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THE FILIPINOS' ANSWER TO THE
WOOD-FORBES REPORT
REMARKS

HON. JAIME C. DE VEYRA
OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

IN THE

HOUSE

OF REPRESENTATIVES
*JANUARY

5, 1922

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1922

REMARKS

ilON.

JAIME

C.

THE FILIPINOS' ANSWVE

OF

DE VEYRA.

TO THE WOOD-FORBES REPORT..

Mr.

by the
I-louse,DE VEYr. Mr.aoffSpeaker, under the leave granted meand myand on behalf
both my
Mr. Gabaldon,
self, I include, first, letter

%y us

coleague,

addressed
as Resident*Commissioners from the Philippines to the President of the United States,
dated December 13, 1921; second, a speech by Sergio Osmeia, speaker
of the Philippine House of Representatives, delivered before the deleo ates to the convention of the Nationalist Party held in Manila on
becember 3, 1921; and third, an extensive analysis by Prof. Maximo
M. Kalaw, dean of the College of Liberal Arts, University of the
Philippines, en the recent report submitted by the Wod-Forbes mission sent to the Philippines last summer byPresident Harding.
These papers deal directly on the report in question. The mission's
r+port as given out to te public on November 30, 1921, by the War
Department.
The Philippine question is of great interest to Americans and of
vital importance to Filipinos, and I consider
my imperative duty
to acquaint the Members of Congressand,.-through the Congressional
Record, the American people with the viewpoint of the Filipino
people on the questions raised by the Wood-Forbes mission. The

it

documents referred to are as follows :
LETTER

TO

PRESIDENT

HARDING.

HoU SE or' REPR&EETATIVES

OF

THE

UTr'T1In STATTS.

Waiftizgton, D. C., December 13, 1fl21.

The PRESIDENT,

The White House, Washington, D. C.

DEAR- Mn. PEESIDENT : You have recognized the Filipino protest against a report
by Gen. Wood and
who were appoiiited by you to
investigate conditions in the Philippine Islands, and we appreciate assurances

filed

ex-Gov. Forbes,

that opportunity will be given to meet what we deem tobehsycicsm
which it contains.
b
at
rtean
That report

is' being analyzed so

that a correct'stateie

my

est

ot

from the standpoint of the Filipino people.
myb e ot
At this time we briefly present for youir consideration the, great. outstanding
belief of our people in you because- of your efforts to Impart faith. in international dealings by challenging selfish designs, ex loitatioiis of weaker people,
and thereby giving to civilization a hope
lasting peace. The. four-power
treaty between the United States, Great Britain, France, gad Japan guiarantees
the peace of -the Pacific for 10 years, and with you,
hope, for all time to
come. That treaty* removes any-'vestige of -fear of Japanese interference with
the islands, -never in fact
a menace to the independence by ,the Fili-

of:

pino people,
2

who

We.
-considered

intimately know, conditions, but it has served as a convenient
85451 3.9'1

,

cloak to interests in the past that have urged a benevolent despotism in order
to protect or exploit the islands. The partial sovereignty retained by theUnited
States was stated by ex-President Roosevelt to be a
liability to your
country, and it has been deemed none the less so to ours through its
involve us in international ditferences wherein we had no voice.
Following the'expression of world-wide good
laid down
by you at the initial meeting of the disarmament conference Great Britaiinhas
negotiated a peace treaty with a portion of her own Government with which
she has niutained the mliost intimate relations for many centuries, and she
has now given to Ireland and the Irish people a separate free State with indeplendent rights, .marking a dawna of new freedom to subject peoples. England
has sunrendered control of an unwilling island within the shadows of her own
coast without any past pledges or
ly recogizing the spirit of justice
and good will to the world first inaugurated by tie great Governmeit of which
your are the honored head and exponent.
In recognition of that same - high purpose we pray that you give ear to the
plea of over 10,500,000 people 7.090 miles distant from American shores, who look
to you as theleader of high national ideals andwho have hmplicit confidence in
you and y our Government and believe that an early'performance of pledges
repeatedly made to themwll will be kept. Your Government, with its glorious
history of helipg humanity and honest dealing among nations, set a high standard for subject people w'hen a handful of pioneers, composing the weak, stinggling colonies nearly a century andl a half ago, wrote in history a new page of
hope. Inspired by that same spirit your people have repeatedly expressed deep
sympathy with Irish aspirations for independence, even as Cuba was granted
that which we crave immediately following peace made with Spain.
Compared with the stability. of your Government at that time or conditions in
Ireland, Cuba, and many organized and recognized Governments of the Old
and New Hemrlisphleres to-dcay, we invite coinparisos with our own Philippine
Islands based even on the few concessions madelby the wood-Forbes report,
from which we quote:
Of the 10,500,000 Philippine inhabitants, 90 per cent of whom are Christians,
1,020,000 are in school" (p: 17). " Public order is maintained principally
by the constabulary, a force of 5,800 officers and men. This organization has
proved itself to be dependable and thoroughly efficient"(p. 23).."They are
iaturally an orderly people " (p. 19). " The Philippine people possess many
and attractive qualities-dignity ant self-respect, as shown by (eportnent, comlplete absence of beggars, personal neatness
cleanliness, courtesy
coisideration to strangers " (p. 10). " The number of votes cast (by men) at the
general election, 1.919, was 672,122 " (p. 6). "We find that the legislative chainb~ers are coriducted with dignity and decorumiand are composed of representative mien " (1). 45)."
" Financially the income of the Philippine Government in 1920 was $40500,000
with tax per capita of $3.96" (p. 5) (or about 10 per cent of the per capita tax
paid by the American people). " Resources of commercial banks 1920, $215,000,000 " (p. 33). " Postal savings, 1920, 107,000 depositors and' $3,327,000 deposits " (p. 33). " Trade with the United. States. 1920, $197,500,041 " (p. 5).
"the supreme-.court (of which four of the members, including the chief justice,
are Filipinos) has the respect and confidence of the Philippine people " (p. 24).
What small government with the same handicaps, we submit, canl
better
evidence of stable government represented by a report which we deem is not well
considered in many respects. For illustration affecting the last statement, criticism is heaped on
inferior courts and an unstable government inferred in the
report because in hundreds of different courts of the islands. including the supreme, municipal, and justice, the report alleges 50,000 cases are pending on the
different court dockets. If true in fact, we regret this congestion in the judicial
branch of our government, but we submit that by the same standard the United
States Government might be found unstable, because S Federal district courts out
of more than 100 in this country reported 63,844 cases pending on their dockets,

military

threat to

wdlconprehensively

promises

itover

fine

aiid

and

offer

our

lchings, ho"fcldups, anrrmd mil ri nsnd

orde

nrs
fsott

il

akrbeis

4
the frequently exploited " head hunters " and "warring "Filipinos who long ago
joined their peaceful neighbors and are now law-abiding citizens of the islands.
They help till the 1,946,579 small farms now owned by Filipinos as reported in the
last census.
Reading from the report Messrs. Wood and Forbes say: "We find the people
are happy, peaceful, and in the main prosperous" (p. 45); again "we find
everywhere among the Christian Filipinos (90 per cent of the population) the
desire for independence " (p. 45); " the pagans and non-Christians, constituting
about 10 per cent of the population, are for continued American control" (p. 21).
"The Americans in the islands, numbering 6,931 out of 10,956,730 total population, or far less than one-tenth of I per cent, are for a continued American control" (p. 21). That is a situation conceded by a critical report of island
conditions.
In your capacity of a world leader fearlessly engaged in arousing humanity's
conscience heretofore subservient to force, power, and selfish ambitions, we further briefly submit to your attention pledges and guaranties that have come to
us from your predecessors in office without political bias or partisanship.
President McKinley (1899), "the Philippines are ours not to exploit but to
develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of self-government."
Again he says, " We must make these people whom Providence has brought
within our jurisdiction feel that it is their liberty and not our power, their welfare and not our gain, we are seeking to enhance."
Gov. Taft (1907), " Our jurisdiction and control will finally end in the islands
Ex-President Roosevelt (1915),
when they are capable Of self-government."
" If we act so that the natives understand us to have made a definite promise,
then we should live up to that promise. * * * These being the circumstances
the islands should at an early moment be given their independence without any
guaranty whatever by us and without our retaining any foothold in them."
The Jones existing law : " It is and always has been the purpose of the people
of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands
and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein." President Wilson (1920) : "I respectfully submit that this
condition precedent (stable government) having been fulfilled, it is now our
liberty and our duty to keep our promise to the people of those islands by granting them the independence which they so honorably covet."
Ex-Presidents McKinley, Taft, Roosevelt, Wilson-four of your illustrious
predecessors-at different times have reminded the Filipinos and the world
that the promises made to them are promises made to be kept. The American
Congress has voiced that same pledge for the American people in the Jones Act.
May we not in this day of noble aspirations and accomplishments among nations
led by the United States now look to you as representative of that people to
urge fulfillment of the pledge to grant Philippine independence even as a
mother country over a century and a quarter ago yielded to a small but sovereign people that which in recent days has made your Government the greatest
power for good on earth?
We will submit as soon as possible views promised on the Wood-Forbes report
in order to present a further record of the achievements and high standards
of citizenship reached by the people of the Philippines. Herein we have sought
to place before you briefly these accomplishments as evidenced by a hasty
report, and above all we have endeavored to set forth the solemn guaranties
heretofore given to our people so that at this momentous time, when the world
is moved by great moral uplift .toward high ideals and unexampled spirit of
international brotherhood, we may hope for early fulfillment of national
pledges given by the United States to the Filipino people.
Very respectfully,
C. DE VEYRA,
JAIME ..
ISAURO GABALDON,

Resident Commissioners, Philippine Islands.
VIEWS OF SPEAKER OSMENA,

OF THE PHILIPPINE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

I will next offer the views of Sergio Osmefia, speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives. His conclusions of the now famous
85453

22159

5
Wood-Forbes report are contained in a speech delivered by him to
the delegates attending the Nacionalista Party convention in Manila,
P. I., December 3, 1921:
" These are special circumstances which demand the exercise of tact, ability,
and perspicacity, so that we may be able to solve the big problems which confront us and which require big measures also," he said in beginning his speech.
" In circumstances like this we should be calm, we should keep our poise and
reflect carefully. The cooler we are, the better we shall be prepared to fight.
" The Nacionalista Party has been born in the midst of trying circumstances.
It came into life poor, and it is but natural that at these moments it should continue to suffer, comforted only by the confidence'placed in it by the people. We
have a big task ahead of us, we are shouldering heavy responsibilities, and it
is our duty to remain faithful to the people.
" What is the principal question now, the main issue? The question is
whethetr we have fulfilled the conditions imposed upon us by Congress as a
prerequisite to the granting of our indepenidence, whether we have responded
to the wishes not only of the people but also of Congress. In other words,
the question is whether or not we have established here a stable and orderly
government.
" Our struggle, therefore, is not only for independence, but for our fundamental rights. Our nationalism of to-day is the same as it was before. We
have more than fulfilled the established conditions. We have now in the islands
an orderly, free, and stable government. It is now up to Congress to fulfill its
pledge of 1916 honorably. Our government has not been established overnight.
It is merely a continuation of the government founded here the day following
the withdrawal of Spanish sovereignty from the islands, a government improved gradually upon the old one.
" In asking for the establishment of a stable government here Congress did
not mean, I am sure, that we should really have a stable government because
such a government has been in existence here since American occupation of the
islands, but to improve on the old one, to extend the powers already conferred
upon the Filipinos.
"We have followed to the letter the wishes of Congress in this respect. Our
bureau system remains the same as it was before 1916. The only difference is
that while formerly the administration did not have any direct dealings with
the people, the commissioners remaining isolated from them and the bureaus
constituting independent branches of the government, now we have what we
call departmental responsibility, the bureaus and departments can at any time
be summuoned before the legislature. The department secretaries are now chosen
after every general election so that the influence of the masses may reach the
high spheres of government.
" The present government has been brought about without making any marked
changes in the old government. While we openly give ex-Gov. Forbes credit for
his road construction initiative, it was the Philippine Assembly to which he
appealed in 1907 for funds which establshed a fixed public works policy. Before
1907 there was no such policy. Funds were not regularly appropriated for public
works, except for a few roads like that of Baguio. When 1916 came, we not
only maintained but improved and extended the public works system of the
islands. There is no town or Province here but has been benefited by this improvement.
"As to schools, you know full well how our people are anxious for an education and how the parents of the children are compelling their little ones to go to
school. The progress of the public-school system in the islands began in 1907,
when the Philippine Assembly was first established, and the Nacionalistus received an overwhelming majority at the polls. Without need of imposing any
new taxes upon the people, we have made a big sacrifice by setting aside p30,000,000 from the insular funds for public schools only.
" The administration of justice in the islands now is as good as it was in the
past. It is not true that the administration of justice has been neglected.
Philippine judges are admitted to be competent. Even ex-President Taft recognized this fact and declared that they would be the pride of any bench in the
world, even America herself. Formerly the judges were appointed at the pleasure of the Philippine Commission and could be summoned to hear, try, and decide
certain special cases. Naturally, such a practice aroused the suspicion of the
85453-22159

6
public. Now no judge can be removed, even by the Governor General of the
islands. Those who denounce the administration of justice in the islands must
appeal to the corresponding authorities and must be prepared to produce facts
for the removal of any judges. Otherwise, they alone should be held responsible
for the consequences of their act.
"With regard to public order, you know better than I do that the Filipino by
nature is peaceful and orderly. He is not headstrong or rebellious. On the
contrary, he is submissive and ready to obey the law. During the war not only
did we exercise self-control but also offered to send abroad a division of our
National Guard. Former Gov. Gen. Harrison, despite the defects he might have
had, was the only governor general we have had who could say that the Philippines was orderly and that there was no need of sending additional troops from
the United States to the islands. The peace we had in the days during the war
is the best proof of the stability of our government here.
"Nor are these alone our achievements in the past few years. We have improved our central government as well as our provinces. Formerly there was
a confusion over the classes of provinces. Such is not the case now. The
Nacionalista Party therefore has been able to establish an efficient and stable
government, not because of its own efforts alone but with the aid and cooperation of the people.
" It goes without saying that the work of the Nacionalista Party is to secure
independence. We may have a domestic platform, but independence will remain
the principal issue, the fundamental problem. We should not feel relieved of
our responsibility until we have attained independence. Nothing short of independence should satisfy us. After we have reached our goal it matters little if
this party is dissolved. You may then seek other paths, form other groups.
"We have sent a message to President Harding in an endeavor to obtain a
hearing. We have been judged and it is but logical that we through our representatives should be heard. I am confident that President Harding will give us
the hearing we seek."
SPEAKER

OSHMENA'S

GENERAL

CONCLUSIONS.

The Manila Times of December 4 itemized the general conclusions of Speaker Osmefia as follows:
1. Anybody attacking our courts must appeal to the proper authorities
and produce facts for the removal of incompetent and immoral judges,
and should he fail to substantiate his charges he alone must be held
responsible for the consequences of his act.
2. While due credit must be given to former Gov. Gen. Forbes for his
initiative in establishing a fixed policy for road construction, it was the
old Philippine Assembly which gave him the means to carry it out.
3. We have extended our school system to the point of appropriating
30,000,000 pesos exclusively for public schools without need of imposing
any new taxes upon the people.
4. Public order in the islands is such that even during the war, the most
crucial moment for the United States, no disorder of any kind was registered here, and consequently there was no need of sending additional
forces of the Army or Navy to the Philippines.

The Wood-Forbes Report-A Critical Analysis by Prof. Maximo
M. Kalaw, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, University of

the Philippines.
The acceptance by President Harding and the American Congress of
the conclusions and recommendations of the special mission would mean,
in the first place, an indefinite postponement of Philippine independence.
To quote former Vice Gov. Yeater, the report of the mission would place
the Philippine question "on the table." Analyzed more closely, the
report spells a backward policy for the Philippines. It points out, however, in a graphic form some of the grave mistakes that have been coinmmitted during the last. eight years. This is possibly its greatest merit.
85453-22159

It presents to our eyes the possibilities of the 'in provements that can be
made. It does justice to. some very salient and notable characteristics of
the Filipino people, but its compliments are always followed by " huts"
which go .far deeper to prove the present incapacity of the Filipino people
to support by themselves any decent constitutional government.
PRESIDENT HARDING'S REASONS FOR SENDING THE MISSION.

Wlhat was the reason for sending the special mission to the Philippines?
President Harding frankly stated that the basis for the sending of the mission
is the message of President Wilson to Congress on December 7, 1920, which lie
quoted in his letter of instructions to the mission, as follows:
" Allow meto call your attention to the fact that the peolle of the Philippine
Islands have succeeded in maintaining a stable government since the last action
of tie Congress in tleir behalf, and have thus fulfilled the condition set by the
(congress as precedent to a consideration of granting independence to the islands.
I respectfully: submit that this condition precedent having been fulfilled, it is
now our liberty and our duty to keep our promise to the people of those islands
by granting them tie independence which they so honorably covet."
President Harding further admitted that the above message was basedlon
the report of tie highest authority of the Philippines,imeaning Gby. Gen.
Harrison.
In appointing tile special mission, President Harding made it known that he
walted to find out whether the reconlmendation and report of President Wilson
ald Gby. Gen. Harrison were true to tile fact or not. He stated that while
President Wilson and Gov. Gen. Harrison had already certified tlat the Fillfulfilled tie requirements of stable government in tie Philippino people
pinles, there were other people who did not believe so, and hence tie sending
of the Wood-Forbes mission.

had

TIE STANDARD OF A " STABLE GOVERNMLENT " AS SET FORTH RY THE JONES LAW.

If the purpose of tie mission was to verify the report of the previous administration, it is only but fair, nay, necessary, that we 1n1w the criterion or
based.
standaid on which that report
When President Wilson and Gov. Gen. Harrison officially certified that there
was a stable government il tile Philippines, they did not mean a perfect goverunment, or a government on a par with an oligarchy illso far as etficiency is
concerned, or even a government approaching the perfection of the six foremost
democracies in the world, which have been described by Mr. Bryce in is recent
Gen. Harrisonlsinply meant a standard
book. President Wilson and
required bothl by the general practices of international law and by the United

was

States

Gov.

wihenever the phrase

"

stable goverilment" is used.

It

mulst be remeni-

bered thlat the possession of a stable governmenlt is one of tile conditions required by the League of Nations before newv States can be - dmitted to
and in this connection Austria, Bulgaria, Costa Rica, and Finland have beea
other words, a stable govadjudged possessors of " stable governments."
ernment has been interpreted by the learned internationalists of the assembly
of the League of Nations as a de facto government which has the support of
the people. America's interpretation in tile past is not far froml that interpretation, as is shown when President McKinley urged Congress to declare war
with Spain to liberate Cuba. He definiely stated that as' soon as the Cuban
people had established illtile islanld " a stable government, capable of maintaining order and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and tile security of its citizens as w~ell as our own," Cuban independence
w-oud be recognized.
In passing the Jones law', the American Congress simply adopted the Amen
can policy for the recognition of Cuban independence and provided that " as
soon as a stable governmlenlt can be establishled in the Philippinles, Phlilippine
independence would be recognized." When Gby. Harrison appeared before the
colgressioumal committee in 1919, lie said :
responsibility as the Governor General that,
wish to state upon
in my opinion, there exists to-day in the Philippine Islands a stable govermnent, which, I think, should answer time requirements laid down

In,

111

my

it,

-by

Presidents Grant and McKinley, and, as I understand it, also by Mr. Root,
85i453-22159

8
namely, a government elected by the suiffrages of the people, which is sup.
ported by thfe people, which is capable of maintaining order and of fulfill.
ing its international obligations."
In his official report to the Secretary of War he confirmed this statement. It
was the basis of President Wilson's message to Congress quoted by President
Harding.
President Wilson and Gov. Gen. Harrison applied, therefore, the standard set
down by the Jones law and followed by the United States and the League of
Nations:
A DIFFERENT

STAND

SET FORTH BY SECRETARY

WEEKS.

While President Harding's desire seems to be to prove or disprove President
Wilson's and Gov. Gen. Harrison's statement, the instructions of Secretary of
War Weeks to the special mission were somewhat different. He did not take the
Jones law preamble as the criterion for the work of the mission, although the
preamble of the Jones law is the only statement of policy that was ever voted upon
and approved by the only legal and constitutional body that can announce any
policy at all binding upon the American people-the Congress of the United
States. Secretary of War Weeks in his letter of instruction rather considered
the instructions of Mr. McKinley in 1900 as the standard. Now, the instruc
tions of President McKinley apparently sound well, .but when one analyzes it
more closely and more intensely he will find that it is less liberal than the
Jones law. In fact, it may never mean independence. The Philippine Commission was authorized to establish a government conformable, it is true, to our
customs, habits, and even to our, prejudices, but only to the extent consistent
with the accomplishment of the " indispensable requisites of a just and effective
government."
Apply a similar criterion to the question of. Philippine independence and you have this .inevitable, formula: If in the opinion of the United
States Philippine independence will not be for your happiness, peace, or prosperity, whether we like it or not, whether it has been promised us or not,
whether we have fulfilled the condition or not, it will not be given us.
It is true that in other portions of the instructions Secretary Weeks firmly
states that the determination as to whether the present government of the
Philippines has contributed to the. happiness, peace, and prosperity of the
Filipino people "must necessarily depend largely on the views of that people."
It is also true that there is another apparently splended provision requesting
the mission not to use the standard of other countries and other climates
and particularly the American idea of perfection in governmental matters.
But the last paragraphs neutralize the intent of the foregoing admonitions.
Secretary Weeks predisposed the mind of the mission in favor of indefinite
retention when he said:
The pleasing of the Filipinos of this generation would be a minor satisfaction if it were believed that it would result in the bondage or destructionof the Filipino people for all time hereafter.
"Whether the result of your investigation may or may not be to the satisfaction of the majority of the Filipino people at this time, I am convinced that,
undertaken in the spirit in which it i§ committed to you and in which you
have undertaken it, it can not but be to the future satisfaction of the Filipinos
and must, of necessity, result in their permanent well-being and progress."
Now, the foregoing pronouncement is clearly in conflict with the spirit and
letter of the Jones law. It is in, conflict with President Harding's own attitude,
who has often assuried the Resident Commissionera that he stands by the Jones
law. It is tantamount to saying to the Filipinos of to-day: You might as
well quit all agitation for independence now. I will give it to you whenever
it pleases me to do so."
We have thought that with the enactment of the Jones law an entirely
different stage has been reached 'in the discussion of the Philippine problem.
The Jones law contains a definite pledge voted and approved by -the Congress
of the United States and signed by the President to the effect that when the
conditions of a stable government have been fulfilled the recognition of independence would be in order. That pledge was accepted by the Filipino people
in good faith. The Jones law became, in the words of its author, a "'covenant
between the American and the Filipino peoples."
Why should another criterion be now injected, saying that it does not matter
whether the present generation of Filipinos is pleased or not?
85453-22159

9
THIE STANDARD OF 191'3 FOLWEI')

The

BY THE

MISSION.

WVoodl-Forbes mission thuls started its work with the apparently arbistandard set dow-In by
Weeks, which would eliminate front
considerationthe desires of the
generation of 'Fiiipfos.

Secretary

trary

present

It did not accept the standlard of atstable governmentas defined by the
League of Nations, by the United States in the las. and by Coy. Gen. Harrison. In fact, no mention whatever is made in the report of the promise of
independence contained in the preamble of the Jones law.
seems that the
chairman of the lissionll
a diferent interpretation as to tle
governmllent."
At tie mleeting held by tile Philippine ColumbianlAssociation,
he
reported to have
eas
" stable government " in the following words
"A stable govermnncelit mes
civic cournge, courts of justice whichl give
equal opportunities to tile senator as well as to tie sile
'tao,' resources
ready for disposal at any
flmoment they are Ieeded by tie country, organization
will enable tie country to defend its integrity, adequate hospitals
all over tie islands which are not found il tile provlces we iave just visited.
social organization lwhlich shows keen lulaninterest in the protectionof
the needy and tle 1poo1, eficienlt public salnitation, coon0language, and
nany others."
Now, the foregoing
not tie accepted defilition
of " stale
as is seen il the definitions whicil
quoted love.It is true, however.that
in judging tie Philippine situation thel mission was asked by Secretary of War
Weeks to apply this aplareently benignant rule :
" In passing on questions thus presented it is necessary
avoidiconparison with a standard of other counltries anl other climates and particularly
with our own i(lea of perfection."

It

had
defined

terml"stable

which

was

government,

we

to

But, again, does

tile foregoing

suggestion

when

separately resuit

treated

in a fair stateiment? In tile first place, tile Phliplpinesis tiletirst attempt
on a large scale at relresentative govermlent in the Tropics. So there can
Only one;tie
he no tropical standard. Then what is tle standard
standiard of tie previous administration of whichlGov. Forbes, one of the
memlbers of tile m1ission, was the Ilead! And tle Wood-Forbes missionimade
it its standard
It said:
Tie general administrationl of tie Plilippine Government in 1913, the
period of greatest efficiency, was honest, highly eficient, amd set a highIstandard of energy and
Nowe, Unfortullately, Gor. len. WToocl was not in the Philippines in 1913, so
he could 10ot hare known tie standard lilen. How could he, therefore, eonipare the 1913 sntlard with the present government when he was not here?
weith a definite
judlginlg tihe situation- and eoinuparing
So tile only arbiter
standard was GJov. (lenr. Forbes. IHere was a strange anomaly unheard of in the
annals of tiletinited States, whiere ani interested partyi, head of a prervious

left?

mllorality."

it

in

adinistration,'was

.made tile

]jdge as to tile success

or

failure

of

his

rval

and suceessor. But even grantinlg for tile sake of argument thlat tile WoodForbes isi~on, tiespite Gove. Forbess participlation,. acted judiciously and fairly
ill comparing the administration of 1913 with thlat of tihe eight years of Phlilipmlaitainl that Philippinle autonomy would still be at a dispine autonomy,

we

advantage as regards the efficienlcy of the governmilent.

All oligarchic gov-

ernmnlt, witih 11 popular favor to cater or local conlstituenlcies to please, is
likely to hav-e a 11o01e efficient admlinistration than a govern~ment controlled
by the representatives of tile peolie. Tis ls a wel-knowvn axiom in politics.
Thlus Bryce says in his M~odernl Demlocracies :
"Tilere are points ill whichl a denmocratic governmlenlt suffers by comparison
with an~ oligarchic, for tile latter is m~ore likely to recognize tile importance of
sincee
skill ill admlliistrationl and of ecfonlomy ill the m-ianagemlenlt of
it is not temipted to spend mney in satisfyimng tile' importunities of localities
or of sections of the population."

finance,

THE GOOD POINTS

IN

THlE REPORT.

We will not go at this tille into details of tihe report withl regard to tile
different Government activities. The heads of tile(differenlt bureaus amnd othler
o
macomaeout inltheir supprt
peopnlae cnver-so lt ~ill the differetnt css

10
defense. The' foregoing statement of the different standards used,. I believe,
will be sufficient for a conclusion that the Wood-Forbes report is based on
unwarranted premises. It has evaded the issue of stable government and
would inject a new criterion in the discussion of the Philippine problem. This
is in no way a criticism of the individual members of the mission, for it seems
that they have followed only the instruction. The chairman of the mission
has always been considered by the people as a fair-minded, square man.
There are many good points in the report. For a Republican report it is a
tremendous step toward a better appreciation of the good qualities of the
Filipino people. Compared to the reports of the early days of American
occupation one will see that it has apparently a more sympathetic view of the
Filipino people. One entire chapter is devoted to a description of the people.
Examined closely, however, many of the paragraphs which begin with apparently complimentary sentences invariably end with qualifications and criticisms
which neutralize all fine things that have been said in the first part. The
the
Filipino people, we are told, are not lacking in capacity; that they are orderly
and law-abiding'; but "their government is not reasonably free from those
Underlying causes which result in the destruction of government." Viewed
separately in connection with the purely local problems, the graphic picture
that it has made of our shortcomings and deficiefcies should be welcome.
Surveys are necessary so that we may view what we have done and correct
the deficiencies that we have made. The lack of sufficient press which will
insure a sound public opinion; the mistakes that have been made in the
finances; the delay in the administration of justice; the need of good teachers
both in the schools and in the higher institutions of learning; the inadequate
treatment and care of dependent peoples; the defects of the election lawall these are more or less recognized by the majority of the people, and
measures are already afoot for their correction.
WHAT

IF

THE

WILSON-IM'KINLEY

STANDARD

HAD

BEEN

USED.

The reader may believe that the writer has already dwelt too extensively
on the different standards used in gauging the Philippine question. But in the
estimate of any social condition is not the standard a deciding factor? The
Spanish verse, " Todo es segun el color del cristal con que se mira," is
appropriate to the present case.
Let us suppose that the mission had used the Wilson-McKinley standard in the
survey of Philippine conditions. Critical as the survey has been, I believe
that the conditions exposed in the report, would compare favorably with the
existing conditions of four countries admitted to the League of Nations, because,
among other things, they possess stable government-Austria, Bulgaria, Costa
Rica, and Finland. There are apparently in President McKinley's estimate two
main elements in a stable government: First, ability to maintain order and insure peace and tranquillity and the security of citizens; second, ability to observe its international obligations. To these two elements, Mr. Root, in his instructions for the Cuban people, also added the following: It must rest upon the
peaceful suffrages of the people and must contain constitutional limitations to
protect the people from the arbitrary actions of the Government. These four
elements will be found in the facts gathered by the mission. It is admitted by the
mission that order has been in excellent condition and that our constabulary is
sufficient to maintain internal peace: The tranquillity and security of the citizens are not jeopardized. As to the obligations for international life, the WoodForbes mission recognizes that there are people in our service who could do
credit to any Government; that our legislature is filled with representative men.
Without desiring to enter into invidious comparisons, the Filipinos have an advantage over any oriental country in so far as ability to maintain international
relations- is concerned, for the simple reason that we are the most western of all
oriental peoples and our laws are not taken from oriental sources. Even to-day
foreigners in the Philippines are being judged in the courts by Filipino judges,
so that there will not be any need of extraterritorial courts. International obligations will naturally mean sound finances, and it is here that we must confess
that the Filipino people have made the greatest blunders, but the financial situation of the Philippines is not as bad as that of other countries where moratoriums
have had to be declared. In fact, the Wood-Forbes mission itself states that
85453 22159

11
we have comparatively more simple financial problems here.and that our economic ailings can soon be healed. On page 39, for instance, it says:
" In view of the good earnings, moderate expenses, inherent wealth, a small
public debt, and backed by the credit of the United States, the problem of rehabilitating the credit of the Philippine Islands should be an easy one. The
lesson has been a bitter one for the Filipinos and the gravity of the mistake is
generally appreciated."
Stable government has never meant ability to repel an outside attack, for indeed, how many nations will be independent to-day if this is criterion for independence? France, one of the great nations, was found unable by herself to
repel a German attack.
Even the statement of the mnssion that " the Government is not reasonably
free from those underlying causes which. result in a destruction of government"
can be applied to all the new nations of Europe and even to some old ones. Our
country has been accustomed to constitutional restrictions. They are one of the
greatest benefits that have been given us by America. Such constitutional limitations have been since 1900 the fundamental law of the land. It may be said that
they are already embedded in the legal and political life of the people. No matter
what political changes may occur, they will hardly find any material alteration.
DISREGARD

OF OUR

REPRESENTATIVE

INSTITUTIONS.

In its report, as well as in its travels in the Philippines, the mission has,
perhaps involuntarily, shown a tendency to disregard or belittle the attitude
and work of the Government, especially of our legislature. Many people came
to look upon the mission as an administrative court of last resort to hear and
decide complaints of all kinds against the existing Government. This practice
was certainly destructive of the principle of representative government, for
instead of fostering the idea that the people themselves through the voters
must correct the administrative abuses of those in power they were led to
believe that they can look somewhere else for the remedies they desire. It is
fortunate that the chairman of the mission became the Governor General, for
as Governor General he will be in duty bound to require the support of the
people for the Government. He will thus be able to erase the bad impression
unconsciously made.
It is noticeable how the entire report fails to mention, even incidentally, the
official attitude and representations that the Philippine Legislature has taken
on .the general independence question. Yet the Wood-Forbes mission certifies
in its conclusion " that the legislative chambers are composed of representative
men."

Now, if it is the desire to create and strengthen representative government
in the Philippines, the people must be taught to respect and acquiesce in the
decisions legally and officially rendered on their behalf by their representatives.
This must be done unless the American people desire to establish direct legislation by the people themselves. But if in the opinion of the mission the
people have not yet absorbed their present powers, it would seem absurd to
advocate a more advanced step toward democracy such as the initiative and
the referendum. Perhaps this attitude of belittling or ignoring the legislaturewas unconsciously made by the Wood-Forbes mission as a reflection of the
attitude of distrust with which the legislature is held in many States of the
Union to-day. But the Philippine Islands is not yet ready by any means to
take this attitude; so that we must, on the contrary, try to foster the idea
of representative government by urging the people to elect their best men as
representatives, and then to follow the decision of such representatives in the
government, subject, naturally, to their recall at the following elections.
The mission has completely ignored the legislature. Perhaps the members of
the mission did not realize that the Philippine Legislature, representing the
Filipino people, has taken official attitudes on the independence question. The
Philippine Legislature has ratified in a joint resolution, signed by the Governor
General, the establishment of a commission of independence for the purpose of
discussing with the United States the ways and means for the recognition of
independence. The independence commission is, therefore, a legal body clothed
with powers to deal on the independence question. It was this commission of
independence which sent a special mission to the United States, which was
officially received by the Secretary of War on behalf of the President of the
85453-22159

12

seem

Now, it would
to the ordinary observer that the special
)n
i~ission can nfot igenore the legal 1ersonality of the commission
of independence or the legislature, especially when the work of the mission
the relations letween the United States
to deal w ith independence problems
and the P'hilippines. Upon the arrival of the'nission the commission of
sent a statement wvelcomning the ission to the Philippines and offering its serv ices. One would believe that tucst of the dealings of this WoodForbes mission would be with this body, especially in matters pertaining to the
relations between the United States and the Philippines. But the Wood-Forbes
mssion-oneylag, perhaps, instructions-treated the commission of independenice like anylody else. Nay, there is not even a mention of any resolutions
of the legislature in the body of the report. No. 112 of the list of exhibits is
listed as a "declaration of senators and representatives requesting indeundoubtedly the declaration of the commission of
pendence." Now, this
independence in an official capacity, yet it was listed simply as a declaration
of individual senators and representatives ! It is placed on the list of exhibits
and not even on the list of appendices. It apparently has the same weight
time mission as the "letters from prominent Americans of long residence in the
.Philippines' and "petitions from Americans of Mindanno." It is perhaps in
the same category as the author's own book, " The Present Government of the
honored with a place on the list of exhibits. Now, it
Philippines," which
would seem to me that a body- clothed by law with powers and therefore
ized
tie people to speak in their behalf would deserve better treatment
than that.
We do not in the least mean to question the fairness of the men composing
the mission, but we.only will say that they are human beings, and, in the case
of *ex-Gov. Forbes, it would lpractically be impossible for him to do aw-y with
time personal equation. What we desire to impress is that if the United States
has established in the Philippines the principle of repremeans to establish
sentative government by means of an elective legislature composed of the
senate and the house of representatives, it is only proper that we give this body
all the consideration and the authority which a representative organ should
If a representative organ is supposed to speak for the people.through
legal channels, it -would seeni to us that next to the people themselves directly
it is the greatest authority on what the people want so that, no matter how
extended has been its trip, no matter how thorough has been its investigation,
it would still be illogical and contrary to the principles of democracy to take
the word of the mission, in so far as the desires and aspirations of the people
are concerned, rather than the worl of the dily elected representatives of the
ieople. Tie mission, for instance, in its heading on the present condition, has
stated the following:
'The great bulk of the Christian Filipinos have a very natural desire for
independence ; most of them desire independence under the. protection of the
United States.

Wood-Forbes

was

and

inde-

pendence

was

with

was

by

author-

and

have.

States;

a very small percentage desire immediate independence with
United
a very subistantial element is opposed to
separation from the United

States;

independence, especially at this time. The Momos are a unit against independence and are united for continuance of American control
Now,, we admit that the representatives of the Moros in the legislature are
perhaps in that case a
not designated by election, but by appointment,
direct survey will prove of some help. But Gov. Genm. Wood, with only two

and

the
representatives
reap~pointed
tions, hasbelieving them the be representativeofmen.
to
parently

Senator Hadji Butu was reappoiiited, w ho
made known its

"

declaration of

purposes."

excep-

non-Christian, Provinces, ap-

was present wheii the legislature
all

But in

the Christian parts we

submit that the satest barometer, if. we are to exercise self-government here,
the people's representatives-the Filipino people have been electing representayears and the issue in all elections has always been indetives for _tie
pendence. If the statements of the legislature are still being -questioned by the
American authorities, the only way left for a more faithful reflection of the
people's desire is a nation-wide plebiscite.

last 13

REPORT WOULD HINDER DEVELOPMENT Or TWO STRONG PARTIES.

The Herald has rightly observed that while the American

Go vernmnent

sents thespectacle of a sovereign power willing to exercise
8545a-22159

all

pre-

important

13
powers of government- possible, taking away even those which have already
been granted to the people or their representatives, we can never develop in
the Philippines a strong two-party system, for the Filipino people must always
feel the necessity of having a united front. What nations engaged in an international conflict or discussion desire to have a strong party government instead
of a coalition government? During the Great War all the Governments of
Europe were coalition Governments. Preseident Wilson tried to manage his
Government during the war on the old system, and he failed. So, while the
great issue of self-government and independence exists, it is doubtful whether
the great Nacionalista Party will be foolish enough to split itself into liberal
and conservative factions. It must always feel the necessity of preserving
unity. Has anybody noticed how soon the clouds of animosity between the
different Nacionalista factions have disappeared as soon as the report of the
mission was known? How placid are the waters of the Nacionalista convention
TWO THINGS THAT ARE AN IMPROVEMENT

OVER 1913.

The report is firm in its conviction that, compared with 1913, the present
Government has gone down in efficiency and useftllness. We are prepared to
say that the present Government has made two fundamental improvements over
that of 1913. One of them is the reorganization of the executive departments,
some portion of which-especially those which took away bureaus from the
supervision of American heads-the mission seems to take exception to. On
the main object and result of the reorganization act the mission was silent,
when, as a matter of fact, the law placed the Government on a secure foundation of efficiency-a much greater efficiency than the 1913 in so far as organization and proper coordination of the bureaus and activities are concerned.
There were several reasons why the reorganization was made.
In the first place, the Jones law authorizes such reorganization, and it was
necessary to ratify in the statute books of the Philippines the new executive
power granted the Filipinos to make the departmental secretaries partly responsible to the legislature. In the second place, it was urgent that there be a more
logical and scientific regrouping of bureaus and offices. This need had long been
felt, even before the passage of the Jones law, and for that purpose the emergency board provided in the appropriation law of 1915 was authorized to act
as an efficiency board " to investigate and analyze as minutely as possible the
organization of the bureaus of the insular government for the purpose of determining the utility of each of them, the possibility of their improvement by
eliminating all duplication work * * * and in general indicating such
changes in the direction and organization of the bureaus as will tend to simplify the system of work followed and result in economy and increased efficiency." In the third place, it was necessary to provide for a harmonious
action and cooperation between the executive heads and the legislature. And
in the fourth place, it was felt that the new department heads should have more
authority and power over the offices and bureaus under them.
Acts 222 and 1407 of the Philippine Commission, which were responsible for
the organization of the executive departments up to 1916, left a great deal to
be desired in the way of logical and scientific arrangement of bureaus. The
departments, as created by the first act, were denominated the department of
the interior, department of commerce and police, department of finance and
justice, and department of public instruction. " The mere mention of the names
given to these departments," said Senator Palma, "shows that or'ganization to
be theoretically defective. No country in the civilized world has organized a
department of commerce and police, because commerce and police inIvolve completely contrary and antagonistic ideas. The commerce is essentially pacific,
while tihe police is essentially warlike."
Act No. 1407 reorganized the departments and bureaus and offices of the
government, abolishing certain bureaus and offices and creating others in their
stead. This organization was not better than the previous one, because under
it bureaus whose activities were very dissimilar were kept in the same department. In the department of the interior the bureau of health remained side
by side with that of lands and the bureau of agriculture with that of quarantine service. In the department of commerce and police the constabulary continued side by side with the bureau of public works and the bureau of posts,
together with that of port works. The department of finance and justice still
85453-22159

14
perforned its legal functions at the same time as the work of collecting customs dues and internal-revenue taxes. The department of public instruction
continued to solve educational problems and have charge at the same time of
the bureaus of supply and printing, a rare combination, indeed.
Heretofore erich bureau was almost a department by itself. It used to send
i estimates directly to the legislature through the executive secretary and the
department head had almost nothing to do with it. It had great power of making regulations. The control of the department head was very slight. The
reorganization act, therefore, as amended by act No. 2803 (sec. 79c of the Administrative Code) provides that the department head shall have direct control,
direction, and supervision over all bureaus and offices under his jurisdiction,
and may, any provision of existing law to the contrary notwithstanding, repeal
or modify the decisions of the chiefs of said bureaus or offices when advisable
in the public interest.
Thus the reorganization act united responsibility, abolished the sovereignty
of bureaus, and placed them under six secretaries, with power of supervision
and control, and subordinated the secretaries, in turn, to the Governor General, instead of the old.order in which secretaries could demand similar executive prerogatives with the Governor General, as was shown by the incident between Commissioner Riggs and Governor General Harrison.
THE

BUDGET.

" The forms of the budgets are good," the report states. This was the only
mention of that great step which placed the Philippines, in so far as financial
systems are concerned, above the United States. It could have gone a little
further and frankly admitted that the budget, next to the reorganization act,
is the other great reform to the credit of Philippine autonomy.
Here was the old procedure which savored of medieval methods: Thirty days
before the opening of each regular session each bureau chief-not the department head-sent to the executive secretary a statement of the receipts and
expenditures of his bureau or office during the year and an estimate of the
receipts and necessary expenditures thereof for the ensuing fiscal year. Like
the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, the executive secretary
simply compiled these estimates and sent them to the legislature. He had no
power of revision or coordination. There was no executive responsible for the
fiscal plan of the Government. It was the question of who had the greatest
" pull."
Other bills appropriating money were introduced in a hit-or-miss fashion, following no systematized and unified scheme of national improvement. They
were considered on their individual merits, and not on a well-defined fiscal
plan for the entire country. They were not based on any possible amount of
revenue that might be gathered. Thousands of this kind of bills were introduced at every session. Had they all passed, the resources of the country for
the next 10 years would have been exhausted. We never knew whether we
were expending more than we were earning. We never learned, even more or
less definitely, whether we were running into bankruptcy or not. This was
shown to be the fact when on the assumption of office by Gov. Harrison
there were wide asseverations that the Philippine government had been running headlong toward financial ruin. " For three years prior to 1913," says
Gov. Harrison in his first message, "the government had expended from two
to two and a half million'pesos yearly in excess of its ordinary income, and in
1913 had expended more than p7,000,000 in excess of such income." Seven million pesos in excess of our income! The fact had never been openly communicated to the people or their representatives.
That there was an unpardonable lack of systematized plan in our previous
financial system can be easily seen in the number and nature of appropriation
bills annually passed by the Philippine Commission and the Philippine Legislature. From April 3, 1915, to March 16, 1916, for instance, 37 acts, carrying
a total appropriation of over 138,000,000 were passed. The list follows:
85453-22159

15
Acts carrying appropriations passed by the Philippine Legislature or the Philippine
Commission alone from April 3, 1915, to February 24, 1916.

No. of act.

Amount
carried.

No. 2519.......
No. 2521.......
3. No. 2523.......
1.
2.

35,

1, 000,

25. No. 2612__.
26. No. 2513 ..

15, 000.00
25, 468, 913. 21
52, 000. 00
1,
458, 491.00
16, 000. 00
269, 311. 11
50, 000. 00
(1)

2,)000. 00

2,621,000.00
100,)000. 00
10, 000.00

.

2, 500,

:

No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.

2524:..
2625.2632_.
2633 _.
2637.
2638 _.

34.
35.
36.
37.

No.
No.
No.
No.

000. 00

49, 145.00
118, 882. 59

2, 300, 000.00
___

27. No. 2623..

28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.

000. 00

(1)

16. No. 2548.
17. No. 2550.
18. No. 2575.

23. No. 2610 _.
24. No. 2611:.

000. 00

10, 000. 00

7. No. 2529.....
8. No. 2531.......
9. No. 2534.....
10. No. 2535.
11. No. 2540.
12. ]No. 252
13. No. 2543.
14. No. 2546.
15. No. 2547.

2583.
2596
2598.
6207.

2,500. 00
20, 000. 00
15, 000. 00
10, 000. 00

2524.......
5. No. 2525.....
6. No. 2526.......
4. No.

1.9. No.
20. No.
21. No.
22. No.

000. 00

?12,

2649.
2651.
2652:_.
2659.

15, 0{'0. 00
10, 000.00
(2)

(2)
7, 500. 00
1,;000, 000. 00
10, 000. 00
71,'000.00
10, 000.00

25, ooo 00
(1)

2,250.00

Total.

Object.

Lepanto trail.
Publicity for forest study in Agusan Valley.
Locusts and rinderpest in mountain Provinces,
Nueva Viscaya, Mindanao and Sulu.
Roads and bridges in N ueva Viscaya.
Cholera in Mindanao and Sul.
Agriculture, industry, health, and irrigation in
mountain Provinces.
For Baguio fair.
Education in non-Christian parts.
For destruction caused by baguios.
For repairs in Benguet road.
General appropriation bill.
Repair Naguillian-Baguio road for 1916.
Appropriation for Mindanao and Sulu.
For Hotel Pines, Baguio.
Current expenses for mountain Provinces and
Nueva Viscaya.
For immunization.
For obligations on account of friar lavis.
and other
For creation of fiscalship in
purposes.
Permanent improvements.
Aid to young industries.
For "Junta de Productos del Coco:"
Deposits in Commercial Bank for agricultural
loans.
Judiciary deficiency bill during 1916.

Palawan,

Deficiency bill for other governmental

offics

168, 027.59
for 1916. (Total deficiency,
pesos.)
Part payment for National Bank.
Foment of tobacco.
Conservatory of Music.
To pay interest on bonds.
For amortization of bonds .
For schools in mountain Provinces.
To combat infant mortality.
Exhibition at Formosa.
"Reembolso" of land taxes in typhoon-devastated provinces.
For forest-reserve purposes.
For

immunizations.

Loans for irrigation purposes.
For police quarters, mountain Prov inces.

38, 341-, 993: 01
Not fixed.:

2 Not determined.

The table of laws shows a lack of systematized groupings of objects for the
easy comprehension of the public or the legislature. At the -end of every ses'sion a member could not know what had been the main fiscal policy of the
legislature. Appropriations for social improvement or economic development
are in several and independent bills. Act 2323, for instance, appropriates 20,000
85453-22159

16
pesos for extermination of locusts and rinderpest in the mountain Province,
Neuva Vizcaya, Mindanao, and Sulu; act 2526 sets aside 35,000 pesos for agriculture, industry, health, and irrigation in mountain Province; act 2548 provides 50,000 pesos for immunization; act 2598 gives 10,000 pesos for Junta le
ProdT ctos de Coco; act 2613 appropriates 15,000 pesos for the foment of tobacca ; act 2651 adds 25,000 pesos to immunization funds provided in act
act 2652 provides for loans for irrigation purposes. All these acts refer to the
dlevelopinent of agriculture, and should be grouped together in one bill under
that heading. They were undoubtedly (drafted by different persons who might
not have the same ideas as to the way the agricultural. development should be
carried on. It is just as likely that some of these bills are at cross purposes
other bills on the same subjects.
Such was, in lrief, the system of
in vogue prior to the
establishment of the Jones law. There
no attempt on the part of tie
Filipinos to alopt a budget system, for there was no responsibe executive to
franme it. All executive posts were filled by appointment by the President of
the United States or tie Governor General without the consent of any representative lbody.
There was no centralized responsibility in the preparation
submission
of estimates. Every little bureau was a department by itself, prepared its
own estimate. anI sent it to the legislature through the executive secretary.
There was no coordination, each bureau trying to
as much as it could.
Telreme was no financial secretary to clip the wings
overambitious bureaus
olsessed with self-importance.
The result was an extravagant, top-heavy
bureaucracy, andt unnecessary luplicatin of work and activity.
The od procedllre of the submission of estimates was inefficient and medieval.
It was patterned after the old congressional system which has just beem
changed in the United States. These mistakes were corrected with the estallishmient of the budget.

2548,

with

govermuent finance

was

and

get

of

SPEC[AL

REPORT

SUGGESTS

B

cTw unPOLICIES.

While in the body of the report the Wood-Forbes mission states that a reversal
of policy is not needed now-, the second, third, and fourth, recommendations all
express a lbackward lolicy. Let us analyze the second andi'third
"2. We recommend that the responsible representative of the United States,
the Governor General, have authority commensurate with the responsibilities
of his losition. In case of failure to secure the necessary corrective action by
the Philippine Legislature we recomlln that Congress (eclare null amd void
legislation which has lbeen enacted diminishing, limiting, or dividing the authority granted the Governor General under act of Congress No. 240, known as the
Jones bill.
" 3.
recommlend that in case of a deadlock between time Governor General
and the Philippine senate in the confirmation of appointments that the Presi(lent of the Unitedl States b~e authorized to make and render the
dlecision."
The government of time Philippine Islands, as it is at present constit uted, is
not based upon legal andl statutory provisions alonme. It
been largely built
upon dem1ocratic principles and upon
clear constitutional uriderstandimig betwveen time rep~resentative of the United States and t he representatives of the
Filipino p~eople. Every Governor General has taken these factors into account.
No Governor General has ever completely ignored these democratic principles
or failed to enter into some sort of understanding with the representatives of
thme Filipino people on immiportamnt questions. That is why the leaders of tihe
Philippine Assembly w-ere frequently consulted by the Governor General on
serious domestic questions. There was no law which required this of the
Governor General, but it was done as a. matter of policy in pursuance of
fundamental (democratic principles.
Every legislation passed since 1916 has been in conformity with these principles and the spirit and letter of the Jones law. It w-as the purpose of Congress to give the post of departmental secretaries to Filipinos alone, except
time secretary of public instruction. That was the reason why their appointment was -taken from the President and given to time Governor General with
time consent of time Senmate. The present position of the Governor General has
b~een tihe result
the Jones law. It simply followed the policy of Congress.
Congress must m1ean a p~articipation of the
in the administration,
85453-22159

We

final

has

a

of

Filipinos

17
otherwise the Jones law would not mean the autonomy that it now means to the
Philippines. This was the interpretation given by Gov. Gen. Harrison in a statement explaining the Jones law, on September 1, 1916, in which he said:
"The main points of opposition to the bill centered upon the promise in the
preamble of ultimate independence, and the power of confirmation of executive
nominations by the Philippine Senate. So far as my own personal efforts could
be of any influence these were the two points upon which the greatest insistence
was laid. With the support of the President and the work of friends in Congress, both questions have been resolved favorably. I am a firm believer that
an executive should consult the people, through their representatives, as to who
shall serve them in office. This is the vital nerve of self-government. It should
never be possible, and it will now never be so here, for an executive to ride
ruthlessly over the people he is sent here to govern without due regard for
their sentiments and due consideration of their wishes.
That was the understanding of the Filipino people. That is why they accepted the bill. It was simply another exposition of the intent and purpose of
that law as proclaimed in its preamble which is " to place in the hands of the
people of the Philippines as large a control of their domestic affairs as can
be given them without, in the meantime, impairing their exercise of the rights
of sovereignty by the people of the United States, in order that, by the use
and exercise of popular franchise and governmental powers, they may be the
better prepared to fully assume the responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges
of complete independence."
THE LAST RECOMMENDATION.

Let us take the last recommendation:
"4. We recommend that under no circumstances should the American Government permit to be established in the Philippine Islands a situation which
would leave the United States in a position of responsibility without authority."
We do not know what is exactly meant by this recommendation. If it is
simply an interpretation of the preamble by the Jones law to the effect that
autonomy must be given the Filipinos to the extent " compatible with the
exercise of the rights of American sovereignty," then it is not a new thing. We
beg to state that this was followed in spirit and in letter during the last administration. In other words, on matters of domestic concern, the Filipinos were
allowed to rule; but in matters where the sovereignty of the United States might
be called in question, then the Governor General acted. What were those matters which might jeopardize the exercise of American sovereignty? To our
mind they were simply those which pertain to order, the protection of alien
lives and property, and the international relations in general. This was followed in the last administration. When there was a disturbance, like the
Intramuros Constabulary case, Gov. Gen. Harrison would assume the command
in person, for all disturbances are a defiance of the sovereignty of the United
States. Similarly, all dealings with consuls or matters of foreign property and
citizens have gone to the office of the Governor General. If this recommendation means that the United States intends to take direct control and responsibility for every act of the municipalities, Provinces, and every one of the 20,000
officials of the Philippine Government, then we wish to say that such procedure
would be tantamount to the abolishment of autonomy in the Philippines. No
autonomy is possible under such circumstances.
TI MAY KILL INDEPENDENCE FOR GOOD.

"1. We recommend that the present general status of the Philippine
Islands continue until the people have had time to absorb and thoroughly master the powers already in their hands."
Now, this recommendation may mean no independence either to-day,
to.morrow, or a hundred years from now! Wh'en can the Filipino people
"thoroughly master the powers in their hands" I To this I will answer,
What are the powers already in our hands? The Wood"Never."
Forbes mission admit that we hIave had practical autonomy. We elect our
own local officials and our two houses of the legislature; the departmeint
heads are Filipinos with on exception; practically all of the courts of first
instance are in the hands of the Filipinos. When will we master-not
85453-22159

18
only iaster but " thoroughly " master--tire power of conducting our courts
of jus iee, our legislature, our varied executive departments, and our
local uinctions? In other words, when is our perfect democracy coning
six great democracies of the world which have been examined
Even
by iYr. Bryce have failed to master "thoroughly" all the powers that
have been given them.
Popular government is still an ideal which may never fully and
oughly .)e realized.

i

the

thor-

CON1TCLUSION.
The report will prove a disappointment to both Americans and-Filipimos for the simple reason that it does not propose in itself to settle the
Philippine question once for all.- The American investors who want to
bring money to the islands and the American business men who already
have interests in the Philippines would naturally prefer the continuation
of Amuerican sovereignty; but if there is to be such a eontinuation, they
want to see that it is definite anid assured for a stated time, say,. 10, 30,
or 50 years. If there is to be independence at all, they wanut to know
when it will come and what future relatiomns will exist between America
and an independent Philippines. The Filipinos, on the other hamnd, are
eonvince~i that the time has already conue for indepelndence, and are
willing to talk about its terms and conditions. Neither Americans nor

Filipinos
the people

want

-continuation of in their hands."
the powers
mission had only made even an approximate

an indefinite

Amecrican

regime

" until

shall thoroughly master

If the wood-For'bes
as to how many more

years!

8544-22159'

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8

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E-

V

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