'Aubigni, see Lennox.
mary of his landed property, 445«" ; agrees with Audley, Rev. Thomas; letter from him to Christopher
that of his father George Allen ; details of it,
Bagshawe, 26 June, 1595, 378.
446«.
Augsburg, Diet of ; a collection made at it for the Reims
Mary, youngest daughter of George Allen ; first enSeminary, 166«, 1725.
gaged to Thomas Throgmorton, 3965 ; afterwards Aureus, value of the ; the monthly fine of £20 for recumarried to Thomas Worthington of Blainscowe,
sancy spoken of as equivalent to 60 aurei, 1445.
372«", 396«".
Austria, Don John of ; his projected invasion of England
Thomas, see Hesket.
aided by Gregory XIII.,xxix5c; exposes Allen to
danger by his friendship for him, 14c ; recommends
The Verv Rev. Charles, rector of the English
Richard Norton, ISSd; designed as leader of the
College at Valladolid, 346«".
enterprise, 281«"; mentioned, 46«".
Almonde, Oliver, sent as a student to Rome, 119«".
Albert, archduke of; see Albert.
Amatus, Cajetanus, 3375.
Authority, God the source of all legitimate, xvii«»
Anderton, James, of Lostock, 4455, 448«.
Aylmer, bishop of London ; gives a brutal answer about
James, the younger, of Clayton, 4455, 448«.
the sufferings of the catholic prisoners, 238c.
Ansley, Henry, 215«".

460

INDEX.

Bagshaw, Christopher, sent as a student to Eome ; his I Bayly (and Bailey), Dr. Thomas, letter of Allen to him,
30«*; succeeded Allen in his prebend at Cambrai,
character described by Allen, 2055 ; by Barrett,
ib.«* ; mentioned, 209« ; letter to him from the
exxic ; desired Allen's presence at Eome (1579),
Rev..Thomas Audley, 26 June, 1595* 378.
81« ; signs Allen's deed relating to a bequest of
Mr. Thomas Houghton, 87«; bishop Gold well
Bains, Michael ; fears of F . Agazzari because notes of his
complains of his not writing to him, 93« ; sent to
lectures are reported to be in the hands of a student at Douay Seminary, lincei.
Paris on the business of the collect for the
Seminary, 1215 ; his hopes of Gilbert Giffard's
Baldwin, Nicholas, one of Cardinal Allen's household,
perseverance in good, 123c ; at Paris about the
376c.
"William, sent to Eome as a student, 205«\
collect, 125« ; his efforts not successful, 1275 ;
mentioned 78c, Sid, 1115, 138«, 139c, 169c, 173d,
Ballard, intrigues of Morgan and Paget with, 388«*, 394«.
216«, 246«; 393«-.
Baltinglass, viscount, on a mission with others from the
Irish catholics to seek support at Eome (1581), 100c. Baynes, Baines or Banes, Eichard, while a student at
Douay conspires against the life of Allen and the
Bandoma (Vendòme), see Navarre, Henry of.
whole Seminary, 13^, 14«; lives at Eeims four
Bannester, William, 441«*.
years as a spy, saying mass, &c, 136^ and note ;
Barber, Eev. Francis, 45c?, 52«*.
discovered and arrested, 410« and note; his conBarns, a prisoner in the Tower, 1445.
fession, 139c, 194«; in prison, 144«; he is not
Barron, Oliver, of Wigan, 445«?.
liable to punishment for heresy, but only for his
Barrett, Dr. Eichard; his character, 175; appointed by
Allen his successor as president of the Seminary,
offence against Allen, 1555 ; his imprisonment a
175 ; Allen writes to him with an enclosure to
heavy expense to the Seminary, 166c ; removed
three priests, on the troubles in the Seminary at
into custody in a room of the Seminary, 188« :
Eome, 83c; welcome promised him by Allen, 1115;
mentioned, 135c, 150c and note.
desired by the Scotch catholics for their mission,
Roger, suggested by Allen as an agent at Eome, 221c ;
117«; Allen's joy at his coming to Eeims, I56d;
later becomes his secretary and majordomo at
arrival there, 167«*; timidity keeps him from
Eome, 371d, 375c ; mentioned, 137^, 221«*.
writing, 192c; determines to go to England in Beaton, James, see Glasgow, archbishop of.
the hope of martyrdom, 197«" ; hesitation in carry- Becchetti, xxix«*.
ing out the design, 1995 ; gives an account to Bedford, the earl of, with Leicester examines F. Campion,
Agazzari of Eichard Dudley's vocation, 204^ ;
102c ; (Beaf ordiensis) joins in fitting out an expedigives up the idea of going to England, 2085 ; distion under Captain John Davis, 2275.
covers Aldred's insincerity, 2355 ; appointed presi- Beisley, George, 441«".
dent of the Seminary, 310, 311 ; mentioned, 1355, Bell, F., S.J., 136«, 154«.
d, 147c, 153d, Ibid, 163c, 168«, 169c, 171«, 198«, Bellamy, Eobert, of London, 314«.
2015, 205«; 393«\
Bellarmine, Eobert, S.J., one of the revisers of the VulWilliam, letter from Allen to him, Aug. 1, 1580, on
gate of Sixtus V., 3335.
the troubles in the Seminary at Eome, 449.
Benedictine Order ; Allen's encomium on it, 3555.
Barton, John, S. J., 2085.
Bergamo, bishop of, see Eagazzoni.
Basa, an Italian accused of attempting to poison the Bernard, Dr. (Eichard), desires Allen's presence at Eome
duke d'Alencon and the prince of Orange, 418*?.
(1579), 81«.
Basset, Charles, grandnephew of Sir Thomas More ; his Bias or By^as, John, Cardinal Allen's servant at Eeims and
great qualities, 1335 and note ; in ill health at Eome,
afterwards at Eome, 375««*.
189«*; at Paris, 1955 and note ; dear to Allen, Bickley, Ealph, S.J., 168«-.
197c; mentioned, 1945, 1985.
Billuart, quoted, xxix«\
Bassompier, deputy from the League to Henry of Navarre, Bilolso, John (Thomas Wilson ?), proposed by Allen as a
353c.
possible archbishop of York, 303c, and note.
Batson, a lay-brother of the Society, mixed up with the Birket, George ; his account of the persecution in England ;
intrigues of Aldred, 234«"; expelled from the
his escape from the traitor Mundy, 166c«* ; at
Society, 235c.
Eeims ; his account of the imprisoned confessors in
friar (frate Bazzono), a Franciscan, brother of the
England, ,202c ; brings relics of Campion to Eeims,
preceding, 169«*.
ih.d; mentioned, 1725, 176d, 1825, 192«.
Bavaria, the Duke of (probably Willia m V. surnamed Bishop, a priest from the Seminary at Eome, arrested at
the Young, who afterwards retired into a
the port at which he arrived for the English misCarthusian monastery), liv^; he sends help to the
sion, 123«*, 124dnote; in prison, 1545.
Eeims Seminary, 187^ ; offers himself for the Blaigni, Gabriel de, dean of Langres, 305« and note.
enterprise, 418«; his brother a possible general Blanche, first wife of John of Gaunt, 2S2od, 283«, 2845.
for the Spanish forces to be employed, ib. ;
eldest daughter of Henry IV., married to William
mentioned, 1885, 190«.
Duke of Bavaria, 284c and note.
William, Duke of, son of Louis of Bavaria, married Blount, Christopher ; Allen nurses him in a fever at LouBlanche, eldest daughter of King Henry IV.,
vain and catches the infection, 55.
284c and note.
Boniface, St., 225, 313d.
Louis, Duke of, father of the preceding, ib.
Borgia, Cassar, xlix«\
Bayles (Bails), Christopher, Martyr, sent to Borne, 205c, Borromeo, St. Charles, Cardinal of Sta. Prassede, 403«
206«.
448«\
Baylieffe, John, of Adlington, 445c.
Bosgrave, S. J., 146«*, 147«.

INDEX

461

his capture related by Allen, 1016, 102« ; his harsh
Bostock, William, servant of Cardinal Allen, 377«.
treatment in the Tower, ib. 6 ; his martyrdom,
Bouillon (Boglione), duke of, alleged efforts of Elizabeth
118*, note ; the judge who tried him (Sir Christo induce him to have Allen assassinated, 434*.
topher Wray) his uncle, a Catholic at heart, but in
Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal of, 341*.
conduct 'Pilatus,' 112«; effects of his martyrBradshaw, Richard, 215*.
|
dom, 122c*; apology of it by Elizabeth, 131«;
Brady, Dr. Maziere ; his Episcopal Succession of Ireland]
his recent death referred to, 1076, 114« ; one of
quoted, Ibid, 193 note, 247*.
his ribs secured by the Catholics, 111«; relics of
Richard, bishop of Kilmore, 337c
him brought to Reims, 202* ; Allen sends some
Briant, Alexander, Martyr ; news at Reims of his arrest
of his relics to Rome, 135c ; a miracle wrought by
and torture, 95c ; his recent martyrdom referred
his relics, 177c; no more relics likely to be obto, 1075.
tained, 151«; mentioned, Hid note, 303c?, 452c.
Bridgettine Nuns of Sion, at Rouen in distress, 1725 and
Campo, Diego de, private chamberlain to Pope Clement
note.
VIIL, 362*.
Bridgwater, Mr., 77*.
Brief, proposed Apostolic, exhorting Christian princes to Canisius ; his catechism studied at Douay; 65*.
aid the Seminary ; its probable results in different Capecius, P. Ferd., S.J., the first Jesuit entrusted (temporarily) . with the charge of the studies at the
countries, 111c.
Seminary at Rome, 69*.
Brinkley, Stephen, aids F. Persons in his writings, 222* ;
Caraffa, Cardinal, 251*, 2526, 258c, 260c, 267«, 271c*,
accompanies him to Rome, 197*, 3926.
277«, 296«6, 297«, 307c, 309c*.
Bristow, Dr. Richard ; letter of Allen to him, 6 Aug.,
1577, 30*; Allen would gladly have seen him Carew (Cam) ; stated to have testified that he had received payment from the English Government for
rector of the Seminary at Rome, failing the
attempts to poison the King of Spain, 108«.
Jesuits, 79c ; he desires Allen's presence in Rome
(1579), Sìa; Hugh Griffith writes to him against Cashel, the archbishop of (Casselensis), Dermod O'Hurley,
Martyr, in debt to many; male audit, 151«; has
the Jesuits, 82d; and would have him rector in
borrowed money from F . Agazzari, 155c; very ill
their place, 84« ; he signs an instrument of Allen's
at Reims, 1566 ; pays his debt to Allen, 160«; menrelating to a bequest of Mr. Thomas Houghton,
tioned, 162c.
87« ; is charged together with Allen with the distribution of Spanish aid to the English exiles, Cassells (Cassillis ?), the earl of, 427*.
1056*;. his death, 128«- and note ; mentioned, 75c, Catherine, sister of King Henry IV., 282*.
7Sao, 856, 1485, 155«, 198«.
Castelli, Mgr. Giovanni, bishop of Rimini, nuncio in
France, 129*;
Brook (Brokus), Adam, 855.
Letters from him ;
Brooke, Ralph ; his Catalogue quoted, 235*, 284*.
To the Cardinal of Como, 8 May, 1582, 405.
Brookesby, William, S.J., his remarkable vocation to the
To the same, 22 May, 1582, 406.
priesthood and to the Society, 149* ; mentioned,
To the same, 22 May, 1582, 409.
166*, 1736.
To the same, 17 July, 1582, 409.
Bruges, the temporary refuge of the English Carthusians
To the same, 6 Nov., 1582, 410.
who escaped the persecution of Henry VIII., 37* ;
To the same, 2 May, 1583, 412.
they are driven thence by English influence, and
To the same, 8 May, 1583, 194.
living in great misery at St. Quentin, ib.
To the same, 30 May, 1583, 414.
Buoncompagno, Cardinal Filippo, appointed Protector of
To the same, 11 June, 1583, 415.
England by his uncle, Pope Gregory XIII., 94*.
To the same, 30 June, 1583, 416.
Burgundy, Charles, Duke of, 284«.
Letters to him;
Burleigh; writ for Allen's apprehension corrected by his
From the Cardinal of Como, 14 Feb., 1583, 411.
hand, 21* ; mentioned, 440*. See also Cecil.
From the same, 28 Feb., 1583, 412.
Bustard, George, sent to the Seminary at Rome, 205c,
From the same, 23 May, 1583, 413.
206«.
mentioned, 421« ; his death, 226«.
Butler, Dr. Charles, desired to see Allen's life written, xv6.
Catholics in England ; change in their circumstances and
sentiments from the 16th to the 17th century,
Caddy, Lawrence, a fallen seminarist, 1776; hopes of his
xxiii«.
repentance, 1826 ; he repents, 1866 ; publication of
Caton, Thomas, tenant on the Allen property, 4426.
his confessions, 188«.
Caetano, Cardinal, 322c?; executor of Allen's will, 371«. Cavallerii, John Baptist, published engravings of the
paintings of the English Martyrs on the walls of
Caithness (Catnes), the earl of, one of the chiefs of the
the Seminary at Rome, 186 note.
catholic party in Scotland (1582), 116«.
Cecil, a distinguished Oxford convert, 200c.
Calendar, introduction of the Gregorian, 169«, 1705.
Treasurer (lord Burleigh ?), 392c.
Calverley, Edmund, a student sent to Rome, 158c.
Secretary, report of an intended interview between
Campana, F . Paul, 208«.
him and Campion, then in the Tower, 103« ;
Cambrai, the bishop of, retired into France 'for fear of
speculations as to the possibility of treating with
Castellane/ 81*.
him about the return of England to the Faith,
Campion, Edmund, S. J., Martyr ; letter to him from
4396c*.
Allen, 5 Dec, 1579, 84 ; he enters the English
mission, 136 ; different direction of his work in Chad dock, William, sent to the Seminary at Rome, 119*.
England from that of Persons, xxxiiic; his labours ; Challiner, Hugh, of Wigan, 445c.
fruits of the English mission in 1581, 976, 986 ; Chapeaville, Gesta Pontiflcum Leodiensium, 358c.

462

INDEX.

Charles, St., see Borromeo.
f
From Dandini, 12 July, 1580, 402.
Charneley, "William, 441c?.
From the same, 14 Aug., 1580, 403.
Chauncy, F., prior of the English Carthusians in the Low
From the same, 11 Sept., 1580, 404.
Countries ; letter to him from Allen defending the
From Allen, 12 Sept., 1580, 89.
seminary priests, 31 ; his suspicions of Allen, 37«.
From Dandini, 25 Sept., 1580, 404.
Chernock, Mr., see Sacheverell, 85.
From Allen, 8 Aug., 1581, 99.
Chetham Society, 300&
From Dandini, 3 Nov., 1581, 404.
Chisholm, William, bishop of Dumblane; he becomes a
From Allen, 20 Dec, 1581, 106.
Carthusian and prior of the Certosa at Eome, 3945
From the same, 18 Feb., 1582, 114.
and note.
From the same, 24 April, 1582, 130.
Chorley, William, of Chorley, 445c.
From the nuncio Castelli, 8 May, 1582, 405.
Church and state, relations of, according to catholic
From the same, 22 May, 1582, 406.
principles, xviiitf ; in the middle ages, xxvic.
From the same, 22 May, 1582, 409,
Ciaconius, Vitce JRom. Font, et 8. JR. E. Card, referred to,
From Allen, 3 June, 1582, 142.
365^, 4483.
From Castelli, 17 July, 1582, 409.
Circignani, Niccolò, called il Pomarancio, the artist who
From Allen, 12 Sept., 1582, 161.
painted the English Martyrs in the church of the
From Castelli, 6 Nov., 1582, 410.
Seminary at Eome, 186 note; (Circinianus), 187^
From Allen, 16 Feb., 1583, 175.
Claude, daughter of Henry I I . of France, married to the
From the same, 9 March, 1583, 179.
- Duke of Lorraine, 3l8d.
From the same, 18 March, 1583,185.
Clement VIII., Pope; his esteem for Allen, 19c ; his deFrom Castelli, 2 May, 1583, 412.
cision against the lawfulness of assisting at proFrom the same, 30 May, 1583, 194.
testare service, 345c ; mentioned, 339^, 448*?.
From the same, 30 May, 1583, 414.
Clement, Jacques ; his crime instigated by fanaticism, la.
From the same, 11 June, 1583, 415.
Clenock, Dr. Maurice ; with Owen Lewis he obtains two
From the same, 30 June, 1583, 416.
Jesuits to organise the studies and spiritual exerFrom Allen, 8 Aug., 1583, 201.
cises of the Seminary at Eome, 69d ; Persons comFrom the same, 20 Nov., 1583, 217.
plains of his mismanagement of the Seminary at
From the nuncio Eagazzoni, 12 Dec, 1583, 419.
Eome, 743 ; revolt of the English students against [
From Allen, 21 Jan., 1584, 224.
his government, 77c; Allen considers it a mistake
• From the same, 21 March, 1584, 228.
that he was ever made rector, 79c ; alluded to in
From Eagazzoni, 2 April, 1584, 226.
connection with the Welsh and English broils, 82c.
From the same, 16 April, 1584, 230.
Clèves, Catherine de, See Guise, duchess of.
From Allen, 16 April, 1584, 232.
Clifton (and Clyfton), Cuthbert, (the elder), U3d, 446c.
From Eagazzoni, 27 April, 1584, 415.
(another, heir of the last), 446c.
From the same, 28 May, 1584, 423.
Coffin, 165a, 201«.
From the same, 25 June, 1584, 423.
Colonna, Cardinal Marco Antonio, employed by Gregory
From Allen, 20 July, 1584, 234.
XIV. in correcting the Vulgate of Sixtus V., 333c#\
From Eagazzoni, 23 July, 1584, 424.
Commines, Philippe de, on the English succession, 284«.
From the same, 3 Sept., 1584, 425.
Como, Tolomeo Galli, Cardinal of, secretary of state |
From the same, 11 Sept., 1584, 239.
under Pope Gregory X I I I . :—
From the same, 17 Sept., 1584, 240.
Letters written by him;
From Allen, 27 Sept., 1584, 240.
To Allen, 19 May, 1578,41.
From Eagazzoni, 30 Oct:, 1584, 243.
To the same, 10 July, 1579, 399.
From Allen, 16 Jan., 1585, 244.
To the same, 25 July, 1580, 402.
From the same, 28 Feb., 1585, 248.
To the same, Nov. or Dec, 1580, 91.
From Eagazzoni, 10 March, 1585, 434.
To the nuncio Castelli, 14 Feb., 1583, 411.
From the same, 18 April, 1585, 434.
To the same, 28 Feb., 1583, 412.
From the same, 7 Oct., 1585, 435.
To the same, 23 May, 1583, 413.
He is out of favour with Sixtus V. on account of his
To the nuncio Eagazzoni, 14 Feb., 1584, 419.
opposition to Henry of Navarre, 279c ; his^ good
To the same, April, 1584, 420.
will to the Seminary at Eome, 399* ; mentioned,
To the same, 9 April, 1584, 420.
81ac, 83c, 92c, 129d, 134c, 137*, 145c, 189c, 210c.
To the same, 23 April, 1584, 422.
Comers, Isabella, sister of Allen, 3723.
To the same, 13 Aug., 1584, 424.
( Coniars) a cousin of Allen, 142*.
To Allen, 27 Aug., 1584, 239.
Constance, daughter of Peter the Cruel of Castille ; second
To Eagazzoni, 8 Oct., 158J, 242.
wife of John of Gaunt, 28 3«.
Letters to him;
Conversions, in England ; frequent among students in
From Allen and the professors and students of
arts at the Universities and the law students in
Douay, 13 June, 1575, 24.
London, and even among courtiers, 55c ; proFrom Allen, 13 June, 1575, 25.
moted by the controversial writings of the exiles in
From Sander, 30 March, 1576, 27.
Flanders ib.d.
From Allen, 4 April, 1578, 39.
at Eheims, 184a* ; some specially remarkable, 204«.
From the nuncio Dandini, 18 June, 1580, 401.
of English prisoners at Cadiz by Persons, cxiii*, S29d.
From bishop Goldwell, 3 July, 1580, 401.
Copley, Thomas, lord, allowed a pension by the Pope,
From Allen, 10 July, 1580, 87.
201«.

IN: EX.
Coppinger, Mnemosynum
to the Catholias of
Ireland,
quoted, 339c.
Coqueley, Mr., 312«.
Cornelius, John, a student at the Seminary at Rome,
delivers a discourse before the Pope on St. Stephen's
day, 1233«*, 1243 ; mentioned, 215«*.
Cornwallis (Cornowallis), stated to have been employed for
3 years as an English agent at the Spanish court
to poison the King, 108«.
Cossin, Christopher, a servant of Thomas Hesket in
Cardinal Allen's household, 377«.
Cottam, Mr. ; H u g h Griffith's plan for introducing him
into the Seminary at Rome with Dr. Bristow in
place of the Jesuits, 84«.
Cotton, see Ducton.
Court of Wards ; Allen recommends its abolition, which
did not take place till Charles I I . ' s first Parliament,
cviii« ; the office had been held by Sir Francis
Englefield in Queen Mary's time, 304c.
Covert, Thomas, Allen's agent at Paris, 2 1 0 « ; is diligent about the collect for the Seminary, 127c ; men•m tioned, 123d, 131«*, 154c, 188«, 196c, 201«.
Cowling or Collings (Coolinus), 136«; is natura biliosce,
154«.
Creighton (Crittonius), "William, S. J . ; letter from him
to F . Persons, 20 Aug., 1596, 384 ; his mission to
Scotland, xxxvb, 129bcd ; his mission to Rome,
386c; takes letters from Allen to Pope Gregory
X I I I . , 1293 ; his relations with the duke of
Lennox, 405c and note ; his capture -with the
papers containing the plans of the duke of Guise,
4253c ; Walsingham's account of his capture, 426«*;
examined about a supposed project for the assassination of Elizabeth and F . Mathieu's part in it,
434c; his confessions in the Tower, 432«*; his
controversy with F . Persons on the Book of the Succession, 3843 ; extract of a letter to F . Agazzari,
314c; mentioned, 130««*, 1433, 1663, 1713, 182c,
184c, 197«, 207«, and note, (Cliton) 294«3, 406«*,
408c, 4093, 433c«*.
Creswell, Father, S. J . ; his mother, b y her second marriage, wife of William Lacy, Martyr, 163«.
Arthur, S.J., 1713.
Joseph, S.J., rector of the Seminary at Rome,
4533 ; petitions Philip I I . on behalf of Allen's relations, 371 ; mentioned, 1223.
Culchethe, J o h n , 441c.
Curie, or Curii, Gilbert, secretary of Mary Queen of
Scots, 248« and note, 320«*, 386«*.
Curwen, Thomas, charged b y Elizabeth Allen with-the
administration of her children's property, 219c.
D . , a cipher for the King of Spain, 2473c.
Dacres, Edward, lord ; Allen begs the Pope's intervention with the King of Spain in his favour, 87c ; he
writes to Allen, 178 ; the signature is an autograph,
179c; contributes towards the paintings of the
English martyrdoms in the church of the Seminary
at Rome, 193c and note; ' v e r y desirous to ret u r n ' to England, 429«*; mentioned, 137«*, 188«,
201«, 215«*.
Leonard, lord (elder brother of Edward), in exile in
Belgium after the rising of the northern earls,
6Zd,
Dajicoisne, M. l'Abbé, 42«*, 43«", 883.

3

463

Monsieur L., 42d.
Dandini, Mgr. Anselmo, nuncio at Paris, appointed 8th
March, 1578, 42«*.
Letters written by him :—
To the Cardinal of Como, 18 J u n e , 1580, 401»
To the same, 12 J u l y , 1580, 402.
To the same, 14 August, 1580, 403.
To the same, 11 Sept., 1580, 404.
To the same, 25 Sept., 1580, 404.
To the same, 6 Nov., 1581, 404*
Letters to him :—
From Allen, 22 J u n e , 1578, 42.
From the same, 14 J u l y , 1580, 88.
Daniel (perhaps Holdsworth), 1983 and note.
Danett, Audley, a spy of Elizabeth whom Allen warns the
Cardinal vicar to expect in Rome, 157«.
Darbyshire, Thomas, S.J. ; his efforts to save Gore from
apostasy, 112«; at the Jesuit College at Paris,
196c and note.
Dauphin of Auvergne (Princeps Delfinus), the prince,
gives Allen's Apology to Queen Elizabeth, 983«*
note.
Davis (Davisius), Captain John, discoverer of Davis*
Strait, 226c«*; introduced to Allen at Rouèn b y
Thomas Alfield, 227« ; his conversion, ib.«*; offers
the service of his expedition to the Pope or the
K i n g of Spain, ib.228«; answer of the Pope
approving his proposal, 4 2 2 ^ ; the Pope suggests
to him to offer his services to Spain, 423«; he
offers a large sum for the Reims Seminary, 228«.
Deacon, Mr., 133«.
Deca, Cardinal, 276«, 310«.
Dee, Dr. John, an astrologer ; causes alarm by his forecasts; his 'Private diary' edited for the Camden
Society, 340«*.
De Lapide, quoted by bishop Gold well against Allen,
93c«*.
Delrio, thanked by Allen for favouring the Seminary, 46«.
Denmark, John, King of, 284c and note, 290c.
Deposing power, the, in the ages of faith, xix« ; replaced
b y revolutions, ib , xxvii« ; the English catholics
ask the guidance of the H o l y See as to maintaining it at t h e cost of life, 410«.
Derby, H e n r y , earl of, 444«, 446«\
William, earl of, successor of the preceding, 436«*.
Diaz, Don Francisco de Paula, director of the archives
of Simancas, 251«*.
Dodd, not a caref ui copyist, 75«*.
Dóleman, R., the pseudonym under which F , Persons
published his Book of the Succession, 381«*.
Dolman, (probably John), ' a young gentleman of the I n n s
of Court,' 1353.
D'Orbais, the abbé, provost of Reims, 311«*, 341«*, 342«.
Dorman (Thomas), in exile at Louvain, 5«.
Dormer, Jane, duchess of Feria, 121«* note.
Dos Marice ; w h y England so called, 3953.
Douglas, the house of, 4 2 8 / .
Dovara, Luis, at Florence, 251c.
Drake, ' e l cosario Dragues,' 252c.
Dreux, surrender of, by the forces of the League, 351«*.
D u Blionlus, procurator of the bishop of Middelburg,
343c.
Ducket, Everard (Evanus Duchetus), alias Hance, Mart y r : his imprisonment, torture, and martyrdom
related by Allen, 103«3.

464

INE) E X .

Ducton (perhaps Cotton), John, arrested with F . Campion, I
ecclesiastically, in Allen's boyhood, xxb; called
!
101*.
Dos Marias, 395*.
t
Dudley, Eichard ; his wonderful vocation to the priest- Englefìeld, Sir Francis, praised by Sander, 28« ; pressed
hood, 204««*; his pedigree, ib.«*; sent to Borne,
with begging letters from England, from Louvain,
2056?.
Namur, Reims, Eouen, Paris and Eome, 106c ; his
Edmund, father of Eichard, 20 4 «\
testimony to Ingram Thwing, 118c; employs him
Thomas, great-grandfather of Eichard, married to
in the most confidential affairs, ib. ; has been blind
Grace Threkeld, 204«?.
for 24 years ,(1596), 137* and note ; was Master
of the Court of Wards in Philip and Mary's time,
Dulson, Alexander, chaplain, a tenant on the Allen pro304c; calumniated by Paget and Morgan, 388*;
perty, 442*.
letter from him to Allen, 4 Sept., 1581, 1 0 5 ;
Dumblane, the bishop of, 433«. .
letter from him to Thomas Hesket, 27 J a n . , 1596,
Duras, F . George, S.J., 392«*.
3 8 0 ; mentioned, 46*, 77c, 120«*, 121«*", 133* and
Durham, the bishopric of ; its importance for the enternote, 215«*, 387tf*.
prise, 40 7ac ; proposal to make Allen bishop of,
ib.5.
English catholics, Spanish distrust of, 331c«\
Dutche, Father, pensioner of the King of Spain, 105c.
Enterprise, the, for the restoration of England to the
Church by force of arms ; first proposal of it by the
duke of Guise, xxxiv* ; F . Persons' plans for it,
Edmund, second son of King H e n r y I I I . , 2835.
x\4 ; other plans and consultations for it, xxxvi*,
Edmunds, vere "William Weston, S. J., superior of the
xlii«*, xliii««*, 129, 130«*, 416«*; the design not
English missionaries, J u n e , 1595, 378c and vote.
yet known to Elizabeth (16 J a n . , 1584), 223c;
Edward, surnamedLongshanks, eldest son of King H e n r y
becomes known to her, lxx« ; apprehensions of her
III., 2 8 3 « .
government, 222c ; consultations, 230«' ; Philip I I .
I I I . , 283«.
takes it into his own hands, lxxic ; negotiations
I V . , 284«.
about it between P h i l i p a n d the Holy See through
I I I . of Portugal, 285«.
Olivares, 251—261 ; opposition of France, 260«*,
a servant of bishop Gold well, 403«*.
261c ; negotiations between Spain and the Pope,
Edwards, Eichard, a student sent to the Seminary a t E o m e ,
265, 266, 2 6 7 ; great secrecy observed, 247c«*;
158c.
paper by Allen and Persons on it, 281«; Allen
Eglinton (Eglingonius), the earl of, one of the supporters
urges on Sixtus V., 289« ; Allen and Persons argue
of the catholic cause in Scotland, 1582, 116«.
that the death of Mary Queen of Scots has reEleanor (Leonora), wife of H e n r y I I I . , 2836«".
moved many difficulties, 292« ; importance Olivares
Elizabeth, Queen, begins the persecution, 4c ; at first
attaches to Allen's influence, 276c ; Allen's views
Queen de jure and de facto ; after the excommunicaabout the plans, lxvi* ; his reasons against landing
tion, de facto but not de jure, xxviii«; Philip I I .
in Scotland, 231« ; he is urgent against delay,
from policy dissuaded P a u l IV. and Pius IV. from
224*«*, 233«, 274c; sailing of the Armada from
excommunicating her, i b . ^ : rumours of a marLisbon, 307* ; referred to, 235*, 241c and note,
riage with ' M o n s i e u r ' still afloat (1579), 81«*;
290««*, 295«*, 296«*.
proclamation against catholics, A p r i l i , 1582, 432*
and note ; her unjust detention of Mary Queen of Ernest, archduke, governor of the Low Countries, 1594
Scots and designs upon her life, id ; conspires
—rl595, 440« and note.
against the life of the King of Spain, 107 d; in- Essex, the earl of ; the possibility of treating with him for
structs Maurice Fane to spw troubles in other
the return of England to the faith discussed, 439«*.
states, 108* ; Allen complains of her pride in the Este, Cardinal d', 256«, 261*.
celebration of her birthday, 9 1 * ; Charles A r u n - Eusebius, alias for F . Eobert Persons, 98c, 230* and
dell's influence with her, 228c?; plan for her assasnote, 24:7be.
sination proposed to the duke of Guise ; the nuncio Eyton, Humphrey, 220*.
advises t h a t the Pope should not be acquainted Exchange, bills of, not easily procurable between France
with it, 412c«'; what is to be thought of the
and Upper Germany, 121c ; rate of, between Eome
design, xlviii«* ; she is styled b y the Cardinal of
and Paris, 127 d, 133«, 169*; bills of; necessity of
Como and others Herodias, 91c, 131« ; and Jezabel,
previous notice except in the greatest centres, 415«*.
195«, 297c ; mentioned, 287c, 301 tf, 425«~.
Exeter, earl of, eldest son of Lord Burleigh ; his daughter
Lucy married William Paulet, fourth marquis of
Elliott, George, formerly servant in the families of Petre
Winchester, 440«\
and Eoper, betrays and captures F . Campion, 102«.
Exiles, the English ; they establish in Belgium an
Ellis (Elisius), a priest on the English mission, 154«.
' Oxford ' house and a * Cambridge ' house ;
E l y , Dr. Humphrey, is a friend to Atherton, 190«*;
jealousies and divisions amongst them, 53*c«* ;
author of ' Certame Brief e Notes' 319«*; a protheir necessitous state, 106c ; an English priest
bably unique copy of the work exists in the British
acting as chaplain to English soldiers of the Duke
Museum, ib. ; mentioned, 104« and note, 208*.
of Parma, 153«; discontent of the exiles ; Allen's
Emerson, Brother Ealph, S.J., contrives ways for miskindly explanation of it, 221« ; F . Agazzari w i t h sionaries to enter England, 24Id ; mentioned, 129*,
draws from acting as agent for their pecuniary
382* and note.
affairs at Eome ; his reasons, 225«* ; * irremediable
Emmanuel, Don, King of Portugal, 285«.
disunion' among them, 315«*; distrust shown
Engham (Engeamus, Engenamus, and Enghamius), a
them by the Spaniards, 330*«*, 33l«* ; noted for
priest, 112«; 128*, 145«, 151c, 156*.^
their dissensions wherever they settle, 449c.
England, two ways of converting, xxiii^ ; its appearance,

INDEX.

465

Faction, the, of Paget and Morgan ; a memorandum re- Fulgiam, 393«.
lating its history endorsed by Persons, 386c ; in- Fuller's Worthies of England quoted, 103d.
jury done by it to Spanish interests, ib.6 ; Persons'
Gachard, M., 340d, 436d.
account of it in his Autobiographical Notes, 392.
Faith, the ages of, their principles still living in the 16th Gardener, Roger, a tenant on the Allen property, 4426.
Garnett, Henry, S.J., Martyr, 3586.
century, xixb.
Fane, Maurice, a spy of Walsingham, said to have been Gaunt, John of ; descent of Henry VII. from his third
marriage, i.e. with Catherine Swynford, 282c ; his
employed by Elizabeth to poison the Pope and the
daughters, 2846.
King of Spain, and for other treacherous objects,
Gayangos, Don Pascual de, 251d.
107d, 108 ; his alleged confession to this effect
Gee, Edward, 396d.
signed by his own hand, 108c.
Farnese, Cardinal, 276« ; Geoffrey Pole's son Arthur Georhagan, Barnabas, S.J. ; letter from him and F. William Nugent, S.J., to the Cardinal of Como about
brought up in his palace, 173d.
the archbishopric of Dublin, 169d.
Farrington, Richard, 44Id.
Gerard (and Gerrarde), Gilbert, 4446, 4476.
Felton, the murderer of the duke of Buckingham, 1«.
Thomas, 447c.
Fen, Mr., one of Aliens 'fast friends,' 3966.
John, S.J., cxic, 308c and note.
Feria, the duke of, recovered from a fever, 106c.
Milej», Martyr, requires a dispensation for orders on
the duchess of, by birth Jane Dormer, 120d note,
account of the loss of one eye, 170dand note; the
121^ note, (my L. Dutches), 1336 and note ; after
dispensation obtained, 17 3d.
her husband's death never leaves her house, 1376 ;
(another) of Ince (1612), 445c.
beloved by Mary Queen of Scots, 175d; Allen's
Gertruidenburg (Burgum Stse. Gertrudis), surrender of,
opinion of her, ib.
Fintrey, Graham of (Baro Fentrius), said to have been
by the League, 35Id.
martyred for the faith in Scotland by James I., Gilbert, George :—
385c.
Letters to him ;
Fitzherbert, Nicholas, author of a life of Allen, 36 ;
From Allen, 15 Jan., 1582, 109.
Allen's gratitude for his zeal on behalf of the
From the same, 12 May, 1582, 132.
Seminary, 190«; his exertions in making the colHis zeal and sufferings in the cause of the miesions
lection for it at Naples, 2016 ; beloved by Allen ;
in England, 97c ; companion of F. Persons in
his father and uncle died in prison for the faith,
England; leaves him money and other things
3756.
when going into exile, 98« ; carries letters from
Thomas, afterwards S. J., suggested by Allen as an
Allen to Rome, 1076 ; Allen sends him some verses
agent at Rome, 221c, 393«.
on the martyrs, 113^; .his zeal for the Reims
Fitzsimons, Leonard, an Irishman and a Douay priest, 169d
Seminary and the English mission, 126c, 155d,
and note ; the only Irishman Allen knows of ' in
156«; lately dead, 216d; mentioned, 8Id, 95d,
these parts' (Paris, 1579), Sid.
114d, 1236, 124d, 127cd, 128c, 131d, 135d, 137c,
F., his work on the mass, 338d.
138«6, 139«, 144«, 145«c, 147«c, 148c, 1506,
Fixer, John, sent as a student to Rome ; his description,
153«d, 1546, 155«, 156d, 163«6, 168c, 1696, 1716,
172c, 174«, 177c, 186cd, 187«, 189c, 194«6, 197«c,
2056.
1986, 199c, 235c, (Golbett) 434« and note.
Fletcher, Peter, sent to the Seminary at Rome, 119d.
Gibbons, D. ; Sander thanks Allen for kindness shown to
Fletewood, Edmund, 444«, 447«.
his brother, 38c.
William, 444«6, 446«*, 447«.
Flinton, George, a merchant who devoted himself to the Gibson, the Rev. T. E., of Southport, 452d.
work of printing for the missions, 1986 and note ; Gilford, two cousins, 145c, 1466.
(
an honest marchant,' 222d.
Gilbert, 1366, 1466,148c, 1636, 164d, 1886.
Foard, William, of Swinley, 445c.
Allen objects to his remaining at either Seminary,
Foster, at Reims, much beloved, 145c; (probably the
186« ; he has no hope of him, 1566 ; in Paris on his
way to Italy, 167c ; kindness of Allen to him after
same), 172c.
his faults, 123cd; apparently penitent, 2156; his
Fowler, Francis, in need at Rome ; Allen asks help for
intrigues against Allen, 3226 ; he writes calumhim, 216«'.
niously against the Jesuits and the King of Spain,
John, brother of Francis, a zealous and learned
389« ; his intrigues instigated by Paget and Morcatholic printer, 216«\
gan, 389«, 394«.
Fraunce, John, a tenant of the Aliens, 442d.
William, Dr. (afterwards archbishop of Reims) ; his
Freeman, Mr., 78«; a pensioner of the King of Spain,
success at the Seminary at Rome, 1116 ; ill, 1366 and
1056 ; among Allen" s ' fast friends,' 3966.
note ; a blameableletter from him to Rome intercepFrench, Thomas, Esq., 337d.
ted, 1936 and note ; letter from him to Walsingham,
Frisonius, D., apparently a layman, arrested with several
18 April, 1586, 262 ; theologian to Cardinal Allen,
copies of Allen's * Apology,' and imprisoned in
3776; dean of Lille; sides with the faction of
the Fleet, 96«.
Paget and Morgan and incites the English students
Peter, canon and afterwards dean of Reims, 31 Id, !
at Rome in the same direction, 389d, 390«6c;
313d; active in promoting the collection for the
mentioned, 1466, 147c, 148d and note, 1546, 1566
Seminary at Reims, 1276 ; wants four Agnus Dei's
1636, 172c and note, 186«, 1876 and note, 19 d
from Rome, 1606; 'the father of the poor' at
2156, 319d. .
Reims ; Allen begs for him a dispensation from his
yow of pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 211«6.
ì Gii/corrupted name of some English earl, 2276.

3o2

466

INDEX.

Giles (Gyles), Mrs., 78a.
. I Grene, Robert, a tenant on the Allen property, 4426.
Glasgow, the archbishop of, James Beaton, amhassador of Gregory. St., the Great, 297«\
Mary Queen of Scots in France ; (Belloy) attests mi- Gregory X I I T . , Pope, modifies the effects of St. Pius V . ' s
tograph letter of Mary Queen of Scots, 280c ; adexcommunication of Elizabeth ; his zeal for ' her
ministrator of her dowry in Fran ce, 320d ; succeeded
deposition, xxix« ; aids the intended expedition of
in this trust b y Paget and Morgan, ib. ; takes part in
Don J o h n of Austria against England, ib b ; equips
consultations about the enterprise, 4086c, 4156 ;
the expedition of Sir Thomas Stukely for Ireland,
satisfied with the aid offered by the Pope towards
ib.c ; grants a pension to the Douay Seminary, 10« ;
t h e enterprise, 424«*; his nephew employed in the
calls Allen to Rome (1580), 13«; offers Allen the
negotiations about it, 416*5 ; mentioned, 129ct/, 130«,
Cardnalate, 16« ; briefs of, in favour of Allen and
178«*, 184c, 320«\ 3K6C, 388c, 392«, 412«*, 422b.
the Seminary, 24«6, 27, 28 ; writes to Don J o h n
of Austria on behalf of the exiled English CarGlorierius, Caesar, signs briefs of Pope Gregory X I L I , ,
thusians at St. Quentin, 37«*; writes to the Car24c, 27c, 29c.
dinal archbishop of Reims on behalf of Allen
Glovers' Visitations of TorJcshire referred to, 451«\
and the Seminary, 40«*; and to the Chapter, 416 ;
Gloves, four pairs of, sent as a present to Rome b y Allen,
his liberality to the Seminary, 426, 43«6 ; brief of,
122«; one pair, 158c?; four pairs (he cannot obauthorising Allen and others to present English
tain more), 206c,
students for ordination, 70 ; letter to him from
Goldwell, Thomas, bishop of St, Asaph,
Allen, 716 ; fresh aid to the Seminary (1580), 926 ;
Letters written by him ;
orders a general collection for the Seminary, 1746 ;
To Pope Gregory XIET., 23 April, 1580, 400.
his grant to it not enough for the students, 180
To the Cardinal of Como, 3 J u l y , 1580, 401.
note ; offers aid for t h e enterprise, 195« ; Allen
H e is awaiting ' in horas ' letters from the Pope to
desires to see him before he dies, 199« ; he was
pass into England, 895 ; copy of a poem on the Mart h e first who subsidised Douay, 246 i ; he orders
tyrs sent him b y Allen, 1116 ; written to by Allen,
Sir R. Shelley to retire to Venice, 268^ ; is opposed
1146 ; contributes to the expenses of publication
to H e n r y of Navarre, 279c; the aid he intended
of the Reims Testament, 1226; cools in his profor the enterprise is advanced to Don J o h n of
ject of entering the English mission, 401« ; delay
Austria, 28l«* ; he desires Allen's presence in Rome
of his brief of faculties, 402« ; disinclined to stay
for some months, 3996 ; mentioned, 188«*, 210«*,
at Reims for fear of plague and the Huguenots,
202«, 2146, 2156, 226«*, 406«.
402c ; unwillingness to go into England ; the delay
of his brief a pretext, the true cause fear, 403« ; Gregory X I V . , Pope ; his recent elevation, 3206 and note ;
brief from him granting Allen extensive faculties
his return to Italy, 403c«*; returns to Rome,
for England and Ireland, 335 ; mentioned, 333«,
404«c; mentioned, Ì354, 163c, 174«, 194«.
337d, 44 S«*.
Gonzaga, illustrissirnus, 173c.
Good, F . "William, S.J., confessor of the Seminary at Griffeth, Dr., 316«.
Rome ; Allen corresponds with him, 1126, 114« Griffith, Hugh, nephew of Owen Lewis ; (Griffin) exults
and note ; appealed to b y P . Agazzari to clear
at the expulsion of English students from the
him from the charge of enticing the students
Seminary at Rome, 74«*; ( ' y o u r cousin H u g h e s ' )
1
into the Society, 153d; Allen sends bim his "Brief
of a bitter, odd, and incompatible nature,' 80c ;
History " of the Martyrs, 1566; mentioned, 118c,
writes to Allen against the Jesuits, 82«*; his
119c, 124c, 12Sc,131</,138«, 147c, 148c, 1896, 194«.
hostility to the Jesuit rector at Rome 84« ; the
Gore, J o h n ; fears of his apostasy, 111//; mentioned by
Cardinal protector wishes Owen Lewis to w i t h Allen, but name erased, 114bd note ; his chardraw him from Rome, 1126.
acter, 112«; Allen sees him in P a r i s ; he says Grimston (Grymeston). George ; letter to him from Allen,
mass, but is solitary and me'ancholy, 128</ ; a p 31 May, 15S2, 141 ; confirmed by the bishop of
prehended through George Grimston, and i m St. Asaph at Reims, ib.«* ; aids in the discovery and
prisoned at Paris, 1426 and note ; in prison, 144« ;
apprehension of Gore, 1426; mentioned, 142 note.
writes a recantation which is rather an apology, Gualterutius, Tho. Them., signs a brief of Pope Sixtus
1556 ; his imprisonment a heavy expense to the
V. to Allen, 302c.
Seminary, 166c ; mentioned, 150c, 188«.
Guise, the princes of ; they admit and favour the SemiGorton's Topographical Dictionary quoted, lvii«\
n a r y at Reims, 126; Allen's attachment to them,
Graham of F i n t r y (Baro Pentrius) see F i n t r y .
47'; ; watched by English spies, 223« ; desire that
Grately, Edward, writes for Walsin^ham against the
nothing should be done in the enterprise without
Jesuits and Spain at the instigation of Paget and
them, 251«; mentioned, 413«", 4176.
Morgan, 389« ; Paget's relations with him, 394«.
Louis, Cardinal of, archbishop of Reims ; letter to
Gray, the master of, sent to Mary Queen of Scots by
him from Allen on arriving at Reims, Sept., 1578,
James, 2446.
6 8 « ; writes to Allen, 3 April, 1588, 305 ; obtains
a canonry at Reims for Allen, 13c; favours the
Green (probably Richard) ; his disinterestedness and
Seminary, 436 ; contributes to the general collect
poverty from the persecution of his family, 216«.
for it, 126«*; Allen desires he m a y b e thanked by
J o h n , ' a pious youth,' then subdeacon, 1924, 201«.
the Pope, 127«6 ; he begs for the Seminary in
Greene, F , Christopher, S.J. ; his transcript of a letter
person at a provincial council, 192« ; his assassinafrom Allen to Campion, Sid note; referred to, 160
tion, 312« ; mentioned, 312«'.
note, 2366, 323«*, 382«*, 440«* note. (Also his t r a n H e n r y , duke Of, washes the enterprise to be hastened,
scripts are frequently referred to as the source from
2246 ; plans for the invasion of England, ÌOòbcd ;
which documents are printed.)

INDEX.
relations with the duke of Lennox, ib.c, 406b;
consultations about the enterprise, 406c, 408c,
410c^, 4110, 412«, 4155r/, 433 ; aid from Spain in
his project, 4135 ; his zeal for it, 414c«" ; urged on
by Mary Queen of Scots and lord Seton, 414c«*;
aid of Spain and the Holy See, 416«; reports from
England ( D e c , 1583), 4195 ; satisfied with the aid
offered by the Pope, 424«*: project of marriage
with a Spanish princess, 352«* ; watched by English
spies, 109« ; gives a house and endowment at E u
for an English Seminary, 129cd, 1665; entertains
a proposal for the assassination of Elizabeth,
4126*6?; is assassinated himself, Slid; mentioned,
131c, 233c, 247-i, 261«*, 2675c, 312«", 341«*, 386c,
387, 388c, 392«, 393c, 4235, 424«, 4255.
Louis of, second son of H e n r y duke of Guise, abbot
of St. Denis, 341«*.
Catherine de Clèves, countess of Eu, duchess of,
married to H e n r y duke of Guise, x x x i v « ; letter
from her to Allen, 17 F e b . , 1589, 3 1 1 ; another,
22 F e b . , 1592, 341.
ISee a. so May enne, the duke of.
H a l l , an alias of George Birket, 166c.
Halliwell, James Oichard, Esq., 340«'.
Halsworth (sometimes written Holesworth and Holdsworth), Daniel, 291c.
Hamilton, the house of, 428«.
Harding, Thomas, in exile at Louvain, 5«.
Hargate, Mr., pensioner of the King of Spain, 1055.
Hargrave, formerly vicar of Blackburn ; writ for his a p prehension with Allen and others, 2 1 .
Harley, Thomas, chaplain in Cardinal Allen's household;
banished from England, 3765.
Harmon, J u l y a n (Zilianus), a Bridgettine n u n , one of
thosH arrested with F . Campion, 1015; prisoner in
Beading Castle for recusancy in 1582, 103«".
Harrison, a priest arrested in 1582, 163«.
J o h n (Arrisonus),goes to Borne as a pilgrim, and with
the intention of entering a strict religious order,
205c, 20d« ; studies in the Seminary at Borne, 208«*,
209«.
John, a married servant of Allen, 377«.
"William, the archpriest ; his memorial to Pope
P a u l V., alleging complaints made by Alb n against
F . Persons and the Society of Jesus, 379«*.
H a r t , William, Martyr, ' an excellent missionary,' 1135 ;
his escape while hearing mass in York Castle, September, 1582, 163« ; (probably the same), his constancy, 172c; prisoner at York, his courage, 181« ;
relics of him brought to Allen, 197« ; his life is
w r ritten by Thirkill, the Martyr, but falls into the
hands of the persecutors, 203« ; mentioned, 202«\
J o h n ; persecutions endured by him, 113«*; encouraged
to martyrdom by his mother ; his martyrdom deferred, 1135 and note ; his sufferings, 114«; desirous to enter the Society, 176c«*; expects the
crown of martyrdom ; binds himself to the Society
by a vow in prison, 166c ; has behaved heroically,
is consoled by F . General, 199c; mentioned, 138«^
146d, 163c, 205«; 2095.
William, brother of John, a student at Borne, 1345,
170«, 1715 ; is distressed that his brother was not
martyred with Campion and his companions, 1135 ;
desirous to enter the Society, 138^?:

467

Dr., living at Borne, 159i, 1695, 221c.
Hatton, Sir Christopher ; letters of his extant instructing
agents to plot against the King of Spain, 1 0 8 ^ ; he
patronises the spy, Aldred, 235c.
Hauhton, Bichard, of Parkehall, 445c.
Hawkesworth, William, cousin of Allen ; Allen commends him to the superiors of the Seminary at
Borne, 123c ; his father a prisoner in the Tower,
1445; Allen sends him the Little Office of the
B.Y.M. as a present, 158«*; his younger brother is
to be sent to Borne, 187«"; his relationship to Allen
traced, 451«"; mentioned, 139«, 149«, 1675, 1685,
189b, 191«*, 1975c.
William, father of Allen's cousin, married to Bosamond Lister, Allen's maternal aunt, 451«\
Hay, Edmund, (Edward Hayes), S.J., appointed to t h e
Scotch mission, 1295«*; extract of a letter from
him to F . Agazzari, S . I . , 314c.
John, Observantine ; letter from him to Allen, 26
J u n e , 1589, 313.
H a y dock (Haddocus), George, Martyr ; arrested in London, 123d; in t h e Tower, 1445.
Bichard (brother of the Martyr) ; nephew of Allen's
sister-in-law, Elizabeth, ib.^, 37lc ; maestro di
camera to Cardinal Allen, 375^ ; lived in Ireland
and was dean of Dublin, ib.5 ; recommended b y
the Spanish ambassador at Borne for a benefice
after Allen's death, 3645.
Yivian or Evan, of Cottam, near Preston, father of
Bichard, 37k/.
Helen, mother of Bichard, and sister of Elizabeth
Allen, wife of the Cardinal s elder brother George,
S7ld. •
Hayward, a student pillaged and held to ransom on his
way to Beims, 164« ; (another in the same case), ib.
Heighinton, Bobert, recommended by Sir Francis Englefield, 106c ; a friend of the earl of Northumberland and Englefield, secretary to the countess of
Northumberland ; Allen anxious to obtain succour
for his needs, 119« ; skilled in the histories of E n g land, 282r/.
(his son) a student at the Seminary at Borne, 119« ;
referred to, 291 be.
Henchin, or Hauchinus, J o h n , archbishop of Malines,
cxv«*, 437«.
Henry I I I . , King of England, 2835; his life by Matthew
of Westminster, ih.d ; his life by Polidore Vergil,
ib. cd.
I V . , son of John of Gaunt by his first wife Blanche,
282«*; his life by Polidore Vergil, 283«", 284«.
V I . , 284«.
V I I . , 284«5; not really of the house of Lancaster,
282c ; his victory over Bichard I I I . obtained with
a small force, 430«\
V I I I. ; English Carthusians martyred by him, 37fi? ;
notes written by Don Jerome Hurtado on t h e
Martyrs put to death by him, 121« ; no vocations
to the priesthood among the nobility in his reign,
203«*; referred to, 257«*, 260«*, 266c.
I I I . of France, King ; his assassination of the duke
of Guise, 1«.
I V . of France, K i n g ; Allen opposed to his absolution,
363«andwo£c; 342«*.
Henrico, P., 2915.
Heresy, as regarded in the ages of faith, xviiic, xxvii« ;

468

INDEX.

simulated by many priests and laymen from fear,
priests secretly saying mass and publicly performing the protestant service, 56* ; such practices
stopped by the writings of the exiles, ib.c, 67be.
Hernandez, F . Michael, 264«.
Herodias, name of reproach applied to Queen Elizabeth,
91c, 131«.
Hesket (and Hesketh), Richard, 441* and note.
Thomas, priest, nephew of Allen ; sent from Reims
to the Jesuit College of Verdun, 372«*; in Allen's
household at his death, 374«*; Allen made over to
him his pension on Pavia, 3 6 3 ^ ; enjoys the above
pension and that on the abbey of Capua, 374-tf;
took the name of Allen after the death of his uncle
the Cardinal, 397^; referred to, 448c.
Thomas, father of the above, 144* and note.
Elizabeth, sister of Allen, 372*.
H e y wood, Gaspar, S.J., suffering from sciatica,
ll^ad;
superior in England, 118«*; success in his work,
182« ; mentioned, 160*, 163c, 176d, 186c, 192«,
453«.
Thomas, Esq., 300c?.
H e t h , a student robbed and held to ransom on his way to
Reims, 164«.
Heythe, Thomas, 314«.
Hiidesley (Hulerbiivs), William, one of those arrested
with F . Campion, 101*.
Hill, James, 393«.
Hide, Leonard, I96d; accompanies Geoffrey Pole to Rome,
157d.
Higgins ( H y g e n n u s \ Adam, desires to enter the Society,
160-7-.
Isaac, brother of Adam, 160«.
Hodgson (Odsonus), Christopher, 215«.
Hogan, Edmund, S.J., 339d; his Ibernia Ignatiana referred to, ib.
Hogeson, William, tenant on the property of t h e Aliens,
442*.
Hoggarde, William, tenant on the property of the Aliens,
442*.
Holdsworth and Holes worth, see Halsworth.
Holland, Edward, sheriff of Lancashire, 21«'.
Holt (Holte and H a u t ) ^ F r a n c i s , 444«, 447*.
Holt, William, S.J., in Edinburgh in the winter -of
1581-2, 114cd; in Scotland, 117rf; sent to Scotland before Campion's martyrdom, 118a?; confusion in the date assigned hy Persons for his mission to Scotland, HSd note; labours successfully
in Scotland, 118^ note; Allen often hears from
him, 163c; is one of Allen's ' fast friends,' 396* ;
is arrested, 190« ; his imprisonment and torture in
Scotland, his courage and constancy, 1916/; mentioned, 160c, 171*, 182*, 382«, 392«*, 397*c
Hopkins, Richard, residing at Louvain ; letter to him
from Allen, 75d; mentioned, 393«; a sister of
his referred to, 78«.
Horton, James, a tenant on the property of the Aliens, 442*.
Houghton, Thomas, of Houghton Tower ; deed executed
by Allen relative to his estate, 85c.
Howie or Hoole, John, a tenant on the property of the
Aliens, 442* ; (his son), ib.
Hiibner, Baron de, 298*, 308«\
Hughes (Huys), Louis, a priest, one of Cardinal Allen's
household, imprisoned and then banished from E n g land, 376« and note.

Hulse (Pelsus), John, one of those arrested with F . Campion, 1 0 1 * ; prisoner in Reading Castle for recusancy in 1582, 103a?.
Thomas, also prisoner in Reading Castle for recusancy
in 1582, 103«\
H u m e , lord, one of the chiefs of the catholic party in
Sco land, 1582, 116«.
Huntingdon, H e n r y Hastings, 3rd earl of, president of
the North ; his fury against catholics, 214« ; joins
in fitting out the expedition of John Davis, 227* ;
descends from the house of York, 282c; mentioned, 290c, 429«.
George Hastings, 4th earl of ; his daughter Catherine,
married to Edward Umpton (or Untoni, 235«\
H u n t l y , earl of, one of the chief supporters of the catholic cause in Scotland in 1582, 116« ; a party to the
duke of Guise's plans, 427«'.
Hurtado, Don Jerome, 'amico nostro diarissimo,' 1 1 1 « ;
interested in the Martyrs under H e n r y V I I I . ,
121« ; his devotion to the cause of the collect made
for the Seminary at Reims ; consoles Allen, 126* ;
mentioned, 133o, 148c, 170«.

nyde, Mr., 78«.
Hygges, William, a yeoman, piisoner in Reading Castle
for recusancy in 1582, 103d,
Indulgences granted by Pope Gregory X I I I . in favour
of t h - English mission and their fruit, 63c.
Ingeram, a student pillaged and held to ransom on his way
to Reims, 164«.
Ingram, J o b n K., Esq., 337^.
Innocent I X . , Pope ; his election, 339d.
Introduction, historical, to this volume; its object to trace
Allen's political action, xvi*.
Ireland ; Irish missionary priests from Douay and L o u vain at work there, 6 1 * ; faculties granted to Cardinal Allen for, 3SU«c, 361*.
Irish youths in Lisbon, 339c?.
Irregularity; Allen considers it has not been incurred by
any of the students at Reims on account of heresy,
lòOd.
Isabella, the Empress, daughter of Don Emmanuel of
Portugal, 285«.
Clara Eugenia, the Infanta, daughter of Philip I I . ;
Olivares suggests her being put forward for the
succession of the English crown, 256*, 277c, 278bcd;
married to the archduke Albert of Austria, formerly Cardinal, 394c and note.
Jacomoro, a spy employed by Elizabeth ; Allen warns t h e
Cardinal vicar to expect him in Rome, 157«.
James I . , King ; report of his religious state in 1582,
1 1 5 * ; his deposition contemplated b y Philip I I . ,
252d; subvention of 24,000 crowns sent him by
Philip I I . at request of F . Persons, 2 5 3 ^ ; a party
to Guise's plans, 426^, 427d.
James (Jacobus), John, arrested with F . Campion, 101*.
Jaymes, Thomas, 394c.
Jeannin, one of the deputies of the League to H e n r y of
Navarre, 253c.
Jessopp, the Rev. Augustus, D.D.', Economy of the Fleete
edited by him, 365«\
Jesuits ; they are called by many Theatines, 253^ ; F .
Persons urges Allen to persuade the General to send
some of the Society on the English.mission, 75* ;

INDEX.

469

their first entrance on the English mission, 13«5 ; !
to power, xxxiyd; created duke of Lennox, 117*?
complaints of their encouraging seminarists to
note; (Lenoni dux) one of the chief protectors
enter the Society, 138c, 153d, 450c«", 451«; Allen
of the catholic cause in Scotland, 116«; hosis not opposed to their taking subjects from the
tility of the protestant party to him, 1175 ; knows
seminaries, hut requires them to ask leave of the
no language except French, ib.; Rome ready to
Pope and Cardinal protector (1582), 111c; timohelp him with money, 411c; in F r a n c e ; relations
rous catholics advise their withdrawing from the
with Guise, 412« ; aided by the Holy See ; his part
mission for a time on account of the heat of persein the enterprise, 416«*; relations w i t h Guise,
cation, 2365 ; Allen's testimony to the high qualiCreighton and Castelli, May, 1582, 405c, 410«;
ties of the superiors and chief fathers, 450c.
4 2 7 ^ ; proclamation that he and the KiDg will remain in the reformed religion ; he is, however,
Jewel, Allen writes on purgatory against him, 55.
known to be a catholic at heart, 1615 ; obliged to
Jezabel, name applied to Queen Elizabeth, 195«, 297c
fly to France, 175c; effects of his death on the
John, of Wigan (surname illegible), 445c.
prospects of the enterprise, 415«5, 426«*, 427«,
Johns, Eobert, a student sent to Rome, 158c.
433«5; mentioned, 1175, 1295, 178c, 1795, 432«5«\
Johnson, William, a student sent to Rome, 205«\
Joyeuse, the duke de, 4115.
Lentuilerus (Lentalerius and Lentallerius), a citizen of
Jubilee, a special, granted to England b y Pope Clement
Douay ; the Seminary at Rome has lent him a sum
T i l l . , 346«.
of money and cannot recover it, 128«, 156«, 160«,
163c, 184c,
Justitia Britannica answered by Allen, 239«\
Lessius, quoted, xxix«\
Kellison, Matthew, sent to the Seminary at Rome, 158c.
Lewis, Owen, (Odovenus Ludovici and Audoenus), archKennet, Samuel, a jailer in the Tower, converted b y t h e
deacon of Hainault, ^ afterwards bishop of Cassano ;
priests under his charge, 146«* ; reconciled by John
letter to him from Allen, 785 ; vicar general of St.
H a r t ; sent to Rome, 205«\ 2095.
Charles, 2355 ; with St. Charles at Milan, J u l y ,
Keynes (Kaimes), Edward, arrested with F . Campion,
1580, 403« : empowered to present English s t u 1015 ; certified by the sheriff of Berkshire as
dents for ordination, 705^ ; assists in the foundabailed by warrant of Leicester and others, 104«.
tion of the Seminary at Rome, l i e , 12«"; revolt of
Humphrey (Hunfridus Kaimes), also arrested with
English students against him, 77c; his patience and
F . Campion, 1015.
prudence in the disturbances at, the Seminary, 399«';
(Reimes), Katherine, wife of Edward Keynes, arreswrites to Allen rejoicing that the Seminary at Rome
ted on the same occasion, 1015; certified by the
is flourishing, 1125 ; Allen wishes he were " solidly
sheriff of Berkshire as bailed, 104«.
reconciled to the Seminary and the J e s u i t s , " ib.c ;
Allen fears an untoward circumstance may cause
Kingswell (Rinsmill), Catherine, a Bridgettine nun, arhim offence, 217« ; procures a pension for Solorested with F . Campion, 1015 ; prisoner in Reading
mon Aldred, 2355c ; his friends wish him to be
Castle for recusancy, 103«".
made archbishop of York in the event of the sucK i r k (Kercso), Peter, an exile, formerly the earl of Norcess of the enterprise ; Allen disapproves, 303c ; not
thumberland's bailiff, 137^ and note; 1715 and
desirable he should be left in Italy, ib.d;
pronote.
posed for bishopric of St. David's, or Hereford or
Kirkeman, Richard, Martyr ; rumour of his martyrdom at
Worcester, 304« and note ; transcript and authentiReims, 163«.
cation by him of a letter of Mary Queen of Scots to
Knott, Mr. D., a pensioner of the King of Spain, 1055,
Sixtus v . , 280c ; one of Allen's executors, 363c ;
2205c.
mutual affection between him and Allen, 26c,
Knox, John, a party to the murder of David Riccio ; bis
322c ; attempt to sow distrust between them,
doctrine on the slaying of oppressors of God's people,
323«c, 3275 ; statements written b y him regarding
xlix«\
Allen's intention of not going to Flanders, 380«*,
381«; his testimonial to Morgan, 24 F e b . , 1590,
Labanoff; quoted, 2805«*.
4Z7od ; buried in the church of the Seminary at
Lacy, William, Martyr, rumours of his martyrdom at
Rome ; his epitaph, 448«' ; mentioned, 24«", 26c,
Reims, 163«; mentioned, 165«.
42*5c, 44c, 72abd, 73c, 75«, 1435, 170«; 320««\
Landò, Lelio, one of the revisers of the Vulgate of Six3255,407^,408«.
t u s V . , 3335.
Lateran Council, the 4th, cap. iii. de licereticis appealed Ligons, Ralph, 393^ ; cipher for his name, 7rc, 247C ;
to by Allen and Persons, xxvii^, 285«", 287^.
bearer of letter from Mary Queen of Scots to
Late wis, William, 441«\
Allen, 29«"; her representative to the Duke
Latimer, Nevel, lord ; Parry accused by him and hanged,
of Parma, 230«5 ; employed by her on Allen's
392c.
recommendation, 265«.
Latisel, Thomas, one of those arrested with F . Campion, Lincoln, bishop of, see Watson.
1015.
Linwood's Constitutiones Provinciales Anglice, studied at
Leicester, Robert, earl of; Campion brought from the*
Douay Seminary, 665.
Tower to be examined before him and others, 102c ; Lisle (and Lile), William, goes to Rome to study at the
joins in fitting out the expedition of Davis, 2275 ;
Seminary, 20«, 208«\
mentioned, 429«.
Lister, Thomas, of Westby, Allen's maternal grandfather,
Leigh (Lighus), Richard, a student sent to the Seminary at
451«\
Rome, 158c.
J a n e married to John Allen, mother of the Cardinal,
Lennox, Esine Stuart d'Aubigny, duke of ; his rise J
3c, 452«V

470

INDEX.

Littleston, stated to have been employed as an agent of the [
catholics and heretics, 111«; Allen promises a list
English court to poison the king of Spain, 108«.
of those under H e n r y V I I I . , I l l * ; relics of
William H a r t brought to Allen, 197« ; reasons
Lloyd, Laura, 171«.
w h y the details of their martyrdoms cannot be
Owen, a protestant, married to Laura, his cousin in
published, 203«. See also Persecution.
the 4th degree of kindred, 171«.
Marshall, (Richard), formerly dean of Christchurch, OxLochinvar, the laird of, 427«;
ford ; writ for his apprehension with Allen, 2 1 .
Lodi, bishop of, see Taberna.
Lomax, James, a consumptive seminary student, 171«, Martin, Dr. Gregory ; his book on the corruptions of the
protestant version of the bible, 109d ; anger aroused
189*.
by it among the heretics, 183«" and note ; expenses
Lorraine, Charles, Cardinal of ; letter from him to Allen,
of his work borne by the Seminary, 109«; 128«;
30 March, 1590, 3 1 8 ; another, 22 J u l y , 1592, 342.
Allen fears for his life and asks prayers for him,
Charles I I I . , Duke of, 318«\
ib. ; his death, 169c and note ; a letter from him to
Louis X L , King of France, 284«.
Campion quoted, 69«*; mentioned, 75c, 78c, 85*,
Louvain, Allen goes there when obliged to fly from
93«*, 148*, 198«.
England ; other English exiles there under the
Anthony, a benedictine monk, in religion Dom
protection of the Catholic King, 5« ; Allen writes
Athanasius ; letter of Allen to him, 354*.
to the rector of the university about a grant of
Mary, Queen of England ; her excellent intentions as to the
buildings made to the Douay Seminary, 50*.
rights and good of the Church before her accesLoveden, Dorothy, a recusant allowed out of Reading
sion not carried out, 395*c ; religious state of
Castle on bail by warrant of Walsingham, 104«.
England at her death, 57* ; mentioned, 431«.
Lowe, John, 153*.
Queen of Scots :—
Lucanus, "William, canon of Beauvais ; Allen writes to
Letters written by her ;
Rome to solicit for him licence to read heretical
To Allen, 3 Aug., 1577, 29.
books, 133«*; delay in obtaining the licence, 154c,
To the same, 22 March, 1584, 229.
156«\ 163*.
To the same, 30 Oct., 1584, 243.
Lumley, lord, 220*.
To the same, 20 May, 1586, 264.
Lyon, John, an exile in distress, 77*7.
To Pope Sixtus V. (extract), 23 Nov., 1586, 2797.
Lyvesey, Alexander, 441«?.
To Bernardino de Mendoza (extract), 23 Nov., 1586,
280.
Macconnell (Macovil), lord of the Isles ; proposal that he
Letter to her ;
should make a diversion in favour of the enterprise
From Allen, 5 F e b . , 1535. 247.
by invading Ireland, lv* and note, 418*.
H e r estimate of Allen, xxxiii« ; Allen forwards an
Mader, Thomas, servant of Gabriel Allen, 377«.
autograph letter from her to the Pope, 175c ; her
Maestricht, * bloody repulse' of the Spaniards at (1579),81c.
frequent correspondence with Allen, lxiii«; lxxc ;
Magnaro, Leonardo, letter from him to F . Holt, S.J., 291.
his sympathy for her, 47«*; she urges on Guise to
Maldonatus, F , S. J., writes a solution of the six questhe enterprise, 414c; her wishes about it, 416«;
tions made use of to entrap the confessors of the
she is stated to have warned the duke of Guise
faith in England, 146«;
against the Spanish policy of the Jesuits, 388*c ;
Malines, Allen's nomination to the see of, 313c; its
Morgan's influence with her, 434* ; her recompoverty, 348«. See also under Allen, section
mendation of him authenticated by Owen Lewis,
Malines.
437c; she assures Castelli that she has won over
Malta, the Grand Master of, imprisoned by the knights,
the earl of Shrewsbury who then had charge of
106*.
hfr, 413* ; rejects a proposal for the murder of
Malvasia, Mgr., Apostolic nuncio to the Low Countries,
Elizabeth, 412c; is abandoned by her son and be390c and note.
j
trayed by his envoy Gray, lxxi* ; writes, Oct. 30,
Man, alias Chambers, made by F . Persons head of the
1584, ' statui nunquam mihi vitam felicius
quam
Seminary begun at Eu, 129c.
in hoc tempore et causa finire posse? 243d; effects
Manareus, F . Oliverius, S.J., provincial of Germany,
of her death on the catholic cause, 287*, 288c ;
throws doubt on the accuracy of F . Persons'
suspicion said to have been entertained by Sixtus
account of the origin of Paget and Morgan's
V. that she did not die ' v e r y catholicly,' 289c;
faction, 392«*; mentioned, 173c, 222c.
her will disinherits James on account of his heresy,
Mansfield (Maxfildus), John, arrested with F . Campion,
279d; and bequeaths her right of succession to
101*.
Philip I I . , 285c; mentioned, \29ed, 175c, 240«*,
Markland, Alexander, desires to enter the Society, 251«* ;
265«; 297c, 320*, 325c.
mentioned, 192*.
Mason, Richard, a tailor, in prison for recusancy in
Matthew, of Wigan, 445c.
Reading Castle, 103«\
Edward, of Wigan, ib.
Alice, widow, a tenant on the Allen property, 442*.
Robert, of Wigan, ib.
Mathieu, Claude, S.J., provincial in F r a n c e ; confessor
Marlot's Metropolis JRememis historia quoted, 4 1 * .
of the duke of Guise, xxxiv*, 387«, 393c ; in
Martel. 267*.
favour of giving up the English mission for a time,
Martini, Andrea, notary of the Apostolic Camera, 24c.
236c ; consulted on the enterprise, 415* ; holds the
Martyrs, the English ; Allen sends some of their relics to
Spanish subvention for it, to be spent at the
Rome, 177c, 202«"; miracle wrought by F . Camdiscretion of the archbishop of Glasgow, 418c;
pion's relics, ib. ; verses published in their honour
mentioned, 129c«; 419*, 423«; 433c and note.
(1582), 110c?; happy effects of their martyrdom on [

I N I)EX.

471

Matthew of Westminster ; his Mores Historiarum, quoted, .Moreton, Gilbert, 441c.
Morgan (Philip), Allen's tutor at Oxford, 43 ; bequeaths
2833«\
his fortune to the Seminary, 10c«*; owner of cerMay enne (Ulmena), the duke of ; letter to him from Allen,
tain books in Allen's keeping, 30«*.
8 April, 1589, 312 ; entertains the plan for the mura priest, formerly at Paris, now on the English
der of Elizabeth, 412c; mentioned, Soloed, 413«.
mission, 154«.
Mayne, Cuthbert, Martyr, 365«*, 376c and note.
Thomas, a Welshman, secretary to Young, archMedina, the duke of, 308c.
bishop of York, afterwards in the service of the earl
Melino, an alias of F . Persons, 2683, 281«, 292««*, 294«3,
of Shrewsbury, obtains with Charles Paget para295c.
mount influence in the affairs of Mary Queen of
' Memoriali,' ' A , for the reformation of England, etc.,' .
. Scots, 320 note ; joins Owen Lewis and falls out
the authorship traced to F . Persons, 396c.
with Allen and Persons, ib. ; at Paris, 147c ; in
Menainville (Menévil and Monevil), M* de, French amWales, 1633 ; the nuncio ordered to use his offices
bassador to James ; efforts and consultations on
for his protection in France, 243« ; arrested in
behalf of the enterprise, 414c^, 4153, 416«\
France on Parry's accusation ; his extradition reMendoza, Don Bernardino de, Spanish ambassador to
fused, 434«*; different estimates of h i m ; his inElizabeth ; he is experienced in warfare, lv3, 418c ;
fluence with Mary Queen of Scots, 4343 ; her reis to leave England in some months, 98«* ; anxiety
commendation of him authenticated by Owen
of the catholics to keep him in England, 107c? ; or
Lewis, 437 ; Owen Lewis commends him, 438«* ;
at least to have him near, 99« ; Allen endeavours
his ' faction,' 319c; his intrigues against Allen,
to secure this, 100« ; he is expelled from England
3 2 1 — 3 2 8 ; mentioned, 81«*, 162c, 197c
in consequence of Throgmorton's confessions, 225«,
245«; letter to him from Mary Queen of Scots, Moroni, Cardinal, Protector of England, letter to him
from Allen, 16 Feb., 1579, 7 2 ; his love for the
280«*; mentioned, 130«*, 223« and note, 427«.
Seminary at Rome, 3993 and note ; mentioned, 402c.
another ; Allen succeeds on his death to an abbey he
Moroni, Dizionario Storico-Ecclesiastico, 332«*, 333«.
had held in the kingdom of Naples, 269«\
Mercurianus, Everardus, General of the Society of Jesus ; Morris, F , John, S.J., 95«*; his Life of F. John Gerard',
308«*.
letter to him from Allen, expressing his obligations j
(Mauritius), Mr., a Reims priest, desired by the Scotch
to the Society, 68«*.
catholics for their mission, 117«.
Mettam, Thomas, in prison, 118«* note ; proposed by
(Moricius), a singer in the Queen's chapel, conAllen for archbishop of York, if the Armada should
verted, 149«, 151c ; ' a very humble, truly catholic
succeed, 303c.
|
and zealous man,' 152«; has no thought of holy
Michaud et Poujoulat, JSToiwelle collection de memoir es, Sec,
orders, 1563.
312«-.
Edmund (Edmond Morrys), a recusant in Reading
Middlemore, Robert, 136«, 1383.
Castle, bailed by warrant from the Privy Council,
Miranda, Bartolomeo, one of the revisers of the Vulgate of
104«.
Sixtus V. under Gregory X I V . , 3333.
Missions, the, in England ; daily mass in all the prisons, Morton, the earl of, a great enemy of the catholic cause,
beheaded (1581), 117«\
203b; account of the missions, 2 1 3 3 ^ ; mass
the earl of (1584), a catholic, 427«*.
said in the palace, in the very room over the Queen,
Dr. (Nicholas), 403«\
213«'; Allen estimates the souls saved by the
missions to August, 1584, at 100,000, 2363; the Morus, Èistoria Provincia Anglicana Societatis Jesu, 95«*,
2993, 382«\
many works and cares they involved, 2373. See
also Martyrs, Missionary priests, and Persecution. Munden, John, Martyr, commended by Allen to F . Agazzari, 104c; mentioned, 148c.
Missionary priests ; admonitions of Allen to them on
leaving the Seminary, 34« ; his discretion in giving Mundy, the traitor, carrying to prison three priests and
three laymen, their hosts, 166«*.
them faculties, ib.3 ; the evil of their having no
regular government, 35c ; their sufferings, 36«* ; Murray, formerly chaplain to Bonner, bishop of London ;
writ for his apprehension with Allen, 2 1 .
sixty sent from Douay in three years, 43« ; some
from Douay and Louvain working in Ireland, 613 ; Mush, John ; assisted by Richard Dudley he appeases t h e
dissensions of the catholic prisoners at Wisbeach,
they need a knowledge of holy Scripture in the
204«*; mentioned, 198«, 319«*.
vernacular, 64c ; they are opposed by timid catholics, 96c ; only three or four up to 1583 had turned Musicians, two (one named Morris) from the Royal Chapel
converted, to the great anger of the Queen, 149« ;
out badly, 1823 ; there were about 300 in England
some of the principal, of the Royal Chapel think of
in September, 1584, 237c
flying to Reims, 152«.
Molens (Molyns), Michael, high sheriff of Berkshire in
Muzio, Padre, S.J.,. 128c.
1582, 103c.
Molino, Peter, one of the revisers of the Vulgate of Mygeall, Robert, 441«*.
Sixtus V., 3333.
N a u (Nawe), one of the secretaries of Mary Queen of
Molyneux (and Mollineux), Richard, 4443, 4473.
Scots, 320«*; inspires her ^vith distrust of the
Robert, of Wood, 445c.
Spanish party, 386«*.
Mondejar, marquis de, 269«*.
Montalto, Cardinal, one of tbe executors of Allen's will, Navarre, H e n r y of ; tenderness of Sixtus V. towards him,
2793; his adversaries attribute his conversion to
371«.
fraud, 352« ; Allen opposed to his absolution, 363«
Moody, a relative of Cecil ; a marriage is proposed between
I
and note ; mentioned, 342«*.
him and a niece of Allen, 4403 and note*

3

472

INDEX.

or Howlin), an Irisli. Jesuit, 338c«"; relieves Irish
Navarms (Dr. Martin Azpilcueta) ; his Manuale studied at
youths in Lisbon and dies there in the service of
Douay Seminary, 66a.
the plague-stricken, 339c.
Neyers, the duke of, in the time of Sixtus V. solicited the
Olivares, count de, Spanish ambassador to the Holy See :—excommunication of Henry of Navarre, 354«.
Letters from him;
Nichols (Nicolaus), John, an apostate, betrays F. Tyrell,
To Philip I L , 24 Feb., 1586, 251.
95c ; his false boasting and threats of disclosures,
To the same, 29 Aug., 1586, 266.
96a; imprisoned at Eouen, 177«; gives hopes of
To Don Juan de Ydiaquez, 2 Jan., 1587, 267.
conversion, 1825 ; his repentance, 1865; liberated
To Philip IL, 27 Jan., 1587, 268.
through the intervention of Elizabeth, 188« ; his
To the same, 16 March, 1587, 271.
confessions published, ib., 192b; Allen does not
To the same, 23 March, 1587, 275.
think much of his recantation,220c; mentioned, 114«.
To Don Juan de Ydiaquez, 15 June, 1587, 292.
Nicholson, William, 196«; 197J.
To the same, 10 July, 1587, 294.
and Burn's History of Westmoreland and CumberTo Philip IL, 30 July, 1587, 295.
land, 204«\
To the same, 7 Aug., 1587, 295.
Niebuhr, xvi«\
To the same, 3 Oct., 1588, 306.
Norfolk, the duke of ; Allen stays in his house while
To the Duke of Parma, 3 Oct., 1588, 307.
labouring in Norfolk, 6b ; his son in prison, 3045.
To Philip I L , 9 Oct., 1588, 308.
Norrevs, a physician ; writ for his apprehension with
To the same, 17 Oct., 1588, 309.
'Alien, 21.
To the same, 28 April, 1591, 332.
Northumberland, Thomas, 7th earl of; shares in the rising
Letters to him;
of 1569 and its failure, 53^; styled a martyr by
From Philip I I . (summary), 22 July, 1586, 265.
Allen, 1185; and by others, 314c?.
From the same, 11 Feb., 1587, 269.
Henry, 8th earl of, brother of the preceding ; Paget
From Don Juan de Ydiaquez, 12 Feb., 1587, 269.
and Morgan succeed in detaching him from the
From Philip I L , 24 June, 1587, 292.
Guises and Spain, 3875, 3925 ; and are the cause
Memorandum of an interview with Sixtus V. about
of his ruin, 387c ; a prisoner in his own house,
the enterprise, 254 ; his opinion of SixtusY., 272c ;
2235c ; three of his sons in Paris, 224« ; his eldest
note on the enterprise presented to Sixtus Y., 296 ;
eon in France, 429c.
he draws up with Allen a memorandum about apthe countess of, in exile in Belgium : she is chief of
pointments in England supposing the Armada
a faction among the exiles, 53c? ; loses her reason,
successful, 303 ; succeeded by the duke of Sesa,
ib. ; mentioned, 314«".
362«'; mentioned,"266c, 293«5,297«,298c,302«',435«'.
Norton, Father, 815.
Richard ; his faith, sufferings and sacrifices com- Oliver, F., see Manareus.
(perhaps F. Oliverius Manareus), 1885 and note.
mended by Don John of Austria, 188«*; is much
aged, ib.«; contributes to the paintings of the Orange, the Prince of, urged on by the heretics to expel
the Seminary from Douay, 43«.
English martyrs in the Seminary at Rome, 193«"
and note ; is needy, 215«" ; mentioned, 165«, 201« ; Orton, Henry, a missionary, 146«^ 147«.
Orrell, Robert, of Wigan, 446«.
a daughter of, mentioned, 215«*.
Novarola, P. Jo. Paulus, S.J., the first Jesuit entrusted Osborne, Edward, gives scandal in England, 1365, 144« ;
his repentance, 1865 ; proposes the publication of
(temporarily) with the spiritual charge of the
his confessions, 188« ; his unfitness for any posiSeminary at Rome, 69«".
tion, 196«\
Nowell (Novellus), dean of St. Paul's ; Campion refuses
discussion with him in the Tower, except on condi- Otho, Cardinal, Legate to Henry I I I . , 2835«\
Owen, Hugh, 222c, 2475c, 393« ; one of Allen's * fast
tion of publicity, 1025c.
friends,' 3965, 3975c.
Thomas ; a student in the Seminary at Rome ; Allen
Christopher, a brother of Hugh, shows great promise,
wishes him to be dismissed as a dangerous com1235.
panion, 1845, 1895 ; later he advises his being
Lawrence, a student sent to the Seminary at Rome
imprisoned at Rome, 191«; interview with Allen,
from St. Omer, 158c.
1955 ; he becomes an apostate and traitor, 2085 ;
(Audoenus), brother of Lawrence ; died while a stumentioned, 182c, 191«'.
dent at the Seminary at Rome, 159c.
Nugent, William, S.J., extract of a letter from him to the
Oxford university ; Allen placed there at the age of 15,
Cardinal of Como, 169«'.
3«^; his apostolic work there (1562-5), 6«; persecution there (1582), 122«\
Octavius, bishop of Cajazzo (Calatinus), nuncio at Cologne, 313c.
Odescalchi, Reverendissimus Dominus, 1505, 162«*, 168d. Paget, lord; letter to him from Allen, 315; escapes to
France, 2235 and note ; recommended to the Pope
O'Devany, Cornelius, bishop of Down and Connor, reby Allen, 228c, 4205 ; living with his brother
ceives faculties from Allen, 337c
Charles in exile, 228«^ ; gained over by his brother
0'Gallagher, Redmond, bishop of Derry, receives faculties
and Morgan to their party, 387^; endeavours of
from Allen, 337c.
Allen and Persons to conciliate him, 3935 ; menO'Hurley, Daniel, archbishop of Cashel, Martyr, see
tioned, 265 bd.
Cashel.
Charles ; extract of a letter to him from Allen, 16
Gldcorne, Edward, S.J., Martyr, cxic; sent to the SemiJuly, 1594,319«'; obtained with Morgan adminisnary at Rome, H9d, 308c and note.
tration of the dowry of Mary Queen of Scots,
Olingus, John, S. J. (Holing, Houling, Hulihg, Howling,

473
320«*; his first alienation from the heads of the
146c; narrative of the death of seven martyred
catholic party, 386«* ; his exclusion with Morgan
priests written by the heretics ; Allen publishes a
from the consultations held by the duke of Guise,
true account, 147* ; effects of the martyrdoms on
their alienation and efforts of Allen and Persons
men's minds in England, 148«; Allen receives
for reconciliation, 392«; his treacherous conduct
an answer about the six questions put to the
towards the duke of Gruise and the Spanish
confessors of the faith, 162d; 18 priests in the
interest, 387*; he and Morgan inspire Mary
Marshalsea, 172c ; 24 priests in the Marshalsea
Queen of Scots with distrust of Spain and the
(March, 1583), 181c; active work of the priests
Jesuits, 387*c ; Dr. Worthington refutes a
in prison, even going out in the daytime, ib. ; persestatement that Allen had sided with him, 397«c;
cution raging at York, 199« ; increased violence
mentioned, 276«, 277c, 316*, 3l9d, S2Qcd, 426«.
(September, 1584), 237*, 238 W ; 20 priests
transported out of England without trial, 249* ;
Paine (Paynus), John, Martyr, 131«\ 138«\
Allen enjoins on the missionaries great mercifulPaleotto, Cardinal, archbishop of Bologna, 215«*; his love
ness in dealing with those who have gone to profor England and the students of the two Seminaries,
testant churches, 344«; the catholics ask the
399* and note.
guidance of the Holy See as to their conduct when
Pallavicino, Fabrizio, S. J., prefect of studies in the Semiinterrogated about the excommunication of Elizanary at Rome, 122«, 123«, 124*c, 135c, 138«;
beth, 409d; heat of the persecution in March,
(Fabrinus), 168c.
1584,453«. See also Martyrs and Missionary priests».
Palmer, John, prisoner in Reading Castle for recusancy in
Persons, Robert, S.J.:—
1582, 103«\
Letters from him ;
Paquot, Sistoire littéraire des JPays-Bas, 317«.
To Allen, 30 March, 1579, 74.
Parkinson, 149«^ ; educated at Louvain, a pupil of Bains,
To the same, 4 July, 1581, 98c.
' a humble and orthodox man,' 150«.
To F. Ribadeneira, 15 Sept., 1584, 237*.
Parma, the Duke of ; complaint of Sir Francis EngleTo Don Juan de Ydiaquez, 4 April, 1591, 329.
fleld against him, 105« ; entrusted with the execuTo Pope Clement VIII., 15 April, 1593, 453.
tion of the 'enterprise' against England, 247*c ;
To F . William Creighton, 10 May, 1596, 381.
Pope Sixtus Y. approves of him as general for the
To Don Juan de Ydiaquez, 30 June, 1597, 385.
enterprise, 252«; rights of his son to the sucTo Charles Paget, 20 December, 1597, 391.
cession of the English crown, 275<£, 276«; Arthur
To the Infanta Isabella, married to archduke
Pole educated with his son, 173d; mentioned, 222c,
(formerly Cardinal) Albert of Austria, 10 June,
230«, 265«, 289«, 295c, 297«, 303c, 306*^, 308*«^,
1601, 394.
310c, 314«, 340«\
Memorandum written by him jointly with Allen on
Parry, Dr., spy of Elizabeth, instigated by Morgan and
the English succession, 281 ; memorial by him
Paget to intrigue for their objects ; in communicacontaining a plan for the enterprise, May 22,
tion with Cecil, 392c ; his revelations to Elizabeth,
1582, 407« ; report from him and Allen on English
393* ; employed by Morgan and Paget, 388« ;
affairs, January 6, 1584, 419 ; letter to him from
Morgan's intimacy with him, 4346; he accuses
a Jesuit in England, 23 October, 1587, 299 ; letMorgan of complicity in his plot, 434«\
ter to him from F. William Creighton, 20 August,
Passioneo, Cardinal E., 337*.
1596, 384; he is called 'el Teatino;' the Jesuits
Pateson, Thomas, a tenant on the Allen property, 442*.
at first often called Theatines, 253« and note; he is
Patrignani, his Memorie referred to, 338«\
Penitentiary of England, 268«\
Paul J I., Pope, established the " piatto" in favour of
Relations with Allen ;
poor Cardinals, 332 note.
Allen misses his aid in writing, 160* ; Allen's fears
IV., 436c.
for his life, 173* and note; his dangerous illness
Paulet, Sir Amias, refused to comply with the desire of
at Bilbao, 184 note; Allen's longing to see him on
Elizabeth to have Mary Queen of Scots made away
his recovery, 184* ; restored to health, 193«*; Allen
with secretly, li«.
goes to Paris to see him, 197cd ; he goes to Rome
Paulley, D., pensioner of the King of Spain, 105*.
in 1583, 392*; Allen by letter introduces him to
Pegna, Mgr., 439«.
the Pope, 206d and note ; he goes again to Rome
Peretti, Michael, great-nephew of Pope Sixtus V., 281«
with Allen in 1585, 222d ; he endeavours to have
and note.
Allen made archbishop of Canterbury, 272* ; Allen
Persecution, the Elizabethan ; its good effects in England,
ascribes his cardinalate to him, 299c; Allen's en57« ; attempt to check the work of Douay Seminary
comium on his labours, 346c«\
by it, 59c ; courage and constancy excited by it, ìb.d;
Labours for the Seminaries ;
fresh severities and edict of 15 July, 1580,90«;
he procures a grant from the King of Spain for
the zeal of catholics increases with the severity of
the Seminary at Douay, 180 note ; presses Allen to
the persecution, 100c; courage and obedience of I
go to Rome to restore peace in the Seminary, 74« ;
catholics in obeying the decision of Rome against
his labours for the Seminaries at Valladolid and Seattending protestant churches, 100*; general feelville, 381c and note; his offers on behalf of
ing against the persecution created by the martyrScotch students, 38Id.
doms, 122cd; pictures of the martyrdoms pubPolitical life ;
lished by Persons in 1582, \22cd and note ; Allen
T
he sends William Watts to Scotland, 118«* note ; is
sends to Rome copies of the new law ofl582,131« ;
sent to the King of Spain on the affairs of England,
Allen asks the opinion of theologians at Rome on
129d; in Spain or Portugal, 148* and note; in
six questions put to the confessors of the faith,

3 p

474

INDEX.

Spain, 189c ; jointly with Allen writes a paper on
the enterprise, urging haste, 2685 ; mission to the
Spanish court, 386c ; ill ; engaged about plans for
the enterprise, 4056? and note ; consultations on t h e
same subject, 408c, 4155 ; opinions on the succession, 275c, 276«5 ; aided by Mr. Bobert Heighinton in making a scheme of the succession, 282«" ;
his services to King James, 3825.
Missionary
work;
enters England with F . Campion, 135; consulted
b y persons of timorous conscience who will not acquiesce in the decisions of others, 98« ; has 7 printers
continually at work, ib. ; Allen quotes his letters
from England about the persecution and his own
hairbreadth escapes, 95c ; writes for 3,000 or 4,000
Beims Testaments for England, 965 ; sends news of
confessors of the faith to Allen, 113c; unable to
get official acts of the martyrs, 124«; defends the
continuance of the Jesuit mission, 236c ; borrows
money for the sending of three Jesuit missionaries to
England, 2405; converts a number of English
prisoners in Spain, 330«\
Miscellaneous ;
his mention of friar Batson, 169«*; alleged complaints of Allen against him, 379«'*; calumniated
by Paget and Morgan, 3885 ; buried in the church
of the English Seminary at Borne, 448d ; his charges
against opponents to be received with caution, 390d ;
his historical accuracy to be estimated variously according to circumstances, 39Id; his account of the
dissensions among the English exiles, 53 note.
Mis writings
PListoria ear urn rerum, etc., 53 note ; author
of two tracts, one of which was attributed to
F . Campion, 97^ ; wrote the Punti della Mistione dìInghilterra
in 1605, 118«* note; his Brief e
Apologie, etc., 3195«; 320c, 3 5 6 ^ ; his untrue
assertion t h a t the Book of the Succession was
published with its author's name ; his letter to
James I . explaining the pseudonym, B . Doleman,
390«*; his Autobiographical
Notes begun in 1601,
392c ; his Memoriali for the Reformation of England, etc., presented to the Infanta Isabella, 395c
emdnote; 'first printed by Edward Gee in 1690, 396«;
quoted, 170«; 180 note, J84 note, 197 d, 198 note, 220
note,'22ia,
222«*, 234«; 235«*, 236«*, 240«* note,
241«; 268d, 303«; 320«*, 440«* note; mentioned,
Vied, 98c, 1115, 117a, 122a, 128c, 130«, 134««*,
1355, 160c, 1665, 186c, 1925, 19id and note, 197a,
199b, 200«, 201«, 2185 and note, 224«*, 2305 and
note, 238«*, 2475c, 253c, 2685, 2695, 281«, 291c,
292««; 294«5, 295c, 303«*, 308«; 310«; 320«; 323«;
329c, 387^5«*, 3975c, 410«; 4255,
Petit, Cyriacus, servant of Gabriel Allen, 377«.
Phelippes, Thomas ; letter of Allen in his handwriting,
2205 ; other letters deciphered by him, 265«*,
Philip I I . , King of Spain :—
Letters to him ;
From count de Olivares, 24 Feb., 1586, 2 5 1 ,
From the same, 29 Aug., 1586, 266,
F r o m the same, 27 J a n . , 1587, 268,
From the same, 16 March, 1587, 271.
F r o m Allen, 19 March, 1587, 272.
From count de Olivares, 23 March, 1587, 275.
From Allen, 30 March, 1587, 286.

F r o m the same, 25 J u l y , 1587, 294.
F r o m count de Olivares, 30 J u l y , 1587, 295.
F r o m the same, 7 Aug., 1587, 295.
F r o m Pope Sixtus V., 7 Aug., 1587, 298.
F r o m Allen, 7 A u g . , 1587, 298.
F r o m count de Olivares, 3 Oct., 1588, 306.
F r o m the same, 9 Oct., 1588, 308.
From Pope Sixtus V., 25 July, 1589, 435.
From count de Olivares, 28 April, 1591, 332.
F r o m the duke of Sesa, 24 Oct., 1594, 362.
Letters from him;
To count de Olivares (in summary), 22 J u l y , 1586,
265.
To the same, 11 F e b . , 1587, 269.
To the same, 24 J u n e , 1587, 292.
To Allen, 24 June, 1587, 293.
To the same, 11 D e c , 1587, 302.
To Pope Sixtus V., 10 Nov., 1589, 436.
I s a patron of Douay Seminary, 9« ; grants it an
annual pension, 10«^ ; the pension granted by him to
Bichard Norton is not paid, 188«"; his designs concerning England, 194«*; Mary Queen of Scots bequeaths her rights to him, 279«", 2805c«* ; message
to Pope Sixtus V., urging Allen's cardinalate, 293c.
See also Enterprise.
Philippa, sister of H e n r y I V . ; succession of the house
of Lancaster through her,' 282«*.
daughter of H e n r y I V . married to John, King of
Denmark and Norway, 284c and note.
Pilkington, William, of Wigan, 445c.
Pitts (Pittus), Arthur, a priest arrested in London, 123«*,
124«; in the Tower, 1445; expecting torture and
death, 166c ; sends Allen, from the Tower, relics of
the martyrs, 202«".
(Pitseus) the author, quoted, 291«*.
Pius V., St., 246«; the enterprise contemplated and its
cost estimated in his time, 259c; mentioned, 333«*.
Plague, an outbreak of, in London causes a relaxation in
the persecution, 170«c, 173c; in Paris, 210«.
Poland, signs of some intended intrigue of Elizabeth in, 418«*
Pole, Cardinal, 73«.
Geoffrey, nephew of the Cardinal, commended by
Allen, driven to Borne ; his zeal and generosity to
the missionaries in England, 157c«* and note; at
Borne, 170« ; receives generous treatment from Pope
Gregory X I I I . , 17 3d and note ; mentioned, 174«.
Arthur, son of Geoffrey, brought up with the son of
the Duke of Parma in the Farnese palace, 173«*.
Political science, acknowledged principles of, in Allen's
day, xvii«.
Pomarancio, see Circignani.
Pormort, Thomas, Martyr, 1985.
Portugal, conspiracies in, against the King of Spain,
1065.
Post, cost of carriage by, between Beims and Borne,
135«.
Potter, George, a student, lately converted, sent to the
Seminary at Rome, 205«\
Poulton, in Lancashire; Allen leaves some of the furniture of his chapel to it, it being the mother parish
of Bossall, his native place, 371« and note.
Pound (Pondo), in prison, 118«" note.
Powell, Mr., brother of a priest, in prison for the f a i t h ;
his courage in prof essing it, 81«*.
a young Welsh student at Borne, 83«\

INDEX.

475

seminarists in July, 1578, 44a ; suspicions raised
"William, a student sent to the Seminary at Rome,
against the Seminary, 48c, 49.
119**.
New Testament in England, 96*.
two cousins (Charles and George) at Rome ; Allen
tries to secure some money for them, 112*?; Allen Religious ; dissensions between them and the secular
missionaries deprecated by Allen, 357«, 378*.
makes himself responsible for their pension, 162c ;
Renée of Lorraine, Madame, abbess of St. Peter's at
referred to, 139*, 147c, 168*, 169c.
Reims ; letter from Allen to her, 47«.
Charles, leaves the Seminary at Rome, 194« ; referred
Revolution, the French ; destruction of English catholic
to, 169c, 195* and note, Ì97c.
documents during it, xv*.
George, cousin of Charles, a bad writer, 169c and
note ; makes an excursion to Naples, 194« ; men- Reyner's Apostolatus Benedietinorum in Anglia, 354*?.
Reynolds, Mr., 78«; William (probably the same),
tioned, 209c.
117«.
Mr., father of one of the cousins, fined for recuRibadeneira, F., S.J. ; letter to him from F. Persons,
sancy, 138*.
237*.
Poya, Giovanni, secretary to Charles, Cardinal of LorRichard I L , Eing, 284 c; his life by Polidore Yergil,
raine, 343«.
284«.
Preston, Thomas, entrusted by Elizabeth Allen with the
oversight of her children's interests in certain Richards (Richardi), John, sent to the Seminary at
Rome, 119*?.
property, 219c.
Price, Father, 78«.
•.
. Rigbie, Alexander, 441c.
Edward, escheator of Lancashire, 445*, 448«.
John, a student at Rome ; his father and brother are
referred to, 125* ; mentioned, 147c, 167*?, 250c, Rigmayden, John, 444*, 447*.
Rimini, bishop of, see Castelli.
251*.
Ring, the cardinalitial ; emoluments arising from it apMr., 397*?.
plied in Allen's time to St. John Lateran, 377*?.
Prisoners for the faith ; their • great need in York and
Hull ; collections made for them throughout Eng- Rishton, Edward, priest, imprisoned in the Gatehouse,
96« ; his Diary in the Tower quoted, lxx^, 144
land, 237«\
note. .
Public Record Office, mistaken endorsement of a transRoberts, a Welsh student at Rome, 83*?.
cript in the, 95^ note.
John, a Cambridge student brought to Allen by Osborne, 186* and note; is converted and sent to
Ragazzoni, Mgr. Girolamo, bishop of Bergamo, appointed
Rome as a student, 205c.
nuncio in France, 27 August, 1583, 226*2 :—
Griffith, residiDg at Milan, 304«.
Letters written by him ;
Rocca, Angelo, one of the revisers of the Vulgate of SixTo the Cardinal of Como, 12 Dec, 1583, 419.
tus V., 333*.
To the same, 2 April, 1584, 226.
Rombaut (Rumoldus), St., first bishop of Malines, 313«";
To the same, 16 April, 1584, 230.
of English origin, 317«'.
To the same (extract), 27 April, 1584, 415 note.
Rospigliosi, Clemente Domenico, great-nephew of CleTo the same, 28 May, 1584, 423.
ment IX., duke of Zagarolo, 333«\
To the same, 25 June, 1584, 423.
Ross, John Leslie, bishop of, 82*c, 178*?, 268*? ; Allen's
To the same, 23 July, 1584, 424.
testimony to his high character, 185«; table of the
To the same, 3 Sept., 1584, 425.
English succession published by him, 282* ; erroTo the same, 11 Sept., 1584, 239.
neous, 283«, 284c,
To the same, 17 Sept., 1584, 240.
Rossall in Lancashire, Allen's native place, with the surTo the same, 30 Oct., 1584, 243.
rounding country entirely catholic (1583), 181*.
To the same, 10 March, 1585, 434.
Rossehall, William, a tenant on the Allen property,
To the same, 18 April, 1585, 434.
442*.
To the same, 7 Oct., 1585,435.
Rousham, Stephen, a priest imprisoned in the Tower, 144*
Letters to him ;
and note.
From the Cardinal of Como, 14 Feb., 1584, 419.
Rowcrosse, William, a tenant on the Allen property,
From the same, 9 April, 1584, 420.
442*.
From Allen, 16 April, 1584, 231.
From the Cardinal of Como, 23 April, 1584, 422. Rusticucci, Cardinal, 281«* and note.
Rutland, earl of, suspected by Elizabeth, 223c.
From the same, April, 1584, 420.
Ruthven, the raid of, xliv«.
From the same, 13 Aug., 1584, 424.
Rysdens, F., a Carthusian; Allen commends himself to
From the same, 8 Oct., 1584,. 242.
his prayers, 37c
Rastall (William), in exile at Louvain, 5«.
Ratcliffe, Egremont, suborned to assassinate Allen, 14*?;
magnanimously forgiven and dismissed by Allen, Sa, Emmanuel, S.J. ; his solution of the six questions put
to confessors of the faith in England, 146«".
15«.
Ravaillac, instigated to his crime by religious fanaticism, Sacheverell, Mr., trustee with Mr. Chernock of a bequest
for an organ for Preston church, 85*"?.
1«.
Sadler, Sir Ralph, letter of Walsingham to, 426*?.
Recusants, list of, in Berkshire gaol, 1582, 103c.
Reginald, William, converted by Allen ; invokes him at Sadler's State papers, 4,26d.
Salcedo, a Spaniard accused of attempting to poison the
the moment of death, 369*.
duke d'Alene,on and the Prince of Orange, and exeReims ; Allen transfers the- Seminary there because Loucuted, 418*?.
vain was difficult of access, 39*?; number of

476

IND E X .

Salyener, Andrea, employed by Pope Gregory X I V . in the
revision of the Vulgate of Sixtus V., 3336.
Samerio, Henry, S.J., a French Jesuit who attended Mary
Queen of Scots under the name of her physician,
386d, 387«.
Sander, Dr. Nicholas, in exile at Louvain, 5 « ; a letter
from him to the Cardinal of Como, 27«*; writes a
sympathising letter to Allen, 38« ; referred to by
Allen as ' m y special friend,' 77c ; reports of his
death, lOQd ; nuncio in Ireland, xxxc ; referred to,
100«\
Sanderson, a tenant on the Allen property, 442«\
Sanker, James,* nom de plume of Stephen Brinkley, 222«*.
San Sisto, Filippo Buoncompagno Cardinal of, appointed
Protector of England by his uncle Pope Gregory
X I I I . , 94c?; letter of Allen to him, ib.6 ; desires
Owen Lewis to withdraw H u g h Griffith from Eome,
for the sake of the Seminary, 1126; mentioned 92c,
137«.
Sare, Robert, sent to the Seminary at Rome, 158«?.
Savage, employed by Paget in his intrigues, 394«.
Savelli, James Cardinal, vicar of Rome, 133c and note,
156«\ 183«.
Sciartrier, secretary of the duke d'Alenqon ; mixed up in
the attempt to poison his master and the Prince
of Orange, 418«'.
Scotland, the religious state of; F . Persons sends F .
H o l t and "Watts there, xxxiii^; state of religion,
xxxviiic ; report by William W a t t s on its state
and the hopes and plans of catbolics (1582), 115 ;
the raid of Ruthven, 1166 and note.
Scots ; fears lest they should be drawn into the dissensions
at the Seminary at Rome, 826.
Scrivener, H u g h , sent to the Seminary at Rome, 119^.
Scutum solare, a French coin under Louis X L and
Charles V I I I . , ecu d?or au soleil, 208« and note.
Sebastian, King of Portugal ; his fatal expedition to Morocco, xxix«.
Sega, Mgr., bishop of Piacenza, nuncio in the Low Countries and Spain, afterwards Cardinal and vice-legate
in F r a n c e ; advances 50,000 ducats to Don J o h n
of Austria, 281c?; visits the Seminary at Reims,
S65d; mentioned, xxxixc, 195«, 281« and note,
3526 and note, 419c.
Seminary, the English, at Douay and afterwards at
Reims :—
Its history ;
its origin, 86 ; its foundation, 546 ; its expulsion from Douay, 1 Id, 39c ; Allen is given buildings
for it at Louvain, but prevented from going there
b y the expense, iòd ; in spite of the hospitality
of Reims Allen would have preferred Spanish
territory, ib. ; murmurs amongst the townspeople
at the number of students, 89« ; threats of the
English ambassador at Paris against it, ib.d ;
rigours of the English government against the
families of students, 90c ; jealousy of some of the
exiles against it, 76, 77 ; disapproved by timid
catholics, 96c ; its dispersion stipulated i n the
negotiations for the marriage with the duke of
Anjou, 109c ; number of students, insufficiency of
means, ib.d; harassed in various ways, 132c;
new difficulties thrown in the w a y of students
going to it, 1446c; efforts of the English government for its destruction, 404«*; grant of 2,000 j

ducats a year by the King of Spain, ISO a ; students
on their way to it robbed and held to ransom b y
the soldiers of the duke of Anjou, 163d; numbers
and qualities of those who nocked to it, 12c, 266,
. 6 2 « ; many come from the universities, some still in
heresy, who are converted, 58«6 ; some Marian priests
come for improvement in ecclesiastical knowledge,
ib.d ; Allen writes in 1578 that more t h a n 500 had
already been instructed in the knowledge of religion
in it, 546; 30 students living on less t h a n a crown
a month and some fragments from the common
table, rather t h a n leave (Feb., 1582), 1106; i n creasing numbers and expense (130 in residence,
Oct., 1582), 167«; 20 arrive in a fortnight (Nov.,
1582), 168«; 150 in residence (Feb., 1583), 175c;
10 arrivals in one day (May, 1583), 1946; Allen
is obliged to hire several houses adjoining the
college, 196«"; numbers still increasing, 11 in a
d a y ; expenses unmanageable, 199«, 2006; 50 arrivals in a month, wonderful vocations to the
priesthood, 203cd ; numbers arriving, many placed
at Pont - a - Mousson, Verdun, E u , and other
places, 212c; 200 in residence (Sept., 1584), 2406;
Allen's difficulties in governing the college arising
from the subjects being exiles, 136c ; Allen a p points Dr. Barrett president, 310 ; recommends the
Seminary to the zeal of English catholics, 358« ;
the Seminary invited to return to Douay, 400«.
Collections for it ;
ordered by a brief of Pope Gregory X I I I . to be
made throughout Christendom, 174^; prospects
and fortunes of the collection in different countries,
120c, 1216, 125«, 127«6c, lS2bcd, 1336, 1546c,
166«6 ; sympathy and devotion to the cause in
Rome, 1266 ; the English students in Rome collect
in person, ib.c ; sermons and devotion of Quarant
'ore for the collection, ib. ; directions for the collection in Rome, 1746 ; house to house collection by
Roman gentlemen, 175 ; Quarant 'ore at the English
Seminary, plenary indulgence for visiting it and
praying for the conversion of England, ib. ; failure
of the collection in Paris, 137«; and in France,
160«, 172«; and in Spain, 1376; and at Naples,
199c ; help from Poland, 180a?, 192« ; from Poland,
Spain and Naples, 187«; from two Spanish bishops,
and the Duke of Bavaria, 187«*; from a Spanish
bishop, 208« ; Captain Davis offers a large sum,
228«.
Life and studies in it, 9bed; better preparation of
its students ' in all kind of pastoral doctrine than
the common sort of curates had in old time, 5 32«* ;
its training compared with Seminaries in Italy and
elsewhere at the time (1577) and of the Jesuits,
33«6 ; studies and spiritual exercises, 64 ; Greek
and Hebrew taught for the sake of Biblical studies,
65c ; the Summa the text book for theology, ib.d ;
eagerness of the students to be sent to Rome, 1476,
157c, 1886, 200c ; ardour for the mission, 238« ;
and to brave the persecution, 136« ; Allen's care in
presenting for ordination, 326c ; money difficulties
from the numbers, 95«, 97«, 210«6, 217«, 2406 ;
the expenses entailed on him by the persecution and
the mission explained by Allen, 2416 ; the Cardinal
of Como gives a stern answer to Allen's cry of
distress, 242c^ ; Allen's care in dispensing its re-

INDEX.

477

sources, 244$ ; how it differs from all other colleges Shrewsbury, the earl of ; Mary Queen of Scots in his
custody, 320c.
in the calls on it and the management necessary,
245, 246 ; first ideas of the version of the Bible, Simple, Colonel, 384c.
64$ ; expense and difficulty of circulating its books Simpson, 148c, 1975.
in England, 156$; publication of the confessions Singleton, Richard, 1985, 2085, 216«.
Thomas, of Broghton, or Brough, 443c, 446c.
and retractations of lapsed and converted priests,
188«, 194«; Allen's difficulty in governing the Sixtus V., Pope ; letter from him to Philip II., 7 Aug.,
1587, 298; another, 25 July, 1589, 435; letter
exiles, 136c.
to him from Mary Queen of Scots, 23 Nov., 1586,
at Eu (Augiense) ; intention of the duke of Guise to
279«"; from Philip I I . , 10 Nov., 1589, 435; his
found ; foundation delayed, 173c ; he gives £100 a
v
genius and policy ; relations with Philip I I . ,
year for it, and the Society a house, 129c ; it
lxxii« ; his character as judged by Olivares, 252c,
lasted till the duke's death in 1588, ib.
275$, 296«5; his knowledge of Spanish, 251c,
at Rome ; its foundation, l i e ; Allen's joy, 735; dis435$; play on his name ' Felice ' by Allen, 2895
sensions and disturbances (1579), 745 ; patience
and note ; he attempts the conversion of Elizabeth,
and prudence of Owen Lewis on this occasion,
279c; memorial about Allen's cardinalate pre399$; Welsh and English factions. 74c, 78c;
sented to him, 270« ; his constitution on the crealengths to which the dissensions went, 80«, 825;
tion of Cardinals, 271$ ; he creates Allen Cardinal,
the Seminary placed under the Jesuits ; the Welsh
15$ ; he sheds tears in announcing it in Consistory,
and English feuds appeased, 79«5c ; complaints
207$; errors in his edition of the Vulgate, 333«;
about the entrance of students into the Society,
Allen employed in the revision, 332$; his brief on
138c, 450«'; anger of F. Agazzari at these comthe government of the Reims Seminary, 29 Aug.,
plaints, 153c ; decision of the Pope on the subject,
1587, 301; mentioned, 280c.
451« ; the students incited to revolt by Paget and
Morgan, 389c ; the discontent healed by Allen, 15c ; Slaye, John, tenant on the Allen property, 4425.
the superiors dissatisfied with the students sent by Smazzone (?), John, an Englishman, one of Allen's servants, 375$.
Allen ; his reply, 147« ; Allen writes a description
of the students he sends, 209ab ; fervour and de- Smith, Edmund ; brother of George Gilbert, 189$.
sire of martyrdom among the students, 398c ;
John, another brother, on his way to Allen at Reims,
adornment of the church with pictures of the
189$.
martyrdoms in England, 186«" and note.
Nicholas ; his second entrance into the Society,
in Spain, 17«"; the Seminaries at Valladolid, Seville
132« ; breaks down from health a second time,
and St. Omer, have more than 100 students in
1465.
April, 1593, 453$.
Somers, Mrs., decipherer of a letter of Mary Queen of
Sens (Sanz), the Cardinal of, out of favour with Pope
Scots, 30$.
Sixtus V., for the part he had taken against Henry Somerset^ Charles, 191$.
of Navarre, 279c; mentioned, 125c, 251«, 261«',
Thomas, lends Allen 2,000 crowns for the use of the
2675.
Seminary at Reims, 378«.
Serjante, Ralph, 441$.
Somerville (Homerfildo), a relation of Throgmorton arrested and put to the torture, 223«.
Sesa, the duke of, ambassador from Philip I I . to the Holy
See in succession to Olivares, 362«"; letter from him Southcote, Sir John, of Merstham, Surrey, 282$; Dr.
John ; his MS. note booh quoted, ib.
to Philip II., 24 Oct., 1594, 362 ; mentioned, 390«.
Seton, lord, one of the catholic chiefs in Scotland, 116« ; Southwell, John, S.J., 2085.
mass and sermons in his house during the Christ- Southworth (Suthwerdus), Christopher, a student at Rome
to whom Allen sends the Little Office of the B.
mas, 1581-2, ib.$; the priest, William Watts,
Virgin, 159«.
stays in his house, 117«; one of his sons sent as
(Suthwartus), perhaps the same, 2505.
ambassador to Spain, 220b ; he urges Guise to the
Henry, 4455, 448«.
enterprise, 414c ; and is a party to his plans, 427$,
Sovereigns, when and how they can be deposed, xxiv$ ;
4325; mentioned, 116c?, lUdnote.
their rights modified by Christianity, xxvi«.
Alexander, son of lord Seton, educated at the Seminary at Rome, 116« ; rumours of his capture not Spain, King of, see Philip I I .
Spectator, the Catholic, for 1824 referred to, 356c.
believed, 192« ; mentioned, 423«.
Spencer, Lawrence, husbandman, prisoner for recusancy
Seton,'or Seaton, Mr., 82b.
in Reading castle, 103$.
Sfondrato, Cardinal, 376«.
Shelley, Sir Richard, prior of the English knights of St. Stafferton, William, sent to the English Seminary at Rome;
his description, 2055.
John ; he is suspected by some as a spy for ElizaStamper, Anthony, ' trusty servant* of Mr. Thomas
beth, 267$, 268c$; defended by F. Persons, ib.
Houghton, 85c?.
Shelton, Mr., 132«-.
Sherburne (and Shirburne), Richard, 443$, 444«, 446$, Standen, Mr. ; letter to him from F. Persons, 8 Sept.,
1595, 384$.
447a.
Sir Anthony, 440« and note.
Richard, son of the preceding, 446«*, 447«.
Shirley, Ralph, ill, 139«, 149«, 151«; dead, 162«; his Standish (probably Ralph), a student who died of consumption, 1895.
debts, 1735.
Shèrwin (Cervinus), Ralph, Martyr ; his recent martyr- Stanley, Sir William ; his surrender of Deventer, 288$,
289« ; alleged defence of, by Allen, 299, 300, 301 ;
dom referred to, 1075 ; Allen is unable to obtain
recommended by F. Persons to the King of Spain
relics of him, 177c and note.

478

INDEX.

for employment, 332« ; Allen's friendship for him, Taylor, Mr., 78« ; a pensioner of the King of Spain, 1055.
3965 ; mentioned, 3975c.
Tedder, a priest, 2515; William (probably the same), a
Stapleton, Dr. Thomas, has faculties to present English
prisoner, treated with unusual gentleness, 176d,
students for ordination, 705d; conjectured to be
177«.
a priest spoken of as entering the Society, 155« Testament, the Reims New ; the first copies sent to Eome,
and note ; wrote, under the pseudonym of Didy112c; the cost of its publication, 109d.
mus Vericlieus Senfldanus, his Apologia pro Bege Thackieri (Thacker?), servant of Cardinal Allen, * a youth
Catholico, 339d;-mentioned, 2205, 340d.
of angelical life,' 3775.
Theatines ; their name applied to the Jesuits owing to a
Stevens, Mr., afraid to come back to Cambrai, 82«.
popular misconception, 253d.
Stoker, George,
'oleacei.
Stonor, John, robbed and held to ransom by the duke of Theiner, his Annales ecclesiastici quoted, 188d.
Anjou's soldiers; he appeals to Allen for help, Theresa, St., speaks of the Jesuits as Theatines, 253d.
Thirkill, Eichard, Martyr, his history of some of the
2105.
martyrdoms seized and lost, 202«.
Story, Mrs., foemina lingua virulentissima, whom Allen
Thomas, St. ; study of his Summa at Douay, 65d.
wishes not to live near the Seminary, 1685.
Thomas, servant of Owen Lewis, 815.
Strada, De Bello Belgico quoted, 28 Id.
Stransam, Edward, a priest, brings a number of distin- Threkeld, Sir Lancelot, 204d.
Grace, daughter of the preceding, 204d.
guished Oxford men to Beims, 2005 and note.
Strong, a newly consecrated Irish bishop (probably Throgmorton, Clement, testimonial in his favour from
Allen, 314, 315«.
Thomas Strong, bishop of Ossory) ; his work and
Edward, a student at Eome, 149«, 162c, 165c, 1775,
reception among the catholics of England, 183«?.
187«, 2095; his death, 173« and note ; his life
Stryen, John de (Middelburgensis), bishop of Middelburg,
written, 192c.
unable to obtain possession of his see, 343c and
Francis, arrested and tortured, lxd, lxid, 2205, 223« ;
note.
news in France of his committal to the Tower ;
Strype, Annals of the Reformation referred to^ 356d, 425c,
fears of disclosures about the enterprise, 4195 ; his
432d.
confession under torture and execution, 425«5;
Stuart, Esmé, see Lennox, duke of.
mentioned, 426«.
Stubbes, Edmund, servant of Mr. Thomas. Hough ton, 865c.
Thomas, brother of Francis ; letter to him from Allen,
Stukeley, Sir Thomas, sent to Ireland in command of an
320 ; the Pope refuses Allen's petition for a penexpedition by Pope Gregory XIII., xxixc ; opposed
sion for him, 2395, 240d; he is representative of
in his schemes by Sir Eichard Shelley, 26 7d;
Mary Queen of Scots at Paris, 2305 ; Allen asks the
killed in Barbary fighting for the King of Portugal,
• Pope for a pension for him in the name of Mary
268d.
Queen of Scots, 234 ; he is one of Paget's faction,
St. Michael's-le-Wyre, Allen bequeaths certain vestments
397« ; betrothed to Mary Allen, daughter of George
to the church of, 3 7 Od.
Allen, the Cardinal's brother, 3965 ; mentioned,
St. Quentin ; the exiled English Carthusians live there in
165c, 323d, 324«, 325«, 328d, 329c.
great penury, 37d.
Sublindrus, procurator of the bishop of Middelburg, Thwing, Ingram, recommended by Allen to the liberality of the Holy See ; his services to the catholic
343c.
cause, 118; mentioned, 1345,138«.
Succession, the, to the English crown ; F . Persons' principles about it, 386« ; memorandum of Allen and Tildesley (and Tyldisly), Thurstan, 4455, 448«.
Persons on it, xcvid, 281 ; principles which guided Timstead, 393«.
them, 383, 384; Philip II.'s title, lxxxixd; dis- Toledo, Cardinal, S.J., Vice-protector of the Seminary at
Eome ; active on the side of Paget and Morgan,
cussed by Olivares, xcd; consultations on it be390« and note.
tween Olivares and Allen and Persons, 275c ; negotiations on it between Philip I I . and Sixtus V., Toronlaeo (Townley?), a prisoner in the Gatehouse, 144
255, 256 ; Allen recommends Philip not to claim
note.
/
by descent, 273d ; but to put forward the right of Torrentius, Lsevinus, bishop of Antwerp ; letter from him
conquest, 277«*; the superior right, according to
to Allen, 25 Jan., 1590, 315 ; another, 24 April,
many, of the Duke of Parma's sons, 275d, 276«5 ;
1593, 347.
Mary Queen of Scots bequeaths her rights to Philip Torres, Ludovicus de, archbishop of Monreale ; epitaph of
II., 279, note 3 ; F . Persons' Book of the SuccesOwen Lewis put up by him, 448d.
sion calumniated by Paget and Morgan, 3895. See Tournai, bishop of, see Yendeville.
also generally 275—280, and 290«5c.
Trayeto (and Trajetto), duke of, 363d, 374d.
Tregian, Francis (the elder), his sufferings for the faith
Sweete, Mr., 39Id.
and death in exile, 365d.
Swynford (Sfinfordia), Catherine, third wife of John of
Francis (son of the preceding), delivers the funeral
Gaunt, 282c, 283«.
panegyric of Cardinal Allen at Eome ; chamberSylvester, quoted by bishop Goldwell against Allen's book
lain to Allen; dies in prison, 365d; sufferings of
on the Sacraments, 93c.
his family for the faith, 3765c.
Taberna, Mgr. Ludovico, bishop of Lodi, nuncio in Tresham (and Tressam), William, at Paris, 1345, 393«.
Trognsesius, Joachim, printer at Antwerp, 300d.
Spain, 423d.
Tuscany, the Grand Duke of, wishes to have the command
Tarleton, Thomas, of Wigan, 445c.
of the enterprise, 258« ; his proposed expedition
Tassis, John Baptist, agent of Philip I I . in France, 129«*,
against Algiers, ib.c, 259c, 260c.
253d, 386c, 4155, 4215c.

INDEX.

479

the archbishop of Cashel, 151^?; patronises the spy
Tynkler, Ellen, widow, tenant on the Allen property,
Aldred, 235c«*; joins various merchants in fitting
4425.
out an expedition under John Davis, 226«*, 2275 ;
Tyrell, Anthony, a priest, "betrayed hy the apostate
letter to him from Dr. William Gifford, 18 April,
Mchols and imprisoned in the Gatehouse (1581),
1586, 262 ; mentioned, 388«; 389«, 426«*.
95«*; at Home (1582), 135c; (May, 1583), 192c;
at Orleans to learn French (Aug., 1583), 209c ; Walters (Gualterius), Louis, one of Allen's servants, and
in England (1584), 453«.
a legatee under his will, 370«'; (Gualtieri) his
mother a Roman, 3755.
Tysenone, sent to Borne hy Charles III., Duke of LorMary, sister of Louis, a legatee under Allen's will,
raine, 318c.
370«-..
Tytler's History of Scotland, Id.
Walton, George, 441«*.
Richard, 441«'.
Ughelli, Italia sacra referred to, 448«\
William, ' of Walton in le dale,' 441«'.
Ulmena, see May enne.
Umpton, Edward, prisoner of the Inquisition at Milan; Warcop, Thomas, a student sent to Rome, 2055.
concerned in the intrigues of Aldred, 234«*, 2355 ; Ware, George, at Prague with F. Campion, 85c.
(perhaps the same) married to a daughter of the Warford, William, sent to Rome ; his description, 2055,
2095.
4th earl of Huntingdon, 235«*.
Warmington, William, a priest, maestro di casa to Cardinal Allen, 375c.
Yaldensis, Thomas ; his confutation of Wickliffe, studied at Watson, Thomas, bishop of Lincoln, removed from LonDouay Seminary for the controversies of the day,
don to a prison elsewhere, 905 ; report of his being
66«*.
at large in London, 400c and note.
Yalue, the annual, of farms forming the estate of George Watts (Waytes, Watz, Wattis), William, priest, in EdinAllen in Lancashire, 444c.
burgh with F. Holt, S.J., during the winter 1581-2,
Yalverde, John de, one of the commission for correcting
114c«*; author of the report in Allen's letter,
the Vulgate of Sixtus V., 3335.
p. 114, 118«* note; Paget acknowledges to him
Vargas Mexia, Don Juan de, xxxiv5.
his treacherous intentions towards the duke of
Vaux (Lawrence), formerly warden of Manchester (WinGuise, 3875 ; his evidence as to the treachery of
chester substituted by mistake) ; writ for his apMorgan and Paget, 3925c, 393c ; dies in Flanders,
prehension with Allen and others, 21.
118«* note ; mentioned, 382«.
Vendeville, Dr., royal professor at Douay, afterwards Webb, Dr. Lawrence, 78c, 139c.
bishop of Tournài and president of the royal coun- Webley, William (Gulielmus), one of those arrested with
cil, accompanied to Home by Allen, 6«* ; lays before
F. Campion, 1015.
St. Pius V. plans for the conversion of infidels ; Welbye, John, a tenant on the Allen property, 4425.
in his failure is consoled by Allen; assists in Weldon, Dom Bennet ; his Chronological Notes referred to,
founding Douay Seminary, 6«*, 7ad ; extract of a
letter from him to Allen, 26 Aug., 1578, 46c; Welsh, 3545.; their great attachment to the faith, 408« ;
the
letter of Allen to him, 16 Sept., 1578 (altered to
use of Owen Lewis's influence with them as a
1580), describing the history and work of the SemiWelshman, ib. ; jealousies between them and the
nary, 52 ; letter from him to president Viglius, 22 ;
English at Oxford, 74c; and at the Seminary at
mentioned, 1065, (Tornacensis) 315c and note, 343c
Rome, ib. ; Welsh and English dissensions, 3235c ;
and note.
328« ; Allen's care and success in preventing a
Vergil, Polidore, lived in England, wrote under Henry
similar evil at Douay, 78d.
VIII. ; instructed by him, 283c and note ; his ac- Wentworth : his ' treason and dissimulation ' towards
_ count of the house of Lancaster, 283«; mentioned,
:
•
Owen Lewis, 83«\
2845c.
Thomas, 174«.
Vestcapellius, Matthseus Galenus, chancellor of the uni- Westby, William, father of Helen Haydock and Elizaversity of Douay, 23c.
beth Allen, George Allen's wife, 371^, 3725.
Viglius, president, 22a.
Westmoreland, Charles, earl of, his rising in 1569 and
ViUeroy, deputy of the League to Henry of Navarre,
failure, 53^ ; in exile : is chief of a party opposed
. 353c'
to the countess of Northumberland, ib. ; Allen asks
Vocations, .striking, to the priesthood ; contrasted with the
the good offices of the Pope to obtain him assistance
times of Henry VIIL, 203c«*.\
or military employment from Philip II., 87c; he
writes to Allen jointly with lord Dacres, 178 ; the
signature is an autograph, 179c ; he is difficult to
"Wage, Andrew, a student sent to the Seminary at Eome,
manage ; Allen's influence over him, 4075; men158c ; dies on the journey back from Eome, 191«*
tioned, 428«*, 429«c«*.
and note ; mentioned, 198c and note»
Walley, Robert, 133«.
Weston (F. William), alias Edmunds, S.J., 378«*.
"Walls, Anthony, 44Id.
Wharton (Wartone), William, one of Allen's servants,
Walpole (probably Henry, Martyr), 216«.
376«.
Walsheman, John, 441«".
Whitgift, 78«.
Walsingham, Sir Francis; alleged existence, in the archives Whittingham, Thomas, 441«*.
of the Holy Office, of letters in his own handwriting Wigges, William, 1245, 167^.
giving instructions for plots against the King of Willebrord, St., 225.
Spain, 108«*; cruelly tortures and puts to death i Wilson, Thomas, a ; grave and ancient priest/ 303«*.

3

480

INDEX.

"Winchester, "William Paulet, 4th Marquis of, married
Lucy, granddaughter of lord Burleigh, 440«\
"Wolf (Woltius), John, printer in London, 424*.
Wolsey, Cardinal, 321 tf.
"Woodruffe, Robert, in bad health, 168«, 171*, 189*.
Worthington, Dr. Thomas ; letter from him to Thomas
Alien (Hesketh), 18 Dec, 1601, 396; uncle to
Thomas Worthington of Blainscowe, 373^ ; mentioned, 37c, 359c.
Thomas, of Blainscowe, 372«*, 373«".
Mary, wife of the foregoing, daughter of George
and sister of John Allen, inherits from the latter,
372«*, 373c, 447^.
Thomas, of Crosley, 445c.
"Wray, Sir Christopher, the Lord Chief Justice who tried
Campion, is his uncle, 112««* note.
"Wyatt, Sir Thomas ; small force with which he succeeded
in getting as far as London, 431«.

lines further he is called Francis, no doubt by mistake ; Dodd and other authorities call him Edward.)
Mrs., wife of Edward, arrested with F. Campion, ib.
Ydiaquez, Don Juan de ; letter from him to the count de
Olivares, 12 Feb., 1587, 269 :—
Letters to him ;
From Allen, 8 May, 1586, 263.
From the same, 24 March, 1587, 286.
From Olivares, 15 June, 1587, 292.
From the same, 10 July, 1587, 294.
Mentioned, 267«, 306«, 310c.
Young, archbishop of York, 320c.
Ysabel, see Isabella.
Ysamo (probably Isam), Christopher, one of Allen's
household ; his losses for the faith, and services to
the missionaries, 376«".

Zagarolo, inscription at, recording the labours of the
commission under Gregory XIV. for the revision
X., a cipher used by Sander for the King of Spain, 38*.
of the Vulgate, 333.
Zamet, one of the deputies of the League to Henry of
Yate or Yates, Edward (Odoardus Sate), of Lyforcl;
Navarre, 353c.
seizure of F. Campion in his house, 101*. {A few Zannetti, Francesco, 57«*.

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