'SAVING THE WORLD FROM DEMOCRACY

THE

Winnipeg General
Sympathetic Strike
MAY-JUNE, 1919
TRIAL BY JURY DESTROYED BY STAMPEDE FORTYFIVE MINUTE LEGISLATION—WORKERS ARRESTED
AND RUSHED TO PENITENTIARY TO SMASH STRIKE
- L E A D I N G LAWYERS, MEMBERS OF EMPLOYERS'
COMMITTEE OF 1 0 0 0 — ENGAGED BY FEDERAL
GOVERNMENT TO PROSECUTE WORKERS.

Strike-Arrests-Trials-Penitentiary
Prepared by the Defense Committee, 2*20 Bannatyne Ave,, composed of
Delegates from the various Labor Organizations in
Winnipeg, Manitoba

PRICE FIFTY CENTS

HISTORY
OF

WINNIPEG GENERAL STRIKE
1919
SYNOPSIS OF ETENTS
Leading up to the Walker Theatre meeting, the Calgary
Convention, the Formation of the O. B. IL, the Winnipeg General Strike-—May and June, 1919— and
the prosecutions arising out of the same.
Eight men, Russell, Johns, Pritchard, Armstrong, Heaps,
Queen, Bray, and Ivens, are now before the Assize Court
of Manitoba, charged by the Government with seditious
conspiracy to overthrow the state, etc.
These men were arrested, together with five non-English
speaking men, on June 17th, last, when the general strike
was at itg height. The real purpose of the arrests was to
smash the strike then in existence.
The Crown alleges that they were arrested because they
were seditiously planning a revolution and that the strike
was an attempt to establish a soviet form of government.
The Crown is attempting to prove that meetings held in
Winnipeg in December, 1918, to protest against orders in
council, to demand the withdrawal of troops from Russia,
and the release of political prisoners; the various meetings
of the Labor Church in Winnipeg; a meeting planned by
the Socialist Party of Canada—-but prevented by rioting
soldiers; a convention of representatives from the Trades
Unions of Western Canada, held in Calgary in March, 1919;
the Winnipeg general sympathetic strike of May and June,
1919, and the formation of an industrial organization in
place of the craft organizations, under the name of the
One Big Union, are all connected parts of one big conspiracy.
The facts are that the Labor Church was formed by the
Rev. W. Ivens, M.A., B.D., when he was denied, or driven

4

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1VL9

from the pulpit of the Methodist Church, because of his
pacifist views. The Walker Theatre meeting was planned
because the workers realized that the Trades Congress
officers were impotent in the matter of securing from the
Government redress of the grievances complained of, and
were determined that the voice of protest should be heard.
The Majestic Theatre meeting was one of a series planned
by the Socialist Party to propagate their views. The Western Convention, held in Calgary, March, 1919, was arranged
to form some plan of organization that would free Western
Canada from the control of a Trades Congress machine
which the Western workers claimed defeated their every
plan and proposal The plan of industrial organization was
launched at that convention and was accelerated by the
active and persistent opposition of international officers to
the Winnipeg strike. The strike itself grew spontaneously
out of the refusal of the "iron masters"—owners of the
contract metal shops™to recognize the unions or the Metal
Trades Council, and^ the refusal of the Builders' Exchange
to recognize the Building Trades Council or to pay the men
engaged in all branches of the building industry a living
wage.
The idea of a conspiracy is preposterous- The contention
of the Crown that these activities were part of an attempt
to set up a soviet and to bring about a revolution, is a pre*
text by which they hope to railroad active leaders of the
working class to jailf and an excuse for them to carry on an
active propaganda against "Reds/ 1 "Revolutionists," "Left
Wingers/' "Radicals/* "Progressives/' or, whatever they
may be called. "Bolshevists" is, of course, the most telling
expression from, their standpoint.
If they are successful in this endeavor it is quite clear
that the Government will pass legislation, or? more orders*
in-council, suppressing every organization, and imprisoning
every person who in any way seeks to better the general
condition of the workers.
That this is no mere suspicion on our part is proven by
the fact that, while the strike was in progress, the Immigration Act was re-introduced into the Federal Parliament*
It had already been amended and signed by the GovernorGeneral, not more than a couple of days previously. When
re-introduced it was re-amended purposely to destroy the
right of trial by jury for all British born citizens, and also
make it possible to deport the strike leaders, without legal
trial. This act was re-introduced into the Ottawa Parlia-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1019

5

ment, and amended within the short space of time of twenty
minutes. It was next rushed through the Senate, then to
the Governor-General for signature. From first to last the
time taken for the whole process was less than 45 minutes.
There is not a parallel for this stampede legislation in the
whole British history.
Shortly after this amendment was passed the accused
were arrested? rushed to the penitentiary, and, on the third
day, brought before the Board of Enquiry, so that they
might have a secret hearing and then be deported. That
this plan was not carried out was due, we believe, wholly
to the storm of protest raised in all parts of Canada against
the outrage.
The fact that they were unable under the re-amended
Immigration Act, at that time, to accomplish their designs,
halted them for the moment, but it also accentuated their
determination to crush the whole progressive working class
movement.
This means that a publicity campaign such as that secured by these long drawn out trials, where their side of the
case is published in the daily press down to the slightest
detail, while we have no such means of setting forth our
side of the case, will, they hope, create an atmosphere
where not only the conditions of the Immigration Act—
which are still intact—may be enforced, but also such
additional legislation as shall accomplish their designs.
Because of these facts it is necessary that at this time
we should present to the entire Labor Movement a complete statement of the various events mentioned in the
charges, and the causes leading up to the same, so that it
will be able to form an intelligent, complete and accurate
opinion of the whole matter, assist us in protecting labor's
right to organize, and work out its own emancipation.
We therefore set forth in order the progress of events
as follows:—
1. The reason for calling the Walker Theatre meeting
and a report of the same.
2. The Majestice Theatre meeting as planned.
8. The formation and aims of the Labor Church.
4. The calling of, and report of, the Calgary Convention.
5. The calling of, reasons for, and progress of, the General Strike.
6. The Arrests, etc.
$
7. The prosecutions and progress of the Trial.

6

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Section I.
THE WALKER THEATRE MEETING
SUNDAY, DECEMBER 22nd, 1918
The Walker Theatre meeting was called by the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council, in conjunction with the
Socialist Party of Canada, for the purpose of passing three
resolutions.
These were as follows :—
1. Protest against Orders-in-Couneil.
2. Withdrawal of Troops from Russia.
3. Release of Political Prisoners.
1. Orders-in-Couneil had been passed and enforced by
the Government, and resented strongly by the workers.
Here are a few samples of this protest, as printed in the
Western Labor News, the official organ of the Trades and
Labor Council.
Oct. 4th, 1918, issue, reports raids on homes in North End
of city for banned literature.
Oct. 18th issue, Trades Council discusses general strike
against Order-in-Council forbidding the right to strike.
The same issue prints in full the Order-in-Council banning many organizations, and foreign papers.
Editorially, the paper severely condemns at length the
whole policy of Orders-in-Council.
Oct. 25th issue prints the result of the strike ballot
against the "No-strike" order, and shows a vote of 92 per
cent, in favor of the strike.
Nov. 8th, protest against arrest of Bainbridge, of Toronto,
for having banned literature in his possession.
In the same issue there was a protest against seven men
at Sault Ste Marie being fined $16,700.00 for belonging to
the Social Democratic Party, which had been made illegal
by Order-in-Council.
Nov. 22nd the paper contains strong articles condemning
the censorship, and further arrests for sedition, and for
possessing prohibited literature.
Nov. 29th the Government's Russian policy was condemned and further protests against Orders-in-Council
voiced.
Dec. 6th there appears a Toronto protest, which says
in part:—
Resolved. That we, the delegates of the International
Association of Machinists, representing the Province of
Ontario, in convention assembled, do hereby protest

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

7

against Government by "Orders-in-Council" as being prejudicial to the best interest of organized Labor and a subversion of political democracy and civil liberty. Under
the provisions of such orders many political organizations
of the workers have been suppressed and scores of their
members thrown into prison. Their papers are banned by
the censor and their editors subjected to a most vicious
form of political persecution. Trial by jury is not permitted and sentences that are an outrage upon human decency are imposed upon them for the possession of literature in which are expressed the greatest thoughts of
the liberators of mankind. And be it further resolved;
That this convention is strongly of the opinion that
conditions in this country do not, and never have warranted such an unjustifiable interference with the liberties of the people. We view with apprehension the introduction of autocratic methods and the increasing tendency
of a few men to usurp the prerogatives of the people
which are alone vested in their elected representatives.
And whereas, the constitution of the International Association of Machinists declares the necessity of changing
the industrial conditions existing at the present time,—
these orders are a direct contravention of its principles
and purpose, which, if enforced, will prejudice the liberty of our members, and be it still further resolved;
That in view of the present world movement toward
freedom and democracy, when the world rocks with internal ferment, when thrones tumble, when autocrats
flee the countries they have brought to the verge of annihilation and Labor is asserting its right to rule,—these
orders become a danger to social peace. We therefore
demand, that all "Orders-in-Council" under the "War
Measures Act" restricting the rights of Labor be immediately rescinded and that all persons imprisoned under
its provisions be set at liberty. We affirm our adherence
to the constitutional methods of procedure and call upon
all labor organizations to give their unstinted support to
the purpose of this resolution, and that copies of same be
sent to the Premier, Minister of Justice, Trades and
Labor Congress of Canada, also all local unions and the
press.

PRESS CENSORSHIP SUPPRESSES TRUTH
The censorship of the press under Orders-in-Council was
made especially obnoxious to Labor by ^virtue of the mani-

8

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

fest policy of the Government to dictate arbitrarily to Labor
as to what it should or should not print and read.
For instance, the editor of the Western Labor News states
he was visited by the Winnipeg representative of Colonel
Ernest Chambers, the Dominion censor, who protested
against an article reproduced from The Union of Democratic Contrci, written by E. D. Morel, of London, England.
The editor took the ground that articles printed in Britain
and allowed to enter Canada by the open mails should be
entitled to reproduction in Canadian papers. Furthermore*
if they were true there should be no desire on the part of
the Government to suppress them.
The censor-replied that it was not a question of truth or
the reverse, but it was a question as to whether it was in
harmony with the policy of the Government to print such
articles.
Upon further protest by the editor, the censor stated with
emphasis, that "The people are cattle" and that the Government intended "to drive them where it wished," and
they did not intend that he, the editor, should print articles
that would lead them in any other direction.
Once again the editor protested against the people being
described as cattle, and the censor replied: "They are d.. .d
cattle, and you know they are."
Such an attitude did not strengthen confidence in the
Government, but did strengthen the volume of protest
against the whole batch of Orders-in-Council promulgated
by the Union Government.
The foregoing' will make it quite clear that the Orders-in~
Council, etc., were rankling in the minds of the workers.
It was quite natural, therefore, that the workers decided
to protest, and, on Dec. 13th we find in the Western Labor
News this extract from the report of the Trades and Labor
Council:—
MASS MEETING DECIDED UPON
Mr, Geo, Armstrong was given the floor. He recommended that a mass meeting be held to discuss the various results of the Orders-in-CounciL Members were in
Stony Mountain, not because they were criminals, but
because they had run up against Orders-in-CounciL
Mr. Blumenberg wanted to know when we should celebrate the downfall of Canadian autocracy, Liebknecht
ha- nleaded with the German soldiers not to fight against
e».tmy workers, For this he was jailed by the German

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

9

autocracy. But today the Canadian autocrats out-Herod
the German autocrats. Resolutions are not sufficient,
meetings must be held to inform the general public as to
the facts. The daily press refused to let the people have
the facts of the international situation. He advocated
that if necessary a general strike be called to force the
Allies to withdraw from Siberia.
Bill Hoop said that the war to overthrow the German
military autocracy had brought us under a military autocracy and a big fight would have to be staged to regain
any semblance of liberty.
Geo. Barlow was in favor of the abolition of Government by Order-in»CounciL But votes must do it.
R. Russell regarded it as useless to hope that the Trades
Congress officers at Ottawa would do anything to get the
Orders-in-Council repealed. They were in league with the
flowers that were suppressing the papers and magazines
that stood for liberty*
New Orders-in-Council still more oppressive of Labor
had been passed during the last three weeks. A mass
meeting would draw attention to the facts of the hour.
Delegate Flye said that if Joe Murray was to be freed
from the penitentiary there would have to be publicity*
followed, if necessary, by drastic action.
Aid. John Queen said that the military authorities today had refused him permission to hold a meeting on Sunday next to raise money for their new Labor Temple.
Only persistent action would bring results.
Delegate Jas. Winning drew attention to -the depressing effect the Orders-in-Council had had on the Ruthenians. Their efforts to erect a temple should be encouraged
and the Orders-in-Council must be repealed.
Mooney
Mooney's death sentence, he said, was repealed only
under the threat of a general strike.
Mass Meeting Ordered
It was ordered that a mass meeting against Ordersin-Council and repression in general be held.

10

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

In the issue of Dec. 20th, this advertisement appeared:—
ON SUNDAY, DECEMBER 22nd, AT 2.30 P.M.
WALKER THEATRE
Under auspices of Trades and Labor Council
Orders-in-Council—Allied Intervention in Russia—And
to Demand Release of Political Prisoners
CHAIRMAN—ALD. JNO. QUEEN
Speakers:
F. J. DIXON, M.L.A.
W. HOOP
R. B. RUSSELL
GEO. ARMSTRONG
S. BLUMENBERG
REV. W. IVENS
Workers, Rally to the Colors in the Fight for Liberty
The next issue, Dec. 27th, has the, following report of the
meeting which was held on Sunday, Dec. 22nd, in the
Walker theatre:™
RED LETTER DAY IN HISTORY
OF THE LABOR MOVEMENT
Monster Mass Meeting Cheers the Russian Revolution
When the curtain at the Walker Theatre rolled up at
2.30 Sunday afternoon, December 22nd, Alderman John
Queen, Chairman, faced a capacity house. He explained
that the meeting had been called by the Trades and Labor
Council and the Socialist Party of Canada as a protest
against three things: (1)—Government by Orders-inCouncil; (2)—The continued imprisonment of political
prisoners; and (3)—The sending of further military
forces to Russia and demanding the immediate with-^
drawal of Allied forces already there.
In commenting on the autocracies fastened on the Canadian people during the war, the Chairman impressed
upon those assembled that eternal vigilance is the price
of freedom and that the Orders-in-Council now on our
Statutes will remain there unless we show in no unmistakable terms that the working class will not tolerate
them. (Loud applause.) It was said at the time they
were passed, that, since Canada was at war, they were
necessary—today the armistice has been signed, hence
the alleged reason for these measures has vanished.
The people generally are beginning to feel them irksome.

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

11

and in different parts of the country protest meetings
similar to this are being held, and the Government is
being constantly urged to restore to the people the freedom they used to have. (Cheers).
Comrade "Bill" Hoop started the fireworks by moving
the following resolution:
Orders-in-Council Resolution
"Whereas, we, in Canada, have the form of Representative Government; and, whereas, Government by Orderin-Council takes away the prerogative of the people's?
representatives, and is a distinct violation of the principles of democracy, therefore, we, citizens of Winnipeg,
in mass meeting assembled, protest against, Government
by Order-in-Council, and demand the repeal of all such
orders, and a return to a democratic form of Government."
"The Order-in-Council is a negation of all that we have
fought for and obtained for centuries. We do not propose
for one moment to sacrifice those liberties—not for one
moment. It is true that we have had a world-wide war.
It is true that the capitalist class of the world has fastened upon the rising democracies chains which bid fair to
stay, and unless we rise to the occasion and break them,
the L<abor movement throughout the world will forever
be in bondage. Today, in spite of the world-wide suffering, we have a glimpse of a world just a little beyond
which looks beautiful to the intelligent element belonging to the Labor movement, and the hope and glory is
stimulating us— very much to the fear of the capitalist
class. Democracy begins with the pay envelope—if it
doesn't begin there it doesn't begin anywhere, and the
Trade Union movement generally has organized its forces
so that if democracy means anything, the capitalist class
has to loosen up if they are going to save their own pdckets. The Order-in-Council is the sum total and reflex of
the dogfcrine of property—property is the corner-stone of
all capitalistic constitution. There can be no salvation
for the common people until they know the nature of property and with that intelligence seek to abolish it." Mr.
Hoop recalled how King Charles the First lost his head
in attempting to use Orders-in-Council against the liberties of the British constitution, and maintained that so
long as there is a capitalist class, from time to time there
would be repetitions of the attempt to use this form of
Government. The speaker ridiculed the present Govern-

32

H I S T O R Y O F W I N N I P E G S T R I K E , 1919

ment in their attempt to take away the "right to strike,"
and heavily scored them for lack of preparation for the
period of reconstruction, and advised the soldier boys in
the audience to go back and demand another six months'
pay as soon as the first is exhausted.
In seconding this resolution, Mr. George Armstrong
pointed out that the S. P* of C. are sometimes errone-f
ously accused of being enemies of authority, while in reality, although they may be enemies of this or that particular authority, this is no proof that they are enemies
of authority, but merely proof that authority has passed
from that position where it derives its power from the
Government of the nation to where it maintains itself
by physical force. He commented on the established
rights of minorities under the British Constitution, which
is referred to by the whole world, and drew attention to
the fact that when inequalities develop, the rights of the
privileged small minorities get first consideration at the
expense of the vast majorities—the workers and other
minorities are ignored. A striking comparison was drawn
between Labor conditions in England after the Black
Plague swept the country and rpresent~day conditions,
and the speaker caused a ripple of merriment by asking if the Governments here and in Washington had
interceded because they feared Labor would set its price
too low?
The entrance of Mr. Charitinoff, the Russian editor,
whose case is now before thfi Courts on the charge of
having prohibited literature in his possession, was loudly
applauded. He, however, made no statement about his
sojourn behind the bars. ,Rev* W. Ivens then introduced the following resolution:
Liberation of Political Prisoners
**Whereas, since the outbreak of the recent European
war, certain men have been imprisoned for offences purely political; whereas, any justiication that there may
have been for their imprisonment vanished when the
armistice was signed; therefore, be i t resolved, that this
mass meeting of the citizens of Winnipeg urges the Government to liberate all political prisoners; %nd be it further resolved, that a copy of this resolution be sent to the
Acting Premier and the Minister of Justice."
In moving the above resolution the Rev. W. Ivens said
that human nature was inherently restless. Men who
were full-blooded always had, and always must, protest.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

13

Progress was impossible without protest. Therefore the
men who refused to accept the dictation of the powers
that be in the various nations were not necessarily criminals. Quite often posterity recognized in such men the
saviours of the race. He was not, therefore, asking for
the release of criminals, but for the release of crimeless
criminals.
The first duty of the state, as of the individual, #as
self-protection. Then the government had said that their
enemies must be punished. Christianity, in opposition,
said "Forgive/' But we had forgotten the principles of
Christianity,
Who are the enemies of the State? he asked. The
answer came back—alien enemies. Germans were enemies, and must be interned. President Wilson had drawn
a distinction between the German people and the German
Government. The people had fought against and overthrown the enemy we were fighting against, namely the
autocracy. Therefore, by their own admission, since the
German political prisoners we have are of the people who
have overthrown despotism, they are our allies today and
should be given their liberty,
SpeaMng of the Austrian alien enemies, he drew attention to' the fact that they, too, had dethroned.the autocracy we fought, and were by that fact virtually our
allies. But, in addition, Austria was composed of Czechoslovaks—a nation we were actually assisting in their
attack on the Bolsheviki, therefore it was insane to intern
longer these people here. Among the Austrians there
were also Roumanians. These, too, were our allies. Bohemians were there, too, and we were in sympathy with
their aspirations. In the case of the Poles, the facts were
the same* Hence, the day for their realease was here.
Another class of political prisoners was the citizen
enemy. If these were traitors outright, they were shot,
not imprisoned. The Order-in-Council made it a crime
to belong to certain organizations. Bainbridge was a
criminal under this order. But some were fined a few
dollars and some thousands, while others were imprisoned for five years, and still others were dismissed for
this crime. This proved that these men were, at worst,
crimeless criminals and should now be released.
The Government also imprisoned men for circulating
literature, and for having it in possession, and for speaking in contravention to the Orders-in-Council. He instanc-

14

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

ed men who had given magnificent service to their various
nations who had served sentences under these various
charges. Milton had demanded freedom to THINK, to
have convictions, and to EXPRESS those convictions
above all other liberties. The Star Chamber that oppressed had gone, but freedom lived on. So, too, would go the
Canadian Government, that, in the name of liberty,
oppressed men and w;omen with convictions.
Men conscientiously objected to war on religious and
socialistic grounds. The question at issue was whether
the voice of the nation was the supreme voice for the
individual, or whether there was an authority higher
than the State. Mr. Ivens took the ground that conscience and the Divine command was the higher authority.
Yet men were imprisoned for being true to their highest convictions, not for being criminals. Either the system that made the oppression of men with ideals and
convictions possible must go, or liberty must go. This
was the time to make the choice, and he would stand
with conviction and conscience, no matter what the cost.
The political prisoners had made the same choice, therefore he demanded their immediate release.
In seconding this resolution, F. J, Dixon stated that he
did not believe that a man who follows the dictates of his
conscience is necessarily a criminal, and men who were
willing to suffer the tortures of the penitentiary rather
than be false to their convictions cannot be bad citizens.
The greatest danger to this, or any other country, are
those unscrupulous men who stifle the voice of their own
conscience while they suck the life-blood of the nation.
The men whose liberation we seek were sent to jail
because the powers that be thought in some mysterious
way they were giving aid and comfort to the enemy.
Personally, continued the speaker, I think those responsible for the Ross rjfle, defective shells, shoddy clothes,
paper boots, and the whole black record of profiteering
and graft gave ten thousand times more aid and comfort
to the enemy than all the Socialists and conscientious
objectors put together, but the malefactors of great
wealth are not sent to jail The Rosses, Allisons, Flaveils, and the shareholders in the Crescent Creamery still
have a place in the sun. (Loud applause). Mr. Dixon
scored the Union Government for rank discrimination,
exempting some men on the ground of conscientious
scruples wliile sending others to jail The speaker eon-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

15

eluded with a strong appeal for concerted effort to free
political prisoners* not only for their own sakes, but for
the freedopi of the general public, also that the nation
tmy not gain the reputation of rewarding its hypocritical
knaves with titles and its honest men with shackles.
Withdrawing Allied Troops from Siberia
R. B. Russell moved the following resolution:—
"We, citizens of Winnipeg, in mass meeting assembled,
hereby protest against the sending of further military
forces to Russia, and demand that the allied troops already there be withdrawn, thus allowing Russia tcf work
out her own political freedom without outside intervention."
Mr. Russell concurred with the Chairman's assertion
that this was the most important resolution confronting
the audience. Britain stated that she entered the war on
account of the invasion of Belgium, yet four years later
we find her invading Russia, the country that sacrificed
five million lives in the Allied cause. When the Allied
troops first went to Russia, the plea was made that they
were to re-establish the Eastern front against Germany,
but this plea will no longer be heard as a reason for the
retention of Allied troops in Russia, but there is good
ground for suspicion that there is a concerted attempt
to overthrow the Proletarian Republic of Russia. There
is a wide divergence, Mr. Russell asserted^between the
press reports of conditions in Russia and the opinions
expressed by travellers returning from that country.
For example, Mr. Raymond Robbins, one of the last of
the Allied representatives to leave Russia, according to
an interview published in the Butte Bulletin, asserts that
Lenine is the greatest man in the world, and Trotzky a
close second; also that the Soviet Government has the
support of the majority of the Russian people, and is
doing as well as can be expected under the circumstances.
Mr. Robbins complains that on his return from Russia,
he attempted to interview President Wilson to lay the
facts of the Russian situation before him, but was put
off on one pretext or another until after Allied troops
had landed on Russian soil Mr. Robbins claims that he
has absolute proof that the Bolsheviki are not, nor have
ever been, financed by German gold, and it is his intention to publish a book in the near future setting forth the
Russian situation as he knows it. The speaker drew a
round of applause when he pointed out that even in Can-

16

'HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

ada, whenever the workers took a stand for their rights,
they were immediately accused of accepting German gold,
whereas the main trouble with the workers is that they
don't get gold of any ki^d. Capital is international, continued Mr, Russell, and it looks very much as though
troops were being sent to Russia to protect the investments of capitalists in Allied countries, and prophesied
that capitalism must eventually disappear, just as the
feudal system had disappeared to give place to capitalism.
In seconding this resolution, Mr, S. Blumenberg said
that the Russian question is an international one, affect*
ing the workers of the whole world, as this is absolutely
the first instance of a proletarian dictatorship, Ninetenths of the people accept the newspaper portrait of a
Bolshevist as a man who never had a shave nor a haircut in his life, with a knife in his mouth, a torch in one
hand and a bomb in the other, and Bolshevism is considered as something similar to "Flu" or f black itch/' A
certain business man, a member of the Winnipeg Board
*of Trade, said we are going to see that the newspapers
handle Bolshevism without kid gloves—they are doing
it, not only without kid gloves, but without brains.
(Laughter). The speaker reminded the audience of the
"turnabout face" of the Free "Press in regard to Karl
Liebknecht A short time ago they were painting him
as a hero, now, since they can't make people believe he is
a criminal, they are trying to paint him as a fanatic,
(Prolonged laughter).
Mr, Blumenberg referred to the resolution recently
introduced in the Senate by Senator Johnson, of California, asking if it were true that the Soviet Government
sought the help of the American Government to prevent
the ratification of the shameful treaty of Brest-Litovsk,
and that the American Government had not replied to
this offer, and from this he developed the idea that the
Allies had gone back on Russia, and not the Bolsheviki
on the Allies, as commonly contended,
Mr. Blumenberg explained how some Socialists in Moscow, in 1903, had got control of the convention, and since
then they had been known as Majority Socialists or Bolsheviki. An interesting picture was drawn between the
six-hour day and the $12 per day wage now being paid to
the so-called ignorant Bolsheviki and the condition of
the working class elsewhere. The present distrust of the
Bolsheviki by the capitalist class, maintained the speaker,

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

17

is that they fear the workers* here will become enlightened enough to follow the example of the brother workers in Russia. Mr, Blumenberg made a dramatic close
by calling upon the class-conscious workers of Canada to
send greetings to the Russian Soviet Republic and to
wish them success.
Chairman Queen then called for three cheers for the
Russian Revolution. The meeting ended with deafening
cries of "Long live the Russian Soviet Republic! Long
live Karl Liebknecht! Long live the working class!" The
meeting ordered that, if possible, the message of con-*
gratulation be cabled to the Bolsheviki
Section 2,
THE MEETING IN THE MAJESTIC THEATRE,
JANUARY 10th, 1919.
This meeting was called by the Socialist Party of Canada. It was one of a series planned for educational purposes.
Russell, Johns, and Armstrong were the speakers.
The addresses were such as would be made by Socialists
anywhere for propaganda.
Socialist Party Holds Mass Meeting in Majestic Theatre
The following is the report of the Majestic Theatre meeting held by the Socialist Party of Canada, as reported in
the Western Labor News, January 24th, 1919:—
On Sunday last, at 2.30 p.m., after the failure of the
Walker Theatre meeting to materialize, the Socialist
Party of Canada held a meeting in the Majestic Theatre,
under its own auspices. Comrade Breeze occupied the
chair,
George Armstrong was the first speaker. He dealt with
the nature of wealth in present-day society, He said:—
"During the four years of war, the wealth of Canada
had increased from eight and a half billions to nineteen
and a half billions, in spite of it being the most destructive, period in the world's history. What better scheme
had our ruling class for the future to increase the nation's
wealth than that just past?
"All the plans for reconstruction brought forward by
capitalist or semi-capitalist parties must be based on a
property relationship, hence all their suggestions must
contain certain material for the protection and stimulus
of property,
"With this knowledge, we will, for a few moments,
examine the nature of it. In the early history of Can-

18

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

ade and the U.S.A., farm lands, forests, etc., was about
all the property existent. Why? Their superior qualities
consisted in their being more responsive to jthe efforts of
Labor than the poorer, this being the basis of all value
contained in them. In plain words, on these resources the
wage laborer could produce a surplus over the necessities
of life.
"As time passed, much improvement in machinery and
method took place, bringing more land, forests, and also
mineral deposits into the realm of property. The increase
of wealth being enormous, wage slaves became more
plentiful, and poverty presented itself in our large cities.
The greater the wealth in capitalist society the larger is
the percentage of its population in absolute poverty, and
it could not be otherwise, as the wealth of this society
is but the expression, or estimate, of the surplus value
wrung from the hides of the workers; also the worker
must be kept in poverty and increased numerically as a
quarantele to the security and expansion of the property
of this society.
"Now, fellow workers, we ask you to take these facts
into consideration when any scheme of reconstruction
is presented to you. Your interest as workers is in opposition to all forms of property, we ask you to support
only such schemes as will abolish all exploitation of the
working class, which means the destruction of all property rights in the wealth of society."
Comrade Johns was the next speaker.
He dealt with the reconstruction policy of the Manufacturers' Association. He quoted from their official
publication, and analyzed them from the workers point
of view. He appealed to the workers to get hold of all
the working class literature, for, in the rapid changes
of today, bloodshed could be avoided only by an educated
working class.
R. B. Russell speaks.
Comrade Russell said that the question of reconstruction was being so much talked about that he was afraid
if we were not careful it would be included as part of our
standard of living. In fact it was being fed to us from
day to day by every paper and magazine; and it was
even suggested that a new edition of the Bible be issued
to deal with this question of reconstruction. (Laughter).
He then proceeded to analyze the reconstruction programme of the Winnipeg Labor Party, stating that all he

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

19

could see in their programme was an attempt to cover
every possible freak thought that existed, and thereby
increase the membership of their party numerically. He
then proceeded to show that the Dominion Labor Party,
or any other party that attempted to reconstruct the
capitalist system was doomed to failure. Let us look
around and see what is taking place in Winnipeg. Just
before the war started, we can remember the army of
15,000 unemployed who marched to the Parliament buildings on Kennedy Street, and, today, after four and a
half years of war, wherein the development of machinery
had been so great that with thirty million men actively
engaged in war, and two-thirds of the remaining population engaged in the production of munitions, one-third of
the workers was sufficient to produce all the food, clothing and shelter, to keep the entire world.
This they had done, and this did not take into consideration the foodstuffs that had been sunk by submarines. What chance, he asked, was there for the capitalist system to function when we take these facts into
consideration.
In Great Britain it is estimated that ten million men
and women were directly engaged in war work, either
as fighters or as munition workers, and, today, with less
than one million demobilized, the Government's insurance departments are carrying 276,000 on their pay rolls.
Think of it, with other nine millions still to demobilize.
The speaker then attacked the attempts of the Canadian Reconstruction Association, who had opened offices
in Winnipeg to distribute literature to try to bring harmony between capital and labor, and, in their pamphlets,
outlined the plans of J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., as idealistic.
The speaker then referred to the brutal murder of
Liebknecht and Rosa Luxembourg, and said the capitalist
press openly welcomed such news.
Referring to the attempts to suppress the activities of
the workers in the IL §. A., where they were passing
laws prohibiting men from wearing red neckties or carrying red flags, the speaker said that although we did not
place much significance on the symbol or its expression,
yet the fact remained that whenever the capitalist class
attempted to suppress in one corner of the globe, such
as the U. S. A., we have the reports now coming through
that in Australia the effects of the suppression of the
symbol in the IL S* A, had created a desire in the land

20

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 3910

of the Kangaroo for its use, and today the red flag flies
over their labor temples.
In closing he appealed to the workers to be up and
doing and forget reconstruction bogies. What we wanted
was a new system wherein the working class* which is
the only useful class, would have control
Blumenberg Last Speaker
Blumenberg opened with an attack on a Winnipeg
"Daily," respecting the mass meeting held in the Walker
Theatre, which, said Sam, had refused to disclose his
nationality* Laughter followed his statement that such
a question was entirely unnecessary since the map of
Palestine was written on his face, and on his nose was
the mount of Zion.
He spoke of the capitalist boast of winning the war,
and maintained that they had not fought, but had made
profits out of soldier's dependents, Reconstruction policies next came in for review, and he suggested that it
would be well for us to know the "reconstruction gang/'
and questioned their fitness, to reconstruct anything beneficial to the workers,
He then remarked that he would not state what he
thought of the Canadian Government for fear of being
landed in jail, but he proceeded to read an editorial from
the Winnipeg Tribune, wherein it characterized the politicians of Canada as tricksters and pirates.
Dealing with the question of reconstruction, the
speaker then stated that when you reconstruct a building you do not do it on an old foundation, as, if you
did, the plaster would crack and the shingles fall off,
and 3^ou would find yourself in the same position you
were in before. They tell you that we are going to have
prosperity, but let me tell you that capitalist prosperity
means poverty for the working class.
He showed that in the United States, in the year 1917
—the most prosperous year in its history—poverty had
increased eight per cent. In conclusion he called upon
the returned soldiers* farmers, and workers, to unite and
overthrow the capitalist system*
At this meeting it was announced that another meeting
would take place the following Sunday, in the same place,
to discuss the causes o^ the German Revolution. During
the week the management of the theatre were warned that
this meeting, if held, would be broken up by returned sol-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

' 21

diers. In order to avoid trouble, the Socialist Party immediately cancelled the meeting. It was later discovered that
one of the members of the party had, on his own responsibility, announced the meeting for the following Sunday to
take place on Market Square,
When the Sunday arrived some 2,000 returned soldiers
arrived on the Market Square and started a demonstration.
This was followed by the raiding of the Socialist Party
headquarters, and developed into two days of rioting and
demonstrations against foreigners, and ended by the soldiers marching in a body to various industrial establishments, demanding that Alien employees be dismissed and
returned soldiers be employed in their places.
Very little need be said concerning the Labor Church.
It was organized July, 1918, by the Rev. W. Ivens, who
was up to that time pastor of a Methodist Church in the
city.
He had taken a Pacifist position throughout the war, and
was compelled to vacate that particular church on that
account. He then started a church for the workers in the
Labor Temple.
The platform was open. Subjects pertaining to the fundamental problems of the day were discussed. This, naturally, placed emphasis on both international and economic
questions, and brought the church under suspicion of the
Government.
From the first it has been a popular movement with the
workers, and they have now ten branches in Winnipeg,
alone. Other cities are also forming similar organizations.
It stands entirely on its own feet. It has no connection
with any other organization. But, being composed of workers, it is keenly alive to their interests.
During the strike it was held in the open air and was
attended on Sunday nights by tens of thousands. All its
finances were given to the strike funds.
Scetion 4
THE CALGARY CONVENTION
The Western Convention met in Calgary in March, 1919.
It was not a hastily called affair, nor was it the work of
a few hot-heads. It vfas the culmination of a long line of
suggestions growing out of deep and long continued discontent of the Western workers. This discontent was largely caused by the fact that the Canadian Convention was
always held in the East. Each local had to pay the travel-

22

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

ling expenses of its delegates and the vast distances the
Western delegates had to travel under this arrangement,
deprived them of their proper representation. Many attempts were made to have the convention held at a more
central point, but without success.
No better case of this unfairness and the grounds whereon it rested can be found than the conduct of the Trades
Congress which met in Quebec in October, 1918.
This Congress defeated all the resolutions sent from the
West, with two exceptions. Furthermore, the East succeeded, for the most part, in defeating the candidates for
office who were favored by the West, and elected those to
whom the West was bitterly opposed.
The result was strong protest which resulted in a series
of meetings of the Western delegates while at Congress;
the appointment of a provisional executive for the calling
of a Western Convention, and suggestions as to date and
place of meeting for same.
On the return of the Western Delegates, the Winnipeg
Trades and Labor Council endorsed the stand of its representatives at the Congress, and the executive of the Council on January 10th, 1919, made the following recommendations re Western Conference:—
Western Conference
In the matter of a special Western Convention the following action was taken:—
The importance of making the coming Inter-Provincial
Convention an expression of Labor in the West cannot be
over emphasized.
To accomplish this end at least two things are necessary:
1. The necessity for every organization to be represented if possible.
2. A policy to be well thought out land discussed before
being adopted by the Council to be sent to the Convention.
We recommend that a committee be appointed to wait
upon the unions that have not expressed approval of the
Conference, to stimulate their enthusiasm and to get the
closest co-operation. A committee of three together with
the executive (incoming) to draft a policy to lay before
the Council, and the affiliated organizations for approval.
Organizations to be asked to send suggestion along this
line to the Council Secretary so that they may receive due
consideration.
Respectfully submitted,
E. ROBINSON, Secretary.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

23

Official Call for Calgary Convention
Early in February the following official "call" was sent
out from V, R. Midgely, of Vancouver:—
Call for Western Conference
A letter from V. R, Midgley was read calling the Western Labor Conference to meet at Calgary on Tuesday,
March 13th, at 10 a.m. Del. Russell supported the Conference, especially in view of the present unrest. He
moved that a committee be struck to visit every local
to get delegates appointed.
Call for Convention
"To all Labor Organizations in the West: Greeting.
"The Western Inter-Provincial Convention will convene in the Labor Temple, Calgary, Alta., on Thursday,
March 13th, 1919, at 10 a.m.
"Last November a circular letter was sent out from
this office advising the membership throughout the four
Western Provinces that arrangements were being made
for a Western Conference. The arrangements necessary
for a successful Convention have been completed, and
every organization should make an effort to be represented by at least one delegate.
Representation
"Representation at the Conference will be based as follows:—One delegate for one hundred members or less
and one additional delegate for each additional hundred
members or major fraction thereof. Central Labor Councils will be entitled to two delegates each.
"The election of delegates to the Western Conference
does not entail the payment of any per capita tax.
* "Write the delegates' credentials on the letterhead of
your organization and send them to this office, room 210
Labor Temple, Vancouver, B.C., or the delegates can
present them to the Secretary of the Conference at
Calgary/'
Del. Logan moved that the council appoint its full quota
of delegates at the next meeting. Del. Flye moved in
amendment that the delegates be now appointed. The
motion carried.
Council Appoints and Instructs Delegates.
The Trades Council, on February 11th, appointed R. J.
Johns and R. B. Russell as its two representatives to this
Convention.

24

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1019

At a meeting held on February 18th it was suggested
that special meetings should be held to discuss a programme
for the Western Convention. It was further suggested that
the delegates to the Conference from all unions should meet
for discussion as soon as possible.
On March 7th the delegates met as suggested* Then, on
Sunday, March 9th, a special meeting of the Trades Council
was called to decide the policy of its delegates at the Con»
vention.
The following resolutions were adopted :—
Calls for "Industrial Unionism/' 'Thirty-Hour Week";
Opposes "Industrial Commissions" and
"Liquor Traffic"
The special meeting of the Trades and Labor Council,
held on Sunday evening, March 9th, to discuss matters
pertaining to the Western Convention, was a "hum
dinger." Every seat was filled, and every person was
keen. Everything suggests that this Convention will be
a land-mark in the history of Canadian Labor.
Industrial Unionism
The first resolution was on industrial unionism :—
Whereas the capitalist class of this country has in the
past used every means at its disposal to defeat the workers in their attempt to ameliorave the conditions under
which they live; and
Whereas, to successfully conduct a strike, all crafts
in an industry must act together; and
Whereas, the present craft union organization which
makes it necessary for each craft to secure sanction from
its international tends to defeat this object;
Therefore be it resolved that a referendum vote be
taken of all affiliated crafts on the following questions :—
"Are you in favor of scientifically reorganizing the
workers of Canada upon the basis of industrial organization instead of craft unionism?"
Carried unanimously*
:
>
Industrial Committee
In order to more effectively work out the plan of the
sympathetic strike in Western Canada, the matter of the
appointment of a Central Industrial Committee was introduced. Following is the resolution adopted:—
We recommend; "the appointment of a Central Industrial Committee to function in any dispute that may
take place in the West, with a view to united action, and

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

25

that representatives be elected according to industries."
Delegates Lovatt, Durwood, Johns, Anderson, Flye,
Higley, Hammond, Barlow, and Robinson spoke to this
resolution* Carried.
30=Hour Week
The shorter work day again was to the fore. The immediate cure for unemployment is shorter hours even
though profits are thereby reduced. The following resolution was passed:
"Whereas the cessation of hostilities has, because of
the demobilization of troops and the shutting down of
munition factories, caused a state of chaos in the labor
market through unemployment; and
"Whereas no provision has been made for such a
crisis;
"Therefore, be it resolved, that the Western Convention at Calgary take cognizance of such an emergency
and immediately take steps to promulgate a six-hour day,
and a five-day week for all labor in this Dominion, so as
to assist in absorbing the surplus labor and safeguard
against unemployment."
Because of the importance attached by the Crown to the
resolutions passed by that Convention, we append the report of these delegates, back to the Council, in full.
Delegates Johns and Russell Report Western Convention
Before starting our report as delegates to the Western
Conference, it has come to our notice since arriving in
the city last night, that the local press have been attempting to raise a propaganda to disrupt the work accomplished at the Western Conference by unanimous voice;
and for the information of the delegates attending here
tonight, let us say, that the reports of the Convention in
the Calgary papers were exactly what transpired and
are fairly accurate and were sent to all newspapers in
Canada by the Associated Press (as they appeared in the
Calgary papers) and yet, on arriving here we find the
Convention proceedings are all misconstrued. However,
a verbatim report was taken and will be published shortly, which will clear away any room for doubt—but to
proceed with our report:—
At 10 a.m. on Thursday, March 18th, R. J. Tallon,
President of the Railway Shopmen Organization (known
as Division No. 4) called the Western Conference to
order. In his opening remarks he reminded the delegates
that, while the Conference was brought about by the

26

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

differences in the viewpoints of the workers in the East
from those in the West, that the Eastern movement was
rapidly waking up—and he trusted the Conference would
result in a definite policy being laid down for Labor.
He then called upon David Rees, Vice-President of the
Dominion Trades Congress, to take the gavel and open
the Convention. Bro. Rees, in his opening remarks, stated
that he was pleased to act as temporary chairman, pointing out that the Conference had not been called for the
self-aggrandizement of any individual, but in the interests of LTabor—he referred to the work the committee
had done since the Quebec Convention, to bring about
this meeting, and hoped the Conference would at least be
as good as the one just finished by the B. C. Federation.
The Credential Committee then reported and recommended the seating of 237 delegates, made up as follows:
B. C, 85; Alberta, 89, Saskatchewan, 17; Manitoba, 45;
after which a committee on resolutions was appointed,
with J. Kavanagh, of Vancouver, as chairman; and also
a committee on ways and means, with Brov Miller, of
Winnipeg, as Chairman, after which the resolutions in
the hands of the Secretary were read and handed over
to the Resolutions Committee*
On reconvening Thursday afternoon, Bro. Tallon was
elected Chairman of the Convention (by unanimous vote)
, after which the Resolutions Committee reported they
were prepared to give their first report.
At this time it was decided to wire to Fernie, B.C., for
a stenographer—it being impossible to secure one in Calgary, everyone being so busy they could not undertake
the work.
Chairman Kavanagh, of the Resolutions Committee,
then stated that the committee desired to offer a resolution as to the general policy of the Conference, so thaU
the delegates would be able to deal intelligently with the
matters that were brought before them. The resolution
was as follows:«—
"Realizing that the aims and objects of the Labor
movement should be the improving of the Social and
Economic conditions of Society and the Working Class in
particular; and
Whereas, the present system of production for profit
and the institutions resulting therefrom prevent this
being achieved;

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

27

Be it therefore resolved, that the aims of Labor as
represented by this Convention are the abolition of the
present system of production for profit and the substitution therefor of production for use, and that a system
of propaganda to this end be carried out/*
A lengthy discussion followed the presentment of this
resolution, and on the vote taken the resolution carried
without a dissenting voice, amid prolonged cheers.
The Resolutions Committee then presented the following resolution, as a substitute for the many resolutions
presented on Industrial Organization:—
"Resolved, that this Convention recommend to Organized Labor in this Dominion, the severance of the present
affiliation with the International Organizations, and that
steps be taken for an Industrial Organization of all workers; and that a circular letter, outlining the proposed1
plan of organization be sent out to the various organizations; and that a referendum on the question be taken at
the same time; the votes east of Port Arthur to be compiled separately from those of the West.**
This resolution caused considerable debate, but in the
main it centered around the question of what form of!
organization it would be, and seemed to draw out ideas
as to the details of the form of organization, in order to
provide for a further discussion of the details of the
organization. A Policy Committee of representatives of
the five provinces was appointed, with Bro. Johns representing Manitoba. After a lengthy discussion, the resolution was finally passed without a dissenting vote, amid
ringing cheers from the entire Convention.
The debate on the above resolution will be found in the
Labor News, next issue, provision having been made for
same.
During the debate on the above resolution, Vice-President Rees, of the Trades Congress, took the floor—stating
he was not going to speak on the resolution, but was
rising to a point of privilege, and then proceeded to state
that there might be a number of Police Spotters and
Secret Service men in their midst; and that one man,
William Gosden, alias Smith, alias Brown, well known in
Calgary Labor circles, as an "Enemy" was in the Balcony
of the hall. Every head turned in the direction of Mr.
Rees* fingers as he pointed to the figure of a man who
sat in the balcony of the hall

28

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

"That man," Mr. Rees stated, "was well known to
Labor men as Smith. He went to Fernie, B.C., and tried
to make strife there. Some time later he made a visit to
Hillcrest. Thinking it would be better for his plans, he
changed his name to Brown, and succeeded in getting
in on the Miners' Committee, and secured credentials to
come to this Convention as a Miners' delegate. On the
night he was to have left Hillcrest, he was put under
arrest by the police, and the Miners, thinking it was an
innocent Labor man that was being put under arrest,
stoned the policeman who made the arrest/' x
A Vancouver delegate stated Gosden came to Vancouver at the time of the Island strife and tried to create
sabotage.
Another delegate suggested that Gosden be hailed into
the front of the hall so all and sundry could get a look at
him. The suggestion was greeted with shouts of laughter.
Friday morning session brought forth the report of the
Policy Committee, as follows:—
1. We recommend the name of the proposed organization be "The One Big Union."
2. We recommend the Conference elect a committee
of five, irrespective of geographical location, for the purpose of carrying out the necessary propaganda to make
the referendum a success.
8. We further recommend that delegates from each
province meet and elect a committee of five to work in
conjunction with the Central Committee in carrying on
the necessary propaganda to accomplish the wishes of the
Convention.
4. We recommend the drafting and issuing of the
referendum be left to the "Central Committee," also receiving and publishing returns of the vote*
5. In the opinion of the committee it will be necessary in establishing an industrial form of organization to
work through the existing Trades Councils and District
Boards, and no definite plan of organization be submitted
until after the referendum has been taken,
6. The committee further recommend that after the
return of the vote is received the Central Committee call
a Conference of Representatives of Trades Councils and
District Boards to perfect the plans of organization;
basis of referendum of affiliated membership of 5,000 or
less to be one delegate; over 5,000, two delegates; over
10,000, three delegates.

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1910

29

7. We recommend that an appeal be made to the
Trades Councils and District Boards for the payment of
two cents per member affiliated to finance the educational
campaign for the inauguration of "The One Big Union.9'
The seven resolutions covering policy were taken up
separately, and after a lengthy discussion on each, were
passed without a negative vote.
At this time a Telegram was received from the Seamen's Union of America, complimenting the Western
Conference in sounding the death-knell of Gomperism,
which was handed to the Resolutions Committee to deal
with.
Free Press, Free Speech, Political Prisoners
The Resolutions Committee then reported on a number of resolutions, the most important of which were
demand Free Speech, lifting of the Ban from Literature,
and the Release of Political Prisoners and the delegates
were demanding that a General Strike vote be taken on
the question; and after a lengthy discussion, wherein it
was pointed out that the resolution calling for the sixhour day, five days per week, for a general strike to go
into effect on June 1st, if same was not granted—and it
was decided to couple the whole lot of resolutions to»
gether, and if not granted, let us call the general strike
at the one time.
After a further discussion, it was decided to send a
wire to Ottawa, demanding the immediate release of all
Political Prisoners, and the repeal of Orders-in-Council,
restraining the liberties of the workers—and demanding
a reply before the Convention adjourned*
Endorse Self-Determination
The next two resolutions read, were passed without a
dissenting vote, and were as follows:
Whereas, holding the belief in the ultimate supremacy of the Working Class in matters economic and political, and that the light of modern developments have*
proved that the legitimate aspirations of the Labor movement are repeatedly obstructed by the existing political
forms, clearly show the capitalistic nature of the parliamentary machinery, this Convention expresses its open
conviction that the system of Industrial Soviet Control
by selecting of representatives from industries is more
efficient and of greater political value than the present
form of Government;

30

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Be it resolved* that this Conference places itself on
record as being in full accord and sympathy with the
aims and purposes of the Russian Bolshevik and German
Spartacan Revolutions, and, be it further resolved, that
we demand immediate withdrawal of all Allied troops
from Russia; and further, that this Conference is in favor
of a general strike on June 1st should the Allies persist
in their attempt to withdraw the Soviet administration in
Russia or Germany, and that a system of propaganda be
carried out and that a referendum vote be taken.
Another recommendation of the committee which was
unanimously adopted and without debate read:—
Proletariat Dictatorship
That this Convention declares its full acceptance of the
principle of "Proletariat Dictatorship" as being absolute
and efficient for the transformation of capitalistic private
property to communal wealth, and that fraternal greeti n g s be sent to the Russian Soviet Government, the Spartacans in Germany, and all definite working class movements in Europe and the world, recognizing they have
won first place in the history of the class struggle.
Yet another resolution, on which there was no discussion, and which was adopted, read :—
That the interests of all members of the working class
being identical, that this body of workers recognize no
alien but the capitalist; also that we are opposed to any
wholesale immigration of workers from various parts of
the world and who would be brought here at the request
of the ruling class.
Six-Hour Day Resolution
The resolution that was adopted at the Convention of
the British Columbia Federation of Labor, demanding a
six-hour day; five days a week, to come into effect on
June 1st, this year, was adopted by-the Congress with
acclamation.
The following resolution was then taken up, which
changes the attitude of Labor towards Legislation:—
Whereas, great and drastic changes have taken place
in the industrial world; and
Whereas, in the past the policy of the organized workers of this country in sending their Provincial and Dominion Executives to the Legislative Assemblies pleading
for the passage of legislation which is rarely passed, and
which would be futile if it were, is now obsolete;

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

31

Therefore be it resolved, that this Conference of Western workers lay down as its policy the building up of an
organization of workers on industrial lines for the purpose of enforcing, by virtue of their industrial strength,
such demands as such organizations may at any time consider necessary for their continued maintenance and wellbeing, and shall not be, as here-to-fore, sending Executive
officers to plead before Legislatures for the passing of
legal palliatives which do not palliate.
After a lengthy discussion, wherein it was shown that
the time had come for Labor to take a definite position
—the resolution was carried unanimously.
The election of the Central Committee to carry on the
propaganda necessary for the establishing of the One
Big Union was then taken, and after an interesting election, the following were declared elected:—
Pritchard, of Vancouver.
Johns, of Winnipeg.
Knight, of Edmonton.
Midgeley, of Vancouver.
Naylor, of Cumberland, B.C.
The meeting then adjourned to allow the provinces to
elect five men from each to carry out the propaganda,
and the following were elected to represent Manitoba :—
Russell, Winnipeg.
Lovatt, Winnipeg.
Scoble, Winnipeg.
Roberts, Winnipeg.
Baker, Brandon.
After which a number of resolutions, calling for the
formation; also Joint Councils of Soldiers and Labor were
carried; also resolution condemning Gompers and Draper,
for refusing to participate in Labor Conference was
passed and numerous others of less importance. The
Convention was declared adjourned to allow the Central
and Provincial Committees to get together and start their
work.
\
In closing let us say that our reason for only reporting
the most important features at this time was in view of
the fact that we have made arrangements to have the
proceedings of the Convention published verbatim in the
B. C. Federationist and the Western Labor News and also
in pamphlet form later.

32

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Thanking the Council for the opportunity of being
present at the most important Convention ever held in
the North American Continent.
R« Ba RUSSELL,
RB J. JOHNS*
The above report completely explodes the theory of any
"Conspiracy/5
It was a gathering of trades unionists, and was dominated by the spirit of working class solidarity.
Resolutions similar in spirit and content have been passed
in every part of the empire, but it remains for the Canadian Government alone to use them as part of a seditious
conspiracy.
Causes and Development of General Sympathetic Strike*
Was the Strike a Revolution?
The Crown alleges that the strike was an attempted revolution. We must, therefore, now describe the issues involved
in the calling of the general smypathetic strike, on May
15th, 1919,
The two issues of the strike were :—
1, The recognition of the principle of collective bargaining,
2. A living wage.
After the general strike was called a third demand was
added; namely, the reinstatement of all workers on strike.
The general strike did not take place until May 15th,
after the metal workers and the building trades workers
had been on strike for two weeks.
An Ordinary Strike at First, on May 1, 1919
It was in the month of February that the Building Trades
Council got into negotiations with the Builders' Exchange
upon a new schedule, based upon recognition of the Council
as representative of the workers in the industry, and embodying a new scale of wages.
The only objection to the former was the recognition of
the laborers. So far as the wages were concerned, representatives of the Builders' Exchange admitted the reasonableness of the claims to the men, but gave as the reason for
their inability to grant the increase, that the bankers refused to do business upon the new basis.
A counter proposition was submitted by the employers
seeking to divide one craft from another, which was refused
by the men, and a deadlock ensued, as a result of which
the men went on strike on May 1st.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

33

We reproduce from the Western Labor News of May 2nd,
the statement re the Building Trades' strike, as it affected,
at that time some 1,400 workers :—
Wages only 18 per cent, higher than in 1914—cost of
living up 80 per cent.—Bosses say demands of men reasonable and necessary to maintain standard of citizenship, but others must take responsibility for increase
men demand.—Blanket increase of 20 cents an hour.
All workers, including the Building Trades' Council,
went on strike on Thursday morning, May 1st, after
holding in the convention hall of the Industrial Bureau,
the greatest meeting in the history of the Building Trades
Council. The vote was 1,199 for strike to 74 against.
A. E. Godsmark, Secretary of the Building Trades
Association states that "the firms have reached the limit
of their ability to pay with the proposal they had submitted to the men." The following figures do not bear
out his contention. The fact is, that, while building expenses have increased 35 to 40 per cent, during the war,
the wages of the men have increased on the average of
all trades involved, only 18 per cent. An increase of only
18 per cent, in wages while the cost of living has increased
80 per cent., proves both the justice of the present demands of the men and their lack of responsibility for the
added cost of building construction.
The average increase offered by the master builders is
15 1-3 per cent., while the men are determined on a flat
increase of 20 cents per hour, or approximately 32 per
cent, on present prices. This still leaves them considerably worse off than before the war. This is the reason
the bosses themselves admit that the claims of the men
are reasonable and justified. But, they say, other persons
than the builders must bear the responsibility of increasing the cost of construction. The defence of the
worker is that he is worthy of his hire and he must have
a living wage.
Here is the schedule of wages now paid, the offer of
the bosses, and the demands of the workers:
Present Rate
NAME
Rate Offered
Bricklayers and Masons
80
.90
Painters and Decorators
55
.65
Plasterers
..
70
.80
Sheet Metal Workers'.'.'.'.''.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. .*58% !68i/2
Structural Iron Workers
75
.85

34

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Asbestos Workers . . .
60
.70
Steamfitters
....
..
70
.75
Plumbers
65
.75
Mill Hands—Class A l
.55
.65
Mill Hands—Class A2
.50
.57%
Mill Hands—Class B2
.47% .55
Mill Hands—Class C3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .40
.45
Stone Cutters
.75
.80
Stone Carvers
87% .92%
Planermen
60
.70
Hoisting Engineers—A
.75
.85
. Hoisting Engineers—B
.70
.80
Hoisting Engineers—C
.70
Firemen
.42% .60
Carpenters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.60
.75
Strikers demanded an increase of 20 cents per hour on
present rates of pay.
Master Builders Say Demands Are Reasonable.
The Figures Speak for Themselves
And the master builders openly acknowledge the reasonableness of the demands.
The fight in this case, therefore, is not on because the
men are unreasonable, but that the employers say that
a further rise in wages will make building prohibitive.
Here is the crux of the whole thing, so far as they
are concerned. The master builders say, your demands
are reasonable, you cannot live on less than you demand,
yet we cannot, pay the increase. The reply of the worker
was a perfectly natural one. He said, well, if I work I
must have a living wage. I cannot live on less than a
living wage. His only resource and his only alternatives
were work and starve, or strike for a high enough wage
to live. And now let us say once more, the bosses themselves agreed that his demands were reasonable.
Demands of Strikers Exceeded When Strike Smashed
It is a fact not generally known, that, when the strike
was smashed, and, after the Government had railroaded the
workers into jail and penitentiary, the employers actually
agreed to pay wages in excess of the schedule demanded
by the Building Trades Council. In the case of the plasterers, as*an example, the demand was for an increase of 20
cents per hour, while the wages actually agreed upon was
an increase of 30 cents per hour.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

35

The Bankers and Financial Magnates Dictate
There has never been any misunderstanding on the part
of Labor as to the real merits of the case, or as to the real
source of the denial of a living wage to them. There has
not been written a single line of vituperation concerning
individual employers in the various building trades. There
was no need for this. They were not the impossible ones,
but the persons who were responsible for the refusal of a
living wage were the men who control the finances of this
city; bankers and brokers and the big interests.
These are the very same men who are directly responsible
for the high cost of living. They controlled the markets—
the workers did not have a say as to the increase in the
cost of living. Their part was to pay the higher price as
it was demanded at the store. The storekeeper charged
higher prices because the wholesales charged higher. The
wholesales raised the prices because they and the bankers,
etc., were in absolute control. Full proof of this contention
is supplied by the parliamentary committee that investigated the High Cost of Living.
Prices of Living Go Up, Up, Up!
Flour jumped in price over night. Bacon did the same.
So did butter and eggs. So did shoes, and clothing and beef,
and coal, etc. The only salvation for the workers was to
ask more wages, and when this was denied his only way of
enforcing a higher wage was through organization.
Then, when he presents his schedule, the boss says his
demands are fair and reasonable, but he cannot pay the
increase. This has been so with a vengeance for five years.
The result is that the financial magnates have heaped up
wealth as never before, while the struggle for the workers
has steadily become harder and more impossible, till at last
they have reached the point where it is impossible to live on
the wages offered. Then when they ask for a further raise
of pay they are told that the limit has been reached. That
is why the crisis has been reached at this time. That is
why Labor as a whole is standing behind the men.
Cost of Living as Submitted to Mathers' Industrial
Commission.
We take a set of figures presented to the Mathers' Commission while in Winnipeg in May, 1919, on the amount that
an average working family must spend to maintain life
and decency. The figures are not exaggerations, nor are
they the absolutely irreducible minimum, but they are

36

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

based on an actual statement as taken from the books of
the person who presented same.
We were informed that the second column was the
amount this family actually spent, and the first column is
his deduction therefrom as to where some slight reductions
could be made in his monthly budget.
Cost of Living at Winnipeg, Monthly, During the Year 1918,
for a Family of Five, Including Three Children
of School Age
Minimum Comfort
Healthful Reasonable

Groceries
Meats
Bread
Milk
Fruit and vegetables

$25.00
9.00
4.50
6.00
6.00

$27.00
9.00
4.50
6.00
6.00

Total Food
Clothing for children
Clothing for husband
Clothing for wife

$50.00
$10.00
5.00
5.00

$52.50
$10.00
7.50
7.50

Total Clothing
Rent
Fuel
Water and Light

$20.00
$25.00
8.00
1.00

$25.00
$35.00
11.00
2.50

Total Shelter
Help and Laundry
Medical
Replacements
Gifts

$34.00
$ 9.00
5.00
5.00
2.00

$48.50
$ 9.00
11.50
5.00
4.00

Total Sundries
Recreation
Education
Car Fares and Lunches
Subscriptions, Telephones, Church, etc...
Health Insurance, Lodge Dues

$21.00
$2.00
1.00
3.00
2.00
3.00

$29.50
$6.50
7.00
9.50
9.50
8.00

$11.00

$40.50

$50.50
20.00
34.00

$52.50
25.00
48.50

Total Extras
Recapitulation
Total Food
Total Clothing
Total Shelter

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Total Sundries
Total Extras

21.00
11.00

37

29.50
40,50

Grand Total before providing for Life
Insurance
$136.00 $196,00
Let anyone compare this budget with the schedules demanded by the building workers and it will be seen that
they are not asking that their wages reach these figures.
That is why their demands are said by the Master Builders
to be reasonable.
Building Trades Council Makes Statement.
Once more we quote from the Western Labor News, issue
of May 16. In that issue appeared an official statement from
the Building Workers in part as follows :—
What does the future hold for the workers in the building industry ? During the last four years they have been
the victims of the great world war. Transformed from
a country engaged only in the art of extermination. With
practically no building going on these men have been
forced to leave the country or compete with the laborer
in an open market. The result is he has not been getting
that standard of living a citizen of the community is entitled to. He has not been getting a living wage. The
building trade worker is less fortunate than the worker
in most other industries, due to the fact that his work is
purely a seasonal occupation. There seems to be a mistaken idea abroad that the building trade mechanic is
one of the most highly paid worker in industry. This
is easily understood when all that is taken into consideration is the rate per hour the worker receives while working, no consideration is given to the actual time lost due
to climatic conditions and other unforseen circumstances
that arise from time to time or the actual wages earned
from year to year. A little investigation would show the
average time worked by the average mechanic in a normal
building season is between seven and eight months. At
the present rate of wages this is totally inadequate to
maintain an average family of five, self-supporting and
in a normal state of health. After going very carefully
into this very important matter, the workers decided
that in order to maintain their families' self-supporting
it would be necessary to make substantial wage demands
upon their employers. This has been done. A committee
of five representatives of the workers in the industry

38

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

met in negotiations a like committee from the Builders'
Exchange, representing the employers.
Demands Reasonable
After stating our demands and setting forth our reasons why we thought they should be considered, we were
met with the bold reply: "We know what you say is true,
you are not earning what can be considered a living wage,
but half a loaf is better than none, and if you persist in
your demand for more wages, it will have the effect of
stopping all building, so that there will be no work for
anybody/' This statement would seem on the surface to
be a very logical statement, but we who have given this
matter our careful consideration know how absurd it is,
and we believe the public should know the truth. We hp,ve
stated that the average time worked by the mechanic in
the industry is between seven and eight months, this
would be approximately 32 weeks, taking the average
paid worker at 65c per hour, 44-hour week; this would
mean that he would earn in the year $915.20, a sum
totally inadequate to meet living expenses, as we shall
see. Going into the cost of living very minutely, we
have arrived at the following conclusions: The average
increase in the cost of living over pre-war prices (1913)
as at Sept. 1918, is 68 per cent. Since Sept. 1918, up to
last month it has increased another 7 per cent., which
means that the cost of living since 1913 up to the present day has increased approximately 75 per cent. After
making an extensive survey a cost of living budget has
been drawn up and which can be verified at any time,
showing that for a family of five it took $1,503.21 (Winnipeg prices) to pay for living expenses for one year.
This does not include a great many articles that the
family should have had, but could not afford to get.
This also shows that if it takes $1,503.21 to maintain a
family of five and the worker only earns $915.20, he has
gone in debt to the extent of $588.01. It becomes necessary, then, in order to wipe out this deficit to get a hold
of some other fellow's job, sometimes he is successful,
other times he fails; so the struggle for existence continues. We believe that labor used in the construction of
buildings is about the cheapest in the labor market today.
Wage Increase Only 18 Per Cent.
The average increase in wages received in this industry
since pre-war days is about 18 per cent., and because the

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

39

trades doing the largest amount of work on the building
have received the smallest increase, the net increase in
the labor cost of a building has not exceeded 18 per cent.
Assuming that the labor cost amounts to one-third of
the total cost, a 15 per cent, increase in wages would
amount to about five per cent, on the total cost of the
building. Should the workers get this increase they have
asked, which is about 33 per cent, on their present wages,
the nete rincrease von the building would amount to about
17*/2 P cent. o e r pre-war prices, we are prepared to
accept responsibility to that extent and no more.
Compare this with, say, the increase in the price of wheat.
Wheat sold in the pre-war days at about 96 cents a bushel
Today it is almost three times that amount, or an increase
of 200 per cent. If the farmer gets this large increase,
there can be no argument against an increase for the building trades in excess of 18 per cent.
To this official statement nothing need be added. It is
self-evident that the building trades were compelled to
strike to secure an increase.
It must not be forgotten, however, that during the whole
time of the war, if any of these trades talked of a strike,
it was thrown at them that they were purposely "retarding
production" in order to aid the enemy, and reference was
made to the "Foreigners" in their unions to back up the
preposterous claim of the bosses and the press. When the
war was over and they called a strike, it was a "Revolution," fomented by "Foreigners."
Smash Them, One by One!
When the workers refused an offer of the employers of
half the increase asked, the employers came back with the
threat that if their offer was refused they would refuse to
recognize the Building Trades Council and would deal with
the unions separately.
This meant, in essence, that they would smash them one
at a time. As a matter of fact the council was afterwards
ignored by the employers, and, faced with these facts, the
building trades workers called upon the whole body of labor
to come to their aid in their fight against the master builders, backed by the banking interests.
Metal Trades Workers Also on Strike
In addition to the strike of the building trades, there were
other strikes in progress, and, among these were the metal
trades workers.

40

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

For several years the metal trades workers have attempted to negotiate schedules with the employers, but have
always been met by the same obstacle, viz., the obstinate
refusal of the three big contractors: The Dominion Bridge,
the Manitoba Bridge, and the Vulcan Iron Works, to recognize, in any way whatever, the men's organization.
In 1918 the Metal Trades Council was formed, which included all the employees in the metal contract shops in the
city, and on the presentation of proposed schedules, based
on recognition of this Council^the men were again met with
a refusal.
The matter was brought to a head by a strike being called.
The men received an advance in wages, but did not attain
the recognition of the union.
Again, in 1919, the same proposition was submitted, but
met with absolute refusal. After consultation with the
Trades and Labor Council Executive, and after, upon their
advice, submitting to the employers a much modified proposal which met with no better reception than the previous
one, the men struck work on May 2nd.
Of the dispute in the metal trades, the Western Labor
News, of June 27th, says:-—
When we turn from the Building Trades Council dispute to the case of the other large factor in the strike,
the denial of recognition of the unions and council of the
metal trades workers, we have the same factors as before,
and one new factor.
Here the demands are for increased wages, shorter
hours and for the recognition of the right of labor to
form its own effective organizations.
Their Wage Demands
That their wage demands are reasonable is demonstrated by the fact that they are asking that they be
paid a wage similar to that paid on the railways for
similar work under the McAdoo award.
Their argument in this regard is that a wage fixed and
agreed upon by a commission in the U. S. and Canada
for the metal trade work of the railway shops is a reasonable thing to ask. That the claim is well based is proven
by the fact that it is now being paid in Winnipeg by the
railways to the men who do similar work.
Their Demand for Reduced Hours
Their demand for a reduction of hours from ten to nine
is in absolute agreement with the decisions reached by

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

41

all the Allied Governments at the Paris Peace table. These
Governments have signed the treaty that includes the
eight-hour day. In addition, there are thousands of schedules in other trades based on the eight-hour day. It is
the standard for the railroads over the whole continent.
There is a demand in Britain for a six-hour day for
miners, etc. And that demand found a response at the
Western Conference in Calgary a short time ago. But
the demands of the men did not include a six-hour day.
Thep simply asked to be placed on a level with the millions
of workers in other plants.
The employers refused point blank to even discuss an
eight-hour day. They offered a nine-hour day to their
respective shops, but would not in any way open up negotiations on the eight-hour basis.
Recognition of Unions
Their further demand is the recognition of their unions
and its affiliation with the Trades and Labor Council.
Once more they are standing on the agreement reached
at the Paris Peace Conference. The same principle Is
recognized by Britain and France, and the U. S. A. and
the Canadian Governments. Nor is their recognition a
mere matter of form, for when these Governments wish
to confer with labor they approach in Canada the Dominion Trades Congress; in the U. S. A. the American Federation of Labor and in Britain the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Congress. Yet Mr. Deacon, speaking before the Mathers Commission, and his compatriots,
Barrett and Warren, at various times and places, take
the stand that labor has no right to organize, and they
refuse to recognize any union they form.
The most they have been willing to do is to meet a
committee of their men. This, provided they have no
connection with the Trades Union Movement. Barrett
and Deacon and Warren may z meet and plan together,
but this right is denied their employees. They can form
their associations with the Winnipeg Board of Trade,
with the Canadian Manufacturers' Association, etc., but
Labor has no such right. And if it forms such unions, the
members are dismissed at the first opportunity.
In the Robertson agreement, 1918, made with the Vancouver Shipyards, the Minister of Labor recognized, and
initiated just such a council as the Winnipeg workers
demanded.

42

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Furthermore, the Minister of Labor-—Senator Robertson—May, 1919, recognized the Building Trades Council
at Ottawa, based on principles identical with those for
which the workers of Winnipeg were demanding recognition.
Peace Table Terms Support Strikers
Lest some should feel that we do not state fairly the
position when we say that certain things have been recognized by the Paris Peace Conference, we quote their nine
demands which received the signatures of all the Governments concerned. Sir Robert Borden signed the agreement for Canada.
"The Commission on International Labor Legislation
issued the full text of their report. It is proposed that
the following nine clauses be inserted in the Peace Treaty
as embodying the ideals of organized Labor throughout
the world :—
" 1 . In right and in fact the labor of a human being
should not be treated as merchandise or an article of
commerce.
"2. Employers and workers should be allowed the right
of association for all lawful purposes.
"3. No child should be permitted to be employed in
industry or commerce before the age of 14 years, in order
that every child may be ensured reasonable opportunities for mental and physicakeducation. Between the years
of 14 and 18 young persons of either sex may only be
employed on work which is not harmful to their physical
development, and on condition that the continuation of
their technical or general education is ensured.
"4. Every worker has a right to a wage adequate to
maintain a reasonable standard of life, having regard to
the civilization of his time and country.
"5. Equal pay should be given women and to men for
work of equal value in quantity and quality.
"6. A weekly rest, including Sunday or its equivalent, for all workers.
"7. Limitations of the hours of work in industry on
the basis of eight hours a day or 48 hours a week, subject
to an exception for countries in which climatic conditions, the imperfect development of industrial organization or other special circumstances, render the industrial
efficiency of the workers substantially different. The
International Labor Conference will recommend a basis

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

43

approximately equivalent to the above for adoption in
such countries.
"8. In all matters concerning their status as workers
foreign workmen lawfully admitted to any country, and
their families, should be? ensured the same treatment as
the nationals of that country.
a
9. All States should institute a system of inspection
in which women should take part, in order to ensure the
enforcement of the laws and regulations for the protection of the workers/'
Reasonableness of Demands Brought Labor Solidly
Behind Building and Metal Workers
Had the demands of the workers concerned been unreasonable they could not have secured the united support
of the whole Labor movement they have at this time.
That the tens of thousands of workers have rallied to the
help of those who at first went on strike is proof that
they believe their cause was just.
There is no royal way of calling a general strike. Each
union must decide the issue for itself, and each union
must cast a secret ballot. This gives to every worker
the right to express his convictions without fear or
favor. Furthermore a union may refuse to take a vote.
This course has been followed by the Typographical
Union in this city up to this time. Let us say it again,
therefore, NO UNION CAN BE COMPELLED TO
STRIKE, This must be done upon its own volition after
the facts are presented.
Section 5
HOW THE GENERAL STRIKE WAS CALLED
The steps taken to call the general strike are well known.
First, the unions concerned in disputes with their respective
employers were already on strike. One after the other they
ceased work at the hour their agreements ceased. Then they
presented the matter to the Trades and Labor Council.
This body is composed of elected representatives from
every union in the city that decides to affiliate. Some unions,
such, for instance, as the Railway Engineers and Conductors, and some of the Telegraphers, etc., have not asked
for affiliation, and have no connection whatever with the
Trades and Labor Council. Other bodies ask for affiliation
and are not received for reasons adduced. Sometimes it is
impossible to secure a charter for a union from the Internationals and so the unions are not received into affiliation.

44

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

But such as compose the council elect their delegates on
the basis of proportional membership. These delegates vote
only on issues that affect the whole council. The council on
its part, has NO CONTROL WHATEVER over the affiliated
unions. All it can do is to make a recommendation upon the
known facts, and this recommendation is carried back to
the various unions concerned by the delegates of that union.
The reports of the Metal and Building Trades Councils
were given to the Trades and Labor Council on May 6th.
There the matter was thoroughly discussed. It was shown
that every means had been tried to come to an amicable
arrangement, but everything had failed and they came
before the council to ask for the support of the organized
movement of which they were a part.
The council endorsed the demands of the men on strike
and agreed to call for a strike vote of the affiliated membership, as to whether support was to be given or not, the
report to be given at a special meeting of the council on
May 13th, and a majority vote was to decide the issue.
The local union delegates reported to their organizations,
the ballots were taken and the membership recorded their
opinion.
This is How it Works
The men chosen by the unions to the council are elected
by open nomination and secret ballot. In the council the
vote is taken after full discussion upon the floor of the
council, and the majority must be convinced before a vote
can carry.
There are some who seem to think that Labor can be
stampeded. But if these persons had attended a few meetings of the council and realized how often their leaders were
recalled from office, or their recommendations turned down,
they would realize how wholly democratic the Trades Council is.
No wild-eyed agitators lashed the membership to fury, no
fiery speeches were required and none were given- It was
the most spontaneous response ever given to a request for
assistance.
When the general strike was recommended, there was
NOT ONE DISSENTING VOICE ON THE FLOOR OF THE
COUNCIL. The delegates were instructed to report back
to their unions and have a ^vote taken by a certain date.
For the most part this was done by that date, and the
vote sent forward to the Secretary of the Council. Let it
be clearly understood that the only persons to make the

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

45

report back to the respective unions were the elected delegates. These are from the rank and file of the unions themselves and are elected for one year. There is never a meeting of the Council when old members do not drop out and
new members come in. These delegates present the matter
under discussion to their own local union, and their vote is
taken by ballot.
In spite of this procedure there are those who urge that
Labor is dominated by agitators, etc., etc. Such a charge
is wholly beside the truth.
some of the organizations not having had an opportunity
to call meetings, but it showed the overwhelming feeling
of revulsion against the attitude of the employers and of
sympathy with the men.
The report given on May 13th was only a partial one,
Partial Vote for the General Strike
Just how Labor regarded the crisis is revealed by the
vote. We quote once more from the Western Labor News,
May 16th. This is the partial vote that had at time of then
going to press reached the Secretary of the Council. Returns since that time have possibly been even more favorable for the strike. We present the figures so that all may
know whether Labor is in the general strike unwillingly,
and whether it looks as if the workers were out unwillingly.
Partial vote, as reported Wednesday morning, previous
to calling of strike. S e ^ r a l Thousand votes came in after
this list was compiled.
For

Boilermakers, 126
Boilermakers, 529
Boilermakers, 566 .
Boilermakers, 451
Carmen, 550
Carmen, 6
Carmen, 371
Blacksmiths, 147
Blacksmiths, 61
Railway Clerks, 613
Railway Clerks, Unity
,
Municipal Employees, Winnipeg
-Municipal Employees, Assiniboia >
Municipal Employees, St. Boniface
Firemen, City
Firemen, St. Boniface

..»

Against

. 124
82
152
101
656
133
706
113
121
.,.,
91
126
173
28
14
149
. . 14

26
0
0
8
26
10
68
8
6
14
15
86
3
0
6
0

46

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Police, City . . .
...
Waterworkers
Electrical Workers . . . .
Bakers and Confectioners . .
Retail Clerks (partial vote)
Lithographers . . .
Printing Pressmen
Bookbinders
Sleeping Car Porters
Caretakers
Upholsterers (partial vote) .
Stationary Engineers, 498 . .
Brewery Workers
Flour Mill Workers . . .
Machinists, 122
Machinists, 189
Machinists, 457
Machinists, 484
Machinists, 863
Mill Hands, 172
Carpenters, 343
Postal Workers . . . . . . .
Pipe Fitters, 479
Plumbers, 254
Sheet Metal Workers, 420 . . . . . . .
Cooks and Waiters (partial vote)
Garment Workers
Motion Picture Operators . . . . . . .
Moulders
...............
Patternmakers (partial vote)
Tailors
TV'am s t p r s

C.B. of R. E/(Transcona Stores)'!
C.B. of R.E. (Transcona)
C.B. of R.E., 67
Jewelry Workers
Plasterers, 34
Other votes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Other votes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Other votes
Other votes
Other votes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

149
44
. 22
272
450
28
50
37
67
133
11
182
152
58
269
80
138
292
106
283
371
250
181
60
56
278
143
26
59
4
155
611
17
112
78
70
72
31
62
118
21
56
8,667

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

47

An Unparalleled Response
These figures show a clear determination on the part of
the workers as a whole to do their part. But they do not
tell the whole story. There are some thousands of men and
women, as before stated, who are not in any way affiliated
with the Trades Council. These could not be reached in any
way by the Council against their wish. But many of these
struck work at the same time as the affiliated workers; this,
in many cases without even the knowledge of the Council.
Others came out when the matter was presented to them
and their assistance requested. The decision was entirely in
their hands.
The membership affiliated with the Trades and Labor
Council at this time was about 12,000, whilst figures tabulated during the strike showed that approximately 24,000
men and women were on strike.
Claim Police Under Orders of Strikers
The Police voted 149 to 11 for strike.
Before the strike began, violence and mob rule were hinted at quite openly in quarters opposed to Labor. Letters
appeared in the daily press stating that disorders would
occur in the event of a general strike being called.
Desiring to remove all foundation for the expressed fears
of lawlessness and rioting, the strike committee, as its first
official act, requested the Police to remain on duty.
This the Police agreed to do, but gave the committee distinctly to understand that they would do one thing or
the other. If they stayed on the job th^y would carry out
their duties and would "break the heads" of the strikers if
they were so ordered by the chief if disorders occurreu.
The committee replied that it was in order to prevent
disorder that they requested the Police not to act on their
strike ballot, but to remain on duty so that the city would
not be placed under Martial Law.
Would Not Support Revolution
For the benefit of those who fear the strike had some
ulterior purpose, such as the overthrowing of the present
system, the establishing of a Soviet form of Government,
and the calling of a revolution, let us say calmly and with
conviction that the workers of Winnipeg would respond to
no such call. Even supposing a few hot-heads made such
an appeal, the mass of the workers would defeat it by their
votes as overwhelmingly as they supported the strike.

48

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

No, the workers are dissatisfied, but they are not revolutionists. They want the control of industry in their own
hands as soon as possible so that they can get the full product of their toil and eliminate production for profit. But
they will wait until this is accomplished by constitutional
processes. Some of the leaders who are most maligned and
suspected at this juncture are members of the Labor Party,
whose platform is that of gradual change from the present
system to that of a more equitable one. Were they revolutionists they would form some revolutionary society of their
own or link up with some already in existence wherever they
were found.
It was this fact that the workers were prepared to carry
on the process of education so that reform could be achieved
by peaceful means, that was behind the general strike, for
the amelioration of their position. Their demands were for
the recognition of the right to organize, and the establishment of a living wage and there were no other demands.
Strike Supported by Returned Soldiers
If there is one body of men more than another that has
declared its opposition to revolution and Bolshevism, it is
the returned soldier. Yet he was with the strikers in May
and June.
In a united mass meeting called to line them up with
forces opposing the strike they turned down the prepared
resolution and passed a resolution strongly supporting the
strikers in their demands.
In face of these facts it is impossible to misunderstand
the situation. The returned soldier delegates were never
absent from the Strike Committee; they knew everything
that transpired; they had an equal voice with the other delegates from all other striking bodies in the decisions rendered; they were supported by over a score of returned soldier delegates from other bodies. So that the element that
is staunchest for law and order was there at the centre of
things in full force.
There are some who think that only a small percentage of
the soldiers were with Labor at that time. This is not correct. The majority of returned men were with Labor; some
persons place the figure as high as eighty-five per cent.
Strike Called May 15th, 1919—A Memorable Morning
The arrests that smashed the general strike, together
with the unprecedented solidarity manifested during the
progress of the strike, have made Thursday, May 15th,

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

49

1919, a date that will live long in the history of Winnipeg.
The workers in every occupation, with but few exceptions, walked out on strike to help their fellows, and the
whole city was tied up in a general strike.^
Within a short time the telegraphers and the newspaper
men were also on strike and the city was practically cut off
from the world.
The first issue of the Strike Bulletin, published with
the greatest difficulty, on Saturday night, May 17th*
said :—
''About 95 unions are out 100 per cent strong. The
phones are closed, the waterworks are out," etc., etc.
General Strike Committee Organized
When the Trades and Labor Council called the strike it
decided to ask each union to appoint two delegates to a
Strike Committee. Later this was increased to three delegates.
The Council elected, by ballot, five of its members, in addition to the Executive officers, to be the nucleus of the
Strike Committee until the unions should have time to
elect delegates. This is the origin of "The Red Five/'
From this Strike Committee a Central Strike Committee
of fifteen was later struck off to expedite business. This
committee had no power of its own, but considered matters of vital importance and reported periodically back to
the main committee.
The General Strike Committee decided all matters of
policy and appointed all subsidiary committees, such as
press, relief, organization, food committees, etc.
Strike Bulletin Issued Daily
When the daily press was closed it was discovered that
the demand for a daily strike paper had to be met, so a
Press Committee was appointed.
This committee discovered that the Pressmen's Union
had, by resolution, decided to do no printing whatever during the period of the strike; and had specifically mentioned
in their resolution that they would not print even for the
Labor Paper. To overcome this difficulty the union was
asked to supply men who would volunteer to print a daily
strike bulletin without pay. This request was granted.
The Strike Committee controlled the policy, size, finances,
circulation, and appointed the editor of the Daily Strike
Bulletin. It also appointed a Censor Committee, after complaint had been made by the G.W. V. A., that a notice de-

50

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

trimental to their organization of a meeting to be held, had
been published, and the Secretary of the G. W. V. A. was
made a member of that committee.
THE STRIKE AND ITS PROGRESS
As the hour fixed for the strike approached, the feeling
on all sides was one of tense expectancy. The daily press,
true to form, had freely circulated alarmist reports, had
consistently worked up an agitation on behalf of the interests which own and control it. The workers on the other
hand had only their weekly paper to offset these efforts of
the vested interests. On the whole, however, the morning
of May 15th, 1919, was marked by a firm determination on
both sides to bring the fight to a successful issue, and the
bitterness that marked the later stages was happily not
manifest. For some days previous there had been feverish
preparations on the part of all local organizations to gather
in all the unorganized workers and to those heroes of many
fights, old and young, in the ranks of labor, the desire on all
sides to join forces with the recognized labor organizations
augured well for victory, but even the most ardent and optimistic had but faintly gauged the unanimity of feeling on
the part of the workers.
In less than two hours the whole productive industry of
a whole city was tied up, as men and women, boys and girls
came trooping out of shop and store and factory, not a
wrheel was turning in the big plants, not a street car was
visible, and on the face of every worker was the cheerful
optimistic smile of confidence in the justice of their cause,
.and the firm determination to assert the workers* right
to organize in any manner, for any lawful purpose, which
would better their conditions and assure to all a living wage.
Not only was the productive industry tied up, but the
workers in almost all branches of the distributive system
were out, in sympathy with their fellows, and this provided
problems that required executive ability to handle satisfactorily.
The General Strike Committee had already requested the
policemen to stay on duty in the interests of "Law and
Order," and to this request the loyal men had readily agreed,
even going so far as to offer to remain on duty for twentyfour hours a day arid forfeit their holidays, but for some
reason or reasons unknown the offer was not accepted by
the city authorities.

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

51

The waterworks employees of the city had also been requested to stay at work and maintain a supply of water at
30 lbs. pressure for domestic use. It may also be pointed
out in this connection that the firemen's organization, which
had gone out with the civic employees, also offered to the
civic authorities a full and complete life-saving crew for
service in case of fire where human life was in danger.
This offer, like that of the police, was also rejected without
any reason being given. The only inference to be drawn is
that the civic authorities and the Citizens' Committee (who
had virtually assumed control of the civic government) had
decided to line up with the reactionary interests and to
fight the workers to a finish.
At the outset it was realized that the question of the
bread and milk supply was the one most likely to call for
all the ability and ingenuity of the workers to handle, as
not only were the bakers out, but all the teamsters of all
the bread and milk firms. Realizing the urgency of this
matter, the Strike Committee at once appointed a subcommittee to wait upon the City Council and discuss with
them the best methods to adopt in order that the city might
be fed, and especially that the necessary supplies might be
obtainable for women, children, and invalids.
The City Council expressed their appreciation fully and
officially of this offer of co-operation of the Strike Committee, and at once appointed Aldermen Fisher, Sparling, Hamlin, and Queen as a sub-committee of the City Council to
devise ways and means and put them into, effect, in cooperation with the sub-committee of the strikers. At this
joint meeting of the sub-committee from the City Council
and Strike Committee there also appeared two leading members of the Citizens' Committee, in the persons of Messrs.
A. J. Andrews, K.C., and W. J. Botterell (albeit, they stated
that they were there as private citizens, and not as members
of the Committee of 1000) who stated that they were anxious that the milk deliveries should be resumed for the
children's sake, and expressed their satisfaction that arrangements had been made to that end. It was at this
meeting that the cards were first discussed, and at the
instigation of the manager of the Crescent Creamery Co.,
Mr. J. M. Carruthers, it was decided to have a card printed
in order that the general public and the strikers would
know that these employees were not scabbing, but discharging a very necessary duty at the request and with the sanction of their fellow-workers.

52

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

It was thought advisable at the outset by this Joint Committee to operate through the medium of food depots, but
on investigation this plan was deemed unwieldy, and in all
probability would result in the unequal distribution of the
commodities, leaving a loophole whereby those in affluence
could secure more than a fair share of the necessaries, and
those less fortunately placed financially would be at a disadvantage.
It was eventually decided to ask the bakers, teamsters,
etc., directly concerned, to ^resume their labors, which they
were willing to do, provided they had something to show
their fellow-workers and the general public that they were
not scabbing—which sentiment was fully concurred in by
the sub-committee of the City Council and by the managers
of the particular firms concerned; in fact two of the aforesaid managers, distinctly instructed their employees not to
take out their delivery rigs without first securing the cards
agreed upon by the Joint Committee of representation from
the Strike Committee and City Council, which cards were
to be obtainable at the Labor Temple. These cards, about
12 x 16 inches in size, bore the inscription: "Permitted by
Authority of the Strike Committee.'5 Employers of labor,
from the firms involved, voluntarily went to the Labor
Temple to secure these cards, knowing what was printed
thereon, and themselves placed these cards upon their own
property.
Notwithstanding the campaign of lies, misrepresentation
and calumny of the vested interests, through their Citizens'
Committee and the kept press, the vast machinery of supply
and distribution of these two essential commodities, milk
and bread, was not dislocated for more than one day and for
anyone to have suffered inconvenience, not to say hardship,
was proof of their own shortsightedness and bad management.
If proof were needed that there was absolutely no desire
on the part of the workers to cause hardship, it is abundantly supplied by their action in requesting the elevator operators and stationary engineers to resume their work at all
the City Hospitals and in the fact that volunteers were sent
to some of the hospitals in response to a request to take
down the storm windows and put on the screens, which
involved several days' work, and which was done gladly and
without remuneration of any kind by striking carpenters,
Eloth sides realized that the large number of returned
soldiers in the city would affect the result of the struggle,

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

53

and both laid claim to their support. The executives of the
three returned soldiers' organizations then in existence in
the city were largely reactionary in their stand and tried
to line up the rank and file behind the Citizens' Committee
of 1000. To that end they called a mass meeting of returned
men in the Convention Hall of the Industrial Bureau, and
submitted a carefully prepared resolution to hand over the
rank and file to the forces of reaction. This meeting was
called for the evening of May 15th. (The first day of the
strike). However they failed in their object, as the following clipping from the Strike Bulletin, of May 17th,
will show:

VETERANS DECLARE SYMPATHY WITH PURPOSES
OF STRIKE.
Rank and File Turn Down Recommendations
of Executives
Any hope that the employers may have entertained
that the returned soldiers would in any way oppose labor
in the present strike must have been dissipated by the
mass meeting of veterans held in the Convention Hall of
the Board of Trade Building last Thursday night. The
meeting was called by the executives of the Great War
Veterans, the Army and Navy Veterans Association, and
the Imperial Veterans of Canada. After a stormy meeting the following resolution was passed unanimously:
"That this meeting declares its full sympathy with the
purposes of the present strike to meet the general condition of the people, and pledges itself to use every legitimate means to preserve law and order; and that after the
strike is settled labor and the returned soldiers get together and discuss the deportation of the enemy alien/'
A much longer resolution submitted by the executives
was defeated. It read:
"Whereas, a state of social and industrial unrest has
existed in the City of Winnipeg for a considerable time,
which has this day resulted in the outbreak of a strike of
large dimensions.
"And Whereas, by far the largest number of returned
soldier-citizens are drawn from the ranks of labor, with
whose legitimate demands they are in complete sympathy; but at the same time it is apparent that an insidious campaign has been inaugurated amongst certain
sections of labor and of the returned citizens for the
purpose of spreading propaganda of the most virulent

54

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

and disloyal type with the avowed object of causing
unrest and instigating a revolution.
"And, Whereas, we stood shoulder to shoulder on the
battlefields of Europe; where thousands of our comrades
laid down their lives, to uphold and maintain the ideals
of true democracy, British justice and fair play, all of
which are now threatened by revolutionary doctrines and
propaganda mentioned as well as by the undesirables*
enemy aliens and others, permitted to remain at large in
our midst and in many cases to debase the labor unions
and obtain the employment to which we are justly
entitled.
"Now, therefore, be it Resolved, by this mass meeting
of three thousand returned soldier-citizens of Winnipeg
that we do:
"(1) Endorse the policy of strict neutrality in this
present strike adopted by our various associations.
" (2) Stand shoulder to shoulder now, as we did in the
past, to uphold the same principles for which we
fought, the preservation of law. and order, and the
public peace and safety, for the remedying of our grievances by constitutional methods and for the suppression
of all agitators and revolutionary propagandists, no matter what their nationality.
"(3) Place ourselves at the disposal of the civic, provincial and military authorities in order to carry out these
purposes to the best advantage and to combat any attempt to introduce into Canada the doctrines of the socalled Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic.
" (4) Once again inform the Dominion Government in
clear and unmistakable terms that unless it immediately
shakes off its apathy, disposes of undesirable enemy
aliens and other agitators, eliminates the profiteers and
monopolists, takes steps to reduce the high cost of living
and shows a disposition to conduct the affairs of the country with business foresight and acumen, it cannot be considered other than an inducement to disturbance and a
menace to the public peace and safety it purports to
maintain.
"(5) Call upon our Dominion governing bodies to impress upon the Government the necessity for immediate
action, failing such that they demand that the Dominion
Government shall resign.
"(6) And be it further resolved that this meeting request all loyal British members of labor unions to sup-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

55

port returned soldiers' organizations in maintaining law
and order now and at all times."
The discussion which took place before the shorter
resolution was passed was lengthy and heated at times,
but the result showed that the great mass of veterans
realized that they had a common interest with labor.
Comrade R. A. Rigg had the honor of drafting and moving the resolution, with the exception of the last issue,
which was added at the suggestion of Comrade Mansfield,
following a very able speech which did much to clear the
way for action.
This declaration of the veterans in sympathy with the
purpose of the strike is a big contribution toward victory
for the workers. Its importance, in view of the whole
issue is decidedly far-reaching.
By this time it was realized that the campaign carried on
in the newspapers was calculated to unnecessarily alarm the
people of the city, in that they were deliberately attempting
to incite the populace to riot and disorder by attributing
dishonorable and revolutionary motives to the Strike Committee, especially the Central Committee (who were constantly and incorrectly referred to as the "Red Five") so
much so that reports were made to the General Committee
that inhabitants of the wealthy residential districts were
refusing, through fear, to sleep in their own homes and were
preparing to sleep in barracks and churches. Reports were
circulated in American and Eastern Canadian newspapers
that the City of Winnipeg was in the throes of a revolution,
that the streets of the city were running with the blood of
its citizens and that whole residential districts were being
burned down.
By noon on Friday, May 16th, the Stereotypers and the
Webb Pressmen had taken their vote and had joined the
ranks of the strikers, and as a result, the daily press was
automatically closed up for five days.
Mayor Gray, when addressing a meeting of returned
soldiers in Victoria Park, some time later^ referring to this
matter, expressed the opinion that: "It was a good thing
the press was closed down during the early days of the
strike." That this did much to clarify the situation there
can be no doubt, and had it been possible to keep them
closed up for the duration of the strike there would have
been no disorder, there would never have developed that
bitterness which became so marked a feature as the strike
progressed.

56

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

The press, when it resumed publication, howled about this
"outrage"—the Citizens' Committee of 1000 howled in
unison—but the general public were fairly well content.
But the closing of their chief channel of misinformation
and misrepresentation was not at all to the liking of the
reactionary Citizens' Committee. If the press was lost to
them their cause was lost, for how could they convince the
innocents that this was a revolution and not a strike ? How
convince them that theirs was the only pure and disinterested view and that they had a monopoly of loyalty and
patriotism ? How convince them that their lies were truths
and that they were the real saviours of democracy, if the
columns of the prostituted yellow press could not blaze it
forth to the world ?
In this closing down of the daily press, the workers of
Winnipeg learned a lesson that time can never erase from
their memories—the lesson that the popular idea of the
freedom of the press is a myth and a delusion—the lesson
that the press is the willing servant of the big interests.
However, "Needs must, when the devil drives/' and
this so-called Citizens' Committee, robbed of the usual
means of spitting forth its venom, rose to the occasion and
published a sheet styled "The Winnipeg Citizen"—a paper
which puts to shame forever the most yellow of any of the
yellow Northcliffe effusions—which out Bottomlied the one
and only Horatio.
Get, for instance, extracts fiom "The Winnipeg Citizen":
THE WINNIPEG REVOLUTIONARY STRIKE
For nearly a month, all eyes in Canada have been
turned upon Winnipeg. For nearly a month the citizens
of Winnipeg have been fighting whole-heartedly and with
a very generous measure of success, against a determined
attempt to establish Bolshevism and the rule of the
Soviet here and then to expand it all over this Dominion.
In their fight, the citizens of Winnipeg have contended
against great odds. When through the machinations of
a number of confessed Bolshevists in the Winnipeg Labor
Temple, between twenty and thirty thousand were tricked
and betrayed into striking, the issue went right to the
heart of the great body of middle class citizens whom
the strike leaders sought to deprive of the very necessaries of life, of food and water, and of light, police protection and fire protection.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

57

It aroused them to organization and to action, and it
sounded a note of warning throughout Canada as to what
might be expected^all over the Dominion if this effort to
fasten Bolshevism upon Winnipeg were not decisively
defeated. From the moment that the general tie-up took
place over a dispute between some metal workers and
their employers, the general strike was recognized as an
attempt at revolution-—and the citizens proceeded to
combat it as such.
The revolution in Winnipeg was the outcome of a
Bolshevist movement started at Calgary last March and
directed by the I. W. W. Organization in the United
States. That convention elected a "Red Five" Executive
for Canada. One of these is Victor Midgley, of Vancouver, a notorious agitator whose expulsion from Vancouver was demanded by returned soldiers last August
when he and others led a one-day general strike in that
city in memoriam to a military slacker and defaulter
who was shot while resisting arrest.
The second is W. A. Pritchard, of Vancouver, who
participated in the same unpatriotic escapade. The third
is Joseph Knight, of Edmonton, one of the most notorious
of Western agitators of the mining districts and a man
who demands the release from internment of men who
were actively working in Canada for the German Government during the war.
The fourth is Joseph Naylor, a Bolshevist by his own
frank admission, who is out to overturn the present system of Government. And the fifth is R. J. Johns, one of
the worst Red agitators in Canada, a Winnipeg man who
in 1917 at a public meeting of the Trades and Labor
Council urged a general strike against conscription and
national registration.
Johns is one of the prime organizers of the Winnipeg
strike and he also went to Toronto and was largely instrumental in bringing about the abortive general strike
there. Another local leader is Mrs. Helen Armstrong
who, according to her own word, has spent some years of
her life in an insane asylum. Her husband, George Armstrong, another notorious "Red," is one of the local leaders, who drew down upon himself the wrath of returned
men both over the conscription issue and latterly when
returned soldiers went on a rampage against a Bolshevist
meeting which sent greetings to the Soviet Government
of Russia, and the Spartacans in Germany.

58

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

F. J. Dixon, a soap-box orator who is a member of the
Legislature, had to flee for his life and was battered by
returned soldiers when he addressed a meeting in the
Market Square in 1917, counselling everybody to burn
their registration cards and to resist conscription. He is
another of the leaders of the local revolt. Still another is
John Queen, a Socialist alderman, who participated in
the same meetings and was one of the objects of the
patriotic soldiers' ire.
Andrew Scoble and R. B. Russell, two more of the prime
agitators in this defiance of constituted authority, were
active participants in the Red convention at Calgary
which passed resolutions for the release of German
agents, others for the establishment of Soviet Government and proletarian dictatorship, and still further resolutions favoring minority dictatorship of labor by manipulated votes such as that which brought about the
general strike here.
A further leader is R. E. Bray, who poses as a returned
fighter, but who never saw the firing lines, and who told
Premier Norris in cold-blood on June 2, that he was a
Bolshevist and out for the establishment of Soviet Government in Winnipeg. The historical survey of facts and
the editorial expressions thereon, published below, clearly
present the viewpoint of the great middle class of Winnipeg, the innocent victims of the revolution
In the columns of this sheet are to be found the best
samples of journalistic prevarication that human or (inhuman) ingenuity could conceive—not only were its columns
full of deliberate lies both about the cause and the conduct
of the strike—-but they also contained what should be
anathema to old Ananias himself—half truths and distortions of the truth.
Whoever were responsible for its printing and publication
were and are to this day so heartily ashamed of their creation, that they have never dared in one issue, or in the
pamphlet published since the strike and distributed all
over this continent by the hundred thousand, to publish
one single name. They had, however, the saving grace of
humor in paying an indirect compliment to every sensible
person who should come in contact with it, to print in large
type on the front page: "This paper is free, please do not
pay for it." This was the medium through which they
vented their spleen, this the outlet for their hysteria—in it
they raised their cry of revolution, Soviet and Bolshevism—

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

59

they were totally ignorant of what these expressions meant
and as is usual in such cases, they howled the louder and
spilled the more ink, on the assumption of the professional
politician: "That if you throw enough dirt, some of it will
stick."
This was the medium through which they incited the
Provincial Treasurer to resort to intimidation of the proprietors of moving picture houses, by sending representatives from his department with threats of cancellation of
licenses unless they removed these cards from their theatres—indirectly through this medium they had the mounted police assume authority to tear them from the delivery
rigs and resort to various other little practices that were
convincing of their desire to maintain "Law and Order" so
long as it was their own particular kind of law and order
that was being maintained. All this despite the fact that
the cards had been tacitly accepted by the official representatives of the City Council on the Joint Committee.
Through the columns of this sheet they howled about the
inhumanity and brutality of the Strike Committee in shutting off the supply of milk to women and children—yet
the very interests which were and are behind the Citizens'
Committee were responsible for the shutting off of the
entire milk supply of the city for three days in 1918 because
the City Council had appointed a Commission to examine
the books of the Milk Trust, to find and report the profits
that were being made, prior to allowing the Trust to raise
the price of milk.
Partly owing to this campaign of the Citizens' Committee
and partly owing to the increasing duties of the Central
Committee of seven, it was decided to increase the membership to fifteen. The committee had no inherent power
to act, but acted only in an advisory capacity; all their
actions had to be ratified by the General Committee, consisting of three delegates from every striking organization,
and which numbered approximately 300. There were daily
interviews with the City Council, at which the Citizens'
Committee was fully represented, and on these occasions
Mr. A. J. Andrews was one of the leading spokesmen, as
well as Mr. Isaac Pitblado, Mr. A. T. Sweatman, and Mr.
Crossin, the first three of whom are now figuring as counsel
for the crown in the prosecution of the eight strike leaders.
THE MAYOR AND THE IRONMASTERS
As an indication of the feeling existing between the two

60

HISTOEY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

factions up to this time and as indicating the attitude of
the Citizens' Committee of 1000 towards the demands of the
strikers, the following partial report of a meeting of the
City Council,9 taken from the "Strike Bulletin" is given:
CITIZENS COMMITTEE PREVENTING SETTLEMENT
Metal Trades Employers Not Own Bosses
Mayor Gray, at Council meeting Thursday noon reported that Messrs. Barrett, Lyall, and Warren, representing the Metal Trades employers, had met him yesterday. He had shown them the letter from the Strike
Committee, containing the terms of settlement. They
said they were requested by the Citizens' Committee of
1000 not to open negotiations and were acceding to that
request.
Aid. Heaps: "Then the Citizens? Committee is standing in the way of a settlement/'
Mayor Gray: "I wrote this in front of those three
gentlemen and told them it was my report to Council/'
Fireworks Banned
The Council resolved to ban the use of fireworks during the strike.
Papers Not to be Distributed From Fire Halls
Aid. Heaps moved, seconded by Aid. Queen, that the
distribution of papers from Fire Halls be stopped. It
was so ordered. This motion arose from a notice in "The
Citizen" telling people to call at the Fire Halls for that
paper.
Running Trades Appear Again
Wm. Best, on behalf of the Running Trades once more
urged the Council to take some action toward a settlement. Their men, he said, were excited, and many of
them were anxious to "go over the top." They looked to
duly constituted government to see justice done no matter how it hurts or whom it hurts. They stood solid and
united for the right of workers to the right of selfdetermination in the selection of their representatives to
deal with their employers. If the Committee of 1000 was
standing in the way, he would tell them that the workers
standing behind the strikers were as numerous as the
leaves of a forest.
Learning to Shoot
Messrs. Andrews, Pitblado, and Sweatman, for the
1000, all declared that before any settlement could be
made, the sympathetic strike must be called off.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

61

W. T. Cox, admittedly of the middle class, said he did
not care how long he worked. He was prepared to eat
grass. He was learning to drill and shoot at Minto Barracks. The best thing they could tell Robertson and
Meighen was: "Go back to Ottawa" (Applause from members of the Citizens' Committee.)
Aid. Simpson: "It is your duty, Mr. Mayor to call
representatives of the employers, the strikers, the Citizens' Committee, the Dominion and Provincial Governments together and try to effect a settlement."
Aid. Fowler: "I don't agree. I'm out to do all I can
to put this sympathetic strike out of business."
Council adjourned till 10.30 tomorrow.
MEIGHEN AND ROBERTSON ARRIVE FROM OTTAWA
After the strike had been in progress for nearly One week,
there appeared in Winnipeg the Hon. Arthur Meighen, Minister of the Interior (and at that time acting Minister of
Justice, in the absence of Hon. J. C. Doherty) and Senator
Robertson, Minister of Labor. It had been rumored on the
street that certain leading lights of the Citizens' Committee
of 1000 had gone East to meet these two representatives
of constituted authority and it has subsequently been fully
proven and admitted by Senator Robertson that two members of that Committee did meet the train at Fort William,
and that one of these two was the man who was subsequently made the Deputy Minister of Justice to handle the
Winnipeg trials. A few miles outside the city a further
delegation of two from the same Committee of 1000 met
the train, and of the four, three of them, A. J. Andrews,
K.C.; Isaac Pitblado, K.C., and W. A. T. Sweatman, are the
leading lawyers for the Crown in the prosecution of the
men on charges of Seditious Conspiracy.
Under the circumstances there is little wonder that the
average man feels convinced that there was a "Conspiracy,"
not on the part of any of Labor's spokesmen, but on the
part of the Committee of 1000. The minds of these two
ministers already poisoned by the highly colored reports
from the West, were well prepared for the reception of the
plausible stories poured into their ears by the spokesmen of
reaction, and without taking the trouble to find out the
truth or otherwise of the tales that were told them (and
this much was admitted in his own office by Senator Robertson) they proceeded to denounce the so-called leaders as

62

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

undesirable agitators who were anxious to overthrow constituted authority and bring about a revolution.
With the usual shortsightedness of the professional politician they could not (or would not) see what was apparent
to a child, that had the Strike Committee any sinister
motive, there would have been no consultation or co-operation with Civic, Provincial or Federal Governments. But
the facts are that at the very time these gentlemen were
pouring out their hearts to the Committee of 10m3 and
through them to the world, the Central Strike Committee
was in attendance on the City Council, and as soon as the
Strike Committee learned of the presence of these gentlemen, they sent a delegate to wait upon them, and invited
Senator Robertson, as Minister of Labor, to come and give
whatever information and counsel he had to the representatives of the strikers as a whole. This he declined to do,
although it is the specific work for which he draws his
salary, but he preferred to stand on his dignity and sent a
reply to the Strike Committee that: "It would not be consistent with the dignity of a Minister of the Crown to attend
the Strike Committee meeting, but he would be ready any
time the following morning to receive a deputation and hear
the strikers' side of the story." At the same time intimating that he thought the sympathetic strike was unlawful
and must be called off.
MAYOR GRAY'S ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE
About the same time (May 23rd) Mayor Gray had called
a special Round Table Conference to go into the causes of
the strike and to seek, if possible, a solution.
Following is a brief resume of the proceedings. From it
the readers will gather many pointers that need no elaboration, but which throw a good deal of light on many phases
of the situation and the attitude of both sides.
This is taken from the "Strike Bulletin" of May 26th:
MIDNIGHT SESSION ABORTIVE
(Fine Debate But No Decision)
Mayor Gray, on Friday night, called together a Committee to consider the strike and, if possible, recommend
some solution. The Committee consisted of His Worship,
in the chair, Aldermen Fisher and ^Simpson, Messrs.
Winning and Russell, of the Strike Committee; Messrs.
Andrews and Sweatman, who said they were acting as
individuals; Messrs. Carroll and English, of the Running
Trades, and D. J. Scott.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

63

No Big Five
Mr. Anderson, chairman of the Central Strike Committee explained that there were 300 men on the Strike
Committee, which had elected 15 of their number to a
Central Committee. The members of this Central Committee would attend all conferences or negotiations to
give the lie to the statement that five men were running
this strike. This Committee is composed of Messrs.
Anderson, Pickup, Allen, Veitch, Russell, Flye, Robinson,
Smith, Miller, Lovatt, Shaw, McBride, Winning, Greer,
and Scoble.
Russell Reviews Strike
R. B. Russell reviewed the history of the strike and
the efforts of the Strike Committee to get a settlement.
Bfuefa capital was being made out of the Iron Masters*
statement that they had submitted a plan of collective
bargaining to the Mathers' Commission on May 10th.
Their insincerity was shown by the fact that on May 13th,
in the presence of the Mayor, they had refused to deal
with the Metal Trades Council. This Council had written
every Metal Trades Employer and never received one
reply.
More Chicanery
Members of the Strike Committee had been told that
the Ironmasters were prepared to recognize collective
bargaining under the auspices of the Industrial Commission Bill. The Strike Committee did not object to
this course—-but it now appeared that the employers
were not free to act on their own behalf, but were controlled by the Committee of 1000.
Collective Bargaining
A lengthy discussion occurred on different forms of
collective bargaining. Alderman Fisher said: "The man
who opposes collective bargaining is 20 years behind the
times." A. J. Andrews said very few were opposed to it.
J. Winning: "Will the T. Eaton Co. recognize it in any
form?"
A. J. Andrews Explodes
A. J. Andrews said this strike had gone beyond the
original issue. So far as he was concerned there would
be no negotiations until the postal employees, firemen,
water-works employees and telephone operators were
back at work. It would be splendid diplomacy for the

64

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Strike Committee to yield that point. Afterwards,the
principle of collective bargaining would be recognized.
R. B. Eussell: "What assurance can you give us?"
A. J. Andrews: "We can't give you any/'
R. B. Russell explained that governments had violated
agreements in order to uphold a principle. Italy had
broken her agreement with Germany to support the cause
of the Allies. This was right. The firemen had acted
from the same motive.—-But this was held to be wrong.
Insurrection Ridiculous Claim
The labor movement was not attempting to overthrow
the State. This strike had not the slightest semblance
of an attack on the State. Everything had been done in
a constitutional manner. The onus for the trouble was on
the employers.
Winning Proposes Possible Settlement
J. Winning: "We are fighting under constitutional
trade union rules. The duty of the Trades Council is to
render assistance to any part of the movement that is in
jeopardy. We have conferred with the City Council, the
Provincial Government and Senator Robertson; that
shows we recognize constituted authority.- We cannot
, request postal employees, firemen, etc., to go back to
work. If they did that where would our economic power
be? We have a solution to offer. Give us a guarantee
that collective bargaining will be recognized and we will
all be back at work in 48 hours."
A. J. Andrews: "We say you've done a wrong. You
now have a chance to retire gracefully. If you do not do
this, we will line up against you the Dominion, Provincial,
and Civic Governments."
Remove the Cause
R. B. Russell:—"We would remove the cause of this
trouble, that is the lack of collective bargaining/'
J. Winning: "Our action is quite constitutional. The
American Federation of Labor, a very conservative body,
has a clause in its constitution which says that no local
Council shall enter into any agreement which forbids a
sympathetic strike."
A. J. Andrews: "If your attitude is that the causes
must be removed, we shall have to wait for the millenium."

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

65

J. Winning: "This discussion is on the wrong track/'
A. J, Andrews: "I'm not here to go into causes, but to
advise a certain line of action/'
R. B, Russell: "We are prepared to go further and
remove the cause of sympathetic strikes."
A. J. Andrews: "This matter is within the rights of
the Provincial Government. Legislation should be passed
guaranteeing the right of collective bargaining, accompanied by a Dominion Law, making it a crime for unions
to violate agreements."
R. B.-Russell: "How would this do?" presenting resolution passed by Strike Committee.
Strikers Favor Legislation
"That we go on record as being in favor of legislation,
making it compulsory oru employers to recognize the
right of their employees to collective bargaining, through
the representatives of their organizations, as expressed
in craft unions, industrial unions, trades councils, and
trades federations."
Passed by Strike Committee, May 21st, 1919.
Aid. Simpson: "Is it possible to get a guarantee of
legislation?"
A. J. Andrews: "I will not make a bargain that I am
forced to make by present conditions."
Aid. Simpson: "Let us have a guarantee of legislation
backed by the Provincial Government, the Mayor, and
the Committee of 1000."
A. J. Andrews: "I will not negotiate until the men
on the public utilities are back. I will not bargain."
R. B. Russell: "Senator Robertson has promised recognition."
A. J. Andrews: "It is not a Dominion matter."
T. B. Carroll: "Mr. Andrews' position is a threat. It
resolves itself into a question of who should yield first.
The employers must yield some. I can't see that the men
are responsible. In the Running Trades we would go a
long way before striking, but we can strike. Our employers frequently yield points. Why can't the Ironmen do
the same?"
A. J. Andrews: "This is not a case between employers and employees."
T. B. Carroll: "What about the statement made at
the Industrial Bureau that the policemen and firemen
would be put in a position where they would never strike

66

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

again. Do you intend to prevent that by giving them
ideal working conditions and wages ?"
A. J. Andrews: "The sympathetic strike is wrong."
Aid. Simpson: "We propose to remove the cause by
legislation."
Aid. Fisher suggested that a smaller committee might
act more quickly, but this suggestion was not acted upon.
The committee rose at 12 p.m.
EDWARD McGRAWTH AND THE PROVINCIAL
GOVERNMENT
At the very time Messrs. Meighen and Robertson were
shouting from the housetops that this was not a strike,
but an attempt at revolution, the Strike Committee, determined to leave no stone unturned in their efforts to effect
a settlement, and to explore to the limit any avenue that
was likely to lead to that end, were in constant communication with the Provincial Government. Mr. Ed. McGrath,
formerly closely identified with the Winnipeg Trades and
Labor Council, but at this time an employee of the Provincial
Government as Secretary of the Bureau of Labor, submitted
to the Central Strike Committee what was apparently a
bona-fide offer from the Provincial Government to the effect
that if the workers would reconsider their opposition to the
Industrial Disputes Act, and would appoint two delegates to
sit as representatives of Labor on the Board to administer
the Act, the Government would withdraw from the Board
two members that it had already appointed thereto and
would accept the appointees of the Strike Committee, in
order that the whole strike situation might be brought before the Board as a means of obtaining settlement.
The Central Committee reported this offer to the General
Strike Committee, which body, though opposed to the principle of the Act, finally consented to the appointment of two
of its members to the Board. This was done so that it could
not be said by the Government that Labor itself stood in the
way of a settlement.
Not until these two representatives presented themselves
to the Provincial Government was it discovered that this
proposition of Mr. McGrath was at best a vision, for the
Government disclaimed all knowledge of the offer, and refused to consider it.
The Strike Committee had acted in perfectly good faith
and this decision of the Provincial Government came as a
shock, especially in view of the fact that the majority of

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

R. B. Russell

67

68

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

the committee had swallowed in the first place their natural
objection to having anything to do with politicians as
settlers of labor disputes; but the fact that they did so^will
ever stand to their credit as an indication of the lengths
they were prepared to go in order to effect a satisfactory
settlement without compromising on principle.
SENATOR ROBERTSON, THE POSTAL EMPLOYEES
AND THE ULTIMATUM
In the meantime the doings of the representatives of the
Dominion Government, Messrs. Meighen and Robertson,
had been dark and mysterious. Nobody (in the ranks of
labor) knew 1vhat they were doing and what steps, if any,
they were taking to function in their official capacity, but
this was presumably well known to the employers and the
Citizens' Committee of 1000.
However, on the Sunday afternoon, May 25th, Senator
Robertson called-a meeting of the postal employees in the
post office, at which % few were present, but the majority
left him severely alone, and attended a meeting of their
own organization at the same hour in the Labor Temple to
take a vote as to whether or not they should accept the
"ultimatum" that had been issued, and go back to work,
or whether they should play their part like men and "Stick."
Needless to say it was overwhelmingly in favor of playing
the man's part and they "Stuck." This ultimatum was
issued to every striking postal employee, calling upon them
to return to work at 10 a.m. Monday, May 26th, 1919, to
sign an agreement never again to take part in a sympathetic
strike, to sever their connection with the Winnipeg Trades
and Labor Council, failing which they would be discharged
from the Government's service, lose their right to pension,
and forfeit the right to employment by the Dominion Government.
Under such terms and with so much at stake it would
almost have been pardonable if these men had capitulated,
but the bond of sympathy was so strong, the justice of the
strikers' demand so obvious that only something like sixteen returned to work, and it was reported that four of
these quit again, refusing to work under such conditions,
POSTMASTER McINTYRE'S TELEGRAM
Despite this, there was dispatched East and West a telegram bearing-ihe signature of the postmaster (the authenticity of which he denied under oath at the preliminary

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

69

trials) stating: "Am happy to say that the majority of the
employees are returning to work with the exception of a
few irreconcilables, and these under 'BolshevikP influence."
A SINISTER CONSPIRACY
Striking evidence of "conspiracy" on the part of the
trinity of governing bodies (apparently under pressure
from "I?ig Business") to undermine the morale of the strikers and cause disruption and disintegration of the solid
mass of labor, and to smash labor organizations, was provided when the Provincial Government proceeded to follow
in the footsteps of the Federal Authorities, and issued a
similar "Ultimatum" to the striking telephone girls, followed immediately by one from the Civic Government to
the Civic employees in the various departments, and from
the corporations and big private employers.
But a new psychology had developed, something entirely
beyond the comprehension of our rulers and statesmen,
whose vision was so narrow that they could conceive of no
other solution of labor unrest than the application of coercive measures to bring the workers into submission.
Following the lead of their fellow-workers in the postal
service the telephone girls voted to stay out and take the
consequences, and they in turn were supported by the Civic
employees.

DESERTERS AND REINFORCEMENTS
As was to be expected, there were a few deserters. A
fight with all the forces of constituted authority and the
vested interests lined up in opposition to 25,000 wage
slaves, could not be carried on without desertions, but the
reinforcements were coming up in the ratio of 100 to 1.
Daily, almost hourly, the Strike Committee was receiving
offers of help from cities, towns, and villages.
THE STRIKERS STEADFASTNESS AND
SOLIDARITY
As indicative of the solidarity of the workers and the
grim determination exhibited by the strikers, below are
given a few clippings from the "Strike Bulletin" of May
27th, 1919. The first:
A MARVELLOUS STRIKE
We are, we believe, speaking the literal truth when we
state that never in any country at any time was a strike
of mch magnitude as the Winnipeg strike carried on in

70

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

such a wonderful spirit. There has not been one single
case of disorder. Not a cent's worth of property has been
damaged. Not a single policeman has been called to take
a hand. The record of the police court is lower by far
than normal; lower than at any time in months.
What is the secret of it all? Or, is it just an accident?
We are credibly informed that the people living in Fort
Rouge were literally terrorized over the thought of revolution. They are reported to have slept in the churches.
They swarmed into temporary militia regiments and slept
in barracks. And all this when there was not a breath of
disorder among the strikers.
Why the terror on the part of the wealthy and the
tranquility on the part of the strikers ?
There are those who say that the whole reason is that
there were reports abroad that the strikers were intending to start a revolution. That they had set up a Soviet
in the Trades Hall. That the foreigners were ready to
overrun the whole city. Are these reasons adequate?
Who started the revolution story ? Who Jbelieved it ?
And why ?
To answer these questions is to enter the realm of both
fact and psychology. The rich, who have become rich on
war profits, know that this is the price of blood. The gtild
that has touched their palm has left its stain both there
and in their conscience, and they cry: "Out damned spot,"
but it will not out. They live trembling at the thought of
the future. They are fraid of retribution. They live in
fear today and dread tomorrow. They feel deep down
that there is a day of reckoning. So they fly to the
churches—to the altars.
The workers, on the other hand have no need of fears.
They have served well and faithfully. They have at last
found it impossible to live and so say we must get more.
Not the whole do they ask, but a larger share. They
know their cause is just. This knowledge gives them
confidence.
Wonderful Confidence of Strikers
Are we downhearted? No. This is the tone of the
thirty-five thousand workers on strike in this city today.
Every kind of attempt has been made to get the workers
back on the job, from Government ultimatums to petty
bribes on the part of individual employers. But in spite
of all, the thousands stick and every local stands as solid

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

71

as adamant. There is no give. Every striker says it is a
fight to a finish and we will finish it.
Never was there such a spirit of brotherhood. Offers
are tumbling in for homes for girls who are in need of
room rent. We have a spare room. Send us up a couple.
Tell the committee we can help them out if they are
stuck. Tell the girls that they are welcome at our place
to such as we have. Such are the magnificent offers that
the strike is bringing from every source.
It is not that the homes of the workers are big, or that
tEey have abundance. But the girls and the thousands
of men struck for sympathy on a principle, and that principle is today being justified as never before. The spirit
is marvellous. It is worth a strike to see this marvellous
spirit of comradeship and unselfishness. This is the spirit
that will bring such a victory as labor never dreamed of
before.
And the second being a short resume of the proceedings
of the Labor Church meeting in the Victoria Park on Sunday evening, May 25th, 1919:
VAST ASSEMBLY IN VICTORIA PARK
Addressed by Ivens, Pickup, and Dixon
"No'!" Five thousand times "No!" was the answer of
the strikers to the ultimatum of the Citizens' Committee
given in Victoria Park.
Rev. Wm. Ivens—the terrible-—called out: "The Citizens' Committee say you must call off the sympathetic
strikes. What is your answer?" Five thousand men and
women answered "No!" These speak for 35,00(> more?
So the strike is still on.
Lawrence Pickup outlined the position of the postmen,
explaining that promises made to them a year ago were
still unfulfilled. The only hope of the postmen was in the
organized labor movement. In spite of the threats of
Senator Robertson the postal employees had voted to stay
out. (Loud applause.)
F. J. Dixon, in opening, said he felt like the old darky
who wanted to join a fashionable city church, and the
minister, knowing it was hardly the thing to do and not
wanting to hurt his feelings, told him to go home and
pray over it. In a few days the darky catae back.
"Well, what do you think of it by this time," said the
preacher.

72

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

"Well, sah," replied the colored man, "Ah prayed, an'
de good Lawd, he says to me, 'Rastus, Ah wouldn't bodder
mah haid about dat no mo', Ah've been trying to get into
dat chu'ch mahse'f fo' de las' twenty yeahs, and Ah done
had no luck."
There were churches in Winnipeg being used as recruiting stations for the purpose of drilling men to subdue
strikers. The strikers had demonstrated that they were
the friends of law, order, and peace. The Lord was certainly not in the churches that were being used for such
a purpose.
Jesus was a carpenter's son, not a lawyer, financier, or
iron master—it was easy to guess which side he would be
on in this struggle.
He was on the side of the poor. It was the high priests,
the scribes, and the Pharisees—the same class of men as
comprised the Committee of 1000—who had crucified
Christ.
The Persecuted Are Blessed
The fact that the men who had been elected by the
strikers to guide the destiny of the strike were being
reviled by the opposition was a certificate of good character. The more vile and despicable the attack made upon
these men the greater should be their glorification.
Spread the Stjrike
The best answer they could make to the various ultimatums was to spread the strike. If the strikers started
going back to work on any pretext the strike would be
lost. The only way to win was to stay out and stick
together.
Big Collection for Girls
A collection of nearly $500 was taken up to feed the
girl strikers who might need it.
Against the restraint and moderation manifest in the
foregoing articles, (and they are in keeping with the general character and tone of the strikers' speech and press at
this time) may be set the following choice selection from
the Winnipeg Telegram of May 26th, 1919, entitled:
THE CAUSES AND THE CURE
"There are inWinnipeg, unfortunately, a handful of
English and Scotch agitators who are openly and even
proudly Red Socialists and Anarchists. They are held in

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

73

contempt by their own fellow-countrymen, are despised
and loathed
That is the complete list of our
trouble makers, our revolution makers, our Soviet makers—if we except a more than half-mad preacher who
was kicked out of his church for preaching treason
It was comparatively easy for the traitors and hostile
foreigners to lead the loyal element astray/'
It explains all the above by saying: "We all have a pain today
—and a severe one."
"The way to solve the problem is to clean up Winnipeg
of both human rubbish and quacks. ,, This so "that our
nerves will not soon again become so frazzled."
ONE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE STRIKE
From the inception of the strike, meetings had been held
daily in many city parks and open spaces attended by thousands of strikers and sympathisers (and incidentally, as we
have found out since, by that particular species of the animal
kingdom, anathema to every honest-minded man and
woman, the "Spy" and "Agents Provocateur") and after
the strike had been in progress two weeks, the crowds at
these meetings had increased in size and demands were
made for speakers, which it was found increasingly difficult
to supply.
RELIEF FOR THE GIRLS
By this time also, it was evident that something must be
done to assist the large number of girls who had come out
with their fellow-workers.
This large body of girl and women workers from the
departmental stores, laundries, garment factories, candy
kitchens, hotels, and restaurants never had more than a
week's margin between the pay-envelope and starvation.
THE WOMEN'S LABOR LEAGUE
The Women's Labor League had secured free of charge
for ten days the use of the large dining room and kitchen,
with partial equipment of one of our city hotels on Main
Street, the "Stratlicona," and here the girls were fed free
of cost, not luxuriously, but with enough, and in addition
were given a cash grant to meet room rent. The men were
also invited and made welcome and when they had the
money were expected to pay, but if they, too, were without
funds, then they were fed free on production of a ticket
issued fSr that purpose by the RMief Committed. This ae-

74

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

tivity on the part of the Women's Labor League did not
meet with the approval of the financial interests of the city
and eventually the proprietor of the hotel asked the strikers
to vacate.
Not to be outdone, the women, good fighters that they
were, went on the hunt for other premisesrwhere the vested
interests could not wield the big stick, and found them at
the Oxford Hotel, where a bigger and a better dining room,
and fully equipped modern kitchen were put at their disposal. Here were served from 1,200 to 1,500 free meals
daily, the expense being provided in part by the Relief
Committee, in part by donations, and in large measure by
collections taken up at the various meetings of the strikers held throughout the city.
THE LABOR CHURCH
In connection with this, the Labor Church, whose membership is composed almost entirely of workers who were
out on strike, contributed approximately $4,500.00 during
the six weeks of the strike.
A word concerning the interest and activities of the
Labor Church may be very appropriate at this juncture.
The second Sunday the strike had been in progress the
service was held in Victoria Park, with an attendance of
well over 5,000, and there was a collection of approximately
$500.00; the third Sunday there was an attendance of over
10,000, and a collection was taken of $1,504.10.
This was one of the most inspiring episodes of the whole
of the never-to-be-forgotten six weeks.
PROFESSOR ALLISON AND THE STRIKERS
As a typical instance of the temperate and reasonable
manner in which the vital issues at stake were kept to the
fore on the part of the strikers as against the deliberate
attempts to sidetrack them on the part of the Committee
of 1000, here are appended three short articles from the
"Strike Bulletin." They are self-explanatory and shed much
light on the situation:
GOVERNMENT SHOULD RESIGN
Professor Allison Compliments Strikers on Order.—Says
They Stand For Constitutional Authority
"The best thing the Union Government could do would
be to resign/' declared professor W. T. Allison on Tues-

HISTOBY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

75

day evening at a large meeting in the Selkirk School
grounds.
There would not have been this great unrest, he said,
if we had a good Government at Ottawa. All Governments since Confederation had been largely directed by
the railways, manufacturers, and banks. The Union Government had a great opportunity, but it had fallen down.
He hoped to see a Labor Party in Canada similar to that
;
in Britain.
The Professor said it looked as if the whole weight of
authority was against the strikers. What will you do?
He enquired. "Stick, Stick, Stick !" shputed the crowd.
He regretted the summary action of the City Council
and suggested the questions at issue were of sufficient
magnitude to warrant a referendum vote of all the citizens of Winnipeg being takeh.
He also suggested the formation of a representative
committee of 100 citizens—distinct from the self-constituted 1000— to try to effect a settlement.
Professor Allison complimented the strikers on the perfect order which prevailed and said he was satisfied that
all wanted to settle this matter by constitutional means.
"Keep smiling," were his parting words.
Strike Bulletin of May 27th, 1919:
WHAT IS A LIVING WAGE?
What is a living wage ? This is one of the demands of
the strikers. What does it mean? Judge Mathers, while
here as Chairman of the Industrial Commission, said that
it meant more than a bare existence; it meant, he said,
enough to supply all reasonable needs and to put 1by a
little for a rainy day. *
In the light of this definition let us examine a few
cases from this city. The writer has before him the
sworn affidavit of a number of employees. Here are a few.
We take them from cafes run by men who are members
of the Restaurant Keepers' Association.
Let us take six of these, the C. V. Cafe, the Carleton,
the Venice!, the Kensington, the Olympia, and the Club
Cafe. In these places the hours are:
The long day, 7.30 a.m. to 2 p.m. Then return 5.80
p.m. to 1,30 a.m., or fourteen and a half-hour day.
The short hours are:
11.30 a.m. to 8.30 p.m., or a nine-hour day.
Meals are supplied while on duty.

76

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

THE WAGES ARE 15.00 PER MONTH. No, riot per
week, but per month. Three days off per month. In several instances only one day off per month.
Out of the above $15.00 per month the girls pay for
laundry $1.00 per week, and fifty cents per week to the
busy boy. Or six dollars per month.
THESE GIRLS THEN HAVE NINE DOLLARS A
MONTH to pay room rent, clothes, recreation, outdoor
meals, etc.
It is a sin that cries to heaven.
Men Get Shameful Pay
Here is the record, of two men employed in a building
owned by a prominent citizen. We forbear the name at
this time.
Mr. A. works from 8.30 p.m. to 7.45 a.m. Gleans several
floors. Seven lavatories. Brass and glass work. Runs elevator from 5.80 a.m. to 7.45 a.m. One day each week he
has to look after furnaces. Wages $50.00 per month.
Lives out of building.
Mr. B., fireman in this same building, works from 6
p.m. to 5.30 a.m. Besides his furnaces he runs the elevator from 6 p.m. to 10.30 p.m. In spare time he is required to do general cleaning. Wages $55.00 per month.
In both cases the men work 74 hours per week in all.
When we are asked what is a living wage, we point to
the above wages for men and girls, and say NOT THAT.
But a decent living wage.
Still we are told the workers are avaricious and ought
not to grumble. Surely the time to strike has come. It
is time the citizens of Winnipeg rose in their might and
said, it is enough.
"THE ALIEN CRY"
The workers were content to rest their case with the
judgment of the people, but this was not acceptable to the
"Big Interests." Red herrings of various degrees of rottenness had been repeatedly dragged across the path, such as
cries of "Soviet, Bolshevist, Revolution and Permit Cards,"
and last, in an effort to arouse the ire of the patriotic element, they started a flag waving campaign, and especially
to rally the support of the returned soldiers, they raised the
cry of "Alien."
THE ALIEN QUESTION
"Yah! yah! aliens! aliens!" shrieks the self-constituted
Committee of 1000 through its megaphonic press. The

HISTOEY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

77

Strike Committee challenges a comparison of its personnel with that of the 1000.
The bosses love the alien when they can use him to
break strikes. In fact in many cases he was brought here
for that purpose. For example in the Nova Scotia miners'
strike (1913) the bosses circularized southern Europe,
offering the princely wages of 11 cents to 15 cents per
hour for mine and steel plant workers.
During the war bosses wanted to pay alien labor $1.10
per day and put the difference between that and the
prevailing wages into their own pockets. Labor successfully protested against that dastardly project. It had to
in self-protection. If the bosses could get aliens for $1.10
they would pay no more to anyone. Remember the bosses
brought the aliens here. Remember also that thousands
of aliens have asked for passports and have been refused.
The bosses have no quarrel with the rich alien, no
quarrel with the unorganized alien. The only aliens they
complain about are those who have had sense enough to
join the ranks of organized labor and therefore cannot be used to scale down wages.
"But alien is one—of class, not race—he has drawn the
„ line for himself;
His roots drink life from inhuman soil, from garbage of
pomp and pelf;
His heart beats not with the common beat, he has
changed his life-stream's hue;
He deems his flesh to be finer flesh, he boasts that his
blood is blue:
Politician, aristocrat, tory—whatever his age or name,
To the people's rights and liberties, a traitor ever the
same.
The natural crowd is a mob to him, their prayer a vulgar
rhyme;
The-freeman's speech is sedition, and the patriot's deed
a crime.
Whatever the race, the law, the land—whatever the
time, or throne,
The tory is always a traitor to every class but his own,"
At the time the Committee of 1000 were agitating the
public mind against the "alien" with demands for his deportation, "Milady" was touring the alien district in limousine
and taxi, begging, pleading, imploring and bribing the

78

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

"female of the alien species" to come to her aid and replace
the female workers who were on strike.
Employers, large and small, sent deputations to beg of the
alien to*come back to work.
But the alien declined the tempting offers made them and
they stuck tight as a postage stamp. For the workers of
Winnipeg, the barries of color, race and creed had been torn
down and are now beyond hope of being rebuilt. "Which is
as it should be."
In the "Strike Bulletin," No. 12, of May 30th, 1919, there
appeared on the front page the following reiteration of the
strikers' demands, and a statement of what they did not
want:
WHAT WE WANT
The Demands of the Strikers are:—
1. The Right of Collective Bargaining.
2. A Living Wage,
3. Reinstatement of all Strikers.
WHAT WE DO NOT WANT
1. Revolution.
2. Dictatorship.
3* Disorder.
THE TORONTO STAR AND THE STRIKERS
As evidence of one of two things either that there still
live some editors of the daily press who will not prostitute
their ability for money, or that the "big strike" had not
completed its circle, we reprint an excerpt from the "Toronto
Star," on May 23rd, 1919:
TORONTO STAR BACKS STRIKERS
IT IS BECOMING MORE AND MORE CLEAR THAT
THE ISSUE IS NOT BOLSHEVISM OR ANY ATTEMPT
TO URSURP THE GOVERNMENT OF CANADA, BUT
A DISPUTE BETWEEN EMPLOYERS AND EMPLOYED ON THE QUESTIONS OF WAGES, HOURS, RECOGNITION OF UNIONS, AND COLLECTIVE BARGAINING. A strike covering a wide range of industries of
course causes great public inconvenience. But what is
the remedy? IF IT IS LAWFUL FOR ONE SET OF
WORKERS TO STRIKE, SHALL IT BE MADE UNLAWFUL FOR TWO OR A DOZEN TO STRIKE? The
difference, of course, is tl^at when a| strike is general or
of very wide range, the matter becomes one of national

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

79

importance, and the Dominion Government may be warranted and even in duty bound to take strong measures
to effect a settlement.
THOSE EMPLOYERS WHO HOLD OUT AGAINST
COLLECTIVE BARGAINING—that is, negotiating with
unions which have members working in various establishments—ARE CLEARLY WRONG AND THEIR POSITION CANNOT BE MAINTAINED. Collective bargaining is the inevitable result of the modern concentration
of industry, and to oppose it is just as extreme as to propose the abolition of organized capital. The organization
of labor and the organization of capital are the hard facts
of the situation, and must be recognized.
The Star is not a labor paper, but a leading Toronto daily.
Yet it supports us on the issues for which we are on strike,
Not a Bolshevist Uprising
Speaking of the wonderful conduct of the strike it says:
The stand taken by the organized body of returned
soldiers in Winnipeg is one that has had, probably, a
highly corrective influence on affairs.
The ex-soldier citizens have given their full sympathy
and support to the strikers in their demands for the betterment of their conditions, on the definite understanding
that there is to be no disorder or lawlessness in connection with the strike.
When one considers that Winnipeg has been tied up
for a whole week, that over thirty thousand men have
been on strike and feeling running high, it is a credit to
that city, its people, and all concerned in the whole affair
that such excellent order has been preserved. To some
extent this desirable result may probably be attributed
to the stand taken by the G. W. V, A. and returned soldiers generally. They sympathize with the demands of
the workers; they approve of the strike and desire it to
succeed, but they want no resort to riot and violence.
The labor leaders are doubtless anxious to retain this
important support and sympathy.
So far they have retained it, and we have difficulty in
reconciling this fact with the statement that Winnipeg
is in the hands of Bolsfievists and the foreign element. ;

THE CANADIAN PROBLEMS CLUB AND THE POLICE
ULTIMATUM
As a further indication of the willingness of the Strike

80

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Committee (as representing all the workers) to investigate
every possible opportunity that presented itself to effect a
satisfactory settlement of the strike, when a delegation
from the "Canadian Problems Club/' (an organization composed for the most part of professional men) waited upon
the Central Committee with a request that they be supplied
with certain information, and an enquiry as to the acceptance by the Strike Committee of their organization as mediators, Messrs. Winning and Russell were instructed to wait
upon the Canadian Problems Club and give them all the
information required. This they did, to the entire satisfaction of that body. They also intimated the willingness of
the Strike Committee to avail themselves gladly of the service of any individual or organization that might be able to
effect a settlement.
In contradistinction to this friendly and conciliatory attitude of the Strike Committee, must be recorded the actions
of the so-called Citizens* Committee of 1000, which refused
any information and declined altogether the offer of the
club.
This is a copy of the "Ultimatum" to the police and civic
employees, respectively, together with a resolution passed
by the Winnipeg Policemen's Union, held in the Police Court
room on May 30th, 1919:
To Board of Commissioners of Police
of the City of Winnipeg:
1. I hereby acknowledge that the supreme governing
power of the police force is vested in the Police Commissioners alone, and I hereby agree to observe the
orders, rules and regulations of said Police Commissioners
at all times.
2. I further agree that I will not join or remain a
member of any union or association which is directly or
indirectly in affiliation with any other organization to
whose orders, directions or recommendations such union
or association or its members are obliged or agree to
observe or conform, or act in concert with; that I will be
governed by and observe and comply with all rules and
regulations in force from time to time for the management of the force in which I may be employed, whether
prescribed by the Police Commissioners or the Chief Con*
stable; that I will not take part in or support or favor
what is known as a sympathetic strike; and that upon

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

81

a breach of any of the above conditions occurring I shall
be liable to instant dismissal from the force.
3. I hereby acknowledge that I have received a copy
of the rules and regulations governing the department
and agree to obey same.
Dated at the City of Winnipeg, this
day
of May, 1919.
Name .
,
Rank
..
In answer to this the following resolution was passed by
a mass meeting of the members of the Winnipeg Policemen's
Union held in the Police Court room 30th May, 1919:
Having had no time to consider the ultimatum presented by the Police Commissioners, and feeling that it
is a violation of our agreement by the Police Commissioners, just recently signed, we wish to affirm our position,
that we stand behind constituted authority and are
willing to do all in our power to preserve law and order
as loyal British subjects.
Everybody loves the police—except the 1000. The soldiers
gave them three cheers.
The police have won almost universal endorsation by the
way they have conducted themselves during this strike and
almost everyone, outside of the coterie of 1000, feels that
the Police Commission has grossly insulted these real men
by putting up such an agreement to them at this critical
time. All Law-abiding citizens want the civil police kept
on the streets. Any attempt, directly or indirectly, to force
them off the streets will be greatly resented.
The above was called "The Slave Pact," and the "Western
Labor News" comments upon it as follows:
BRITONS NEVER SHALL BE SLAVES
The City Council upon order of the Board of Trade
Soviet, has drawn up the following pledge for its employees :
"I hereby agree that if I am appointed to any position
in the city's service, I will not join or remain a member
of any union or association which is directly or indirectly
in affiliation with any other organization to whose orders,
directions or recommendations such union or association
or its members are obliged or agree to observe or confirm* or act in concert with; that I will be governed by
and observe and comply with all rules and regulations in

82

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

force from v time to time for the management of the
department in which I may be employed, whether prescribed by the City Council or by the head of such department ; that I will at all times be loyal and faithful to the
city; that I will not take part in or support or favor what
is known as a sympathetic strike; and that upon a breach
of any of the above conditions occurring, I shall be liable
to instant dismissal from the city's service."
It is this same City Council that asks the Provincial
Government to make collective bargaining compulsory.
It is safe to say that no person who understands the
nature of liberty and collective bargaining could have
drawn up such an abject pledge of subservience.
ONLY A SLAVE COULD SIGN IT. A FREE MAN,
A WHITE MAN—NEVER!
In this connection is the following brief report of an incident which occurred during the City Council meeting in the
afternoon of Friday, May 30th, 1919, taken from the "Strike
Bulletin" of May 31st, 1919:
POLICE GIVEN 24 HOURS' EXTENSION
Canadian Problems Club Suggests Modification of Civic
x
Pledge
At the request of G. K. Wark, Vice-President B.L.F.
and E., and A. McAndrew, Assistant General Chairman
of the C.P.R. System I.B.M.W., the Police Commission
has given the police another 24 hours in which to consider the agreement submitted to them. This was announced by Alderman Sparling to the City Council Friday afternoon,
^
Remove Root of Antagonism
A delegation from the Canadian Problems Club, consisting of R. A. Rigg, F. M. Black, R. F. McWilliams, and
Professor Chester Martin, waited on the Council urging
a modification of the pledge which the city was asking its
employees to sign.
R. A. Rigg pointed out that as the Civic Employees
Unions were affiliated with The Trades Congress of Canada the action of the Council was a direct challenge to
that body. He pointed out very clearly that the Trades
Council had no power to compel any union affiliated with
it to strike. Affiliation was purely voluntary and unions
acted on their own initiative, free from any outside die-

^HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

83

tation. He asked the council to modify the stringency of
its resolutions.
'
Alderman Fowler: "No chance."
R. A. Rigg: "I'm sorry to hear that." Hii concern
throughout had been that this quarrel might be settled
in the best interests of all. In order to avoid future
trouble the root of antagonism should be removed.
R. F. McWilliams suggested that the trouble should be
so disposed of that there would be no possibility of recurrence. In its resolutions the Council in endeavoring to
ban sympathetic strikes had overshot the mark and by
interfering with a man's fundamental right to associate
with others for mutual benefit had taken a stand which
might create difficulties with the whole labor movement.
Alderman Fowler said they were dealing with facts,
nottheories. He didn't see how they could change.
Alderman McLean said the question would never be
settled. The Council must hedge the civic employees in
as the peace conference was hedging in the Germans.
SOLDIER STRIKERS TAKE ACTION
On the evening of May 30th, 1919, a meeting of returned
men in sympathy with the objects of the workers in their
struggle, was called at the request of Ex-Sergeant A. E.
Moore—at that time an employee of the Provincial Government, in charge of the Alien Investigation Board—and now
President of the Provincial Command of the Great War
Veterans' Association—in order that the advisability of
interviewing the Provincial Government could be discussed.
The meeting assembled at a few minutes after eight and
did not adjourn until after eleven o'clock.
After going into the matter thoroughly, it was unanimously decided that it would serve a most useful purpose if
a delegation of returned men waited upon the Provincial
Premier and his Cabinet and asked them to settle the dispute by the enactment of special legislation, making collective bargaining compulsory upon every employer of labor in
the province.
The result of these deliberations is briefly stated in the
following account taken from the "Strike Bulletin" of May
31st, 1919:
SOLDIERS' ULTIMATUM TO NORRIS
Demand! Police Ultimatum be Withdrawn—Newspaper
Bolshevik Campaign Must End—Campaign of Villifica-

84

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

tion of Labor Leaders be Ended—Will Stay on Job Till
Collective Bargaining and Living Wage Granted—Will
Meet Government at 11 a.m. Saturday for Reply—Will
Not Stand for Threats of Martial Law.
Two thousand returned soldiers waited on Premier Norris on Friday morning and demanded an immediate settle*
ment of the strike on the basis of collective Bargaining
being made compulsory by legislation. They will return
for an answer at 11 a.m. tomorrow, Saturday,
Soldiers' Resolution
The Honourable T. G. Norris,
Premier,
Province of Manitoba.
"Owing to the serious condition of affairs in this city,
we feel it incumbent on us as returned soldiers to draw
to your notice the desirability of an immediate settlement,
which we believe can be done, through either the Provincial or Dominion Governments taking immediate action, and making this disputed question of collective bargaining as it now exists on the railways, effective by
statutory action."
Back of Police
The soldiers also pointed out very emphatically that
the Police Commission regulation insisting that the police
sever connections with organized labor was a bad mistake.
They thought the Committee of 1000 had used its influence to get the regular police off the streets in order to
replace them with the military. They thought it was
grossly unfair to put the police up against such a proposition at this time and said the order must be repealed to
avoid trouble.
The veterans made their presentations very strong.
They especially insisted on the police commission order
being modified. (This demand was cheered with tremendous enthusiasm.)
The delegation was under the chairmanship of A, E.
Moore and the several speakers did some plain talking.
They wanted to know if the Premier would call them
"Bolsheviks" or "Aliens?" Mr. Norris assured them that
he would not. The soldiers bitterly and emphatically resented the press attacks upon strike leaders, and were
especially incensed at the term: "English and Scotch
anarchists" as applied to those men. They made it abso-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

85

lutely clear that this campaign must be stopped, and
stopped at once.
They insisted that the Premier use his utmost influence with the press to prevent a recurrence of this abuse.
Mr. Norris promised so to do and later informed the reporters in his office of the stand taken by the soldiers.
On Saturday, May 31st, in pursuance of the intimation to
the Provincial Government the previous day, the returned
men lined up on Market Square and marched to the Legislative Building, Kennedy Street, and the following brief
reports of events there is taken from the "Strike Bulletin"
of June 2nd, 1919:
SOLDIERS BACK STRIKERS TO LIMIT
Ten Thousand Wearing Buttons March to Parliament
Building—Tell Norris to Call Off Committee of One
Thousand—Urge Special Session to Legislate re Collective Bargaining—Denounce Treatment of Telephone
Girls—Going Back to Interview Government Monday
Morning—Visit City Hall and Demand Withdrawal of
Ultimatum to Civic Employees—Insist That Police Remain on Duty—City Council Leaves it Stand Over Till
Tuesday Morning—Give Policemen Ovation — Carry
Flag to Labor Temple—Say Sympathetic Strike Cannot
be Called Off Till Collective Bargaining Established—
Resent Press Campaign of Villification—Say It Must
Stop—Give Three Cheers for Labor News.
At 11 a.m. on Saturday ten thousand returned soldiers
followed the flag down Kennedy Street to the Parliament
Buildings, to get from Premier Norris an answer to the
demands they had presented on Friday.
The legislative chamber was packed and thousands
stood outside in the drizzling rain awaiting the result.
Greatly Disappointed
After the Premier had expressed himself, the spokesmen for the returned soldiers expressed bitter disappointment at the attitude the Government had assumed. Instead of demanding that the sympathetic strike be called
off they said the Premier should call of the Committee of
1000 (?)
Resent Abuse of Flag by 1000
Some commotion was created at the outset by the fact
that an individual in the press gallary was wearing a flag

86

HISTOKY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

in his button-hole. The returned men thought this indicated that he belonged to the Committee of 1000 and
demanded the removal of that emblem. One man finally
jumped intd the press gallery and removed it. Comrade
Bray later explained that the soldiers respected the flag
and they did not intend to see it prostituted by the Committee of 1000, He was informed that t^e man who had
worn the flag had a son who had been over ther$. The
soldiers did not wish to'hurt anyone's feelings, but they
could not stand for any abuse of the flag by the Committee oflOOO.
Will Defend Law and Order
Comrade Moore explained that the soldiers had fought
for law and order and were always prepared to defend it.
They wanted a settlement of this strike and did not think
the press campaign of villification was helpful to that
end. Then came cries of "Take the reporters out" and
"Give them one more chance"
Comrade Moore said they were there for an ^answer to
their previous demands for legislation compelling collective bargaining. Premier Borden had said this was a
provincial matter so they wanted to know when the Government would deal with it.
Comrade Moore then presented a resolution on behalf
of the delegation which stated that the announced extension of the ultimatum to the police was entirely unsatisfactory. That ultimatum must be withdrawn. The resolution also asked for an answer from the Government to
the request for legislation re collective bargaining.
Let Police Stay on Beats
Comrade Moore was especially emphatic and received
tumultuous applause when he demanded that the police
remain on duty and be not asked to sell their birthright
during the present crisis.
Police Have Proven Loyal
Comrade Bray said the returned men knew what loyalty meant. They had-demonstrated their loyalty at the
. front in order that governments might continue to exist.
The police had likewise demonstrated their loyalty; in
fact, many of them were returned men. The Premier now
had a chance to demonstrate his loyalty by backing the
police.
The returned men were out for law and order. The
police had done all they could to preserve law and order.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

87

They deserved consideration. It was an insult to the police
to ask them to sell their birthright, especially at this
time.
Sick of Dilly-Dallying
Comrade Bray contended that this was a time for action—not talk. There had been too much dilly-dallying
in this matter. The returned men were anxious for a settlement giving all a square deal.
Press Campaign Deeply Resented
The attitude of the press was not helping to effect a
settlement. The returned men would be gentlemen and
not descend to scurrilous personalities as the press had
done. They would like the Premier to think what the boys
had done in France, to consider the sacrifices they had
made. As for them, they would continue to be soldiers
and gentlemen.
Flag Incident Explained
Comrade Bray referred to the unfortunate incident at
the opening of the meeting. The man wearing the flag
had a son who had been over there. It was inadvisable
to wear flags at this time because the men who had
fought to defend it were, determined that no skulkers
hide behind it. They despised the action of the Committee
of 1000 in trying to hide behind the flag. (Cries of
"Crime! Crime!") and use it against men who were fighting for justice and a living wage.
The boys, said comrade Bray, want you to represent
the people and not that bunch of financial barons in the
Manufacturers* Association. In addition to our other
demands we want you to withdraw your ultimatum to the
telephone girls.
Norris Severely Heckled
Premier Norris said he was wearing a flag, not because
he represented any faction, but because he thought the
flag represented all classes (a voice: "It is being prostituted by a faction"). It is the same flag as yours. Another
voice: "Get on with the strik§"). Mr. Norris asserted
that his sympathies were with labor. He had conveyed to
the reporters the message of the returned men that they
resented the press campaign of misrepresentation. He
had told the City Council what the soldiers thought about
the ultimatum to the police. He understood that representatives of the Railway Brotherhoods were even now try-

88

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

ing to get employees and employers together with a view
to settlement.
Sends Soldiers to City Hall
Mr. Norris said the police affair was beyond Ijis control. The soldiers should put it up to the City Council.
(Cheers and shouts of ,"we will!").
The Government has met the wishes of the returned
men in many things. He was sure they would not be
unreasonable. It was impossible to promise legislation
about collective bargaining immediately. The Government would have to find out its power. At the request of
the representatives of the Railroad Brotherhoods he had
written Messrs. Barrett, Lyall, and Warren suggesting
that they meet their employees through the mediation
of those representatives.
Government Opposed to Sympathetic Strikes
He announced that the sympathetic strike must be
called off before the Government could act; (loud booing
and shouts of: "call of the Committee of 1000).
Mr. Norris continued: If the strike was called off the
Government would use all its energies to settle dispute;
(a voice: "soft soap!"). The Government had taken the
stand that there must be no sympathetic strikes on public
utilities and food services. They had attempted tc; avoid
such a condition as this by the Industrial Conditions Bill.
If the soldiers would use their influence to call off the
strike and get the Trades and Labor Council to nominate
two men to the Industrial Council, the Government would
see that sittings were held at once and proceedings pushed. (Cries of No! No!! No!!!)
We are in sympathy with labor repeated the Premier.
Question: "How about the postal employees?"
Mr. Norris: "That's a Federal matter/'
Question: "How about the telephones?"
Mr. Norris: "There is no ultimatum in that connection,"
Question: "How about the firemen?"
Mr. Norris: "They are under the Civic jurisdiction."
"I have stated my case. I have told you what we're
going to do (Shouts of: "Nothing!" and "Resign!
"Resign!")
Answer Unsatisfactory
Comrade Moore deprecated personalities and said that
the Premier's answer was vfery Unsatisfactory. They

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

89

wanted something done. If the Government insisted that
the sympathetic strike must be called off, the strike would
last another six months. They wanted the strike settled
on the basis of the right of collective bargaining and a
decent living wage. Everyone who opposed these things
was prolonging the strike. He was going away disappointed. (Cries of: "We all are!").
If the sympathetic strike was called off, the committee
of 1000 would say they had won.
"Call off the Committee of-1000," continued Comrade
Moore amid deafening applause.
Premier Should Reconsider Decision
Comrade Batsford got the floor and asked the Premier
to reconsider his decision. As returned soldiers, who had
upheld constituted authority, they had appealed to constituted authority in a constituted way. The Peace Conference had endorsed collective bargaining and they were
asking Premier Norris to call a special session of the legislature and promise to introduce a bill dealing with the
matter.
What Government Can Do
Comrade Bray said no man was satisfied with the interview. The Premier had told them what he could not do.
He would tell the Premier what he could do. He could put
pressure on the Telephone Commission to call off their
ultimatum and stop the war on the telephone girls. He
could bring pressure to bear upon the City Council to
cancel its ultimatum. One Alderman (McLean) had said
the city must hedge in its employees as the Peace Conference was hedging in the Germans. "Is that democracy?" he asked. The building rocked with shouts of
"No!" a thousand times No!"
Spineless Ninnies at Ottawa
Comrade Bray said the Norris Government had helped
to elect that bunch of spineless emasculated ninnies at
Ottawa and they might now get busy and put some ginger into them or help to get them out of the way. Furthermore, he said, the Government itself should stop
paying "scab" wages and become a model employer.
One Thousand Want Martial Law
Comrade Speers, in concluding, asserted that they were
sorry nothing had been accomplished. The soldiers want-

90

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

ed this strike settled satisfactorily. They had fought for
democracy and had returned to find an autocratic Committee of 1000 trying to run the city.
The city^ was wrong in putting their ultimatum to the
police at Ihis time. He believed the Committee of 1000
wanted to get the police off the streets and put men with
bayonets on them. The returned men would not stand
for this. The Committee of 1000 must be destroyed.
(Deafening applause).
March to City Hall
After the meeting with Mr. Norris the soldiers marched
to the City Hall and swarmed into the chamber. The
Council was in session, but at once adjourned and Mayor
Gray attempted to address the vast crowd, mostly returned men, from the City Hall steps. The meeting was decidedly stormy.
Re-Affirms Council's Position
The Mayor insisted that there must be no more sympathetic strikes on puBlic utilities. He was prepared to
stand or fall by that decision. (Shouts of: Resign!
Resign! For you will fall!". He was finally booed into
the City Hall
No Police Ultimatum
There was no ultimatum to the police, asserted Mayor
Gray. "Oh! Oh!" shouted the crowd. The representatives of the Running Trades were now meeting with the
police and trying to make a settlement.
The crowd made it very plain that it wanted no interference with the police. N
Council's Silly Position
Several returned men addressed the meeting, going
over much the same ground as covered in the legislative
chamber. There was no mincing matters. It was straight
talk from strong and determined men.
It was pointed out that the Council had put itself in a
ridiculous position in passing a resolution in favor of collective bargaining and then reducing its own employees
to the level of slaves.
Comrade Munro announced that he had visited the
post office and had seen there a sign "Mail for Business
Men Only." He wanted to know who were the citizens.
Aldermen Queen and Heaps addressed the gathering
and were heartily applauded.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

91

Police Ultimatum Suspended
It was announced later that the ultimatum to the police
^iad been suspended until next Tuesday.
Soldiers Will March Again
The returned^men will wait on Premier Norris Monday
morning at the same hour. They say they will go daily
until their demands are granted. They will also march
on the Committee of 1000 and the City Hall is likely to
see them again unless the slave pact is withdrawn from
all the employees. They say openly that this is not the
thing they fought for and they will not stand*for it anywhere in the city.
Never before has Winnipeg seen such a morning. The
soldiers and the workers are united into a solid fighting
front.
Apropos of the general attitude of the returned men, the
following article, reprinted from the "Strike Bulletin" of
June 2nd, 1919, gives very concisely some of the reasons for
the strong feeling expressed by the ex-soldier:
THE SOLDIER AND THE STRIKE
The severest jolt the financial magnates of Winnipeg
ever got was administered by the returned soldiers early
in the strike, when the mass meeting representing all the
returned soldier bodies reversed the decision of the combined executives and threw in their lot with the strikers.
Since that time these employers have chafed with
chagrin and disappointment. They had spent so much
time and printers' ink and so many beautiful words on
the returned soldier. They have met him as he left the
ship and the train with select news items. They met
him with brass bands and tinkling cymbals and honied
phrases. They pointed out to him the traitorous acts of
LABOR while they, the soldier, fought. Labor was their
enem^-~-the masters were their friends.
And now: Presto—Donner and Blitzen—-their campaign
was a "dud." Their "black besses" failed to explode.
Something is wrong.
The Soldier Fought and Fought
The soldier can't be white-livered. No one can call him
yellow. His feet are not cold. When he went over the top
he silenced all suspicions and overcame all opposition.

92

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

What Then is the Matter?
What is the matter? Well he damned the politicians
while he tried to "carry on" with a Ross rifle. Jambing
rifles while men fall all around don't make contented
soldiers. He cursed as he choked in trying to swallow the
Ironsides soldiers* meats. He inwardly fumed to see his
$1.10 a day melt against the sudden "rise in prices." He
ground his teeth while he read his wife's letters telling
him how she tried so hard to make ends meet on her small
and ever-smaller "allowance." It did not take him long
to think of the Hun in Canada—the Hun behind his back.
He does not love him today.
Then upon his return he finds a pension awaiting him
that is a positive insult. It is so niggardly as to shame
the very devil. He thinks hard as he sees the difference
between his pension and that of Colonel Sir Punk. He
wants to know why, and why and why?
Just as soon as he is discharged and looks for a job he
faces life once more as It really is. If he is partially disabled, and has a pigmy pension, he finds Sir Augustus
Nanton writing a letter like the following:
This is an extract from a letter received by a returned
soldier who won a D. C. M., and lost a leg, from Sir
Augustus Nanton. Lady Nanton was Auxiliary President
of the battalion to which the man belonged.
Sir Augustus writes:
"In your case, I have no doubt that, in addition to your
salary, you are receiving some partial disability allowance from the Government, which, I sincerely trust, together with your salary, brings in to you an income which
will enable you to live,
"Yours truly,
"(Signed) A. M. NANTON."
The letter needs no comment. One such letter is sufficient to do its work with any soldier.
Then he turns around and finds a Lieutenant-Governor
paying another returned man $13.00 a week. Others get
31 cents an hour. The railways offer 3214 cents an hour.
And at wages such as these he cannot find employment.
Where women are concerned things are no better.
Restaurant girls get as low as $15.00 per month. Women
who work cleaning officesat night get $15,00 per month.
And all along thl linfe it is itnentpteyment an$fifwwages.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

93

Low Wages and High Prices
The low wages would not matter if prices were also
low. But prices are controlled by trusts, and combines,
and banks, and milling interests, and grain exchanges,
and pork packers, and all the long line of profiteers and
parasites.
They own cars and mansions and declare their dividends on an ever-increasing scale. They boast of their
growing wealth, while he pays a tax on matches, and on
tobacco, and on tea, and sugar, and shoes, etc., until a
dollar buys only half as much ds formerly. He has quit
fighting—but he still thinks, and he says, at last, well,
I guess we shall have to fight once more.
So he lines up the friends and foes, and his thinking
has led him to see his present enemies in the men who
buy full page advertisements in the daily press for tariffs,
and tirades against labor. He sees his friends in the
men against whom these things are aimed.
He Acts Only When He Knows
He does not act in a hurry. He has been taught to
wait. So he waits until he gets the facts. Then he acts.
He has decided that the profiteer is the real Bolshevist,
and he has signed up against the profiteer. That is why
he is in the ranks of the strikers.
He has read the daily press with growing hostility
during the last ten days. He has heard himself described
as an alien, led by anarchists; so at last he marches to
the Parliament Buildings and asks the Premier the question: "Do you call us aliens and Bolsheviks?" The Premier has but one answer. That is—No!
Then says the soldier: "You must cut this stuff out of
your campaign against us strikers; and you must cut it
out of your press!"
He Protests Against Injustice
He also sees the real nature of the contemptible campaign of villification of labor leaders, and he tells the
Premier you must cut this out too. We have had all we
intend to take of it.
He takes the same stand re the policemen. As a soldier,
he has as a class passed the stage of fear, and so the soldier body told the Premier in plain language, that he
must see that that ultimatum was withdrawn. Then he
gave three cheers for the police.

94

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

The absolute unscrupulousness of the employing class
is seen clearly by the soldier. He knows what machine
guns mean in a mob, and he has found out that he—the
returned soldier, with the other strikers—is the mob; so
once again he issues a warning, and said once again quite
plainly, if you call out the soldiers, you will find that two
can play at that game.
^
Just how much lies behind that lone voice is impossible
to tell. But, as the returned soldier demands a living
wage and the right to collective bargaining, and says he
will "carry on" until he gets it, his cry that he can play
with guns bears a fearful import.
He Must Get Justice
He smarts under his disadvantages. He has no hall
where he can meet en masse. While there are 10,000
returned soldiers, the city hall holds less than a thousand. It seems that he cannot have the Industrial Bureau
because the Committee of 1000 has leased it for the period
of the strike.
What road hogs they are. They have a monoply of
everything. They own the earth; they dietate over^ the
whole of the soldiers' existence. He has obeyed, and has
been ordered about as long as he £an stand it, he says;
"I fpught for Justice and Liberty and now I want a little
bit 6f it." This is why the returned soldier has lined up
behind the strikers.
It is for him another fight for Justice, and he h^s said
we shall "Carry on," until the fight for a living wage and
the right to organize is won.
SOME CHURCHES AND THE STRIKE
From the time the returned men demonstrated on which
side their sympathies lay, the Citizens9 Committee of 1000
and the interests opposed to the strikers were active in an
attempt to secure other support, and some of the leading
city churches were used for that purpose. At Westminster
Church a special meeting was called ostensibly to discuss
the issues at stake, but it was solely for the purpose of
securing recruits for the special strike militia, that was being organized for the purpose of suppressing demonstrations, and for other services during the continuation of the
strike, this despite the protest of the Pastor, Rev. Dr.
Christie. These special service men recruited from the large
offices in the city, and from some of the large department

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1910

W. A. Pritchard

95

96

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

stores, were in many cases confined to barracks where they
were instructed in the use of fire-arms.
In addition to this special force, many of the large firms
had a "special force" of their own. It was an every-day
occurrence to see, on the premises of some of these firms,
a strong force of men, including many of the despised
aliens, being instructed in squad drill and the use of the
rifle, under the charge and direction of army and ex-army
officers.
It is also a fact that in almost every school playground
in the city, as well as in the grounds of the City of St*
Boniface, squads were being drilled and instructed in musketry three or four nights of every week.
It was also stated that the O. C. of one of Winnipeg's
famous battalions, even as early as ten days before the
strike, called a meeting of the old members of his battalion
and appealed to them to join up for special service during
the troublous times ahead, and in the course of his address
to the men, exhorted them somewhat after the manner of
ex-Emperor Wilhelm, and told any man there, who would
have any scruples about bloodshed, or who would not be prepared to shoot and shoot to kill, to retire from the gathering.
Added to this story (manifestations of reactionary sentiment on the part of the workers' opponents) is the proof
of the unscrupulous manner in which the same interests
were willing to deceive and mislead, not only the public, but
the sympathizing strikers at points outside of Winnipeg,
The following cutting from the "Strike Bulletin" of June
3rd, 1919, is self-explanatory, and needs no further comment:
BEWARE OP FAKE TELEGRAMS
Villainous Attempt to Get Railway Workers Back to
Work Monday Morning
The following forged telegram, signed Robinson, shows
the depth of degradation to which the opponents of labor
will descend to defeat the strikers.
The railways had issued their ultimatums to the work*
ers to return to work Monday or they would lose their
jobs. This was seized upon as an opportune moment to
invent a spurious telegram for the railway workers. It
reads plausible, and is signed Robinson.
But one thing gave the game away—that was the instruction to use the mails. The railway workers did not
believe that the strikers would use scab post office work-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

97

ers even to help the strike, so they despatched personal
messengers to Winnipeg.
This brought to light the damnable strategy of our
enemies. Here is the telegram:
G. No W. WIRE
"Winnipeg, Man,, May 31.
"J. W. Walsh, Sioux Lookout,—
"At meeting last night it was decided to instruct all
shop railway foremen, except Transcona and Winnipeg,
to resume work at once, and each member must contribute
$1 per day towards maintenance all local members in
Winnipeg.
"We are badly in need of funds, collect all possible at
once and mail by registered letter to Treasurer Trades
and Labor Council, Winnipeg. See all further amounts
come by assessment forwarded weekly, and return to
work not later than Monday morning.
"Robinson, 1040."
MORE FIENDISH TACTICS
Bosses Make "Plants" on Strikers.
The strikers nlay thank their stars these days that the
plans of the other side come to them almost in their
entirety. It helps them to avoid pitfalls.
The latest dastardly plot is that there are to be "plants"
framed up for the leaders. If a bomb can be planted in
one of their pockets and then have them immediately
arrested and the thing found on them this will fix them.
Complaints of too much Ivens in the past. This is not
sufficient to get Ivens, so he is to be made the target for
a scheme that will destroy his character, etc.
We shall not here give names, or times, or places, but
we warn all strikers to be careful that these inhuman
fiends do not get any of you.
THE THIRD SOLDIER DELEGATION
From the same issue of the same paper, we append an
account of the third delegation of soldier strikers to the
He wanted to know if it was true that the military
Provincial Government. The sight of these thousands of
ex-service men marching with military precision and maintaining such order as could not be excelled under the strictest military discipline, was having a very favorable impression on the minds of all who saw them and they were
beginning to realize how they had been misled by the

98

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Citizens' Committee of 1000, through the columns of the
yellow press, and it was a common expression that "our
boys" would not line up so strongly, if there was any cause
to fear revolution." The following is from the "Strike Bulletin of June 4th, 1919:
SOLDIERS INSIST ON ACTION
Provincial Government Again Visited—Delegation Growing in Numbers—Returned Soldiers Only Allowed in
Chamber—Demand Government Legislate, Resign, or
Take Referendum—Say Majority Favor Collective Bargaining—1000 a Bunch of Boodlers—Dixon Loudly
Cheered.
Eaton's store and the Free Press were loudly booed by
the returned men who marched to the Parliament buildings yesterday taseek from the Government an answer to
their demands presented last Friday and Saturday, A
tremendous crowd had gathered on Government ground
long before the boys arrived, but none other tjian returned
men were allowed in the legislative chamber. A few but~
tonless men who managed to get in by way of the window
were gently but firmly ejected.
Returned Soldiers Only
The committee in charge of the delegation—distinguished by white badges—cleared the house of all but
returned men. The chamber was filled to its utmost capacity and thousands were unable to obtain entrance.
Flag Cheered
When the standard bearer entered a rousing cheer was
given for the flag. Messrs. Norris, Brown and Johnson
received the delegation. Comrade Bray, in opening, asked
for perfect order and a fair deal to every speaker. He
then read a resolution which had been previously passed
at a meeting of returned men, statingLegislate or Resign
"That, whereas Senator Robertson and Premier Borden
have said that the Dominion Government has no authority to pass legislation guaranteeing the right of collective bargaining, and whereas they have declared that the
Provincial Governments are the authority having that
power;
"Therefore, be it resolved that we herewith demand
such legislation at once.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

99

"Also that we demand the withdrawal by the Provincial Government of its ultimatum to its employees;
"And, further, that in the event of the Government
not complying with our demands we call upon the Government to resign/'
This resolution was endorsed with loud applause by
the soldiers, Comrade Bray further intimated that the
delegation wanted an answer to the demands they had
presented on Friday and Saturday.
Norris Again Negative
The Premier congratulated the soldiers on the peaceable and gentlemanly presentation of the resolution.
Evidently the soldiers wanted the Government to take
drastic action, but the Government must proceed along
constitutional lines. He had appealed to the press for
fairness and moderation. He had presented civic matters to the City Council as requested.
As to convening the Legislature in special session there
was a certain constitutional procedure to be followed.
The Government tried to represent all the people and the
people's representatives would have to be consulted. He
was not sure that the Government ha,d authority to call
a special session and therefore it was impossible to announce that hCwould do so.
Personally he was in favor of collective bargaining and
opposed to sympathetic strikes—especially on public
utilities,
Conciliation Committee Working
The Premier reminded the delegation that a Conciliation Committee of the Running Trades was in session.
He hoped that committee would work out a solution. If
collective bargaining could be established by mutual
agreement that would be better than legislation. Further,
the Premier said, he did not think it would be satisfactory
to declare sympathetic strikes unlawful, because men
would strike against injustice.
However, he was prepared to submit to the decision of
the majority, expressed by constitutional means. His
colleagues were prepared to do everything possible along
the lines suggested.
Soldiers Deeply Disappointed
Comrade Bray commented very forcibly on the Premier's remarks. He declared that the soldiers were deeply

100

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

disappointed at the attitude of the Government. The
delegation felt that it represented all returned soldiers
and that they had the backing of a majority of the people
of Manitoba. He had seen in The Telegram (hisses) a
report that Premier Norris had promised the City Council
that his Government would give the matter of passing
legislation, making collective bargaining compulsory, serious consideration. Premier Borden and Senator Robertson had said this was within provincial jurisdiction. If
they were wrong to whom could the soldiers appeal?
Helped Elect Norris
Comrade Bray pointed out that thousands of men who
had since been overseas voted for the Norris Government in 1914 and 1915. It was they and their class that
elected the Government and not the 1000 boodlers at the
Industrial Bureau.
Cheers for Dixon
There was only one man in the Legislature, declared
Comrade Bray, who had grit enough to come out on the
side of the workers at this time and, in spite of the admonitions of the Premier, this man was still being reviled
by the daily press. That man had been on the side of
labor all the time. His name was Dixon. (Loud and prolonged cheers).
Government Must Choose
You speak of the hardships to women and children,
continued the speaker. What about the profiteers ? What
about Flavelle?— (Boo's)—What about the 1000 that
raised the rent ? Did they think of the women and children when they profiteered while we were "over there" ?
It was for the Government to choose whether it would
tacitly side with that shameless bunch of profiteers or,
at this late date, come over to the side of the workers. If
the Government could not supply the need of the hour it
should resign. The strikers certainly had a majority of
the people on their side.
Running Trades Called Tories
As for the Running Trades effecting a settlement. They
were the old Tories of the labor movement, but the Strike
Committee, in accepting their offer of mediation, had
shown its willingness to try all avenues that might lead
to a settlement.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

101

The Strike Committee had- tried, and would try, every
means to achieve an honorable settlement, but they would
never compromise on a principle. This sympathetic strike
would never be called off till effective recognition had
been given the principle of collective bargaining. (Loud
cheers.)
Stop War on Telephone Girls
Comrade Bray said the soldiers had been informed that
Superintendent Williams had notified six telephone girls
that the Citizens' Committee would not allow the Government to reinstate them. What usurped authority did
that Soviet bunch at the bureau enjoy?
He also stated that he had reliable information that
there was a plot on foot to place bombs upon the persons
of some of the strike leaders and then arrest them.
He was credibly informed that a squadron of the Fort
Garry Horse was kept at attention last Saturday from
the time the returned men gathered to parade until they
dispersed.
authorities had placed machine guns in strategic positions in the Parliament Buildings?
Premier Norris said he had no knowledge of any such
action.
Comrade Bray, in concluding, challenged the Government to take a referendum vote on the principle of collective bargaining.
Fifty-Fifty
Comrade Bathie protested that he had been misunderstood. He was for the returned men all the time and any
man who would not back the workers was no man. When
he said fifty-fifty—he meant a square deal for every
speaker. He contended that an element other than returned men had tried to get into the parade on Saturday.
(Shouts of, No! No!").
"How about Mrs. Armstrong?" "She is with Labor."
He has suggested going to the Industrial Bureau and
letting only returned soldiers in.
A voice—"It *was too late."
Comrade Bathie—-"Is this a returned soldiers' meeting
or a labor meeting?"
Chorus—"Fifty-Fifty."
Who Would Be Hurt
Comrade Farnell pointed out that Mrs. Armstrong had

102

HISTOBY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

not spoken on Saturday. The committee in charge had
restricted the speaking to returned men.
Comrade Bathie's suggestion about the Industrial
Bureau had been made too late to be acted upon. He
thought the Premier would like to pass the Legislation
asked for, but that in some way the Committee of 1000
had tied his hands. But he hoped the Premier would
have backbone enough to call a special session and legalize collective bargaining. Such action would benefit the
great majority and hurt nobody except the Committee of
1000.
Oration on the Flag
Comrade Munro had been taught that red in the flag
represented bravery; white, purity; and blue, justice. He
asked the Premier to be brave and act for the welfare of
the majority on behalf of purity and justice. Act, said
he, according to the colors of the flag.
Return in the Morning
Comrade Bray thanked the Premier for the interview
and announced that the delegation would return in the
morning to ascertain if, after further consideration, the
Premier would either call a special session or resign.
March to St. Boniface and Industrial Bureau
Appealing for a continuance of the perfect order which
had prevailed, Comrade Bray announced that on leaving
the Parliament the soldiers would parade to St. Boniface
to insist that the City Council there withdraw its ultimatum to its employees, and from there parade to the
Industrial Bureau.
On the way to St. Boniface the march was past the
Industrial Bureau. There, the big sign, reading: "Headquarters of Citizens' Committee of; 1000," caught their
eye, and it was soon in their hands.
The Committee of 1000 were nowhere to be found, and,
on the advice of the police, the crowd started for St.
Boniface.
Their march was headed this time by the Union Jack
and the "Committee" sign mounted on two tall poles. It
was evident that the headquarters had suddenly been
transferred from 1,000 men to some 10,000.
Mayor of St. Boniface
The boys say that they found the Mayor of St. Boniface white. He agreed to call off all scabs from civic „

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

103

employ and man the plants wholly with volunteers. He
had called a meeting of the Council and the policemen's
ultimatum would be discussed thereat, and he would be
prepared to give them an answer at 11 a.m. tomorrow.
City Hall Again
From St. Boniface the soldiers returned to the Winnipeg City Hall. But their quarry had again escaped.
Mayor Gray and the Council had been run to earth on
Saturday and they had no desire to meet the soldiers
again.
The boys laughingly said: "We'll call again in the sweet
by and by."
On to Victoria Park
Leaving the City Hall the flag once more swayed
across Main Street. Some of Eaton's rigs were unloading
at a warehouse, and the drivers had an uncomfortable
fifteen minutes. Finally someone called out: "A guilty
conscience needs no condemnation. Leave them to themselves,^ and then on surged the marching army.
Just behind the same warehouse a Cocoa-Cola wagon
was unloading. The soldiers wanted to 19
know whether it
was loaded with machine guns Or "pop guns, and they
made a speedy examination.
When it was found to be "pop" the crowd booed the
drivers and gave them generally a hot time.
Then the move was made to Victoria Park.
They speedily filled this to overflowing. Various speakers dealt with the strike situation, and all were once
again urged to maintain order under all conditions.
The crowd here was composed of soldiers and civilians,
and both were on the platform as speakers.
Nothing but the best of good humor was manifest.
They had made their jaunt. They were tired and hungry.
But, for a few minutes before they went home to eat,
they had to have a good time.
Determination, optimism, and solidarity are there as
never before. It is only a matter of days when their
tremendous power will compel a satisfactory solution.
Tomorrow morning at 10.30 the Market Square will
again be the place for the gathering of the class.
DOINGS IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
On June 3rd, whilst the returned soldier strikers were
having their third interview with Premier Morris and the

104

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1910

Provincial Cabinet, Mr. Ernest Lapointe, M.P., was saying
in the House of Commons at Ottawa:
"The hand of the Government should not be hampered,
and that full liberty of action should be given it in order
to affect a speedy settlement of the industrial troubles.
Still he regarded the situation as largely the result of
negligence, maladministration and blunders on the part of
the Government. Troubles were spreading in place where
formerly there was peace. Governmental action had been
impotent and inadequate."
Which statements are in somewhat startling contrast to
the words of Dr. M. R. Blake, representing North Winnipeg
in the same House of Commons, who, speaking on June 2nd,
is reported in the Manitoba Free Press as follows:
Ottawa, June 2.—Dr. M, R. Blake, of Winnipeg north,
moved the adjournment of the commons this afternoon
to discuss the strikes in Winnipeg and other Canadian
cities. He was seconded by W. F. Nickle, of Kingston.
Dr. Blake stated that the great majority of labor men
in Winnipeg had not voted in favor of a strike. This was
evidenced by the fact that only 8,600 cast the votes for a
strike, although about 35,000 were now out. The heart
of labor was all right, he said, but many of the labor
leaders were wrong. He agreed with the Minister of
Labor that the situation in Winnipeg partook more of the
nature of a revolution than a strike.
As a result of this report, a mass meeting of his constituents was held in St. John's Park, on the evening of June
4th, attended by over six thousand, to protest against this
attitude of Dr. Blake, and stating that he had not represented the views of his constituents.
In further contrast to these statements of Dr. Blake was
the speech of Major G. W. Andrews, D.S.O., M.P., speaking
on June 2nd, in the House, in relation to the Winnipeg Strike
as taken from the Hansard report:
MAJOR G. W. ANDREWS, D.S.O., M.P., DEFENDS
WINNIPEG STRIKERS IN PARLIAMENT
Strikers Are As Loyal Citizens As Canada Ever Had—
Collective Bargaining Necessary—Demands Backed by
League of Nations—Sympathetic Strike Natural and
Logical—Repudiates Bolshevism—Time For Change of
Government,

HISTOBY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

105

Winnipeg Member's Testimony
Major G. W. Andrews, D.S.O., M.P., (Centre Winnipeg)
in House of Commons, June 2, 1919. (Hansard report).
When the election was on, a year and a half ago, it was
my privilege to address an audience of Winnipeg workingmen on the subject of winning the war. The issue at
that time was quite clear cut. I told them I was a candidate for the Union Government and as such stood for
the conscription of men. I pointed out that this meant
the particular men I was talking to. I also told them that
I stood for the conscription of money, which meant their
money, and for the conscription of the last dollar and the
last man in Canada, if need be, to win the war. That was
pretty straight talking. When I got through onte of the
men got up and said: "Well, we understand exactly what
you mean now/' I told them I would not think of going
over the top with men who were not prepared to go all,
the way. When the 17th December came they knew
exactly what it meant for the men who were going to the
war. When the election was over, in spite of the fact that
my opponent was the secretary of the labor union, it was
found that they had voted for me in the proportion of
three to one.
These are the men who, today, are on strike. There is
certainly something wrong somewhere. In addition to
those men, as good and as loyal citizens as Canada ever
had, there are many of my own comrades who stood in
the trenches in France; they are on strike. I say, standing in my place here, that eighty per cent, of the returned
men of Winnipeg are in sympathy with the strikers and
the object of this strike.
On the first of May the men of the Metal Trades went
on strike, partly because the masters refused an eighthour day and a larger hour wage, but chiefly because of
the employers' refusal to recognize their union. The
building trade employees presented their schedule to the
masters who frankly admitted its fairness and reasonableness, but declared their inability to meet the demand.
Here we have the two vital causes of the strike (1) a
living wage, and (2) the right to organize. This is the
cause of the strike in my opinion after the most careful
consideration and after using every means in my power
to find out the facts. When the ironmasters let it become
known that they were going to make it a trial of endur-

106

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STBIKE, 1910

ance, the Trades and Labor Council called for a sympathetic strike of all organized labor in the city. A vote
was taken, and all unions, including public utilities, came
out.
The single workman is helpless against the great corporation; the individual union or craft is equally so. Collective bargaining is the logical outcome of organization,
and it is now too late in the day for any corporation to
refuse it—that principle is embodied as one of the provisions of the charter of labor formed by the League of
Nations. .
The sympathetic strike is the natural and logical
sequence of organization. What more natural than that
men who have interests in common should stand together
in an emergency ? A particular union or craft in striking
may be striking for a principle that is absolutely vital
to every man in the industry and just as the employers
can down one single man so they can down a single union
unless all stand together. This is co-operation; it is
brotherhood, and it \is absolutely the same principle of
sticking together that was employed in France.
There is another point I want to touch upon for a
moment or two. Twice this afternoon I have heard the
term "Bolsheviks" applied to the strike leaders in Winnipeg. Gentlemen, if you apply the term to those men
you apply it to me, because they are my friends. There is
a man called Jas. Winning, a good, level-headed Scotchman, who has spent practically all his life working for his
fellowmen. The only eratic thing he has done in this
agitation has been closing down the press and participating in the strike. As to the press, I had the misfortune
to hear an Honourable Gentleman, one of the oldest members in the chamber, state his opinion that the press was
corrupt, and he was not called a "Bolshevik" for saying
that. If ever a strike by workingmen in newspaper offices
was justified it was in this case if thf newspapers were
not playing the game. There is another man called Russell in Winnipeg. Russell is a Socialist and not a man who
advocates force. I know these men, and for them force
would be absolutely the last resource. Russell wants a
change. So does Robinson, so does Simpson, and so does
Rigg. They want a change because they are not satisfied
with present conditions. How many Honourable Gentlemen in this House are satisfied? I venture to say many
of them would welcome a change of Government.

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

<

107

Mr. Andrews: "I feel a little that way myself, but I
would like to see some further action by the Union Gov. ernment first.
Some Honourable Members: "Hear! Hear!"

PARADE AND COUNTER PARADE
Wednesday, June 5th, was perhaps one of the most interesting days of the whole strike. It was in the morning
of this day the soldier strikers paraded with such effect
through the wealthy residential districts of South Winnipeg, some four thousand strong. It was to the "boys" a
reminder of some of the happier days of service, when
"marching at ease" they would sing some of the old favorites or whistle to their heart's content. This was the day
when the first counter parade was held at the instigation of
the Citizens' Committee of 1000, and those they represented,
a parade of any returned man, who has sunk to the level
of a scab.
In the afternoon of this day, three crippled veterans
limped into the Labor Temple, and told the Strike Committee of the plot by which they had been lead to lend themselves to such mean purposes, and this is their story:
"About 3*30 a.m. about 25 of the best cars in Winnipeg
came out to Tuxedo Military Hospital and asked how many
of the boys would like to join in the soldiers' labor parade,
and, of course, lots of us went, but instead of being taken
to Victoria Park, which we knew was used as the assembly
place for the real parade, we were taken to near the corner
of Broadway, in the rear of the Hudson's Bay Co,, and
though we thought there must be some mistake, it was not
until we heard some of the speeches that we realized how
we had been mislead, but it will never happen again."
Some of these same crippled veterans were placed in
special positions at. the City Hall to excite the sympathy of
onlookers and help the cause for which this scab parade was
called. It is a fact that almost all large plants in the city
paid their scab employees for all time lost in attending
these parades, and some went so far as to threaten their
employees with dismissal, if they refused to attend. Notwithstanding these dispicable tactics the forces of reaction
could not muster a sufficiently strong parade to suit their
purpose, and so the ranks were numerically improved by
calling up the lawyers, insurance and real estate clerks. If
readers of this pamphlet could see the moving picture film

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

of the two parades they would have no doubts as to which
was composed of real veterans.
This counter parade attended upon the Premier and upon
Mayor Gray and tendered resolutions, couched in honeyed
phrases, of their devotion to "Law and Order" and Constituted Authority" and various members who were spokesmen for it boasted of the dire consequences that would
follow if they were permitted to visit the Labor Temple.
After listening to the lip service these men rendered the
Governments, Civic, Provincial and Federal, Mayor Gray
expressed his satisfaction by saying: "It is like a drink of
new wine to hear such expressions of loyalty." But it is
a singular fact that at the close of this much talked of
"Loyalist" law and order demonstration, the police were
called upon to arrest a man for carrying a gun (the first
arrest during the strike) and despite the fact that to comply
with his request would be a grave violation of the Law,
Mayor Gray ran bare-headed through the street after the
policeman in charge of the prisoner and demanded his
release

THE G. W. V. A. MEETING
End of Neutrality
On this same date for the first time during the course of
the strike no fewer than four gunmen were arrested, two
of them strangers to the city, but as different people in
authority vouched for them, including Mayor Gray, they
were released and no charge was laid against them.
In the afternoon of this day James Duncan, of Seattle,
addressed an enthusiastic audience of over 10,000 in Victoria Park, the following account of the G. W. V. A. meeting
of Wednesday, June 4th, taken from the "Strike Bulletin,"
speaks for itself:
GREAT WAR VETERANS ENDORSE STRIKE
Neutrality Ended—Mass Meeting, 2,000 Strong, Overrides Chairman—Emphatic Resolution Passed—Monster Parade Visits Crescentwood—Spectator Arrested
For Pulling Gun—Counter Demonstration OrganizedSome Soldiers Deluded Into It—Soldier Strike Supporters Meet in Vivtoria Park at Ten This Morning.
Some two thousand members jammed the Great War
Veterans Association meeting in Manitoba Hall, Tuesday
evening. It was soon evident that the great majority of
those present were strongly in favor of the strike and its

HISTOEY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

109

objects. Some returned men who were working at Eaton's
and had only joined the Association that afternoon were
refused the privilege of the floor. An officer present said
this treatment was an insult to those men. He was asked
to apologize, but refused and left the meeting.
Resolution Instructing Executive to Support Strikers
"Whereas great changes have taken place in the strike
situation in Winnipeg;
"And, whereas the time has come for the G. W. V, A.
to declare its position as to which side is right in the
present struggle;
"Therefore, be it resolved that this mass meeting of
the G. We V. A. go on record giving their entire support
to the present strikers and that our Executive Board be
instructed to give all necessary assistance to the workers
now on strike in order to bring an early settlement."
Chairman Over-Ruled
Vice-Pres. J. 0. Newton, who was in the chair, expostulated that this resolution was out of order, as the policy
of the Association was one of neutrality.
The meeting, however, over-ruled his decision by
more than a two-thirds majority and the resolution was
sustained.
The following exerpts from the same source are worthy
of reproduction at this time, as throwing considerable light
upon actual happenings:
THE NAMELESS ONES
Where is the anonymous Citizens' (?) Committee?
Who are they? Who is their chairman? Who elected
them ? Where are their headquarters ? How many of
them are there? Who gave them power over the City
Council and the Parliaments ? Who? Why ? When? Where?
What? It is all a mystery to the citizens as a whole.
They are rich men, of course. They can spend money
on full page advertisements. They can publish the names
of the labor delegates to the Calgary Convention. But
their own names are never allowed to appear in public.
Who are they ? Why their timidity ? Who is their chairman? Who? Who? Who?
Ah, said the owl: Who? Who? Who-oo? They work
in the dark. They burrow underground. They hire others
to plant their dark designs. They enroll a militia to fight
their fight. They order the dailies to throw their mud

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

bombs. The editors who take the pay for their advertisements are the same men who malign and vilify and
mislead and misrepresent, but who gives them their
orders ? The labor leaders are known, but who are these
who fear the light and work in the night ?
We venture to say that they are as much ashamed of
thpeir identity being known as they are of their cause
being known. They pay others to say that the principles
of the strike are not those of collective bargaining and a
living wage. They hire lawyers to erect a straw man over
the definition of collective bargaining. They purchase a
press to prove that Bolshevism is the deep design of the
workers. They concoct schemes about alien uprisings.
They invent and design and lie "ad nausea/' But who
are they?
Worry not as to who they are. Sufficient to know that
there are the celebrities of the Manufacturers' Association, the Greater Winnipeg Board of Trade, the Canadian
Manufacturers' Association, the Real Estate Men's Association, etc. They are the men who believe in a living
wage and the right to organize for themselves, but deny
it to others. They cannot in decency give their names.
So we must not ask the impossible.
After the arrests had proved the presence of hired thugs
and gunmen (the usual policy of capitalism all over the
world) the appeal of the Strike Committee to all strikers
and their sympathisers to preserve law and order and beware of agitators was reiterated and the following appeared
on the front page of the "Strike Bulletin," on the morning
of June 5th:
STRIKERS, HOLD YOUR HORSES!
This is the hour when you can win
STEADY, BOYS, STEADY
KEEP QUIET
DO NOTHING
KEEP OUT OF TROUBLE
DON'T CARRY WEAPONS
Leave this to your Enemies
Continue to prove that you are the friends of law and order
The following account of what was perhaps the best and
most inspiring of the many parades of the returned men,
also appeared in the same issue. This parade was acknowledged to be the finest and best disciplined parade ever seen
in the City of Winnipeg:

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

111

TEN THOUSAND MARCH FOR JUSTICE
Returned Soldiers Demonstrate Strength
Ten Thousand March For Strikers-—Perfect Order Maintained—Clash Narrowly Averted—Labor Temple Not
Visited by the One Thousand—-Counter Demonstration
a Side Issue—-Provokes Some Trouble—Tribune Lies
Exposed—Meet Again Today at 10 a.m.
Incensed by the despicable tactics of the Committee
of 1000 and the gross misrepresentation by the kept press
in reporting Wednesday's parade, the returned boys turned out yesterday morning, ten thousand strong, to demonstrate that they were supporting the strike in dead earnest. No sane man can now doubt where they stand.
Yesterday's parade made the workers of Winnipeg thrill
with pride and confidence and struck terror into the
hearts of the one thousand autocrats. It was an inspiring
sight to see the boys stepping blithely along behind the
old flag to the skirl of the pipes and the roll of the drum.
They marched south on Main, Portage and Kennedy,
swung back along Broadway to Main, north to Selkirk,
and back to Victoria Park.
Something Nearly Happened
When the boys reached the Royal Alexandra on the
return march word was passed through the ranks that
the One Thousand had carried out their threat and
marched to the Labor Temple. The parade immediately
became electric. In a trioe every man had his handkerchief tied round his right arm. Teeth were set and steps
quickened. The report, however, proved to be a false
alarm as our boys swung from Main Street down James
Street to the Labor Temple the crowd deserted the
counter demonstration, which was at the City Hall, and
left them to their own devices.
This parade not only proved beyond a shadow of a
doubt that the returned men are backing the strikers to
the limit, but it was also a demonstration of the strength
of labor. The soldiers kept the crowd clear of the parade,
but on each side of them marched at least twenty thousand strikers and their sympathizers. Cheer after cheer
from the bystanders proved that the real public is with
the strikers.
Banners a Feature
Wednesday some of the, soldier strikers got into the
wrong parade by mistake. But this was remedied yes-

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

terday. A dozen banners proclaimed the objective of the
soldiers. "Britons Never Shall Be Slaves." "Down With
the Profiteers." "Deport ALL Undesirables." "We Stand
For 35,000 Against 1,000," and "We Fought the Hun
Over There. We Fight the Hun Everywhere," were some
of the inscriptions.
On Guard
When the boys assembled in Victoria Park they were
asked to stay there until it was seen if those who had
threatened to raid the Labor Temple would attempt to
carry out that threat. When it became evident that there
was nothing doing they gradually dispersed to meet again
in the morning.
THE EVENTFUL SIXTH OF JUNE, 1919
June 6th, 1919, is a day that will ever live in the annals
not only of Winnipeg and Canada, but of the whole British
Empire, for it was on this day that the infamous "Fortyminute" legislation was enacted at Ottawa. While these
Winnipeg dailies were carrying full page advertisements,
paid for by the Citizens' Committee of 1000, of which the
following, taken from the "Free Press," of June Srd, is a
sample:
THE UNDESIRABLE CITIZEN IN OUR MIDST
How much longer is the alien to run amuck, to insult
our flag, take it by force from Canadian-born citizens in
our streets, continue his threatening attitude to Law
and Order, is the question thousands are daily demanding
our Citizens' Committee of One Thousand to answer.
During the past four years when aged fathers and
mothers, when wives and sisters were bullied and insulted
by this element, they console each other by spying:
"Just wait till the boys come home."
Must Deal With the Alien Now
There are some 27,000 registered alien enemies in Winnipeg district. The same "Reds" who are prominent leaders in this strike, led them during the war to hamper
and block in every conceivable way, recruiting our reinforcements and supplies from going forward to the front.
The demand pouring in on our Citizens' Committee
from thousands of loyal citizens that the alien question
has reached the limit of endurance and must be dealt
with now is receiving your Committee's grave consideration.
CITIZENS' COMMITTEE OF ONE THOUSAND.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

113

And whilst the kept press of the Dominion were bending
all their energies in the same direction, presumably at the
instigation of the same interests, the Senate at Ottawa
defeated Senator Bradbury's amendment to the Immigration Act, expressly forbidding immigration from enemy
countries, an amendment which, he said, was "called for by
the blood of 55,000 Canadian dead," by a vote of 26 to 19,
an achievement -which should prove to the most sceptical
the shallowness of capitalistic pretentions.
WHO SAID CONSPIRACY
The doings of this day afford conclusive proof of one of
the most dastardly "conspiracies," not on the part of the
workers or any of their organizations, but on the part of
organized-capital and the Government it controls. It was
about this time that the Government of Canada was seeking
a loan of $100,000,000 from the financial magnates of Wall
Street, and it was rumored in Winnipeg, and it was the
report in Ottawa, that one or more representatives of these
same interests were insisting that drastic action be taken
by the Government to put down the "Revolution" in Western
Canada, before the loan would be made. The Immigration
Act, which had already been amended during that session
of the House, was further amended to enable the Government to deport British Born subjects. This was done and
the bill read the third time in both houses and given the
Governor-General's assent in less than 40 minutes.
GENERAL KETCHES AND THE LOYALISTS
Whilst this was being done at Ottawa, the so-called "Loyalist Returned Soldier Association," (the outcome of "scab
parade" referred to earlier in these pages), was holding SL
meeting in the Amphitheatre and listening to violent
speeches of an inflammatory nature from various speakers.
It was at this gathering that Mayor Gray stated that he
could not countenance any violence, "but he would advise
those present to march around the Labor Temple, seven
times seven, as the Israelites of old did around Jericho,
and perhaps the walls would fall down."
The principal speaker at this gathering and the guest of
honor was Brig.-Gen. H. D. S. Ketchen, O.C., M.D. 10, and
that he was in on the conspiracy to rob British-born men
and women of their citizenship is proved by his words as
reported in the following article taken from the "Free

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Press Evening Bulletin," of June 6th, 1919:
TO DEAL WITH UNDESIRABLES, SAYS KETCHEN
Military Head Cheered to Echo by Loyalist Veterans at
Mass Meetings-Further Response to Mayor's
Appeal for Constables.
Brig.-Gen. H. D. B. Ketchen told a mass meeting of the
Returned Soldiers' Loyalist Association in the Auditorium Rink this morning that all undesirables, alien and
otherwise, would be fully dealt with. This assurance,
coming from the officer commanding Military District 10,
encouraged the veterans to a wild demonstration of
enthusiasm. Following a second appeal by Mayor C. F.
Gray, hundreds of the returned men remained after the
meeting to be sworn in as special constables. The Mayor's
proclamation, banning parades, was received by the loyal
veterans in good spirit and without a single voice in opposition. With hand raised in salute, General Ketchen stood
on the platform while the immense gathering of returned
soldiers roared out three cheers and a "tiger." Mayor
Gray also was greeted with deafening applause and cheering when he appeared.
Gen. Ketchen Speaks
Brig.-Gen. Ketchen first said to the men—"I want to
congratulate you, the loyal veterans, on the stand you
have taken, showing that you are absolutely behind law
and order and for the constituted rights of this country.
I know there is one point on which you would like assurance from me. Is the undesirable element, alien and otherwise, to be dealt with? I am not permitted by the Government or anybody to make this announcement to you.
However, I want to tell you, as one of yourselves, that I
can give you my assurance that at this present moment
steps are being taken in that direction.
"Every one of those fellows, alien or otherwise, who
have shown themselves to be undesirable, will be dealt
with fully."
Here clamorous cheering forced the general to pause/
He was unable to speak for about two minutes.
Continuing, he said—"I think that when the time
comes for this information to be given to you officially,,
y©u will realize that I have told you only a part of it.
Right now it is our duty to support civic authority, and
I would ask you to do your best in backing up the Mayor
in whatever he puts before you.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

115

"If the time comes when the Mayor is unable to handle
the situation he knows what he can do. And if that situation arises I know that every right thinking returned soldier in Winnipeg is going to support me."
Mayor Cheered Loudly
Mayor Gray, on rising to speak, was cheered with wild
enthusiasm. He said-—"Yesterday I had the privilege of
addressing you. When I got back to the City Hall one of
my own aldermen said to me, *I was at that meeting, Gray,
and you did nothing but incite riot/ "
Name him! Name him!" the crowd shrieked.
"Alderman Robinson!" the Mayor shouted in reply.
"Shame! Shame!" the crowd returned, many continuing to jeer until the Mayor raised his hand to speak
further.
"I am in a very difficult position," he continued. "When
that trouble occurred in front of the City Hall yesterday
people came to me and said, 'Read the Riot Act! Call
out the military!' But not a bit of it. We do not need that
action yet." (Prolonged applause.)
Acts Constitutionally
"I am going to appeal to you, as I did yesterday, to
stand behind me and help me all you can smashing this
thing constitutionally. If I cannot handle the situation
with two thousand men I want to feel that it is only an
advance guard and that I can call on every one of you.
When this thing is over the British flag will still be on the
City Hall, and not the red flag!"
Someone called from the audience, "What about Duncan, of Seattle ?"
"He is out of town," the Mayor replied. "We can trust
to the general to deal with men of Duncan's type. He is
not going to lie down until he finishes the job."
Capt. Charles Wheeler delivered another characteristic
anti-Bolshevist speech and appealed to the men to remain
behind after the adjournment of the meeting, to be sworn
in as special constables.
C. V. Combe appealed for volunteers to ensure distribution of the Manitoba Veteran, the official organ of the
G.W.V.A., the second issue of which is just off the press.
He declared that posters would be placed around the city
today saying, "Neutrality means Bolshevism, says the
G.W.V.A."

116

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Start Referendum
A good start was made Thursday by Secretary Laidlaw,
of Winnipeg Great War Veterans, in sending out circulars for a referendum vote of the 10,000 members on the
action of the Executive in repudiating the proceedings at
Tuesday night's fiasco meeting and in lining up the Association unequivocally on the side of constituted authority
as against the forces of Bolshevism. There is no doubt
in the mind of the officials as to what the result of the
vote will be. They are absolutely confident that the overwhelming majority of the returned soldiers will vindicate
the Executive's action.
The strong stand taken by the Executive, it is of interest to note, was enthusiastically confirmed yesterday
by the Returned Soldiers' Loyalist Association, which has
been formed for the purpose of prominently displaying
the attitude of the great mass of veterans in the city
while the strike is on.

MAYOR GRAY BANNS PARADES
It was on this day also that Mayor Gray issued his proclamation banning parades, a procedure which is unconstitutional. But the big parade planned for this day, headed
by the Pipers' Band, with the Transcona Brass Band, and a
Drum and Fife Band, were requested by the police not to
continue the parade, as they had instructions to stop it, and
it would likely cause disorder, and as this was the one thing
desired by the reactionary interests it was decided to comply with the request, and the parade was marched back
to Victoria Park, where cheers were called for the police,
and drew a hearty response from all present.
A committee was then dispatched to interview the Mayor
and ask his reasons for banning the parades, and his answer
was that it was on instructions from the Attorney-General
for the Dominion, Mr. Arthur Meighen. He was then invited to speak to the returned men in the park the following
day, which he consented to do.

ARRIVAL OF DOMINION DELEGATES
By this time the strike has spread to towns and cities,
East and West, and in view of the general situation it was
deemed advisable to have delegates from all outside points
to sit on the Strike Committee in order to better keep in
touch with the workers who were so practically demonstrating their sympathy with the workers in Winnipeg in their

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

117

fight for the recognition of collective bargaining and the
right to a living wage.
The following two messages received by the Strike Committee and reprinted from the "Strike Bulletin," of June 7th,
will give the reader some idea of the widespread interest
that was being taken in the Winnipeg situation:
VANCOUVER GOING STRONG
A wire from Vancouver stated that the whole waterfront was tied up, the strike was progressing, and a complete tie-up was expected within 48 hours.
Minneapolis Offers Aid
The Minneapolis Trades and Labor Assembly voted
unanimously Wednesday evening to send fraternal greetings to the men and women of Canada who are so courageously winning a victory, not only for themselves, but
for the workers all over the world. Your solidarity will
be an inspiration to American organized labor in these
days of turmoil. Be assured that we are with you to the
end. In whatever way we can assist you command us.
Yours fraternally,
Minneapolis Trades and
Labor Assembly,
L. SINTON, Secretary.
MAYOR GRAY BEFORE SOLDIERS9 PARLIAMENT
On Saturday, June 7th, Mayor Gray addressed the Soldiers' Parliament in Victoria Park and made many significant statements and admissions. He stated that General
Ketchen had been pressed continually by a certain section of
the community to call out the military, but he had refused
each time. In answer to requests for permission to parade,
he said:
"No, gentlemen, you are for law and order. I know it. I
wish all the people could see you, it would remove a lot of
misunderstanding. This is the most orderly meeting I have
addressed for some time. I honor and respect you."
One comrade present asked: "What did you do for the
babies when the Crescent Creamery put on milkless days ?"
And the Mayor answered, while scratching his head: "How
would you like to be me."
STRIKE COMMITTEE
At this time the chief business of the General Strike Committee was the receiving and dispatching of wires and com-

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

munications from outside points, though there were almost
daily conferences between the Central Committee and different bodies in the city anxious to effect a satisfactory
settlement.
Added to these duties was the provision of speakers for
the daily meetings in Victoria Park, St. John's Park, St.
James' Park, Norwood Ball Park and the many other places
where the strikers gathered to hear the progress that was
being made.
WOODSWORTH ARRIVES
On Sunday, June 8th, there arrived in Winnipeg Mr. J. S.
Woodsworth, formerly Methodist Minister, later in charge
of Social Research work for the three Prairie Governments,
and still later, a longshoreman on the water front in Vancouver, and the crowds that assembled to hear him at the
Labor Church service in Victoria Park in the evening, was a
testimony to the high esteem in which he is held in the city,
that was the scene of his activities in his ministerial
capacity.
It was at this gathering the workers of Winnipeg were
introduced to a man of sterling worth, and of whom they
cherish the most pleasant thoughts in the person of the
Rev. Canon Scott (Lieutenant-Colonel) who has been referred to as the "Idol of the first contingent." Canon Scott
came all the way from Quebec, when he heard that some of
his old boys of the 27th Battalion were engaged in another
"war," and of his excellent services we shall speak later.
The following is from the "Strike Bulletin," of June 9th,
1919 •
WOODSWORTH ADDRESSES 10,000 AT
LABOR CHURCH
Dixon, Dobinson, Rev. Canon Scott, and J, S. Woodsworth
Speakers—Offering $1,540.00 Given to Strikers—Marvellous Spirit of Solidarity—Voluminous Decision to
Continue Strike—Greatest Meeting in History of City.
What was easily the greatest meeting ever held in this
city was held in Victoria Park on Sunday night. For
three hpurs some 10,000 people at the Labor Church listened with rapt attention to a masterpiece address on the
economic situation, from J. S. Woodsworth. The offering
amounted to some $1,540.00 and was given to the strike
fund to feed the striking girls and needy families. It
was a truly marvellous gathering from start to finish.
F. J. Dixon was the first speaker. He caught the crowd

HISTOBY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1019
x

119

from the first moment. Aid. E. Robinson was also quite
equal to the occasion. He outlined the situation to date
and exhorted the strikers to stand fast. We will give a
further report in next issue.

CITIZENS' COMMITTEE AND FINANCE
Monday, June 9th, was another red letter day in the history of Winnipeg. Great excitement was caused in the
strikers' ranks when a comrade produced copies of letters
that had been sent out to business men appealing for financial support, and a perusal of these letters will show the
determination of the vested interests to break the strike at
any cost. The following is from the "Strike Bulletin/' of
June 10th, 1919:
$1,000,000.00 TO CRUSH STRIKERS
Plan of Finance of Committee of 1000 Exposed—One Million Dollars Subscribed to Defeat Strikers—Volunteers
Will be Compensated for Time Lost—Frantic Appeal
for More Funds,
To prove to the workers that this is a fight to the
death, we publish the financial side of the efforts of the
Committee of 1000 to defeat us. We have our dollars and
justice, they have their hundreds of thousands and injustice. The strike is costing them millions, we must stay
with the game, and, if necessary, a plan must be devised
to compel the 1000 to feed the strikers. A hungry multitude is a menace to our civilization. We shall not starve
in spite of their millions. We shall fight on and win.
Here are the facts as taken from various communications sent out by the 1000 Committee:
Copy of Letters
"Dear Sir,—-This will serve to acknowledge receipt of
yours of even date, enclosing signatures to the compensation fund, totalling $249,000. On behalf of our Committee I beg to express their sincere thanks to yourself
and those responsible for securing these pledges.
"Answering several enquiries you have received I am
authorized to say that the Compensation Board of Citizens' Committee of 1000 will administer the fund in the
following manner:
"No. 1, Whatever claims may be received will be fully
investigated and, if found deserving, suitable compensation will be awarded and amount paid by Union Bank of
Canada*

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HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

"2. The fund at this date is approximately $800,000
and in all possibility will be increased to $1,000,000.
3. The object of this fund is to provide compensation
for injury or loss to volunteer workers serving at the
request of the Citizens' Committee during the present
strike and on its termination the Board will assess to each
signatory his or their share of the total disbursement
made by the Compensation Board in the proportion of
amount subscribed by him or them to the total amount
pledged.
"We hope this will satisfactorily answer points mentioned in your letter and that you will be good enough to
so advise under authority of this Board those making such
enquiries. Yours very truly,
"W, H. McWILLIAM, Chairman."
One Million Dollars Not Enough
"Dear Sirs,—The Finance Committee of the Citizens'
Executive of 1000 find it necessary to raise some further
nloneys to carry on in order to defray unavoidable expense at the present time. All commercial interests in
the city are being canvassed to renew or increase their
recent contribution. We have been asked to appeal to
—
— for further contribution of $25 or $50. Can
we ask you, please, to do the needful and send it down on
behalf of the Citizens' Committee of 1000.
"H. BAIRD, and C. LILL."
These letters will give to the strikers the strength of
the situation against them. Those who think the strikers
are on strike just for fun will begin to grasp the significance of the strike from this million dollars to defeat us.
Where did their million come from? They robbed it
from the workers. Now they use it to defeat them in
the strike. We demand that the system that permits
this shall be changed in the future. We demand today
that we get a living wage through the right to collective
bargaining.
After Gen. Ketchen and Canon Scott had spoken, resolutions, were passed (and afterwards forwarded to the respective Governments concerned) calling upon the Federal, Provincial and Civic Governments to withdraw the
"Ultimatum" submitted to their respective employees.
CITY COUNCIL, POLICE COMMISSION, AND POLICE
LOCK OUT
Despite this resolution of protest, and pleading of strong

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

121

delegations before the City Council, and later before the
Police Commission, these bodies yielded to the pressure that
was applied by the big interests as represented by the Citizens' Committee of 1000. Orders were issued to the Chief of
Police, instructing him to call upon all members of the force
to sign the agreement, which has well been designated a
"Slave Pact." Each constable as he came off his beat was
taken into the office of the chief and asked to sign, but
despite his pleading, and his strong urging of every selfish
reason why some of his old comrades should turn traitor
to their fellows, every constable justified the high esteem
in which the force was held, and refused to sign.
By 10 p.m. the entire force was locked out, and the City
of Winnipeg was left without police protection.
In the afternoon a strong deputation from the returned
soldiers waited upon the Police Commission to make a last
plea that the Commission listen to the dictates of reason and
common sense and not persist in the suicidal policy of dismissing the regular police force. At exactly 4 o'clock the
chairman of the Police Commission informed that deputation that the matter was then under consideration by the
Board and no decision had been arrived at.
In view of this statement of Aid. Sparling, chairman of
the Police Commission, the deputation"were amazed to find
as they left the offices of the Board at 4.15 p.m., that newspapers were already on sale by the newsboys, stating in
glaring headlines that the police were to be dismissed if they
refused to sign the new agreement, and giving the decision
of the Police Commission to that effect.

GENERAL KETCHEN AND CANON SCOTT
At the Labor Church meeting in Victoria Park the night
before the appearance of Lieut.-Col. (Rev. Canon) Scott had
excited much enthusiasm and as Brig.-Gen. Ketchen was invited to address the Soldiers' Parliament on Monday morning, an invitation was also extended to Canon Scott.
Gen. Ketchen arrived in the Park amidst the cheers of
some thousands of returned men, hundreds of whom had
served with him in France and Flanders. He is not a brilliant speaker, and was somewhat hesitant in giving replies
to some of the questions put to him at the meeting, whether
on account of his ignorance of the subject matter, or as a
matter of diplomacy, it is hard to say, but there was no
hesitation, but absolute sincerity in voice and manner when
ne saiE:

122

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

"I wish to compliment you, boys, on the orderliness and
perfect discipline of your parades/' After General Ketchen
had spoken there were loud calls for Canon Scott.
In his opening remarks he told how he had served as
chaplain with the First Canadian Contingent; how he heard
in Quebec of the "war" that was raging in Winnipeg and
felt that he should be with his "boys" in the new warfare;
how despite the protestations of his family he had come all
the way West to be with them and to use whatever influence he had to help effect a settlement.
The following clipping from the "Strike Bulletin" will
show how he felt after he had been in the city a few hours,
and, had got a little insight and first-hand information:
CANON SCOTT SPEAKS
Pressed by the returned men to mount the rostrum,
Canon Scott gave another of his characteristic goodhumored speeches. He had been invited Sunday night to
All Saints' Church, but had come to All Sinners, Perhaps
some capitalist would hit him with a gold brick for doing
that. He thought there was misunderstanding on both
sides. It seemed to him that the initial mistake had been
made when some meu had been refused the right to form
ah organization that was quite legal.
Collective bargaining should not be objected to. Opposition to it was unconstitutional. Winnipeg was tame
compared with what he had expected. The workers must
be given an intelligent interest in industry and a share
in the profits. They must stick until the workers got their
just rights and those on strike were reinstated. The
cheering was renewed as Canon Scott concluded, and
many pressed forward to shake him by the hand. One
veteran remarked: "The last time I saw Canon Scott was
at Hill 70."
It would be interesting to know two things in this connection, but the facts are to this day withheld from the public
knowledge. The first is: "Why did Aid. Sparling and other
members of the Commission tell the deputation that 'No
decision had been arrived a t / if such a statement was not
correct?" And the second: "What was the conspiracy, and
who were the conspirators that were so sure of the operation of the machine that they dared to give the results of
the deliberation of the Board to the newspapers before a
decision had been arrived at ?"

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STMKE, 1910

123

The feeling throughout the city was one of great indignation at this policy of the Police Commission, and the Soldiers' Parliament, the following morning, passed the two
following resolutions:
ACTION OF THE CITY COUNCIL—GENERAL
SITUATION
Whereas, we learn with regret that the City Council
has shown by their attitude all through this trouble that
they are not attempting to voice the will of the majority
of the Citizens, but have lent themselves to further the
ends of the financial interests of this city, who are a comparatively small minority; and by their actions have
proven themselves in opposition to the true spirit of
Democracy which we, the returned soldiers, have fought
for on the fields of Flanders;
Therefore be it resolved, that we, the returned soldiers,
call upon the Mayor and his Council to immediately take
the necessary steps to have a plebicite of the citizens
taken, in order to demonstrate that our contentions are
the wishes of the vast majority of the citizens of Winnipeg.
R. E. BRAY, Chairman,
F. H. DUNN, Secretary,
ACTION RE POLICE
We, returned soldiers of the City of Winnipeg, in mass
meeting assembled in the Victoria Park, strongly condemn the action of the City Council and Police Commission in dismissing the members of the police force of the
city, for their refusal to sign away the liberty and right
of every British citizen.
We heartily endorse the action of the police force in
refusing to sign a new agreement, and demand full reinstatement of all men so dismissed; failing which members of the City Council favoring such action immediately
resign and appeal to the electors.
R. E. BRAY, Chairman.
F. H. DUNN, Secretary.
But the "interest" that was desirous of seeing violence
and disorder on the streets had succeeded in their nefarious
plans, they had applied sufficient pressure to have common
sense and good judgement overruled and the way was open
for the hirelings of capitalism to get in their deadly work.
The Policemen's Union, totalling 240 members, of which

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HIST0RY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

nearly half had seen active service, fighting for the very
principles for which they were now dismissed, passed the
following resolution:
POLICE REQUEST HONOR ROLL BE VEILED
At a meeting of the Police Union yesterday, the following resolution was passed unanimously:
"That a delegation of returned soldier members interview the Chief Contable, Donald McPhersori, requesting
that the Roll of Honor situated in the Police Station be
veiled, and the photographs of the men who gave their
lives in defense of the Empire be taken from the walls
until the police force is honorably reinstated to their
positions without prejudice."
THE SPECIAL POLICE
After the dismissal of the regular police force, on Monday night, June 9th, the streets were patrolled by "Special
Police," hired at the rate of $6.00 a day. It had taken the
"Regulars," a well organized, well disciplined force, many
years of hard fighting to get a living wage, but the forces
of reaction were willing to pay 2,000 green hands a larger
salary without hesitation.
In this connection it may be well to recall the report of a
deputation of returned men who waited upon Mayor Gray
on June 2nd, when the "slave pact" was first under discussion with him.
At that interview Mayor Gray repeatedly asserted that
he had "inside information" of a well organized plan to
take control of the city and that he was in receipt of letters
from every part of the city stating that the regular police
were not doing their duty. He stated, if the deputation only
knew what he knew they would be shocked; that the "Bolshevists" fully intended to bring about a revolution, etc., etc.
To this Comrade A. E. Moore said: "If you will give us
the information, and we think we are entitled to it, 10,000
returned men will clean up any organization with such foolish notions." Needless to say, Mayor Gray could not give
what he did not possess. He further stated to this delegation that he "was credibly informed that it was the intention of the police force to come out on strike if asked again
by the Strike Committee, and he had reason to believe it was
the intention of the Strike Committee to ask them to do so."
When the members of the deputation told him there was
absolutely no ground for his fears, that there was no such

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

*

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126

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

intention either on the part of the Strike Committee or of
the police force, he said:
"Will you guarantee me 200 men to maintain law and
order in such an eventuality?" and he was immediately
pledged, on behalf of the returned soldier strikers, the support of 2,000, who would serve "without pay" for the duration of the strike, if the police force came out on strike.
But after the arbitrary action of the Police Commission
in locking out the regular force, instead of availing himself
of the services of these men, which could have saved the
city something like $225,000, men were hired at the rate
of $6.00 per day.
These "Specials" appeared on the street on the morning
of June 10th, armed with a "New Emblem of Democracy,"
in the shape of wagon neck-yokes sawn in two and about
the shape of a baseball bat. These men, some mounted,
some afoot, patrolled the city in sections of six. Instead of
the one "man in blue" who had hitherto succeeded in directing and controlling all the traffic at Winnipeg's busiest intersection, there appeared at about 11 a.m. Tuesday, two
of these imitation policemen, which number officially or
otherwise, was doubled later in the day.
It was a lovely summer day, the streets were crowded
with sightseers, men, women and children. In the absence
of street cars, automobiles of every make and description
thronged the streets, and the "green" pointsmen, whether
from over excitement, or a new sense of" dignity and importance, got somewhat muddled, and where one "blue coat"
had been able to keep traffic moving, including a street car
every two minutes, these two soon got hopelessly tangled,
and at one o'clock there was every indication of incompetance and incapacity on the part of these two specials as
pointsmen.
Their delemma was the subject of many jocular remarks
on the part of the passers by, but about 1.45 p.m. the situation got worse, the hundreds of people on the streets saw
the amusing spectacle of these two pointsmen who should
have acted in unison, so hopelessly out of harmony with each
other that one was calling the traffic forward, whilst his
partner behind was holding it back. Under these conditions
it was only a few more minutes until the traffic was brought
to a complete standstill
The crowd started to ask embarrassing questions of the
pointsmen, adding to their confusion: "Are you not afraid
of being run over, standing in the middle of the street?" or

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

127

"Are you lost?" "Does you mother know where you are?"
The crowd was having a good holiday time. It increased in
numbers untij the front ranks were crowded off the sidewalk on to the road. Some of the "patrols" came along and
clothed with their brief authority started swinging their
new "Emblems of Democracy" amongst the crowd of sightseers, and when eventually a woman was struck on the arm,
the real trouble started. A few returned men standing near
resented the activity of the new guardian of the peace, and
the last view of that particular "special" obtained by most
of the crowd, was of a man, minus his hat, coat and half his
shirt, seeking oblivion.
The mounted "specials" on their ponies (which it was
commonly reported were the property of some of the large
department stores of the city and lent for this particular
purpose) here appeared on the scene and assembling in
squadron formation, proceeded to charge into the crowd.
Their activities, and the ruthless manner in which they
charged into the crowds of women and children aroused all
the latent antagonism of both men and women, and soon
the air was thick with flying missiles—bottles, bricks, and
any other loose material being used.
These mounted men had little more control over themselves and their actions than they had over the horses they
rode. Their methods are only comparable to those of the
Cossacks at their worst. They deliberately charged into the
crowds on the sidewalks, swinging their clubs. Mayor
Gray, himself an onlooker, admitted that their actions were
unnecessarily harsh and callous, and was so impressed with
the brutality of one man in particular that he made notes of
the man's description, but no steps, so far as can be ascertained, were taken to punish any of these men, and certainly
none have ever been brought to trial for such violation of
every law of decency and humanity.
The blame for the whole business lies entirely at the door
of the civic authorities, and the interests which dictated
their action in dismissing the regular police and substituting
such incompetents.
It was during this melee that a well known V. C. received
his injuries. Notwithstanding the stories that appeared in
the yellow press and which were spread broadcast through
the world to the effect "That a V. C. hero had been brutally
attacked, dragged from his horse, and nearly kicked to death
by aliens" the same man has since sworn under oath, on
three occasions, that he was never off his horse. So well did

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

the papers play up this little episode, that it was believed
that he was on the verge of death, while, as a matter of
fact, his injuries were only slight and it was at the hands
of returned men and not aliens that he received his thrashing.
MAJOR LYLE, THE "SPECIALS" AND "THUGS"
The "Committee" of returned soldier strikers, realizing
the possibility of serious rioting which might lead to bloodshed and the declaration of Martial Law, called upon the
returned men in the crowd (which by this time numbered
several thousands) to fall in at Victoria Park, the usual
meeting place.
At that gathering a delegation was appointed to wait
upon Mayor Gray with a request that the mounted men
and the special constables be taken off the street in order
that normal conditions would ensure.
To this request the only reply of the Mayor was an alternate thump on the palm of his hand and on his office table,
accompanied by the expression: "By God, I am the Mayor
of this city, and I will maintain law and order."
It was pointed out to him by the delegation tjiat his
position was not being disputed, but that it was the presence
of the "mounties" and "specials" with their baseball bats
that was directly inciting to disorder, but the delegation
appealed to his common sense and reason all in vain for at
least forty-five minutes, and then left his office with a reiteration by the Mayor as a,farewell: "By God, I am Mayor of
this city and will maintain law and order."
When the special police were hired, there appeared on the
scene from somewhere (nobody seems to know here) one
Major Lyle, and this gentleman was waiting for the deputation in the Mayor's outer office and with pale face and
evident great agitation said to the departing delegation:
"Boys, I wish you would come up to my office, if you have
time." The delegation readily consented, and after being
seated, accepted cigarettes at the invitation of Major Lyle,
as to use his own expression: "We can discuss things reasonably if we smoke." When all were settled and smoking,
great was the astonishment of the delegation to hear Major
Lyle say: "Boys, I want your advice." It was quite a shock,
after being maligned and villified as the instigators of revolution, to be called upon for advice from the organizer of a
force of special police.

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRTKE, 1919

129

The first piece of advice that was tendered by the delegation, was that the mounted men be taken off the streets,
and to this Major Lyle answered that they were violating
his instructions in leaving their patrols and produced a
copy of typewritten instructions which he claimed had been
handed to every man before going on duty that day.
That the first piece of advice of the delegation was acted
upon there is good reason to believe, as Major Lyle apologized for leaving the room, as he wished to telephone, and
ten minutes afterwards the mounted men were on their
way to their quarters, and Major Lyle, re-entering the room,
said to the waiting delegation: "Now, that's done, am sorry
to have kept you gentfemen waiting."
He then requested further advice from the delegation
that would help him in his administration of the special
force in such a manner as to minimize friction as much
as possible. To this the delegation advised him to take away
the clubs. To this he replied that he had issued instructions
that the men should keep their batons concealed as much as
possible. It was also pointed out that each constable should
have a number, plainly visible for identification, in case
some exceeded their authority. To this suggestion he readily agreed.
Then he was advised to send the men out singly or at
most in two's and was promised the help and support of one
or two thousand men, if necessary, in case of any infraction
of the law. In answer to this suggestion he made a most
astonishing and significant admission, as follows: "This
force was recruited hurriedly, and I know there are a number of thugs amongst them. I have not had time to select
them yet. I had to send them out six at a time, as it was
only one in six that I could rely on, and I sent them out in
that manner in order that the one I did know could keep the
others in order."
It was further suggested to him that the men be not
allowed to carry fire arms as they were nervous and would
be apt to shoot each other or the public, and he said he had
definitely instructed every man to that effect.
But that his instructions were not carried out was demonstrated one or two days later when one of the special force
shot his comrade on Main Street during an arrest.
CANON SCOTT AND THE "SPECIALS"
Whilst the disorder at the corner of Main Street and Portage Avenue was at its height and the Soldier Parliament

130

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

were selecting their delegates to wait upon Mayor Gray,
Canon Scott, in his Colonels uniform was addressing the
crowd, from the seat of an automobile at the corner of
Portage Avenue, pleading with them to disperse in the interests of law and order, and this the crowd was more than
willing to do, if the scab policemen were recalled with their
obnoxious baseball bats.
But the activities of Canon Scott and his individual sympathy with the strikers had been noted and the proof of
capitalist displeasure was soon to be visited upon him.
During his short stay in the city, coming here with an open
mind, he had made it his duty to seek and obtain first-hand
information from both sides.
The Strike Committee placed at his disposal all the minutes and correspondence, besides spending several hours in
con veying" information, but on his application for information from the Citizens' Committee of 1000 he was peremptorily refused and told they had nothing to say.
The worthy Canon also functioned as chairman at a joint
meeting of representatives of the Loyalist Soldiers' Association and the Strike Committee, and on that occasion had to
remonstrate with the strkiers' opponents for their ungentlemanly manner in handling their part in the debate. Shortly
after this the word was issued to Canon Scott to report for
duty and with many regrets he said good-bye to his many
new friends and acquaintances, and after a sharp rebuke to
the Military officials who accompanied him to the train for
their reactionary attitude to organized labor and its demands, he said: "I am getting old, but I am going to dedicate
the rest of my life to fighting labor's battles." And "I shall
go back to the East and tell to all I can that after being on
the spot, seeing and knowing all from the inside, my sympathies are all with the strikers."
In closing references to this episode we append copies of
two short articles appearing in the "Strike Bulletin," of
June 12th, 1919:
POLICE REPLACED BY INCOMPETENTS
In the fracas on Portage Avenue Tuesday afternoon,
one of the strikers had his head split open with a murderous looking chain some 16 inches long, covered with
leather to make it stiff, to the end of which is attached
a short heavy device and bolt.
This chain is one of three that were seen last week in
a meeting held under the auspices of the Committee of

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

131

1000. There was another loaded hose pipe also, and the
four weapons were handled by what was nick-named
"The Dirty Four."
These men were at that time volunteers in a fire hall
near Broadway.
Today our streets are filled with such men who have
replaced the police. They are not maintaining law and
order, but are brutally attacking any person who voices
any opinion favorable to the strikers.
Black Hand Gang
Two of these thugs are known to be hold-up men. They
have robbed homes and held up small store-keepers within
the past 48 hours. Their presence is a disgrace to our
City Council. They are thugs placed on the streets for
the express purpose of creating trouble. They are the
last actors in the most damnable piece of viciousness ever
perpetrated.
Our Little Grey Mare
"Man, proud man, dressed in a little brief authority,
plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven as makes
the angels weep."
To see the special police mounted on prancing ponies
and to think that these are the men who are supposed to
be keeping law and order is ridiculous. Many of them are
but mere youths. The novelty of the thing catches their
imagination. But they have no cause to defend. They
are paid mercenaries facing men aflame with a passion
for justice who next to ignore the existence of the puny
paid private police.
Some of these special police stayed in the Gladstone
school over the week-end; and so vile were their minds
that the teacher on Monday morning had the disgusting
task of erasing obscene drawings from the blackboards
and destroying obscene books, etc. before the children
could be admitted.
These are the men upon whom we are asked to expend
$150,000.00 while our policemen, who nobly refused to
become slaves after fighting for freedom, are dismissed
from the force.
PERNICIOUS PRESS CAMPAIGN
A more pernicious press propaganda was never carried
on than is being carried on at this time. The strikers for
24 days maintained such order that the police court record

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

was lower than normal. The hospitals had no victims of
violence to care for. Scarce a single doctor could find anyone who had been injured. But this was not satisfactory to the 1000. There had to be special police, and the
regular force had to walk the plank. Then the trouble
started.
The Tribune, on Tuesday evening, had a headline:
"Mounted police charge huge crowds in streets." It was
the first sign of disorder on any large scale.[ One would
naturally expect the dailies to be averse to such disorders
and the dismissal of the police force which was responsible for such. But no, no, no. Instead of this we find a
full colmn editorial condemning the police who had refused to become abject slaves, and lauding "the Police
Commission" which "acted wisely/'
The statement is made that the city has been only
"half-heartedly policed since the strikes began." Let us
hope, then, that the Tribune is satisfied with the present
state of affairs. It is asking for more disorder in almost
every line. Its propaganda is pernicious.
When there was no disorder and no arrests the city was
half-heartedly policed. When men's heads are broken
" and mounted police charge the crowd conditions are apparently satisfactory, what will it be when "we have
normal police protection."
Coupled with the above is the renewal of the campaign
against the leaders. Deport the leaders and all will be
well. No need to remove the cause of the trouble. Just
deport the agitators. Don't touch the profiteers.
ARRESTS AND RUMORS OP ARRESTS
After the incidents of Tuesday afternoon, the city was
left practically without police protection, in many respects
resembled the frontier town one reads of in "dime novels"
and "penny dreadfuls." Whilst tl^e melee was in progress,
the most innocent and harmless indfViduals were arrested
and several sentenced lat§r to terms of imprisonment on
the most flimsy evidence, none of which was absolutely
reliable and all being given by the servants and tools of
"big business."
But the general feeling of resentment on the part of the
vast majority of the population at the methods used by the
authorities, led the better element in the ranks of the specials themselves to refuse to be used longer for such miserable work, and more than one tore their anklets from

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

133

their sleeves, and said they would not do such police duty
for $60.00 per day.
On Wednesday morning it wag reported that out of the
boasted force of 2000 only something like 36 returned up
for duty, and many of these, it is rumored, refused to go out
on patrol. Many complaints were lodged with the Strike
Committee of criminal acts on the part of the members of
the special force; one to the effect that two men, returning
from the lumber camps, B.C., staying at a city hotel, were
approached by one man wearing the armlet of the special
police, and armed with a six-shooter, ^ho told them he* had
a warrant to search them and their room, and arrest them,
but was willing to let them go on a payment of $10 each.
After some argument they compromised by paying him $5
each to avoid a scene.
The following three clippings from the "Strike Bulletin,"
of June 11th and 12th, 1919, and also of June 13th, will
give the reader some insight into the action of the authorities and their servants and show to what lengths capitalism
will go to beat the workers into submission:
A HUNNISH ATROCITY
A returned soldier, Wm. H. Jacques, who has been
gassed twice and is suffering from consumption, was
thrown into jail last Monday without a charge being laid
against him. His wife, who is in a delicate condition,
becoming alarmed at his non-appearance communicated
with some of his comrades who discovered him in jail on
Wednesday. Although Comrade Jacques was in a very
bad state of health owing to the treatment he had received, and notwithstanding the fact that ho charge had been
preferred against him, his comrades could not secure his
release until $2,000 bail had been put up. This is a sample
of the justice which is being meted out in Winnipeg in
this year of our Lord 1919. It is part of the "Soldiers
First" campaign.
PROSTITUTE JUSTICE
The record of our magistrates at this time is a travesty upon the very word justice. Gun men and thugs
employed by, or friendly to, the Committee of 1000 and
their servants the City Council, are released from th£
police station without so much as a charge being laid,
while the wives of strikers are being held for a bail of
$2,000,00* Strikers are held for $500.00; $1,000.00 or

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HISTOKY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

$2,000.00. It is just another dastardly attempt to "bleed
'em dry/'
Surely wrong rules the land and waiting justice stands.
SPECIAL POLICE THUGS ARE HOLDING UP AND
ROBBING PEOPLE
A Disgrace That Cries to Heaven
Residents of Barber Street report to us that city
special police have called at their homes, and by threatening them with their clubs have extorted what cash they
could get. In one or two cases $10.00 was secured. That
is, they are daylight thugs paid $6.00 a day for their
work.
These specials have been sworn in by the city irrespective of their character or nationality. The one qualification is opposition to the strikers. One man who was signing up these men said openly that he would take a bunch
of Germans if they would help to smash the strikers.
They were supplied with bludgeons and carry them in
their hands at all times.
Imagine such men as these being paid $6.00 a day to
maintain law and order. It is a disgrace to our city. It
is time for it to end.
After Tuesday's disorder (the blame for which rests absolutely and entirely on the authorities) rumors were freely
circulated that the many veiled threats of arrests and possibly deportation, under the Immigration Act, of some of
the" leading spokesmen for the strikers were to be put into
effect, and the men who were, according to these rumors
slated for arrest were constantly appealed to not to go
around alone, but to avail themselves of the protection of
the many who volunteered their services as a bodyguard,
whilst on the other hand, it was no uncommon thing to hear
whispers from friend to friend on the part of those whose
personal safety was the first consideration, to "keep off the
platform or else be very careful of what you say." It was
at this time that some of the officers and organizers of the
A.F. of L. "packed up their tents like the Arabs and silently
stole away," only to be heard of later in distant fields,
preaching docility and submission to the respectable, beneficient Government and employer recognized and blessed
organization, the American Federation of Labor.
RUMOR PERSISTS
The following from the "Strike Bulletin," of June 12th,
1919, gives some indication of the extent to which the doings

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

135

of our opponents were known to the Strike Committee.
It was this faculty of getting information from reliable
sources, of the contemplated action of the authorities at the
dictates of the Citizens' Committee of 1000, that was so
exasperating to our opponents and so frequently brought
their plans to naught:
UGLY ACTION CONTEMPLATED
Rumors of Martial Law and Wholesale Arrests of
Leaders
If the information that reached the Strike Committee
last night proves to be correct, then things will be doing
shortly.
It is said that between 100 and 150 strike leaders are
slated for early arrest. Provincial police are pouring into
the city. Part are being put into uniform, and others are
dogging the steps of the strike leaders. They are wholly
at the disposal of the authorities. In addition to these,
the military members of the Committee of 1000 and their
friends are being mobilized. The special strike militia
has been ordered to stand to. All soldiers in the city are
confined to barracks. The mobilization headquarters and
ordinance corps is Minto Street Barracks. Private automobiles are standing under requisition. Each man is
ordered to pick up four passengers and carry them to
the barracks. Martial Law is to be declared, and an armored car is ready for action.
The latter course is contemplated in view of the disorder that is likely to ensure when the leaders are arrested. Such, in a nutshell, is the word that reaches us
as we go to press.
It is known that Mayor Gray is at his wits' end. He
said on Wednesday to a deputation: "I'm in a
of a
fix. The Citizens' Committee has thrown me overboard.
The strikers are against me. Even my old friend Knox
McGee, has declared war on me because I refused to
declare Martial Law." His only friends, he declared,
were the returned soldiers in the camp of Labor, and he
was not sure of them. He wanted to know if he could
depend on their support at this stage. He was utterly
dejected, and intimated that he had got to the point where
he despaired altogether.
The solution is not in deportation or Martial Law. It
is in getting the workers and the employers together.

136

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Up to date, the Committee of 1000 has made this impossible.
SOLDIER PARLIAMENT AND WOMEN STRIKERS
From the "Strike Bulletin," Friday, June 13th, 1919:
WOMEN ATTEND SOLDIERS9 PARLIAMENT
Returned Men Jailed Without Charge—Woodswqrth
Speaks on Woman's Rights—Equal Pay for Equal
Work—Dixon Exposes Tribune—Martin Denounces
Telephone Buncombe—Rental Agents Threat Ridiculed
—Committee Reports this Morning.
It was ladies' day at the Soldiers' Parliament in Victoria Park yesterday morning. At the invitation of the
committee in charge a large number of women and girl
strikers occupied seats of honor near the central platform. In the rear stood the returned men and a number
of strikers.
Comrade Bray called attention to the fact that returned
soldiers were being thrown into jail without a charge
being made against them and then $2,000 bail demanded
before they were released.
Law and Order
He read from a letter by Col. Wm. Morley the line of
action to be taken by his men in case of serious disturbance. The audience cheered when Comrade Bray announced that the returned men would not be intimidated
from doing what w^s just and right by any threats. He
also related the facts of the shooting incident at the
corner of Higgins and Main Streets, thus exposing the
incorrectness of the press reports. The returned men, he
said, were out to win this strike with clean hands. They
would not be clubbed into submission. They would not go
back to work as serfs or slaves. They would only go
back as free men, when the strike was won. He intimated
that there was a move afoot by the bosses to oust the
elected head of the city and appealed to all returned men
to be on hand this morning to protect their own interests.
Police Records of Special Police
Comrade Bray read the police records of some of the
special police. One had been convicted of stealing an
automobile and another of bootlegging.
Dixon Denies Tribune Report
F. J. Dixon requested all who heard him speak on Wednesday morning to hold up their hands. The great major-

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

187

ity of the crowd complied. He then read an account of the
meeting from the Tribune which reported that he had
said "Coppins got what he was looking for when he signed
up with the mounted police."
"Will those who heard me mention Coppins' name hold
up their hands?" asked Dixon.
There was not a single hand. The speaker explained
that he had never made that statement anywhere. "Go
after them!" "Make them apoligize," etc., shouted the
crowd. Bro. Dixon explained that he was taking the matter up with the Tribune.
Women Will Fight Till the End
J. 3. Woodsworth gave a historical review, showing
how women had been drawn from the hearth into great
modern industries by economic causes. "The day of emancipation for women was yet to come. One of the provisions made at the peace conference was that men and
women should receive equal pay for equal work. He
pointed out that while the state had conscripted the boys
whom the mothers had reared with infinite pains that
the state had not made the financial outlay necessary
to rear those boys. The day was coming when children
would be considered the nation's greatest asset.
In the coming day women would take their place side
by side with men, not as dependents or inferiors, but as
equals. Thus there would be better relationships based
on fundamental love and affinity. This strike was part of
the great movement for the emancipation of women.
At the conclusion of the address many women and girls
shouted: "We'll fight to the end."
Camouflage and Buncombe
Comrade Martin warned the strikers to beware of
camouflage and buncombe. The civic and provincial authorities were working a scheme by which managers of
departments telephoned up employees and told them that
their chums had signed the slave pact and were back at
work. This was only another cunning attempt at deception and it would fail to achieve its purpose. The rental
agents, too, were threatening to eject workers from their
homes if they were behind with the rent, "Well, they
can't throw us all out," declared Comrade Martin,' amid
laughter and cheers.
The returned men will meet again in Victoria Park at
ten o'clock this morning.

188

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

PRITCHARD ON THE JOB
The following brief account of Comrade W. A. Pritchard'^
first appearance before a Winnipeg audience is from the
"Strike Bulletin," of June 13th, 1919:
GOVERNMENT TREACHERY EXPOSED
Pritchard Unmasks Robertson—Emphasizes Political
Aspect—Vancouver Backs Postal Employees—Must Be
Reinstated—Borden Must Change His Mind—Workers
Will Return Altogether—-Cowley? Armstrong and
Others Address Multitude.
The feature of Thursday's mass meeting in Victoria
Park was an electrifying address by W. A. Pritchard, of
Vancouver, who was given more than the regular three
cheers and a tiger when he concluded.
Appeals From Gideon Drunk to Gideon Sober
With telling emphasis Bro. Pritchard drove home the
fact that the kind of collective bargaining demanded by
the Metal Trades employees here, and repudiated by Senator Robertson, was exactly identical with the kind of collective bargaining contained in an agreement between the
Metal Trades Council of Vancouver and the Shipyard
employers. This, which was known as the Robertson
agreement. The Government today was opposed to the
workers of Winnipeg getting exactly the same kind of
collective bargaining that the same Government had
given to the Metal Trades employees of Vancouver one
year ago.
Postal Situation Brought Vancouver Out
The action of the Government in discharging the postal
employees, who had come out in supprt of organized labor
because organized labor had supported their just demands
last year, made the fight a political one. The extension of
Government ownership, coupled with the fact that if
this fight were lost, the loyal postal employees would be
blacklisted from any job in the civil service, made organized labor in the West take the position that all the postal
employees must be re-instated without discrimination
before negotiations could be opened.
Premier Borden had changed his mind many times to
suit the exigencies of politics, he must be made to change
it once more in the interests of the workers of Canada.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

139

Daily Labor Paper Coming
Referring the capitalistic papers as "detestible perverters of the truth," Bro. Pritchard emphasized the fact
that the only way to overcome their pernicious influence
was by the establishment of a daily labor paper.
Let us Rise!
Complimenting the strikers on the splendid manner in
which law and order had been preserved through four
trying weeks, the speaker went on to say that this strike
would be won by their intelligent self-sacrifice of the
mass. The workers would not be saved by any great man
but by themselves. "The great," quoted Pritchard, "appear great to us because we are on our knees. Let us
rise!"
Labor Cannot Lose
Bro: Cowley drew hearty applause when he suggested
that the strikers should wear a badge bearing the inscription : "Labor Cannot Lose." Such an emblem would show
our strength. The street cars were not running because
the men "did not deem it advisable to accede to the request of the management." A medal for meritorious conduct should be given to the returned soldiers who had so
splendidly supported the strike. Bro. Geo. Armstrong is
speaking as we go to press.
On a previous occasion, when dealing with the interview
with Major Lyle, we referred in brief to a shooting incident
that took place on Main Street during the attempted arrest
of a striker. The following account, taken from the "Strike
Bulletin," of June 13th, can be vouched for by a score of
witnesses. In spite of this and in direct violation of the
facts the police authorities, through the columns of the
daily press, professed ignorance of the identity of the man
who fired the shot, and went so far as to advertise the payment of a reward of $50.00 for information which would
identify the criminal and lead to his conviction.
Surely the ruthlessness and viciousness of capitalism has
a strangle hold on "Constituted Authority" when such
methods must be adopted:
THAT SHOOTING INCIDENT
Facts From an Eye-Witness
Sharper than a serpent's tooth is base ingratitude. This
was never more clearly exemplified than by the reports

140

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1.919

in the daily papers of the shooting incident which occured
at the intersection of Higgins and Main Streets on Wednesday last.
About 4.30 a passerby noted a spepial constable displaying his baton and passed some remark. Whereupon the
constable struck him across the forehead with his baton.
This incensed the bystanders who started to jostle the
contables. Two returned men, who are on strike, defended
the constable. While they were doing this a car driven by
Capt. Drewry arrived. Another special constable in the
car fired a gun into the crowd, narrowly ihissed one of
the returned men, who was assisting the constable, and
hit the constable who immediately dropped to the ground.
The two returned men jumped upon the footboard of
the car and insisted that it be driven to the police station.
There they requested that the man who had done the
shooting should show his authority for packing a gun.
They were told that they (the specials) did not have to
show their authority to everybody. As a matter of fact,
the man who did the shooting wore no mark to indicate
that he was a special constable. He carried his badge inside his coat. The constable on duty refused to take the
names of the occupants of the car and an individual, apparently a member of the One Thousand attempted to lay
a charge of mobbing the automobile against the two returned men who had accompanied it to the police station.
This is a bare recital of the facts, which speak for themselves.
The number of the car from which the shooting was
done is 7578. It is apparently owned by Capt. Drewry.
He was in the auto with one other man, if men's eyes
are to be believed, and, either he or his companion fired
the shot. They were both taken to the police station,
and were sent away again by the authorities without any
charge being laid against either. To pretend that strikers did the shooting, or that it is not known who did it is
erroneous.
In addition to all that has been written in preceding pages
and all that follows, there are thousands of most interesting
incidents that for lack of space must be either omitted altogether or only touched on very briefly in these pages. If
time and space would permit, a two or three thousand page
history of the Winnipeg Strike cQuld be written and every
page be full of matter of vital importance to the reader and

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

141

to the working class all over the world. Perhaps at some
future date it may be possible to issue a more imposing work
than this, wherein the "Little things with the great potentialities" may be enumerated.
Space forbids to go into details of the organization of the
Newsboys' Union—of their thousands of copies of the
"yellow press" that littered the streets of the city; of
"Society" ladies stepping from their luxurious limousines
on to the sidewalk to sell or give away the "Sifton Press"
or the "Winnipeg Telegram" or the "Winnipeg Tribune"—
the organs, respectively, of the Liberals, the Tories and the
Opportunists; of the inglorious exploits of the Millionaire
Volunteer Fire Brigade, using their hands to break glass
instead of using their hatchets; of members of the "parasitic" class, having to walk up eight and ten flights of stairs
to their offices in the sweltering heat of 86 degrees in the
shade; of intimidation and assault of women and little girls
who were selling the "Strike Bulletin" or peacefully picketing the warehouses and stores.
Of the profiteering of the champions of "Law and Order"
in raising the price of the necessities of life, of the efforts
of individuals, organizations, and public bodies to effect a
settlement—of the delegations that waited upon the Mayor
and the chief of police, on behalf of the North-End residents?
of foreign birth, to protest against the incitement to violence and to massacre, through the paid advertisements of
the Citizens' Committee of 1000—of how that delegation,
including in its personnel a leading lawyer and a prominent
doctor, met both the Mayor and the chief of police who
advised them to interview the Citizens9 Committee—-how
this delegation protested that such an interview would be
tantamount to acknowledging the Citizens' Committee as a
"Constituted Authority"—how they were refused admittance to the Committee meeting by W. A. T. Sweatman, K.C.
(afterwards one of the prosecuting counsel for the Crown)
and told "that the alien residents had nothing to fear, the
committee were not particularly concerned about the "alien"
but they wished to divert the issue and that they were out
to smash collective bargaining—of how one leading lumin-.
ary on the Committee of 1000 blamed free education for all
the discontent and unrest, and stated that on account of
said free education "the workers know as much as we do
ourselves"—of reports brought in and afterwards verified
of the Federal Government paying charwomen at the,Tux-

142

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

edo Military Hospital the miserable pittance of 1.16 per day
—of restaurant girls getting $15.00 per month, out of which
they had to pay their laundry bills and maintain a certain
standard of dress—of the conspiracy of certain restaurant
keepers, headed by a notorious strike-breaker from the
U.S.A., to close up their business in order to inconvenience
and starve their employees into repudiating their union—
of the driving out of the volunteers from one suburban fire
hall in the city, by the enraged women of the district, whose
men folk were on strike—of the cheerful endurance by wives
and mothers, of privation and suffering in order that victory
might be achieved in this fight for liberty—of how foreignborn citizens were picked up by police and charged with
being strikers and union men and when no union card was
found on their person being offered jobs at the rate of $1.00
per hour if they would only "scab"—of how young lads were
approached by their bosses and asked if they were in favor
of "Law and Order," and then being asked to sign a card,
not knowing that they were signing on for the emergency
Strike Militia—of how the mothers of some -of these boys
spent weary anxious hours when they did not return home
for supper and found out afterwards that they were "confined to barracks."
These and thousands of other incidents and episodes of a
like nature have to be touched upon briefly, but if dealt with
in detail are of sufficient import, and reveal such a depth of
infamy on the part of our boasted guardians of "Law and
Order" and upholders of "Constituted Authority," as to fill
any man or woman, in whose veins flows good red blood,
with anger and resentment.
Of the secret meetings and "conspiracies" of leading
lights in our city pulpits—of attempted bribery by bottles
of whiskey—of these things we could write at length, but
space and the editorial committee forbid—but don't dispair,
dear readers, perhaps in the quietness and seclusion of Manitoba Penitentiary we may write other and interesting accounts of what took place during May and June of 1919—
unless the workers of this Dominion rise to their glorious
opportunities—and we have faith enough in them to believe
they will do so—unless they make their protest heard to
such effect that our "despotic" and "Prussianized" Government will step out of the way, and make room for men who
can and will handle the present economic situation in a
statesmanlike manner.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

148

THE LABOR CHURCH AGAIN
8,000 IN ATTENDANCE AT LABOR CHURCH
Addresses by J. S. Woodsworth, W. A. Pritchard and Rev.
A. E. Smith—$1,000 Offering for Strikers 9 Relief Fund
-—Splendid Band—Great Enthusiasm—Members of
1,000 Committee Seen.
The stifling heat did not prevent the teeming crowds
from once more flocking to the Labor Church last night in
Victoria Park (now renamed Liberty Park). The trees
in their new covering of beautiful green formed a magnificent background for the improvised pulpit. The Committee of 1000 has prevented the Labor Church from procuring the Industrial Bureau for these services, consequently several women fainted from exhaustion due to
the heat and the prolonged standing. One man also
collapsed.
An excellent band opened the services with appropriate music, and the hymns were rendered with great
enthusiasm.
Mr. J. S, Woodsworth, the first speaker, drew attention
to the representative nature of the congregation. He
had endorsed the principle of the One Big Union for the
industrial fight, he endorsed the principle of the One Big
Church as well. The real test was brotherhood. The one
requisite was the forward look.
The pioneers of such new movements had always been
persecuted, but the movements could not be stopped by
persecution. The time had come for a forward march
economically, and the old forms of religion were inapplicable today. The trouble with theologians was that
they had insisted that they had found the ne plus ultra.
The world today wanted forms that expressed the spirit
of the hour.
Rev. A. E. Smith, ex-President of the Manitoba Methodist Conference, was the second speaker. He stated that
the time had come when it was next to impossible for a
preacher to preach the genuine gospel of Christ in the
churches. The Methodist Church at its last General Conference had declared for a radical reconstruction of society, and the substitution of the co-operative system for the
competitive system. The result of this had been that rich
men had threatened to leave the Church. "Let them go"
he said. The Church that thought more of real estate
than of principles had no place in the life of today.

144

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

He described the Bankers' Association as a One Big
Union, The same was true of the Committee of 1000, yet
these same men opposed any effort of the workers to
organize a similar movement.
The sympathetic strike was just as religious a movement as a Church revival. It was just as ethical as the
fight in Flanders. Those who opposed this strike did so
because they were individualists; the workers supported
it because they put society and the interests of others
ahead of their own interests. The individualist has no
programme, hence he attacks the man or the body that
tries to work out a programme.
Lying back of all the unrest was the profit system and
private ownership. The individualist was spending all his
strength in defending a system that was passing rapidly.
It has been tried and found wanting. The great common
mass was aware of this, and so the heart of the workers
of the world was one heart. When the worker stopped
working it was like the heart of a man stopping its beating. It meant death. The solution of the unrest of this
hour is the greatest task we have to face. It is a religious
problem. The only way to find a solution is to put service
in the place of profits.
He made it clear that there is a large body of thought
in Winnipeg that is not finding voice in the Committee of
1000, though they call themselves the Citizens' Committee. These mdn, and those on the City Council do not
accurately express the mind of a very large section of
the community. These people do not approve of the continued attempts of these men to get the city under Martial Law. They are sick to death of the Pooling being put
over in the name of patriotism. A way must be found for
this vast body of people to express its convictions.
Pritchard of Vancouver
Pritchard, of Vancouver, was given a rousing welcome,
and as he spoke it soon became evident that the vast
crowd had not misjudged its man. He is an orator and a
thinker of the first water.
He referred in scathing tones to the vicious attack of
the Winnipeg press upon his character, They were described as cesspits from which nothing clear could be
expected.
He gave a brief review of history, pointing out how
he was taught the Magna Charta meant liberty and jus-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

145

tice at a time when his father, a British miner was on
strike, and he was punished because he could not pay
the school fees.
Every great change in history had come because
classes of men were rising to a consciousness of their
power. Luther was a product of the change from feudalism into capitalism, while he stood for a measure of religious liberty, he was no democrat, for he urged the cruel
suppression of the peasants.
Existence is the only thing common to all things. Understanding is the cement that binds together. Hence the
great need for this hour is understanding. When men
understood* no thunderings or threatenings can shake
their faith.
The world moves forward, but there is a section of
humanity that insists on standing still They live in the
dead past. Such a body is the Committee of 1000.
The truly educated person is he or she who can correctly understand the nature of economic crisis as they
approach and act accordingly.
This the 1000 had failed to do.
The speaker paid a tribute to the workers as the natural supporters of peace and law and order. He drew
attention to the fact that the editors of the three daily
papers and the Committee of 1000 have used every power
they possessed to create disorder and introduce Martial
Law and bloodshed, but the intuitive sense and good
judgment of the workers had foiled every attempt. The
workers produce everything that is useful; the only thing
the other side ever do produce is trouble. That is the
game*
This was no accident, he averred. He had, in England,
met on the job, Italians, Slavs, Frenchmen, Englishmen,
Scotchmen and other savages. They had discussed economics and philosophy, and in the university of experience
had got down to the root of the matter. Because of this,
the workers were able to act intelligently in a crisis while
their masters became panic-stricken.
The workers did not ask that anything they said be
taken for granted. Take the word of nobody, he said, but
test out every proposition, and see for yourselves,
Describing the condition of Scotland, Lord Roseberry
had said there were two kinds of Scotchmen: "'Scots who
hae, and Scots who hae n o t ' M n Britain there were those

146

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

who produced all and possessed nothing, and those who
produced nothing and possessed all In Canada there were
those who live and do not work, and those who work but
do not live. This condition must be changed. This was
the fundamental cause of the unrest.
Vancouver was now tied tight, and it would stick until
every striker was reinstated, and until collective bargaining was fully guaranteed. Wh'en Ottawa acted to crush
labor, then Vancouver struck to help labor. If you are
whipped we are whipped. If you go down we will go down
in the same boat. But if you are to be victorious we must
help you. And we will. (Thunderous applause.)
The boys of the bulldog breed never had a job to do
like the present job. If they had not lost all their teeth
hanging on to a job, this was the time to bite and hang on.
Ottawa had had a chance to put out a little fire at
the first, but they had tried to put it out with coal oil
and it had spread. Borden believed in collective bargaining in Versailles, but not in Winnipeg.
People talked of democracy, the strike was not democracy, but he maintained that when four old men got together behind closed doors and secretly settled the destinies of all mankind that was the very antithesis of
democracy. Labor wanted none of it. The workers stood
for open discussion and decision by the ballot. That was
how this strike was called.
The following account of the meeting of the Soldiers'
Parliament on Saturday, of June 14th, 1919, taken from
the "Strike Bulletin," of June 15th, is inserted because of
its valuable information? which is well worthy of more than
passing notice:
THE SOLDIERS' PARLIAMENT
Labor Party Mooted—Raids in North Winnipeg—Sensations Promised—Precautions Taken—Bathie Answered
—Bribe Refused—Telephone Operators get $110.00—
Another Meet this Morning.
"Business as usual" was the slogan at the Soldiers'
Parliament in Victoria Park on Saturday morning.
Comrade Bray reported for the committee and promised something extra interesting for Monday morning.
The press has shouted through its headlines that something big was to-have happened in the last 24 hours.
Whatever had bees fontfipplated had not eventuated.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

147

He pleaded with the returned men to keep off the streets
and continue to preserve law and order.
North Winnipeg Raids
Information had leaked out that an order had emanated from Kennedy Street that several cars, manned by
Provincial police, were to raid the north end and arrest
any one who might be shooting craps. If they could not
catch anyone violating the law, they were to "get them
anyway."
Forty to One, and that One a Woman
Information was to hand that a body of forty, purporting to be special police, had broken into several houses
in the North End about 3 o'clock on Saturday morning.
They had a warrant for the arrest of one man. In one of
the houses the sole occupant was a woman. Nevertheless
the house was broken into and furniture smashed.
Something in the Wind
There was something in the wind. Imported spies were
on the streets asking returned men if they were "strikers or citizens." Booze was being liberally supplied at the
special police headquarters and the strike militia were
confined to barracks. Provincial police were also being
concentrated in Winnipeg and members of the Soldiers'
Committee were being shadowed.
Fif ty-Fif ty Answered
Attention was called to a letter signed by Comrade
Bathie, which had appeared in the press. It was doubtful
if he had written it. The statements it contained were a
flat contradiction of the statements made by Comrade
Bathie before the G.W.V.A. and on the floor of the Provincial Legislature.
The Unseen Hand
A certain slippery politician had offered money to
soldiers to assist in the formation of a Political Organization, but this had been indignantly refused. The Committee was, however, considering the formation of a
permanent organization in the nature of a Soldiers' Labor
Party. It was not yet ready to report.
The High Cost of Living
A document was quoted showing that Premier Borden
had $9,500.00 worth of stock in the Manitoba Cold Storage Company. Members of the Committee of 1000 also

148

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

had stock in that and other cold storage companies and
yet they prated about reducing the cost of living.
Spontaneous Offering
A Committee moved among the crowd and sold $50
worth of tickets for the ball game next Tuesday afternoon on Wesley Grounds, the proceeds to go to the aid of
the striking telephone operators. At the conclusion of
the meeting someone started a volunteer offering for the
same purpose, which netted $60.
A fine spirit prevailed and after listening to a final
plea for the preservation of law and order under all circumstances, the assembly dispersed to meet again this
morning.
THE STRIKE COMMITTEE AND THE MEDIATORS
In the meantime, whilst the events we have chronicled
were taking place outside, what of the work of the representatives of the thousands of strikers, who were sitting, two
and three sessions daily on the General Strike Committee?
At this time the last body to offer themselves as "mediators," were the Grand Lodge officers of the Railroad Brotherhoods.
These men held daily sessions with the ironmasters, submitting propositions, receiving counter propositions which,
in turn, were submitted first to the Central Committee and
through them to the General Committee. There they were
discussed at great: length and such amendments suggested
as the collective knowledge of that Committee thought
desirable.
Many times the Brotherhood officers were on the verge
of giving up in despair of ever being able to convince the
upholders of industrial autocracy that new times demanded
new conditions; but they were asked to continue their
efforts and went to their task with greater energy and zeal,
as they realized that a great tie-up of the great railroad
systems was imminent unless a satisfactory agreement
could be reached.
In the "Free Press," of June 15th, was a report to the
effect that "the men who had gone out were mostly firemen and switchmen* Last night the C.P.R. issued an official
notice that all passenger trains had been dispatched. There
would be reduced freight service," and the following from
the same paper and same date explains the situation of other
railroads:

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

149

FREIGHT YARDS AFFECTED
The running trades walk-out is creating considerable
difficulty in the railway freight yards. The G.N.R. Fort
Rouge yards and the Paddington yards in St. Boniface
are most seriously affected. The Union stock yards are
still in operation, the shunting engine remaining at work
to handle livestock.
In the Fort Rouge yards practically all enginemen, firemen and switchmen vf the Canadian National Railways
are out. C.P.R. engineers have stayed with their engines
almost to a man, it is reported, but a number of firemen
and switchmen joined in the strike movement. Office help
and yardmasters are replacing them.
The train and yard men in the C.P.R. had taken the ballot
and it was circulated on the lines West of Winnipeg, and
the sentiment, so far as could be ascertained, was overwhelmingly in favor of -striking in sympathy with Winnipeg, notwithstanding the fact that James Murdock, VicePresident B.R.T., gave a lengthy statement to the press
denying the accuracy of the strikers' contention, and in
the issue of the "Strike Bulletin," for June 17th, there
appeared the following:
RUNNING TRADES REPUDIATE STATEMENT
A statement appeared in last evening's issue of the
" "Tribune" claiming that the strike vote recently taken
of men in train and yard service on the C.P.R. was taken
under misrepresentation. The statement was attributed
to Jas. Murdock, International Vice-President of the
Trainmen's Brotherhood. The undersigned Committee
representing men in train and yard service wish to say
that this is nothing but a glaring falsehood. They believe
it was issued by Murdock for the apparent purpose of
discrediting the men active in the movement; and, also,
for the purpose of attempting to stampede some of the
men back to work.
Every man who voted wag acquainted with the fact
that the ballot was to be used locally in a progressive
strike.
This is only one of the many fruitless attempts made
by Murdock to gain a following by the employment of
illegitimate methods.
(Signed) RUNNING TRADES
PUBLICITY COMMITTEE.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Running Trades Mean Business
Members of the Running Trades assert that the whole
of the West is alive to the strike situation, and will likely
be out in large numbers within a few days. Brandon,
Dauphin, Saskatoon, Vancouver, etc., are right on the job.
Dauphin foremen walked out this morning.
On Monday, June 16th, there appeared in all the Winnipeg
daily papers a lengthy letter from Metal Trades employers,
signed on behalf of the Vulcan Iron Works, by E. G.
Barrett; Manitoba Bridge and Iron Works, by H. B. Lyall,
and Dominion Bridge Company, by N. W. Warren.
This letter purported to outline to the citizens of Winnipeg their position and definition of the term "Collective
Bargaining." This letter and definition of collective bargaining was followed by letters from, first, Senator Robertson
(whose endorsation, in view of his record during the^strike,
caused the strikers to look for the proverbial joker); second,
the members of the Railroad Brotherhoods who had been
acting as mediators, signed by: Ash Kennedy, B.L.E.;
George K. Wark, B.L.F. & E.; James Murdock, B.R.T.; H. G.
Barker, 0. of R.C; D. McPherson, 0. of R.T.; A. McAndrews,
M. of W. Employees; and lastly, by the resident Winnipeg
managers of the three railroad systems: D. C. Coleman,
C.P.R.; A. E. Warren, C.N.R.; W. P. Hunter, G.T.P.R.
THE DUPLICITY OF THE HOLY TRINITY
This definition of collective bargaining on the part of the
ironmasters was not satisfactory to organized labor as
represented on the General Strike Committee.
In further proof, if it were needed, of the contentions of
the strikers that neither the ironmasters nor the Citizens'
Committee of 1000 (who had arrogated to themselves the
right to make a settlement) were sincere in their profession
of seeing a settlement made, and as an exposure of the
deceit and duplicity and prevarication during the whole
course of the strike, we append the following cutting from
the Winnipeg "Tribune," of June 17th, 1919:
ASSERTS IRONMASTERS DID NOT ACCEPT COLLECTIVE BARGAINING UNTIL AFTER
MEDIATORS HAD QUIT
Running Trades' Board Reviews Attempts to End Strike
Refusal of the Ironmasters to recognize the Metal
Trades Council was the rock on which the mediation ship

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151

was wrecked, according to a statement issued today by
the mediation board.
The statement reviews at great length the proceedings
of the board.
It concludes with the assertion that the ironmasters'
letter, published Monday, was their first acceptance of
the principles of collective bargaining as practised by
the railway organizations. The board declares that no
such proposal was made by the ironmasters while the
mediators were in session.
"We desire to point out," reads the statement, "that
during the period of mediation no. proposition was submitted by the employers which could be endorsed as being
identical with the practises of the train service organization."
In the report they draw attention to the ironmasters 9
refusal to accept the various proposals made to them, each
containing the definition of collective bargaining as in operation between the various railroads and their employees.
As further evidence of conspiracy and collusion and determination to break the strike by undermining the morale of
the strikers, is the fact that two or three days after this,
there appeared in the daily press a full and complete definition of the term, with all the necessary details, together
with a signed statement signifying the willingness of the
ironmasters to accept their definition therein contained as
a basis for a settlement.
But they stated that a copy of this same document had
been forwarded to the Strike Committee for acceptance,
whereas in fact it was a few days after their insertion in
the daily press, that copies were received from Senator Robertson, who had in his possession a reproduction of what
appeared in the papers.
By such dispicafole tactics they hoped to stampede the
strikers back to work, and bring discredit upon the strike
leaders, for not accepting a definition of the term in accorance with their own specifications.
PRUSSIAN ESPIONAGE
Whilst the Strike Committee were giving close attention
to these matters of such great moment to organized labor,
what of the busy world outside ?
The rumors that had been in circulation for over a week,
later confirmed by reliable information, were gradually

152

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1910

developing into facts. Strange, mysterious noises were
heard under the window sills of men's homes as they conversed with their families—hurrying footsteps revealed the
presence of eavesdroppers—speakers at strikers' meetings
saw faces with singular persistence and regularity at the
different meetings at which they spoke—-strangers adopted
all the familiarity of intimate acquaintances—strange
shadows dogged the footsteps of the men afterwards arrested—with stealthy tread strange forms appeared from under
verandahs and vanished in the darkness—veiled threats
were made that "we will get you yet"—all reminiscent of
what we have read of the Prussian spy and the Agents
Provocateur.
Some of these gentlemen had an unpleasant experience
in St. John's Park where Comrade Bray was addressing a
meeting. At the close of his speech some half dozen of these
spies said: "We'll get you yet, Bray," and much to their
chagrin and disappointment, some twenty women in the
crowd immediately caught them by the arm and coat lapels,
and invited them to "come and get him now," but they beat
a hasty and very shame-faced retreat in the high-powered
cars in which they had arrived.
THE COWARDLY ARRESTS
Monday, June 16th, 1919, like all the days that preceded
it, had been a strenuous one for many. Strike business in
the morning, including a general view of the situation, a
hurried lunch, an hour in the Strike Committee, away to
address the awaiting crowds, pass along the information
available, back to the Strike Committee till 6 o'clock—a hurried supper, away to all points of the compass, within the
city, and outside, to talk to other waiting crowds; back to
the Strike Committee, until the "wee sma' hours"; a weary
tramp homewards, except to such as owned a "bike" or could
beg a ride in some auto. Such was the daily round.
The weary workers for a better day for the whole of mankind had hardly closed their eyes in sleep when a rap on
the door, followed by another and still another, reverberated
through the quiet of that lovely summer's morning, and a
voice of command: "Open the door or we shall break it
open/' Something new in the experience of all to whom the
summons came, but as the doors were opened, in marched
a stalwart guardian of the law, and the first intimation of
his errand was conveyed to the astonished householder,
when the first intruder was followed by two, and in some

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153

cases three or four red-coated members of the R. N. W. M.
Police, each packing his gun and loaded riding whip, bedecked in sombrero, top boots and spurs, whilst in the first
light of early dawn could be seen a big high-powered car in
charge of a chauffeur, who kept his engine running, and
footsteps betokened the presence of other servants of constituted authority guarding any possible means of escape
from the rear of the house; though why such precautions
should be taken, when the intruders each packed a gun, and
the poor victim was clothed only in pyjamas or nightshirts,
it is hard to, understand.
Simultaneously, at a few minutes to three, these highpowered cars, with their armed occupants started on their
errand; simultaneously nine families were roused from their
sleep by these minions of the Law—and many and varied
were their experiences.
Arriving at the home of George Armstrong, on Edmonton
Street, they knocked and demanded admission, but no admission did they get until Mr. Armstrong had telephoned
the police station and made sure from the Chief of Police
that they were there on the King's (?) business.
Then the door was opened and armed with a blank search
warrant, they proceeded to investigate every nook and corner of the house—gathering up books papers and periodicals
—the valued sources of knowledge—knowledge of the truth,
which shall eventually set men free.
At the same hour, a similar knock resounded on the
door of the home of Ivens, the terrible,whose unpardonable
crime was that he had told the truth as editor of the "Western Labor News"—-who loved mankind better than the wornout creeds and rituals of a Church which existed only to
cover the nakedness of the exploiters of his fellow-men.
Here the same search for incrimmating letters, papers,
books or documents.
It is hardly necessary to give him the prefix and affixes
to which he is entitled, as so many know him and of him,
but in case some reader does not, he is the Rev. William
Ivens, M.A., B.D., a Minister of the Methodist Church,
and today the pastor of the largest Church in Winnipeg,
with more adherants than any other church in the continent
of America, the "Winnipeg Labor Church."
The press, of course, and all his enemies insist that his
last affix signifies "Bad Devil/' but many a good laugh was
had as "Bill's" expense when he was trying to convince

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Serg. Reames (head of the spies' department of the R. N.
W. M. P.) that the men who had arrested him and searched
his house "were not gentlemen." Whilst Ivens was being
arrested and searched, other parties were arresting R. B.
Russell, out at Weston. If there is a man in Winnipeg who
is dearer to the heart of the workers, or who has fought
harder on their behalf, the workers would like to know him.
At the same time another party was at the home of R. E.
Bray, who, when told by the first intruder that he had a
warrant for his arrest and a search warrant to look over
the premises, told them to go ahead whilst he got dressed.
But the three men followed at his heels and despite protest
entered into the bedroom and proceeded to turn over the
bedclothes and matress before his wife was allowed to dress,
even going so far as to search the bedroom of his sleeping
children, "looking for seditious literature or concealed firearms," as though a child's bed was the place to find either.
The Mounties nosed around and seemed very disappointed at
not being able to find anything of an incriminating character.
Simultaneously the home of Alderman Heaps was visited.
It so happened that Alderman John Queen, whose family
was staying at Gimli for the Summer, was spending the
night with his brother alderman, and these two, who were
the elected representatives of one of the largest wards in
the city, were handcuffed together like a couple of common
criminals. On the same warrant, charged with some offences, were the names of R. J. Johns who, since the middle of
April, had been attending sittings of the National Railway
Board in Montreal, as the elected representative of all the
Machinists on all the Railways in Canada, and that of W. A.
Pritchard, who had been sent by the Trades and Labor
Council of Vancouver (of which body he was an Executive
member) to look over the situation in Winnipeg, and was
at the time the others were arrested speeding home to his
wife and bairns, anxiously awaiting his home-coming.
To add "color" and for "theatrical effect" there also
appeared in the self same warrant the names of the five
foreign citizens, whose homes were visited by the guardians
of the Law: M, Charitonoff, editor of the "Working People,"
a weekly paper published in Russian, suppressed during the
war, but for the publication of which he had in his possesslop, at the time of his arrest, permission from the Federal
wMtimtifos at OWawa; M. Almazoff, a student of the Maui-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Rev. Wm. Ivens

155

156

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

toba University, a writer and thinker who had come to Canada from Russia at the age of 23; Sam Blumenberg, a delegate to the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council, formerly
a member of the Socialist Party of Canada; and, lastly, the
name of one Davieatkin, also of Russian birth, but who had
been away on his farm for nearly two months prior to June
17th, and it is in connection with him that one of the greatest outrages ever committed in a British Dominion in the
name of justice was perpetrated. This man had le^t in
charge of his home a Russian youth by the name of Verenchuck, who had retired to bed leaving the inner door unfastened and only/the screen door hooked on the inside.
According to Verenchuek's own story minions of the Law
did not trouble to knock but made a hole through the fly
screen, unhooked the door, and without the formality of
turning on the light and waking the sleeper found the way
to his bedroom by means of a flashlight, threw back the
bedclothes, grabbed him by the feet and flashing the flashlight in his eyes whilst two of the red-coats pointed their
guns at his head gave him five minutes to get dressed.
Never a mention of a warrant, never asking his name, but
at the point of the guns compelling him to dress and go with
them. This was, brutal and inhuman even for a hardened
criminal, but here was a boy who in 1915 volunteered to help
"make the world safe for democracy"; was wounded and
recovered and passed through all the stages of hospitals,
convalescences, retraining and another draft for France,
where he was wounded the second time and shell-shocked
on the Somme in those terrible days of 1916. Back to Hospital, Blighty, and home to Canada, where he was honorably
discharged in 1917. And his name was not on the warrant
and in fact no warrant was issued for him until he had been
in the Penitentiary 36 hours.
But there was worse to follow for him, which will be told
on a later page.
NORTH WINNIPEG POLICE STATION
The cars started from their station in time to make the
arrests simultaneously and the only thing that prevented
simultaneous arrival at the North End Police Station, was a
difference in the time taken to search the different homes,
and as it was there was only twenty minutes between the
first arrival and the last. On arrival there the thing that
was most noticeable was the evidence of panic which was
written on every countenance of those in authority and

HISTORY O F WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

157

which manifested itself in the "jumpiness" of all the officials; and it is safe to say that could the few hours' work
have been done there, it would have saved the "powers that
be" much worry and many dollars.
By the irony of fate (or perhaps with malice aforethought) Armstrong was placed in one of the cells that he
himself had built and with his characteristic humor he remarked that he had often heard Ivens talking about "they
that build fine houses shall live in them," but he hardly
expected to live in the cell he himself had built.
A cursory examination for firearms and the arrivals were
placed in the usual cells and the doors locked, and with the
refinement of cruelty that is a product of our vaunted
civilization and vulgar curiosity the tools and servants of a
corrupt Government wandered around from cell to cell,
gazing upon the outcome of their infamous raid, as they
would at animals in the Zoo. "Where's Ivens! Where's
Bray! Where's Russell! and the poor ignorant boobs would
gaze and grin at their victims who were guilty of what?
Trying to make the world what it should be.
'THE TRIP TO STONY MOUNTAIN
Less than thirty minutes from the arrival of the first
"prisoner" a pompous individual bedecked in all the trappings of the R. N. W. M. P. his arm gaily decorated with
three gold braid stripes appeared at the door of the cell,
took out the prisoner and placed him in charge of two
"subordinates" each armed with gun and loaded whip,.and
anything in the nature of human treatment and ordinary
civility called forth his strongest condemnation. "Take hold
of that prisoner both of you," he bawled to the two privates
who were leading Bobby Russell outside to the waiting car.
The "nine" were led to the two high-powered cars waiting
outside, the chauffeurs were at the wheels, seated beside
them was one of the city's special constables. The prisoners
were placed in the rear seats, with a Mountie on either side,
and in that sweet fresh summer morning, the cars sped over
the prairie to the place where lie buried so many hopes, to
that living tomb, where all that is best and noblest in human
nature is stifled, where the laughing voices and the rippling
laughter of little children is never heard, where the angelic
presence, the sunny smile, and the gentle touch of a woman's
hand is unknown. Arrived outside those grim forbidding
walls, over twenty- feet high, smooth as glass, atop of

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

which an armed guard kept watch—there was none to open
until the warden was wakened from his slumber.
Was it through the dwelling on the possibility of the
execution of the threat of arrest, or was it some intuitive
sub-conscious knowledge that led Ivens, on the night before
to set out the headline of the "Strike Bulletin'' ? However
it may be, it was most appropriate and very significant that
the headline of the issue for June 17th, 1919, should be:
"COMRADES! HOLD THE LINE."
As was both title and subject matter of the leading article
of the same issue:
THE MORNING DAWNS?
It looks as if a settlement of the strike is approaching
—so says the man on the street. Maybe yes,, maybe no.
Many a battle has been lost by over-confidence. Now is
the time for boys of the bull dog breed to hang on."
Don't let go. Don't be too optimistic—the fight isn't won
yet. We are still carrying on trying to get others to come
to our help. Hold the line. Keep quiet. Do nothing. If
the other fellow is wavering, lend him a quarter to buy
ice cream to cool his fever, or to buy a roll of wool to
keep his feet warm. Don't let the enemy fool you with
over-confidence. It is his last card. Don't be fooled. The
"Western Labor News" will announce the settlement
when it comes. Till then, hold your horses and do nothing.
Remember that over twenty cities are out in sympathy
with you, so you must hold the line till the battle is won.
Negotiations are entered into whenever an opening appears, but the Strike Committee will make no settlement
that is not honorable and worthy of the fight. At present we must "Carry on."
STONY MOUNTAIN PENITENTIARY OUTSIDE
AND INSIDE
Stony Mountain is the highest ground around Winnipeg,
and it was to this spot the early settlers fled in time of flood
when the surrounding prairie was one vast lake.
The district itself is similar to any other prairie settlement, with the exception that here one sees the quaint
buildings of some of Manitoba's early settlers, in strange
contrast to the modern buildings where dwell the wardens
and guards of the penitentiary. Outside the walls on that
Summer morning, all looked so quiet and restful, the white-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

159

washed houses and barns, the cattle in the pasture and the
meadow larks singing; it seemed as if the big city was in
another land with all its noisy traffic, its jostling crowds,
and its bitter strife. The green of the prairie grass and
the leaves of the trees gently rustling in the morning
breeze, accentuated the evil that was being done by man to
his fellow-man, and the red-coats and the shining spurs of
the "Mounties" made each feel more deeply the great injustice that was being done in the name of the Law.
Ten men, whose one object in life, whose one ambition it
was to make all the world as restful, as contented and as
happy as their surroundings, at that moment were being led
into that living tomb before them, because, forsooth, their
activities were stopping the profits of the exploiters and
slave drivers.
The warden appears and the massive steel-barred gates
are opened and the "prisoners" are marched in and the
door "clangs" behind them. Inside the gravelled courtyard
they are lined up in a row, until the order is given to pass
into the building proper—how dark and forbidding it looks,
only those who have passed through its portal know.
Through four or five of these steel-barred doors they are
led and the doors are closed and locked behind them; into
the office, where they are searched from the crown of the
head to the toe of the boot, pockets turned inside out and
every vestage of tobacco dust shaken from the corners;
every piece of paper, watches, rings, tie pins, all taken and
stored in canvass bags with the name of the owner on a
slip of paper; names entered in a register, and they pass
out through other steel-barred doors, ceasing to be human
beings, becoming things designated by a number. Up a
flight of stairs into a big room with rows of cells each about
nine by five feet with a bedstead, stool and table, brick walls
two feet thick, the only opening a steel-barred door so
situated that no two prisoners can see each other, and all
that can be seen of the great world outside is the blue sky
by day and the stars by night. Such is the place they send
human beings into to "reform" or "remake" them. A typical
criminal factory, a model product of capitalist society and
"Christian" civilization.
It was to this same penitentiary that the millionaire was
committed for two years, after a jury had found him guilty
of defrauding the Province of Manitoba .of something over
$1,000,000 in connection with the new Legislative buildings;

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HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

but who never entered a convict's cell, never wore a convict's suit, never submitted to the regulation hair cut, never
ate the penitentiary fare, but was supplied from outside
with the best that money could buy, on orders from the
Government at Ottawa,
This was the statement given under oath by warden
Graham.
The men arrested for helping to "make a new world"
thought they would at any rate get decent fare, at least
until they were convicted, but when the jailer came around
at seven o'clock the first morning it was to hand in a bowl
of porridge, minus both milk and sugar, but decorated and
flavored with cooking molasses, one round of dry bread,
about one and a half inches thick, minus even the despised
Margerine, then the door was locked again. Shortly after
there appeared a man in the black and brown striped suit
of the convict, with close cropped head, bearing a watering
can with a yard long spout, and in a voice that would wake
the dead, yelled: "Want any tea," and poking the long spout
of tin can through the bars of the cell door filled up the
little enamel mug with colored water, minus milk and sugar.
This was breakfast; dinner, tasteless boiled beef, with all
the nutriment boiled out, potatoes mashed with skin, eyes
and all, and more dry bread; supper, hash, dry bread and
more colored water. This was the fare for three days, with
the exception of soup one day for dinner and radish and dry
bread one day for supper.
COURT SITS IN THE PENITENTIARY
In the afternoon there appeared at the penitentiary the
leading and chief mouth-piece of the Citizens' Committee of
1000, in the person of A. J. Andrews, K.C., this time in the
role of Deputy Minister of Justice, an office conferred upon
him, according to Senator Gideon Robertson, by the acting
Minister of Justice, Honorable Arthur Mieghen, on the recommendation of the Senator. With him was a police magistrate, and when the "boys" were lined up, this gentleman
arose from his seat at the table in this improvised courtroom, and mumbled in a typical police court ^tyle something
which afterwards turned out to be the charges that had
been laid against them. When he had finished Andrews got
up and asked for a remand for eight days. That was the
first intimation the "boys" had that they were in a'court of
justice. Of course, protests were made that the prisoners
had not seen their counsel and they were informed that the

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161

solicitor for the Trades and Labor Council had started, but
that his car had got mired, but they had no need to worry,
they would, in all probability, be on the Atlantic homeward
bound to the land of their birth inside of 72 hours. Further
protest was made and application for bail, but Mr. Andrews
said he was instructed to refuse bail under any consideration
and of any amount, but that the special Immigration Board
was on its way from Ottawa and they would be tried either
Wednesday or Thursday with their wives and families. It
was at this time that it was discovered that there was no
warrant for Verenchuck and Warden Graham also swore
later that there was no warrant for Armstrong.
The daily paper came out on Tuesday with glaring headlines in red ink that ten strike leaders were in jail, and the
following account appeared in the afternoon "Tribune/' of
June 17th, about the same time the "boys" were in court
in the "pen-':
GOING TO KINGSTON FOR TRIAL, IS REPORT;
MORE MAY BE NABBED
Labor and Ukrainian Temple and Liberty Hall Raided by
Royal Police, Assisted by Special Constables
Ten men, including six who have been prominent as
leaders in the Winnipeg strike, were arrested early this
morning by Royal Northwest Mounted Police, assisted by
special city constables.
The ten were taken in automobiles to the penitentiary
at Stonewall. From there, it was reported this afternoon,
they may be taken to the penitentiary at Kingston, Ont.,
within a day or two, for arraignment and trial
Those arrested are:
Rev. William Ivens, editor of the "Western Labor
News/' pastor of the Labor Church and chief orator of
the strikers.
R. B. Russell, Secretary of the Metal Trades Council
John Queen, Alderman from Ward' Five and business
manager of the "Western Labor News/'
Ao A. Heaps, Alderman from Ward Five.
George Armstrong, street car motorman.
Moses Alamazoff.
R. E. Bray, leader in strikers" parades and "Chairman
of the Soldiers' Parliament/'
Mike Verenchuck.
S. Choppelrei.
F, Charitonoff, editor of the Russian "Working People/'

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Raids were made simultaneously on the Labor Temple, Ukrainian Temple, Liberty Hall and homes of the
arrested men by about 50 Royal "Mounties" and 500
special city police. The police had a warrant for each of
the ten. No resistance was offered by any of them.
According to Acting Chief Newton, charges of seditious
conspiracy are to be preferred against the prisoners.
A. J. Andrews, K.C., will represent the Government as
special prosecutor in these cases, Crown Prosecutor R. B.
Graham announced. It is understood that Mr. Andrews
swore out the warrants on instructions he received from
Ottawa Monday afternoon.
Mr. Andrews, in an interview this afternoon, said he
was acting on instructions from the Federal Department
of Justice.
*'Federal officers have been investigating for two weeks
and the action taken is the result/' he declared.
It is reported that the Dominion Government contemplated arresting alleged agitators simultaneously in all
Western cities where strikes are in progress. Latest dispatches from Vancouver, Regina, Brandon, Edmonton,
Moose Jaw, Calgary, and Saskatoon this afternoon :were
that no arrests had been made in any of those citie^
The raids and arrests came as a dramatic climax to a
long period of inactivity on the part of Federal, Provincial, and Civic officials, during which runloxs that
such action was contemplated were circulated everywhere.
The fa^t that the responsibility for the raids and ar-\
rests rests entirely upon the Federal Government is attested by statements made by Premier Norris and Mayor
Gray, in which they declare that they had no previous
knowledge of the plans.
A delegation from the Strike Committee called upon
the Mayor shortly before noon and asked* whether the
city had ordered the arrests.
"We have just come from Senator Robertson," they
said. "We asked him who ordered the raids and he referred us to you."
The Mayor asserted that he knew nothing about the
matter.
Premier Norris was equally emphatic. When asked
what he knew about the affair, he said: "Just leave us

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163

out of it." Other members of the Provincial Cabinet said
they knew nothing about it whatever.
Warrants for the arrest of several more men were
issued this morning on orders of A. J. Andrews, E.G.,
prosecutor for the Dominion Government, it was stated
at the police station. Their arrest, it was said, would be
only a matter of a short time.
Included in the charges of seditious libel are the following alegations:
"That the men did conspire against his person, King
George V."
"That they conspired with intent against the constitutional Government of Canada."
"That they conspired with intent to oppose the authority of constables appointed by the City of Winnipeg/'
"That certain articles published in the 'Western Labor
News' were published with intent to ridicule the constitutional Government of the Dominion."
The charge of seditious conspiracy, along with an innuendo of considerable length, reads:
"That these men did conspire with intent to overthrow
the constitutional Government of the Dominion of
Canada."
More than 500 special constables and 50 members of
the Royal North West Mounted Police were used in the
raids.
Automobiles which were mobilized on Broadway, near
Main Street, and in the vicinity of the R.N.W.M.P. headquarters, at Smith Street and Assiniboine Avenue, \yere
used to visit the homes of the men taken into custody.
The first auto left police headquarters at 2 o'clock this
morning with a warrant for the arrest of Alderman
Heaps. Twenty other cars followed, each loaded with
mounted and special police. At 4 o'clock the round-up t
was complete.
At the same hour, the Labor Temple, Ukrainian Temple
and Liberty halls wrere raided. Quantities of literature
were seized and loaded on a truck, which was taken to
the police station.
Books and literature in connection with the Calgary
convention also were seized, it is understood.
The biggest haul in literature was made at the Labor
Temple, where the truck was more than half loaded.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1019

Literature printed in Ukrainian, English, German, and
Polish, was found in the two other places raided, police
said.
Draw Cordon Around Temple
While the squad of North West Mounted Police and
special constables raided the Labor Temple, more than
400 constables drew a cordon around the building, to prevent interference. The men were armed and had instructions not to allow anybody to approach the building.
Inspector Henry Green was in charge of the squad.
"Open in the name of the Law," he shouted, after rapping on the door of the place.
No one replied.
He then tried the door. It was locked.
The plate glass in the window was then smashed, and
the door opened. No one was found in the building. The
janitor, who, according to police, is on duty there all
night, was not to be seen.
Desks were opened and literature and documentary
evidence seized.
Safes Are Sealed
Safes were sealed and guards placed over them. On
the second floor, which was occupied by Mr. Russell, and
the Cloak and Garment Makers' Union, police found copies
of the "Red Flag," an organ published at Vancouver.
Copies of literature endorsing the Soviet Government
as the one body approaching perfection, were also found
on this floor, according to constables.
The office of the Trades and Labor Council, on the main
floor, was then raided. A large quantity of literature was
found there.
Heaps First Arrested
Alderman Heaps, from Ward Five, was the first man
arrested. He was in bed when special constables, and two
members of the Royal North West Mounted Police arrived.
He protested vigorously, and is said to have told the
constables that they should have waited until later in
the morning. He did not attempt to resist, however, and
when the warrant was read to him, he dressed and accompanied the policemen to an automobile and was conveyed to the Central Police Station.
"Wait, that's all," Alderman John Queen, is said to
have told the two constables who apprehended him. He

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

165

dressed and quietly accompanied the officers.
R. B. Russell, Rev. William Ivens, George Armstrong,
F. Charitonoff, and Moses Alemazoff made no statements
when aprehended.
Mrs. Armstrong, however, is said to have protested,
when officers attempted to arrest her husband.
"You cannot get him out of this house until Chief Newton tells me you have the right to," she told the policemen.
The officers waited while Mrs. Armstrong ran to the
North-End police station. She telephoned Chief Newton
from the station.
"They have a warrant to arrest George," she told Mr.
Newton.
"I guess it's all right, then," Chief Newton replied.
Mrs. Armstrong then went home and "formally" released her husband to the officers.
R. E. Bray, leaders of the strikers' parades, fainted
when policemen woke him up, according to constables who
were in the house when he was arrested.
He was revived, but wept all the way to the station,
constables said.
City Officials Ignorant of Raids
Civic officials were ignored by the Dominion Government authorities in connection with the arrest early today of strike leaders. They declared they knew nothing
about it and did not know it was to take place
"I don't know anything about it," Mayor Gray said.
"I have nothing to say except that I was asleep at Elm
Park when the arrests were made."
Alderman J. K. Sparling, Chairman of the Police Commission, was equally in the dark,
"I knew nothing about the arrest until I came down
town this morning," he said. "It was carried out entirely
by the Dominion authorities."
The arrests were the chief topics of conversation
around the city hall.
Alderman John Queen, one of those arrested, is a member of the Civic Food Committee, but he had attended
only one meeting since the city established food depots in
schools*
. Mayor Gray said he knew nothing about the possibility
of Martial Law being declared. Other Council members

166

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

said they also knew nothing about any action along that
line.
Say Constables Swiped Cigars
"A lot of special constables are smoking union made
cigars today," according to men at the Labor Temple,
who said the cigar stand had been more thoroughly ransacked than any other part of the building.
Every room of the building was searched. Even cartoons were taken from the windows and carried away as
evidence.
Two hundred special police and North West Mounted
men were in the group that carried out the actual raid
on the Labor Temple. About 400 others were held in
reserve.
The streets about the temple wefe lined with machines,
each one loaded with special police.
Every way one might turn there were police and still
more police.
Some of the specials were in their shirt sleeves although the morning air was chilly. They had been called
hurriedly out of bed without warning.
"Come on, there's something doing," was all the orders
that some of them received. But they showed up at once.
According to specials in the party only the officers knew
of the plans to raid the Labor Temple and arrest the
leaders.
And on Wednesday, June 18th, the following two choice
articles appeared, confirming Andrews' statements to the
"boys'5 in the penitentiary, and, incidentally, proving the
"conspiracy" that led to the infamous amendments to the
Immigration Act on June 6th, at Ottawa, at the instigation
of U.S.A. financial magnates. This was the result of what
General Ketchen described to the meeting in the Arei\a Rink
on June 6th, as "the steps that were being taken at this
instant, to enable the Government to handle all undesirable
agitators, British-born and otherwise:

DEPORTATION ORDERS COME FOR REDS HERE
Action Will be Taken Under Amended Immigration Act*
Ottawa, June 17.—Comment here today dwelt much
upon the arrest of strike leaders that orders for the
deportation of the men arrested were sent to Winnipeg
by the Minister of Immigration yesterday afternoon.
Action was taken under the amended Immigration Act

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

167

calling for the deportation of persons who strive for the
overthrow of constituted authority by forcible means.
The act as first amended this session referred only to
aliens in this regard and it was found unworkable as
applied to men of British ibirth; as it now stands it may
apply to anyone who is not a British subject by birth in
Canada or by naturalization therein and will, therefore,
include in its scope nearly all BritisMborn who have declared themselves as being for the forcible overthrow of
constituted authority. From present indications it is the
intention of the Immigration authorities to proceed at
once with the other formalities necessary to the carrying
out of the orders issued.
The above despatch from Ottawa confirms information
received locally by the Free Press that the arrests are
preliminary to deportation proceedings in the case of
these leaders, who are not of Canadian birth. Meanwhile
they are also facing charges of seditious conspiracy.

TRIAL OF REDS TO BE BEHIND CLOSED DOORS
Special Board Will Hear Allegations on Deportable Charge
—Immediate Action is Prosecutor's Decision—Accused
May be En Route Across Atlantic in 76 Hours, Says A.
J. Andrews, K.C.
Red leaders arrested in Winnipeg early yesterday may
be on; their way across the Atlantic within the next 76,
hours, it was announced today.
They will be tried at Stony Mountain tomorrow, provided the board coming from Ottawa to hear the charge
against them, arrives in the city tonight.
This board, it is stated by A. J. Andrews, K.C, who
is conducting the case for the Crown, has the power to
deport them right away. If they are not deported they
will be dealt with under the criminal code. Bail will not
be allowed, if Mr. Andrews can possibly prevent it, according to his statement.
The public will not be admitted to the hearings which
are expected to start at Stony Mountain at 10 a.m. tomorrow.
Coming Frc^m Ottawa
Three members of the board are coming from Ottawa.
• Their names were not available.
Also eligible for membership of the board are Col.
Stearns, of the R.N.W.M.P., Commissioner A. A. Perry,

168

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

and Thomas Jelley, acting Commissioner of Immigration
in Winnipeg for the Federal Government.
Counsel for the accused has been given permission to
appear for them. The press may be admitted by a permit
from the Chairman of the Board.
T. J. Murray with Mr. Andrews Wet Senator G. D.
Robertson at the Royal Alexandra at noon today. Following a conference lasting more than an hour, Mr. Murray was the first to leave. He declined to make any statement at this juncture.
Immediate Deportation
"Under the amended Order-in-Couneil the Board will
have power to deport the accused immediately,3" said
A. J. Andrews. "If they do not come under this amendment they can be dealt with under the criminal code on
all the charges named. The Board may not consider the
charges sufficiently serious for immediate deportation,
in which case criminal proceedings will be immediately
instituted."
More charges, in addition to those already laid, may
be preferred against the accused, counsel for the Crown
intimated.
/

"LAW AND ORDER" AT THE LABOR TEMPLE
Whilst the homes of the men were being visited and the
men themselves being whisked away to Stony Mountain,
some hundreds of "Special Police" and "Mounties" were
raiding the various meeting places of the strikers and
headquarters of organized labor.
At the Labor Temple on James Street, the large plate
glass doors were broken and every room broken into and
searched. In room 14, the office of the Machinists' Local,
No. 122, the headquarters of Brother R. B. Russell, a desk
was deliberately smashed open and in addition to the papers
and documents there was between $50 and $60 in cash, dues
paid in by members after banking hours the previous day;
and when these minions of the Law left, after their search,
this money as well as the papers and documents were missing.
The show case on the ground floor was liberally stocked
with cigars, cigarettes, and tobacco, but without specifically charging the searchers with theft, it is a fact that after
they left there was hardly so much as a cigarette paper left.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

169

On a subsequent visit the three safes in the building were
opened in a most expert manner, and despoiled of their
contents. The Ukrainian Labor Temple was visited and suffered wanton destruction in the same manner. Type already
set in the printing machine in the basement was scattered
all over the floor and machines wilfully damaged.
About $38 worth of chocolate and candy were taken from
the show cases here, as the cigars, etc., from the Labor
Temple.
A DISCREDITED GOVERNMENT AND AN ERSTWHILE
RESPECTED FORCE
One of the charges laid against the^ men arrested is that
"of bringing His Majesty's Government into contempt and
ridicule," but this charge could lie more properly against
the Government itself, for its own policy and action have
earned the contempt of 85% of the population; and never
in the history of Canada has a Government been held in
such contempt by the mass of the people as the present
Union Government.
By wholesale disfranchisement, by the manipulation of
the "floating" vote of the soldiers, by intimidation, they rode
into power, and disgusted the entire electorate by their
policy of Government by Order-in-CounciL All this was bad
enough, but when they use the members of what was looked
upon as one of the best constabulary forces in the world for
such base purposes as stool pigeons and common spies, it
shows to what lengths they are prepared to go to bolster the
crumbling reign of despotism.
HOLDING THE LINE
After the arrests, meetings were held to protest against
the Prussian methods adopted by our "Democratic Government," but there followed no unseemly demonstrations, only
a quiet firm determination to carry on "till the fight was
won." "Hold the*Line!" was the rallying cry, and hold the
line they did.
The "Strike Bulletin" came out as usual, with J. S. Woodsworth as editor, and as evidence of fearless courage and
undaunted enthusiasm, we append the following article from
the issue of Wednesday, June 18th, 1919:
FOOLS AND KNAVES
"Whom the Gods would destroy they first make mad."
When the knaves on the Committee of 1000 started the

170

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

villainous campaign which has resulted in the arrest of
six of the most devoted men ^who ever served the cause
of labor, they fondly and falsely imagined that by securing the arrest of these men they could break the strike.
During the early part of the strike the plutocratic 1000
expected to starve the workers into submission in two
weeks. When the workers refused to submit they said:
"The fact that these workers can live more than two
weeks without working shows that they are getting too
high wages. We must grind them down." Later the
Committee boasted that its position had been endorsed
by the Civic, Provincial and Federal Governments. Then
came thundering the ultimatums of the various Governments and corporations. These failed of their purpose,
which was rank intimidation.
While the old police force was on the city streets, peaceful and law-abiding citizens could sleep quietly in their
beds without fear of molestation. Citizens could walk
the streets unafraid of gunmen, because they could rely
on the old city police to administer the Law without fear
or favor. This was not to be liking of the 1000, so they
maligned the loyal police until the Police Commission was
induced to lock them out.
Then followed a Cossack-like attempt to club the workers into submission.
All the miserable tactics of the 1000 have failed of their
main purpose. They have failed to break the strike. They
have failed to prevent the strike from spreading.
After a month's campaign of villification, misrepresentation and intimidation, unparalled in this country in its
intensity, there are more men and women on strike in
Winnipeg than there were a month ago. The Committee
of Knaves realizes this and as a consequence they have
gone stark raving mad.
We thought their last card was played when they
ousted the men who were the embodiment of law and
order from the streets. But they had another card up
their sleeve, namely, the brutal arrest of strike leaders*
Perhaps they have another card yet. Let them play it.
They will find that the strikers can give them cards and
spades and then beat them. It is impossible for that
infamous Committee to descend much lower, but let them
go the limit; we have no intention of following them.
Whatever foul tactics may be indulged in by the dpposl-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

F, J. Dixon, M.P.P.

171

172

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

tion, the strikers will continue calm and strong, resolved
to win by lawful and orderly methods those righteous
principles which are at stake. It is not the fact of this
or that man that will decide the issue. It is the firm
resolution to win that will overcome and cast down the
greedy tyrants from the pedestal on which they have
placed themselves. The actions of the Committee of 1000
indicate that its policy is dictated by mad knaves and
carried out by credulous fools. They will find out, however, that the brains of the labor movement are not all
contained in the heads of six men; that the determination
of the labor movement is not confined in six hearts. They
will be taught that 35,000 brains and hearts are united
and that these brains and hearts will in the long run
rise victorious through all the nefarious machinations of
the 1000, secure the objects for which this strike is being
waged and vindicates the men who were arrested on Tuesday morning.
DOMINION WIDE PROTESTS
Meantime, while the "boys" in Winnipeg were determined
to close the ranks and carry on, protests were being sent
from every point of the Dominion to the Trades and Labor
Congress, as the following clipping from the "Free Press
Bulletin," of June 18th, will show:

LABOR HEADS KEEP OUT OF CITY TROUBLE
But Dominion Congress May Intervene if They Are
Appealed to
Ottawa, June 18.—The Dominion JLabor Congress is
ready to back the Winnipeg strikers with all necessary
assistance as circumstances may demand, but it is up to
the Winnipeg strikers or their Committee, or the arrested
leaders themselves, to ask the Congress to take action.
Until the Winnipeg labor men resume communication
with the Congress, President Tom Moore holds that it
would be indelicate and uncalled for on his part to interfere. For this reason he has so far given no answer to
a score or more of telegrams, from labor councils all over
Canada demanding that the Congress call anything from
a Dominion wide one-day strike to an indefinite general
strike lasting until all the grievances of the Winnipeg men
are remedied.
Labor councils all over Canada are standing by the
Winnipeg strikers, and are up in arms over the arrest of
the leaders, their telegrams to Ottawa are said to show.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

173

Vancouver Men Silent
Vancouver, B.C., June 17.—Up to a late hour this evening recognized labor leaders here had no comment to
make publicly concerning the arrests this morning in
Winnipeg of radicals and agitators. There were no new
developments locally in the strike situation.
"The World", which is now the only regularly published
daily newspaper in Vancouver, commenting on the Winnipeg strike, says:
"The Dominion Government has at last acted with
vigor in Winnipeg; it has ordered the arrest of the strike
leaders and the ^seizure of evidence. The leaders are now
under detention and a raid on the Labor Temple has
yielded up many documents.
"The Government in directing these arrests and this
seizure is acting under process of Law. It is acting in
the name of the citizens of Canada, and it is clothed with
the authority to do what it has done.
Must be Established
"The conclusion does not follow, however, that because
the strike leaders have been arrested that they are necessarily guilty or that they have been plotting to 'overthrow the Government/ Nor because documents have
been found in the Labor Temple are they necessarily incitements to break the Law. The facts relating to these
matters have yet to be established in a Court of Law
and they can be satisfactorily established in no other
way.
"The strike leaders will receive a fair trial. They are
entitled to it and must receive it. If they have broken
the Law by act or word they must meet the consequences.
If they have not broken it and their deeds or language
are merely irresponsible and not illegal, then the public,
which has foreseen so many calamities impending in the
last week or two, may be reassured."
Proof Required, Says Moore
Ottawa, Ont., June 18.—"The Trades and Labor movement will not stand for strong arm methods for the suppression of legitimate labor demonstrations, and if the
proof is not sufficient to show the Winnipeg labor leaders
were plotting danger to the State, the Government will
be held strictly accountable/' said Tom Moore, President

174

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

of the Dominion Trades and Labor Congress, when speaking of the arrests of the Winnipeg labor leaders.
"The news of the arrests came as an absolute surprise
to me," Mr. Moore continued.
Welcomes Arrest of Reds
Edmonton, Alta,, June 17.—-The arrest of ten of the
so-called strike leaders jtn Winnipeg early this morning
has caused considerable of a flutter in local strike circles.
No action under the new Act in Edmonton is expected.
But strike leaders here, nevertheless, are keenly interested in Winnipeg developments.
"If these arrests are confined solely to Winnipeg and
strike leaders there are arrested wholesale, vit will only
have the effect of making the strikers more determined,"
said one strong union man who is not on the Strike Committee. "On the other hand, if the real 'Red' agitators
throughout all Canada are gathered in it would be a
good thing. There is really one such man in Edmonton
now. Vancouver has one or two, also."
Karl Berg, Vice-Chairman of the Central Strike Committee, declared that the arrests in Winnipeg would only
"inflame" the strikers and make them more determined
than ever to stay out until they get what they are fighting for.
Locally, the strike situation remains unchanged. No
trainmen, firemen or switchmen in Edmonton have gone
out on strike, and the railway situation is as it was a
week ago.
Want Dominion Strike
Calgary, Alta., June 18.—-Request that a Dominion wide
strike in protest of the arrest of the strike leaders in
Winnipeg be called by the Dominion Trad.es Congress,
has been made by the Trades Council here in a wire sent
last night to Tom Moore, President of the Dominion Congress. Strike leaders here do not discuss the Winnipeg
situation except to say that their cause is a just one and
that they have nothing to fear.
Pritchard Disappears
Brandon, Man., June 17.—Quite a mystery surrounds
the complete disappearance of two prominent labor men
from this city tonight.
A mass meeting of labor had been called to take place
in Rideau Park at 7.30 this evening, at which time close

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

175

on 400 people were present. W. A. Pritchard, of Vancouver, and H. M. Bartholomew, of this city, were scheduled to be the speakers. After waiting for afeout ah hour
and a half, part of which time was taken up with impromptu speakers, Chairman Ayers announced that he
feared something happened to them, hinting that the
same fate might have befallen as that which befell the
leaders in Winnipeg.
The meeting shortly afterwards broke up.
Such of the Mounted Police as could be interrogated
denied any knowledge of the affair, and up to the time of
writing no trace of the men had been found.
Demand Winnipegers' Release
As the result of the arrest of the labor leaders in Winnipeg, resolution was passed this afternoon by the Brandon Trades and Labor Council to this effect:
That the meeting assembled protest against the summary arrest of six labor leaders at Winnipeg and calls
for their immediate release and places itself on record
that the workers of Canada refuse to discuss a settlement
of the present strike until their leaders be released and
reinstated. Further be it resolved that this resolution be
sent Premier Bordeh, Premier Norris and Mayor Gray
and copy of same to every Strike Committee.
Toronto Strikers Protest
Toronto, June Yt.—General indignation is expressed
by local labor men over the arrests made at Winnipeg.
The most pointed intimation of how they feel about it
came from the striking Metal Trades Council, who framed
a telegram which was sent to Sir Robert Borden. The
telegrapi reads:
"The Metal Trades Council of Toronto representing
several thousand workers on strike in this city, recognizing that the Dominion Government is evidently assisting
the employing class in Winnipeg with the intention of
destroying the labor movement of the West and in Canada, demand that your Government take steps that will
assure the release at once of representatives of labor
arrested in the City of Winnipeg.
"We further demand that the recent act intended to
be used for the purpose of injuring the working class
movement be repealed immediately. We declare that the
connivance of the Government with the employing class

176

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

is inexcusable and criminal and invites grave trouble over
the whole of Canada."
Coast Situation Better
Vancouver, B.C., June 17.—The fifteenth day of the
Vancouver strike finds the city undisturbed in its domestic life and very little affected in its business life. The
strike is marking time. The Strike Committee has "nothing to announce." Secretary Cavanagh merely remarking, when he heard the news of the Winnipeg arrests,
that the strike would now spread to unorganized labor.
Some of the strikers in different industries are going
back to work in ones and twos. Some of the longshoremen
have gone back, and are working alongside of volunteer
longshoremen, who are unloading an occasional boat in
the harbor. There has been not the smallest approach to
rioting anywhere.
Naylor Not Wanted to Speak
Nanaimo, B.C., June 17.—The Retail Clerks' Association of this city at a meeting here tonight repudiated the
action of their Executive in asking Joseph Naylor, organizer for the One Big Union, to address them on the question of affiliation with the 0. B. U., and voted by a large
majority not to permit Naylor to address therm
Would Purge Winnipeg
Toronto, June 18.—Regarding the arrest of strike leaders in Winnipeg, The "Mail and Empire" says:
"The Government must not stop half way or listen to
the Counsels of the solemn owls who undertake to utter
clap-trap in the name of the citizens. The citizens want
to have Winnipeg purged of the gang who did their best
to throttle it and set up a rebel Government* Riel was
hanged for resorting to arms to do what they were attempting,
"Those who insist that the smoking out of anarchists
will be resented by labor are slanderers of labor."
The "Globe" editorially says:
"As to the Wisdom or unwisdom of the Government's
action at this time, the details so far to hand do not
afford ground for decision, but having assumed responsibility for so drastic a step, it is incumbent upon the Federal authorities to satisfy the public that it is justified.
If the arrests are part of a plan to railroad the strike
leaders out of the country without trial, under the terms

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1019

177

of the amendment to the Immigration Act, they should
be abandoned now/*
New Westminster to Strike
New Westminster, B. C, June 18.—-The General Strike
Committee appointed last week by the New Westminster
Trades and Labor Council issued a call this morning for
a general strike of union workers in this city, to take
effect at 1 o'clock this afternoon,
A telegram has been sent to Ottawa declaring that the
strike order is made as a protest against the; arrests of
the Winnipeg strike leaders.
Retail clerks and drivers of milk and bread wagons are
exempted from the stop work order. Printers and postal
employees will ignore the call, it is said. More than 400
street car men probably will quit work, however, and tie
up all suburban lines to and from Vancouver, with the exception of the Fraser Valley line, These suburban routes
have not been affected by the Vancouver strike.
No Arrests in Calgary
Calgary, Alta., June 18.—-No arrests of strike agitators
have occurred here yet. Shopmen remain at work on
receipt of instructions from R. J. Tallon, at Montreal, that
the strike has been indefinitely postponed.
BRITISH LABOR PROTESTS
But perhaps the most interesting news is as follows, taken
from the "Telegram," showing that beyond the confines of
this continent, the working class had their eyes upon Winnipeg: Telegram, June 26th;
BRITISH LABOR WANTS CANADIAN GOVERNMENT
TO AVOID DEPORTING
LONDON, June 26.—The Labor Party Conference at
Southport has passed a resolution protesting against the
attempt of the Canadian Government to secretly deport
British-born leaders of labor for participation in recent
industrial disputes in the Dominion and urging the British Government to use its influence to prevent the Canadian Government from proceeding with such a step,
PRITCHARD ARRESTED IN CALGARY
As the ten prisoners in their solitary cells at Stony Mountain awaited news of the world outside, the following dispatch was received in Winnipeg from Calgary, telling its

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

own story, of frustrated hopes and anxious hours for a lonely wife and waiting bairns:
PRITCHARD IS ARRESTED ON CALGARY TRAIN
Calgary, Alta., June 20.—W. A. Pritchard, prominent
organizer of the One Big Union, and one of its officials, is
a prisoner in the Calgary city jail, awaiting transportation to Winnipeg on a charge of having knowledge of seditious conspiracy.
Pritchard was taken from the westbound C.P.R. train
at Calgary at 6.40 o'clock last night by Staff-Sergt. Hall,
of the R.N.W.M.P., who have been watching all trains on
the lookout for the fugitive. The prisoner was brought
before Police Magistrate Sanders, D.S.O., this morning
and was briefly informed that he would be held pending
the arrival of an officer from Winnipeg.
"Do you know what the charge is against you?" inquired the police magistrate of Pritchard.
Knew About Charge
"Yes, I know," responded the prisoner briefly, which
was the extent of his remarks while in the dock. He was
removed again to the cell and the case remanded until
Monday pending the arrival of a Winnipeg officer.
In spite of the screkming headlines in the kept press, to
the effect that the arrested men would be deported without
the formality of a civil trial: "That in 76 hours they would
be op. the high seas," and despite the statements of A. J.
Andrews that :"Bail would not be,granted under any conditions," on Thursday evening, June 19th, as the various
members of the Strike Committee, who had been out adr
dressing meetings returned to the Labor Temple, it was seen
that something was in the air. Little groups stood around
discussing earnestly some information that had been handed
out, whilst others were laughing and flinging their caps in
the air and when it was finally announced that arrangements had been made for the release of the British-born
prisoners, the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. The amount
of bail was a personal bond of $2,000 from each man, and
two sureties of $1,000 each, and when this was announced
by T. J. Murray, of Murray & Noble, Solicitors for the
Trades and Labor Council, there was a great scramble for
the honor, and even at that late hour there would have been
little difficulty in securing bondsmen for ten times the
amount needed,

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1910

179

Mr. Andrews, for the Crown, demurred when informed
it was the intention to go after the men at this hour (midnight) on the ground that the warden and the guards would
be abed, but was promptly informed that,if the "boys" could
be taken out of bed to go in, the officials could be called out
of bed to let them out. So a hunt was made for a police
magistrate, and secured in the person of E. A. Andrews,
who, in company with T. J. Murray and about 40 or 50
strikers, started out on the long trip over the prairie. It
was a wierd procession and must have caused surprise* to
anybody seeing it pass.
Owing to the severe electric storm of the previous Saturday, the electric lights in the upper portion of the penitentiary were out of commission, but after waking up the warden, and getting him out of bed to issue the necessary orders
for admittance, the guard on duty went around to the cells
wherein the prisoners were confined and with some difficulty
wakened them, with the information that they had to go to
the city.
'
*
The first thought was that it was the intention of the
authorities to move them in the night, in order to have
them on hand for the Immigration Board, as each man had
been shaved that morning in order to be presentable, should
the Board arrive at the "Pen." Great was their surprise on
arrival in the office to see the smiling faces of their friends
and to receive their hearty handshakes. Soon the formalities of signing were gone through and the men who three
days before had passed through the gates into this "tomb
of the living" escorted by armed men, who had suffered all
the indignities of convicted criminals, were led out escorted
by their friends.
Outside the gate, old friends and comrades crowded round
them, men and women, baskets of food and fruit were
brought out and under the black and forbidding walls of
the prison, in all their repulsive hideousness they ate the
first good meal they had tasted for three days. Three days!
It seemed to those men like three years—-to men who physically and mentally, for the past few weeks had been keyed
to the highest pitch, the three days of solitary confinement
and inactivity had seemed half a lifetime.
In reluctantly consenting to bail, hoWever, the agent for
the Crown had insisted, like Shylock of old, in having his
"pound of flesh" and the men were compelled to sign an
agreement to the effect that they: "Would take no further

180

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

part in the strike, that they would not address any other
meetings, nor give any interviews to the press," which
agreement, in spite of much provocation, the men kept both
in letter and in spirit. For what purposes such an unprecedented condition was put will be told in another page.
As was to be expected, as soon as the "boys" appeared
on the streets the following day, they were the recipients
of the hearty congratulations of their fellow-workers, and
the heartiness and multiplicity of these congratulations
gave the "Spies" and "Stool Pigeons" much upon which
their imagination could play in making their reports to their
superiors.
The one disheartening feature to the British-born prisoners who were released on bail and to the whole body of
strikers was the fact that the five foreign-born, arrested
on the same charges were refused their liberty.
The following is from the "Strike Bulletin," of June 21st,
1919:
FIVE MEN TO COME OUT
Six of the strike leaders are out on bail. Five men are
still in Stony Mountain penitentiary. They must come
out.
The eleven men were all arrested on the same information. There were two charges; the one, seditious conspiracy, the other seditious libel According to the first
these eleven men did conspire and agree with one another
and with other persons
and were thereby guilty of
seditious conspiracy. The second charge is based on an
article which appeared in the "Western Labor News"
with regard to the special police.—All eleven are held
responsible.
As a matter of fact none of the five men had anything
to do with the strike, were not on the Committees or did
not address any meeting. Some of them were not even
known by some of the strike leaders.
M. Charitanoff who was arrested some time ago and
released has taken no active part in public matters since
his release. He was about to publish a newspaper with
the full knowledge of the authorities who raised no objections. He cannot be tried again on the previous charge.
Apparently he has a clean sheet.
S. Almazoff is a student at the university. He has
been taking a course in philosophy and economics. Three

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181

days before he was arrested he finished writing on his
examinations.
M. Berenczat is a returned soldier. He enlisted in the
Second C. M. R., at the beginning of the war and returned
in April, 1917, after being twice wounded.
Oscar Schappellrei is American-born and is still in
uniform.
Sam Blumenberg was put out of the Socialist Party of
Canada five months ago for not being sufficiently ' 'Orthodox" and "scientific." When he learned that a warrant
was out for him he voluntarily surrendered himself.
The British-born men are now out on bail and are to
be given a civil trial The foreign-born—though they
include two men who fought for Canada—are to be proceeded against under the amended Immigration Law.
This will mean trial by an ordinary Committee, though
it is understood that legal forms will be observed and the
men will be represented by counsel. The only appeal is
to the Minister in charge of the Department of Immigration.
Surely if these men are guilty they, too, might be
tried under the ordinary process of law and not kicked
out of the back door as undesirables—two of them
returned men!
In any case why cannot they be released on bail as is
the ordinary procedure? The Government can have no
fear that they would not be forthcoming at the time of
trial. Why should they not have a chance to prepare their
defense? If the Government saw fit to release six why
not release the remaining five arrested on the same
charge? Should not men irrespective of birthplace enjoy
British justice? What political purpose has the Government in keeping them in confinement?
British justice and constitutional Government are on
their trial these days. We believe the soldiers are prepared to back the workers in insisting that all men are
given fair play. Organized labor protests against the
detention of these men, who, although not connected
with the strike, were arrested on a charge of being parties
with the strike leaders to seditious conspiracy and responsible with them for alleged seditious libel.
The following article is also taken from the "Strike Bulletin," of June 21st:

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

IN AGAIN—OUT AGAIN
"Once there was a King of France. He had ten thousand men. He marched them up a great big hill and then
he marched them down again!"
Two days ago six disperate characters were seized by
our soldier-police force. Their houses were violently
broken open; their wives and children seriously frightened; their private papers ransacked—they were handcuffed, placed under heavy guard in automobiles and
drove at top speed to the penitentiary at Stony Mountain. They, though British-born, were to be deported
"without the formality of a civil trial" and by this time
were to be on the deep, blue sea.
But a cog slipped ; in fact several cogs slipped, and now
<
these desperate Red leaders of a frightfully red revolution—Canadian-wide in scope and engineered from Moscow and backed up by unlimited Bolshevist funds from
the United States—these dangerous characters are peacefully resting in their own homes with their wives and
children.
Surely the whole world's a stage; life is still full of
dramatic interest; ambition is not the only creature that
o'er leaps itself with disastrous results. (Haven't time to
consult my Shakespeare.)
If the authorities have such overwhelming evidence in
their possession, the defenceless citizens of Winnipeg
may well claim that the officials responsible are derelict
in duty if they allow these men the possibility of escape.
The statement/issued by A. J. Andrews, K.C., is a choice
bit of reading. Remember that there have been all sorts
of negotiations going on; that there have been sharp differences of opinion between the Provincial and Federal
authorities; that there has been great pressure from
public leaders and influential private citizens; that there
have been threats from large bodies of men whom the
authorities dare not antagonize.—Remember all this and
read Mr. Andrews' statement.
"As representing the Department of Justice, in order
that no citizen should have any cause to complain that the
Government was desposed to deny the following persons,
namely, R. B. Russell, W. Ivens, John Queen, A. A. Heaps,
George Armstrong and R. E. Bray a fair trial by jury if
they so desire, the Government is very gracious.—(We
extend our heartfelt gratitude for their unparalleled gen-

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183

erosity to British citizens) I have decided to postpone any
proceedings for their deportation until the charges
against them have been heard."
"I have decided-—(and who is Mr. Andrews that he
should hold in his hand the right to decide whether a
British-born citizen should have a fair trial by jury or
whether he should be summarily deported,) What right
have any group of men to postpone proceedings or proceed to deport men "until the charges against them have
been heard?"
This article may be interpreted as tending to discredit
authority. It is intended to discredit any individual or
group that would deprive us of the fundamental rights of
Canadian citizens a!nd British subjects.
But the conditions under which the strike leaders are
released are interesting and very significant. The first
condition, which does not appear in Mr. Andrews' statement, but which was definitely stipulated in the negotiations with, the Committee, was that there should be no
"victory parade" on the part of the strikers. Of course
the ostensible reason is the danger of the enthusiastic
crowd becoming excited and breaking bounds. But at the
same time the authorities, doubtless, have no desire to
have the victory of the strikers heralded to the world.
They know the psychological value of dramatic action.
They know more of the psychological effects of certain
actions than they did two days ago. They are by no
means disposed to admit how complete the back down of
the authorities has been.
But after all, they have been able to snatch victory
from defeat. The strike leaders are released on bail on
the express understanding that they will take no further
part in the strike.—That, after all, appears to have been
the purpose behind the arrest. Dangerous revolutionaries
would not be allowed at large on $2,000 bail. The farce
is evident to all. The employer-capitalist group have used
the processes of the Law and created unheard of extralegal machinery to fight the workers now on strike. By
a sudden and unscrupulous coup the leaders have been
removed from the field.
"Constituted authority," indeed! The workers will
never forget its meaning.
Fortunately other men have stepped into the vacant
places and the fight goes on with greater determination.

184

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Whatever the immediate issue the workers have learned the measure of their opponents.
THE "SILENT PARADE" AND "BLOODY SATURDAY"
On Friday evening of June 20th, the returned soldiers'
Committee (who had elected another Chairman after the
arrest of R, E, Bray, and were prepared to "Carry on")
called a, meeting in the Market Square at which many
strongly worded resolutions were passed at which it was
decided to call a "Silent Parade" of returned men for the
following day, to march to the Royal Alexandra Hotel, and
demand of Senator Robertson an account of his activities
during the strike.
It was on account of the speeches they made at this
meeting, at which were present some five or six thousand
people, that Comrades Martin, Grant, and Farnell were
afterwards arrested on charges of "Uttering seditious
words."
The Grand Jury later brought in "No Bill" against Martin and Grant, but a "True Bill" against Farnell.
The following account of the Parade and what happened
on Saturday, June 21st, one of the blackest chapters in
Canadian history, is taken from the "Strike Bulletin," of
June 23rd, 1919:
BLOODY SATURDAY
R.N.W.M.P. Make Gory Debut—Peaceful Citizens Shot
Without Warning—City Under Military ControlReturned Men Incensed—Strikers More Determined.
One is dead and a number injured, probably thirty or
more, as result of the forcible prevention of the "silent
parade" which had been planned by returned men to start
at 2.30 o'clock last Saturday afternoon. Apparently the
bloody business was carefully planned, for Mayor Gray
issued a proclamation in the morning stating that "Any
women taking part in a parade do so at their own risk."
Nevertheless a vast crowd of men, women and children
assembled to witness the "silent parade."
The Soldiers' Committee, which had been interviewing
Senator Robertson, had not returned to their comrades
when the latter commenced to line up on Main Street,
near the city hall
No attempt was made to use the special city police to
prevent the parade. On a previous occasion a dozen of the

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

R. J. Johns

185

186

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

old regular city police had persuaded the returned men to
abandon a parade which had commenced to move.
On Saturday, about 2.30 p.m., just the time when the
parade was scheduled to start, some 50 mounted men
swinging baseball bats rode down Main Street. Half were
red-coated R.N.W.M.P., the others wore khaki. They
quickened pace as they passed the Union Bank, The
crowd opened, let them through and closed in behind,'
them. They turned and charged through the crowd again,
greeted by hisses, boos, and some stones. There were two
riderless horses with the squad when it emerged and galloped up Main Street. The men in khaki disappeared at
this juncture, but the red-coats reined their horses and
reformed opposite the old post office.
Shooting to Kill
Then, with revolvers drawn, they galloped down Main
Street, turned, and charged right into the crowd on William Avenue, firing as they charged. One man, standing
on the sidewalk, thought the mounties were firing blank
cartridges until a spectator standing beside him dropped
with #, bullet through his breast. Another standing nearby was shot through the head. We have no exact information about the total number of casualties, but there were
not less than thirty. The crowd dispersed as quickly as
possible when the shooting began.
Some Citizens Applaud Man-Killers
When the mounties rode back to the corner of Portage
Avenue and Main Street, aft^r the fray, at least two of
them were twirling their reeking tubes high in th&air
in Orthodox Deadwood Dick style. Some individuals,
apparently opposed to the strike, applauded the mankillers as they rode by.
Special Police Appear
Lines of special police, swinging their big clubs, were
then thrown across Main Street, and the intersecting
thoroughfares. Dismounted red-coats lined up across
Portage Avenue and Main Street declaring the city under
military control Khaki-clad men with rifles were stationed on the street corners.
Public Meetings Abandoned
There were no open-air meetings on Saturday night,
but the Central Strike Committee met as usual and re-

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187

solved to "carry on" with redoubled vigor. If the city
remains under military control meetings will likely be
held outside the city limits.
Soldier Strikers Incensed
Indignation at the action of the authorities was forcibly
expressed by returned men. They f eel that the prevention of the parade was an infringement of the human
rights they have fought to defend, and they are especially
incensed by the murderous assault of the mounties upon
an unarmed crowd. One man, recently returned, said:
"They treated us worse than we ever treated Fritzy."
The returned men assumed full responsibility for the
"silent parade" proposition, making a special request that
the strikers should not join them. "This is our affair,"
they declared. Had they intended violence they would
hardly have invited their wives to join in the parade.
THE WINNIPEG "YELLOWGRAM" AND CONSTITUTED
AUTHORITY
The following article is taken from the Winnipeg "Telegram" of June 20th, and provides somewhat startling confirmation of the strikers' contention, that the Citizens'
Committee of 1000 had usurped authority and arrogated
to themselves the function of Government:
RED, BLUE AND ALL YELLOW
The Federal Government's badge is blue. The badge of
the Bolshevists is red. The Government is supposed to be
a true blue Government. Those revolutionaries who were
arrested and sent to Stony Mountain the other morning
- boast of being "Reds."
Sandpaper both of these worthy bodies, and their true
color is revealed-—a brilliant yellow!
After making a theatrical display—which is only revealed as theatrical because of the farcial aftermath—
after arresting the ringleaders in the attempted rebellion
and spiriting them away to the penitentiary, the Government has entered,into negotiations with the very men'
that it accused of some of the most serious crimes of
which anyone could be guilty—negotiations by which six
of them are given their liberty on paltry bail, and on their
personal undertaking not TO INDULGE IN ANY FURTHER UNLAWFUL CONDUCT, and not,even to exercise
their undoubted right to resume participation, directly or
indirectly, in the general strike!

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

This is such a pitiable farce, such a miserable fiasco,
that one is in doubt whether to curse or to laugh at it.
There is no doubt whatever how those citizens that
have been working like slaves as private soldiers in barracks in this almost insufferable weather, those that are
doing the work of special policemen in a broiling sun,
those who spend their days and nights in a fire hall, and
those who render other public services that they should
not be expected to do in a well-ordered country feel about
this betrayal of their interests,
They are, indignant beyond the powers of expression—
and their indignation is quite justified.
There never has been finer service rendered in any
community, that has been so spontaneously and generously given by the citizens of all classes who rallied to the
defense of the State, of our institutions and of our very
lives when the call was made for their services.,
For five DREARY weeks they have endured hardship,
annoyance, monetary loss and loss of the right to associate with their families, that they might render public service for which they could never adequately be compensated.
They did all this in the firm conviction that it was
necessary for them to do so in order to maintain British
Government here and to sustain in a great trial constituted authority. They did all this, also, in the conviction
that constituted authority was worthy of their sacrifices,
would not be ungrateful, but would stand behind them in
the front line and do its duty by them to the end.
The citizens of Winnipeg have not failed, and they will
not fail. The Federal Government has failed abjectly—
and failed because of no lack of understanding of the
trickery of political expediency.
There is a tendency today for every man to turn from
his self-appointed task in disgust. He feels that he has
been betrayed by the politicians, and he asks himself why
he should be true to men who are untrue to him.
This is a natural attitude—but it is an attitude that
ought to be avoided.
Because others fail, furnishes no adequate reason why
you should fail. Because a Government, for selfish reasons, desires to hasten the end of this strike by a deal
rather, than by a decision, furnishes no adequate reason
why private individuals, who have made enormous sacri-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

189

fices, should permit their good work of five long weeks to
go for nought in a quite natural passion of disgust.
It is nothing common or ordinary that the organizations
of patriotic citizens have accomplished up-to-date. Therefore, to be true to their record, they should continue to
stand steadfast and refuse now to adopt a common, ordinary, or expected course,
They, not the authorities, have won this strike. Let
them, therefore, resblve that they, and not the authorities, shall dictate the terms of peace.
Let them stick to their posts; let every one of them who
have any influence with an employer of labor bring every
pressure to bear to compel those unlawfully on strike to
return to their work without obtaining any advantage
from their unlawful adventure.
This can readily be accomplished if the Citizens' Committee, the volunteer soldiers, the volunteer firemen- and
other volunteers engaged in public service will take a new
resolution from this betrayal, and adopt a course that
will convince the authorities that even "good politics"
will make it necessary in this case to get back into line
with sound public opinion by the shortest route available
—even though that short route should involve the turning of another handspring, at which the authorities of
today have developed an expertness that is as inimitable
as it is undignified,
Let our motto be "Carry On!"
J. S. WOODSWORTH ARRESTED
After the arrest of Rev, Wm. Ivens, editor of the Western
Labor News, and the "Strike Bulletin," J. 8. Woodsworth
stepped into the breach and filled the position to such good
effect that he called down upon his head the wrath of the
powers that rule, with the result that the following letter
was sent to the Winnipeg Printing and Engraving Co.:
"Winnipeg, June 23rd, 1919.
"Winnipeg Printing and Engraving Co., Ltd.
"Gentlemen:
"Certain numbers of the Winnipeg Western Labor News
Special Strike edition have contained objectionable matter
in that it is seditious, inflammatory and inciting to riot,
and this publication must be discontinued.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

"No more issues of this publication must be printed or
circulated.
"Yours truly,
"(Signed) ALFRED J. ANDREWS,
"Agent, Department of Justice/*
Government by professional politicians, controlled by "big
interests" was bad enough; Government by Order~in-Council
was worse, but this was Government by means of dictatorship.
Passing down Main Street in company with F. J. Dixon,
M.L.A., for Centre Winnipeg, Mr. Woodsworth was accosted
by a man who informed him that he had a warrant for his
arrest. Surprised and rightly indignant, he offered no demure, but left Mr. Dixon to continue on his errand and inform, the Strike Committee of what had occurred.
He was taken to the police court, and thrown into a cell
like an ordinary criminal, and takeh from there to the Provincial goal, where he was detained from Monday to Friday
and refused bail.
Imagine, reader, if you can, the infamy of such proceeding and the cruel suffering and anxiety imposed upon his
wife and children away on the Pacific Coast.
The following portion of the indictment will show two of
the articles which are charged against him, the third being
one published in the "Strike Bulletin," of June 23rd, entitled:
"Is there a way out."
The jurors aforesaid, do further present:
4. That J. S. Woodsworth, on or about the month of
June, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred
and nineteen, at the City of Winnipeg, in the Province of
Manitoba, unlawfully and seditiously published seditious
libels in the words and figures following:
"Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and
that write greviousness which they have prescribed; to
turn aside the needy from judgment, and to take away
the right from the poor of my people that widows may be
their prey and that they may rob the fatherless.
—'Isaiah."
"And they shall build houses and inhabit them, and
they shall plant vineyards and eat the fruit of them.
They shall not build and another inhabit, they shall not
plant and another eat; for as the days of a tree are the
days of my people, and mine elect shall long enjoy the
work of their hands,
"Isaiah, II."

HISTOBY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

191

The jurors aforesaid do further present:
6. That J. S. Woodsworth, in or about the month of
June, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred
and nineteen, at the City of Winnipeg in the Province of
Manitoba, unlawfully and seditiously published seditious
libels in the words and figures following:
"THE BRITISH WAY"
"Apparently a good many of our local business men
have the idea that after the strike things will go on again
as usual. The war was to them merely an interruption
in the smooth current of events—an opportunity for piling up greater profits. It is true that a few months ago
we heard considerable talk about 'Reconstruction/ but
the matter was not taken very seriously. In fact reconstruction for the Canadian business men was conceived
as construction on a larger scale along the old lines.
"The general strike came somewhat as a shock, just
as the business man thought things were beginning to
get back to 'normal'—-the blankety-blank labor people
upset everything, housing schemes and all. To say that
the business^ man was angry is putting it mildly. He
didn't see that the strike was an inevitable outcome of
the industrial and financial conditions brought on by the
war. Then some one whispered the dread word "Bolsheviki" and he became positively hysterical. The strike was
sort of a carefully concocted conspiracy to overthrow
constitutional Government in Canada. Five dangerous
'Reds* were responsible for the whole miserable business
—off with their heads and we will have peace and prosperity again.
"Now, instead of thinking so much about the dreadful
things that are happening in Russia, suppose we consider
the remarkable changes that are likely to take place in
Great Britain. Within the last few days several men,
prominent in civic affairs and in the Citizens' Committee,
have confessed that they know nothing of the platform
of the British Labor Party. Yet this party is now in
opposition in the British House of Commons, and it is
generally conceded will before long become the Government of Great Britain. Their policy is then a matter of
practical politics and may, in the not distant future, be
carried into operation. Either this, say the students of
social movements, or the deluge.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

"The draft report on reconstruction has already appeared in full in the "Western Labor News/' so we touch
only on the outstanding points.
" The view of the Labor Party is that what has to be
reconstructed after the war is not this or that Government Department or this or that piece of machinery, but,
so far as Britain is concerned, society Itself/
" 'Revolutionary! Certainly. But the exponents of this
view are not persecuted as British and Scotch Anarchists,
A goodly number of them have been elected to Parliament ..= . . '
" 'The individual system of capitalism, based on the
private ownership and competitive administration of land
and capital, with its reckless "profiteering" and wage
slavery; with its glorification of the unhampered struggle
for the means of life, and its hypocritical pretense of the
survival of the fittest, with the monstrous inequality of
circumstances which it produces and the degradation
and brutalization both moral and spiritual, resulting
therefrom, may, we hope, indeed have received a deathblow/
"Sounds like a Socialist soap-box orator, eh? 'And does
that really mean the doing away with private ownership
of land and capital V Precisely, 'Why, that is Bolshevism/ Oh, no, it's only the policy of the party in opposition in the British House of Commons,
" 'We must insure that what is presently to be built up
is a new social order, based not on fighting but of fraternity—not on the competitive struggle for the means of
bare life, but on a deliberately planned co-operation in
production and distribution for the benefit of all who
participate by hand or by brain—not on the utmost pos=
sible inequality of riches, but on a systematic approach
toward a healthy equality of material circumstances for
every person born into the world, not on an enforced
dominion over subject nations, subject races, subject colonies, subject classes, or a subject sex; but, in industry
as well as in government on that equal freedom, that
general consciousness of consequences and that widest
possible participation in power, both economic and political, which is characteristic of democracy.
" 'Anarchist, Internationalist, Pacifist, and Pro-German, off with him to the penitentiary. We would subvert

HISTORY OP WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Aid. John Queen

193

194

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

constituted authority! _Tn England, he is called into the
Councils of Government/
"In the pamphlet which explains the draft programme,
a solemn warning is given: 'Whether we like it or fear it,
we have to recognize that in the course of the last three
and a half years people have become habituated to
thought of violence. They have seen force employed on
an unprecedented scale as an instrument of policy
We may be warned by a perception of these facts, that if
baricades are indeed likely to be erected in our streets,
they will be manned by men who have learned how to
fight and not by ill-disciplined mobs, unversed in the use
of modern weapons, likely to be^eajsily overcome by trained troops/
"This is not incendiary writing. It comes from the
Right Honourable Arthur Henderson, who sees some of
the dangers ahead if the legitimate aims of labor are
fought.
"But what is this new Social Order, and how is it to
be brought in ? The Labor Party insists, first, on a minimum standard of living. Each family must have sufficient
to supply for a decent living—good food, clothing and
shelter, opportunities for education, recrea-tion and culture, insurance against accidents, sickness, unemployment, old age. The State assumes responsibility for finding men work and providing for all their needs.
"This is not continental Socialism, it is not an Utopian
dream. Today England is paying millions of pounds in
unemployment benefits. In the second place the Labor
Party stands for a democratic control of industry; this
means the progressive elimination from the control of
industry of the private capitalist, individual or private
stock; it means a genuinely scientific reorganization of
the nation's industry, no longer deflected by individual
profiteering on the basis of the common ownership of the
means of production (Rank Socialism) it means the immediate nationalization of railways, mines, and electric
power. It means that the worker has a voice and a share
in the industry in which he is engaged.
"But how is all this to be financed? How provide for
the means of all? How buy out railways and factories?
The Britisher does not like the word 'confiscation/ so he
has worked out a little scheme to accomplish his end in

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

195

another way. He is not hot-headed like the Russian, he
goes more slowly, but he is just as thorough.
"He proposes that all revenues should be raised from
two sources: (a) an income tax, (b) an inheritance tax.
"The capitalist says he will not engage in industry
without the incentive of profit. 'Very well/ says the
Britisher, 'Go to it. Make all the money you like, but
remember the State will take most of it back in taxes/
The Labor Party proposes to exempt from taxation all
income above that necessary to maintain a good standard
of living. After that there will be a steeply graded tax
rising from a penny in the pound on the smallest assessable income up to sixteen or even nineteen shillings in
the pound on the highest income of the millionaire....
"With regard to inheritance there will need to be a
complete reversal in the point of view. Today we go on
the assumption that a man has a right to say who will
inherit his property. The State claiming merely certain
inheritance taxes. The Labor Party goes on the idea
that naked a man came into the world, naked he will go
out again. At a man's death, all over what is necessary
for the needs of his immediate family will revert to the
State. Thus in the course of a generation all the great
estates will revert to the common people of England from
whom they were filched by the 'enclosing' of the 'common lands/
"This is the British way, and, remember, it is absolutely constitutional!
"The surplus which will accrue from these national
enterprises and large revenues will be used for the common good. Such is the programme of the British Labor
Party, regarded by radicals "as rather temporising and
altogether too slow.
"Do our Canadian business men suppose that with
revolution going on all over Europe and with its programme offered in England as a substitute for sudden
and perhaps violent revolution that we in Canada are
going to be permitted to go with undisturbed step along
the accustomed way?
"No! We, too, must face the new situation. Whether
the radical changes that are inevitable may be brought
about peaceably largely depends on the good sense of the

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Canadian business man who now largely controls both the
industry and Government of this country.
"We confess the prospects are not over bright."
DIXON taLLS VACANT POST
The strikers' paper is dead—long live the strikers'
paper. If the authorities thought they could break the lines
of communication by suppressing the "Strike Bulletin,"
they had a rude awakening.
After the arrest of Woodsworth a worthy successor was
found in F„ J. Dixon, and the following morning there
appeared the "Western Star," which gave a detailed account
of the raid on the "Strike Bulletin" and the arrest of
Woodsworth, and bore in large type the motto: "ON TO
VICTORY" and an article which is given below:
WITHOUT PREJUDICE
When the soldier-strikers offered to give their services
to the city in order to preserve law and order, Mayor
Gray told them that if they thought they could act without prejudice they might turn their names in to the
organizer of the special police force. They offered their
services, but they were not accepted. Now A. J. Andrews,
one time spokesman for the Committee of 1000 before
the City Council, has been appointed agent for the Department of Justice. Mr. Andrews, of course, can act
without prejudice. One instance of his fairness and impartiality is shown by the fact that one sheet, that purports to be a newspaper, can counsel the wiping out of
half the population of Winnipeg in order that the will of
the class it represents may prevail and it is not suppressed. On the other hand, the "Labor News," which has
always counselled the strikers to "Do Nothing," to be
lawful and orderly and alh that, has been suppressed. A
man who- can mete out such impartial justice must be
without prejudice. Mr. Andrews is to be^ congratulated
upon the way in which Mr. Andrews, representative of
the Citizens' Committee, is subjugated by Mr. Andrews,
agent for the Department of Justice. Greater is he who
conquereth himself than he who conquereth a city.
It also conveyed to his striking comrades, the inspiring
message of "Bobby" Russell's aged mother in Glasgow, who,
when she heard her boy was arrested sent a cablegram of
just two words: "Have courage."

HISTOBY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

197

If she had sent a thousand words, they could have said
no more. "Have courage/ 1
The "Western Star" had but a short existence, but was
followed by the "Enlightnef," still under the editorship of
Dixon, for whom a warrant had been issued. In the enforced
absence of Ivens and Woodsworth, it was imperative that
Dixon keep out of the clutches,of the law until such time
as the "Western Labor News" could resume publication, and
Ivens receive permission to proceed with his duties as editor,
and for three days, from the seclusion of his hiding place,
Dixon kept the iron hot, until Friday evening about 7 o'clock,
when Ivens returned to his post, the genial "Fred" walked
down to the police station and said to the sergeant in charge:
"I believe you have a warrant for my arrest," to which the
sergeant replied in the affirmative and "Fred" was put in
the cell, where he remained for about two hours, being then
removed to the Provincial gaol, where he was detained
for a further twenty-one hours before being granted bail.
To most readers Fred. J. Dixon will need no introduction,
but there may be some readers of this history in the far
away corner of the world who does not know and for their
benefit, the following brief account of his activities is given:
In the Provincial election of 1915 he had the largest
majority of any candidate in Manitoba, and took his seat in
the Legislature as member for Centre Winnipeg. He is one
of, if not the best known Single-Taxer in Canada, and few
progressive organizations have not heard him. A fluent
speaker, he is never dry, even when talking on a dry subject, but can chase away the "blues" with a timely joke.
A man of strong convictions, and better still, with courage
to uphold them. He was the champion of "No conscription
of man power without the conscription of wealth," and on
this account was black-balled by his erstwhile friends and
associates in the Legislature, chased by an angry mob of
returned^ soldiers—-when he spoke in the Legislature, the
other members became engrossed either in animated conversation with each other or with the daily papers, even the
Premier on one'occasion deliberately turning his back upon
him whilst he (Dixon) was advocating the retention of the
natural resources of the Province for the benefit of all the
people, instead of distributing them to the friends of the
Government.
The kept press had bitterly assailed him, but he was true
to his convictions and in contrast to the mealy-mouthed

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

politicians, when the testing time came, he was the ONLY
ONE in the Provincial House to stand squarely behind the
strikers in tlieir demands, and whereas, in January angry
mobs had sought his life, in May and June he was jn great
demand as a speaker, both with soldiers and civilians, and
when his name was mentioned in the Legislature at the time
the returned soldiers' delegation was waiting upon the
pretnier, some of the men who had sought his life six
months previously, led such cheering as has never beeji
heard in that building before.
DIXON'S INDICTMENT
The jurors for our Lord the King present:
That F. J. Dixon, in or about the month of June, in the
year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, at the City of Winnipeg, in the Province of Manitoba, unlawfully and seditiously published seditious libels
in the words and figures following:
"KAISERISM IN CANADA"
"What shall the sacrifice profit Canada if she who has
helped to destroy Kaiserism in Germany shall allow Kaiserism to be established at home?
"Whoever ordered the shooting last Saturday is a
Kaiser of the deepest dye.
"The responsibility must be placed and the criminal
brought before the bar of justice.
"There may be those who think that the blood of innocent men upon our streets is preferable to a 'silent parade/
There may be those who think their dignity must be
upheld at any cost. But we fail to see the slightest justification for the murderous assault which was committed.
Whoever ordered it acted in the spirit of Kaiser Wilhelm
when he said: 'Recruits! before the altar and the servant
of God you have given me the oath of allegiance. You
are too young to know the full meaning of what you have
said, but your first care must be to obey implicitly all
orders and directions. You have sworn fidelity to me, you
are the children of my guard, you are my soldiers, you
have surrendered yourselves to me, body and soul. Only
one enemy can exist for you—my enemy. With the present Socialist machinations, it may happen that I shall
order you to shoot your own relations, your brothers, or
even your parents—which God forbid--and then you are
bound in duty implicitly to obey my orders/

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

199

"The events of last week show to what lengths the
opponents of labor will go in their efforts to fasten despotism on this city and this country. The midnight arrest
of men whose only crime seems to be that of 'lese majeste' against the profiteers, and the shooting of innocent
and defenceless citizens mark the depths of desperation
to which the Kaiser-like crowd at the Industrial Bureau
are prepared to go in order to turn their defeat into a
temporary victory.
"But they must not be allowed even temporary satisfaction. Organized labor must continue the magnificent
fight of the last five weeks until its just and moderate
demands are granted. It were better that the whole
35,000 strikers languished in jail; better, even, that we
all rested beside the men who were slain on Saturday,
than that the forces of Kaiserism - shall prevail.
"There have always been those who imagined that 'a
whiff of grape shot' would stop the cry of the people for
justice. There are those in Winnipeg who think the shooting on Saturday taught labor a lesson. The parade was
attempted and the blood of innocent men spilled 'without permission of the Strike Committee.' Labor already
knew that two dozen men on horseback, shooting to kill,
could disperse a crowd of several thousand unarmed men
and women.
"The Committee of 1000 has, however, many lessons to
learn—-among other things the members of that Committee must be taught that ideas are more powerful than
bullets. The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the
church. We shall 'carry on/ in spite of hell, till the victory
* is won.
PRITCHARD OUT ON BAIL
On Friday afternoon, after an imprisonnient of six days,
Pritchard was released on bail from the pen, and the following day Dixon and Woodsworth were each released.
Pritchard at once proceeded to his home in Vancouver
until the preliminary hearing should take place.
SYMPATHETIC STRIKE CALLED OFF
"The Enlightner," of June 25th, bore in large type on its
front page the words: "Sympathetic Strike Called Off" for
Thursday, June 26th, at 11 a.m., to the great surprise of a
large body of strikers, who, for the most part were very
angry and much opposed to the action of the Strike Com-

200

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

mittee in calling off the strike until the different unions had
had a chance to vote on the question. The Labor Temple was
beseiged with inquiries as to the reason for this sudden
action of the Strike Committee, and for over a week thousands of strikers refused to give in.
The reasons given for their action by the Strike Committee were to the effect that as the funds had run out, owing
to the meetings being banned, thus closing them as a source
of revenue for the relief fund, many workers were finding it
impossible to stay out any longer, as their families were suffering and near to starvation. Then the publication of what
purported to be the acceptance of the Metal Trades Employers of collective bargaining, had had the desired results and
provided an excuse for some of the waverers to go back to
work, and it was feared that there was a possibility of a
stampede unless the strike was officially called off. This and
the undertaking of the Provincial Government to appoint a
Commission to go into the causes of the strike and effect the
reinstatement of allistrikers, had much influence in l a d i n g
the Strike Committee to its final decision. And so ended the
Winnipeg general strike of 1919, when all the forces of capital, Church, and State combined to block the path of progress.
The end was acclaimed as a glorious victory for "Law
and Order" and "Constituted Authority/' and the kept
press, the Citizens' Committee-of 1000, and every organization of boodlers, shameless profiteers and professional politicians joined in the chorus and chanted the requiem, the
while the blood of innocent, law-abiding men, the tears of the
widows and the wailing of orphaned children cried out in
judgment against them.
Poor, blind fodls, they thought to match their puny
strength against the forces of progress—they are either
ignorant of all the lessons of history, or else, like the ostrich,
they were satisfied to hide their heads in the sand and ignore
the danger they could not see.
i
But such a "victory" for reaction, history has proved, is
always in reality a victory for progress, and this was no
exception.
It demonstrated the nature of the class struggle, the ruthlessness and brutality of imperialist capital, the humbug
of "Christianity," the real purpose of military and semimilitary bodies. It proved the futility of Craft Unionism
and the need for an industrial organization to meet "the

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Geo. Armstrong

201

202

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

changes brought about by machine production. It started
men and women to think and to study, to realize the power
they possessed if they could use it unitedly and to what
extent it was used is proven by the election of three radicals
out of seven candidates to the City Council, whilst the Labor
Candidate for Mayor was only defeated by "repeater" votes
and vacant lots. The coming Provincial and Federal elections will see a Labor candidate in every constituency where
Labor predominates over the farmers, and vice-versa, a
farmer candidate, backed by Labor in agricultural constituencies.
There are many who are enjoying better wages and working conditions directly resulting from the strike and there
are many who are black-listed not only in Winnipeg, but
throughout the Dominion.
This is little to be wondered at, in view of the campaign
through the press, of which we submit a sample, taken from
the Winnipeg "Telegram," of June 28th, 1919:
LET US REASON TOGETHER
Now that the strike is officially over, let us make all
reasonable haste to see th§t it becomes actually over at
the earliest possible moment.
"There ought to be no spirit of exultation manifest or
felt on the part of those who were instrumental in defeating the attacks made upon our democracy and our
British institutions by some thousands of our citizens
who were misled by a handful of revolutionaries and
anarchists.
The loyal citizens of Winnipeg have won a hard-fought
fight. They naturally feel gratified with their victory—
but the manly victor never kicks the body of his fallen
foe, nor cheers his own triumph.
The spirit of hate and the harboring of a desire for
revenge are foreign to a really manly spirit. Hatred and
revenge can only flourish in a withered soul, on which
they feed until the soul itself vanishes."
The employers of Winnipeg have suffered great loss.
They have endured much undeserved annoyance and inconvenience. They have been unreasonably provoked to
the point that would justify extreme exasperation. But
they must remember that they are big men, who ought to
look at things in a big way, and ought to banish from
their hearts any sentiments that might be cherished by
meaner spirits.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

203

One thing that should be borne in mind on all occasions
is that probably ninety per cent, of those who were on
strike went on strike unwillingly, or at least not for the
purpose of promoting any revolutionary movement. They
were misled, deceived and stampeded by windy oratory.
They were also, in thousands of cases, cruelly intimidated
into adopting a course of action detrimental to their
interests and abhorrent to their sentiments.
Let this idea be firmly established in the mind of every
employer, and he will find himself possessing a mental
attitude that will not only stimulate his self-respect as a
man of generosity and justice, but will also lead him to a
course of action that will be profitable to him and highly
beneficial to the community.
It has come to the attention of The Telegram that
some employers have refused to employ any person who
has been on strike without a grievance. This might be
a natural position for one to adopt in a moment of extreme irritation. But it is not the position that big men
will adopt after calm reflection.
The business, of the city must be re-established. It
must proceed. We have endured five years of adversity.
We must now take steps that promise to ensure us five
years of prosperity.
We cannot be prosperous, we cannot carry on, if thousands of our citizens, merely because they have been fantastically deluded by designing tricksters, should be kept
permanently out of employment, rendered permanently
useless to the community, become permanently unproductive and a charge upon charity.
Every one must work if we are to succeed. Therefore,
every one must banish from his mind every idea of punishing the deluded because they were the victims of
betrayers of their own class.
Heaven knows these poor people, irritating as their
conduct was, have been punished enough to teach them
a lesson that will make further punishment unnecessary.
The unpardonable sin is a hideous doctrine, impossible to
obtain the endorsement of a normal man with a charitable
spirit. Let us recognize this fact, and let us treat those
misguided strikers as if they were bad boys and girls
returning repentant to the discipline of our laws and
institutions.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

This charity that The Telegram earnestly advocates
ought not to be applied to those who deliberately and
knowingly precipitated our catastrophe. They deserve
deeper punishment than they have brought down upon
themselves—a deeper punishment, even, than they are
likely to suffer.
They should be permanently black-listed. They should
be made to wander abroad.
It should be a standing rule of all employers that no
agitator, known as such, should find work in this city.
This will be simple justice. It would also be patriotic—
for it would protect us 7
against the machinations of conspirators in the future.
But this just punishment ought not to be applied to the
dupes of these men and women who have already suffered
as victims and who are doomed, even under the most
charitable attitude that the public can adopt towards
them, to suffer still further consequences of their folly
during many months to come.
"BRITISH JUSTICE" AND FAIR PLAY" AND
• THE " A t l E N "
After several remands, Ivens, Russell, Heaps, Queen,
Bray, and Armstrong appeared before Magistrate Sir H. J.
McDonald, in the police court, July 3rd. They had given
notice to the crown agent, A. J. Andrews, that on that
date owing to the campaign carried on in the press, they
would cease to recognize the agreement they had been
compelled to sign as a, condition for being released on bail,
owing to the campaign carried on in the press, where they
were tried, evidence submitted, convicted and sentenced in
the most shameless manner, that could not fail to prejudice
their chance of a fair trial. On these grounds Mr. A. J.
Andrews asked that the bonds be increased to $10,000 each,
and Magistrate McDonald eventually fixed upon $8,000,
$4,000 personal bond and two sureties of $2,000 each.
Despite the fact that he had taken part in discussions
before the Railway War Board and has addressed public
meetings in Montreal, R. J. Johns had not been arrested,
and his appearance in court when his name was called,
caused evident surprise to the authorities. He was out on
bail before he had gone through th& formality of arrest.
Following the reading of the names of the eight Britishborn accused, counsel for the Crown proceeded to read the
names of the foreign-born (who were still held prisoners,

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

205

being removed that morning, July 3rd, from the Stony
Mountain Penitentiary to the Immigration Hall in the city)
and when the name of Verenchuck was read, Mr. A. J. Andrews stepped forward to the magistrate and said: "Your
Worship, counsel for the Crown finds it has n0t sufficient
evidence to proceed with thp cKarges against this man under
the Criminal Code and being naturalized British subject,
we cannot deal with him under the amended Immigration
Act, but we have great reason to doubt his sanity and propose to hand him over to the Military authorities to take
care of him.
The murmur of dissent increased to a howl of execration
as counsel for the Crown made these statements, as the
eight who had spent three days in the penitentiary with
him knew that he was as sane as Mr. Andrews or any one
of them.
Counsel for the defense immediately demanded his release,
but this was opposed by Andrews, and it was then demanded
that he be examined by a board of alienists and this was
done the following day and the man declared quite sane and
he was" released.
Does the reader get the full significance of the foregoing?
Here was a man who volunteered to help fight for liberty,
freedom, and justice, which he was told were in danger—
twice wounded in that fight, back to Canada, honorably discharged in 1917, and who had been refused bail in any
amount or on any condition, had keep kept in the penitentiary under convict conditions, eating convict food in a convict cell, with only twenty minutes exercise, in solitude each
day for seventeen days. Taken there in the first place without any warrant the Dominion of Canada raked over with a
fine-tooth comb and no evidence against him, and to save
the face of the authorities and the corrupt discredited Government at Ottawa, Mr. Andrews, in the name of Law and
order and constituted authority appeared willing to railroad
a perfectly sane and innocent man to a lunatic asylum.
After many delays the other four foreign-born were
brought before the Immigration Board and one was let go
on the understanding that he got out of the country as soon
as he had settled up his business, for which purpose he was
allowed two weeks.
^.lmazoff made a strong plea on his own behalf, in which
hk pointed out that he would have no serious objections to
being deported if assured of a safe conduct to "Soviet Rus-

206

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

sia," but that if he or any others that are deported with the
undesirable tag of the Government of Canada upon them
and they came into the hands of Kolchack, it was equal to a
death sentence. He was released.
Charitanoff, editor of the Russian Worker, was ordered
deported, but this case was appealed to Ottawa and the verdict of the Board reserved and he was set free. Of the five,
one only, Oscar Chapelroi, who was in uniform at the time
of his arrest, was deported, and only then on the ground of
some irregularity in his papers when entering Canada, and
not for any activities during the strike.
THE DOMINION WIDE RAIDS
The action of the authorities established a precedent in
any British Dominion in that men were arrested and railroaded to the penitentiary and afterwards a search was
made from Halifax to Vancouver to secure evidence, much
along the same lines that were followed in pioneer days on
the frontier, when a suspected horse thief was first hanged
and then tried. On the evening of June 30th and during the
early morning of July 1st, Labor Temple, offices and headquarters of Socialist speakers were raided from the Atlantic
to^the Pacific, and letters, documents and literature was
seized. Homes were broken into, women were compelled to
submit to the search in their night clothes, such a thing as
was not done under the Czarist regime in Russia, where a
woman was always sent if women, or women's apartments
had to be searched. . After this travesty of justice and
British fair play, Mr. A. J. Andrews, K.C., chief spokesman
for the Citizens' Committee of 1000, son of a Methodist
Minister, himself a pillar of the Methodist Church, acting
Deputy Minister of Justice, told the reported "that in view
of the tons of literature seized we felt confident of securing
a conviction of the men accused."
Fellow-worker, this was all done in your name by men
who claim to be your representatives. Is this possible? If
it is, then you have been guilty of criminal negligence in
the discharge of your duty as a citizen, and it is up to you to
do your duty in future, as the only reparation for the sins
and folly of the past.
It is your move.
PRELIMINARY TRIAL
Ordinarily tve would be inclined to take the position that
the less said about the preliminary hearing the better. This

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

207

incident of the dispute between the masters and the workingmen of Winnipeg might never have received the distinction of a place in recorded history were it not for the fact
that the prosecution presented a vast stack of documents,
consisting of pamphlets, books on Social Science, etc., together with evidence of alleged utterances of the accused
at various meetings held at different times and different
places.
The usual objection against much of this matter on the
ground of its irrelevancy, was always over-ruled, on the
ground that, "If it be relevant it should go in, and if it be
irrelevant it won't hurt the accused anyhow."
On one occasion when the Crown counsel stated that the
evidence already in was sufficient to warrant asking for a
commitment, that it proved a conspiracy, the defense counsel objected on the grounds that no connection had been
shown between it and the accused, whereupon the Trial
Judge interpolated with a remarkable statement to the
effect that it is now the business of the accused to show
that there is no connection, and that these men must prove
their innocence.
We have not the space nor the inclination to wade through
the monotony of those four weeks taken up by the preliminary hearing, in which the aforesaid documents, speeches,
etc., together with the general strike and all its incidents
and accidents, were played up so prominently, but it was
from all this mountain of matter that the grand jury drew
its charges for the "True Bill" oh the indictment.
A DIGEST OF THIS INDICTMENT APPEARS BELOW
We here give a digest of the indictment only, as the docu-^
ment is so lengthy that the clerk of the court took 52
minutes to read it out to the accused, when they were
arraigned:
Summary of Indictment Against Eight Strike Leaders
COUNT ONE—-Charges seditious conspiracy in a general
form.
COUNT TWO—Charges seditious conspiracy with the
following overt acts:
l—Walker Theatre meeting, December 22, 1918;
2—Majestic Theatre meeting, January 19, 1919;
3—Arrangement to form O.B.U.
4_Calgary Convention, March 13, 14, 15, 1919.
5—Publication and distribution of seditious literature.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

6—General strike, Winnipeg, May and June, 1919. Effects
and intentions of strike are given, including statement
that a number of various classes of employees broke
their contracts of service and some went out contrary
to Industrial Disputes Investigation Act. Statement is
made of formation of Strike Committee, purporting to
usurp the functions of the Government. "Western Labor
News Strike Bulletin" was aided and assisted by accused,
it is charged.
COUNT THREE—Charges conspiracy to carry into effect
a seditious intention, to wit.: unlawful general strike.
COUNT FOUR—Charges seditious conspiracy to organize an unlawful combination or association or associations of
workmen and employees to get demands by unlawful general
strikes which were intended to be a step in a revolution
against the constituted form of Government in Canada.
COUNT FIVE—Another charge in connection with the
0. B. U., alleging intention to undermine and destroy the
confidence of citizens in the Government and to bring about
the formation of an unlawful combination or association
for the purpose of controlling all industries and of obtaining
property belonging to others, and of compelling compliance
with the demands of such association by unlawful general
strikes.
COUNT SIX—-Charges of conspiracy to unlawfully bring
about cnanges iii the constitution and to enforce the "soviet"
form of government in Canada through means similar to
those used in Russia.
COUNT SEVEN—Charges committing a common nuisance because of the alleged unlawful general sympathetic
strike brought about by assistance of the accused in which
various employees walked out illegally and which endangered the lives, health, safety, property and comfort of the
public and obstructed the exercise and enjoyment of rights
common to all of His Majesty's subjects.
The eight men charged with seditious conspiracy are:
1. R. B. RUSSELL, at time of arrest, Secretary District
No. 2, Machinists (all machinists on all railroads in Canada).
Member of Strike Committee.
2. R. J. JOHNS, during the whole period of Winnipeg
strike, down at Montreal as representative for all machinists on all Canadian Railroads on negotiations before Railway War Board,

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Aid. A. A. Heaps

209

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

3. WM. IVENS, formerly Methodist Pastor at McDougal
Church, Winnipeg, which he was compelled to vacate on
account of pronounced pacifist proclivities. Founder of Winnipeg Labor Church, and at time of arrest editor of the
"Western Labor News."
4. John Queen, labor alderman, and fearless fighter on
labor's behalf. Since his arrest re-elected to City Council
as representative of Ward 5 by overwhelming majority.
Advertising Manager of the "Western Labor News."
5. A. A. HEAPS, also labor alderman for Ward 5, City
of Winnipeg, and speaker at some of the mass meetings during strike. Was member of Upholsterer's Union. Member
of Strike Committee.
6. GEO. ARMSTRONG, one time organizer for United
Brotherhood of Carpenters, of which organization he is
still a member; well known in Winnipeg as speaker for the
Socialist Party and exponent of Marxian Economics. Member of Strike Committee.
7. R. E. BRAY, chairman of returned soldier strikers,
returned from England to Winnipeg on December 31st, 1918.
Member of Strike Committee.
8. W. A. PRITCHARD, Socialist writer and speaker, and
Executive member of Vancouver (B.C.) Trades and Labor
Council. In Winnipeg for four days as representing Vancouver on Strike Committee.
In addition to the above two other men have also been
indicted on a charge of "Seditious Libel."
1. F. J. DIXON, labor member of the Provincial Legislature who undertook the publication of the "Western Labor
News" after the arrest of J. S. Woodsworth, who had taken
over the editorship following the arrest of Mr. Ivens.
2. J. S. WOODSWORTH, who became editor of the
"Western Labor News," as already indicated; had been a
social worker and lecturer for many years and happened to
get into Winnipeg during the strike while on a lecture tour
through the Canadian West on behalf of the Labor Church
movement. Graduate of Manitoba University, former Methodist Minister, Secretary of the Canadian Forum movement, Secretary of Bureau of Social Research for Governments of three Prairie Provinces. Superintendent of "All
People's Mission,-1 &ncf author of several books on "The
Alien in Canada."

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211

Three returned soldier strikers were also charged with
"seditious utterances." They were J. A. Martin, J. Farnell,
and James Grant.
The Grand Jury found "No Bill" against Martin and
Grant, but an indictment was returned against Farnell,* who
is to appear early in January, 1920.
THE CROWN'S CASE
It-would indeed be the height of folly to attempt to give a
correct and comprehensive view of the case for the prosecution in a nut shell, for its most significant evidence embraces all and sundry who have had anything to do with
the accused, or who have been acquainted or associated
with any who have been acquainted or associated with
them.
Commencing with the attempt of Western labor delegates
to the Canadian Trades Congress, of 1918, held in Quebec
city to have resolutions passed in favor of the repeal of
Orders-in-Council, by which certain scientific and religious
publications had been banned, the withdrawal of troops
from Russia, etc., down to meetings held in Winnipeg under
the auspices of both the Trades and Labor Council and the
Socialist Party of Canada, Labor conventions of Miners, and
meetings in Calgary and other points where similar resolutions were passed. Of course, it has nothing to do with this
case apparently that also similar resolutions have been
passed at the Trades Congress in Britain and also conferences of the British Labor Party.
Russell was a member of the Winnipeg Local of the
Socialist Party of Canada. All correspondence, therefore,
between any member and any other person who may write
for information, etc., is considered part of the Crown's case.
Speeches made by the accused, together with speeches made
by people whom the accuesd did not know and had never
seen, in places where he had never been, are all considered
admissible. Riots staged by returned soldiers and directed in
chief against aliens, whom the soldiers considered were holding jobs to which the soldiers were entitled are also thrown
in as responsible acts of the accused. Happenings at Labor
conventions at which none of the accused were present
have also been produced as evidence. Places and people unknown to the defendants crop up in rich profusion as evil
spirits refusing to be exorcised, all pointing the accusing
finger at the indicted men. According to the evidence of

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

the Crown most of the damning utterances and actions took
place mainly in regions not altogether remote from the Canadian Rocky Mountains, but strange to say, no one from that
portion of the earth's surface was arrested, except Pritchard, of Vancouver, who came to Winnipeg for four days
during the strike and was on his way home to the Pacific
Coast when his arrest took place.
The whole of the position of the Socialist Party of Canada, together with its literature, dealing with Sociology,
History, Economics, and Philosophy; the Winnipeg Labor
Church, with its speakers and their actions and utterances,
and even its hymn sheets, despite the fact that these two
organizations have nothing in common, one being a political
party, and the other socio-religious body, kre all brought
in as evidence against Russell, the first of the eight men to
be tried.
It were an extremely wearisome process to describe in
detail the matter introduced as evidence of a conspiracy.
The holding of a, convention, to which any member of the
public was welcome, the sending for a Government court
stenographer to take a verbatim report thereof, the printing in Winnipeg of 20,000 copies of the proceedings of such
convention, all form very interesting details in the evidence
introduced by the Crown to prove a "seditious conspiracy.
In short, the purpose of the Crown is to show that the
Winnipeg Labor Church, the Winnipeg Trades and Labor
Council, together with other Trades and Labor Councils
throughout the West, the Socialist Party of Canada, and
ordinary and usual conventions of Trades Unionists, and
a whole assortment of other things more or less remote,
were parts of one grand great conspiracy. Special detectives, secret service men, manufacturers, and merchants
have all been called to give their little "bit" of evidence to
fit into the picture.
The position of the Crown on many of these points can
only be made clear in light of the position taken by the
defense, respecting the Winnipeg strike and the position
of the accused to the several matters put in as evidence. Of
this we propose to give a partial synopsis.
LITERATURE PRESENTED AS EVIDENCE
On© remarkable feature of the frial now proceeding
against the eight men arrested during the Winnipeg general Strike, and charged with seditious conspiracy; one

HISTORY 0 1 WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

213

which the labor movement would do well to take cognizance of, as being indicative of the nature of the prosecution throughout, is the production, as evidence, of leaflets,
pamphlets, standard works, etc., most of which have been
freely circulated throughout the labor and socialist movements in Britain for the last thirty years, and are still being
circulated there, and have bfeen, to our knowledge, circulated
in Canada for the last fifteen years.
Realizing the importance of the case, and in order to give
a correct idea as to its character, we beg briefly to enumerate some of the pamphlets herein referred to. For the
purpose of convenience we will classify them as follows:
SCIENTIFIC—
Wage Labor, and Capital; Value, Price and Profit; Capitalist Production (Capital) by Karl Marx.
Communist Manifesto, by Marx and Engels.
Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, by F. Engels.
Marxism and Darwinism, by Anton Pannekoek.
And many similar works.
DESCRIPTIVE OR NARRATIVE—
Pamphlet published first in Glasgow, containing John
McLean's speech under trial, entitled Condemned from
the Dock."
"Bolsheviks and Soviets," by Rev. A. Rhys. Williams.
PACIFIST—
Many pamphlets, leaflets, ete;^ which are purely pacifist
in character.
There have also been put in as evidence the following:
Many issues of the Winnipeg "Western Labor News,"
(official organ of the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council);
Winnipeg "Socialist Bulletin," and "Red Flag," of Vancouver, B.C.
"The Slave of the Farm," by A. Budden (pamphlet dealing with Canadian Farmer from Socialist standpoint).
"Political Parties in Russia," by Lenine.
"The Liberator," Radical paper published in New York.
The New York "Nation," paper somewhat similar to weekly edition of "Manchester Guardian."
The New York "New Republic."
The Buffalo "New Age."
The following pamphlets and books:
/'The Church, the War, and Patriotism."
"The Profits of Religion," by Upton Siclair.

214

HISTOEY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

The Manifesto of the Socialist Party of Canada, published
first in 1908.
The History of the Seattle General Strike.
The Russian Constitution.
"The Right to be Lazy,"by Paul Lafargue.
"The Class Struggle," by Karl Kautsky.
"Anti-Patriotism," speech by Gustave Herve.
"Socialism and Religion," pamphlet published by Socialist
Party of Great Britain.
In addition to this papers published in this country, quoting articles from old country papers, which, in Britain,
would scarcely cause a ripple on the smooth running waters
of master class diplomacy, are taken and put in a evidence
to prove a "seditious conspiracy," whose object is the overthrow of the Government. For example, a paper published
under the title of "The Red Flag," at Vancouver, B.C., republished in its columns an article by Bundock in "The
Labor Leader," in which the writer refers to the ownership
of land and machinery by the whole community as being
Socialism and concludes: "This is our proposal. We will
work for it. We will vote for it."
This paragraph has been marked as an exhibit by the
prosecution and put in as evidence of the "conspiracy." We
are mentioning this one item as being typical of hundreds
connected with this case.
Any labor paper which refers at all to the Russian situation is diligently scrutinized, marked off, and "put in," as
though some exceptionally reprehensible matter had been
"discovered."
Were we to have papers, giving all kinds of valuable news
and comment, such as the Glasgow "Forward," the London
"Daily Herald," the Manchester "Guardian," or "The Labor
Leader," it would be pretty certain that a much more serious charge would have been preferred.
THE SITUATION FROM THE ARRESTS UP TO THE
COMMENCEMENT OF THE JURY TRIAL
Following the nocturnal visitations of bodies of armed
men into the homes of labor men in the City of Winnipeg,
June 17th, 1919, by means of which these men, ruthlessly
torn from bed, from the midst of their families, were taken
to the Manitoba Penitentiary at Stony Mountain, a storm
of protest from people in, all walks of life broke out from
the Atlantic seaboard to the Pacific slope. We are pretty

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

^

«««JF'•""''*
R. E. Bray

215

216

HISTQEY OF WINNIPEG* STBIKE, 1019

well convinced that the volume and character of this protest was, if not entirely, at least in the main, responsible for
the fact that some few days afterwards the men were released on bail and permitted to return to their homes. For,
at the time of these "Cossack-conducted" arrests, the present leading Crown counsel, who had then been appointed by
the Department of Justice at Ottawa as Deputy Minister of
Justice for the Dominion Government for Winnipeg, and
who, during the strike, was the foremost spokesman for the
self-constituted alleged "Citizens' Committee of One Thousand/' made a public statement that these men would have
neither bail nor jury trial, but would appear, in camera,
before a specially created Board of Inquiry, and shipped
overseas, with their wives and families to follow, if
necessary.
However, as we have stated, the men were released. The
few foreigners, who were arrested and indicted together
with them, have since that time been disposed of, but,
strange to say, not one has been sent out to the land of his
nativity. The general public conception is that these latter
were arrested along with the English-speaking accused, in
order to give the much desired foreign coloring to the case.
Labor unions here, for years, have fought the Government
of Canada on the matter of wholesale immigration of peoples from Central Europe, brought in by large corporations
for the purpose of breaking strikes, and generally to reduce
the standard of living of the Canadian worker, but all to no
avail. Consequently, they were ultimately forced to the
point where they had to turn round and organize the foreign
speaking workmen for their own welfare and advancement,
and now refuse, and rightly, to turn against these men at
the behest of the same powers and interests that were the
most active in bringing the so-called alien into the country
in the first place.
Following the release of the arrested men from Stony
Mountain Penitentiary, the Workers' Defense Committee
sprang into existence iii the City of Winnipeg and has now
grown in scope and character. The arrested men themselves
were despatched throughout the country in order to tell
some little of the abominable story to the rest of the workers, both East and west. The consequence of all this is
that everywhere, wherever workers can be found, there can
also be found a Defense Committee acting in conjunction
with the head office in Winnipeg. *pie mind of the working

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

217

class has been awakened as a result of the ruthless action
of a Government which has perpetuated its existence by
manoeuvering the Franchise to suit its purposes, and
Orders-in-Council to carry out its wishes. Often Parliament
has not been consulted on many things, and Cabinet rule,
purely and simply, has been the order of the day in Canada
for some few years past.
At the preliminary hearing, staged about the middle of
July last, which was the longest preliminary hearing of any
case in the history of Canada, all kinds of matters, in no
way connected with the accused were, allowed to go in as
evidence. Behind it all one purpose appeared clearly to us.
By means of as corrupt a press as can be found anywhere
in the world, all this mass of "evidence" could be delightfully distorted and colored and spread broadcast throughout
the land, in the hope that by the very power of suggestion
probable jurors might become afflicted with pre-dispositions. Remarkable as this procedure was, and disgusted as
many honest-minded citizens were, at the tactics thus pursued by the Crown, a still more remarkable and disgusting
incident was to break, like a bolt from the blue, upon the
astonished minds of Canadian workingmen and women.
The order to commit had been given, when it was discovered that the usual application for bail, concerning which
no one for a single moment had any apprehension, was
refused and the eight men were trotted off, under the escort
of Mounted Police, to the Manitoba Provincial Gaol. Here
they were allowed to remain for four weeks, denied bail
upon a bailable offense. Once again a storm of protest raged.
The Miners of Nova Scotia and the Lumberjacks of British
Columbia together with many of the varied tradesmen in
the intervening territory held mass meetings of protest.
In Winnipeg 8,000 labor men and women paraded in the rain
on September 2nd, while the accused were yet in jail, many
of the returned soldiers taking part (in fact, the Soldiers'
and Sailors' Labor Party had a section of the parade to
themselves) and wound up with mass protest meetings. As
an upshot to all this, the eight men were again released on
bail and allowed to proceed to their homes and their families.
Again, they went forth throughout the country and redoubled their efforts in agitating for strong and effective
defense being erected.
(The End)

218

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

THE STRIKE/IN RETROSPECT
(By "CLAMSHELL")
Twenty-three small wars were in progress when peace was
signed at Versailles at the close of "The Great War," so, at the close
of "The Great Strike," are there many issues in many realms still
unsettled.
On May 1st, the strike was called by the building trades workers after their wage demands, which had been declared by the employers to be "fair and reasonable," had been refused, and their
building trades council denied recognition because they would not
accept the wage offer of the huilders' exchange. This offer was 50
per cent, of the increase demanded.
They were joined within a day or so by the metal trades workers
whose council had been absolutely ignored by the employers. Their
Strike was delayed after the date set owing to the advice of the executive of the Trades Council that still another effort be made with
the employers to get recognition. They also requested the same pay
as was then in force for similar work in the railway shops. The
wage was to go up or down with those in the railway shops.
Stationary engineers were already on ^strike in Swift's, Gordon
& Ironsides, etc., before the other strikes were called.
Two weeks later, on May 15th, when it was evident that the
strike would be lost without assistance, the strikers asked the Trades
Council to call a general strike to assist them.
At this time several other unions had disagreements of their
own, The ultimatum of the culinary workers expired almost coincidently with the date of the general strike. The postal workers had
grievances of over a year's standing. The government had a year
ago promised immediate investigation and rectification, but nothing
had been done, and, as a result, these men took a strike vote on
their own behalf after the general strike was called. The street
car workers were at the time awaiting a report from a royal commission before taking final action.
Where the unions responded to the call to take a sympathetic
strike vote the result was enthusiastic and decisive. The majority
to strike was overwhelming.
Not all unions took the vote, however, among such were the
typographers, the musicians, the stereotypers, the web pressmen, etc.
Some of these later took the vote and joined the strikers. Others
refused to the end to take the vote and remained at work. No union
can compel another union to strike.
About 25,000 workers in all struck work. Among these were
several hundred persons who, under the present craft union system,
found no place in which they could fit. However they wanted to
assist the striking builders, etc., and so walked out individually.
Crime Record Lowered.
During the first six weeks of the-strike, from May 1st, the
police court record for the city was lower than for months previously.
Some have said that this was due to the fact that the police—-who
had voted to strike, but had remained at work on the request ©f the

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

219

Trades Council—-neglected to do their duty and refused to make arrests. The manifest reply to this aspersion is the fact that the
police gave the council clearly to understand that if they remained
at work they would carry out the instructions of their chief without
fear or favor. The real reason for the lower crime record was the
constant appeal of the leaders for the keeping of perfect order, and
the added fact that the strikers respected the police and acceded to
their requests at all times.
During the next and last two weeks of the strike there were
two riots. Almost no property was destroyed, though in the last
riot one street car was somewhat damaged. In the last riot at least
two persons were shot to death supposedly by the mounted police.
There was no disorder until the regular police were dismissed
because they would not sign the slave pact—a document wherein they
were required to say they would join no sympathetic strike and
affiliate with no Trades and Labor Council or other body. When
these men were replaced by fifteen hundred special police the trouble
began. These were assisted by mounted police and militia called
upon by the mayor during the process of a peaceful parade preparation of returned soldiers.
'
Barons of Finance Organize Opposition.
The night before the general strike was called the financial
magnates met and appointed themselves as an organized opposition
under the suggestive non de plume of "The Citizens' Committee of
One Thousand." It will be noted that while the strike committee
was made up of three delegates elected by ballot from the delegates
to the Trades and Labor Council, there was no meeting of citizens
called to appoint the opposition to the strikers. They appointed
themselves and then claimed to represent the "citizens."
These men at once brought pressure to bear on the city council,
the provincial government, and the federal government. They also,
in their paper. "The Citizens," made the statement that the governments mentioned had adopted their policy.
In addition they inaugurated a press campaign. They have
repeatedly stated that this was necessary because tne strikers had
suppressed the daily press, while the Western Labor News was still
running. The Western Labor News is printed on Fridays, and, because the pressmen refused by resolution of their union to do any
printing "mentioning the Western Labor News by name as included"
it was necessary to publish the paper that week before the strike was
called at 11 a.m. Thursday. There was no daily issue of the Western
Labor News in existence.
On Friday night a resolution was passed by the Strike Committee
that, if possible, a strike bulletin should be published, and the pressmen were asked to assist. They agreed to do this by voluntary labor.
The committee then refused to let men set the type who had refused
to come out on strike, and it was Sunday morning before a small
two-page sheet was finally published.
It is significant that at the morning service, at the churches,
"The Citizen," organ of the committee of 1,000, was circulated. This
was simultaneous with the appearance of the first issue of the Strike
Bulletin.
This should forever dispel the illusion that "The Citizen" was
published because the strikers had suppressed the dailies in favor
of their own paper. As a matter of fact, the stereotypers and the
web-pressmen joined in the sympathetic strike and so automatically

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

tied up the dailies. All other printing plants were tied up on the
Thursday, so there was no discrimination against the newspapers.
When "The Citizen" appeared it revealed clearly its authorship.
It was vile. Within a few days the dailies secured help and again
appeared and a campaign of misrepresentation, slander, vilification,
and libel, was indulged in such as Canada has never before witnessed.
This campaign was carried on both in Canada, the U.S.A. and in
Britain. Pull page advertisements signed by the committee of 1,000
attacked the strike leaders personally, and openly charged them with
revolutionary motives.
Strike ^Leaders Arrested.
When the press campaign did not succeed of itself in crushing
the strike; when it waa evident that the workers could not be divided
from the leaders whom they by vote had elected; and when they
were not starved out in two weeks, or in three weeks, as had been
predicted, then other and sterner methods had to be adopted. So, as
a last desperate resort, some half dozen of the leaders were torn from
their beds in the middle of the night by.order of the government,
through the instigation of A. J. Andrews, chief spokesman of the
committee of 1,000, arrested, and rushed into the penitentiary without trial.
It would never do for the committtee of 1,000 to have it thought
that these arrests were made to crush the strike, so a charge of seditious conspiracy was trumped up against a number of men, to make
it look right, a number of "aliens" were included in the charge. It is
a fact that some of these men had never seen or heard of each other
before the arrest; it Is also true that the authorities had no vestige of
evidence against the men arrested, and so had to search their homes,
and, when no evidence was secured there, were compelled to search
the whole Dominion for supposed evidence, but those things mattered
not. The leaders had to be got out of the way so that the rest might
become terrified and the strike broken.
Just how flimsy was the pretence is proven in one case at least
by the fact that Pte. M. Verenchuk, one of the men arrested, has
already been* released without any charge bei^g laid, after spending
three weeks in Jail.
Deportation Attempted
The sordid story of the attempted deportation of these men without the formality of a proper trial will live long in the annals of Canadian history. It is without a peer.
The strike had been misrepresented as a revolution. The workers
had attempted to establish a Soviet. Ivens had proclaimed a dictatorship and had laid the seat of Government had been removed from
the City Hall to the Labor Temple. Robinson—alias Rubenstein—had
also made revolutionary statements. There was a "Red Five" that
were intriguing for the overthrow of the State. Such were some of
the accusations. This threatened reign of terror needed drastic handling. Yet it must be done circumspectly or the people might really
rebel and there would be a real, instead of an imaginary rebellion, so
the 1,000 had to act cautiously.
If these English and Scotch agitators could be deported the whole
industrial problem of the Dominion would be solved. But the snag
was how to deport persons who were British born.
Clearly it had to be done under the Immigration act. But at present this was impossible, and only two days before, the act had been

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

221

amended and was now out of the way. It could be re-amended only
by unanimous consent of the House. This would be impossible if the
members understood what was aimed at, so, an innocent looking
amendment had to be conceived that would be equal tb the demand.
This was ready to hand, and the thing was almost done, when a member of the House almost "spilled the beans" by asking in his innocent
way what bearing these new amendments had on the Winnipeg strike
situation. The bland answer was that they had no bearing whatever
on the strike situation, and, good man that he was, he was satisfied.
Sufficient to say that under the amendments it is now possible for
British born persons to be tried under the act in secret, without the
accused being present at the enquiry, the press and the public can be
excluded, there is no real court, no trial by jury, and no appeal to any
Judge or Court in the land. Only an appeal to the Minister of Justice,
and, he, by the way, is the prosecutor. He appoints the committee to
try the case. So the appeal is a farce.
The strike leaders were told at 'Stony Mountain penitentiary by
A. J. Andrews, chief spokesman of the committee of 1,000—now made
agent for Department of Justice for the purpose of prosecuting the
strike leaders—that they would be tried uifder the Immigration act
and would be deported if the Enquiry Committee so decided.
The committee of the strikers was given similar information by
Mr. Andrews, Senator Robertson, and Col. Perry.
Furthermore, these men were, in the penitentiary, shaved early
on the following morning, or the next morning but one, for the purpose of appearing before this Deportation Committee.
Then a cog must have slipped, for the Immigration Committee
dropped out of sight. It is evident that the Government had gotten
a bad scare from some source. It had changed its mind. The deportation proceedings were dropped for the present. They are to be again
taken up if these men are proven guilty at their trials.
Not the least suspicious feature of this whole deportation matter
is the fact that it was introduced into Parliament, read three times,
passed by the Senate, and signed by the Governor General, all within
the short space of forty minutes. Why the rush? Who was pulling
the strings? Who was nudging Robertson's elbow?
Strike Bulletin Suppressed
It seemed to be a surprise to the forces opposing Labor that the
Strike Bulletin appeared just the same as ever even after the editor
was imprisoned. This would never do. The strong arm must be set
to work again. The suspected supply editor was placed under arrest,
the paper suppressed and the type confiscated. And still the paper
appeared on the streets next day. So still another warrant had to be
executed, and anqther supposed editor hunted down. And even then
the Western Labor News re-appeared. Let the facts suffice. The how
matters not.,
Strike Finally Crushed
When—through exhaustion, the arrest of the strike leaders, and
the strong-arm methods of the Federal Government—the strike was
finally crushed, there came a breathing spell.
The leaders had been bailed out conditionally. That is, they could
neither take part in the strike, attend meetings, write for, or give
interviews to the press. But now they were released from the conditions and a higher bail fixed.

222

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

When the sympathetic strike was called off the workers had to
get back to work as best they could. This was the signal for wholesale discrimination on the part of the employers. The workers are
beaten. We, the bosses, will rub it in good and plenty. We will give
them all the strike they want. We will establish the "black list" and
force a bunch of them out of the city.
The result is a bitterness of spirit that bodes ill for the future.
Another result is a Dominion-wide campaign by the accused men
to wake the people to the menace of a Parliament controlled by financiers..
Was the Strike Kevolution?
We have said that the committee of 1,000 raised the cry of "revolution," and, "law and order." What was there behind this cry?
To the strikers, the idea that the 1,000 were the friends of law and
order was preposterous in view of their steadfast effort to place the
city under Martial Law by the ridiculing, maligning, and libelling of
the regular police, and their insistence on the crushing by force of
"the revolution."
Yet there must have been something behind their fears. They did
not enlist in volunteer militia corps, and sleep in churches, just for
fun. They had genuine fears of revolution. They were really afraid
that the present system might be overthrown by violence. Not that
there was the slightest sign of revolution anywhere. The court records
ought to have convinced them of that. But it did not. They were
apparently obsessed. Why was this?
The old adage says: "A guilty conscience needs no accusing." It
is true. These are the persons who, through the war, have profiteered
on blood. Their unholy millions were supposedly in jeopardy. Therefore, as one of their organs said, the plot must be crushed even though
half the population was wiped out in the process.
They knew the cost of living had been increased by their profiteering. They knew that the worker could better his position only
by organizing for collective bargaining. Hence, just as was his cause,
it must be twisted so as to hide the real issue.
Thus their clumsily pretended love of law and order was but a
specious plea for undisguised selfishness.
Menace of Bolshevism
A good excuse is better than none. So, a seemingly good excuse,
had to be found to attack the strikers under the guise of unselfishness.
This was revealed in the wonderful discovery that the real intent of
the strike was the establishment of Bolshevism.
Just what Bolshevism is is hard to know since the Government
has steadily prohibited any knowledge of the real thing from leaking
through, but the censor has assured us that it is a very bad disease,
and we must be on our guard.
The Calgary Convention used the word "Bolshevism" one day,
and the leaders of the strike were at the Calgary Convention, so, the
connection between the strike and Bolshevism was proven. Q. E. D.
Calgary Convention, March, 1919
The Calgary Convention grew out of the fact that last October,
at the Trades Congress at Quebec, the desires of the Western delegates were time and time again defeated by an Eastern block. The
feeling was that there was a machine at work, and that this machine
was controlled by reactionaries. These men decided on their return

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

223

trip to call a Western "Convention before the next Congress and to
outline a progressive policy.
—
This gathering of representatives of Western Trade Unionists met
at Calgary about four months ago.
They decided to evolve a system of Industrial Unionism to take
the place of the present Craft Unions. But a vote had to be taken of
the unions concerned to see what they thought about the matter, and
so a vote was arranged. This was to decide the matter. The name
given to the movement was the ONE BIG UNION. Some people think
it should have been named the ONE BIG MISTAKE. But others, seeing the determined opposition of the bosses to the movement, are inclined to call it the ONE BIG HOPE.
When dealing with the matter of unemployment it was decided
to recommend the six-hour day as an immediate remedy. There was
to be a vote on this question also to see whether it was advisable to
call a general Dominion-wide strike to establish it. The 1,000 say
this was clear evidence of Bolshevism. The delegates to the Western
Convention thought that, since the British Miners' Commission had
recommended the six-hour day for miners, it was a constitutional proceeding. However there were many lawyers among the 1,000 Committee, so we shall have to stand corrected on our constitutionalism.
If there were anything lacking of proof in the two foregoing it was
supplied in brimming measure in another resolution. This was the
one that congratulated the Russian Soviets and the German Spartacans.
It seems that there used to be a Czarist Party in control in Russia and that this was composed of the wealthy people who terribly
oppressed the workers. So much was this supposed to be the case
that Russia was referred to as the "most autocratic and the most
benighted nation in Europe," The daily papers had said that this was
changed and that the workers were in control. Beyond this there was
but little news allowed to percolate.
Just how they had done it, or just what was the real condition in
Russia was not clear, but the workers were supposed to be in control,
so the Canadian workers sent congratulations.
This it seems was a crime. They ought to have sent word that
they were sorry that the old regime was overthrown and earnestly
request the workers to go back again to the good old times.
All that we know is that the western workers said nothing about
methods, or programmes, etc., but passed a general resolution. Still
this is full proof that the Winnipeg strike was Bolshevistic.
If you fail to follow the logic of the argument here it is not
because the logic is not clear, but because you are not a lawyer. If
you had studied law as have the Committee of 1,000 the connection
would at once be made plain.
Wolf! Wolf! "The Alien Cry"
Lest there might be some who could not be convinced by the cry of
"Bolsheviki," there was another cry invented. This was "alien! alien!"
What a magic word. It is a relic of the great war. There were some
aliens around the Labor Temple so they were responsible for the
strike. The records of the unions themselves would reveal that there
are more than 8,000 aliens alone in the unions, and only 8,000 voted
in favor of the strike. Could proof be plainer? Impossible! Absolutely
impossible.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Yet there was a weakness in the argument. That was the returned
soldier. He had been taught to obey. He would do it now. It was
true that there were thousands of Trades Unionists in the Canadian
armies, and these had in many cases rejoined their Unions, but they
would fall for the "alien" call, and the trick would be done.
It was a great surprise, therefore, when the resolutions—covertly
condemning the strikers, and promising all necessary aid to the
authorities in case of trouble, even though the authorities themselves
were responsible for that trouble—carefully drafted, and given out
under the name of the Executive of the three Soldier Organizations
in unison, were completely reversed by a mass meeting called to
endorse them. It was confusion worse confounded when at a still
later meeting a resolution was carried completely endorsing the
strikers.
Then, when the returned soldiers paraded in support of the strike t
the worst had come. No wonder the order went forth that parades
were anathema.
Campaign of Camouflage
It is easy to understand the vitriolic opposition of the profiteers
and financial men generally to the strikers. But the attitude of the
Federal Government was wholly uncalled for. So was that of the
Provincial Government. Both refused to do anything until the sympathetic strike was called off.
" The fact that the sympathetic strike was not inaugurated until
the Building and Metal Workers were virtually beaten, and that they
had to have support or go down to defeat, was ignored. It was a
virtue to strike in your own behalf, but a crime to strike in support
of others. Thus a new standard of ethics was evolved by the Governments.
^
The Committee of 1,000 said it opposed the sympathetic strike
because the "innocent public" were made to suffer with the guilty
employers. Yet it is overlooked that the very men who were responsible for the strike were on the Committee of 1,000. The ironmasters,
and the building exchange employers were there in full force. So, too,
were the profiteers who were responsible for the high cost of living
and the consequent demand for a living wage. Yet, in spite of this,
these men, who for five years of war and for long years of peace have
robbed the people as a whole and have their ill-gotten millions as the
proof of their profiteering, are they who during the strike prated of
caring for the people, and opposed the strikers because of their
disinterested public spirit.
The Conduct of the Strike
Opposed to this duplicity, insincerity, and misrepresentation was
the attitude of the strikers. They worked absolutely in the open. They
spoke in the parks and from the platform. They stated their case
before the whole world. They published a daily Strike Bulletin that
carried the imprimature of its authors. The Committee of 1,000 have
never dared to publish such. They have never dared to appear on the
platform. That would expose their personnel.
When the strike was called the Strike Committee made many
concessions in the interests of the people.
The waterworkers were organized "100 per cent. They voted to
eome out, and could have been called out 100 per cent, strong at 11

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

225

a.m. on the Thursday. This would have cut off the water supply in
its entirety. Knowing this, the Strike Committee requested sufficient
men to stay on the job to prevent undue suffering from this source.
Most people lived in houses, and most business was transacted in
blocks, so, sufficient pressure was kept on to supply the homes of
the people and not the business blocks. It is true that some business
is done on the main floor and some people live above the second
floor, but the average was otherwise.
In the matter of the police the same principle was involved. A
general strike had grave possibilities, and the strikers did not want
lawlessness, therefore the police were asked to remain. But it must
never be forgotten that the police agreed to do this only on the condition that they mete out impartial justice. Moreover, just as soon
as this decision was arrived at by the police and the Strike Committee,
the Police Commission was immediately notified. This was the night
before the strike was called. Why was this fact always concealed from
the citizens by the Committee of 1,000?
In the matter of hospitals the employees who were union men were
asked to stay on the job so that sick persons should not suffer. And
the street railway men offered to operate cars to take soldiers to and
from Tuxedo Military Hospital.
Because crowds on the streets held possibilities of danger, the
moving picture and theatre operators were asked to stay at work.
Then, on the second day of the strike, when it had been demonstrated that the workers could tie things up solidly, there came the
menace of starvation.
City Council Co-operates
It was at this stage that the Strike Committee offered to let sufficient men return to work to supply the people with bread a n d ^ i l k
and ice.
A committee from the City Council was appointed to work in conjunction with the strikers with this end in view. And this Joint Committee made the arrangements under which these men returned to
work for this purpose. These men were not strike breakers, but
returned in compliance with the wishes of the Strike Committee, and,
in co-operation with the City Council. Cards were issued to distinguish them from strike breakers, and this, in the opinion of the
Citizens' Committee, was the full proof that the Strike Committee had
usurped control and* had established a Soviet regime.
It was only when the Committee of 1,000 openly boasted that they
were getting men back to work, and that things were almost normal,
and when they displayed big advertisements announcing "business as
usual," that the strikers considered it time to call their bluff by again
ceasing to work.
Special Police Appear
It was when the Committee of 1,000 were forced to make good
their pretense that they considered they needed police protection.
They asked for, and received, the appointment of some hundreds of
special police to guard the bakeries and creameries and to deliver the
product. It was one of the greatest farces ever staged. But it had
the effect that the committee desired, it opened the way for rioting
and the introduction of Martial Law.
Government Controlled by Finance
That the Government was wholly controlled by the dictates of
the Committee of 1,000 was manifest from the first hour. The strike

22(3

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

had to be smashed by the calling off of the sympathetic strike before
either Government COULD do anything.
Then, to accomplish the breaking of the sympathetic strike, the
City Council, the Provincial Government, and the Federal Government issued ultimatums to all their employees to return to work at
once on pain of absolute dismissal. This was followed by similar
ultimatums from the Railway Corporations and other firms. But the
strike did not end.
Then came the further action of the Federal Government The
Mounted Police were placed at the disposal of the City Council and
the Council was controlled by the Committee of 1,000. Rifles and ammunition by the thousands of rounds were supplied and trucks were
loaded with machine guns. An armored car was rushed to._the city.
And the Militia were ordered to stand to.
While this was proceeding the Immigration Act was being manipulated and amended to trap the strike leaders.
If further proof were needed it was supplied by the abject surrender of Senator Gideon Robertson, Minister of Labor. He was met
at the head of the lakes by representatives of the 1,000 Committee,
and was filled full of the stories of revolution. Time and time again
he gave out interviews and statements that made it clear that he
believed that a revolution was >afoot. Yet he could do nothing save
"ultimate."
Of course he could not. He represents no CONSTITUENCY. He
was taken from the closest of fossils and was made Minister of Labor
because he was known to be subservient and amenable to orders.
When he got the Government into a hole, or, when he refused to obey
orders, he would be summarily dismissed and made the goat. He is
but an employee. He is^not an elected member of parliament. He is
responsible only to the financial magnates who control the Parliament,
and not to the people.
His final coup was to order the arrest of the strike leaders under
the pretence that they were conspirators who were secretly planning
to overthrow the- state.
They were seized in the midnight hours, their homes, labor
temples, and newspaper offices of the workers ransacked for evidence
to convict them. They were rushed to a penitentiary and then threatened with deportation proceedings.
Government Worst Discriminator
Not only was the Government subservient to the barons of finance in general, but in dealing with its own employees it was more
arbitrary than any other emiployer.
Not a single postal employee was reinstated, and orders were
issued that none were to be re-employed even as new hands.
The telephone workers and electricians had a raw deal at the hands
of the Provincial Government. And the City Council was as arbitrary
as it could be*
In the case of the railways, while shopmen were largely taken
back, there were many discriminations, the Running Trades were
among the goats, and only one sleeping car porter out of all who
struck was reinstated by the C.P.R.
The Mathers* Commission Report
Not the least significant feature of the Mathers' Commission
report was its insistence on the principle of co-operation between

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

227

employer and employee. The Whitley scheme was endorsed because
of this feature. But, with the lack of co-operation between the Government and its own employees such advice must fall on dead ears.
Judge Mathers reported to the Parliament hurriedly. He was
instructed so to do in order that the Government might legislate in
harmony with the report DURING THE PRESENT SESSION.
The report endorsed the demands of the Winnipeg strikers in
their entirety. The issues were the right to collective bargaining,
and a living wage. Both of these were urged, and denned in the
report so that juggling over the meaning of the expressions should be
eliminated. But, instead of legislating in harmony with the report,
the parliament prorogued without acting. It merely said that further
"FRIENDLY CONFERENCES" would be held in the near future.
It is a fair question to ask whether the Government would not
have been able to find 'another forty minutes to pass legislation had
some innocent measure that would have further oppressed the workers been suggested by the commission.
Real Cause of Opposition
It will occur to many that there must have been an adequate reason for the opposition of the Committee of 1,000 to the demands of
the workers. There certainly was, and the workers believe they have
the reason before them.
It will not be forgotten that a little over a year ago there was
formed in this city the "Greater Winnipeg Board of Trade." Since
then the "Canadian Reconstruction Association" has been formed,
Then 'there is the Manufacturers' Association, and the Real Estate
Men's Association. If the personnel of these organizations and the
Thousand Committee were compared there would be found to be
VERY FEW persons not included in the 1,000 Committee.
It was freely predicted that the Winnipeg Board of Trade would
be the real opposition of labor to representation on the City Council,
and the Parliaments. Such has transpired to be the fact.
If Labor has as great success at the Civic elections this year as
it had last year, it will control the council. This must be stopped.
Add to this the fact that a year &go in the smaller general strike
the workers won their fight for recognition of the Civic Unions and
their affiliation with the Trades Council, and the whole casus belli
stands revealed. Labor must be smashed before the 1919 Civic elections.
Break the Weak Link
It is remarkable that the, schedules in all occupations where work
was plentiful and necessary were granted without a hitch. But there
was little building that had to be done, and the adjustment from a
war basis in the Metal Trades made but little work in that direction,
so these two bodies of workers could he defied with impunity. For
this reason they were refused recognition by the bosses and the banks
refused to sanction any adequate increase of pay. They believed they
could do this, so they did it.
Labor realized the weakness of its position. But it had to stand
by these two industries when the principles of a living wage and the
right to collective bargaining were at stake. It was hoped that the
combined force of Labor might win the day.
It did not win because the financial interests were able to use the
machinery of the State to crush the workers.

228

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 3 919

The Blood of the Martyrs
The, strong-arm methods of the Government have crushed the
strike, but the spirit of Labor is not crushed. Rather it has been
greatly stimulated.
Russell and Pritchard wore arrested, but the One Big Union movement cannot be imprisoned. Only the righting of economic wrongs
can defeat this movement. Industrial organization will sweep the
whole world within the next two years, and no force on earth can
stop it, Moreover, it is the only movement that can avoid revolution,
Ivens was imprisoned, and while he was in the penitentiary, he
was expelled from the ministry of the Methodist church. But the
Labor Church movement is not smashed thereby.
Instead &f this the ONE Labor Church in existence at the time
of his arrest had within four weeks from that time increased to
EIGHT.
The Western Labor News was suppressed, but it was not killed,
instead, its circulation is jumping up, and there is an insistent demand
that will not long be denied for it to become a daily.
When Dixon was imprisoned it did not end the determination of
the workers to take parliamentary action. No, for within two weeks,
the membership of the Labor Party trebled, and in all parts of the
city there developed spontaneously Women's Labor Leagues.
Heaps and Queen were sent to the penitentiary. But the determination of the workers to have representation in the City Council was
not crushed. Instead, they immediately sought out men sufficient to
control the Council after the next election. And, in addition, selected
a candidate for Mayor, -who would refuse to bend to the storm.
Bray is seized in a midnight raid. He who enlisted to fig:ht for
liberty and justice over there was given a taste of what he calls
Germanism over here. The result was the formation of a Soldiers'
and Sailors' Labor Party that will be heard from in the days to come.
Armstrong is seized. But the ideals for which Armstrong stands
cannot be imprisoned. The truth goes marching on.
Woods worth, too, is imprisoned. What differences? The whole
populace is shocked. He stands for the square deal, for righteousness,
for the stranger that is within our gates. Shall righteousness perish
because Woods worth has to pay the price?
Nay, but verily, the petty politicians who persecute such men
will pass into oblivion while the memory of Woodsworth lives to
inspire our children's children.
So will it be with the "Aliens" who have fought alongside of
Canadians for freedom for Canada, and for justice, and who, today,
find themselves facing deportation without the formality of an open
jury trial. Banish them, we may, but British justice is thereby put
to the acid test
A New Bay Dawns
Thinking men- discern clearly the difference between criminally
minded men and men who stand for causes. Menr who have a vision
cannot be repressed by threats or fears. They w il! dare even to the
death.
These men have been called visionaries and dreamers. So, too,
was Christ. He was called a pestilent fellow, one who turned the
whole world upside down. He was an agitator, and a leader, and a
heretic, and a. seditious person. He earned the opposition of the money

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

229

lenders and the State, They crucified Him. Still he was right and
the persecutors were wrong.
His cause was not crucified. It could not be, Nor is it at this
hour. The issue Christ faced is here today. Men cannot stop the
movement for reform. All they can do is to assist it or oppose it.
Bach decides this for himself. These men have made the choice.
For five years men have given limb and life for the cause of
emancipation. While they did this, other millions of men and women
worked and starved and sacrificed that liberty and justice and freedom might be saved. Finally, this desire for righteousness and j u s tice and freedom has become a world passion. It will never be
stopped until injustice has been overthrown' the world over.
While these have sacrificed others have profiteered. They have
battened in blood. Their vulgar opulence and arrogance stink in
the nostrils of the men who have sacrificed all. They have heaped up
riches, and added interest to principal. They have declared fabulous
dividends, until the whole public mind rebels.
Then they arrogantly prate of "women and children" and 'law
and order," and call upon the Government to imprison the protestors,
while they, the profiteex*s, make still more millions.
They are "ichabod." They have played Judas. The bag and the
swag have enslaved them. In the hour of crisis they forget right and
justice and truth, and depend upon wrong and injustice and deception.
The morning dawns. Righteousness will ,4>e enthroned. Truth
will prevail. Justice will be established. In the dawning light men
have not seen the issue clearly, but as the mists dissolve these
issues stand revealed, and men and women are taking sides.
The workers have chosen the path of brotherhood though it means
sacrifice. They have chosen the side of final victory, the establishment
of a co-operatice -commonwealth.

i

i

280

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

JUDGE METCALFE'S CHARGE
TO THE JURY
IN

THE CROWN vs. R. B. RUSSELL
(OFFICIAL REPORT)

Gentlemen of the Jury: After twenty-three days actual sitting,
day and night, after the filing of 703 exhibits and the taking of
voluminous evidence, I hope you will believe BUS when I say that I
am almost physically unfit to complete my part of this trial. I
know that your duties have been arduous, and I know that, realising
the nature and importance of the case that you have risen to an
appreciation of your own high judicial duties, and have attended
with great interest and appreciation to all the matters that have been
laid before you.
Now, we always start first in a criminal case with a presumption
—that is one of the blessings of the British Constitution—a presumption not against Russell but in his favor. It is always the duty
of the Judge to tell the Jury that the accused is innocent until he is
proven guilty, that is to say, he is presumed to be innocent until
the evidence of the Crown satisfies you, in a manner to which I will
hereafter refer, as to his guilt.
It has been almost impossible for you to come here without
some recollection of what you read in the newspapers during the
months of May and June last. Gentlemen, I must ask you in all
fairness to Russell to .put out of your mind what you heard second'
hand, or what you read in the newspapers, and to bring your mind
down to what you have seen and heard in this Court Room. Every
Judge must tell you that. It is his duty to do so, and Gentlemen of
the Jury, I am going to tell you that I not only know my duty, but I
am not going to charge you in any other way than according to my
duty.
It is my duty to deal with the reception and the rejection of
evidence; and regard any matters that you may have heard discussed, where it has been urged on the part of othera, that I did not
know my duty, I must tell you that in so far as God has given me
the capacity I have known and done my duty. It is my duty also
to instruct you as to matters of law, and in such matters you ought
to follow my directions. I may also speak as to the facts; that is
a privilege and sometimes a duty, but if I do it will be only for the

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

231

purpose of assisting you as to the application of law which you
might not otherwise understand, and not for the purpose at all of
prejudicing you either in favor or against the accused. In all matters of fact you are the sole judges. Where you differ from a Judge
on a question of fact in your own minds it is your duty to follow the
dictates of your own conscience and not that of the Judge.
I could have made my charge much shorter than I unfortunately
will have to make it if Counsel had not seen fit to charge you upon
matters of law. But that having been done, I must deal with the
questions of law more fully, a great deal more fully than I otherwise
would have done, because matters of law have been stated here with
which I do not agree, and upon which I will instruct you. And, as
I said before, you ought to follow my instructions, because that is
what I am here for. Above all what I am here for is to see that
only proper evidence is admitted; to tell you the law, independent
of my interest either for the Crown or for the accused, and you
should take the law from me.
In dealing with the law, Mr. Cassidy has dealt with the case of
John Burns, 16 Cox 355. Now, Mr. Cassidy did not need to deal
with that case unless perhaps it was assumed that I might not do my
duty in charging you as to the law. Because in so far as the facts
of that case are conoerned, I have no quarrel with the judgment of
Mr. Justice Cave, not at all; but you will remember that the law
laid down by Mr. Justice Cavlei, or by Mr. Justice anybody else, is
laid down upon the facts of that particular case. The only thing
in which that case differs from the other cases upon this very point
is this, that it goes a little further in the favor of John Burns as to
the matter of intent than do many other cases along the same line
of sedition. But, Gentlemen, of the Jury, for Heaven's sake, if it
has come down to the matter of intent or innocence of intent, and if
the parties accused here do not intend any real mischief, and did not
desire to bring about the things that were brought about, even in
this case 1 would advise you, with Mr. Justice Gave, to bring in a
verdict of not guilty.
Generally speaking, however, with regard to sedition, I do not
wish to be recorded as having entirely adopted the judgment of Mr.
Justice Cave, because in many cases of sedition, or at least in some,
the parties may have conducted themselves so recklessly that the
intent is so evident that it can hardly ever be excused. In the John
Burns case the Crown did not suggest, and it is so upon record, that
the parties desired to have t brought about the actual things that
were brought about. It is in the report, but your attention was not
called to that. The Crown would not urge, when called upon in
the case, that John Burns and his friends desired to bring about the
acts that subsequently happened/
It is my duty to tell you shortly with what the accused is
charged. 'There are two main charges running through the indictment. There are several counts, but the earlier counts relate to the
crime of sedition, and as I am t®ld by Counsel, the same crime of
sedition, although each count alleges it in a different way and upon
different facts, excepting the first count which is general and charges
seditious conspiracy to bring into hatred and contempt, to excite

232

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

disaffection against the government, the laws and the constitution,
And generally to promote ill-will and hostility amongst the people
and between classes. The other separate and distinct charges is that
by carrying on a strike, in the manner alleged, they committed a
common nuisance, and are therefore indictable upon that ground.
COUNT II. Charges seditious conspiracy to bring into hatred
and contempt, to excite disaffection against the government, the laws
and the constitution, and the administration of justice, also to promote hostility, etc., between classes, proceeds to particularize the
Walker Theatre meeting, the Majestic Theatre meeting, and inciting
unlawful assemblies resulting in riots of January; a combination or
association of workmen for the purpose of compelling compliance
with the demands of said workmen and employees by means of unlawful general strikes; wilful breach of contracts, and so on, the
probable consequences, of which were to endanger human life and
cause serious bodily injury to individuals and expose valuable property to destruction and serious injury, in violation of the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act, 1907. Threats of unlawful general
strikes and display?of industrial force and intimidation and terror
thereby created,^ for the .purpose by said means of bringing about
changes in the laws and constitution of the Dominion of Canada and
of the Provinces. Obtaining control of all industries and property
in Canada. Meeting or Convention at Calgary. Speeches and resolutions .passed thereat. Then further propaganda to publish, aid,
abet, counsel and procure the publication and distribution in the
City of Winnipeg and elsewhere of- the various pamphlets, newspapers and other printed literature of a character calculated and
intended to facilitate the carrying out of the seditious intention. Also
to aid r counsel, procure and assist an unlawful general strike, to discommode and inconvenience the inhabitants 1 of the City of Winnipeg and of paralyzing all industries and business in the City of
Winnipeg, and of endangering the lives, health, safety, and property of the said inhabitants, obstructing the said inhabitants in the
exercise and enjoyment of all rights common to all; causing serious
bodily injury, and exposing valuable property to destruction and
serious injury, Challenging and usurping a constituted authority;
setting class against class, stirring up strife and ill-will, intimidating and terrorizing, compelling by fear and intimidation large numbers of employees and workmen against their will to go out.
Also in Count 2, aided, abetted,1 counselled and procured the
bringing about and the continuance. Then is alleged all who went
out, breaking contracts against the Industrial Disputes Act. Then
for the purpose of carrying out that seditious intention committees
were organized by and with the aid, counsel and assistance of
Robert B. Russell and the others'who exercised and usurped the
function and ,powrers of the government of Winnipeg and dictated to
the inhabitants terms upon which they could carry on business; that
they issued permits to such persons only as they chose; made demands upon the city, provincial and Dominion Governments that
certain law?s and measures should be passed; threats made otherwise that the strikes would be continued in other parts of the Dominion. That they organized parades and did intimidate and terrorize peaceful inhabitants; that such action?- finally resulted in the

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

233

riotous assemblies, causing terror to the .peaceful inhabitants, de~
struction of property and personal injury and death to some.
COUNT III. charges seditious conspiracy to bring about, to aid
and procure others to bring about an unlawful sympathetic strike
of the workers under contract, knowing or having reasonable cause
to believe that the consequence of their so doing, either alone or in
combination with others would be to endanger human life and to
cause serious bodily injury to individuals and to expose valuable
property to destruction and serious injury. Subject to the provisions of the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act 1907, and at itnat
time could not go out on strike without violating the provisions of
the said Act. The continuance of such strikes discommoded and
inconvenienced the inhabitants, paralized all industries, and endangered the lives, health, safety and property; stirred up strife and
ill-will; demonstrated the power and solidarity of such workmen,
and intimidated and terrorized peaceful inhabitants.
Compelled
compliance with their demands. To bring about changes in the law;
to bring about and did aid, abet, assist, counsel and procure the
bringing about of said unlawful general sympathetic strike of a
large jiumber of workmen; did aid, abet, counsel and assist its continuance—constituted authority was challenged and usurped—and
then proceeds very much as in the second count charged.
COUNT IV. Charges seditious conspiracy to organize an unlawful association of all workmen of Canada, particularly of Western Canada, to compel the compliance with the demands of such combination or association whatever, such demands might be, by means
of unlawful general strikes; regardless of contract; and knowing and
having reasonable cause to believe that the consequences would be
to endanger human life and to cause serious bodily injury to individuals and to expose valuable property to destruction and serious Injury. Also regardless of the provisions of the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act 1907. Intending to be a step in revolution
against the constituted form of government in Canada,jand against
the laws governing the people of the City of-Winnipeg, and other
portions of the Dominion of Canada.
COUNT V. Charges .seditious conspiracy to undermine and destroy the confidence of the inhabitants t>f the City of Winnipeg and
other portions of Canada in the government, laws and constitution.
To persuade all workmen to form an unlawful combination or association, of all workmen and employees for the purpose of obtaining control of all industries and of obtaining the property rightfully
belonging to other persons, and of compelling compliance with the
demands of such combinations or associations whatever such demands might be by means of unlawful general strikes regardless of
contract and of the Statutes, including the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act.
COUNT VI. Charges seditious conspiracy to unlawfully attempt to bring about changes in the constitution and the laws, and
to encourage and incite, etc., to introduce in Canada by other than
lawful means what is known as a "Soviet" form of government, by
unlawful means similar to those employed in bringing about the same
in those portions of Russia where such "Soviet" form of govern-

234

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

ment is now in force, namely, by means of unlawful general strikes,
regardless of contract, and of the laws and statutes, including the
Industrial Disputes Act. It go*es on—by means of threats of such
unlawful general strikes and by a display of industrial and physical
force, thereby becoming parties to a seditious conspiracy.
COUNT VII. We will leave the charges of conspiracy. The
indictment now charges the accused with committing a common
nuisance by being parties to or aiding, abetting, and assisting in a
general sympathetic strike, knowing and having rieasonable cause to
believe that the consequences would be to endanger human life and
cause serious bodily injury to individuals and expose valuable property to destruction and serious injury regardless of the laws and
the Statutes including the Industrial Disputes Act. And by the said
general sympathetic strike to deprive all of the inhabitants of the
City of Winnipeg of the right to conduct themselves and their businesses in such manner as they were lawfully entitled to do, and to
endanger the lives, safety, health, property, and comfort of the public, etc.—it goes on to show who were called out, and states that as
a result, industries and businesses of said City of Winnipeg were
paralyzed and disorganized. Many suspended; unlawful assemblies
and riots occurred by reason of all the foregoing unlawful acts. Lives,
safety, health, property and comfort of the public in said city were
endangered and the said public was obstructed in the exercise and
enjoyment of all their rights common to all his Majesty's subjects
and the persons of many and divers individuals were injured thereby.
I have given you only a synopsis of the Indictment, but sufficient,
I think. You will realize that all matters that are alleged and
charged in the first six counts relate to seditious conspiracy, and in
the last count to common nuisance.
To assist you in understanding the terms "Seditious Conspiracy."
I will first define generally the indictable offence of sedition and seditious conspiracy.
Sedition is a comprehensive term, embracing all those practices,
whether by word, deed or writing which are likely to disturb the
tranquility of the State, and lead ignorant persons to endeavor to
subvert the government and the laws of the Empire. The objects
generally are to excite discontent and insurrection, s p r up opposition to the government, and to bring the administration of justice
into contempt. This definition is somewhat vague, but in that respect it only resembles the offence itself. It is hard to lay down any
decisive line, on which side of which acts are seditious, and on the
other innocent. The term seditious is commonly used in connection
with words written or spoken. It includes however many other acts
and deeds.
What is sufficient to constitute seditious libels or words? It
may be answered generally, such political writings or words as do
not amount to treason, but which are not innocent. The test approved by an eminent authority is the following: "Has the act complained of a plain tendency to produce public mischief, by perverting
the mind of the subject, and creating a general dissatisfaction to-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1910

235

wards the Government In times gone by, the freest public discussion, comment, criticism, and censure whether at meetings or in the
press, in relation to all political or party questions, all public acts
of the Servants of the Crown, all acts of the government, all proceedings of the Courts of Justice after trial were permissible, and no
narrow construction was put upon the expressions used in such a
discussion, etc., but it was firmly established that the criticisms and
censures must be without malignity, and must not impute corrupt
or malicious motives. Every man has a right to give every public
matter candid, full and free discussion; something must be allowed
for feeling in men's minds and for some warmth of expression, but
an intention to incite the people to take the power into their own
hands and to provoke them to tumult and disorder is a seditious intention. The character of the words or acts may form an irresistible
evidence of the nature of the intention.
If the words, whether written or spoken, or if the acts have a
direct tendency to cause unlawful meetings and disturbances and to
lead to a violation of the law. they are seditious, as the accused will
be taken to have intended the natural consequence of what he has
done. A document containing an alleged seditious matter must be
considered as a whole. If it is contained in a newspaper the defendant is entitled to have read in evidence other passages in the same
newspaper tending to show his intention in publishing the specific
paragraph complained of.
Now, speaking generally, in as general terms as I can give it to
a Jury, that covers sedition. But it becomes necessary for me under
the circumstances to go more fully into the law of sedition. I think
the best book we have on Criminal practice is by Archbold. It has
been recognized for many, many years as being a high authority.
Archbold states the law of sedition as follows: Sedition whether by
words written or spoken or by conduct was a misdemeanor indictable at common law, punishable by fine or imprisonment. It embraced all those practices, whether by word, deed or writing, which
fall short of high treason, but directly tend or have for their object to excite discontent or dissatisfaction; to excite ill-will between
different classes of the King's subjects; to create public disturbances,
or lead to civil war; to bring into hatred or contempt the Sovereign
or the government, the laws or constitution of the realm, and generally all endeavor to promote public disorder; to incite people to
unlawful associations, assemblies, insurrections, breaches of the
peace, or forcible obstruction of the execution of the law, or to use
any form of physical force in any public matter connected with the
State.
The definition does not prevent candid, full, and free discussion
of any public matter, unless the discussion takes place under circumstances likely to incite tumult—UNDER CIRCUMSTANCES
LIKELY TO INCITE TUMULT,
While the law does not seek to put any narrow construction on
the expressions used or acts done and only interferes when plainly
and deliberately the limits are passed of frank and candid and honest
discussion. Exciting ill-will between different classes of His Majesty's subjects may amount to sedition, Whether it does so or not

236

HISTORY OF WfNNiPEU STRIKE, UH9

in any particular case is a question for the jury after taking into
consideration all the circumstances of the case., which means time,
and place, and 1he other circumstances.
Political writings and words may be classed under three heads,
those which are overt acts of treason; those which are seditious;
and those which are allowable and justifiable.
A man may lawfully discuss and criticize the measures adopted
by the King and his ministers for the government of the country,
provided he does it fairly, temperately, with decency and respect, and
without imputing to them any improper motives. All political writings and words between treason and those which are lawful, may be
deemed seditious. As for instance, if a man curses the King, wishes
him ill, gives out scandalous stories concerning him, or does anything
that may lessen him in the esteem of his subjects, or may weaken
his government or may raise jealousies between him and his people.
It is also a seditious libel if done with an intention or likely to inflame the minds of the laborers and working people, and to incite
them to acts of violence, riot and disorder.
Seditious intent may be inferred from the libel itself, without •
any extrinsic evidence of it. And so, in order to prove it, evidence is
admissible of the defendant's having published other copies of the
same libel. But the defendant may prove that he did not write or
publish the libel at all; or he may contend that the publication is not
seditious. He may prove that the words alleged to be seditious,
whether spoken or written, are not seditious, and for that purpose
a defendant has beien allowed to give in evidence other passages of
the same speech, newspaper or publication plainly referring to the
subject of the libel in question or fairly connected with it, though
disjoined from it by other matter and in a different type, in order
to prove that his intention was not such as was imputed to him by
the prosecution, or that the passages in question wo\ild not fairly
bear the construction attempted to be given to at.
And those rules throughout this trial I have endeavored to give
effect to.
Conspiracy consists in the agreement of two or more persons to
do an unlawful act or to do a lawful act by unlawful means. So
long as such a design rests in the intention of one person only it is
not indictable, but when two persons agree to carry it into effect the
very plot is an act in itself which is punishable by this law.
The offence of conspiracy may be classed under three heads.
First, where the end to be attained is in itself a crime; where the
object is lawful, though the means to be resorted to are unlawful.
Where the object is to do any injury to a third party, or a class,
though if the wrong were inflicted by a. single individual it might
be a civil wrong and not a crime, The gist of the offence is the
combination. A single person cannot be convicted unless he be indicted with others. A mere intention will not suffice to constitute
the crime. But if the agreement, the conspiracy itself, can be proved
there is iio need to prove that anything has been done in pursuance
of it. Of course the existence of the unlawful agreement is generally

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 19J9

237

evidenced by some overt acts, but these are evidence merely and not
essential if the agreement can be proved otherwise.
Coming to our Code. We find that we have to rely upon the
English law of sedition for the simple reason that sedition is not
defined therein. Section 132 of the Code says, "Seditious words are
words expressive of a seditious intention"-—which does not help us
mut^h. For "seditious intention""we have to go to the English law,
"A seditious libel is a libel expressive of a seditious intention," A
seditious conspiracy is an agreement between two or more persons to
carry into execution a seditious intention.
In the Code we find theft defined, murder defined, assault defined, etc., but not so seditious intention or sedition itself, or seditious conspiracy other than we find them in Section 13 2 of the Code,
and another section to which I will hereafter refer.
Everyone is guilty of an indictable offence who speaks any seditious words or ipublishes any seditious libel or is a party to any
seditious conspiracy. That is Section 134. That is the reason I
have to go to the English law, and deal with the cases and deal with
the text books in order to give you a definition of sedition and
seditious intention.
¥

These English cases upon which is based the law of Canada
show how wide the legal notion of seditious conspiracy is. It seems
to include every sort of attempt to effect any public object of an evil
character by violent language either spoken or written, or show of
force likely to produce fear, hatred or disturbance, but it goes, so
far as to include an attempt to effect a public object, lawful in itself, if the attem.pt is carried out in an unlawful manner, likely to
cause fear, hatred or disturbance.
Of late yeaiys when the right of forming political organizations,
of holding political meetings, and of giving through the press or on
the pubic platform, free expression to our thoughts upon and criticisms of men and affairs was so well recognized, a written or printed
publication, a public speech or an assembly, meeting, convention or
combination wrould have had to be of extremely vicious inflammatory and dangerous character to form the basis of a successful prosecution for seditious libel, a seditious speech or a seditious conspiracy. But the war has altered conditions. Public sentiment is
more inflammatory. Words which previously were altogether unlikely to produce an evil effect upon the public mind may now very
well be regarded as seditious.
The idea having been laid clown that intention being of the essence of the offence of sedition, and even the devil himself knowing
not the intention of men except as indicated by his overt acts, sedition is difficult to prove. However such overt acts as T have said
before, may form an irresistible evidence of the nature of thfe intention. Words either written or spoken, which have a plain tendency
to cause unlawful meetings and disturbances, and to lead to a
violation of the laws, are seditious, as the accused will be taken to
have intended the natural consequences of his acts. Where the conduct is reckless and is plainly shown upon i(s face seditious, lia~

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

bility depends not alone on motive or intention, but upon the question whether the conduct, having regard to the time, place, audience,
etc., were likely to cause public disorder, physical force or violence
in a matter of state. :
If, however, you believe that the acts complained of in the first
six counts were not done with a seditious intention, then you should
not find the accused guilty on those counts. On a charge of sedition
or seditious conspiracy you should be satisfied of the seditious intention, taking always into consideration the time, place and circumstances. It is right that you should not impute to the accused
conduct more improper than will appear upon a fair and candid
examination of the circumstances.
Words differ widely from writings in point of real meaning and
proper evidence. They are often the effect of mere heat of blood
which in some natures, otherwise well disposed, carry a man beyond
the bounds of decency or prudence. They are sometimes liable to
misconstruction from the ignorance and inattention and defective
recollection of the hearers. Since the time beyond memory of man
sedition has been an offence against the common law of England.
It is an offence against the government, which by our constitution
is lawfully established by the people. It is a serious offence. It is
an offence against the constitution which we have been in the habit
of considering the best birthright which our ancestors left us, and
which, with such constitiitional improvements as may from time to
time occur, is the most valuable inheritance which we can transmit
to posterity. Now that every man and woman will have the vote it
may well be contended that all changes in the interest of the people,
whether in the constitution or the laws, may be readily brought
about in a constitutional manner; and that any other method may
place upon the people a new yoke and a greater oppression than we
have yet endured. When we consider the benefits daily conferred
upon our people by the British Constitution, the crowning effort of
centuries of bloodshed and sacrifice, it should fill the hearts of all
British subjects with gratitude that God has seen fit to place them
within the jurisdiction of that constitution; and they should righteously guard and prevent its destruction by unlawful means.
You will remember that sedition or seditious conspiracy, as in
other offences, a man is presumed to intend the consequences which
would naturally follow from his conduct, at that time and under
those circumstances. It is quite proper that you should consider the
time, when, place where, and the circumstances under which the
seditious acts were to take place.
A torch applied to a green field may not be likely to cause a
fire, yet when the grass is ripe and dry a spark may cause a conflagration.
Just so, words spoken in privacy or during a quarrel, or
in the heat of the moment, or in normal times, may be unlikely to
have a seditious effect, and may be overlooked; yet when spoken
in times of stress and in more public places, may be likely to cause
such discontent, hostility and disturbance as to be seditious. If the
words spoken^ or published are seditious, it is no defence that they
are true, and evidence to prove their truth is inadmissible.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

239

If it is the honest intention not to act unlawfully but to simply
point out errors or defects in the Government or in the constitution;
or even to honestly excite the public to attempt by lawful and constitutional means to bring about a reformation of the matter complained of—Section 133—-which was the other section which I said
I would come to later in regard to sedition—did say that a bona
fide intention is not seditious under these circumstances. "No one
shall be deemed to have a seditious intention only because he intends in good faith, to show that His Majesty has been misled or
mistaken in his measures; or to point out errors or defects in the
government or constitution of the United Kingdom, or any part of
it, or of Canada or of any province thereof, or in either House of
Parliament, of the United Kingdom or of Canada, or in any legislature, or in the administration of justice, or to excite His Majesty's
subjects to attempt to procure, by lawful means the alteration of
any matter in the State; or to point out, in order to the removal,
matters which are producing or have a tendency to produce feelings
of hatred and ill-will between different classes of His Majesty's subject s."
That section preserved to those accused of sedition the defence
that they honestly and bona fide and with no malicious motive, and
no guilty intention, were simply pointing these matters out in a
constitutional way. If they did not come within the point of view
of that section, they were responsible for the natural consequences
of their writings, of their acts, and of their deeds.
Although this section has been lately repealed, it practically
embraced only that general law which had been decided in the English cases, and under these circumstances although this section has
been lately repealed, I think it fairly states the law, and that the
accused should have the benefit of it in so far as this prosecution is
concerned. Do you find that his intention was bona fide and that he
had no seditious motive, and no guilty mind, because after all,
Gentlemen, we do not send a man to the Penitentiary until the Jury
is satisfied that there was guilt in his mind. We do not do that in
any case. When a man is charged with a crime, the essence of the
crime is the guilty mind; that is not peculiar to sedition.
If the means to be resorted to are unlawful, there may be a
conspiracy even though the ultimate purpose be lawful. The gist of
the offence is the combination. As I said before, when you find the
agreement, the offence is complete although nothing may have been
done. You must remember that in dealing with this case.
Now, with regard to the evidence of conspiracy. Where there
is no direct evidence to the fact of conspiracy the acts of each and
every one of the alleged conspirators may be given in evidence for
the purpose of proving that there was a conspiracy if such acts were
done apparently in furtherance of a Common design. There must
be a common design, otherwise it is not a conspiracy. The usual
evidence in a conspiracy case is that the parties are shown to have
pursued a line of conduct arising in the estimation of the jury from a
common intention, and you can tell whether a number of persons
are pursuing one common intention if you find their conduct on
different occasions and in different places all consistent with that

240

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

special object, all tending to bring about that which is said to be
the common purpose.
An act of a conspirator" prior to the time he and the accused
came together is evidence against the acused iif part of the same
transaction. If you find the accused and another or others of those
charged combined together for the same illegal purpose, then, any
act done by one of the party,-in pursuance of the original concerted
pilau, and with reference to the common object, is in the contemplation of the law, the act of the whole party, and therefore the proof
of such act would be evidence against any of the others who were
engaged in the same conspiracy; and declarations made by one of
the party at the time of doing such illegal act, seem not only to be
evidence against himself, as tending to determine the quality of the
act, but against the rest of the party, who are as much responsible
as if they had themselves done the act. It is the principle of agency,
which, when once established binds the conspirators together and
makes them mutually responsible for the acts and declarations of
each.
A principal may be the actual perpetrator of the act, that is, one
who, with his own hands or through an innocent agent, does the act
himself; he may be one who, before the act is done, does or omits
something for the purpose of aiding someone to commit it; he may
be one who is present aiding and abetting another in the doing of
it, or he may be one who counsels or procures the doing of it, or who
does it through the medium of a guilty agent.
If two persons pursue by their acts HTB same object, often by
the same means, one performing one part of the act and the other
another part so as to complete it with a view of the attainment of
the common object they were pursuing, the jury are free to infer
that they bad been engaged in a conspiracy to effiect that object.
Any persons concerned in any of the criminal parts of the transaction alleged as conspiracy may be found guilty, though there is
no evidence that such persons joined in concerting a plan or that
they ever met the others, and though it is probable they never did,
and though some of them only joined in the latter parts of the
transaction and probably did not enter the matter until some of the
prior parts of the transaction were complete
When two or more
persons COD spire together to commit any offence or actionable wrong,
everything said, done or written by any one of them in execution or
furtherance of their common purpose is deemed to be so said, done
or written by every one, and is deemed to be relevant facts against
each of them. The evidence is admitted on the ground that the act
or declaration of one is the act or declaration of all when united
in one common object
Letters between co-cons'pirators are admissabie. Sir HenryHawkins, probably the ablest judge on such matters that we have
had in recent times in England, says, "I have pointed out to you what
each of the defendants has done, for the purpose of forming your
own judgment as to whether or not they were connected in one common design, and with a view to complying with what I held to be
the law, that, if they were connected in a common design, then each

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

241

member of the confederacy is responsible for such acts of the others
as are connected with the carrying out of their common design.
First, you must find the common design. Did these parties do
such acts at different times in different places, or were they doing
some of them together; and were these acts consistent with the common design? If so, the action of one whom you subsequently connect up is evidence against the others.
You may look at the acts of the accused showing his connection
as a conspirator with others charged in the indictment. Here it is
necessary for me to state some facts to illustrate the law of conspiracy . In so far as possible I am going to keep away from any
facts that are disputed, and giYe you only such facts as appear either
from the letters of Russell or to Russell, or from publications such
as the "Strike Bulletin," "Western Labor News," "Soviet Journal,"
or whatever it is called, these papers published in the City of Winnipeg.
A.s to Russell there is (evidence that he assisted the "R,eds" to
get control of the Labor Council. You know it is hard to forget the
letters of Russell—or at least it is for me. They are written in such
nice, short, crispy, well-expressed sentences, such as "knocked hell
out of the labor party," and so on—I don't say that with any disrespect to Russell, but there are those things that make milestones
in my mind. You remember his own letter—"getting control"—
"Reds getting control"—Now, Russell was a member of the executive of the Trades and Labor Council. He knew what he was talking
about. The Trades and Labor Council was responsible for the publication and issue of the Western Labor News.
% Russell was connected with the Socialist Parfv, responsible for
the issue of those Socialist papers published here; perhaps responsible—that is for you to find—for the issuing of the socialist literature. The Society, it is admitted, carries on its aims by propaganda
There is no doubt about that. Now, you have seen some of the propaganda, in faot, you have seen a lot ofML I have seen too much of
it. The "Bulletin" was distributed at certain meetings. Russell was
at the Calgary Convention. His letters show that it was desired that
this meeting should also be packed with Reds. At that convention
he was appointed Chairman of the Manitoba Executive. The objects
of the Committee were to get out propaganda, and to see to the taking
of a strike ballot. Wrell, there is evidence that they got out propaganda, and we have seen that propaganda from day to day and from
night to night, and you will exercise your commonsense upon that'
propaganda,

KUBS^J was the agent, the business agent of the Metal Trades
Council, and it was because of the trouble that existed there that
Russell .-poke about KIQ general strike, when the ballot was to be
taken. And you heai 1 what he said about it. He was there when
the vote was taKen, or decided upon rather-—I won't say taken™
he was i^ere when the vote was decided upon. He became a member of the general strike committee, the central strike committee,
food committee, and you have heard about his activities in connection
with the strike,
^

242

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

You have also heard about his activities in connection with the
Socialist Party of Canada, the objects of which was to distribute
propaganda.
You will remember, if you cast your miud over the evidence
that there were others that were interested in the propaganda.
Armstrong, Johns, and Pricchard were members of the Socialist
Party of Canada, and in that sense at least you may reasonably infer
that they were interested in the propaganda that was issued by Russell, and also interested in the propaganda, perhaps not instituted
by Russell personally, but by others who had the interests of that
Society at heart, others who had the same—-will I call them "ideals?"
Perhaps I had better do what Russell does, himself, call them
"ideas."
As to the Trades and Labor Council. Russell's activities were
connected with the following, who were jointly accused with him
in tho indictment,—-Ivens, Armstrong, Bray, Heaps, Queen, and latterly Pritchard, who, after the strike had run some time became a
member of the strike committee, representing Vancouver.
C do not know that I can very well leave Ivens, the preacher, out
!
of this propaganda. I do not think it would be fair to him. He
was the Editor of the Western Labor News. Perhaps you might find
that was sufficient propaganda, or that there were certain articles
that from time to time appeared in that Western Labor News that
seemed to be brought about by the operation of scissors and past©
from a lot of Socialist propaganda. Much of this has been put in
evidence. And, Gentlemen, speaking to you as the Judge, if I were
on a jury, there is much in that matter that I would find no difficulty
in concluding was sedition. Ivens was editor of the "Strike Bulletin" during the strike, and participated with Russell and others in
carrying on the Winnipeg Strike. He was one of the speakers appointed by the Strike Committee. The "Strike Bulletin" shows him
throughout to be one of the most active in propaganda.
Just before I leave Ivens. I really have been unable to understand two things from the same viewpoint as the Socialist Party—
I don't think I should say the Socialist Party, I think I should say
from the viewpoint of these members of the Socialist Party—this
particular class of socialism- Russell seemed to think that capital
meant only that money which was invested in industrial concerns,
when he was asked the question in the box. It is for you to consider
and ascertain in your minds if you can, whether even if that is what
this class of Socialists believe, whether that lower order which they
say they have to educate, the "Plugs," will not be more likely to
grasp a lower order of socialism and accept "Capital" in the sense
of meaning the possessions of those who are richer than they, rather
than to simply limit it to that money which is solely invested in
industrial concerns. And therefore one ought under these circumstances to be most careful in using the word "capital" as distinguished from "labor," if his intention be honest to limit "capital" to such
concerns as were mentioned by Mr. Russell. Let us see the effect it
had upon the mind of the preacher Ivens. If you believe, and Ivens
has not seen fit to deny it, but on the other hand, as Ivens is to be
tried perhaps you should not hold that up against him—but none

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

243

of his many friends 'who no doubt were present at that meeting have
seen fit to come and deny it—^1 %ay if you believe the report of that
speech on one Sunday night, Ivens had got clean away from the idea
of limiting "capital" to such moneys as were invested in industrial
pursuits. l i e says, "The capitalist owns the land upon which the
wheat is grown." Capitalist? Is he referring to the land that my
father and your fathers homesteaded? I don't know. That is the
class of land upon which the wheat is largely grown in this country.
Or was the man so carried away by the speeches of these impassioned
Socialists in this mass of stuff from which he clips his speech that
he cares not what he says. And is Russell himself so carried away
by reading books that are prepared on conditions that existed in
Russia that he must begin to believe it and comes here and says,
"Most of the land in Canada is owned by the Canadian Pacific Railway Company." It is beyond me.
In so far as Armstrong is concerned, he is of the "soap-box"
variety of Socialist. Nobody seemed to be worried about that. But
you have that. He was a member of the Trades and Labor Council,
and one of the "Reds" who, with Russell—I was going to say had
control—I will put it this way—he was one of the "Reds." Russell
was one of the "Reds." The "Reds" had control. All sides seem to
admit that, even the labor party that they have "knocked hell out
of." The "Reds" themselves admit they had control. He spoke
at the Walker Theatre meeting; at the Majestic Theatre meeting,
and later at other meetings. There is evidence therefore that he
along with Russell, was responsible iftor the propaganda that was distributed at the Majestic Theatre, and the rest of the propaganda distributed from time to time under the auspices of the Socialist Party
of Canada.
Queen was a Socialist too. He was Chairman of the Walker
Theatre meeting. You may find that he acted in concert with Russell and others in calling this meeting, and that he was responsible
with others for the distribution of Socialist literature. He was advertising manager of the Western Labor News. He was also active
in connection with the strike, and was in and out of the Labor Temple during the strike. He addressed many of the meetings during the
strike, and his action on the City Council aided and abetted the
strike.
Pritchard comes lately amongst us. A letter from Stephenson,
Dominion Secretary of the Socialist Party of Canada, states that
Pritchard was one of the most active propagandist speakers at the
Coast. Why was he brought here? He was one of the speakers
whom Russell asked to be sent to Winnipeg to speak, and was most
active in speeches and propaganda. He was at the B.C. Federation
of Labor, which met in Calgary just before the Calgary convention,
that is to say, he was around about. The exhibits show that Russell
was in correspondence with Pritchard. Now, who was Pritchard? He
was the man who received the highest number of votes for the central committee at the Calgary Convention. Subsequently he was
active with others in issuing propaganda for the 0,B.U. Now* I
have nothing to say against the O.B.U. I don't know it, not yet. But
if the O.B.U. puts out literature which you may find seditious, at

244

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRTKE, 1939

a time of tension like there was here, and if theT propaganda of the
O.B.U. was likely to give aid, comfort and assistance in a state of
affairs here which you may find unlawful; and if that was one of
the methods in which Pritchard assisted in carrying out the unlawful state of affairs; and if you so find the acts of Russell and the
other accused—you may consider that.
Johns was a member of the Socialist Party of Canada, and spoke
at the Walker Theatre meeting and Majestic Theatre meeting, where
socialistic propaganda was distributed. He was one of the "Reds"
with Russell. What l*inean is, he was a "Red" like Russell, and
the "Reds" had control of the Trades and Labor Council. He and
Russell were the official delegates from the Trades and Labor Council to the Calgary Convention. He received the second highest number of votes, that is to say, the second highest next to Pritchard on
the Central Committee that was appointed at the Calgary Convention.
Johns, while not in Winnipeg at the opening of the Winnipeg strike,
was in the East organizing, and wrote letters to Russell, two of which
were found in Russell's possession at the time of his arrest, showing his activities along the same line—that is, propaganda of unrest—propaganda of unrest, of discontent.
Heaps was a member of the Trades and Labor Council. Th@
Trades and Labor Council assisted at leas^, aided at lest, abetted at
least—and did they also counsel and procure the taking of that strike
vote? Why hedge about it? The strike, it is said, is not efficient
ujiless it is brought on suddenly, unless it ties up the wheels of industry. But are you.going to make the strike effective without a
central body that will assist in the taking of the whole of the general
vote, placing the date and the time on which that strike will be
called? How, as 1 will afterwards tell you, these who aided and
abetted committed the crime, if there is one. Heaps was a member
of the Relief Committee. He was a member of the Strike Committee. He spoke and voted at the City Council in favor of keeping the
water pressure low, and generally in favor of the attitude of the
strike leaders. You know it does not come home as realistically
about Heaps. He has not been in the box. But Robinson was in
the box. Like rancid butter, does not it leave a dark taste in your
mouth, the evidence of Robinson, the alderman? He was secretary
of the Strike Committee, which tries to disclaim responsibility for
every thing. Disclaim tt. "We were not responsible."
Well,
Gentlemen, that is for you altogether. That is for you.
Robinson swore that he did his duty to the citizens at large.
He was there to represent the citizens at large. Somehow it does not
sound very well to me, because I believe that he did his duty to the
Strike Committee. I believe that. Because he said he dido Can a
man serve two masters, and can he do it well? Or will a man servo
one of those two masters, and do it well? And if so, which did
Robinson serve? And if so, which did Heaps serve? These are
questions that will be material to you in the consideration of this
matter.
Bray, Well, Bray was not serving two masters. There is no
doubt about that. He was a member of the Strike Committee and
he became very active. He led the soldiers in their parades, and

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 11)10

245

he demanded from the Premier that the strike should -toe settled according to the demands of the strikers. You heard the evidence of
Bray's activity, The "Strike Bulletin" had several articles concerning Mr. Bray, and what Mr. Bray did. But to be fair to Bray, he
would seem to have'no connection with the matters charged, except
such connection as you may infer from the Winnipeg Strike itself.
There were others whose, actions you may look at because of
the correspondence and the telegrams and the relations that existed
between Russell and them, that is to say, Stevenson of Vancouver,
Joe Knight of Edmonton, McGuire of Edmonton, Kavanagh of Vancouver. And also for the purpose of showing the extent of propaganda, and the class of propaganda, T. S. Oassidy, of North Bay.
The Crown contends that Stevenson, Knight, Pritchard and
Kavanagh were co-conspirators with Russell, although not named in
the indictment. Also that these parties were connected through
the Socialist Party of Canada, and through the arrangement made
for the issuing of propaganda through the Calgary convention and
the arrangement and propaganda agreed upon, and that they became
co-conspirators for a seditious purpose. It is for you to say whether
the evidence satisfies you that these persons, or any of them, were
such co-conspirators with Russell. If any one of them was a coconspirator his acts and statements In furtherance of the conspiracy
would be evidence against Htissell.
If, on the other hand, the jury is convinced that any one of
these persons was not a co-conspirator, then his acts and statements
should not. be considered by the jury as evidence against Russell or
seditious intention or of conspiracy, and should be disregarded entirely.
As to such letters as those of Beatty, and as to the statements
made hy others whom I liave not named-—there are so many that
I will just put it that way and you will understand—as to their acts
and statements, I would advise you to disregard them, except as to
the class of propaganda which is thereby indicated, the ext«nt of
such, and the intent thereby disclosed, and those responsible for
such propaganda in so far as you may find them connected with the
accused Russell.
It was lately stated in the Criminal Court of Appeal in England: "It is true that conspiracy is very seldom proved by a witness
whb says that he saw and heard "the people conspiring. If certain
things have been done by two or more people, and if it has been
proved that they have been acting together, in that case there might
be a conspiracy, and you will so find according to the facts and circumstances of the case, either conspiracy or no conspiracy, A conspiracy might thereby be proved.
Going on concerning conspiracy affecting trades unions,
bold says, speaking of it lie English and not the Canadian
combination of two or more without justification or excuse to
a man in his trade, by inducing Ms customers or servants to
their contracts with him, or not to deal with him, nor continue
employment, is actionable if it results in damage to him.

Archlaw, a
injure
break
in his
As to

246

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

criminal remedies, this statement of the law must be read subject
to the provisions of the Trade Union Act of 1871 and some other
English Acts. I am reading according to the English law. Later
I will show you where it is distinguishable from the Canadian law.
Archbold goes on, after reciting this says, "But it is submitted that
such a combination as above stated will still in England be indictable/'
Archbold further tersely refers to the evidence necessary in
this way: The Crown should prove the conspiracy as described in
the indictment, and that the defendants were engaged in it; or prove
circumstances from which the jury may presume it. Proof of the
existence of a conspiracy is generally a matter of inference deduced
from certain criminal acts of the parties accused, done in pursuance
of an apparent criminal purpose in common between them. In order
to convict of conspiracy, it is not necessary that the defendants
should have concocted the charge, the subject of the charge, nor
that they should have originated it. If a conspiracy is formed and
a person joins it afterwards, he is equally guilty with the original
conspirators. The prosecutor may go into general evidence of the
nature of the conspiracy, before he gives evidence to connect the
defendant with it. But conspiracy involves, concert, and it is a
misdirection to discuss the case of each defendant separately, without
reference to the alleged concert. The acts and declarations, also,
of any of the conspirators in furtherance of the common design, may
be given in evidence against all. Every agreement between two or
more persons to commit an offence is conspiracy, and indictable
whether the offence is punishable on indictment or on summary
conviction.
I am still reading the English law—Conspiracy is an indictable
misdemeanor, consisting in the agreement of two or more persons to
do an unlawful act, or to do a lawful act by unlawful means. Unless two persons are found to have combined there can be no conviction.-—I find it necessary to repeat some of these things, because
counsel has taken upon himself to tell you what the law is. Some
of the things I am giving you from time to time are so interwoven
that every once in a while something will be repeated.—So long as
such a idesign rests in intention only it is not indictable. When two
agree t o carry i tinito effect the, very plot is an act itself, and the
act of each of the parties, promise against promise, capable of being
enforced if lawful, is punishable if for a criminal object or the use of
criminal means.
The overt acts need not now be set out.
offence, and it is immaterial whether anything
suance of it. Overt acts which are proved
defendants, may be looked at as against all
nature and objects of the conspiracy.

The conspiracy is the
has been done in puragainst some of the
of them, to show the

You have heard a great deal about the common law and its
limitations in the matter of strikes. I am going to tell you, gentlemen, that we have very little common law criminal law in Canada.
In 1892 our legislators brought into force a statute called the
Criminal Code. The English legislators could not bring themselves
to adopt a criminal code. But others stepped in where angels

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

247

feared to tread, and every common law offence that they could think
of was made a statutory offence insofar as Canada was concerned.
And there is little distinction between the common law and the
statutory offence. You will notice in the section to which Mr. Cassidy referred, and to which I will hereafter refer, the pertinence of
the remarks I am making now, because of the limitation of the
exemption that would otherwise be given to strikers. Under Section
573 of the Code, practically all the common law offences, (except as
exempted by our own code, are indictable. Section 573 of the code
by a sort of saving clause, after providing for seditious conspiracy,
after providing for conspiracy in restraint of trade, after providing
for those things which were unlawfully done by trade combinations,
and all kinds of other indictable matter, says, "It is an indictable
offence, in any case in the code not specially provided for, to conspire to commit an indictable offence." The object of the Code being
to codify such common law offences as they could think it, and then
they put in this section to provide for all other offences that had
theretofore existed but were not thought of.
Shortly I will come to the distinction of strikes in Canada and
strikes in England. But before doing that, I wish to remind you of
what it is said a sympathetic strike is. Mr. Russell gave us his idea
of a sympathetic strike. He said: "When a dispute originates between an employer and his employees, and when the labor organizations see that organization being beat, they come to their assistance
by calling a strike to force their employers to bring force to bear
upon the original disputants to make settlement." That is Russell's
definition given in the box. I have got it from the reporter. (Repeats definition.) Force, force, force. One thing I like about Russell, he is candid. He tells you what it is. It is force. Dixon was
pretty candid. Winning, after he got away from—shall I say a
natural hesitance, finally came right out with it. He would bring
a general strike on at a time when it would create the most, the
very most inconvenience. Robinson took a long time, but I think
you can gather from his remarks—they all pretty well agree as to
what is the right thing to do from a striker's standpoint of calling
out a general strike.
The criminal offences arising out of and incidental to strike
conditions are defined by our statutes. He who runs may read.
Yet often it is we see these offences committed and after we marvel
at the audacity of the offenders and the inactivity of the Governments, municipal, provincial and dominion. It is the duty of every
individual, or combination of individuals, to observe the law;- and
to give information of its infraction by others. It is the duty of the
Governments, as soon as an infraction of the Criminal law comes to
Its knowledge, to inforce the law and put the offender upon his trial.
As a, rule this duty devolves upon the government of the province,
which under our constitution is entrusted with the administration
of justice.
You have* been asked, "What do you think of this prosecution?"
You have been told, "Observe the manner in which these accused
were arrested." It has been suggested that the Dominion Government has been mixed up in this prosecution; it has been suggested

^48

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

that the Dominion Government 1s paying a part of the expense of
this prosecution,
If the infractions of the law become glaring by reason of the
number of the offenders and their friends and sympathizers and if
force is necessary to appreh-end lawbreakers—in that event there is
ample provision for the province to establish a police force in such
numbers as may be required. If an unlawful agitation occurs which
is too great for the province to deal with, or which is nation-wide,
and in reality becomes sedition or treason, calculated to cause discontent or to overthrow our constitution, and manner of government, the Dominion Government may supply at once, such military
force as may be necessary to quell the disturbance and apprehend
those guilty of crime, and otherwise aid the proviuce in bringing
the offenders to trial.
Otherwise, how could we exist? i have told you the duties of
the government. It is the duty of the judge to instruct you on the
law as he finds it. It is your duty to apply that law to the facts of
this case, and surely everybody will perform his duty, To say it
should be thus, it should be so; there are standard books which
establish this, and there is Adam Smith which establishes that.
Gentlemen, we cannot consider that, and we ought not to consider
that. We must consider the law as we find it, as it is. And as we
find the criminal lawrs of Canada upon our Statute books they should
be enforced or they should be removed from those Statute books,
one or the other.
i will now proceed to review the law on the subject of the
strikes. 1 am sorry I am so long, but I feel it is necessary to instruct
you thoroughly and clearly upon the la%v of strikes, God knows 1
would not do It if I did not think it was my duty. I am so nearly
exhausted it is really difficult for me to go on. But as it is my
duty to .tell you the law, and as my first duty is to my country, I
must proceed mucii further than I anticipated. It is impossible to
fully understand the present English law respecting strikes without
a knowledge of its history.
The Great Plague of the time of Edward III gave origin to the
first Statute of Labourers, This public calamity having thinned the
laboring class, servants and labourers took occasion to demand what
was then considered excessive wages; and such being not forthcoming many became idlers, and some vagabonds and beggars. By this
Act it was ordered that every man aud woman of whatever condition
being of able body and within the age of three-score years, not being
engaged in merchandise and not exercising any craft; neither having
of his own whereof he might live, nor land of his own whereby he
might employ himself in tillage, nor being in the service of anyone
—if required to serve in a station that suited his condition—was
bound to serve for such wages as had prior to that time been usual
in the locality. Now, that statute was found necessary because of
those conditions. And latterly as the law concerning labour and
trade unions grew up, changes were brought about by reason of the
conditions

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

249

To say that the labouring class all through thme years up to
about the middle of the last century were in & deplorable condition
—the labouring classes of England and of Scotland—-is putting it
mildly. It was deplorable, it was regrettable. It brought tears in
some cases to the eyes of the Crown Prosecutor and the Judges, and
of the juries who convicted for an infraction of the law, who realized their judicial position well enough to know, although the conditions were deplorable,®the accused had committed infractions of the
law
But to lead up to that. 1 may say that this statute of Edward
111, with various "amendments, remained the law of England until
the time^ of Elizabeth, when conditions became such that the old
law of the laborers did not at all fairly deal with the matters concerned with or pertaining to labour. There was a relaxation of the
severity of saich laws, and a new set of laws was placed upon the
Statute book. Time went on. Humanity, year by year, recognized
that the condition of laborers was deplorable in these countries, and
towards the latter part of the 18th century probably winking at the
infractions of the laws and allowing labor great latitude without
proceeding to prosecute for breaches, felt that this condition had
gone long enough, and in 1799, at Act was passed which dealt with
these matters, but which was found to be in no way sufficient to give
the desired relief, and was rather too drastic in its provisions. Then
humanity, philanthropists, and labour all said, "Clear away these
restrictions upon labour; slavery has been abolished, in England
anyway—not so long ago—-but---clear away these restrictive conditions of labour and let us combine for lawful purposes. And let
these 5,lawful purposes be such as are reasonably necessary for us in
these matters. We are poor; we are weak; we are not a power; we
cannot exert force; for heaven's sake give us some relief."
An Act was passed in 1824 which put the law upon a new basis
entirely. It provided that workmen might combine for lawful purposes. It expressly provided that workmen might combine for lawful purposes, not unlawful purposes, not for the purpose of doing a
wrong to the community, but for such purpose as might be reasonably necessary for (hem to make any beneficial use of their confederation.
The law was only in force for one year when it was found that
such a condition of: affairs occurred, so many corn stacks were
burned, so many factories were put to destruction, t h a t it was necessary to put some restraint upon the people. The 1824 Act was repealed. But still, public attention having been drawn to the deplorable condition of affairs the matter was not left exactly in the previous state. This Act of 1825, while it did not make it lawful to
combine in the words of the 1824 Act, provided that people who
combined for such purposes, and who remained within such purposes, and did not commit unlawful acts, would not be punished*
Under that Act it was unlawful to use violence, to use threats,
or to intimidate, or to molest or to obstruct either the employer ct?
the employee, or to use violence on the person or property of another,

250

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Now, without going minutely into the cases upon that 1825 Act,
the general result was somewhat as follows: A threat meant the
expression of an intention to do something illegal in order to force
an employer by fear of its execution to do or not to do something
which he had a right to do. But an agreement between workmen
to do any act in restraint of trade was an illegal conspiracy. Therefore, intimation of such an agreement made in order to force the
master, such as to dismiss particular men or not to take more than
so many apprentices, was a threat within the meaning of the Act.
The effect of the cases was somewhat modified by Statute, which
in 1859 provided that workmen were not to be considered guilty of
"molestation and abstraction by reason only of entering into agreements for the purpose of fixing the rates of wages or the hours of
labour-—and do not forget this—nor of endeavouring peacably to
persuade others to cease or abstain from work in order to produce
the same effect.
That runs down through the English Statutes to this day, and
is the basis of the contention of what is called "peacable picketing,"
which was introduced into Canada, has been repealed, and is not
now here. It was provided by the Trades Union Act of 1871 that no
one shall be liable to any punishment for doing or conspiring to do
any act on the ground that such act or acts tends to restrain the
free course of trade unless it was one of the acts enumerated in
Section 1, as I will show you later. A similar section which we
adopted in Canada did not limit this matter to the special acts in
the section. Under this state of the law it was commonly supposed
that the ordinary procedure in a strike was legalized, but this was
held not to be the case*
In 1872 certain gas stokers struck, the result of which was that
a great part of London was for a time involved at night in complete
darkness. They were indicted for a conspiracy to coerce or molest
their employers in carrying on their business, and it was held that
this was on two grounds an indictable conspiracy, though no offence
was committed under the Act last mentioned.
The Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act of 1875 of England provides first that an agreement or combination by two or more
persons to do or procure to be done any act in contemplation or
furtherance of a trade dispute between employer and workman shall
not be indictable as a conspiracy if such act committed by one person would not be punishable as a crime, but that Act excepts riot,
unlawful assembly, breach of the peace, sedition and offences against
the state.
Such for the present is the final result of the long history which
I have summarised. I leave it here, because I must, following the
history of the matter, turn to Canadian law. When we became a
nation, which we are—then we became a confederation, and insofar
as this province is concerned, when Manitoba in 1870 became part
of the Dominion, the English law of 1870 except as dealt with by
our Canadian parliament thereafter applied, while I doubt, although
that is academic, as to whether the existing law of England at that
time was applicable to this country—let us assume it was, then we

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

251

start with the law of England as of 1780, To deal, however, a little
further with the English law, so that you will understand where it
stops and where we go on, I will summarize the general effect, as in
England, going back to Edward III.
First there is no law at all, either written or unwritten. Then
a long series of statutes aim at regulating the wages of labour, and
end in a general provision preventing and punishing, as far as possible, all combinations to raise wages. During the latter part of the
period an opinion grows up that to combine for the purpose of
raising wages is an indictable conspiracy at common law. In 1825
the statute law is put upon an entirely new basis, and all the old
statutes are repealed, but in such a way as to countenance the doctrine about conspiracies in restraint of trade or common law. From
1825 to 1871 a series of cases are decided which give form to the
doctrine of conspiracy in restraint of trade at common law, and carry
it so far as to say that any agreement between two people to compel
anyone to do anything he does not like is an indictable conspiracy
independently of statute. In 1871 the workmen were exempted from
punishment as to agreements in restraint of trade unless one of the
acts specially mentioned or otherwise unlawful as in statute expressed. But the common law expands as the statute law is narrowed, and the doctrine of a conspiracy to coerce or injure so interpreted as to diminish greatly the protection supposed to be afforded
by the Act of 1871, thereupon the Act of 1875 specifically protects
all lawful combinations in lawful contemplation or in lawful furtherance of trade disputes. These words "lawful" are mine, I want to
tell you, gentlemen, it is absurd to suppose that the legislature in
framing the statutes in relation to the subject when referring to
acts and deeds meant anything other than lawful acts and lawful
deeds.
While the Canadian statutes up to 1875 have been in the main
copied from the English statutes, they are not identical therewith.
In fact, some of the English provisions we do not have at all. Of
this I will refer later in detail. I have already referred to the absence of any Statute permitting picketing.
This phase of the case is dealt with in a clear an 1 forceful manner by Lord Bramwell, Regina v. Briiitt. It has been said that that
case does not apply. It has been said that not only the statement
of Bramwell in that case, but that of Lord Esher in a case shortly
following, do not now apply. And in support of that the learned
counsel for the defence has cited the Gibson v. Lawson case.
There is a little history about that ease. Coleridge, who gave
the judgment of the Court Appeal in the Lawson case, and I should
judge from the reading of the judgment in the one, that he never
forgot the brief that he prepared in the other. He was unsuccessful
in the Druitt case. However, Coleridge was a judge of high authority. The judgment that he delivered was the judgment of the
Court of Appeal of England and it was thought insofar as England
was concerned that there had been a codification of the law of
strikes. But there are other judges in England. There was Lord
Halsbury, there was Sir Henry Hawkins, Lord Brampton, and Lord
Lindley. And these gentlemen sitting in the House of Lords have

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HiSTOKY OF WINNIPEG STfUKE, 1919

made such statements—that it will not be necessary for me to go
into here considering the lateness of the night—which indicate that
although they were sitting in a civil case, Coleridge was mistaken,
and that Brain well and Eslier were right. That, in this discussion,
is more or less academic to my mind, because of the different interpretation of our law by our statesmen. When I say "our law" I
mean our Canadian laws. And the principle enunciated seems to be
fully recognized as applying specially to Canada, by Chief Justice
Mathers,,and by the Court of Appeal in Manitoba in the Cotter v.
Osborn, and in the Vulcan Iron Works case, in which although these
were cases of injunction the criminal law was referred to by Chief
Justice Mathers, Although there was no discussion of the criminal
cases, the Court was evidently of the opinion that the principles 1
have referred to still applied. And Archbold again deals with this
matter in a another part of his book, and says, after considering
the statements of Lord Halsbury, Lord Brampton and Lord L!n«
dley, it is submitted that these matters are still indictable,
I will now refer to two of the Acts referred to by Mr. Cassidy,
as being English Acts, This act of 1871, does not apply here. It
applies here only insofar as it has been adopted by the Canadian
parliament after 1871. This English Act, to which Mr. Cassidy referred, from Cohen, of 1871, Chapter 32, Section 1, after providing
penalties generally for violence, threats, intimidation, molestation
when used to coerce masters or workmen, defines all these offences
which Coleridge stated and the Statute of 1875 codified. But Cohen
does not say anything about the proviso, that nothing in this section shall prevent any person from being liable under any other act.
But the Act says it, 1 have the Statutes. It has given me a lot of
trouble. The Act says it, and the English statutes say it. And it is
for that reason of course that our Canadian legislature uses the
word "Statutes" "Providing that no person shall be liable to any
punishment for doing or conspiring to do any act on the ground that
such act restrains or tends to restrain the free course of trade, unless
such act is one of the acts hereinbefore specified in this section and
is done with the object of coercing as hereinbefore mentioned."
And it was upon this statute which in one paragraph says it is
not limited to the statute, and in the other paragraph says it is, that
you are asked to believe that in England the codification was such
that there could be no conspiracy for any of these acts. Lords Bramwell and Eslier said there could, and Lord Coleridge said there could
not. And after Lords Halsbury, Brampton and Lindley got through
with it in the House of Lords, it is submitted by Archbold that Lords
Bramwell and Eslier were right.
Then we come to the Law of 1785, on which we are asked to
find that acts done by a trade combination cannot be prosecuted for
conspiracy. The very Act itself—I have got the statute here*—
says "Nothing in this section shall exempt from punishment any persons guilty of a conspiracy for which a punishment is awarded by
any Act of Parliament. And nothing in this section shall affect the
law relating to riot, unlawful assembly, breach of the peace, or sedition oi any offence against tli-e Stale or sovereign

HISTOKY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

258

It is too bad I have to spend so much time on that, but I have
to spend more, because I have got to show you the difference between
the Canadian statues and the English statutes.
The English statutes were framed to apply to conditions that
existed there, deplorable conditions, I can recall some of the things
that were mentioned by Mr. Bird; and I could recall worse. Children
were born, while the father worked in the factory and had no money
and had no hope. They had to be cared for the best way they could
be cared for, which was pretty bad. As soon, or perhaps sooner
than they could work, they had to work, and they had to continue
to work. When they got sick and the pay envelope was empty—if
they had a pay envelope in those days; I don't think they had—-but
to put it that way, then God help the family, Where was the necessary food to come from? Food, necessaries, bread? Not meat. The
conditions were awful. And even until the middle of the last century, and some time later the conditions were such as would horrify
you if you knew of them to-day. From very birth, penury. From
the time they commenced to work, penury. And another generation grew up, and so it went on. No hope. No lands upon which
they could go. No occupation for the unlettered man; no chance
to rise; no chance for anything but stay there, working with his
hands day by day, all his life, and his children likewise. Those were
the conditions in England. It pretty nearly brought about a serious
revolution. It did bring about a serious revolution of the time of
1842-3, the matter of the Chartists.
Gentlemen of the jury, we never had those conditions in Canada. We may have had conditions that were bad for labor; we
may have, had conditions that put restrictions upon labor, but we
never had those conditions. A journeyman carpenter may go into
the country, and he may himself become reasonably well off. His
children may have a schooling,' even in the common school, that
will be sufficient for the purpose of their after life to take any position in the community. The people own this country. The land
could be had for the asking at the time that our labor legislation
was brought into force.
However, as time went by portion after portion of a law framed
upp^i some of the principles of the English law found its way upon
the Statute books of Canada. In 1871, a law somewhat similar to
the Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act of England was
passed in Canada, and we did legislate, with other things, concerning "attending at or near or approaching to such house or other
place as aforesaid in order merely to obtain or communicate information shall not be deemed a watching or besetting within the
meaning of the section."
.That is not in the Statute Book now. When parliament framed
the Criminal Code of 1892, they left t h a t out. It does not appear
now. Therefore a striker has no more justification for picketing
than he obtains by the right of every British citizen to go about his
own business in a peaceful way. And he may come along the street
and he may speak to those going in or out, just the same as you
and I may do. But he has no other rights picketing.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

Conditions are different here, and you will find that the Canadian law is different from the English law. In Canada it was never
intended to permit anyone, or any body of men, under the guise of
labor, to combine to do wrong to the community. And in the United
States, while you may not be affected by that as a matter of law, I
may tell you that the same condition exists. No Statute in the
United States that has been passed, of which I am aware, permits
any body of strikers to commit an unlawful act upon the community
which amounts to sedition, without being guilty of seditious conspiracy.
Let me here, before I refer to the law riots and unlawful assembly, refer to Socialism as an ideal. If a man's ideal is Socialism,
that is not illegal. But perhaps you may think it not to be nice. It
is not illegal, but, gentlemen after hearing the evidence of what
Socialism is, may we not remember the words of that illustrious
countryman of Mr. Russell, and ask ourselves, "Breathes there a man
with soul so dead, who never to himself has said, this is my own, my
native land." What did our forefathers fight for at Queenstown
Heights? For what did they fling back the Americans from the
ramparts of the city of Quebec and roll them down the snow clad
cliffs? What do you think of patriotism? What do you think of
allegiance to your country? What do you think of allegiance to the
brotherhood of the world, limiting the brotherhood of the world to
the working class as indicated here. Well, I like my country. Do
you? Are those sentiments, if kept to themselves, the base for the
introduction of persuasive propaganda by the ballot. Perhaps.
Even then, as Mr. Cassidy has suggested, they might lead to incidents
that occurred quite frequently in Hyde Park and Trafalgar Square.
If a man won't fight for his country, as our forefathers fought at
Quebec and Queenstown Heights, will he fight for his fireside? If
such sentiments are to be brought about by illegal strikes, by force
exercised thereby, by terror, by combinations of soldiers and workmen, by speeches at soldiers and workmens' councils, or by unlawful means, it is a crime and it is seditious.
I have already told you that here we must look to our own
Statutes for our own law, and I have compiled a little digest here
of our own statutes. Before I go, into that I will tell you that this
very question which is under discussion was under consideration in
the case of Regina v. Gibson in a Crown case reserved. There it was
said, "The authorities leave me no room to doubt that the defendants in conspiring as they did to injure Buscombe by depriving him
of his employment were guilty of an indictable misdemeanour and
I am clear that what they thus conspired to do was not for the purposes of their trade combination within the meaning of the statute."
There is a case upon the Canadian statutes, a case which is binding
upon me, a case which I entirely agree with, and which I tell you is
the law.
In Canada while a conspiracy in restraint of trade has always
been unlawful, the purposes of a trade union are not by reason of any
restraint of trade unlawful, within the .meaning of the law against
conspiracy in restraint of trade. That, as I have said before, applied
to the lawful object, in the lawful prosecution of the lawful pur-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

255

poses of their trade union, and not what they unlawfully do for
some purpose for which trade unions were not established at all. No
prosecution shall be maintainable against any person for conspiring
to $o any act or cause any act to be done for the purpose of any combination between masters and workmen for regulating or altering
the relations between any persons being masters or workmen or the
conduct of any master or workman, in or in respect of his business
or employment or contract of employment or service, unless such
act is an offence punishable by statute.
Gentlemen, any offence you have to consider here tonight is a n '
offence punishable by statute. Seditious conspiracy in an offence
punishable by statute. Now, unless under our laws it be for their
own reasonable protection as a lawful combination of workmen, of
which, the jury shall be the judge, it is a serious offence to conspire, combine or agree unlawfully to unduly limit facilities for
transporting, supplying and storing commodities or to restrain trade.
I am reading to you now from certain statutes of our own, which
deal with unlawful conspiracy by workmen in restraint of trade.
It is also an offence for a workman to break any contract made
by him knowing, or having reasonable cause to believe that the
probable consequences of his so doing, either alone or in combination with others, will be to endanger human life or to cause serious
bodily injury, or to expose valuable property, whether real or personal, to destruction or serious injury.
Do you understand that? That is to say, if a workman under
contract leaves his contract, and the provable consequences are any of
these things as I have mentioned, that is an offence. If anyone aids,
abets, counsels and procures him to do it, he is guilty of the offence.
If several conspire to aid and abet, they are guilty of the offence. If
the oft'ence becomes large, of wide import, of national import and it
is likely to excite breaches of the peace and discontent, it is sedition
and seditious conspiracy.
It is also an offence for a striker or strike sympathizer with a
view to preventing anyone from working or to drive any workman
from his employment, or to use violence to such person or to his
wife or to injure his property; or to intimidate such persons, or his
wife, or children, by threats of using violence, to him, to them, or to
his property, to wrongfully and without lawful authority with one
or more other persons persistently follow and to wrongfully and
without lawful authority watch and beset.
How can a general sympathetic strike, the object of which is to
tie up all industry, to make it so inconvenient for others that they
will cause force to be brought about, to stop the delivery of food, to
call off the bread, to call off the milk, to tie up the wheels of industry, and the wheels of transportation from Coast to Coast, to
lower the water pressure in a city like Winnipeg, which since the
establishment of modern improvements has no other way in which
to carry on its life; how can such a strike be carried on successfully
without a breach of all these matters? Without violence, intimidation, without watching and besetting? How can you say if you
exercise your commonsense that those in charge of a strike like that

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

did not intend those things should follow. And gentlemen, all those
things followed. You heard about the Canada Bread. No striker
may trespass upon my property now to do what they did at the
Canada Bread. Is it likely to commit a breach of the peace? Gentlemen, if you and I were the Canada Bread, it would have caused a
breach of the peace I think.
Are those things likely to* cause breaches of the peace? Are
they likely to cause widespread breaches of the peace? Are they
likely to put class against class? When the lead is taken out of the
club of the policemen.
The Industrial Disputes Act, insofar as it affects the laborers to
which it applies, and that is pretty wide, provides for penalties far a
breach of its provisions; a breach of its provisions is punishable by
Statute. It was passed for the purpose of making a strike a last resort. It is a law. Those affected by that statute who go out before
the matter is dealt with by that-statute are guilty of a breach of the
statute and are parties to an unlawful strike. And Chose who aid9
abet, assist, counsel and procure are likewise guilty of an offence
against that Statute, and guilty of taking part in an unlawful strike.
And be i% unlawful that way or be it unlawful any other way so long
as it is unlawful, those who take part in an unlawful general sympathetic strike of that class, can hardly hope to take the benefit of
the clauses in the code which exempt an honest'striker, honestly
striking, in an honest strike, from punishment.
/
Generally the striker is for his individual acts subject to the
criminal law of the land. Except by peaceable means he must not
interfere with those who want to work. He must not with others
congregate in large numbers for the purpose of inspiring terror in
those who want to work. He must not use violence. He must not
threaten. He must not use seditious words. He must not conspire
seditiously or be a member of an unlawful assembly. He must nbt
riot. Although it is said in almost every jurisdiction that men have
now a right to strike it must be remembered that this arises only
because they are exempted from punishment when they are pursuing
an honest endeavor to improve their own conditions. If this endeavor tends towards the destruction of the fabric of our constitution the strike becomes at once unlawful and seditious.
It must be remembered that the word "strike" in the exempting
clauses is limited to those cases where a combination of workmen
quit in a peaceable nmnner for the purpose of bettering their condition; and where they remain peaceable and reasonable during the
strike and do not unduly anney and coerce or interfere" with the
rights of others, in such a manner as to restrain others in carrying
on their work and occupation according to their lawful rights; and
so long as the strikers remain within the express statutory limits of
their exemption, they will be innocent. Otherwise they will find
themselves subject to the criminal laws.
There is no right in this country under our laws so sacred as
the right of personal liberty. No right of labor or capital, about
which there has been so much declamation, is so sacred or so carefully guarded by the law of the land as is that of personal liberty.

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257

But personal liberty is not liberty of the body only. It is also liberty
of the mind and will; and the liberty of a man's mind and will to
say how he will bestow himself and his means, his talents and his
industry. This is as much a subject of the law's protection as is that
of his body,
Generally speaking, the way in which people endeavor to control
the opsratjon of iue minds of others is by putting restraints on their
bodies and therefore we have not so many instances in which the
liberty of the mind is vindicated as we have of the liberty of the
body being vindicated.
To come in large numbers in certain manners and in certain
ways; to say nothing, to pass on, and to come in large numbers again
and say nothing and pass on; that may reasonably affect the mind
of even an ordinary man; just the stopping and looking and passing
on. It may cause a breach of the peace, These large numbers
would not be there for the purpose of peaceful persuasion, not large
numbers^ not at all. It is not necessary to have large numbers to
peacefully persuade.
To walk around, for instance, to a place where people are employed in large numbers and to "boo"-—gentlemen of the jury, as
much terror may be inspired through tlia-t as by two or three fighting chaps coming along with bludgeons. Take it from me, in
strikes you can incite terror without hitting a man over the head.
You can incite terror of starvation; you can incite terror of thirst.
Is that not quite as effective as inciting by bodily violence. Your
stomach will bring you quicker than a crack on the head sometimes.
If it is possible that picketing can be done in this country, then the
lawful method of picketing is so ineffective that it is a reasonable
inference that in a strike of this class unlawful means would be intended to be applied.
Sometimes it has a deterring effect upon people's minds by exposing them to have their motions watched, and to encounter black
looks. Annoyance of this kind of picketing will not be permitted.
You heard what Mr. Bird said about Adam Smith. Quite true.
I am going to tell you the same thing. But I am going to give you
a correlative duty with it. Every person has a right under the law
as between himself and his fellow men and his fellow subjects to
full freedom of disposing of his own labor or his own capital according to his will. It follows that every other person is subject to the
correlative duty arising therefrom, and is prohibited from any obstruction to the fullest exercise of this right which can be made compatible with the exercise of similar rights of others. Calling workmen out involves serious consequences to such of them as do not
obey. Going into the Canada Bread and ordering those men out,
who were not members of a union might have caused a most serious
consequence in that shop.
A combination to prevent others from working is a very different thing, and is prima facie unlawful. Not to work in itself is lawful, so long as one keeps out of the poorhouse but to frighten men
not to work, when they are willing to work, is another thing. "They

258

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

did not break any of your windows. They did not break any of your
doors." "They did not break any of your machinery," "They did
not hit you on the head." No. Is it for a moment suggested that it
is necessary to stop at that to make picketing unlawful. If it were
I have told you how far afield that is. Remember McNab. Peaceful
picketing! Peaceful picketing. Why the strike without the picket
that is not peaceful would be of no more use to the unlawful labor
man than the warrior without his gun.
I must tell you of the law of unlawful assemblies, because that
also is charged. A breach of the peace has always been an offence
against British law, and a conspiracy to bring about a breach of the
peace by strikes is indictable.
There may be an apprehension of injuries to be caused by a
breach of the peace, and yet which does not proceed directly and intentionally from the individuals. They proceed rather from a multitude of persons who profess to be engaged in some common purpose pointing perhaps in another direction. Such are unlawful and
tumultuous assemblies and riots which are not directly aimed at anyone of the bystanders, and yet that tends more or less inevitably to
bring the same kind of intimidation and terror to bear upon him
as if they were so aimed. The injury to one or more individuals is
the same, but those engaged in the proceeding being intent upon
another object, bring about their evil effects in a somewhat more
circuitous way. The peaceably disposed citizen is, however, equally
wounded and made uneasy in the enjoyment of his security. These
being questions of fact must be submitted in all cases to the judgment of the jury.
It is not possible for & judge to lay down as a matter of law the
precise boundary between lawful and unlawful assembly. If it should
a,ppear that a meeting was called or got up and that persons were
encouraged to meet for the purpose of hearing seditious language,
language exciting such persons to violence and to resistance of the
law, there will be no doubt that meeting is an illegal meeting, and
that all who took part in the proceedings will be guilty of attending
an illegal public meeting.
Meeting for the purpose of discussing and entertaining propositions relating to the public government of the country will be unlawful if it tends directly to supersede the form of government already constituted. Where a meeting entertains designs of coercing
the executive government, and has the effect of causing ethers in
the neighborhood to reasonably apprehend a breach of the peace,
such meeting becomes unlawful.
If workmen unsatisfied with the exercise of their own right to
withhold their own labor, assume the power of interfering with that
right of exercising their discretion upon the same point which others
possess, interfering with personal violence or by threats and intimidation to compel others who are perfectly willing to continue to labor
to desist from their work and against their will to add themselves
to the number of the discontented party, it brings about a condition
so utterly unreasonable in itself, so injurious to society, so detrimental to the community, and so oppressive against those who wish

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

259

to work, that it is a gross and flagrant violation of the law, and the
offence of riot is complete in point of law.
It is difficult to lay down the precise legal definitions of what
constitutes an unlawful and riotous meeting, but it may be safely
said that an assembly of a great number of persons which from its
general appearance and accompanying circumstances is likely to
excite terror and alarm and consternation or a reasonable apprehension of a public breach of the peace is generally criminal and unlawful. All persons who form an assembly of this kind disregarding
its probable effect, and all who give countenance and support to it
are criminal parties.
Having thus stated the general law, you will find it codified as
follows, insofar, as, I may say, it is possible for man to codify it. An
unlawful assembly, as nearly a£ it may be defined, is "an assembly
of three or more persons who with intent to carry out any common purpose assemble in such manner or so conduct themselves when
assembled as to cause persons in the neighborhood of such assemblies
to fear on reaonable grounds that the persons sfo assembled will disturb the peace tumultously or will by such assembly needlessly and
without reasonable occasion provoke other persons to disturb th©
peace tumultously." Persons lawfully assembled may become an
unlawful assembly if they conduct themselves with a common purpose in such a manner as would have made their assembling unlawful had they assembled in that manner for that purpose. That means
having assembled lawfully, if they get into a riot, such as I have
mentioned above, it may become unlawful.
A riot, as nearly as may be defined by the Code, is an unlawful
assembly which has begun to disturb the peace tumultuously.
When cognizant of the design and aiding or assisting in its
execution anyone in the crowd is criminally responsible for all that
is done which would likely result of the design. They cannot shelter
themselves under the excuse that the matter was carried further
than they intended. The reason for this is not only because of the
impossibility of distinguishing the degree of guilty intention, but
also because of their neglect to perform the undoubted duty incum*
bent upon the citizen—to put a stop to the disturbance.
It is a rule of law that all who are members of a riotous crowd
are principals. Prima facie what each does, although perhaps on
the spur of the moment, is admitted to be impliedly authorized by
all the rest. It becomes an ambulatory partnership for the time being that binds all together in one common liability and makes each
answerable for the wrongful acts and mischief done by the others.
The unlawfulness of riot may be emphasized in many ways.
The object may be unlawful in the first instance, such as to damage
property, to commit a breach of the peace, or it may be lawful and
it may become unlawful by the use of threats and intimidation by
which force may be provoked, or by the active use of force.
Where persons are assembled to display their numbers and
power the offence if anything is rather that of unlawful assembly
than of riot.

260

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1910

Now, gentlemen of the jury, coming back to some of these meetings, as I said before, some of these resolutions are in no sense unlawful in themselves, With regard to the Soviet, and with regard
to Russia, we should have'no objections to what a man thinks abou.t
that, so long as he does not intend to convey to others the desirability of the institution of such a government and such a constitution in this country. L*et him think what he likes about it in Russia,
I don't care. Let Mm think here what he likes about it in Russia,
we don't care. But when he commences to constantly attack his
own system, and to constantly put before the "plugs" the desirability of the Russian system, then exercising your commonsense, if
you so desire you might infer that he is trying to introduce into
this country that system. Do you like it? Would you resist it?
Would it be liable to cause a breach of the peace? Well, if it would
in that public sense, if it would be liable to cause a breach of His
Majesty's peace amongst the public citizens, it would be seditious.
That is for the jury.
Political action. I have not got any further with that than I
was at the beginning. But judging from that literature gentlemen
of the jury, do you believe that that means action by ballot. That
is entirely for you to say. But you may remember also that there
are other classes of political action than action by the ballot. Th@
material and literature filed may itself suggest to you what is meant
when speaking of political action.
Collective bargaining . We were not assisted much with that.
If collective bargaining means that thereby the workers of Canada
may inforce upon the employer a recognition in the sense in which it
is used, of agencies, for the purpose of making contracts for their
men with the employers; and if such a condition of affairs will make
it more easy for those who control or who desire to control labor for
unlawful purposes, to tie up industry from Coast to Coast, to give
as much inconvenience to the general public as possible, to make
a strike efficient, as has been defined here. And if that was the intention, gentlemen, of urging and demanding this collective bargaining from the governments, so that a revolution by a strike might
be brought about more easily, it was seditious to make these demands
in that way. But you will remember in connection with that," gentlemen, that that might have not been the design. It is for you to say
whether or not that was the design.
In all these matters—each individual matter that comes up to
you that is material to the case, you will in common justice to the
accused, give the prisoner the benefit of the doubt on any of these
points.
Free speech. "No prosecutions in England for seditious conspiracy." "Speeches in Hyde Park." "Speeches" in other parks.
Time and condition—you must always think of these things. Ten
years ago we would have laughed at seditious words. They would'nt
have been likely to have occasioned a disturbance of the peace. I
do not mean that we would have laughed at all classes of seditious
works, far be it, but we would have laughed at many words that we
would not consider seditious, and many acts—pass it off—no likelihood of it having illegal effect. But when your nerves are in ten-

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

261

sion, when the country has been through the throes of trouble and
of war, and when you are coming home from Europe without a leg
or without an arm, and you find men that are described as being
seventy-five per cent, foreigners being addressed by Britishers, whom
we might say at least ought to know better, foreigners who are making wages greater than that man without his arm has made for the
last four years, and who perhaps are saying "Your constitution under which you fight is no good; your whole system is wrong; you
do not know how to run your country. We are the ones that can,
Look at Russia.
Well, I do not know how you feel about it.
Besides, sedition, there is the crime of nuisance. Everyone
who commits an unlawful act which endangers the lives, safety,
or the health of the public, or which occasions injury to the person
of any individual, is guilty of an offence called "common nuisance/*
and is liable t one year's imprisonment or a fine. This you will
observe is not conspiracy. When you reach this charge you may
eliminate any consideration of the lav/ of conspiracy, and consider
whether he is guilty of some offence which endangered the lives,
safety and health of the public.
I am not aware of any evidence of actual injury to the person
of an individual, but there is evidence upon which you may find
some of such acts or omissions of the strikers caused injury.
Referring to omissions. Those who had contracts to do any
of these things, and who broke their contracts you might find guilty
of omissions, because after all these public duties may only be delegated, not performed by the municipalities or corporations that
are supplying stuff that is material to the health and safety of the
community. It was the duty of those men from the electric light
works to replace those wires. That is one instance. And if not performing their duties those wires caused danger to life in the community, they wer)e> omitting a duty that it was their legal duty to
perform.
If this strike was brought about in such a way as to cause
danger to the public safety and the public health, it becomes a
nuisance, and those responsible for it are guilty of a common nuisance.
You will remember the limitation of the Code which permits
certain acts to be done by combination in pursuit of what might
reasonably be to further the cause of labor. You must not mix that
up with what I am telling you now.
It never was the intention to limit strikes so that they could
not carry on such things as were reasonably necessary. But gentlemen, is it reasonably necessary to inconvenience the whole community? Is it necessary to call off the bread, to call off the milk, to
shut off the water, threaten to shut off the water, and all those
things. The "Strike Bulletin" says notices were coming in of numerous cases of starvation of babies. Surely it cannot be contended for
a moment that such conditions are within the limits of exemptions

262

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1910

from punishment prescribed by the Code. That strike on these lines
may become a common nuisance. Scavenging, water flushing, all
those things.
In this respect remember that it is now the law in Canada and
embodied in our Code, that there are no accessories, but on the
principle of aiding and abetting, procuring and counselling ,all are
now guilty as principals.
Now, gentlemen of the jury? I must tell you that you will consider every count separately, in the same manner as though you
were considering seven different indictments. Some of these counts
may hereafter be found bad in law. That sometimes happens. I am
going to allow a reserve case on matters of law for the consideration of the Court of Appeal. I have been asked to do that. The
extent of it has not yet been disclosed, I had hoped that the matter
of the sufficiency of the counts would have been settled in this way
before trial. But counsel for the defence, quite within his rights,
decided otherwise. In any event, it is the law that you must find
on each count separately. You will please do so carefully, and give
your verdict on each count, guilty or not guilty, as though you were
considering one indictment at a time. On each count you may find
the prisoner guilty or not guilty or you may disagree. If, when you
retire, you all have an abiding conviction of guilt on any count,
there should be a verdict upon such count as guilty. If you think
him not guilty as you come to each count, you put opposite your
verdict 'mot guilty." But if some of you think him not guilty and
the remainder have a reasonable doubt, of course, the verdict will
still be "not guilty," because as long as one has a reasonable doubt,
he votes for "not guilty." If all of you have reasonable doubt, there
should be a verdict of not guilty. But if you cannot agree, then
unless your minds are brought to an agreement by argument based
ipon the evidence and which appeals to your reason, it is the duty
df each man to abide by his own conclusions. Because the accused
is entitled to a "disagreement" if you really cannot agree, as much
as he is to any other verdict.
If you have reasonable doubt, you should give the prisoner the
benefit of that doubt. But, now remember this—many a jury goes
wrong on the question of reasonable doubt.
Merely conjecture,
"maybe," "perhaps" that kind of thing is not a reasonable doubt.
For illustration, if there is a lack of proof of some point which
you may think is material, or if you are doubtful of the truth or
reliability of some material for the Crown, or if there is a link required and it has not been completed up, or if there is some reason
upon which you can, so to speak, put your finger and
justify to your conscience and to each other, then you
may justify a reasonable doubt.
But if you have no
reasonable doubt in that 'sense, if from the evidence you
are satisfied and have an abiding conviction of guilt, then unless
you find the prisoner guilty you commit a breach of your office and
your duty, and set yourself up against the constitution. If, on the
other hand, you do not arrive at a conviction of guilt, and find him
guilty, you again commit a crime against the constitution. The constitution of this country is excellent. It has handed down to us

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

263

great blessings, and the enjoyment of those blessings finally and
ultimately depends upon the conduct of juries. It is with them by
their verdicts to establish their fellowmen, if innocent, in the enjoyment of their rights. Any offence against the constitution of
this country, is an offence against the people. It is for you to say
if those rights have been invaded. That same constitution which
has left it to you to say in what cases there has been an invasion
of those rights, also binds all honorable men to accept your verdict
as an honest verdict, and as ,-par.t of the administration of British
justice. You occupy a high judicial office, you are put upon your
honor, so to speak. You must deal fairly between the country and
the individual, and when you give your verdict, be it guilty or not
guilty, or if you disagree, no one may abuse you or charge you with
having acted unjustly or corruptly, You will hew to the line and let
the chips fall where they may. If you find upon due consideration of
the caste that the accused meant no real mischief to the country you
should find him not guilty. And in that short crisp sentence you
go quite as far as in the John Burns case. But you must not allow
sentiment or friendly feeling to influence your verdict. You should
at all times remember the solemn judicial function it is your privilege to perform. If you find the accused guilty and feel that he is
entitled to leniency, you may recommend him to mercy. And if you
feel that you are justified in making such recommendations it will
have the due consideration of the Court. Now, gentlemen, you may
retire and consider your verdict. (Jury retires).
MR. CASSIDY: May your lordship please, there are some objections which I am about to take in regard to your charge. I think
perhaps the jury ought to be here while the objections are being
taken.
THE COURT: No, I think not. I will hear your objections.
Some of them I might not agree with.
MR. CASSIDY: The first objection is generally to your lordship's charge, that whereas the charge here is one of conspiracy,
that is to say that the accused combined together to carry into execution a seditious intention, to wit, these different things which are
charged in the indictment, relatively to the government, administration of justice, the setting of class against class, your lordship put
the case to the jury upon the matters set out as overt acts, as if those
matters were substantially charges against the accused, for which
they might each of them be found guilty.
THE COURT: If I have done that I will tell them not. I
thought of that when I was delivering it, and it did not seem to be
so. I thought I made that plain. I will use every endeavor to make
that plain.
MR. CASSIDY:

I would like that made plain to the jury.

THE COURT:

I certainly told them about that.

MR. CASSIDY: Your lordship charged the jury in one or two
places that relatively to their words, words spoken, that they must
be taken to have intended the natural consequences of their words.

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

THE COURT:
agree with Cave, J,

In so far as this case is concerned I do not

MR. CASSIDY: In the Oesinger case the whole of the authorities upon that point were gone into by the learned judges in appeal, and it was held that—
THE COURT: I do not agree with that. In this case, and I
will reiterate it, I asked the question: "If, however, you find upon
due consideration of the case that the accused meant no real mischief to the country, you should find him not guilty." That is a good
deal clearer than the Burns case, and a good deal clearer than any
case I have found.
MR. CASSIDY: 1 quite follow that if it had stood alone, with
the other observations.
THE COURT: I think 1 had to use the other observations so
that they will have the right to say, this is upon the evidence, and
upon the overt acts, what they did. I take this to be the proper way
to state it to the jury, not the Gesinger way or the John Burns way.
If you ask -me to reiterate this I will do it. After all if a man puts
a match into a bag of powder he can hardJy say he did not expect
it to go off.
MR. CASSIDY: i think the effect of what
the jury in one place was that if the accused
not guilty of conspiracy with the other named
manner set out in the indictment, yet if he was
anybody else that that would be sufficient.

your lordship told
Russell, although
defendants in the
in conspiracy with

THE COURT: I certainly did not tell them that. If you have
doubt about that, any real substantial doubt, I will talk to them
about it. But I had no intention of telling them that. I cannot recall
my having told them that. What I did tell them though was his
actions with those might be evidence of his conspiracy with them,
but I have tried to make it clear; I think I ,did make it clear that
they must find two of those charged had a conspiracy brought home
to them.
MR. CASSIDY: My lord, I do not really know of any authority
on it, yet at the same time for the purpose of this case I contend
that the conspiracy between the named accused here must be made
out; it must be made out against them all.
tion.

THE COURT: I would not care to charge them on that quesThere has been note of that taken.

MR. CASSIDY: Your lordship charged that the accused, whom
I think your lordship named for the purpose of what you said the
"Reds," had control of the Trades and "Labor Council, meaning to
convey as I understand it, to the jury, that the accused in point of
fact were in control of the labor unions through the Trades and
Labor Council. Whereas the meaning of what the accused said in
the witness box, and the meaning of all the evidence relatively to
the "Reds" in relation to the Trades and Labor Council was that
the "Reds" or the radicals had beaten the political labor party,

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

26-5

known as the Winnipeg labor party, many of whom were in the
Trades and Labor Council. I think that was the meaning of that,
and not that the Reds as revolutionists or anything of that kind had
obtained control of the Trades and Labor Council.
THE COURT: Well, I did intend to tell them; I tried to tell
them that the red element had knocked hell out of the labor party.
MR, CASSIDY: The meaning of that word "labor party" was
very ambiguous, and it was explained that it did not mean that the
reds had obtained control of the trades and labor council as an
organization; it meant that in the internecine wars between the
political parties that the Reds had become supreme.
THE COURT: It appealed to me that what was meant was
that the Reds had got control of the Trades and Labor Council. That
is what I intended to tell the jury.
MR. CASSIDY; The simple meaning, your lordship, in regard
to the different political parties is that the radicals had beaten the
political party known as the Winnipeg Labor Party, and that they
were to no longer utilize the funds and the opportunities of the
Trades and Labor Council for the purpose of forwarding their political interests; that is what I understand the effect of the evidence tv
he
THE COURT:

I will let that go.

MR. CASSIDY: And there is no evidence that we had insinuated ourselves into the Trades and Labor Council in order to utilize
it for any of these seditious purposes,
THE COURT:
ence at all.
MR. CASSIDY:
THE COURT:

That is the trouble of dealing with any evidI think there is no evidence—
No evidence of the Reds being in control?

MR. CASSIDY: Not in the sense, my lord, of the radicals or
reds, as they called themselves, being in control of the labor unions
in any way. The labor unions were in control of themselves. Of
these particular men some of them held office and some of them
did not. Within the labor unions there was always going on a political fight between the different political parties, until the radicals
came along.
THE COURT:

I will tell them what you say.

MR. ANDREWS: Mr. Cassidy had an opportunity of saying
to the jury what he wanted. Now the facts are quite clear.
THE COURT: He has a right to ask me to give an explanation,
I am going to give it.
.
MR. ANDREWS: My lord, if you are making an explanation,
you might bear in mind that not only did they™

2m

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

THE COURT: If you have any objections to my charge, Mr,
Andrews, you might also ask me to tell the jury.
MR. ANDREWS:

Very good, my lord.

MR. CASSIDY: A great deal of your lordship's charge was
taken up by passing strictures upon socialism, and upon the accused
and the other defendants who happened to be socialists, because of
the doctrines of the Socialist party, which in my view must have
greatly prejudiced the jury. Whereas in point of fact the Socialist
party are not on trial here at all. The only way in which anything
can be used against the accused, whether written in connection with
the socialist party or in any other way or any writing of his own,
is that it shall,show a conspiracy of the kind charged; letters written
to one of the other conspirators wrhich clearly show no other purpose
can be attributed to it than a part of the design set out in the indictment, namely, to set class against class.
THE COURT: I was very careful about that Mr. Cassidy, I
told them such socialists as Mr. Russell and those who agreed with
his ideas.
MR. CASSIDY: And then there were a good many matters
which your lordship put to the jury based upon the propaganda
of socialism, namely, that one of their suggestions or tenets, as I
understand it, is that they do not recognize nationalism and patriotism, but desire to have substituted no geographical or national lines.
And then your lordship quoted the lines, "Breathes there a man"—
The jury would be very much affected hy an observation of that kind,
and yet at the same time the accused are not charged with anything
of that sort.
That is a generality. A man may have an idea that there might
be an economic reconstruction along their own national lines or
whatever you like, and yet at the same time he might commit no
act or do anything at all of the nature charged in the indictment,
that is to say, about these things with regard to the government or
public ownership. I think myself it is most prejudicial to the case
of the accused to have that matter introduced to them in that form.
I also must take objection to your lordship for introducing to
the attention of the jury the clauses of the code about aiding and
abetting and so on, becase these clauses have only to do with substantive offences, that is to say you can charge a man as a principal
to a substantive offence if he has aided and abetted and carried it
out, he is accessory before the fact, but the notion of aiding and
abetting has got nothing whatever to do with the crime of conspiracy.
It is perfectly true you may use the words aid and abet, that is
to say, if they have an agreement or common design then they utilize
the things they have found to have been done and the rest for the
purpose of indicating that such a design exists. What your lordship
says is outside of the conspiracy which is charged here. Your lordship formed in your mind a notion of a conspiracy on the part of the

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG ST&IKE, 191$

im

sretrased to do all the different kind of things which are set out in
the indictment, such as these things about food, such as about breaking contracts. THE COURT: Did not I then go on and say, that those who
aided and abetted or conspired to aid were guilty of conspiracy and
if that extended far enough to become an unlawful general strike,
creating inconvenience and danger to the public, affecting public
health, and danger to life, it will become a seditious conspiracy.
MR. CASSIDY: 1 think your lordship did say something to
that effect, and that is just what I am objecting to because a conspiracy, for instance, or a combination to induce people to break
their contracts by which they are bound under laws of the statutes
of Manitoba, or to break the Trades Disputes Act, and the rest-—
these are not things which are charged against us. It is perfectly
•true those could be charged against any persons who are guilty oi
them.
THE COURT:

Those are charged.

MR. CASSIDY: None of these defendants ev©r broke any contracts. They did not come out contrary to the Trades Disputes Act
it is not so charged. What is charged is overt acts showing that
we were-—indicating the conspiracy set out; overt acts showing all
sorts of activities in connection with the strike. Some of the activities being that people who are under contracts should not have gone
out on strike, did go on strike, and according to the
evidence of this case voted to go on strike and did go on strike,
notwithstanding they were acting contrary to the Trades Disputes
Act. These cannot be put as substantive charges against us. nor can
it be imagined that the particular people who did that are the people charged in this indictment, or that we are principals with those
people aiding and abetting them, nothing of the kind; it is not a
charge before the jury in any sense of the word.
THE COURT:

You are making it so involved.

MR. CASSIDY: It is not easy, but the pith and substance of
the thing is, are the overt acts which took place as a result of the
strike attributable to us. Now tlien, on top of that the strike is
attributed to us, whereas the evidence is that the strike was not attributable to us. It is perfectly plain that the only thing that these
accused did, and the accused in the box did, was as a person interested in trade unionism. He assisted in getting up a scheme of greater
combination so as to enable the different unions to act at the same
time, to act simultaneously, but the nature of the organization was,
even in the O.B.U.—which did not come into existence until after the
strike started—but even in regard to the O.B.U. the accused, and
none of these people, had any control at all. They were simply sent
up as delegates from the different locals., in order to make suggestions, and they did make suggestions—when I say they made suggestions, it was suggested really to them, that they should be the
instruments of taking a vote in a certain way, and that they did take
that vote, and these people voted themselves out on strike. Now it
is suggested that it is the Jesuit of a conspiracy on our part to get

MS

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

out an unlawful general strike, to bring about disorder and ihm
rest, and then it goes on, whereas 1 submit your lordship ought totell the jury there Is- no evidence of that.
1 would like your lordship to put to the jury m this way, that
the whole of the acts and conduct of the accused in this matter was
accounted for by their relationships to trade unionism, and since
they can he accounted for in that way, it is not to be attributed to
them that they had an ulterior criminal design. It is not reasonable
In a criminal ease to attribute to a man a criminal design when the
whole of his acts are merely a eourse of eonduct lis- connection with
a labor organisation.
THE COURT:
room.)

Call the ydry back.

(Jury returned to court

Gentlemen of the jury: There are two or three matters that
Mr. Cassidy is afraid you might have been misled in my charge. Now,
1 do not think that you wera misled because I think you understood
what I said, and I was pretty careful in my statements* but I do not
want any injustice to arise insofar as the accused is concerned, because of any misunderstanding at all of the words that 1 used.
In the first place Mr. Cassidy was afraid—1 might say in making his objections Mr Cassidy is doing only what is right—he was
afraid that because 1 talked so much about the overt acts that you
had got it into your minds that it was those overt acts that the accused was to be tried for instead of the conspiracy, of which the
overt acts are simply the particulars, BO to speak, 1 don't think you
were misled on that. I think you understood it. And to find the
accused guilty on those first six counts you must find him guilty of
conspiracy, and you must find it with some one or more of those
who are mentioned in the indictment.
MR, CASSIDY:
THE COURT:
those overt acts,

Your lordship used the word "particulars."
Now, you understand he is not being tried for

Now, that dealt with those of the points mentioned by Mr, Cassidy. Then there was the matter of thle Reds being in control. Well,
gentlemen, you have heard the evidence, and I do not wish to go
into that at all any further than this, 1 made my charge, and Mr,
Cassidy thought it wo aid not be right that I should not mention
to you the contention of the accused that it was not the Trades and
Labor Council or party that he knocked hell out of, but some policical labor party that was there at that Trades and Labor hall.
MR. CASSIDT:

It was not a labor union,

THE COURT: You heard the evidence, you heard Winning,
Russell and you heard Robinson. It is for you to say what the evidence really is.
There is- another matter, a very essential matter in the crime
of -sedition, and that is the matter of intent. I thought I said enough
about that both one way and the other so you would fairly understand.

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

269

MR. CASSIDY: About the socialism. I said nothing about the
intent.
THE COURT: Well, you did in the earlier part. I wish the
jury to be sure of it. I must tell you you must take the law from me
in regard to that, that a man's acts and a man's deeds, under certain
circumstances will disclose his intent, and they may be such according to the circumstances from which you would find it almost impossible to find other than guilty intent. That is the law of sedition,
and it is also the law of sedition and you are entitled to give it full
force that you must consider the deeds and the acts according to the
circumstances and according to the environment, and then comes
the latter part which I have inserted into my charge, and to which
I called your special attention, that if after considering all those
things you find upon due consideration of the case that the accused
meant no real mischief to his country—if you find that, why then
you should acquit him. Because, as I said,—-it is coming back to
me now, I think it was well covered—we don't put men with innocent minds behind the bars if we know it.
With regard to socialism. Mr. Cassidy was afraid I had misled
you there, and really gentlemen, I am not making any play upon
words. I am not in very fit physical condition at the present moment and it may be that I did not make it quite as clear as I should
have made it, and it may be that I enisled you in regard to that. I
don't think I did, but I don't want to leave any wrong impression in
your mind.
Socialism is not on trial here at all. but such, socialism as was
expressed by Russell and by those with whom he associated himself, and with them you may for the purpose of this case arrive at
such connection as is necessary to .render their evidence material to
the case—-I say such socialistic principles as that, are the socialistic
principles to which I referred in my charge. Not such socialistic
principles as an idealist may have in his own mind or may under
certain circumstances try to persuade others peacefully to accept,
I think I told you that that class of socialistic utterances—you
had a great deal of material and a great deal of evidence in the shape
of pamphlets and literature—and it was that class of socialism, and
those having ideas such as that to whom I referred, when I used
the words of Scott.
As to the matter of patriotism, you have heard the evidence
you have heard that the first allegiance, and so on, and so on. You
have heard the evidence and I do not wish to discuss the evidence.
It is the class of literature that you will find in the exhibits before
you, as to the general expressions of the Socialist party.
You may now retire. It would be useless for us to wait, so we
will all go home. I do not think I will come here before 11 o'clock,
unless you think you will be ready before that time. What time
would you like me to come?
FOREMAN OF THE JURY: We were nearly satisfied we
might be ready by 10 o'clock.
THE COURT. Then we will adjourn to 10.30 a.m. tomorrow.
(Jury retired, and court adjourned accordingly).

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HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919
As in comparison with foregoing Address the following is printed*

CAVE J., IN REX vs. BURNS, 1886
Central Criminal Court, London, England
Cave, J., in charging the jury, said; "It is now my duty to explain to you the rules of law which ought to govern you in considering this case, and also to summarize shortly for your benefit the
evidence which has been given, so that you may have the less difficulty in applying the principles of the lawT to that evidence. There
Is undoubtedly no question at law of the right of meeting in public,
and the right of free discussion is also perfectly unlimited, with the
exception, of course, that it must not be used for the purpose of inciting to a breach of the peace or to a violation of the law. Th@
law upon the question of what is seditious and what is not is to b©
found stated very clearly in a book by Stephen, J., who has undoubtedly a greater knowledge of criminal law than any other judge
who sits upon the bench, and what he has said upon the subject of
sedition was submitted to the other judges who some time back were
engaged with him in drafting a criminal cod©, and upon their report
the commissioners say that his statement of law appears to them to
be stated accurately as it exists at present. So that the statement has
not only the authority of Stephen, J., but also the authority of th®
judges who were associated with him in preparing the criminal
code. This is what he says on seditious words and libels; "Everyone commits a misdemeanor who publishes verbally or otherwise
words or any documents with a seditious intention. If the matter
so published consists of words spoken, the offence is called the speaking of seditious words." This is what we have to deal with today.
"If the matter so published is contained in anything capable of being a libel the olfence is called the publication of seditious libel."
(p). The next question that one asks is this; There are two offences,
one of the offence of speaking seditious words, and the other offence
is the publication of a seditious libel. It is obviously important to
know what is meant by the word "sedition," and Stephen, J., proceeds in y a subsequent article to give a definition of it. He says "A
seditious intention is an intention to bring into hatred or contempt,
or to excite disaffection against the person of His Majesty, His Heirs,
or successors, or the government of and constitution of the United
Kingdom, as by law established, or either House of Parliament, or
the administration of justice, or to excite His Majesty's subject's
to attempt otherwise than by lawful means the alteration of any
matter in Church or State as by law established, or to raise discontent or disaffection amongst his Majesty's subjects or to promote
feelings of ill-will and hostility between different classes of such subjects." Stephen, J., goes on to point out what sort of intention is
not seditious. "An intention to shew that Her Majesty has been
misled or mistaken in her measures, or to point out errors or defects
in the government or constitution as by law established, with a view
to their reformation, or to excite Her Majesty's subjects to attempt
by law means the alteration of any matter in Church or State as by
law established, or to point out, in order to their removal, matters
which are producing, or have a tendency to produce feelings of
hatred and ill-will between classes of Her Majesty's subjects, is not
a seditious intention." So there he gives in those two classes what

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

271

is and what is not sedition. Now, the seditious intentions which
it is alleged existed in the minds of the prisoners in this case are;
First, an intention to excite Her Majesty's subjects to attempt otherwise than by lawful means the alteration of some matter in Church
or State as by law established; and secondly, to promote feelings of
hostility between different classes of Her Majesty's subjects. This
is necessarily somewhat vague and general, particularly the second
portion, which says it is seditious intention to intend to promote
feelings of ill-will and hostility between different classes of Her
Majesty's subjects. I should rather prefer to say, that the intention to promote feelings of ill-will and hostility between different
classes of Her Majesty's subjects may be a seditious intention according to circumstances, and of those circumstances, the Jury are the
judges; and I put this question to the Attorney General in the course
of the case: "Suppose a man were to write a letter to the papers
attacking bakers and butchers generally with references to the high
prices of bread and meat and imputing to them that they were in a
conspiracy to keep up high prices, would that be a seditious libel
being written and not spoken?"
To which the Attorney General
gave me the only answer which it was clearly possible to give under
the circumstances: "That must depend upon the circumstances."
I, sitting here as a Judge, cannot go nearer than that. Any intention to excite ill-will and hostility between different classes of Her
Majesty's subjects may be a seditious intention: whether in a particular case this is a seditious intention or not, the jury must judge
and decide in their own minds, taking into consideration the whole
of the circumstances of the case. You may not unnaturally say
that this is a somewhat vague statement of the law and ask by what
principle shall we be governed in deciding when an intention to
excite ill-will and hostility is seditious and when it is not. For
your guidance I will read to you what was said by Fitzgerald, J., in
the case of R. v. Sullivan (r) which was a prosecution for a seditious
libel, the only difference between the two cases being of course that
while seditious speeches are spoken a seditious libel is wri ten, but
in each of them the adjective seditious occurs, and what is a seditious intention in one case will equally be a seditious intention in
the other. He said, "As such prosecutions are unusual I think it
necessary in the first instance to define sedition and point out what
is a seditious libel. Sedition is a crime against society, nearly allied
to that of treason and infrequently precedes treason by a short interval." It has been very truly said that there is no such offence
as sedition itself but it takes the form of a seditious language either
written or spoken and it is in that sense of course that the learned
Judge's words are intended to be understood. "Sedition itself is a
comprehensive term, and it embraces all those practices whether by
word, deed, or writing, which are calculated to disturb the tranquillity of the State, and lead ignorant persons to endeavour to subvert the government and the laws of the Empire. The objects of
sedition generally are to induce discontent and insurrection, and to
stir up opposition to the government, and bring the administration
of justice into contempt; and the very tendency of sedition is to
incite the people to insurrection and rebellion. Sedition has been
described as disloyalty in action, and the law considers as seditious
all those practices which have for their object to discontent or
disaffection, to create public disturbances, or to lead to civil war;

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to bring into hatred or contempt the sovereign or the government*
the laws or constitution of the realm, and generally all endeavors to
promote public disorder." Then a little further on he says: "Words
may be of a seditious character, but they might arise from sudden
heat, be heard only by a few, create no lasting impression, and differ
in malignity and permanent effects from writing." Sir Michael
Foster said of the latter ( s ) : "Seditious writings are permanent
things, and if published they scatter the poison far and wide. They
are acts of deliberation, and capable of satisfactory proof, and not
ordinarily liable to misconstruction; at least they are submitted to
the judgment of the court naked and undisguised, as they came out
of the author's hands." That points to the nature of the distinction
between seditious writings and words, and also points to the difference in the effect which they have, and the extent to which that
effect goes, though, of course, in regard to seditious words, there may
be a very great distinction between words uttered to two or three
companions in social intercourse, and words uttered to a large multitude."
That language the learned judge spoke when he was charging
the grand jury upon the subject. When he came to sum up the case
to the jury, who were actually trying it, after a true bill had been
found, he said—and perhaps this is more apposite in shewing the
spirit in which you ought to deal with the present case so far as you
can: "I invite you to deal with the case, which is a grave and important one, in a fair, free and liberal spirit. In dealing with the
articles you should not pause upon an objectionable sentence here,
or a strong word there. It is not mere strong language, such as
"desecrated a court of justice" or tall language, or turgid language
that should influence you. You should, I repeat, deal with the
articles in a free, fair and liberal manner. You should recollect
that to public political articles great latitude is given ( t ) . Dealing
as they do with the affairs of the day, such articles if written in a
fair spirit and bona fide, often result in the production of great
public good. There I advise you and recommend you to deal with
these publications in a spirit of freedom, and not to view them with
an eye of narrow criticism. Again I say you should not look merely
to a strong word, or a strong phrase, but to the whole article, and
so regarding each article, you should recollect that you are the
guardians of liberty of the press, and that whilst you check its
abuse, you will preserve its freedom.
You will recollect how
valuable a blessing the liberty of the press is to all of us, and sure
I am that liberty will meet no injury, suffer no diminution at your
hands. Viewing the case in a free, bold, manly and generous spirit
towTard the defendant. If you come to the conclusion that the publication indicted are not seditious libels or were not published in the
sense imputed to them, you are bound, and I ask you in the name
of free discussion to find a verdict for the defendant. I need not
remind you of the worn out topic to extend to the defendant the
benefit of the doubt. If, on the other hand, on the whole spirit and
import of these articles you are obliged to come to the conclusion that
they are seditious libels, and that their necessary consequences are
to excite contempt of Her Majesty's Government, or to bring the
administration of the law into contempt and impair its functions—if you come to that conclusion either as to the articles or points, or
any of them then it becomes your duty honestly and fearlessly to

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

273

find a verdict of conviction upon such counts as you believe are
proved." Now, that language was used as I have said, in reference
to a seditious libel, but changing the language so as to apply it to
a speech, the principles thus laid down are clearly applicable to the
case which you have now got before you. And, although as a judge
I can tell you no more than that the intention to incite ill-will
amongst the different classes of Her Majesty's subjects may be
seditious, and that it is for you to decide—I confess I should, if I
were sitting amongst you as a juryman, go on to say something of
this kind which you would or would not listen to, according as you
found it to be quite in reason. It is not a matter of law which you
would say to each other; if you think that these defendants, from
the whole matter laid before you, had a seditious intention to incite the people to violence, to create public disturbances, and disorder, then undoubtedly you ought to find them guilty. If from
any sinister motive, as for instance, notoriety, or for the purpose
of personal gain, they desired to bring the people into conflict with
the authorities, or to incite them tumultously and disorderly to
damage the property of any unoffending citizen, you ought undoubtedly to find them guilty. On the other hand, if you come to the
conclusion that they were actuated by an honest desire to alleviate
the misery of the unemployed—if they had a real bona fide desire to
bring that misery before the public by constitutional and legal
means, you should not be too sfsvift to mark any hasty or ill-considered expression which they might utter in the excitement of the
moment. Some persons are more led on, more open to excitement
than others and one of the defendants, Burns, even when he was
defending himself before you, so prone was he to feeling strongly
what he does feel, could not restrain from saying that he was unable
to see misery and degradation without being moved to strong language and strong action. I mention that to you to shew you the
kind of man he is, and for the purpose of seeing (if you come to the
conclusion that he was honestly endeavoring to call the attention of
the authorities to this misery, and honestly endeavoring to keep
within the limits of the law and the constitution) that you should
not be too strong to mark if he ma4e use of ill-considered, o r too
strong an expression. Now, I come to the particular charge which is
made, against these men. It divides itself roughly into two heads.
There is, first, the charge that they uttered certain words upon the
occasion of this demonstration, and that is separated into nine
counts, and then there came a general charge which involves the
whole of them, namely, that they agreed together before they went
to this meeting that they would make speeches with the intention
of exciting the people to disorder. I am unable to agree entirely
with the attorney-general when he says that the real charge is that,
though these men did not incite or contemplate disorder, yet as it
was the natural consequences of the words they used, they are
responsible for it. In order to make out the offence of speaking
seditious words, there must be a criminal intent upon the part of
the accused, they must be words spoken with a seditious intent, and
although it is a good working rule to say that a man must be taken
to intend the natural consequence of his acts, and it is very proper
to ask a jury to infer, if there is nothing to shew the contrary, that
he did intend the natural consequences of his acts, yet, if it is
shewn; from other circumstances, that he did not actually intend

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them, I do not see how you can ask a jury to act upon what has then
become a legal fiction. I am glad tosay that with regard to this
matter, I have the authority again of Stephen, J., who, in Ms "History of Criminal Law," has dealt with this very point; he deals
with it in reference to the question of seditious libel. He says ( u ) :
"To make the criminality of an act dependent upon the intention with
which it is done, is advisable in those cases only in which the intent
essential to the crime is capable of being clearly defined and readily
inferred from the facts. Wounding, with intent to do grievous bodily
harm, breaking into a house with intent to commit a felony, abduction with intent to marry or defile, are instances of such offences.
Even in these cases, however, the introduction of the term "intent"
occasionally led either to failure or justice or to the employment of
something approaching to a legal fiction in order to avoid it. The
maxim that a man. intends the natural consequences of his acts is
usually true, but it may be used as a way of saying that, because
reckless indifference to probable consequences is morally as bad as
an intention to produce those consequences, the two things ought
to be called by the same name, and this is at least an approach to
a legal fiction, It is one thing to write with a distinct intention to
produce disturbances "and another to write violently and recklessly
matter likely to produce disturbances" ( u u ) . Now, if you apply
that last sentence to the speaking of words, of course it is precisely
applicable to the case now before you. It is one thing to speak with
the distinct intention to produce disturbances, and another thing to
speak recklessly and violently of what is likely to produce disturbances. I must, however, notwithstanding what I have said upon the
subject, go on to tell you that it is not at all necessary to the offence
of uttering seditious words that an actual riot should follow, that
there should be an actual disturbance of the public peace: it is the
uttering with the intent that is the offence, not the consequences
which follow, and which have really nothing to do with the offence.
A man cannot escape from the consequences of uttering words with
the intent to excite people to violence solely because the persons to
whom they are addressed may be too wise or too temperate to be
seduced into that violence. That has, however, no important bearing in this case. If you come to the conclusion that language was
used by the defendants or any of them upon the occasion of that
meeting in Trafalgar Square and that it was their intention to excite the people to violence, to a breach of the law, why then that
would undoubtedly be the uttering of seditious words. And I apprehend that the attorney-general was anxious to fortify himself with
this that the actual disturbances were the natural consequence of
what was said, and for perhaps more than one reason. In the first
place the Government undoubtedly declined to prosecute on the
assumption that the defendants had actually incited to the particular disturbances, and although that I have said is not at all necessary
or essential to the procuring of a conviction, yet undoubtedly that
is the moral justification, so to say, the grounds upon which the
Government do place the action which they take, and therefore, if
they can shew, or if you are satisfied that these disturbances, although not contemplated by the defendants, were the natural consequence of their acts, although that has nothing at all to do with
the charge which we are investigating, yet it does effect in some
way the position which the Government desires to take up. There

HISTORY OF WINNIPEG STRIKE, 1919

275

is another point, however, which does affect the question which you
have to try, and it is this, as to the language used by the defendants,
was it used to produce violence? As something, no doubt, may be
gathered from the effect which was actually produced there does
come a point when one must say, "This was so violent and reckless that it is impossible to conceive that the man who uttered this
did not intend the consequence which must ensue from it," Again,
there is another passage from Stephen, J.', book, where he says ( v ) :
"If a meeting is held for the purpose of speaking seditious words to
those who may attend it, those1 who may take part in that design
are guilty of a seditious conspiracy." Now, in order to have a conspiracy you must have an agreement formed beforehand between
the parties in that conspiracy, that they will hold or have a meeting
and that the words there spoken will be words of sedition. As I
have said, I do not see any evidence that at all points to any such
conspiracy and I certainly should recommend you strongly not to
pay any further attention to that part of the case. But the attorneygeneral says, and very properly, although there may have been no
previous conspiracy, yet when people do go to a meeting there ar8
circumstances under which a man may be responsible not only for
what he says, but also for what someone else says. Now, what are
those circumstances? Stephen, J,, says: "If at a_ meeting lawfully
convened seditious words are spoken, of such a nature as are likely
to produce a breach of the peace, that meeting may become unlawful, and all those who speak the words undoubtedly are guilty of
uttering seditious words, and those who do anything to help those
who speak to produce upon the hearers the natural effect of the
words spoken." You must do something more than stand by and
say nothing; if you express approval of the statements of speakers
who utter seditious language that will equally do; if you make a
speech calculated to help that part of the speech made by someone
else, and which excited disorder; if you do anything to help that
part of the effect upon hearers, then undoubtedly you will be guilty
of uttering seditious words just as if you spoke them yourself. But
there must be something of that kind.
If one man uses seditious
words at a meeting, those who stand by and do nothing, although
they do not reprobate them, are not guilty of uttering seditious
words. Those even who make a speech themselves are not guilty of
uttering seditious words unless you can gather from the language
they use that they are endeavoring to assist the other
man in carrying out that portion of his speech, and by
that
course endeavoring
to asisist him in causing
his
words, which excite to disorder, to produce their natural effect
upon the people." (The learned judge then reviewed the evidence
given on the part of the prosecution and the defence, and pointed
out that there was considerable difficulty in separating and apportioning the different elements which contributed to the riots, that
public meetings and public discussions always attracted together
numbers of rough persons, members of criminal classes, and
other persons not honest, but noisy and disorderly, and who would
take advantage of the absence of the police to break windows and
street lamps, and do other mischief of that kind, and that it was
impossible to say that any disorder that arose was necessarily due
to speeches made by persons who were themselves orderly, because
of the presence of the disorderly elements of the crowd, who had

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collected together, and, in conclusion, said: "I must now leave you
to apply the principles of law I hava laid down to the facts which
have been laid before you," I have to remind you of what you are
asked to say. What you are asked to decide on is whether the
iprisoners—-all of them, or some of them, and if some of them,
which of them—did upon this occasion in Trafalgar Square, incite
the people whom they were addressing to redress their grievance
by violence. Did they intentionally incite ill-will between different
classes in such a way as to be likely to lead to a disturbance of the
public peace? I have already toid you that you must take a broad
and even generous view of the whole of the case presented to you.
You must not attach too much importance to isolated phrases, but
you must look at the general gist of the matter. You must consider
the object which took them there, the way they set about attaining
it, and you must also consider to some extent, as throwing some
light upon your decision, whether the riots which actually took place
were the natural consequences of speeches delivered on that occasion. I cannot conclude without expressing my sense of the extreme
folly of those who seek to incite the people to violence. And for
this reason: There has been no period o-f history where violence was
so practically useless. The Government being in the hands of the
people, none can hope to carry out by force views which he might
be able to effect by prudence and consistency, and by legal and legitimate means. And, therefore, to incite people to use force is to expose foolish men, and men who do not see the danger they run, to
a conflict with the authorities, with the certainty that they will
tiave to pay with grievous loss of life (w).
Note on the foregoing—
(p) Stephen, Dig, of Grim. Law (6th Ed.) Arts. 96-98.
(q) Stephen, Dig. of Grim. Daw (6th Ed.) Arts, 98.
(s) The editors have been unable to trace this quotation.
(t) See R. v. Burdett: 1 St. Tr. (N.S.) 1, where the jury were
told to consider whether a written address to the electors
of Warwickshire relating to the Peterloo meeting at Manchester contained a sober address to the reason of mankind
as to the conduct of the military in suppressing a riot, or
was an appeal to their passions inciting them to violence
and outrage. In R. v. Collins ( 9 C I & P . 456) 3 St. Tr.
(N.S. 1149. Littledale, J., in dealing with a placard containing resolutions of a body known as the General Convention, told the jury that the question was whether the
resolutions were a calm discussion of the conduct of the
police in repressing a riot in the Bull Ring at Birmingham,
or were meant to incite to the use of physical force,
(ii) Vol. II. p. 359.
(uu) See R. v. Corbett (1831), a St. Tr. (N.S.) 789, where Tenderden, C.J., ruled that the question for the jury was
whether the natural tendency of an article in the "Weekly
Register" was to manifest the design alleged in the indictment, viz., to create discontent and incite violence with
reference to firing stacks and breaking threshing machines*(v) Hist. Crim. Law ii 386.
(w) The jury returned a verdict of not guilty.