THE ATHENAEUM PRESS SERIES G. L. KITTREDGE AND C. T. WINCHESTER GENERAL EDITORS Series announcement T H E "Athenaeum Press S e r i e s " includes the choicest works of English literature in editions carefully prepared for the use of schools, colleges, libraries, and the general reader. Each volume is edited by some scholar who has made a special study of an a u t h o r and his period. The I n t r o d u c t i o n s are biographical and critical. In particular they set forth the relation of the authors to their times and indicate their importance in the development of literature. A Bibliography and N o t e s accompany each volume. Athenaeum Press Series THE SONNETS SHAKESPEARE W I T H AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY H. C. BEECHING, M.A., D. LITT. BOSTON, U.S.A., AND LONDON G I N N & COMPANY, 1904 PUBLISHERS OF ENTERED AT STATIONERS' COPYRIGHT, HALL 1904 BY H. C. BEECHING ALL RIGHTS RESERVED IV V7^ O AMICIS BALLIOLENSIBVS ANDREAE CECILIO BRADLEY SIDNEIO LEE DE POETA NOSTRO BENE MERENTISSIMIS QVORVM FAVOR HVNC LIBELLVM VNICE PRODVXIT GENITOR 4~ CO (^ 195527 PREFACE This edition of Shakespeare's sonnets was suggested by my friend Mr. A. C. Bradley, Professor of Poetry at Oxford, who was interested in a paper on the subject which I contributed to the Cornhill Magazine in February, 1902. That paper, by the good leave of the publisher, I have used as the basis of the present Introduction ; and the rest of my editorial work has consisted in dividing up the sonnets into groups and annotating them. As there are already before the public not a few editions of Shakespeare's sonnets by well-known writers, I may be allowed to set out what I conceive to be the peculiarities of this edition. As its inclusion in this series implies, it is meant to be an edition for students; and therefore I have given a careful examination to the latest theories about the sonnets and the person to whom they were addressed, especially to the theory of my friend Mr. Sidney Lee, which he has expounded with so much learning in his Life of Shakespeare. In regard to the difficult question of date I have proposed a test, not hitherto applied, which seems capable of yielding definite results. In the Notes I have endeavoured to be just to my predecessors by referring every explanation that is not my own to its original proposer. The reader will thus be able to estimate how much the study of the sonnets owes to the learning and good sense of their first commentator, Edmond Malone. Of modern editions the best seems to me that of Professor Dowden of Dublin, whose indifference to party victories and abundant gift of humour have saved him from the chief perils that beset an editor of the sonnets, The. vu Vlll PREFACE positive merit of his edition lies, if I may say so, in the skill with which he has paraphrased many of the more difficult lines; its chief fault he has himself pointed out in his Introduction, where he warns the reader that in setting down points of connection between one sonnet and another he has "pushed this kind of criticism far, perhaps too far." The more recent edition by Mr. George Wyndham deserves the thanks of all lovers of poetry for the resolute way in which it keeps before the reader that the one thing of importance in the sonnets is their poetry. As a critical edition it is marred by the desire to read into the sonnets much philosophy to which they are strangers, and by the determination to make sense of the Quarto text at all costs. To Mr. Wyndham's conservatism, however, is due the restoration of what is certainly the right punctuation in Sonnet 115. 14. The edition by the late Mr. Samuel Butler, author of JErewhon, is distinguished by all the mental agility and freshness of that interesting writer, as well as by his love of paradox; but it is the edition of an amateur critic. One patent sign of its want of scholarship is the preference shown for the emendations of Staunton, who was the worst of all the nineteenth-century editors of Shakespeare's text. Mr. Butler's most useful and most interesting pages are those which he devotes to the criticism of his predecessors; his own novel theories are not worth serious consideration. Of the defects of the present edition I am fully conscious, but I leave the description of them to my successor. In anticipation, however, of a charge of needlessly attacking previous editors, I should like to say that I have thought it for the advantage of students to show not only what in any matter of debate I consider the true opinion, but why other opinions that conflict with it seem untenable. My friends with whom I find myself in disagreement will not resent my plain speaking; and any others I should like to take the PREFACE IX present opportunity of assuring that when I differ I do so with respect and without forgetting how much in other matters I may owe to them. The text adopted in this edition is practically Malone's revision of the editio firinceps, the Quarto of 1609; but all variations from the Quarto, except mere differences of spelling and punctuation, are noted. A few lines which seem to be corrupt have been marked with an obelus (t), and attempts at emendation will be found in the Notes. In an appendix I have added a critical note, originally contributed to Literature (August 19, 1899), upon the relation of Drayton's sonnets to those of Shakespeare, as this has a bearing upon several questions discussed in the Introduction. I have to thank two friendly scholars, Mr. J. W. Mackail, late Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford, and the Rev. Alexander Nairne, Professor of Hebrew at King's College, London, and rector of Tewin, for the pains they have spent upon the proof sheets. Professor Kittredge, one of the editors of the series, has also read them and made suggestive criticisms. H. C. B. L I T T L E CLOISTERS, WESTMINSTER ABBEY, Michaelmas, 1903. CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION : I. T H E C H I E F SUBJECT OF T H E SONNETS II. T H E " P A T R O N " AND " L I T E R A R Y . . . . THEORIES III. xvii T H E D A T E OF T H E SONNETS xxiii IV. T H E F R I E N D : H I S SOCIAL STATUS xxviii V. T H E F R I E N D : T H E EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON VI. VII. T H E F R I E N D : T H E EARL OF PEMBROKE . . xxxii . . xxxviii . . T H E F R I E N D : M R . WILLIAM HUGHES, ETC. . . VIII. T H E RIVAL POET xlii xliv IX. T H E FORM AND STYLE OF T H E SONNETS . . . X. T H E T E X T OF T H E QUARTO XI. xiii EXERCISE" xlviii lix T H E SEQUENCE OF T H E SONNETS lxiii 1 T H E SONNETS OF SHAKESPEARE NOTES ON T H E SONNETS 81 A N O T E ON T H E SONNETS OF MICHAEL DRAYTON INDEX OF F I R S T L I N E S . . . 132 141 xi INTRODUCTION I. THE CHIEF SUBJECT OF T H E SONNETS The first hundred and twenty-six sonnets celebrate the affection of an elder for a younger man, wherewith there mingles not a little admiration for his grace and charm. If I may put quite shortly what I conceive to be the peculiar type of this affection, I should say it was a type not uncommonly found in imaginative natures. A poet, whatever else he is, is a man with keener senses and stronger emotions than other men; he is more sensitive to beauty, especially the beauty of youth; and, as the poetry of the whole world may convince us, he is especially sensitive to that beauty's decay. Hence it is not uncommon to find in poets of mature years a strong disposition to consort with young people, and a keen pleasure in their society, as though to atone for the slow sapping of youthful strength and ardour in themselves. It is well that the majority of us should stifle our dissatisfaction at the inevitable oncoming of age by doing the tasks which age lays upon us and for which youth is incompetent. The middle-aged youth or maiden is a fair theme for satire. But poets cannot be blamed if, feeling what we feel more keenly, they give to the sentiment an occasional expression; nor if they seek to keep fresh their own youthful, enthusiasm by associating with younger people. There is an interesting passage in Browning's poem of Cleon where Cleon, who is a poet, writing to King Protus on the subject of joy in life, contrasts his own supposed joy in the wide outlook of age with the actual joy of living; and xiii XIV INTRODUCTION Browning seems there, through the mouth of Cleon, to be uttering a sentiment that many poets have felt, and that, as I believe, accounts for much in Shakespeare's sonnets. The last point now: thou dost except a case, Holding joy not impossible to one With artist-gifts — to such a man as I, Who leave behind me living works indeed ; For such a poem, such a painting, lives. What? dost thou verily trip upon a word, Confound the accurate view of what joy is (Caught somewhat clearer by my eyes than thine) With feeling joy? confound the knowing how And showing how to live (my faculty) With actually living? Otherwise Where is the artist's vantage o'er the king? Because in my great epos I display How divers men young, strong, fair, wise, can act — Is this as though I acted? if I paint, Carve the young Phoebus, am I therefore young ? Methinks I 'm older that I bowed myself The many years of pain that taught me a r t ! Indeed, to know is something, and to prove How all this beauty might be enjoyed is more: But, knowing nought, to enjoy is something too. Yon rower with the moulded muscles there, Lowering the sail, is nearer it than I. I can write love-odes: thy fair slave 's an ode. I get to sing of love, when grown too grey For being beloved: she turns to that young man, The muscles all a-ripple on his back. I know the joy of kingship—well, thou art king ! That passage goes far to explain the attraction which many poets have found in the society of young people distinguished in some special degree for beauty, or grace, or vivacity. And there must not be forgotten another element in the problem, — the peculiar sweetness of admiration and praise from the young. Theocritus desired to sing songs INTRODUCTION XV that should win the young, and the sentiment has been echoed by the most austere of our own living p o e t s : *T were something yet to live among The. gentle youth beloved, and where I learned My art, be there remembered for my song. 1 The nearest parallel I can suggest to the case of Shakespeare and his young friend is the friendship between the poet Gray and Bonstetten. Bonstetten was a Swiss youth of quality, who went to Cambridge with an introduction to Gray from his friend Norton Nicholls; and the havoc he wrought in that poet's domestic affections is visible in his correspondence. H e wrote to Norton Nicholls (April 4, 1770): At length, my dear sir, we have lost our poor de Bonstetten. I packed him up with my own hands in the Dover machine at four o'clock in the morning on Friday, 23rd March; the next day at seven he sailed, and reached Calais by noon, and Boulogne at nighi; the next night he reached Abbeville. From thence he wrote to me; and here am I again to pass my solitary evenings, which hung much lighter on my hands before I knew him. This is your fault! Pray, let the next you send me be halt and blind, dull, unapprehensive, and wrong-headed. For this (as Lady Constance says) Was never such a gracious creature born ! and yet Among Gray's letters are three to Bonstetten himself; it will be sufficient to quote the shortest of them. I am returned, my dear Bonstetten, from the little journey I made into Suffolk, without answering the end proposed. The thought that you might have been with me there has embittered all my hours. Your letter has made me happy — as happy as so gloomy, so solitary a being as I am is capable of being made. I know, and have too often felt the disadvantages I lay myself under, how much I hurt the little interest I have in you, by this air of sadness, so contrary to your nature and present enjoyments; but sure you will forgive, though you cannot sympathise with me. It is impossible with me to dissemble with you; such 1 Robert Bridges, Growth of Love. XVI INTRODUCTION as I am I expose my heart to your view, nor wish to conceal a single thought from your penetrating eyes. All that you say to me, especially on the subject of Switzerland, is infinitely acceptable. It feels too pleasing ever to be fulfilled, and as often as I read over your truly kind letter, written long since from London, I stop at these words: " la mort qui peut glacer nos bras avant qu'ils soient entrelaces." It seems to me that in these letters we have, beneath many superficial dissimilarities, a very close parallel to Shakespeare's own case as it lies before us in the sonnets. We have a companionship marked by respectful admiration and affection on the one side, on the other by a more tender sentiment. And the other letters draw the parallel closer, for one describes the pangs of absence, — Alas ! how do I every moment feel the truth of what I have somewhere read: " Ce n'est pas le voir, que de s'en souvenir;" and yet that remembrance is the only satisfaction I have left. My life now is but a conversation with your shadow, &c, — and another warns the youth against the vices to which his youth and good looks and the example of his own class left him peculiarly exposed. With such an actual experience to call in evidence, I do not see why we should reject as inconceivable the obvious interpretation that the sonnets put upon themselves: that Shakespeare at a certain period found the loneliness of his life in London filled up by a friendship which, not being " equal poised/' could not last, but which was in no sense unworthy. It must not be forgotten, too, that romantic friendships between elder and younger men were not so unfamiliar, even in England, during the Renaissance period as they may be to ourselves. A fine and familiar instance is that which subsisted between the veteran philosopher Languet and the young Philip Sidney, 1 and in Shakespearean plays we have the friendship 1 See the Correspondence of Sir Philip Sidney and Hubert Langttet, translated by S. A. Pears (Pickering, 1845). INTRODUCTION xvn between Antonio and Bassanio in The Merchant of Venice, and that between Antonio and Sebastian in Twelfth Night. The latter is certainly as much out of key with commonplace sentiment as anything in the sonnets. Allowing such a friendship, however, it would not, of course, follow that the sonnets could be treated as one side of an ordinary correspondence, and every statement they contain be transferred to Shakespeare's biography as literal fact. The truth at which poetry aims is a truth of feeling, not of incident, and a sonnet by its very nature is a descant upon plainsong. The fact, often enough implied in the sonnets, that they were intended for publication some day (though that day was anticipated by a piratical publisher), as well as the still more cogent fact that Shakespeare was a poet, should prepare us to recognise that situations would be generalised and reduced to their common human measure. II. THE « PATRON " AND "LITERARY E X E R C I S E " THEORIES Such being, in my judgment, the view of the sonnets that will commend itself to a reader who interprets them in the light of general experience and of later sixteenth century manners, we must see how far such a view is affected by the recent investigation into the special conditions of Elizabethan sonnet writing, for which we have to thank Mr. Sidney Lee. Mr. Lee's theory is that what the ordinary reader takes for friendship in Shakespeare's sonnets is merely the conventional adulation common at the time between client and patron. " There is nothing," he says, " in the vocabulary of affection which Shakespeare employed in his sonnets of friendship to conflict with the theory that they were inscribed to a literary patron, with whom the intimacy was of the kind xviii INTRODUCTION normally subsisting at the time between literary clients and their p a t r o n s " {Life of Shakespeare, p. 141). A new theory of this sort must stand or fall by the evidence that can be produced for it, and accordingly Mr. Lee proceeds to supply parallels. " The tone of yearning," he tells us, " for a man's affection is sounded by Donne and Campion almost as plaintively in their sonnets to patrons as it was sounded by Shakespeare " ( $ . ) . In support of this statement Mr. Lee refers to two poems (which we must presume to be the strongest instances he can find), one a verse letter by Donne to a certain T. W., and the other a poem by Campion addressed to the young Lord Walden. The letter of Donne's must be ruled out, because it is not written to a patron at all but to a friend. We do not know who T. W. was, but we know the names of Donne's patrons, and the initials fit none of them. In the four stanzas to Lord Walden which are prefixed, among various dedications, to one of Campion's masques, I cannot detect the least tone of yearning, or even of plaintiveness. The word " love " certainly occurs twice, but the love meant is the general love of all the world for the young gentleman's admired virtues. It may be well to quote the material verses. If to be sprung of high and princely blood, If to inherit virtue, honour, grace, If to be great in all things, and yet good, If to be facile, yet t' have power and place, If to be just, and bountiful, may get The love of men, your right may challenge it. But if th' admired virtues of your youth Breed such despairing to my daunted Muse That it can scarcely utter naked truth, How shall it mount as ravished spirits use Under the burden of your riper days, Or hope to reach the so far distant bays ? INTRODUCTION xix My slender Muse shall yet my love express, And by the fair Thames' side of you she '11 sing; The double streams shall bear her -willing verse Far hence with murmur of their ebb and spring. But if you favour her light tunes, ere long She '11 strive to raise you with a loftier song. I do not think that the ordinary reader unbiased by a theory would hear in these conventional lines any* tone of yearning for affection. If the world is to be convinced that there is nothing in Shakespeare's sonnets beyond the normal Elizabethan note of patron-worship, it will at least require by way of parallel a poem with some passjon in it. Did any Elizabethan client, for example, speak of his love for his patron as keeping him awake at night, as Shakespeare says in the sixty-first sonnet that his love for his friend kept him awake ? A more specious argument is that which Mr. Lee bases on the very mysterious section of the sonnets concerned with rival poets (77-86), which he interprets as an attempt on Shakespeare's part to monopolise patronage. In the sonnets Shakespeare certainly reveals some jealousy. H e charges his friend with- being attracted by the flattery of some other writer of verses. But it is evident that the verses in question are not dedicated to the friend but written about him;* the friend is not the 'patron but the subject of the rival's song; so that it is not merely patronage that Shakespeare deprecates. Indeed, how could he have done so, considering the custom of the age, with any reasonable prospect of success ? I would have said, How could he have done so with decency ? only Mr.' Lee denies him decency. He says, " The sole biographical inference deducible from the sonnets is that at one time in his career 1 They may, of course, have included dedicatory poems printed or unprinted, as the 82d sonnet seems to imply. XX INTRODUCTION Shakespeare disdained no weapon of flattery in an endeavour to monopolise the bountiful patronage of a young man of r a n k " (p. 159). The sonnets themselves will not, I think, bear this interpretation. It is one thing to say: " X has begun to ask your patronage for his books. I hope you will have nothing to do with him " ; and quite another thing to say, as Shakespeare says: " X has been writing verses about you in which he flatters you extravagantly. Of course you like it. And I am quite willing to own that as poetry his verses are better than mine. But for all that, mine express real affection ; so do not desert me for him." It is difficult to bring this matter to a more decisive test, because it is impossible to determine how far the complaint was serious and who this rival was (see Section V I I I ) ; and no verses are extant that can be reasonably supposed those in question. Mr. Lee enumerates (p. 125) twenty sonnets which he calls "dedicatory" sonnets, in which he maintains that the friend is "declared without periphrasis and without disguise to be a patron of the poet's verse." If so, Mr. Lee uses the word " patron " in an esoteric sense. Shakespeare says again and again that his friend's beauty and constancy give his pen " b o t h skill and argument": How can my Muse want subject to invent, While thou dost breathe, that pour'st into my verse Thine own sweet argument, too excellent For every vulgar paper to rehearse ? Surely there is all the difference in the world between the subject and argument of a book and its patron ! But even supposing them to coincide, how small a proportion do these so-called "dedicatory" sonnets bear to the whole number, and how difficult it is to conceive of many of the remainder as written by a literary protege to his patron ! For they are not all flattering to their subject. ^Vndeven of those which xxi INTRODUCTION are meant to be complimentary the language is often pitched in a strange key for a client to use. Could an Elizabethan patron have been told that he was " left the prey of every vulgar thief"? (48). In point of fact, the " p a t r o n " theory fails because it obliges adherents to deny that all the first group of sonnets are addressed to the same person. A somewhat different theory, though allied to this, is that which regards the sonnets as merely literary exercises,— exercises of genius, but still exercises and nothing more. " It was a mode brought down from Petrarch, from Dante, even from earlier still, to write love poetry which, under the form of passionate affection for an individual, should give the poet an opportunity of pouring forth" all his dissatisfaction with life as it is, and all his aspirations after an ideal of life as it might be. And so Surrey's praises of l Geraldine,' Constable's of * Diana/ Sidney's of 'Stella,' are duly followed by Shakespeare's sonnets in celebration of the mysterious personage whose identity has so much exercised a succession of critics. . . . It is really only ignorance of the other contemporary love sonnets which can account for the fancy shown by some people for taking all that is said in the sonnets as literal fact of personal and particular application." * The case for the " exercise " theory could«not be better stated; but the reader at once sees that it is necessary to enter certain distinctions. Assuming that Petrarch's affection for Laura was a literary pose, was it always so with Italian sonneteers ? Was it the case with Michael Angelo's affection for Tommaso Cavalieri ? Granted that Surrey was never in love with Geraldine, is it as certain that Sidney was never in love with Stella? Was Spenser not in love with the lady to whom he wrote the Atnoretti and whom he subsequently married ? Then again, if the passion which sonneteers display were mere affectation, should we not expect 1 Review of Wyndham's Poems of Shakespeare in Guardian. XX11 INTRODUCTION them " duly " to elaborate their century or half century of sonnets, and then have done with it,? And this we find to be the way with certain minor poets who wrote sonnets because sonneteering was the vogue. Barnabe Barnes, fired by the example of Daniel, put to press a hundred and five sonnets in 1593; Giles Fletcher senior put out three and fifty in the same year; and having satisfied the fashion they wrote no more in this vein. Sonneteering to such men was a game of skill, and having proved to their friends that they could translate or imitate their French or English models, they were content. But even so we may be sure that Barnes and Dr. Fletcher utilised whatever experience of love they possessed, and there are few men who have not had some experience of love. Samuel Daniel and Michael Drayton were more restrained in their output, and added and suppressed from edition to edition. And as their series grew from decade to decade " D e l i a " and " I d e a " still "served to grace their measure," though perhaps Chloe or another was their " real flame." This idealising habit of the poets is well known, and to deny it is to be ignorant of facts. But to define in any particular instance the form which idealisation must take is impossible; and especially should we be on our guard in attempting, from the example of inferior poets, to lay down a law for men of genius. I have recalled the examples of Michael Angelo and Spenser; it would perhaps be more convincing, as nearer our own time, to recall those of Gabriel Rossetti and Elizabeth Barrett Browning. We know for a fact that many of Rossetti's sonnets were written to his wife; we know that Mrs. Browning's sonnets were written to her husband. - If we did not happen to know this, we should be required on the Petrarch-Surrey theory of sonnet writing as above stated to pronounce them both mere literary exercises. Shakespeare is at any rate entitled to the benefit of the doubt. INTRODUCTION xxm I I THE DATE OF THE SONNETS I. The next problem that presents itself concerns the approximate date of the sonnet cycle. This problem is usually discussed in relation to the question whether the Earl of Southampton or the Earl of Pembroke is the friend to whom the sonnets are addressed, because a late date makes the former an impossible candidate, and an early date disposes of the latter. But it has also a beating upon the previous question, whether we are justified in looking in the sonnets for any genuine sentiment at all. Mr. Lee in his Life of Shakespeare has restated with new emphasis the fact that the sonnet was a fashionable literary form in the last decade of the sixteenth century; and he has further shown, for the first time, that a large stock of ideas and images was common to the whole tribe of sonneteers. Of course it by no means follows, bercause a poet uses a fashionable and artificial form of verse, that the emotion he puts into it is merefy fashionable and artificial. It may be or it may not be. We must not forget that, although the sonnet was fashionable at this epoch, the passion of love had perhaps as great a vogue as the sonnet. 1 If, however, Shakespeare wrote a sequence of sonnets simply to be in the mode and to please his patron, we should expect to find him turning them out as soon as he had finished Lucrece in 1594; for even as early as that date Sidney, Daniel, Constable, l Perhaps Mr. Lee a little overstates the case, strong as it is, for the artificiality of the emotion displayed in Elizabethan sonnets. Drayton, by calling his lady Idea, did not imply (p. 105, n.) that she was merely an abstraction, but that she was his ideal. He himself identifies her with Anne Goodere. Nor does he tell his readers (ib.) " that if any sought genuine passion in them they had better go elsewhere." His words are, " Into these loves who but for passion looks, At this first sight here let him lay them by " ; and he goes on to explain passion by " far-fetched sighs," " ah me's," and " whining." The point of the sonnet, which is a prefatory advertisement, is that the reader may expect variety and will not be confined to the mere commonplace of amatory verse. XXIV INTRODUCTION Barnes, Watson, Lodge, and Drayton — to mention only considerable people -—were in the field before him. And in pursuance of his theory Mr. Lee places the bulk of Shakespeare's sonnets in 1594. But all the evidence there is points to a date considerably later. No reference to the sonnets has been traced in contemporary literature before 1598. 1 It was not till 1599 that two of them found their way into print in The Passionate Pilgrim (Nos. 138, 144). And the only sonnet that can be dated with absolute certainty from internal evidence (107) belongs to 1603. The evidence from style points also, for the most part, to a late date ; 2 but of that it is of no use to speak, because it convinces no one who has other reasons for not being convinced. About this matter of style something will be said in Section I X of this Introduction. There is, however, a line of argument hitherto neglected which, in competent hands, might yield material results,—the argument from repeated expressions* 3 Every writer knows the perverse 1 Francis Meres' Palladis Tamia: " The sweete wittie soul of Ovid lives in mellifluous and honeytongued Shakspeare, witnes his Venus and Adonis, his Lucrece, his sugred sonnets among his private friends." Professor Minto takes these " sugred sonnets" to be such as those in The Passionate Pilgrim upon the subject of Venus and Adonis ; but " sugred " is as much a conventional epithet as " mellifluous," and the publication of Sonnets 138 and 144 in the year following — though these may well have been among the earliest written, for the sonnets after 126 are not necessarily subsequent to the first series (see Section XI) — suggests that the sonnets to which Meres referred were some of our present collection. 2 Many critics think that the first twenty-six sonnets may be as early as Venus and Adonis. Their affinities in point of motive are obvious, but their writing is distinctly finer than anything in the Venus, and the thought and experience are riper. The mastery of rhythm displayed in Sonnet 5 and the melancholy of that and Sonnet 12 point to a later date. Sonnet 24 is possibly an early one. 3 This argument must not be confused with an argument from what are called " parallel passages." It is primarily an argument from the use of identical words ; only secondarily from similar ideas, though I have included a few striking instances of the latter in the list given above. Of course it is an argument that must be applied with discretion. The repeated phrase of which notice is taken must be INTRODUCTION XXV facility with which a phrase once used presents itself again; and Shakespeare seems to have been not a little liable to this literary habit. It is not uncommon for him to use a word or a phrase twice in a single play, and never afterwards. 1 There is a strong probability, therefore, if a remarkable phrase or figure of speech occurs both in a sonnet and in a play, that the play and the sonnet belong to the same period. Now the greater number of the parallel passages hitherto recognised are to be found in Henry IV, in Love's Labour's Lost, and in Hamlet; and it is certain that Henry IV was written in 1597, that Love's Labour's Lost was revised in that same year, and that Hamlet is later still. To take an example : the phrase " world-without-end " makes a sufficiently remarkable epithet; but it is so used only in Sonnet 57 and in Love's Labour's Lost (V, ii, 799). But as it is open to any one to reply that this and other phrases 2 may have occurred in the original draft of that play, written several years earlier, it will be best to confine the parallels to Henry IV, the date of which is beyond dispute. Compare, then, Sonnet 53 — A n o n permit the basest clouds to ride W i t h ugly r a c k o n his celestial face — with 1 Henry IV, I, ii, 221 — t h e sun, W h o d o t h permit t h e base contagious clouds T o s m o t h e r u p his beauty from the world. striking and individual. It would not do, for instance, to suggest that Sonnet 29 is of the same date as Cymbeline because in both the poet speaks of the lark as singing " at heaven's gate." 1 Examples are discandy (A. and C, III, xiii, 165; IV, xii, 22); cha7-e {A. and C, IV, xv, 75 ; V, ii, 231); bear me hard (J. C, I, ii, 317; II, i, 215); handsome about him {Much Ado, IV, ii, 88; V, iv, 105). Cf. "beating mind" in Tempest', I, ii, 176; IV, 163; V, 246. 2 For other parallels in Love's Labour's Lost see the notes on Sonnets 21. 74, 102. 3, 127. 1. See also the notes to Sonnets 54, 64, 71, 106, 118, 119, 125, for the parallels referred to in the next paragraph. XXVI INTRODUCTION Again, compare Sonnet 52 — Therefore are feasts so solemn and so rare, Since, seldom coming, in the long year set So is the time that keeps you as my chest, Or as the wardrobe which the robe doth hide, To make some special instant special blest — with i Henry IV, I I I , ii, 56 — My presence, like a robe pontifical, Ne'er seen but wonder'd at; and so my state, Seldom but sumptuous, showed like a feast, And won by rareness such solemnity,— where the concurrence of the images of a feast and a robe is very noticeable. Compare also Sonnet 64 with 2 Henry IV, III, i, 45, where the revolution of states is compared with the sea gaining on the land, and the land on the sea, — an idea not found in the famous description of the works of Time in Lucrece (937-959). Compare also the epithet "sullen," applied to a bell in Sonnet 71 and 2 Henry IV, I, i, 102, and in the same sonnet the phrase "compounded with clay," or "dust," found in 2 Henry IV, IV, v, 116, and Hamlet, IV, ii, 6. The contrast between the canker or wild rose and the cultivated rose, used so admirably in Sonnet 54, is found again in 1 Henry IV, I, iii, 176, and also in Much Ado About Nothing, I, iii, 28, a play written probably a year or two years later. The very remarkable use of the word "blazon," a technical term in heraldry, of the limbs of the human body, is found twice, once in Sonnet 106, and once in Twelfth Night, I, v, 312, the date of which is probably 1600. Again, the idea expressed in the phrases "sick of welfare" or " r a n k of goodness" in Sonnet 118 is paralleled in 2 Henry IV, IV, i, 64, " sick of happiness," and in Hamlet, IV, vii, 118, "goodness growing to a plurisy," and in these plays only. The comparison of the eye in its socket to a star INTRODUCTION xxvii moving in its " s p h e r e " is found only in Sonnet 119 and in Hamlet, I, v, 17. In Sonnet 125 and in Othello, I, i, 6$, there is a conjunction of the word " o u t w a r d " with the curious synonym " extern " which occurs only in these two places. I do not wish to press this argument further than it will go, but it must be allowed that its force accumulates with every instance adduced; and, in my opinion, it is strong enough to dispose of the hypothesis that the main body of the sonnets was written in 1593 or 1594, especially as not a single argument has been brought forward for assigning them to so early a date, 1 and every indication of both internal and external evidence suggests that they were written later. One conclusion from these premisses seems to be that Shakespeare did not write his sonnets merely in pursuit of the fashion, though he recognised the fashion by introducing a sonnet occasionally into an early play, and by representing his lovers — Beatrice and Benedick, the lovesick Thurio in The Two Gentleme?i of Vero?ia, and the nobles in Love's Labour's Lost—as turning to the sonnet as the proper form 1 Critics yield a doubtful assent to the idea that Henry Willobie, in his Avisa (1594), refers to Shakespeare, under the initials W. S., as having escaped heart-whole from a passion in which he found himself involved. The sole ground for the conjecture is that W. S. is referred to as the " old player." But the love affair had been previously spoken of as " a comedy like to end in a tragedy," and Willobie himself is called the " new actor." There is, therefore, not the slightest reason for taking the one expression more literally than the other. And where, it may be asked, is there anything in the sonnets that could be referred to as a recovery from love ? Another point which would be an argument for the early date of the sonnets, if it could be supported, may be referred to here. Mr. Lee thinks Sir John Davies, in a " gulling sonnet," was parodying Shakespeare's legal phraseology in Sonnet 26. It is possible, though, considering the excesses in this respect of " Zepheria," to which Davies refers by name, it is uncertain. Mr. Lee dates Davies's sonnets in 1595 (p. 436); but they are dedicated to Sir Anthony Cooke, who, according to Grosart, was knighted at the sack of Cadiz, September 15,* 1596. They must, therefore, be subsequent to that date, and they may belong to any year between 1597 and 1603, when Davies himself was knighted, for in the MSS. they are attributed to " Mr. Davyes." XXV111 INTRODUCTION in which to ease their overburdened hearts. It may have been that the impulse to write sonnets came to Shakespeare himself from a like natural cause. IV. T H E F R I E N D : HIS SOCIAL STATUS Mr. Samuel Butler in his edition of the sonnets makes very merry over the generally accepted notion that Shakespeare's friend was a nobleman. He asks whether " Lord of my love " in Sonnet 26 need mean " Earl of my love " ; and more seriously whether we might not expect Sonnet 25 to open : L e t you w h o are in favour with your s t a r s Of public h o n o u r a n d p r o u d titles boast, instead of " L e t those" etc., if the friend were himself a great noble. H e asks also whether " i t is possible that Shakespeare should regard his own verse as the only thing that was likely to rescue his friend from oblivion, if that friend was one before whom a great career presumably lay open." In answering the last question we must keep in mind that to " e t e r n i s e " its object was one of the conventions of sonneteering, 1 and in regard to the former, that the friend, whether noble or not by birth, was not of age to have merited " p u b lic honour." So, too, when Mr. Butler goes on to ask whether it is conceivable that in Sonnet 58 "Shakespeare should tell a powerful nobleman that he could not even think of controlling his liberty, or requiring him to give an account of his time," he seems to have forgotten that to friendship all things are possible, and that the friendship the sonnets reveal, l See the many examples adduced by Lee, Life of Shakespeare, p. 115; and compare Sidney's Apologie for Poetrie (ad fin.), " I coniure you all . . . to believe [the poets] themselves when they tell you they will make you immortall by their verses." An Elizabethan poet would not have shrunk from saying that the noblest deeds would prove but " alms for oblivion," if they were not immortalised in song. INTRODUCTION XXIX whether it was with noble or commoner, was very intimate. The friend's youth and the intimacy of friendship would cover also such plain speaking as we get in Sonnet 8 4 : You to your beauteous blessings add a curse, Being fond on praise, which makes your praises worse ; or again in Sonnet 69 : But why thy odour matcheth not thy show, The solve [solution] is this, that thou dost common grow, — passages which are sufficient of themselves to refute the hypothesis that the sonnets were addressed to a mere literary patron. Mr. Butler, however, does less than justice to the case of those who will have the friend to have been a person of high social position, when he says that only two sonnets (37 and 124) can be brought forward in support of it. It may be worth while to go through such of the sonnets as have been understood to predicate nobility, and see what their evidence comes to. Sonnet 25 maybe taken to show that while Shakespeare was not the favourite of a " Great Prince," he was the friend of one whom he " honoured." The point of the sonnet seems to be that, while most people find joy in receiving honour, the poet found joy in paying it. Here, however, it is open to the other side to assert that " I honour m o s t " means not " I pay h o n o u r " but " I confer honour" (by my verses), as the word is used in Sonnet 36, " Nor thou with public kindness honour m e " ; so that the argument is inconclusive. Sonnet 37 is discussed by Mr. Butler, who lays stress on its hypothetical character. "Shakespeare does not say 'you have beauty, birth, wealth, and w i t ' ; he says, * if you kave any single one of these four, or if you even have them all, and others that I have not named,—whatever you may have, I shall graft my love thereon.' " Mr. Butler acknowledges that " Shakespeare would not name beauty, if his XXX INTRODUCTION friend was remarkably plain ; birth, if he was notoriously base-born; wealth, if he was necessitous; or wit, if he was next door to a fool"; and taking advantage of that admission, we may point out that as the friend's beauty is sufficiently certified by the rest of the sonnets, the presumption is that his birth and wealth and wit are equally matters of fact. The whole point of the sonnet is that the friend had advantages of fortune which were denied to the poet. The sonnet opens: ' As a decrepit father takes delight To see his active child do deeds of youth, So I, made lame by Fortune's dearest spite, Take all my comfort of thy worth and truth ; where " worth " must be construed in terms of what follows. This sonnet puts it beyond doubt that Shakespeare's friend was substantially above the poet in social position. It cannot be said to prove that he was a nobleman, although the word "glory" in the twelfth line is one on which stress might well be laid by advocates of this hypothesis. Sonnet 96 emphasises the conclusion drawn from 36 that the friend was a well-known personage. He is some one whom "more and l e s s " (i.e. high and low) discuss. The twelfth line, "If thou wouldst use the strength of all thy state" recalls 37 : "And by a part of all thy glory live." But the word is vague, and the context determines its interpretation rather in the sense of personal beauty and graciousness than of social position. Sonnet 124 asserts that Shakespeare's affection is independent of any changes of fortune. Taking Mr. Butler's own ^paraphrase of the first quatrain, " If my love for you depended only on outward circumstances, it might prove to be no lawfully begotten offspring, but a mere base-born child subject to the vicissitudes of fortune," it is obvious to point out that the friend must have been some one whose INTRODUCTION xxxi friendship the poet might be charged with cultivating for the sake of the good fortune it might bring. It would not have been worth while to say that his love did not suffer "in smiling pomp," if pomp had no relation with his friend. There are indications in not a few other sonnets that the social interval between the poet and his friend was considerable. Sonnet 72 imagines the world remonstrating with the friend for his misplaced affection. Sonnets 69, 95, 96 describe the way in which the world is apt to discuss a young gentleman who lives much in the public eye, while Sonnets 80 and 87, which speak of the friend's worth, give the impression that he has worth in the world's estimation as well as in the poet's. On the whole, then, we may safely conclude from the general tone of the sonnets that Shakespeare's friend was a * person known in society, of good birth and tortune, — and peniaps something of the pathos of the friendship lies in this fact, — but they contain no proof that he belonged to the nobility. An Elizabethan noble was a much greater rrian than a person of the same rank to-day. It will be remembered that Queen Elizabeth considered the Earl of Oxford a very much superior person to Sir Philip Sidney, but a young gentleman in Sidney's position would sufficiently fill out the requirements of the friend in the sonnets. It must be borne in mind that the same passionate and reverent love which has led the poet in several places to depreciate his own position in the world would have operated to glorify all that belonged to his friend; and further that poetry is not prose. Lean penury within that pen doth dwell That to his subject lends not some small glory. At the same time it must be allowed that there is nothing in the sonnets to preclude the supposition that the friend was a nobleman, if on other grounds that view should commend itself. XXX11 INTRODUCTION V. T H E F R I E N D : THE EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON The question, Which of the young gentlemen of the day had the honour of being Shakespeare's admired friend ? is one that divides the greater number of theorists into two hostile factions, — the advocates of Southampton and of Pembroke; and as I have already said that I believe the sonnets to have been written from 1597 onwards, I have implicitly given a vote against Southampton's claim; for that nobleman was born as early as 1573, and in 1597 was engaged with Essex in an expedition to the Azores. The Southampton theory has received a new lease of life from Mr. Lee's recent advocacy; but I am bold enough to think that, even on Mr. Lee's own data, Southampton's claim can be disposed of. Mr. Lee, although he dates most of the sonnets in 1593-1594, assigns Sonnet 107 to the year 1603 *; it follows that the date of the Envoy (126), a poem obviously, from its exceptional form, written to conclude the series, 2 must be at least not earlier than 1603, in which year Southampton was thirty years old. Now is it credible that any one, even if he were the greatest peer of the realm and the most bountiful of patrons, should have been addressed by Shakespeare as a "lovely boy" when thirty years of age; especially considering the fact that in the sixteenth century life began earlier than now, and ended earlier? Mr. Lee 1 For the argument see the notes to this sonnet, and Lee, Life of Shakespeare, p. 148. 2 It has been conjectured (Golta«cz, Temple Shakespeare, p. xx) that this Envoy was written to conclude t l ^ fjrsl^cenfcury of sonnets; the ground of the conjecture being that Sonnet ioo begins a rtew series written after an interval. If it were quite certain that all the first ninety-nine sonnets were in their true order, the argument might be worth considering; but there are several (e.g. 77) that do not seem to justify their position. But apart from this, 126 would not come well after 99. It belongs to the second period, when passion has died down; like the sonnets from 100 onwards it is calm and contemplative and a little sad. Especially it chimes in sentiment with 104. The construction of the couplets resembles that of the rhymed passage in Othello II, i, 149-161, the date of which is 1604. INTRODUCTION xxxiii surmounts this difficulty by a theory that the Envoy is 'addressed not to Southampton but to Cupid ; but this is impossible. Cupid is immortal pv he is nothing; and the point of the Envoy is that mortal beauty must fade at last. Nature may hold back some favourite for a while from the clutches of Time, to whom all things are due, but she must at last come to the audit, and cannot secure her acquittance without surrendering her favourite: If Nature', sovereign mistress over wrack, As thou goest onward, still will pluck thee back, She keeps thee to this purpose, that her skill May Time disgrace, and envious minutes kill. Yet fear her, O thou minion of her pleasure! She may detain, but not still [always] keep, her treasure: Her audit, though delayed, answered must be, And her quietus is to render thee. Mr. Lee has advanced one new argument for the Southampton theory which, if it could be maintained, would place it for ever beyond cavil. Southampton was released from prison on James's accession in 1603, and " i t is impossible," says Mr. Lee, " to resist the inference that Shakespeare [in Sonnet 107] saluted his patron on the close of his days of tribulation." The inference seems to me far from irresistible. Indeed, if this sonnet were really an ode of congratulation under such circumstances, Southampton in turn could hardly have congratulated the poet on the fervour of his feelings. For there is no reference in the sonnet to any release from prison, and its crowning thought is the familiar one, that the friend will survive in Shakespeare's verse, not that he has obtained a new and unexpected resurrection to life. Mj. Lee suggests a paraphrase of the opening quatrain which it will not b e a r : Not mine own fears, nor the prophetic soul Of the wide world dreaming on things to come, Can yet the lease of my true love control, Supposed as forfeit to a confined doom. XXXIV INTRODUCTION The words " m y true l o v e " might certainly by themselves be taken, as Mr. Lee takes them, to mean " m y true friend" but " the lease of my true love " can only mean " the lease of my true affection for my friend." All leases are for a term of years; each has a limit or "confine" assigned to it, on which day of doom it expires. Shakespeare says that neither his own fears nor the world's prophecies of disastrous changes have justified themselves, for in the year of grace 1603 he finds his affection fresher than ever. But to the friends of Southampton the death of Elizabeth would have been an occasion not of foreboding but of hope. Perhaps the most emphatic "argument against the identification of Shakespeare's friend with the Earl of Southampton is the non-natural interpretation of certain words and phrases to which it compels its adherents. The publisher, Thomas Thorpe, inscribed his book to " the onlie begetter of these insuing sonnets, Mr. W. H.," — a phrase which ninetynine persons out of every hundred, even of those familiar with Elizabethan literature, 1 would unhesitatingly understand to mean their inspirer, and in view of such sonnets as 38, 76, and 105, and of the metaphors employed in 78 and 86, would regard as especially well chosen. But Southampton's initials were H. W. Either, therefore, it must be assumed that the publisher inverted their order as a blind, or else some new sense must be found for "begetter." Boswell, the 1 Samuel Daniel, as Minto points out, uses the word " beget," in the dedication of his Delia sonnets to the Countess of Pembroke, in its natural sense; although he applies it not to Delia but to his patroness: Wonder of these, glory of other times, , O thou, whom Envy ev'n is forc'd to admire: Great Patroness of these my humble rimes, Which thou from out thy greatness dost inspire ; Sith only thou hast deigned to raise them higher, Vouchsafe now to accept them as thine own, Begotten by thy hand and my desire, Wherein my zeal and thy great might is shown. INTRODUCTION xxxv editor of the Variorum Shakespeare, who wished to relieve the poet from the imputation of having written the sonnets to any particular person, or as anything but a play of fancy suggested for the word the sense of " g e t t e r " (which had not occurred to either Steevens or Malone), meaning by that the person who procured the manuscript, and this interpretation has been adopted by Mr. Lee. Such a use of the word is acknowledged to be extremely rare, and the cases alleged are dubious, but it is not impossible. However, against understanding such a sense here there are several strong reasons. In the first place, " only-begotten " is so familiar an English phrase that " o n l y " could hardly be used with " b e g e t " if the verb had an unusual sense. But supposing it could, what force would " only " retain if " begetter " meant " procurer " ? Allowing it to be conceivable that a piratical publisher should inscribe a book of sonnets to the thief who brought him the manuscript, why should he lay stress on the fact that "alone he did i t " ? Was it an enterprise of such great peril? Mr. Lee attempts to meet this and similar difficulties by depreciating Thorpe's skill in the use of language ; but the examples he quotes in his interesting Appendix do not support his theory. Thorpe's words are accurately used, even to nicety, and, indeed, Mr. Lee himself owns that in another matter Thorpe showed a "literary sense " and " a -good deal of dry humour." I venture to affirm that this dedication also shows a well-developed literary sense. In the next place, this theory of the " procurer " obliges us to believe that Thorpe wished Mr. W. H. that eternity which the poet had promised not to him, nor to men in general, -but to some undesignated third party. Mr. Lee calls the words promised by our ever-living poet " a decorative and supererogatory phrase." That is a very mild qualification of them under the.circumstances. But an examination of Thorpe's other dedications shows that his style was rather XXXVI INTRODUCTION sententious^ than " supererogatory/' Then, again, on this theory the epithet "well-wishing" also becomes "supererogatory." For what it implies is that the adventurous publisher's motive in giving the sonnets to the world without their author's consent was a good one. The person to whom they were written might reasonably expect, though he would not necessarily credit, an assurance on this head; but what would one literary jackal care for another's good intentions? There are other points that might be urged, but these are sufficient. Only, I would add that the whole tone of the dedication, which is respectful, and the unusual absence of a qualifying phrase, such as " h i s esteemed friend," before the initials, are against the theory that Mr. W. H. was on the same social level as the publisher. There is one other point of interpretation upon which the Southampton faction are compelled by their theory to go against probabilities. There are two places in which a play is made upon the name Will, the paronomasia being indicated in the editio princeps by italic type, in which that edition, as Mr. Wyndham has shown at length, 1 is very far from being lavish. In one of these places (143), if the pun be allowed at all, it cannot refer to the poet's own name, but must refer to the name of his friend. In this sonnet the " dark lady," pursuing the poet's friend while the poet pursues her, is compared to a housewife chasing a chicken and followed by her own crying child. It concludes: S o runn'st t h o u after t h a t which flies from* thee, W h i l s t I thy b a b e chase thee afar b e h i n d ; But if t h o u catch thy hope, turn back to me, A n d play the m o t h e r ' s part, kiss me, be k i n d : So will I pray t h a t t h o u mayst h a v e thy Will, If t h o u t u r n b a c k , and my loud crying still. 1 The Poems of Shakespeare, edited with an introduction and notes by George Wyndham (Methuen & Co.), page 259. INTRODUCTION xxxvn The word " W i l l " is printed here in the original text in italics, and the pun is in Shakespeare's manner. Sonnet 135 opens: Whoever nath her wish, thou hast thy will, And Will to boot, and Will in overplus ; More than enough am I that vex thee still, To thy sweet will making addition thus. The third Will here must be Shakespeare, because " Will in overplus" corresponds to " m o r e than enough am / " ; and few critics with the 143d sojinet also in mind would hesitate to refer the second Will to Shakespeare's friend, for whom the " dark lady " had been laying snares. But the Southamptonites, who cannot allow that the friend's name was Will, are constrained to deny that there is any pun at all in 143, and to refer that in 135 to the distinction between " w i l l " in its ordinary sense and " w i l l " in the sense of " desire." But the balance of the line makes it almost necessary that, as " Will in overplus" must be a proper name, " Will to b o o t " should be a proper name also. And that there are m6re Wills than one concerned in the matter is made more evident still by other passages, where the poet jocosely limits his claim on the lady's favour to the fact that his Christian name is Will, acknowledging that not a few other people have as good a claim as he : Shall will in others seem right gracious, And in my will no fair acceptance shine? and again, Let no unkind no fair beseechers kill; Think all but one, and me in that one Will. xxxviii INTRODUCTION VI. T H E F R I E N D : T H E EARL OF PEMBROKE The theory that the friend addressed in the sonnets was William Herbert, afterwards third Earl of Pembroke, arose inevitably from the letters W. H. of the dedication, as soon as the sonnets themselves began to be studied; and although it cannot be said to have established itself, there are not a few arguments that may be urged in its favour. Herbert was born in 1580, so that he was sixteen years younger than Shakespeare, and not too old about 1598 to be credited with tears (34. 13) *; and he seems to have been of an intellectual temper, likely both to attract and be attracted by the poet. H e wrote verses himself, and was inclined, we are told, to melancholy. Gardiner calls him the Hamlet of James's court, and there may be more in the phrase than he intended. At any rate the date of Hamlet is 1602. Pembroke's personal handsomeness is dwelt upon in a sonnet by Francis Davison, the son of Secretary Davison, who, being a gentleman, was less likely than a literary hack to say the thing that was not. In inscribing to him the Poetical Rhapsody in 1602 he prefixed a sonnet which opens thus: Great earl, whose high and noble mind is higher And. nobler than thy noble high desire ; Whose outward shape, though it most lovely be, Doth in fair robes a fairer soul attire. . . . Considering that the occasion did not call for any reference to the EarPs personal appearance, Davison's statement must be received with attention. Mr. Lee denies that there is any evidence for Pembroke's beauty, and calls this sentence of Davison's " a cautiously qualified reference"; while, on the other hand, he holds that the Virgilian tag, " quo non 1 So Languet speaks to Sidney of the " tears which hardly suffered you to say farewell." Sidney was eighteen at the time. INTRODUCTION xxxix formosior alter Affuit," which an Oxford wit applied to Southampton, is a satisfactory proof that he came up to Shakespeare's ideal. Surely one passage is as good evidence as the other; and perhaps the fact that both young noblemen were admitted to Elizabeth's favour is better evidence than either. It is interesting that we should have a testimony to Pembroke's "loveliness" as late as 1602, when he was two-and-twenty, for the use of that epithet — not, surely, a "cautiously qualified" but a very strong one considering his age — is some argument that he is the person to whom the same epithet is applied in the Envoy (126), and who is there stated to have retained his youthful looks beyond the usual term. Enthusiasts for the Pembroke theory, like Mr. Tyler and the Rev. W. A. Harrison, have collected from the Sydney Papers all the references they contain to the young lord, and one or two of these lend a certain additional plausibility to the theory. It is discovered, for example, that in 1597 negotiations were on foot to marry Herbert to a daughter of the Earl of Oxford, which came to nothing; and the suggestion has been made that Shakespeare was prompted to help in overcoming the youth's reluctance. It cannot be denied that the opening set of sonnets, which are written in praise of marriage, demand some such background of historical fact; though the situation is one that might have presented itself in any of a dozen great houses. Such a theory requires us to assume that Shakespeare was familiar at Wilton, and knew Herbert at home before the youth came up to London in the following spring. 1 I do not think this so improbable as it appears to Mr. Lee, for Shakespeare had become famous three years earlier, and Lady Pembroke (" Sidney's sister ") 1 " My Lord Harbart hath with much adoe brought his Father to consent that he may live at London, yet not before the next Springe." (Quoted by Tyler, Shakespeare's Son?iets, p. 44.) xl INTRODUCTION was renowned for her patronage of poets; moreover, Samuel Daniel, who speaks of Wilton as "that arbour of the Muses," was himself there at this period as tutor to the young lord, so that Shakespeare's fame is not likely to have been unsounded. As to the probability, we may ask, If Ben Jonson was welcomed at Penshurst, why should not Shakespeare have been received at Wilton? If this were allowed, it might be urged that a friendship begun at Wilton in the boy's impressionable youth was in a natural way continued in London. Of course all this is mere conjecture; but in the extreme paucity of the records I do not think that an argument from silence is conclusive against it. A friendship is an intangible thing, and would make no stir so as to be talked a b o u t It would be absurd to have to conclude that neither Shakespeare nor Pembroke had any friends in London because we cannot give their names. At the same time it must not be ignored that one weak place in the Pembroke theory is the fact that some of the sonnets were almost certainly written before 1598, and that the young gentleman did not come to London till that year. A still weaker place in the theory is the misdescription, that it implies, of Lord Pembroke as Mr. W. H. It has often been alleged that a parallel case is that of the poet Lord Buckhurst, who is described on title-pages as Mr. Sackville; but Mr. Lee has disposed of the parallel by showing that while Lord Buckhurst was a commoner when he wrote his poems, Lord Pembroke had by courtesy always been a peer, and was known to contemporaries in his minority as Lord Herbert. It is perhaps going too far to say that this difficulty renders the Pembroke hypothesis altogether untenable; for there remain two alternative possibilities. It is possible that Thorpe found his manuscript of the Sonnets headed " To W. H.," and, being ignorant who W. H . was, supplied the ordinary title of respect. This INTRODUCTION xli would be a perfectly fair argument; though I should say that it does not answer to the impression that the terms of the dedication leave on one's mind. The alternative theory to that of Thorpe's ignorance would be that he suppressed the title by way of disguise. This also is a fairly legitimate supposition under the circumstances. Mr. Lee argues that for a publisher to have addressed any peer as plain " M i s t e r " would have been defamation and a Star Chamber matter, as it well might if the publisher intended an -insult. But in any case the peer would have to set the Star Chamber in motion; and there might be good reasons for not doing so. If Thorpe had obtained permission to dedicate the Sonnets to Pembroke on condition that his incognito was respected, — a somewhat difficult supposition, — then it is hard to say that " Mr. W. H . " was an impossible way of referring to him; because, though by courtesy a peer, Herbert was legally a commoner until he succeeded to the earldom in 1601. Those who on the ground of this derogation from Herbert's dignity have denied the possibility of his being the " begetter " of the sonnets have perhaps not always sufficiently considered the impossibility of dedicating them " T o the Right Honourable William, Earle of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlaine to His Majestie, one of his most honourable Privie Counsell, and Knight of the most noble order of the Garter." H a d Thorpe ventured "upon such a dedication as that, I can conceive the Star Chamber taking action of its own accord. Still, when special pleading has done its utmost, I am bound to confess that I am not convinced. There is a smug tone about the dedication which suggests that while Mr. W. H. was far above Thorpe's own social position, he was yet something less than so magnificent a personage as the Earl of Pembroke. But not content with identifying the poet's friend, the Pembroke party are determined to find a counterpart in real xlii INTRODUCTION life to the "dark lady "who figures so ominously in the later sonnets. The number of brunettes in the capital at any time is legion, and the sonnets supply no possible clue by which the particular person can be identified. The attempt, therefore, to fix upon some one with whom Pembroke is known to have had relations is merely gratuitous ; and it rejoices the heart of any sane spectator to learn that this supposed "dark lady," Mistress Mary Fitton, turns out, when her portraits are examined, to have been conspicuously fair.1 VII. T H E F R I E N D : MR. WILLIAM HUGHES, ETC. Tyrwhitt was the first critic who suggested that Mr. W. H. might be Mr. William Hughes. H e based his conjecture on the seventh line of Sonnet 20, which in the original edition is printed as follows: A m a n in h e w all Hews in his controwling. As the word stands on the page in the Quarto it certainly looks momentous; for there is no other word in italics between the 5th sonnet and the 53d. But it must be noted that what chiefly impresses the modern reader is the capital letter with the italics; and this is found with every word printed in italics throughout the sonnets, so that a capital letter to a reader of the Quarto would not be in the least suggestive of a proper name as it is to us. Moreover, the line contains no pun, such as we have upon the name " W i l l " in Sonnet 135, etc. Mr. Wyndham, although he does not advocate the Hughes theory, considers that the italic type is not accidental. " Of Hews" he says, " it is enough to say here, that if its capital and italics be a freak 1 Gossip from a Muniment Room, by Lady Newdigate-Newdegate, p. 25. See also Lee, Life of Shakespeare, p. 415. INTRODUCTION xliii of the printer, they constitute the only freak of that kind in the whole edition of 1609." But there is another in Sonnet 104, where " a u t u m n " is in italic type, and both " s p r i n g " and "winter" in roman. The Hughes theory, however, has this advantage over some others, — that if it cannot be proved, neither can it be disproved. It is not to the point to say with Mr. Lee (p. 93, n.) that " n o known contemporary of the name, either in age or position in life, bears any resemblance to the young man who is addressed by Shakespeare in his son nets." For why should Mr. W. H. have been a " k n o w n " contemporary ? People are not even now chronicled in dictionaries of biography simply for their good looks. We cannot deny that there may have been a young gentleman of family and fortune called William Hughes, with a taste for the theatre and the flattery of men of genius, whose handsome face and gentle manners won the poet's affection. A modern variety of the Hughes theory which makes him a boy actor is put out of court by the 37th sonnet, and still more by those which disparage the player's calling. Of other suggestions that have been made, it is unnecessary to do more than record one or two. Mr. W. C. Hazlitt {Shakespear, 1902) discovered a Mr. William Hammond to whom Middleton dedicated one of his plays, but nothing more is known of him. Mrs. C. C. Stopes * divides hei conjecture between William Hunnis, a gentleman of Queen Elizabeth's chapel royal, who died in 1597, and some other William Herbert, not the Earl of Pembroke. Mr. Fleay suggests William Hervey, the stepfather of Lord Southampton {Chronicle of the English Drama, II, 212). Trahit sua quemque voluptas. xliv INTRODUCTION VIII. T H E RIVAL POET The concluding couplet of Sonnet 83 says : There lives more life in one of your fair eyes Than both your poets can in praise devise. Of these poets Shakespeare is one; who is the other ? Certain characteristics of this rival are plainly marked in the sonnets. H e is " learned" compared with Shakespeare (78. 7), which means probably that he had been bred at a university; he has " g r a c e " (78. 8); and his writing is "polished " (85. 8); one sonnet speaks of his " precious phrase by all the Muses filed" (85.4), another, somewhat inconsistently, of " t h e proud full sail of his great v e r s e " (86. 1). The first impulse of a reader is to say that the poet must be Marlowe; but Marlowe was killed in May, 1593. The first quatrain of Sonnet 78 implies that the sonnets in this section were far from being the first written ; and the section immediately preceding has close affinities with Hamlet; so that on the score of date alone we can reject Marlowe's candidature. Moreover, it seems to be implied (though this is doubtful) by the words " Some fresher stamp of the time-bettering days " in Sonnet 82. 8 that the rival poet is a younger man than Shakespeare. There is another characteristic indicated in Sonnet 80 which ought to help in determining him. H e is said to have dealings with familiar spirits. Professor Minto was of opinion that this reference decided the question in favour of George Chapman, who as a scholar and a translator of Homer's Iliad into swelling Alexandrines was otherwise a suitable candidate. H e quotes the following passage from the Dedication to The Shadow of Night, a poem published in 1594. Now what a supererogation in wit this is, to think Skill so mightily pierced with their loves that she should show them her secrets, when she will scarcely be looked upon by others but with invocation, fasting, watching, yea, not without having drops of their souls, like a heavenly familiar. INTRODUCTION xlv Professor Dowden appears to be convinced by this passage. " Chapman," he says, " was preeminently the poet of Night." And he calls attention to the fact that in the Tears of Peace (1609) he represents himself as being visited and inspired by Homer. It is possible to suppose that Chapman had made some boast of his midnight inspirations in a form closer to the phrasing of the 82d sonnet and nearer to the time at which the Sonnets were written, perhaps in some sonnet which Shakespeare had seen. Those who hold Chapman to be the rival poet may like to note that in 1598 he wrote a poem to that celebrated Doctor Harriot * of whom Marlowe had said in his " atheistical" way that he could juggle better than Moses. It is also noteworthy that although Chapman was an older man than Shakespeare and might on this score seem disqualified for the post of rival, his novel undertaking of a rhymed version of Homer, the first instalment of which appeared in 1598, might satisfy the reference in Sonnet 82. 8, especially in its connection with the mention of " knowledge " in the fifth line. But was Chapman the sort of man to write affectionate sonnets to a youth? The sonnets which he did write, " a coronet for his Mistress Philosophy," may well raise a doubt. James Boaden, the dramatist, who in some papers contributed to the Gentleman's Magazine in 1832 first put forward the theory that " Mr. W. H . " was William Herbert, argued also that the rival poet must be Samuel Daniel. His arguments are (1) that Daniel was 2. p rotegt of the Pembroke family, (2) that they were patrons of Dr. Dee the astrologer, (3) and that Daniel dedicated to William Herbert his Defence of Ryme. Against which arguments it is easy to urge (1) that as Daniel had been tutor to William Herbert, Shakespeare could have no ground for resenting their relations; 1 " To my admired and soul-loved friend, master of all essential and true knowledge, M. Harriots "; a poem in couplets, appended to Achilles^ Shield. xlvi INTRODUCTION (2) that there is no evidence of Daniel's having had dealings with familiar spirits; and (3) that the dedication to the Defence of Ryme is in prose and contains no passage that could be censured as "gross painting" (82. 13). It m a y b e conceded, however, that these negative arguments loseN their force if Mr. W. H. was some one other than William Herbert. Certainly the description in 85 of the "precious phrase by all the Muses filed " applies as well to Daniel as the " proud full sail of his great verse " does to Chapman ; and Daniel's Musophilus (1599) is written in praise of learning. The published dedications of Mtcsophilus are to several ladies and to the Earl of Southampton congratulating him on his release from prison ; but it was Daniel's habit^to send a special dedication with each volume presented, and one may have been sent to Mr. W. H. The most recent suggestion for the post of Shakespeare's rival is that of Barnabe Barnes, author of a book of sonnets and madrigals called Parthenophil and Parthenophe. Barnes's sponsor is Mr. Sidney Lee. His main arguments are that Barnes wrote a sonnet to Lord Southampton in which he mentions his eyes and his " v i r t u e s " (cf. Sonnets 78. 5 and 79. 9), and that he twice applies the term " hymn " to his love p o e m s 1 (cf. Sonnet 85, in which Shakespeare declares that he cries " ' A m e n ' to every hymn that able spirit affords " ) . Barnes is certainly far more likely than Chapman to have written sonnets to Shakespeare's friend. He has a free flow of fancy in an amorous vein. But it is almost incredible that Shakespeare should have praised his verse so highly, and dates are not favourable to the theory. Barnes's Parthenophil was entered on the Stationers' Register only a month after Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis. Mr. Lee disposes of the mysterious 86th sonnet by explaining it to 1 But Mr. Lee admits that both Drayton and Chapman wrote " hymns," and Chapman's " h y m n s " are the two sections of The Shadow of Night. INTRODUCTION xlvii mean that Shakespeare "detected a touch of magic in the man's writing/' Mr. Wyndham, who writes on this question with great caution, thinks that the rival poet must have been either Jonson, Chapman, Marston, or Drayton, who " constituted a society for mutual admiration, whose members applauded each other's efforts, while they ignored, burlesqued, or patronised Shakespeare's." The whole business of the " Poetomachia," as Mr. Wyndham calls it, is far from being as clear as he conceives, but it hardly enters into this question. Direct evidence for Drayton's rivalry there is none, and in his case, as in that of Barnes, the dates are awkward. Drayton's first book of sonnets appeared in 1594, and this would seem to disqualify him for the position of a " fresh " poet at the end of the century, when, as I have shown above, Shakespeare was writing his sonnets. Mr. Wyndham hints that some of Drayton's sonnets were addressed to a youth; one (x of ed. 1619) he declares "obviously." But surely it is not so. In the sonnet referred to, Idea is compared to a miser's spendthrift heir, who lavishes favours in all directions. To nothing fitter can I thee compare Than to the son of some rich penny-father, Who having now brought on his end with care Leaves to his son all he had heaped together. Drayton compares his lady to a spendthrift heir because a spendthrift heiress is unknown. It must be admitted, then, that the identity of the rival poet has not yet been satisfactorily determined. There are no Elizabethan sonnets extant besides Shakespeare's addressed to a youth and praising his perfections, except those published in the Cynthia of Richard Barnfield (1595), and they are merely exercises on the same theme as that writer's Affectionate Shepherd, which he himself declared to xlviii INTRODUCTION be an imitation of Virgil's Second Eclogue. If the choice lay among the four poets mentioned by Mr. Wyndham, a claim might be put in for Ben Jonson, who was becoming known about 1597, and in that or the next year took the town by storm with Every Man in His Humour. But there is no evidence that he dabbled in necromancy. IX. T H E FORM A N D STYLE OF THE SONNETS 1. The form of quatorzain invariably used by Shakespeare for his sonnets was not the strict Petrarchan form, but one in three quatrains and a couplet; devised, it is believed, by the Earl of Surrey, who wrote in it at least one memorable sonnet, " The soote season which bud and bloom forth brings." Surrey's example seems to have had weight with the Elizabethan critics, for as early as 1575, i.e. before any of Daniel's sonnets had appeared, we find George Gascoigne defining the sonnet as " a poem of fourteen lines, every line containing ten syllables, the first twelve rhyming in staves of four lines by cross metre, and the last two rhyming together." The publication, however, of Sidney's Astrophel and Stella (1591) drew attention once more to the Italian form with its marked division into octave and sestet, and both Daniel and Barnes, whose sonnets immediately followed (1592-1593), used this form occasionally, while Constable used it always. It is therefore significant that Shakespeare should have preferred the form devised by Surrey. I cannot do better than quote here some remarks made on this point by Mr. Bowyer Nichols * in refutation of the idea put forward by Mark Pattison that Shakespeare blundered into this form "without any suspicion that there existed-a better type." 1 A Little Book of Sonnets, Introduction, p. xviii (Methuen & Co.). INTRODUCTION xlix Whether Shakespeare could read Italian and French may still be disputed, though it is tolerably certain that he had a working acquaintance with them both. He may or may not have read Petrarch and Desportes; certainly he did not borrow wholesale in the fashion of contemporaries. He must at any rate have been perfectly familiar with the Italian type of the sonnet in the work of his fellow-countrymen. Daniel, from whom Shakespeare is alleged to have borrowed, sometimes uses it, and Wyat, Surrey, Sidney, and Constable do so too. It is impossible to suppose that Shakespeare was not alive to its merits, its more organic and symmetrical effect, its greater concision, unity, and finish. It could not have been ignorance or accident (as it might have been with lesser men like Barnes or Griffin) which prevented the greatest of English sonneteers, from using what he must have recognised to be the ideally more perfect form. The only explanation seems to be that he considered the form evolved by Surrey and other English poets to have on the whole for English practice the advantage. He judged, as we may believe, that the classic symmetry of the Petrarchan sonnet was in English too difficult of attainment, that it cramped invention, and imposed too many sacrifices and concessions; and that the artistic end could better be achieved in the inferior medium. 1 And indeed, as a matter of fact, he gets nearer to the Petrarchan quality than any other sonneteer in the dignity, sweetness, variety, and freedom of his effects. . . . The fact is, that an English sonnet on the Petrarchan model approaches almost too closely to the poetry of pure ingenuity, to which the sonnet properly speaking does not belong, and whose appearances it should sedulously avoid. . . . One word may be said as to the final couplet. There is no doubt that, to an ear attuned to the Italian scheme, this is a disturbing element. It has an over-emphatic and epigrammatic effect. It has also this effect, at any rate in most Elizabethan writing, that the most marked rhythmical break comes at the end of the three quatrains, at the twelfth instead of, as in the Italian, at the eighth line. Nevertheless the couplet has great expressive character, and it sums up the situation or feeling in a way that no other form could do: — Now if thou wouldst, when all have given him over From death to life thou mightst him yet recover. and If this be error and upon me proved, I never writ nor no man ever loved. 1 Mr. Nichols notes that the choice and practice of Shakespeare are confirmed by Keats, whose earlier sonnets were Italian in form, but the later Shakespearean. 1 INTRODUCTION Keats, following certain elder examples, when lie uses the Elizabethan form, runs on the sense from the third stanza into the couplet; but it would seem really most in consonance with the genius of the form frankly to make the pause at the twelfth line, and this Shakespeare, I think, always does.1 I have made this long extract, which might with advantage have been still longer, from Mr. Nichols's book because it is, so far as I know, the first attempt to justify on artistic grounds Shakespeare's preference for the form of quatorzain which has rightly come to bear his name ; though Mr. Wyndham, in his edition of the Sonnets (p. cvii), is careful to give Shakespeare credit for deliberate choice in the matter. 2. The reader who passes from the Venus and Adonis or Lucrece to the Sonnets undoubtedly perceives a difference in point of style, but it is not so easy to describe as the corresponding change that came over Shakespeare's method of writing blank verse, which can, to a certain extent, be formulated, especially in regard to the position of the pause. In the sonnets, as in the poems, the pause comes regularly at the end of the line, and a central pause is rare, though it is occasionally found; for instance in 63. 4, 104. 3, 116. 2. The difference between the poems and the sonnets is largely a difference of substance; the latter impress us as the work of a maturer mind. The poems, with all their beauty, are somewhat thin; the matter seems stretched out to fit the form; while in the sonnets the mould. of form is exactly filled; thought has deepened; passion has taken the place of rhetoric, and limpidity is exchanged for richness. If we would find a parallel in the plays to the balance of style and substance, thought and imagination that is so striking in the greater number of the sonnets, we must turn not to the rhymed scenes of the early plays but to the more lyrical passages of the blank verse in the poet's middle 1 The one exception seems to be Sonnet 35. INTRODUCTION li period; to such lines, for instance, as these from The Merchant of Venice : A day in April never came so sweet, To show how costly summer was at hand, As this fore-spurrer comes before his lord (II, ix, 93-95); or these, from the same play: There 's not the smallest orb which thou behold'st But in his motion like an angel sings, Still quiring to the young-eyed cherubins (V, 60-62). It will be noted, however, that there are certain differences in style among the sonnets themselves. A few appear to be earlier than the rest, such as 24, 46, and 47 ; but it may be merely that their mode is earlier. It is more certain that a few are later than the majority. Just as in the plays we see the perfect balance between the lyrical and intellectual impulses begin to be overset in Hamlet, while in such plays as Coriolanns and Troilus and Cressida the intellectual impulse has triumphed, so among the sonnets we seem able to distinguish some, such as the group 71-74, which correspond to the Hamlet period, and others, such as 123 and 124, which suggest affinities with Troilus and Cressida. There are still passages in Hamlet wrhere the lyrical power is strong, such as the speech of Laertes: For Hamlet and the trifling of his favour, Hold it a fashion and a toy in blood, A violet in the youth of primy nature, Forward, not permanent, sweet, not lasting, The perfume and suppliance of a minute; but we can feel the difference between even this and the passages quoted above; and the more typical passages of the play are the soliloquies, in which the intellectual interest is paramount. In the great third scene of the first act of Troilus and Cressida, however, we have another sort of lii INTRODUCTION writing altogether; the Latin derivation, and diverts attention from such a passage as the lines are full of abstract words of the thing to be expressed almost the expression. Take for example following: O, when degree is shaked, Which is the ladder to all high designs, Then enterprise is sick ! How could communities, Degrees in schools, and brotherhoods in cities, Peaceful commerce from dividable shores, The primogenitive and due of birth, Prerogative of age, crowns, sceptres, laurels, But by degree, stand in authentic place ? Take but degree away, untune that string, And hark what discord follows ! Each thing meets In mere oppugnancy. Allowing for the difference in subject and also for the difference between a dramatic speech and a lyrical poem, we can easily find parallels to this abstract way of writing among the later sonnets. Thus in 117: Book both my wilfulness and errors down, And on just proof surmise accumulate; Thus policy in love, to anticipate The ills that were not, grew to faults assured; m 124 : No, it was builded far from accident; It suffers not in smiling pomp, nor falls Under the blow of thralled discontent Whereto th' inviting time our fashion calls. It fears not policy, that heretic, etc. 3. Within the general mould, already described, of three quatrains and a final couplet there are certain differences which may be noted in the mode of the sonnet's construction. The more usual method is to develop the subject in three stages, putting the conclusion into the final couplet. INTRODUCTION liii Thus in Sonnet 67 three questions are asked in the three quatrains and the answer given in the couplet. In 83 the poet's apology for silence is presented as an argument in three clauses, the salient fact being put in the couplet as strongly as possible. In 97 the second quatrain puts in an objection to the first, which is met by the third, the couplet in this case being treated as an extension of the third quatrain (as in 35). In some few cases, such as 48, the second and third quatrains reply to the first. Occasionally this triple management of the theme is more distinctly marked by the repetition of the same or similar words at the beginning of each quatrain, as in Sonnets 49, 64, 100. Sometimes the sonnet falls not into three parts but into two, the break coming, after the Italian manner, at the end of the eighth line. Examples are 41 and 44, in both of which, as is natural under the circumstances, the couplet becomes part of the sestet, though it is' left as detached as possible; but in only one case (63) do the first two quatrains run together without a pause. Sonnets 66 and 129 are unlike the rest in not being written in quatrains, though the rhymes are so arranged. Variety is obtained not only by differences in the management of the quatrains but also by variations in rhythm. In 60 it is obvious to note the contrast between the smoothness of the first quatrain, describing the work of Time, in which each line runs to its end like the ripple to which it compares the succession of minutes, and the second quatrain, which by its slowness and repeated breaks suggests the labour of human life which Time hinders at every step. We remark also that in sad or contemplative sonnets the effect is helped by the studied monotony of the rhythm. In 73 most of the lines move to their close without pause, 1 while the opening 1 Perhaps it should be pointed out that a succession of regular pauses, as in 65. 1, 73. 2, is sometimes only a stronger way of having no pause at all. liv INTRODUCTION lines of each quatrain, which are always of the highest importance in the Shakespearean form of sonnet, are echoes of each other. Of the contemplative sonnet, written without pause within the line, good examples are 12 and 18. In 64 and 65, while the subject of Time's ravages is impersonal, the pauses come only at the end of the lines; but when the thought of the friend is introduced, passion shows itself by a violent break in line 13 of 64 and line 9 of 65. Similarly in 61 the half-amused, half-despondent answer to the sad questions in the first two quatrains is given in a line of almost choking rhythm, " O n o | thy love | though much | is not so great." Further, the student will not fail to remark the variety of rhythm in the opening lines and again the contrast in rhythm between lines 1 and 2, and that also between lines 1, 5, and 9. The greater number of opening lines have a pause only at the end. When there is a pause within the line it is most frequent after the second or third foot; but examples are found of pause after the second syllable, the third, the fifth, and even the seventh. But a comparison of two sonnets such as 53 and 74, which open with a pause in the same place, will show how little the whole rhythmical effect can be accounted for by any single consideration. 4. Mr. Wyndham in the nineteenth section of his introduction calls attention to another element in the beauty of these sonnets. H e says, " No other English poet lets the accent fall so justly in accord with the melody of his rhythm and the emphasis of his speech, or meets it with a greater variety of subtly affiliated sounds." In pursuance of the plan of this edition, to give every editor credit for his own work and not to do badly a second time what has once been done well, I quote by Mr. Wyndham's leave his rhythmical analysis of the first sonnet, which, perhaps on account of its place in the series, is composed with special elaboration. INTRODUCTION 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 io II 12 13 14 lv From fairest Creatures we desire in