ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN PRODUCTION NOTE University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library Brittle Books Project, 2012.COPYRIGHT NOTIFICATION In Public Domain. Published prior to 1923. This digital copy was made from the printed version held by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. It was made in compliance with copyright law. Prepared for the Brittle Books Project, Main Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign by Northern Micrographics Brookhaven Bindery La Crosse, Wisconsin 2012THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS . LIBRARY From the library of Marian 1. Sparks *95 Purchased, 1929 881 DZ>. elkBOHN’S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. DEMOSTHENES.THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES AGAINST MACARTATUS, LEOCHARES, STEPHANUS I. STEPHANUS II. EUERGUS AND MNESIBULUS, OLYMPIODORUS, TIMOTHEUS, POLYCLES, CALLIPPUS, NICOSTRATUS, CONON, CALLICLES, DIONYSODORUS, EUBULIDES, THEOCRINES, NEiERA, AND FOR THE NAVAL CROWN ; THE FUNERAL ORATION; THE EROTIC ORATION, OR PANEGYRIC UPON EPICRATES; EXORDIA; THE EPISTLES. BY CHARLES RANN KENNEDY. LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK ST., COVENT GARDEN, AND NEW YORK. 1892.LONDON i XEPRINTED FROM STEREO-PLATES BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED. STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS-CONTENTS, Against Macartatus...................... e . 1 Against Leoehares............................ 26 Against Stephanus 1...................................43 .Against Stephanus II...............* .............68 Against Euergus and Mnssibulus........................76 Against Olympiodorus..................................100 Against Timotheus.....................................113 Against Poly cl es................................... 130 For the Naval Crown ........ . .... 147 Against Callippus 152 Against Nicostratus....................................16C Against Conon 169 Against Callicles................................... 180 Against Dionysodorus...................................187 Against Eubulides......................................199 Against Theeerines................................... 217 Against Nesera....................................... . 237 The Funeral Oration ..... , ..... 274 The Erotic Oration, or Panegyric upon Epicrates .... 287 Exordia.....................................................301 Epistles I. Concerning Concord..........................338 II. Concerning his own Return....................342 III. Concerning the Sons of Lycurgus..............347 IV. In Reply to the Calumnies of Theramenes . . . 356 V. To Heracleodorus, concerning the Reports of his Conduct towards Epitimus....................358 To the Council and People of Athens............S58 6THE OBATIONS OE DEMOSTHENES THE ORATION AGAINST MACARTATUS. THE ARGUMENT. This speech was delivered by Sositheus on behalf of his son Eubulides, a minor, in a suit brought to recover an estate from the defendant Macartatus. The estate in question was left by one Hagnias, who having died without children, Phylomache, the daughter of his first cousin Eubulides, claimed his inheritance as nearest of kin, and, being at the time married to Sositheus, prosecuted her claim through her husband in the usual way before the Archon. Her title was disputed by Glaucus and Glaucon, who claimed under an alleged will of Hagnias. A trial took place; the will was thought not to be genuine, and the estate was adjudged to Phylomache. After this however a new claim was preferred by Theopompus, a second cousin of Hagnias, who seems to have founded his title upon two grounds. First he alleged, that Eubulides, the father of Phylomache, was first cousin to Hagnias by the half-blood only, his mother having been only half-sister to the father of Hagnias; and therefore he did not impede the descent to a second cousin by the whole blood. Secondly, he relied upon the law, cited in this oration, which gave a preference to males and the issue of males; he himself being descended from the common ancestor (the great grandfather) purely through males, while Phylomache was obliged to trace her descent through a female, namely Phylomache, her grandmother. In answer to the latter argument it was urged, that the preference of males only applied when the parties traced their descent to the same common ancestor; and that Phylomache, who was first cousin once removed to Hagnias, was descended from his grandfather, whereas Theopompus was descended from his great grandfather, and was not entitled to inherit according to the Attic law, until both the paternal and maternal relatives within the third degree were exhausted. "We do not know how this point was decided ; for the first objection to Phylomache’s title, which, as Sositheus says, took him by surprise, prevailed with the court, and the verdict was accordingly given for Theopompus. VOL. V. 7?2 THE 0RATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. It is stated also by Sositheus, that Theopompus was materially assisted in the trial by Glaucus and Glaucon and a certain other party, all of whom appeared as independent claimants, and pretended to be acting on their own account, but really played into the hands of Theopompus. How the Athenian law enabled such collusion to be practised upon the trial of an inheritance suit, has been partly shown in Volume IV. Appendix VI. page 365 ; and the reader may compare what is said in, Isseus, De Hagnice Heroditate, page 86, Bekker’s edition. Theopompus, having thus gained the estate, remained in possession until his death, which happened many years after, and was succeeded by his son Macartatus. A five years’ quiet possession would have conferred upon Macartatus an indefeasible title : but within the five years a claim was preferred against him on behalf of Eubulides, the second son of Sositheus and Phylomache. Sositheus, having given to this son the name of his maternal grandfather, had introduced him to the grandfather’s clan, and made him (as far as he could do so legally) the grandfather’s son by adoption, in order that he might oecome, in point of law, a first cousin once removed to Hagnias, whose inheritance was in dispute. Macartatus is then cited before the Archon, to defend his title against the young Eubulides; a court is held to try the question de novo ; and Sositheus conducts the case of his son, as he had before conducted that of his wife. The present claim is put substantially on the same ground as that of Phylomache, the plaintiff making title as the child (son by adoption) of Eubulides, first cousin of Hagnias. Sositheus takes care this time to provide himself with evidence to show that Phylomache, mother of his father-in-law Eubulides, was sister by the whole blood to the father of Hagnias. On the other side doubtless the same grounds of opposition were taken as before; but, in addition to these, we may collect as well from the argument of the present plaintiff, as from that in the case of Leochares which follows, that the legality of the proceeding, by which the young Eubulides was transferred to the clan and house of his maternal grandfather, would be disputed by Macartatus, on the ground that an adoption could only be effected by the grandfather himself in his lifetime. Sositheus indeed declares, that his father-in-law had desired and intended in his lifetime to adopt a child of his daughter, and that he himself had only carried that intention into effect. It is probable however, that a mere wish or intention to adopt, not followed by any act of the adopting father in his lifetime or by any testamentary direction, would be wholly inoperative in point of law; and if so, Macartatus would contend, that the proceeding of Sositheus was a nullity, his object having been to obtain a new'trial by substituting the son for the mother, whose claim was barred by the former verdict. For an explanation of the law upon the whole of this subject, the reader is referred to Article Heres in the Archaeological Dictionary, and the authorities there cited. He should peruse also the oration of Isseus “ On the estate of Hagnias,” which relates to the same subject matter, though the parties to the cause are different. After Theopompus, the father of Macartatus, has recovered the estate fromAGAINST MACARTATUS. 3 Phylomache, a dema .id is made upon him for a moiety of it in behalf of his deceased brother’s son; who being an infant, his guardian prefers an impeachment against Theopompus for defrauding him. Isaeus wrote the speech for the defence, which, we may conclude, was successful. A table of descent is annexed, containing the principal persona referred to in the case. ft ft 0 a - p - £ Q <£ 0 0 £ —. O - 0 o W ft QQ ^ P 13 E-i c3 'O _ H =3 <1 «2 O ^ 0 ft «N 3 @i u -1“—a! QS to 3 ¡>w t3 5 .s ft & 21 ft E o ft - £-s « “ o ft 2.S B 2A THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. Since we have had trials, men of the jury, with these same parties on former occasions for the estate of Hagnias, and they persist in their violent and lawless conduct, endeavouring by every possible means to keep possession of what does not belong to them, it is perhaps necessary to explain to you everything that has taken place from the beginning : for you, men of the jury, will thus more easily follow the whole argument, and these persons will be exhibited in their true characters, and you will see that they have been for a long time playing tricks and are playing them still, and imagine they may do whatever comes into their head. We therefore beseech you, men of the jury, to give us a favourable hearing, and to follow our statement with attention. I will endeavour on my part to give you the fullest possible information on the subject. The mother of this boy, men of the jury, being the nearest of kin to Hagnias of CEum, got the estate of Hagnias to be adjudged to her according to your laws: and not one of the adverse claimants of this estate ventured to swear that he was nearer of kin than the lady, (for it was admitted on all hands that by birth she was entitled to the inheritance;) but a false will had been concocted by Glaucus of (Eum, and Glaucon, his brother, and Theopompus, father of the defendant Macar-tatus, who assisted in getting up the whole case for them, and was their witness in most of the depositions that were put in. The will which they then produced was proved to be false; and they not only lost the cause, but went out of court with a deep stain upon their character. And Theopompus, father of the defendant Macartatus, was in the city, when the crier asked “if any one wished to make a claim to the estate of Hagnias, either by descent or under a will, or to deposit security for the costs of such claim; ” yet he did not venture to make any deposit, but gave judgment against himself, that he had no title whatever to the estate of Hagnias. The mother of this boy thus became possessed of the estate, having prevailed in the court of justice against all who disputed her title. Yet such is the brutality of these persons; so determined were they not to obey your laws or abide by a judicial decision, but rather to use every possible means to deprive her again of the estate which you adjudged to her; they conspired together, and entered into an agreement which theyAGAINST MAOAHTATUS. 5 deposited with Medeus of Hagnus—the parties to the conspiracy being Theopompus, father of the defendant Macartatus, Glaueus, and Glaucon, who lost the former trial; and they had associated a fourth person with them, an acquaintance of their own, whose name was Eupolemus—all these persons, I say, in pursuance of their plot, cited the lady before the arch on to try the title to the estate of Hagnias, saying that the law prescribed that, whoever wished to make a claim should cite the party who had obtained an adjudication and was in possession of the estate. And when the archon brought the cause into court, and the trial was to come on, they had got everything nicely arranged for the trial, and (among other things) the water allowed them for their speeches was four times as much as ours. For the archon, men of the jury, was obliged to pour nine gallons of water into the glass for each of the claimants, and a fourth of that quantity for the second speech ; so that I, who conducted the cause for th$ lady, was not only unable to explain the relationship and other important points as I could have wished to the jury, but found it impossible to answer the smallest fraction of the lies which they told against us; for I had only a fifth part of the water. And this was the contrivance ; that they should co-operate with each other and agree in everything, and that they should misrepresent our case entirely. In this manner they plotted and acted in concert together against us; and there being four ballot-boxes produced according to law, the jurors (very naturally, as it seems to me), were deceived and divided in opinion, and under mistake, owing to this intrigue, they voted each of them at hap-hazard; and there were about three or four more balls in the box of Theopompus than in the box of the lady. Such were the proceedings at that time, men of the jury. After the birth of this child, when I thought the season had arrived, not feeling any resentment at what had occurred, but considering that the former jury had fallen into a natural mistake, I introduced this boy, Eubulides, to the clansmen of Hagnias, as he was the son of his daughter, in order that his family might not become extinct. For, men of the jury, it was the dearest wish of the former Eubulides, who was nearest of kin to Hagnias, that a son might be born to him, as a daughter had been, namely the mother of this boy : but,6 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES since that wish was not accomplished, and he had no male issue, the next object of his anxiety was, that a son of his daughter should be adopted by him into his own family and that of Hagnias, and be introduced to his clansmen; for he considered, men of the jury, that of all his surviving relatives his daughter’s son was the nearest to him, and that this would be the best means of preserving his house and preventing its extinction. And I, who had married the daughter of Eubu-lides, (she having been adjudged to me as next of kin,) performed this service for him : I introduced this boy to the clansmen of Hagnias and Eubulides, of whose community Theopompus, the father of the defendant Macartatus, was a member in his lifetime, and Macartatus himself is a member also. And the fellow-clansmen of Macartatus, men of the jury, who thoroughly knew the pedigree of the family, seeing that he himself did not choose to run any risk, and did not remove the victim from the altar, as if this boy were not rightfully introduced, but required them to commit perjury, took the ballot-balls while the victims were burning, carrying them from the altar of Jupiter Phratrius in the presence of the defendant Macartatus, and passed a just vote, men of the jury, namely, that this boy was properly and rightfully introduced as the adopted son of Eubulides into the family of Hagnias. The clansmen of the defendant Macartatus having passed such resolution, this boy, being the son of Eubulides, cited Macartatus to try the title to the estate of Hagnias, and got a day appointed before the archon, putting his brother’s name on the record as guardian; for I, men of the jury, could no longer be nominated as guardian, having transferred the child by adoption into the family of Eubulides. And the citation was made by this boy according to the same law, under which these men cited his mother, who had before succeeded in the court, and was in possession of the estate of Hagnias. Now read me the law, which directs that the party who is in possession of the inheritance shall be cited. THE LAW. “ If any person shall claim the inheritance or the heiress after adjudication, let him cite the party who has obtained the adjudication before the archon, in the same manner as inAGAINST MACARTATUS. 7 other suits : and the claimant shall make a deposit for costs, and if the estate shall be adjudged to him without citation, the adjudication shall be of no effect. And if the person who has had the estate adjudged to him is not alive, let him cite in like manner the successor, if his time of prescription has not expired : and the question to be tried by the archon shall be, on what grounds the person whose property he possesses obtained the adjudication.” You have heard the law, and I make one reasonable request to you, men of the jury. If I show that this boy, Eubulides, and Phylomache, who is mother to the boy, and daughter of Eubulides, are nearer of kin to Hagnias than Theopompus, the father of Macartatus, and not only that they are the nearest of kin, but that there is no person at all belonging to the house of Hagnias, except the mother of this boy and the boy himself—if I can establish this, I entreat you, men of the jury, to give me redress. I intended at first, men of the jury, to write the whole pedigree of the family of Hagnias on a board, and thus to exhibit every particular before you ; but then I thought that all the jurors would not have an equally good view, for those who sat at a distance would not have the benefit of it; so perhaps it is necessary to explain it to you by word of mouth, which you will all comprehend. I will do my best to describe to you the genealogy of Hagnias in as short a compass as possible. Buselus, men of the jury, was a member of the township of (Eum, and he had five sons, Hagnias and Eubulides andStratius and Habron and Cleocritus. And all these sons of Buselus grew up to manhood, and their father Buselus divided his property among them all fairly and equitably, as it became him to do. Having partitioned the estate among them, each of the sons married a wife according to the Athenian laws, and they had all sons born to them and grandsons, and five families sprang up out of the single family of Buselus, and they dwelt apart, each managing his own family and bringing up his own offspring. Concerning three of these brothers, sons of Buselus, and their descendants, I need not trouble either you, men of the jury, or myself with any particulars. Although they stand in the same degree with Theopompus, and are as near of kia8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. to Hagnias, whose inheritance is in question, not one of them has ever troubled us, either now or at an earlier period; not one has made any claim either to the estate of Hagnias, or to the heiress, who was assigned in marriage to me; for they considered that they had no title to anything belonging tc Hagnias. It seems therefore to me, that it would be superfluous to say anything about them, except what is absolutely necessary to mention. Of Theopompus however, the fathei of Macartatus, and of Macartatus, the defendant himself, it is necessary for me to speak. What I have to say, men of the jury, will be brief. You have just heard that Buselus had five sons. One of these was Stratius, the ancestor of the defendant Macartatus, and another was Hagnias, the ancestor of this boy. Hagnias had a son Polemo, and a daughter Phylomache, sister of Polemo both by the father’s and the mother’s side. Stratius, the brother of Hagnias, had issue, Phanostrate, and Charidemus, the grandfather of the defendant Macartatus. Now I ask you, men of the jury, which is nearer of kin and more closely related to Hagnias—his son Polemo, and his daughter Phylomache, or Charidemus, the son of Stratius, and nephew of Hagnias ? I think for my part, that a son and daughter are more closely related to every one of us than a nephew; and this is not only not a received opinion with us, but with all the rest of mankind, whether Greeks or barbarians. As this then is acknowledged, you will easily follow the rest of the argument, men of the jury, and you will see the reckless audacity of our opponents. Polemo, the son of Hagnias, had a son Hagnias, bearing the name of his grandfather Hagnias. And this second Hagnias died without issue. Phylomache, Polemo’s sister, and Philagrus, to whom her brother Polemo gave her in marriage, he being his first cousin, (for Philagrus was son to Eubulides, the brother of Hagnias,)—they, Philagrus, the iousin of Polemo, and Phylomache, the sister of Polemo, had a son Eubulides, the father of this boy’s mother. These then were the sons of Polemo and Polemo’s sister Phylomache. To Charidemus, the son of Stratius, there was born a son, Theopompus, the father of the defendant Macartatus. Now again I ask you, men of the jury—which is nearer of kin and more clcsely related to the first Hagnias—Hagnias,AGAINST MACARTATUS. 9 the son of Polemo, and Eubulides, the son of Phylomache and Pliilagrus, or Theopompus, the son of Charidemus, and grandson of Stratius 1 It appears to me, men of the jury, if the son and the daughter are the nearest relations, that again the son’s son and the daughter’s son are more nearly related than the son of the nephew, and a child of another branch of the family. Well: to Theopompus was born a son, Macartatus, the defendant. To Eubulides, the son of Phylomache, and first cousin of Hagnias, was born this boy, who, in respect of Eubulides, his father by adoption, is son of a first cousin, by the father’s side,1 to Hagnias ; since Phylomache, the mother of Eubulides, and Polemo, the father of Hagnias, w7ere brother and sister both by the father’s and the mother’s side. To Macartatus, the defendant, the son of Theopompus, there has been no issue who is both in the family of Hagnias and that of Stratius. Such being the facts, this boy has one of the titles mentioned in the law, and to which the law allows the right of succession to extend; for he is first cousin once removed to Hagnias; for his father Eubulides was first cousin to Hagnias, whose inheritance is in question. On the other hand, Theopompus, father of the defendant Macartatus, cannot give him any of the titles mentioned in the law; for he belonged to a different branch of the family, namely, that of Stratius. But it is not proper, men of the jury, for any person to possess the estate of Hagnias, who belongs to a different branch of the family, as long as there remains any person who sprang from the branch of Hagnias; nor is it proper to expel such person by violence, which these men are attempting to do, they being more distantly related, and not in the same branch of the family. For this, men of the jury, is the point upon which Theopompus, father of the defendant Macartatus, misled the jury. Who then are remaining! They who are still in the family of Hagnias, namely, my wife Phylomache, who wras daughter of Eubulides, the first cousin of Hagnias, and this boy, who has been introduced into the family of Eubulides and Hagnias. Theopompus however, the father of the defendant Macartatus, not being of the family of Hagnias, told a huge falsehood to the jury concerning Phylomache, the sister of Polemo, and aunt of Hagnias 1 With reference to Polemo. See 1063, line 22.10 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. saying that she was not sister of Polemo, the son of Hagnias, both by the father’s and the mother's side; and another falsehood, in pretending that he was of the same family with Hagnias, when he never belonged to it. All this Theopompus asserted fearlessly, without producing any witness, who would have been responsible to us, but leaving his associates to con-firm what he said; for they co-operated together, and took all measures in concert, in order to deprive the lady, the mother of this boy, of the estate which you had decided to be hers. I desire, men of the jury, to call witnesses to the facts which I have stated to you, first to prove that Phylomache, the daughter of Eubulides, obtained judgment for the estate of Hagnias, as being the next of kin, and then to establish the rest of the facts. Read the deposition :— THE DEPOSITION. “ The deponents say, that they were before the arbitrator in the archonship of Mcophemus, when Phylomache, the daughter of Eubulides, obtained judgment for the estate of Hagnias against all who disputed her title.” That Phylomache, the daughter of Eubulides, obtained ■judgment for the estate of Hagnias, you have heard, men of the jury. And she obtained it not by any iniquitous contrivance or conspiracy, but in the fairest possible manner, by showing that she was nearest of kin to Hagnias, whose inheritance is in question, being daughter of his first cousin by the father’s side, and being of the same branch of the family with Hagnias. When Macartatus therefore says, that his father Theopompus obtained judgment for this estate, reply to him yourselves, men of the jury, that the lady also obtained judgment before his father Theopompus, and that the lady won the cause fairly, being of the same branch of the family as Hagnias, being daughter of Eubulides, the first cousin of Hagnias, whereas Theopompus did not win the cause, but cheated her out of it, he being of an entirely different branch from Hagnias. Make this reply to him yourselves, men of the jury; and further, that neither Theopompus, the father of Macartatus, nor any one else ever got a judgment against this boy Eubulides, the son of Eubulides, and first cousin once removed by the father’s side to Hagnias, whose inheritance is in question. The trial and the contest for theAGAINST MACARTATU3. 11 estate of Hagnias are now between this son of Eubulides on the one side, and this Macartatus, the son of Theopompus, on the other; and whichever of the two parties shall in your opinion make out a case most consonant to law and justice, that party, it is plain, you jurors will support. Read the remaining depositions ; first, those to prove that Phylomache, the aunt of Hagnias, was sister both by the father’s and the mother’s side to Polemo, the father of Hagnias: after that, he shall read all the other depositions concerning the pedigree. DEPOSITIONS. “ The deponents say, that they are members of the same township with Philagrus, the father of Eubulides, and Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and they know that Phylomache, the mother of Eubulides, was reputed to be the sister of Polemo, the father of Hagnias, both by the father’s and the mother’s side, and they never heard from any one that Polemo, the son of Hagnias, had a brother.” ANOTHER DEPOSITION. “ The deponents say, that (Euanthe, the mother of their grandfather Stratonides, was first cousin to Polemo, the father of Hagnias, their fathers having been brothers, and they heard from their father, that Polemo, the father of Hagnias, never had any brother, but had a sister by the father’s and the mother’s side, namely, Phylomache, the mother of Eubulides, the father of Phylomache wife of Sositheus.” ANOTHER DEPOSITION. “ The deponent says, that he is a relation and fellow-clansman and fellow-townsman of Hagnias and Eubulides, and he heard from his father and his other relations, that Polemo, the father of Hagnias, never had any brother, but he had a sister by the father’s and the mother’s side, namely, Phylomache, the mother of Eubulides, the father of Phylomache wife of Sositheus.” ANOTHER DEPOSITION. < “ The deponent says, that Archilochus was his grandfather and adopted him as son, and that he was a kinsman of Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and he heard from Archilochus and12 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. his other relations, that Polemo, the father of Hagnias, never had any brother, but had a sister by the same father and the same mother, namely, Phylomache, the mother of Eubulides, the father of Phylomache wife of Sositheus.” ANOTHER DEPOSITION. “ The deponent says, that his wife’s father Callistratus was first cousin to Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and to Chari-demus, the father of Theopompus, their three respective fathers having been brothers, and that his mother was daughter of a first cousin of Polemo, and that their mother often said to them, that Phylomache, the mother of Eubulides, was sister of Polemo, the father of Hagnias, both by the father’s and the mother’s side, and that Polemo, the father of Hagnias, never had any brother.” On the former occasion, men of the jury, when these men entered into a conspiracy, and united to carry on a joint-case against the lady, we, men of the jury, neither prepared depositions nor called witnesses to establish a fact that was not in controversy, but supposed that upon this point we were perfectly safe. Our opponents scrupled not to employ every kind of artifice to win the trial, and had no other thought Dut to deceive the jury for the moment: they asserted, that Polemo, the father of Hagnias, had no sister at all by the father’s and the mother’s side; such was their abominable Impudence, to mislead the jury upon a matter so important and so notorious!—and they exerted all their efforts to establish this assertion. We however to-day have produced all these witnesses before you concerning the sister of Polemo and aunt-of Hagnias. Let any one that likes give evidence for the defendant, either that Polemo and Phylomache were not brother and sister by the same father and the same mother; or that Polemo was not the son, and Phylomache not the daughter, of Hagnias the son of Buselus; or that Polemo was not the father of Hagnias, whose inheritance is in question, and Polemo’s sister Phylomache not his aunt; or that Eubulides was not the son of Phylomache, or of Philagrus, the cousin of Hagnias ; or again, that the still living Phylomache is not the daughter of Eubulides, the first cousin of Hagnias, and this boy not his son, having been adopted according to your laws into the family of Eubulides;AGAINST MACARTATUS. 13 or that Theopompus, the father of the defendant Macartatus, was of the same branch as Hagnias. Let any one give testimony for him to any of these points. But I am sure, no mortal will be so hardy or so desperate. Now, men of the jury, let me make it clear to you, that on the former occasion they got the better of us by their impudence, without having a word to say on the merits of the case. Bead the rest of the depositions : DEPOSITIONS “ The deponent says, that he is a relation of Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and he heard from his father, that Phila-grus, the father of Eubulides, and Phanostrate, the daughter of Stratius, and Callistratus, the father of the wife of Sosi theus, and Enctemon, who was king-archon, and Charidemus,, the father of Theopompus and Stratocles, were first cousins to Polemo, being children of fathers who were brothers, and that Eubulides stood in the same degree of relationship to the sons of Charidemus and to Hagnias, with reference to his father Philagrus, but that, with reference to his mother Phylomache, Eubulides was reputed to be first cousin to Hagnias, being his father’s nephew, and son of the paternal aunt of Hagnias.” ANOTHER DEPOSITION. “ The deponents say, that they are of kin to Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and to Philagrus, the father of Eubulides, and to Euctemon, who was king-archon, and they know that Euctemon was brother by the same father to Philagrus, the father of Eubulides; and that, when the citation was given by Eubulides to try the title to the estate of Hagnias, Euctemon was still living, being first cousin to Polemo, the father of Hagnias, their fathers having been brothers, and that Euctemon did not contest the title to the estate of Hagnias with Eubulides, nor did any one else advance a claim by descent at that time.” ANOTHER DEPOSITION. ■“■The deponents say, that their father Straton was of kin to Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and to Charidemus, the father of Theopompus, and to Philagrus, the father of Eubulides, and they heard from their father, that Philagrus14 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. took for his first wife Phylomache, sister of Polemo, the father of Hagnias, both by the father’s and the mother’s side, and that Philagrus had by Phylomache a son Eubulides, and that, after the death of Phylomache, Philagrus took a second wife, Telesippe, and that there was born a brother to Eubulides, but by the father’s side only, named Menestheus; and that, when Eubulides claimed the estate of Hagnias by descent, Menestheus put in no claim to the estate of Hagnias, nor did Euctemon, the brother of Philagrus, nor did any other person claim title by descent in opposition to Eubulides at that time.” ANOTHER DEPOSITION. “ The deponent says, that his father Archimachus was of kin to Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and to Charidemus, the father of Theopompus, and to Philagrus, the father of Eubulides, and he heard from his father, that Philagrus took for his first wife Phylomache, sister by the same father and the same mother to Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and that there was issue by Phylomache, namely Eubulides, and that, after the death of Phylomache, Philagrus took a second wife, Telesippe, and that Philagrus had by Telesippe a son Menestheus, brother to Eubulides by the same father, but not by the same mother; and that, when Eubulides claimed the estate of Hagnias by descent, Menestheus put in no claim to the estate, nor did Euctemon, the brother of Philagrus, nor did any other person claim title by descent in opposition to Eubulides at that time.” ANOTHER DEPOSITION. “ The deponent says, that Callistratus, his mother’s father, was brother to Euctemon, who was king-archon, and to Philagrus, the father of Eubulides, and that they were first cousins to Polemo, the father of Hagnias, and to Charidemus, the father of Theopompus, and he heard from his mother, that Polemo, the father of Hagnias, had no brother, but had a sister by both the father’s and the mother’s side, named Phylomache, and that Philagrus married this Phylomache, and they had a son Eubulides, the father of Phylomache wife of Sositheus.” It was a matter of necessity to read these depositions, men }f the jury, in order that we might not suffer the same mis-*AGAINST MACARTATUS. 15 fortune as before, and be taken by these persons unprepared. But the defendant Macartatus shall give testimony against himself, and prove far more clearly than I have proved already, that neither his father Theopompus nor himself has the least title to inherit anything from Hagnias, Theopompus being in a degree further removed, and in an entirely different branch of the family. For suppose he were asked, men of the jury, as follows—“ Who is the party who disputes the title of this boy to the estate of Hagnias?”—Of course he would say, “ Macartatus.”—“ Who is his father?”—“Theopompus.”— “ Who is his mother ? ”—“ The daughter of Apolexis, of the Prospaltian township, and sister of Macartatus of the same township.”—“ And of whom was Theopompus the son ? ”— “Of Charidemue.”-—“ And of whom was Charidemus the son ? ” —“Of Stratius.”—“And of whom was Stratius?”—“Of Buselus.” This, men of the jury, is the branch of Stratius, one of the sons of Buselus, and these are the descendants of Stratius, whose names you have heard ; and here does not occur a single one of the names belonging to the family of Hagnias, no, nor even one that is similar. Now again, let me interrogate this boy—“ Who are you, that contest with Macartatus the right to the estate of Hagnias ? ”—The boy has no other possible answer, men of the jury, but this—“ I am Eubulides.”—“ Of whom the son ? ”—“ Of Eubulides, the first cousin of Hagnias. —“ By what mother ? ”—“ By Phylo-mache, who was daughter of a first cousin by the father’s side to Hagnias.”—“ Of whom was Eubulides the son ? ”—“ Of Philagrus, the cousin of Hagnias.”—“By what mother?”— “ By Phylomache, the aunt of Hagnias.”—“ And of whom was Hagnias the son ? ”—“ Of Polemo.”—“And of whom was1 Polemo ? ”—“ Of Hagnias.”—“ And of whom was Hagnias ? ” —“Of Buselus.”—This is another branch, that of Hagnias,' one of the sons of Buselus, and here we find no name what-1 ever of the descendants of Stratius, neither the same name, nor any similar; but they go on in a course of their own in the family of Hagnias, receiving names from one another. Thus in every way, and in every point of view, their case is disproved ; it is shown that they came from another branch of the family, and are in a degree further removed, and that they are not entitled to inherit any of the property of Hagnias. That you may see, to what persons the legislator gives16 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. the right of succession and inheritance, he shall read you these laws: THE LAWS. " Whenever any one dies without having made a will, if he leaves female children, his property shall be taken together with them; if not, the persons herein mentioned shall be entitled to the property. If there are brothers by the same father, and if there are children of brothers lawfully born, the latter shall take the share of the father. If there are no brothers or children of brothers, the next of kin shall take in like manner: and males and the issue of males shall have preference, if they are from the same ancestor, even though in degree further removed. If there are no relatives on the father’s side within the degree of children of cousin’s children, the relatives of the intestate on the mother’s side shall inherit in like manner. But if there shall be no relative either on the father’s or the mother’s side within the degree aforesaid, the nearest of kin on the father’s side shall inherit. And no illegitimate child, either male or female, shall have succession to any rights either sacred or civil, from the time of the archonship of Euclides.” The law, men of the jury, expressly declares to what persons the inheritance shall go—not (by heavens !) to Theopompus, nor to Macartatus, the son of Theopompus, who are not at all in the family of Hagnias—but to whom then does it give the inheritance ?—to the descendants of Hagnias, who are in his branch of the family. This is what the law says, and this is in accordance with justice. And, men of the jury, while the legislator has given these rights to the relatives, he has not omitted to impose by the law a great number of duties, the performance of which by the relatives is made compulsory. There are a great number of obligations which he lays upon the relatives, and he allows no excuse, but they must of necessity be performed. However, read the law itself. Take the first. THE LAW. “ With respect to those heiresses who are in the class of Thetes, if the next of kin does not choose to marry one, let him give her in marriage with a portion, if he be of the class of Pentacosiomedimni, with a portion of five hundredAGAINST MACARTATUS IT drachms, if of the class of Knights, with a portion of three hundred, if of the class of Zeugitae, with a hundred and fifty, iu addition to what she has of her own. If there be several in the same degree of consanguinity, each of them shall give a marriage gift to the heiress rateably. If the heiresses be more than one, it shall not be necessary for the kindred to give in marriage more than one, but the nearest of kin shall be bound either to give her in marriage or marry her himself. And if the nearest of kin will not marry her, or give her in marriage, let the archon compel him either to marry her himself or give her in marriage. If the archon neglects to compel him, he shall incur a penalty of a thousand drachms payable to Juno. And any person that chooses may prefer an information to the archon against any one who disobeys this law.” You hear what the law says, men of the jury. When it became necessary to claim the hand of the heiress Phylomache, the mother of this boy, and whose father was the first cousin of Hagnias, I came forward out of respect for the law and preferred my suit, as being the nearest of kin; but Theo-pompus, the father of Macartatus, never made his appearance or preferred any claim, because he had no manner of title, although he was a person of the same age. How strange you must think it, men of the jury, that Theopompus never made a claim to the hand of the heiress, whose father was first cousin to Hagnias, and yet should demand the estate of Hagnias contrary to the laws ! Could there be persons more impudent and brutal than these ? How read the other laws.1 THE LAWS. “ Proclamation shall be made to the homicide in the marketplace by all the relatives within the degree of cousin and consulship, and cousins and children of cousins and sons-in-law and fathers-in-law and clansmen shall jointly prosecute. And if there be a question of condonation, if there be a father, or brother, or sons, they shall all join in the condonation, or any one who opposes it shall prevail. And if there be none of these, and the homicide was accidental, and the Fifty-one shall declare that the homicide was accidental, let the clansmen, ten in number, pronounce the condonation, if they think proper; and let these be chosen by the Fifty-one from the 1 See vol. iii. Appendix 8, pp. 332, 333, Arch. Diet, title oVos. VOL. V. C18 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. most distinguished members of the clan. And this statute shall apply to persons who have committed homicide before the passing thereof. And when any persons die in the townships, and no one takes them up for burial, let the demarch give notice to the relations to take them up and bury them, and to purify the township on the day on which each of them dies. And respecting slaves he shall give notice to the master, and respecting freemen to those who are in possession of their property, and if the deceased has no property, he shall give notice to the relations of the deceased. And if, after the demarch has given notice, the relations shall not remove the body, let the demarch contract to have it removed and interred and to have the township purified on the same day, at the least possible expense ; and if he shall not so contract, he shall incur a penalty of a thousand drachms to the public treasury. And whatever money he shall expend, he shall receive the double thereof from the parties liable ; and if he shall not receive it, he shall be bound to repay it himself to the members of the township. And those persons who do not pay the rents, which are owing for lands of the Goddess and the other deities and the heroes, shall be disfranchised, they and their family and their heirs, until such rents are paid.” All these duties, which the laws impose upon the relations, they impose upon us, and compel us to perform them, men of the jury. To Macartatus the defendant they do not address a word, nor to Theopompus his father; for they do not belong at all to the family of Hagnias : how then can the laws impose any obligations on them % But the defendant, men of the jury, though he has not the shadow of an argument to urge against the laws and the depositions which we produce, talks about hardship, and says he is cruelly treated, because he is trying the cause after his father's death. He does not reflect, men of the jury, that his father was a mortal, and has departed this life with many other persons both younger and older than himself. However, if Theopompus the defendant's father is dead, the laws are not dead, nor is justice dead, nor are the jurors who have to give the verdict. The present contest and issue are not whether one man has died before or after another, but whether it is proper or not that the kinsmen of Hagnias, who are cousins and cousins’ children to Hagnias on the father’s side,AGAINST MAC ART AT US. 19 should be expelled from the family of Hagnias by persons who belong to the family of Stratius, and who have no manner of right to inherit the property of Hagnias, but are in a degree of relationship farther removed. This is the question now at issue. You. will see still more clearly, men of the jury, from the law which I am about to cite to you, that your legislator Solon is very careful respecting the members of the family, and not only gives to the relations what is left by the deceased, but also imposes on them all the onerous obligations. Read the law. THE LAW.1 “They shall lay out the deceased in the house, in what manlier they think fit. And they shall carry out the deceased to burial the day after they have laid him out, before the sun rises. And the men shall walk before, when they carry him out, and the women behind. And it shall not be lawful for any woman under sixty years of age, to enter into the chamber of the deceased, or to follow the corpse when it is carried to the tomb, except those who are within the degree of cousin’s children ; nor shall it be lawful for any woman to enter into the chamber of the deceased, when the body is carried out, except those who are within the degree of cousin’s children.” It does not allow any woman besides the relations within the degree of cousinship to enter the room where the deceased lies, and it allows these same women to follow to the grave. Now Phylomache, the sister of Polemo, the father of Hagnias, was not cousin to Hagnias, but aunt; for she was sister to Polemo, the father of Hagnias. Eubulides, the son of this woman, was first cousin by the father’s side to Hagnias, whose inheritance is in question. And the mother of this boy was the daughter of Eubulides. These female relatives the law commands both to be present at the laying out of the deceased and to follow him to the grave; but it does not command the mother of Macartatus, nor the wife of Theo-pompus; for they are no way related to Hagnias, but were of a different tribe, the Acamantian, and of a different township, that of Prospalta, so that they did not even get intelligence when Haguias was dead. These men therefore are seek-1 See the Charicles, Excursus on the Burials, c 220 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. ing to bring about a most outrageous result—namely, that we and the women of our family were obliged to inherit the corpse of Hagnias when he died, and to perform all the last offices, as relations and next of kin; but that Macartatus is to be held entitled to the estate of the deceased Hagnias, although he is descended from the house of Stratius, and his mother was daughter of Apolexis the Prospaltian, and sister of Macartatus. But this is neither just nor righteous, men of the j ury. Now read me the extract from the oracle of Apollo, brought from Delphi—that you may see that its language concerning the relations agrees with the laws of Solon : THE ORACLE. “ Good fortune unto you. The people of Athens inquire about the sign which has appeared in the heavens, desiring to know what the Athenians should do, or to what God they should offer sacrifice or prayer, in order that the sign may turn to their advantage. It is expedient for the Athenians, with reference to the sign which has appeared in the heavens, that they should sacrifice with happy auspices to Jupiter the supreme, to Minerva the supreme, to Hercules, to Apollo the preserver; and that they should send to the Amphictyons, to sacrifice for good fortune to Apollo the street-god, to Latona, to Diana; and that they should make a sweet savour in the streets, and set up the wine-bowl, and perform dances, and wear garlands according to the custom of the country, in honour of all the Olympian Gods and Goddesses, lifting up the right hand and the left, and should not forget to offer gifts according to hereditary custom : and it is meet that ye offer sacrifice and gifts according to the custom of the country to your hero-founder, from whom ye derive your name; and that honours should be paid to the manes of the departed on the proper day by the relations according to received usage.” You hear, men of the jury, that Solon in the laws and the God in the oracle speak the same language, commanding the relations to perform sacred rites to the departed on the proper days. But Theopompus and the defendant Macartatus did not trouble themselves wdth these matters : all they care for is, to possess what does not belong to them, and to complain that, after they have for a long time had possession ofAGAINST MACARTATUS. 21 the estate, they are now trying the title to it. I should have thought, men of the jury, that a person keeping possession of another man's property ought not to complain that he had kept it longer than he was entitled, but to be thankful not to us, but to fortune, that so many inevitable delays had intervened, to postpone the trial of the question until now. Such is the disposition of these persons, men of the jury ; and they don't care in the least either for the extinction oi the house of Hagnias, or for the rest of their lawless conduct. 0 Jupiter ! 0 ye Gods ! What need to mention other things about them ? It would be too long to mention all. But one thing which they have done is in the highest degree illegal and brutal, and affords the most perfect evidence that they care for nothing but gratifying their covetousness. No sooner had Theopompus obtained judgment for the estate of Hagnias in the manner that you have heard, than he gave proof that in his own opinion he had got what did not belong to him, The most valuable thing upon the grounds of Hagnias, which was most admired by the neighbours and by other people, was the plantation of olives : these they dug up by the roots, more than a thousand trees, which yielded a very large quantity of oil: after rooting them up, they sold them, and got a considerable sum of money. And this they did when the estate of Hagnias was still subject to dispute, according to the very law by virtue of which they had cited this boy’s mother. To prove the truth of my statement—that these men rooted up the olives from the land which Hagnias left—I will call as witnesses before you the neighbours, and some other persons whom we got to attend when we made our protest in the matter. Bead the deposition. THE DEPOSITION. “ The deponents say, that at the invitation of Sositheus they Went with him to Axaphen to the land of Hagnias, after Theopompus had had the estate of Hagnias adjudged to him, and that Sositheus showed them the olive trees being rooted up from the land of Hagnias.” If this proceeding, men of the jury, were only an outrage upon the deceased, their conduct was shameful, though in a less degree: but, in point of fact, they have committed thereby22 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. a breach of law and an outrage upon the whole commonwealth, You will see, when you have heard the law. Read the law : THE LAW. “ If any man shall dig up an olive tree at Athens, unless for a sacrifice of the Athenian state or of one of the townships, or for his own use to the number of two olive trees every year, unless it be necessary to use it for the burial of a deceased person, he shall incur a penalty of a hundred drachms to the public treasury for every such olive tree. And the tenth part of such penalty shall belong to the Goddess. And he shall be liable also to pay to the individual who prosecutes him a hundred drachms for every such olive tree. And the proceedings for any such offence shall be taken before the archons1 for those offences over which they have jurisdiction respectively. And the prosecutor shall be bound to pay the court fees appertaining to him. And whensoever any person shall be condemned, the archon, before whom the cause was heard, shall make a return to the collectors of such penalty as accrues to the public treasury, and to the treasurer of the Goddess of such penalty as accrues to the Goddess. And if the archons neglect to make such return, they shall be liable themselves to pay the amount.” The law is thus stringent. Reflect in your minds, men of the jury : consider what we must have suffered formerly from these persons and their insolence, when they have treated you, so great a people, and your laws with contempt, and have done what the laws expressly forbid them to do, thus com temptuously ravaging the land which Hagnias left. The law forbids a man to remove such things even out of his own land inherited from his father. Much they care either about obeying your laws, or preventing the extinction of the family of Hagnias. I am desirous, men of the jury, to say a few words to you now about myself, and to show you that I have made provision, in a very different way from these persons, to prevent the extinction of the family of Hagnias. For I myself too 1 The chief archon would have jurisdiction where the offence was committed upon land of which the inheritance was disputed : the king-archon, where the trees were on consecrated land: the polemarcfy when the offender was an alien. From the notes of Reiske and Pabst.AGAINST MACAKTATUS. 23 am of the race of Buselus. The grand-daughter of Habron, son of Buselus, was married to Callistratus, who was the son of Eubulides, and grandson of Buselus; and they, the granddaughter of Habron and Callistratus, nephew of Habron, were the parents of my mother. I, men of the jury, having obtained the hand of this boy’s mother by legal adjudication, and having had four sons and one daughter born to me, gave my sons the following names: to the eldest I gave my father’s name, Sosias; it was right that I should do so, and accordingly I gave to the eldest the name to which he was entitled : to my second bom I gave the name of Eubulides, which belonged to the father of this boy’s mother : to the third I gave that of Menestheus; for Menestheus was a kins* man of my wife : and to the youngest I gave the name of Callistratus, which was that of my mother’s father. In addition to this, I did not give my daughter in marriage to a stranger, but to my own brother’s son, so that, if they lived and had their health, their children also might be of the kindred of Hagnias. Such were the measures which I adopted, in order that the families descended from Buselus might in the fullest possible way be preserved. Let us inquire further into the conduct of our opponents: and first of all read this law : THE LAW. “ Let the archon take charge of orphans and heiresses and families which are in danger of becoming extinct, and of such women as remain in the houses of their deceased husbands under the plea of pregnancy. Let him take charge of these persons, and not suffer any one to do any outrage to them. And if any one shall commit any outrage or illegal act against them, the archon is hereby empowered to impose a fine upon such person within the limit allowed by law.1 And if it shall seem to him that the person so offending merits a higher punishment, let him cite such person, giving him five days’ notice, before the court of Helisea, and let him superscribe the indictment with such penalty as he thinks fit, and let him bring it to be tried before the said court. And if such person shall be convicted, let the court of Heliaea determine what penalty he ought to suffer or to pay.” How could any people take more effective measures to 1 See Meier & Schumann, Atfc. Proc. p. 34.24 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. render a family extinct, than by doing what these men do when they strive to expel from the family the nearest relatives of Hagnias, they themselves being of another branch, that of Stratius %—and again, when the defendant claims to possess the estate of Hagnias, as being his relation by blood, and yet the name, which he bears, is not only not derived from the family of Hagnias, but belongs not even to that of Stratius, his ancestor 2 Why, he has not the name of any of the descendants of Buselus, numerous as they are. Whence then does he get his name of Macartatus? From his mother’s relations. For he was adopted into the house of Macartatus of Prospalta, his maternal uncle, and he has the property of that house also.1 And so outrageous is his conduct, that, when a son was born to him, he forgot to introduce him into the family of Hagnias, so as to *nake him son to Hagnias, although he was in possession of the estate of Hagnias, and although he claims relationship to Hagnias by male descent. This son, who was born to him, Macartatus has transferred, by the adoption of his maternal kinsman, to the Prospaltians,2 and has suffered the family of Hagnias to become extinct, as far as the child is concerned; while he pretends that his father Theopompus stood in the proper degree of relationship to Hagnias. The law of Solon declares that males and the issue of males shall have the preference; and yet the defendant has thus slighted and set at nought both Hagnias and the laws of Athens, and has transferred his son by adoption into his maternal family. Could any persons be more lawless and audacious than these ? But this is not all, men of the jury. There is a place of sepulture common to all the descendants of Buselus; it is called the burial-ground of the Buselidse; a large piece of ground enclosed, according to the ancient usage. In this ground lie all the descendants of Buselus, and, among them, Hagnias and Eubulides and Polemo; in short, all the relations, of whom there are a great number, whose common ancestor was Buselus; all of them have their place of burial here. But the father of the defendant Macartatus and his grandfather have had nothing to do with this burial-ground; 1 Pabst renders it differently : “gehört dieser familie an.” 2 This explains what is said, ante (p. 9)—that Macartatus had n< issue who was in the family of .Hagnias.AGAINST MACARTATUS. 25 they made a separate tomb for themselves, at a little distance from that of the Buselidse. Do they appear to yon, men of the jury, to belong to the family of Hagnias in any way, except this, that they have seized and usurped what does not belong to them ? Whether the house of Hagnias and that of Eubulides, the first cousin of Hagnias, will become extinct and without a name, has never troubled them in the slightest degree. I for my part, men of the jury, am doing all that lies in my power to vindicate the rights of those deceased relatives; though it is by no means easy to contend against the intrigues of these persons. I therefore deliver this boy into your hands, men of the jury, that you may protect him in such manner as you deem most just. He has been transferred by adoption into the house of Eubulides, and has been introduced to the clansmen, not to mine, but to those of Eubulides and Hagnias and Macartatus. And, when he was introduced, the rest of the clansmen gave their vote secretly, but Macartatus, the defendant, gave his vote openly, declaring that this boy was rightly introduced as the son of Eubulides ; for he did not choose to lay his hand upon the victim or to remove it from the altar, and so render himself responsible ; nay he received his portion of the flesh from this boy and took it away with him, as the other clansmen did. Consider this boy, men of the jury, as the sacred emblem of supplication, produced on behalf of the deceased Hagnias and Eubulides and the other descendants of Hagnias: consider that they are petitioning you the jurors not to let their house be desolated by these odious monsters, who are of the house ol Stratius, and never came from that of Hagnias. Do not permit them to keep what is not rightfully theirs, but compel them to restore it to the house of Hagnias for the benefit of his relations. I am thus vindicating the rights of those deceased persons and the laws established on their behalf, and I pray you, men of the jury, I beseech and implore you—do not suffer this boy to be maltreated by his opponents—do not suffer his ancestors to be insulted still more grossly than they have been already; as will be the case, if these men accomplish their objects. Rather give your aid to the laws, and take thought for the dead, that their house may not become desolate. By so acting, you will give that verdict which justice and your oaths and your own interests require.28 THE ORATIONS CJ51 DEMOSTHENES. THE ORATION AGAINST LEOCHARES. THE ARGUMENT. Archiades of Otryne died without issue, leaving his brother, Midylides, his heir at law. He being out of the country at the time, Leocrates of Eleusis, a sister’s grandson, took possession of the estate of Archiades, under the pretence of being his adopted son, but without any legal right (according to the orator’s statement,) because the pretended adoption took place after the great-uncle’s death. Midylides however, on his return to Athens, was persuaded by his friends to waive his legal right in favour of Leocrates; who continued in quiet possession of the estate, until he thought proper to transfer it to his son Leostratus, entering him in the township and clan of Archiades, so as to constitute him his representative by adox3tions while he himself returned to his original family. The same course was pursued at a later period by Leostratus, who retired from the adoptive house, as his father had done, and left his eldest son Leocrates to occupy his place. The second Leocrates having died suddenly without issue, and Aristodemus, grandson of Midylides, having claimed the estate as next of kin, Leostratus endeavours to defeat this claim, by creating a title in his younger son Leochares, and accordingly he takes the necessary formal steps to make him a son by adoption in his deceased brother’s room. Such are the leading facts stated on behalf of Aristodemus, the plaintiff, whose cause is pleaded by his son Aristoteles. In answer to the plaintiff’s suit a plea is put in by Leochares, supported by his own affidavit, alleging that the estate was not the subject of litigation. This course was allowed by the law of Athens in favour of children, whether by birth or adoption; and the effect of it was, to delay the trial of the cause until the witness who swore the affidavit was convicted of false testimony, or the plea pronounced to be bad in law. Aristodemus here proceeds against Leochares to get his plea and affidavit quashed, and thus to enable himself to obtain a trial of the cause. The practice in such a proceeding resembled in some measure that on the trial of a Paragraphe. As in the latter the parties did not confine themselves to the questions raised by the special plea itself, so in the action to quash an affidavit of this kind the parties enter upon all the circumstances of the case, and explore their way to a final verdict. It is contended on behalf of Aristodemus that he was entitled to the estate by the Attic law of succession. With respect to property inherited in this way there subsisted a sort of entail, so that, on the death of Leocrates without issue, the title reverted to the heirs of Archiades, from whom it originally came. Aristodemus was not only a nearer relation in degree than his opponents, but was preferable as being descended from a brother, while Leostratus was descended from a sister. Supposing even tha^ Leocrates. who nadAGAINST LEOCHAftES, 27 died seised of the estate, was to be regarded as the first purchaser, so that his heirs, and not those of Archiades, were entitled to succeed, Aristodemus was his nearest relative in point of law, because Leocrates had been transferred to the family of Archiades, that he might become his legal representative; Leostratus had renounced that family, and Leochares had never entered it; and, with reference to the present question, their natural relationship to the deceased could not be taken into account. The court (it is argued) were bound to look at the state of things which existed at the death of Leocrates: this could not be altered by anything which had taken place ex post facto. Strictly speaking, it was not competent for Leocrates to adopt a son in his lifetime to represent Archiades; but, at all events, he had not done so, and undoubtedly his father could not nominate one for him after his death, much less after a suit had been commenced by the heir. The adoption had been altogether an afterthought on the part of Leostratus ; for he at first intended to set up a title in himself; finding that this could not be done, he conceived the idea of putting his son’s claim forward : but the law did not allow people to manufacture titles in such a way. The series of adoptions which had taken place before were objectionable in point of law, and they had only acquiesced in them because Midylides had been induced to forego his legal rights : now however the thing had come to an end, and the law ought to take its course. The speaker labours to show that the affidavit is false and bad both in form and substance, and takes several technical objections to it. He urges also, that affidavits of this nature, designed to impede and delay the progress of a suit, and to prevent a case from being tried on its real merits, are proceedings of a vexatious character, and ought not to be favoured by the court. A table of descent is annexed. EUTHYMACHUS. Clitomache, (married toAristoteles. ) Midylides. Archeppus. Archiades. Archidice. (whose inheritance (married to Leostratus.) is contested.) | Daughter. Aristodemus, (the plaintiff.) Leocrates. Aristoteles, (conducts his father’s case.) Leostratus. Lbocrates. Leochares, 'the defendant28 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. .That Leochares the defendant is brought to trial, men of the jury, and that I, notwithstanding my youth, am addressing you, is owing to Leochares himself, because he claims to inherit that which does not belong to him, and has made a false affidavit in support of his claim before the archon. As we were the relatives of Archiades, who originally left the estate, and as the law gives the succession to those who are nearest of kin, it was incumbent on us not to suffer his family to become extinct, and not to allow other persons, who have no manner of title, to inherit his property. The defendant, who is neither the natural born son of the deceased, nor has been adopted according to the laws, as I will show, has recklessly made a false affidavit in order to deprive me of the inheritance. I beseech you, men of the jury, to give redress both to my father and to myself, if we can establish a good case, and not to suffer men who are poor and without influence to be oppressed by an iniquitous cabal. For we have come into court relying upon the truth, and shall be content if we are permitted to obtain our legal rights : our opponents have from first to last put confidence in the intrigues of their supporters, and in the expenditure of money: and I am not surprised at it; for they have no difficulty in spending the money of other people, and so they have provided a multitude of persons both to plead and to give false testimony in their behalf. My father—I will keep nothing back from you—comes to trial with the evident appearance of being a poor man (as you all know him to be,) and also of being inexperienced in the conduct of causes : for he has been for a long time a public crier in the Piraeus, and this is a sign not only that he is needy, like many other men, but also that he has no leisure for going to law : for a person carrying on such a business is obliged to spend the whole of the day in the market-place. From this you may reasonably conclude, that, if we did not rely upon a just title, we should never have come into court. With respect to these general matters you will get stiL clearer information in the course of my address : I must now explain to you about the exceptive affidavit and the issue which you have to try. If, men of the jury, Leochares was going to establish his case for the defence out of the affidavit itself, and to show that he is the lawfully born son olAGAINST LEOCHABES. 29 Archiades, there would be no necessity for many words, and no need for you to trace our pedigree to its origin. But as this preliminary objection bears a different aspect, and the argument of our opponents will be mainly directed to establish the fact of their adoption and their title, as lawfully born children, to succeed to the property by heritable right, it is necessary, men of the jury, on this account, that I should go a little back to explain the nature of the pedigree : for, when you have been fully instructed on this subject, it is impossible that you can be misled by their statements. The issne which you have to try is a disputed title to an inheritance : the claim on our part is, to inherit by descent; on theirs, to inherit by adoption. We admit before you that all adoptions ought to be valid, which are rightfully made according to law. Bear in mind these foundations of our respective claims; and if they can show you that the laws sanction what they have sworn in their affidavit, adjudge the estate to them; nay, even without such legal title, if their arguments appear to be in accordance with justice and equity, we will withdraw our opposition. But to convince you that we not only rely upon our title as next of kin, but upon every other ground besides, we will first inform you about the pedigree of the person from whom the inheritance comes: for I think that, if you carefully follow this part of the question, you will not fail to understand all the rest. To begin with the common ancestor, men of the jury— Euthymachus of Otrynehad three sons, Midylides and Archip-pus and Archiades; and a daughter, whose name was Archidice. After the death of their father, the brothers gave Archidice in marriage to Leostratus of Eleusis. Archippus, one of the three brothers, died while in command of a ship at Methymna: Midylides not long afterwards marries Mnesimache, the daughter of Lysippus of Crioa; and he has a daughter named (Jlitomache, whom he wished to give in marriage to his own brother, as he was still a bachelor; but, as Archiades said he did not choose to marry, and therefore allowed the property to remain undivided, and dwelt by himself in Salamis, Midylides after a while gives his daughter in marriage to Aristoteles of Pallene, my grandfather. And to them were born three sons, Aristodemus my father, who is here in court, and Habronichus my uncle, and Midylides, who is now dead30 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. Such, men of the jury, is our title to the family estate by proximity of blood. For we were the nearest of kin to Archiades in the male line ; and as we claimed according to this law to inherit this estate, and did not choose to let his family become extinct, we commenced our suit for the inheritance before the archon. Our opponents, holding the property unjustly, have put in their exceptive affidavit! relying in the main upon an adoption, but pretending also to be entitled by consanguinity. With respect to this adoption, we will show you plainly by and by what its character was : but first we must explain about the relationship, and show that we are nearer of kin than our opponents. One thing is admitted, that males and the issue of males have the best title to inheritances : for the law positively declares, that inheritances shall go to the nearest relations in the male line, when there are no children. We then answer this description; for Archiades is acknowledged to have died without issue, and we are his nearest of kin in the male line. Moreover, we are his nearest of kin also in the female line; for Midylides was brother to Archiades, and the daughter of Midylides was the mother of my father, so that Archiades, for whose inheritance we are now prosecuting our claim, is paternal uncle to my father's mother, having this relationship on the male side, not on the female side. Leostratus, our opponent, is in a degree further removed, and is related to Archiades on the female side; for the mother of Leocrates, his father, was niece to Archiades and to Midylides, from whom we derive our title to the inheritance. First, men of the jury, to prove to you that I have described the pedigree correct^, I will have the depositions read; and after that he shall read the law itself, which gives inheritances to the nearest relatives in the male line : for these, I take it, are the principal points upon which the contest turns, and upon which you are sworn to pronounce your verdict. Please to call the witnesses up here, and read the law. \Tlie witnesses. The law.] Such is their pedigree, men of the jury, and such is ours ; and it is right therefore, that those who by the evidence alone have proved themselves to be nearest of kin should have the inheritance, not that the desperation of the partyAGAINST LEOCHARES. 31 making an affidavit should prevail against your laws. For, if they rely on the adoption, (the character of which I shall explain to yon,) yet surely after the death of the adopted child, and when the family had until the commencement of our suit become extinct, it is right that those who are nearest of kin should get the inheritance, and that you should give redress not to those citizens who can command the greatest amount of influence, but to those who suffer wrong. If it had rested with us, after explaining the circumstance of the pedigree and the affidavit, to leave the platform, and there had been no occasion for us to say anything more, the most important part of my address being concluded, I should have hardly thought proper to have troubled you any further. As our opponents however will not rely upon the laws, but will contend that, having got the start of us at an early period and having entered upon the estate, these are proofs of their title to inherit, it is perhaps necessary that I should say something upon this part of the case, and show you how utterly regardless they have been of law and propriety. To begin from the commencement, men of the jury—Midy-lides and Archiades give their sister in marriage to Leostratus of Eleusis : in course of time, from a daughter of their sister so given in marriage is born Leocrates, the father of our opponent Leostratus: mark how distantly related he is to Archiades, in respect of whose inheritance he has made his exceptive affidavit. Such being the state of things, Archiades did not marry ; Midylides, his brother and grandfather of my father, did marry. And they had not made any partition of their estate, but each of them having sufficient to live on, Midylides resided in the city of Athens, while Archiades took up his abode in Salamis. Some time afterwards Midylides, my father’s grandfather, had occasion to travel out of the country, and during his absence abroad Archiades, being still unmarried, fell ill and died. What is the proof that he was still unmarried? A water-carrier1 stands upon the tomb of Archiades. 1 “ From this passage,” says Becker in the Charicles Transl. p. 484, " we learn that it was the custom to place some figure referring to svater-carrying on the tomb of one who had died single, as a symbol of celibacy. That a girl is here intended, we learn from p. 1089, where Demosthenes says, 77 \ovrpo The depositions.] That I was absolutely under the necessity of receiving the names of those who were indebted to the state, you hear from the law and the decrees. That I received the names from the authorities, the person who delivered them has testified. Now, men of the jury, it is fair that you should look at this case from the beginning, and consider first, whether I did wrong, who was compelled to get from Theophemus what he owed, or whether Theophemus did wrong, who retained so long in his possession the ship’s furniture belonging to the state. If you look at the matter closely, you will find that Theophemus has acted wrong throughout, and that this is not merely a statement of mine, but a point decided by the judgment of the Council and the court. For, when I received his name from the authorities, I first went to him and demanded the ship’s furniture ; he refused to return it at my request: I afterwards lighted upon him near the Hermes by the small gate, and summoned him before the clearing officers and the overseers of the docks; for they were the persons who then brought into court disputes concerning ship’s furniture. To prove the truth of my statements, I will call before you the witnesses to the summons. [The witnesses.] That he was summoned by me, the witnesses have proved. Now, to prove that he was brought into court, please to take the deposition of the clearing officers and the presiding magistrate. [The deposition.] The party whom I expected to give me trouble, Demo-chares of Pseania, was disagreeable before he was brought into court, but after his trial and conviction paid up his proportion of the ship’s furniture. The person whom I should never have expected to be so far gone in profligacy.86 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. as to dare to rob the state of her naval stores, has proceeded to this length of harassing litigation. He was present in court when the case was brought on, and never made any opposition, never gave in any name and demanded an interpleader, as he should have done if he meant to contend that another party had the ship’s furniture, and that he ought not to be called upon to pay : instead of this, he allowed the verdict to be taken against him ; but, after he left the court, he did not pay any the more for that, but thought that for the present he would keep out of the way and remain quiet, until I had sailed with the fleet and some time had elapsed, and that I should be compelled to pay the ship’s furniture, W'hieh he owed to the state, either here on my return, or to my successor, who should be sent from the navy-board to join the ship. For what answer could I have made to him, when he produced the decrees and the laws, showing that I was required to get in the ship’s furniture1? After a lapse of time, if I had come back and made a demand upon him, Theophemus would have said that he had paid, and, as proofs that he had paid, would have urged these very circumstances, the occasion, the emergency, and that I was not such a fool, and had never been such a friend to him, as to wait for payment : for what earthly reason, when I was serving the state as trierarch and overseer of the navy-board, and when such a law and such decrees were in force, should I have given him time in the collection'? This was the idea of Theophemus, and therefore it was that he did not return the ship’s furniture at the time, but kept out of the way, and thought that he should afterwards be able to defraud me; and further, he thought that he could have recourse to an oath and perjure himself without difficulty, a trick which he has played others before. For his grasping disposition, in matters where his interests are at stake, is dreadful, as I will show you by actual proof. For Theophemus, while he owed these naval stores to the state, made a pretence of throwing the charge upon Aphareus, but he never in point of fact gave in his name and demanded an interpleader, well knowing that he should be convicted of falsehood, if he came into court. For Aphareus proved that Theophemus had charged him with the value of the ship’s furniture and received the money from him, when he became his successor in the Hierarchy,AGAINST EUERGUS AND MNESIBULUS. 87 Now he says he delivered it up to Demochares, and he has gone to law with the children of Demochares since his death,, In the lifetime of Demochares, Theophemus did not give in his name and demand an interpleader, when I was suing him for the ship’s furniture : his only idea was, on the pretence of time having elapsed, to rob the state of these stores. To prove the truth of what I say, he shall read the depositions. \_The depositions.] Deflecting in my mind upon these matters, and hearing from people who had come in contact with Theophemus, what sort of a person he was where his interests were concerned, and finding that I could not get the ship’s furniture from him, I applied to the clearing officers and the Council and the Assembly, stating that Theophemus did not return to me the ship’s furniture, for which the court had pronounced him to be accountable. And the other trierarchs also applied to the Council, w7ho were not able to get their ships’ furniture from the parties liable. And after a long discussion the Council answers us by a decree, which he shall read to you, requiring us to get payment in whatever way we could. \The decree.] After this decree had been passed by the Council, as no one indicted it for illegality, and so it became valid in law, I went to Euergus the defendant, the brother of Theophemus, as I was unable to see Theophemus himself; and having the decree in my hand, I first demanded the ship’s furniture, and requested him to inform Theophemus ; then, after waiting a few days, as he did not return the ship’s furniture, but only laughed at me, I took witnesses with me and asked him, whether he had divided his estate with his brother, or whether they held it in common. Euergus replied that they had made partition, and that Theophemus lived in a house by himself, while he (Euergus) dwelt with his father. Having then ascertained where Theophemus lived, I got a servant from the Council, and went to his house. Finding him not at home, I desired the woman who answered the door to go and fetch him wherever he might be. This was the woman whom (according to the evidence of the defendants) Theo*88 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. phemus offered to deliver up, but whom I, notwithstanding my demands, cannot get them to deliver up, to inform you of the truth and prove who committed the first assault. She fetched Theophemus, and, on his arrival, I asked him for the inventory of the ship’s furniture, telling him that 1 was just about to set sail; and I showed the decree of the Council. Instead of complying with my demand, he began to threaten and abuse me; so I desired the boy, if he saw any citizens passing by, to call them out of the road, and ask them to witness the conversation for me ; and I again required Theophemus either to go himself with me to the clearing officers and the Council, and, if he disputed his liability, to satisfy the authorities who delivered to us the names of the debtors and compelled us to proceed against them, or to return the ship’s furniture; if he declined, I said I must levy a distress according to the laws and the decrees. As he was not willing to do anything that was right, I laid my hand upon the female who stood at the door, the same who had gone to fetch him. And Theophemus would not allow me to take her. I then let go the woman, and was proceeding to enter the house, to distrain some of his furniture; for the door had been opened for Theophemus when he arrived, though he had not yet gone in; and I had been informed that he was not married. Just as I was going in, Theophemus strikes me on the mouth with his fist, and I, calling on all who were present to bear witness, returned the blow. Now the truth of what I say, that Theophemus committed the first assault, could be established by nothing so wrell (I take it) as by the evidence of the woman, whom these witnesses have said Theophemus wished to deliver up. Theophemus, whose action first came before the jury-court, as I did not put in a special plea or make an affidavit for delay, such proceedings having once damaged me in a former cause —Theophemus, I say, deceived the jury by means of this testimony, declaring that the witnesses whom I produced gave false evidence, and that this woman would speak the truth, if she were put to the torture. Their conduct now is shown to be the very reverse of the language which they used on that occasion. For I am unable to get the woman for examination, notwithstanding my repeated demands, as has been proved to you by witnesses. Since, however, thejAGAINST EUERGUS AND MNESIBULUS, 89 do not give the woman up, whom they themselves said I was challenged to receive, I will call before you the witnesses, who saw Theophemus strike me the first blow. This is an assault in law, when a man commits the first act of violence, and especially when he strikes one who is levying a public debt pursuant to your law and your decrees. Please to read the decrees and the depositions. [The decrees. The depositions.] As Theophemus had thus rescued the distress, and laid violent hands upon me, I went to the Council and showed the blows, and told them how I had been treated, and that I had been thus maltreated while collecting the ship’s furniture for the state. The Council, indignant at the usage which I had received, and seeing the plight I was in, and considering that the insult had been offered not so much to me as to themselves, and to the people who had passed the decree, and to the law which compelled us to collect the ship’s furniture, ordered me to prefer an impeachment, and the Presidents to give Theophemus two days’ notice of trial upon a charge of misdemeanor for impeding the departure of the fleet, and that the articles should charge that he refused to return the ship’s furniture, and had rescued the distress and beaten me who was levying debts and performing duty for the state. I preferred the impeachment against Theophemus, and it came on for trial before the Council; both sides were heard, and, the Councillors having voted secretly by ballot, he was convicted and found guilty in the Council-chamber, and when the Council were about to divide on the question whether they should deliver him over to a jury-court or sentence him to a fine of five hundred drachms, the highest penalty which they were competent to inflict by law, at the urgent entreaty of all these men. who sent I can’t tell you how many persons to intercede for them, and gave up that very instant in the Council the inventory of the ship’s furniture, and promised to refer the question of the battery to any Athenian that I liked to name, I consented that Theophemus should be sentenced to the mitigated penalty of five and twenty drachms. To prove the truth of these statements, I pray that any of you who were councillors in the archonship of Agathoclea90 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES, will tell what you know to those that sit near you ; and 1 shall call as witnesses before you all the councillors of that year whom I have been able to find. [.The depositions.] I, men of the jury, was thus lenient to these persons. The decree, however, commanded not only that those who failed to return any ship’s furniture belonging to the state, but-that whoever possessed any of their own and declined to sell it, should be liable to have their property confiscated. Such a scarcity of ship’s furniture was there at that time in the city. Read me the decree. \Tlie decree.'] When I had returned from my voyage, men of the jury, as Theophemus would not refer to any one the matter of the blows which he had given me, I summoned him and commenced against him an action of assault. He summoned me in a cross-action, and, the causes having been sent to arbitration, when the time came for pronouncing the award, Theophemus put in a special plea, and made an affidavit for adjournment. I, feeling confident that I had done no wrong, came to try the cause before you. Theophemus produced this testimony, to which no one else has deposed, but only his brother and brother-in-law, namely, that he was willing to give up the female slave ; and so, pretending to be an honest and straightforward person, deceived the jurors. I now make a fair request to you, that, vdiile you decide about this testimony, whether it is true or false, you will at the same time consider the whole case from the beginning. My opinion is, that proof should be obtained by the very means which Theophemus then appealed to as the fair test, namely, by putting the woman to the torture, and ascertaining from her evidence which party struck the first blow; for that constitutes assault. And on this account am I suing the witnesses for false testimony, because they said that Theophemus was willing to give up the woman, when, in fact, he never would give her body up, either before the arbitrator or afterwards, notwithstanding my repeated demands. They ought therefore to suffer a double punishment, first, because they deceived the jurors by producing the false testimony of a brother and a brother-in-law; secondly, becauseAGAINST EUERGUS AND MNESIBULUS, 91 they did me an injury while T was zealously discharging an official duty, doing what the state commanded me, and obeying your laws and decrees. To show you that I am not the only person employed in such a duty; that, while I received this man’s name from the authorities, with orders to get from him the ship’s furniture which he owed to the state, other trierarchs proceeded against other parties whose names they received—read me the depositions relating to these matters. [The depositions.] I wish now, men of the jury, to tell you how they have used me. After judgment had passed against me in the action, in which these witnesses gave the false evidence foi which I sue them, when the time for paying the judgment was near expiring, I went to Theophemus and asked him to wait a little while, stating the truth, that, after I had provided the money to pay him with, a trierarchy had been cast upon me, and I had to send off the trireme in great haste, and Alcimachus the general had ordered me to furnish the ship for him : so I was obliged to employ for this purpose the money provided to pay Theophemus. I requested him to extend the day of payment till I had sent off the ship. He answered me readily and quite innocently : “very good”— said he—“ when you have sent off the ship, then provide the money for me.” As Theophemus had made me this answer and given further time for payment, and as I mainly relied upon my suit for false testimony and their unwillingness to deliver up the female, and therefore thought it unlikely that they would take any fresh steps in my affair, I despatched the trireme, and not many days afterwards, having provided the money, I went to him and requested him to follow me to the bank and receive the amount of the judgment. To prove the truth of these statements, he shall read you the depositions, [The depositions.] Theophemus, instead of following me to the bank and receiving the judgment, went and took fifty soft-wooled sheep of mine, together with the shepherd and all that belongs to them, and also a boy in my service, who was carrying back a brass pitcher, which had been borrowed of a neighbour, of great value. And they were not satisfied with having these92 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. things ; they broke into the farm—(I farm a piece of land close to the race-course, and have dwelt there from a boy)—and first they made a rush to seize the slaves, but the slaves escaped and ran off, some one way and some another ; so they came to the dwelling-house, and having knocked open the gate leading to the garden, they entered—(I mean the defendant, Euergus, the brother of Theophemus, and Mnesibulus, his brother-in-law, to whom I owed no judgment debt, and who had no right to touch anything of mine)—they entered, I say, into the apartments of my wife and children, and carried off all the furniture that was left in the house. They were disappointed in getting so little, for they expected tc find the stock of household furniture much larger; but in consequence of the public charges and taxes which I have had to pay, and the liberality which I have exercised towards you, a part of the furniture is in pawn, and a part has been sold. Everything that was left they took and went off with, and besides this, men of the jury—my wife happened to be dining with the children in the open court,1 and with her was an aged woman, who had been my nurse, and whom, for her fidelity and attachment, my father had set free. After receiving her freedom she married and lived with her husband; but on his death, as she was advanced in years and had no one to maintain her, she came back to me. It was impossible for me to suffer my old nurse, any more than my instructor,2 to remain in want; and at the same time I was going out as trierarch, so that my wife too was willing that I should leave such a person with her to assist her in housekeeping. Well; they were dining, as I say, in the open court, when these persons burst in upon them and began to seize the furniture. The other female domestics, (who were in the attic,3 which was their part of the house,) hearing the noise, closed the 1 The court of the Gynaeconitis. See the description of a Grecian house in the Charicles, Excursus i. to scene iii. 2 So Pabst, according to the reading of Bekker and Schafer:—“ wo es denn natürlich Pflicht für mich war, so wenig meine gewesene Amme, als meinen Erzieher im Mangel zu verlassen.” It is impossible to express in a modern translation the Athenian Troudayovyos, who was a slave, employed to take his master’s son to school, carry his books, &c. See the Charicles, Excursus on Education. 3 This was an upper story, which, not covering the whole of tha ground floor, was called rrvpyos, a tower. Charicles, Transl. page 266.AGAINST EUERGUS AND MNESIBULUS. 93 door leading to the attic, so that the men did not effect an entrance there ; but they carried away all the furniture from the other part of the house, although my wife warned them not to touch it, and informed them that it was mortgaged to secure her marriage portion :—“ and you have ”—said she— “ the fifty sheep and the boy and the shepherd, whose value exceeds your judgment debt,”—for one of the neighbours had knocked at the door and brought this intelligence. Besides, she told them that the money was lying at the bank for them ; for she had heard that from me : “ and if you will wTait”—she said—“or if one of you will go and fetch my husband, you shall take the money away with you directly; but leave the furniture, and don’t seize anything that belongs to me, especially as you have the full value of your judgment.” In spite of my wife’s remonstrance, they not only refused to wait, but—the nurse having taken a cup that was by her, from which she was drinking, and put it into her bosom, to prevent these men taking it, when she saw them in the house— Theophemus and his brother Euergus, who saw what she did, used force to get the cup from her, and handled her so roughly, that her arms and wrists were suffused with blood, from their wrenching and twisting of her hands and pulling her about in taking away the cup, and she had bruises on her neck from their pinching and squeezing, and her breast was black and blue. Such was the extent of their brutality, that, until they had got the cup from her bosom, they never ceased squeezing and beating the old woman. The servants of the neighbours hearing the noise, and seeing my house pillaged, some of them called from their roofs to the people who were passing by, some went into the other road, and seeing Hag-nophilus pass by, requested him to come. Hagnophilus came up; he had been called by the servant of Anthemion, who is my neighbour; but he did not go into the house, thinking it was not right in the absence of the master: he stood, however, upon Anthemion’s land, and saw the furniture carried away, and Euergus and Theophemus going out of my house. And they not only went off with my furniture, men of the jury ; they were taking away my son also, as if he had been a slave, until Hermogenes, one of my neighbours, met them, and told them that he was my son. To prove my statements, he shall read you the evidence.94 THE ORATIONS OF IEMOSTHENES. [The deposition.'] When the news was brought to me in Piraeus by the neighbours, I went to the farm, but found these men gone : I saw that the household goods had been carried away, and in what a condition the old woman was. Having heard from my wife what had taken place, I went early the next morning to Theophemus in the city: I had witnesses with me, and I desired him first to receive payment of his judgment debt and follow me to the bank; after that, I called on him to provide medical assistance for the woman whom they had beaten, and I said they might bring what surgeon they pleased. I gave this formal notice to him in the presence of witnesses. Theophemus and Euergus both poured a torrent of abuse upon me : Theophemus followed me with much reluctance, making all the delays that he could, and saying that he wanted himself to take witnesses with him * this was an artful pretence to gain time. Meanwhile Euergus, the defendant, went straight from the city, in company with some others like himself, to the farm. A few of the household goods, which the day before were in the attic and not outside, as it happened, had of necessity been brought downstairs, after I came home. Euergus, having knocked open the gate which he had broken on the previous day, and which was scarcely at all fastened, seized the remnant of furniture, and went off with it—Euergus, I say, a person to whom I owed no judgment, and with whom I never had any transaction whatsoever ! When I paid Theophemus to whom I owed the judgment—(I paid him in the presence of several witnesses eleven hundred drachms for the damages, a hundred and eighty-three drachms two obols for costs, and thirty drachms for the court fees ;1 there was no penalty that I owed him)— I say, when he had received from me at the bank thirteen hundred and thirteen drachms and two obols, the total amount, I demanded from him the sheep and the slaves and the furniture of which he had plundered me. He declared that he would not return them, unless he and his assistants were released from all claims and demands, and unless the witnesses were released from the suit for false testimony. Upon his giving me this answer, I requested the witnesses 1 According to Bockh’s emendation, adopted by Pabst and others.AGAINST EUERGUS AND MNUSIBULUS. 95 who were present to take notice of what he said; I paid him the judgment, however, and did not choose to be in default. As to Euergus, I did not even know that he had gone into my house that day ; but immediately after the judgment had been paid, and while Theophemus still had in his possession the sheep and the slaves and the furniture which I had on the previous day,1 a stonemason, who was working at the neighbouring monument, brought me tidings that Euergus had levied another execution at my house and gone off with the rest of the furniture; this person whom I never had anything to do with ! To prove the truth of these statements—that they had seized my goods in execution on the previous day, and on the following day got the money from me—(but if the money had not been provided, and I had not given them notice, how could they have received payment'?)—and that they went again into the house on the very day that I paid the money— he shall read you the evidence of the depositions. [The depositions.] The notice which I gave him, to bring a surgeon and cure the woman whom they had so beaten, he paid not the slightest regard to, men of the jury ; so 1 myself brought her a surgeon, whom I had employed for many years, who attended her during her illness. I showed him the condition she was in, and brought witnesses. Hearing from the surgeon that the woman was in a hopeless state, I went to these men again with other witnesses, explained the state the woman was in, and required them to find medical aid for her. On the sixth day after they had entered my house, the nurse died. To prove the truth of these statements, he shall read you the depositions. [The depositions.] After her death I went to the Interpreters,2 to learn what course I ought to take in the matter; and I detailed to them everything which had taken place, the arrival of these men, the attachment of the woman to our family, the cause of my 1 The text is apparently corrupt—as also a part of the next paragraph, where I follow the transposition of Reiske. 2 These were three members of the family of the Eumolpidac, whose duty it was to expound the religious and ceremonial laws, interpret omens and oracles, perform expiatory sacrifices, &e.96 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. having her in nay house, and that she had lost her life f >r not giving up the cup. The Interpreters, having heard my story, asked me whether they should expound the law to me only, or give me advice also. I replied, “Both.” “ Very well”— they said—“ then we will expound to you what the law is, and advise you what is for your good. The first thing is, to carry a spear in front of the funeral procession,1 and to make proclamation 2 at the tomb, if there is any one connected with the WDman; and, after that, you must watch the tomb for three days. The advice that we give you is as follows. As you were not present yourself, but only your wife and children, and you have no other witnesses; we recommend you not to make proclamation against any one by name, but generally against the homicides and guilty parties; and further, not to commence proceedings before the king-archon. For the woman does not come within the law to enable you, as she is no relation, and was not even a servant, according to your account. It is to relations and masters that the law assigns the duty of prosecuting. Should you therefore take the oath in the Palladium, you and your wife and children, and should you imprecate curses upon yourselves and your house, many people will form an unfavourable opinion of you, and, if your adversary be acquitted, you will be thought to have committed perjury, if you convict him, you will incur public odium. Our advice is, that you perform the necessary religious ceremonies for yourself and your house, then bear the misfortune as patiently as you can, and take vengeance, if you like, in some other way.” 1 “ Those who had died a violent death were interred with peculiar formalities. To symbolize the pursuit of the murderer, which was incumbent on the relations, a lance was carried in front of the procession, and stuck upright by the grave, and this was watched for three days." Charicles, Transl. p. 402. 2 This was a proclamation giving notice to the homicide, to keep away from the tomb, and from all public places and sacrifices. It was followed, in case of a prosecution, by another notice, given in the market-place, warning the party accused to appear and answer to the charge. See article teet himself against the flood by a wall or embankment. Call idea himself had exercised this right; only he had exceeded his lawful powers by encroaching on the road. The flood complained of by Cal-licles was a misfortune, by which others had suffered as well as he, but no one else had thought of going to law about it. The actual damage sustained by Callicles was very slight; his real object in bringing this vexatious action was to drive the defendant out of the neighbourhood, and get possession of his land, which he had been for some time plotting to do. IVien of Athens, there is (I am sure) no greater nuisance than a bad and covetous neighbour; which it has been my lot to meet with. For Callicles, having set his heart upon my land, has worried me with litigation. First he got his cousin to claim it from me; but I proved that claim to be false, and defeated their attempt; then he procured two awards against me for non-appearance, one in an action at his own suit for a thousand drachms, the other in an action brought at his instigation by Callicrates, his brother, who is here in court. I beseech you all to hear me with attention, not because I am any speaker, but that you may learn by the facts, how groundless the action is. (One fact alone, men of Athens, is an answer to all thej' say. My father built the wall round this land, almost before I was born, in the lifetime of Callippides, their father, and then his neighbour, (who surely knew the circumstances better than they do,) and when Callicles was grown up and living at Athens. In all these years no one ever came to complain or object; though of course it rained then as often as it does now. No one made any opposition at the time, on the pretence that he was injured by my father’s fencing his own land ; no one even warned him not to build, or protested against it, although my father survived more than fifteen years, and Callippides, their father, as many. Surely, Callicles, when you saw the watercourse stopped, you might have gone and complained to my father directly, and said, “Tisias, what are you about h Stopping the watercourse ? Our land will be flooded.” Then, if he had desisted, there would have been nothing unpleasant between you ; had he disregarded your remonstrance, and any mischief happened, those who were present at the interview would have been your witnesses. ) And you ought further to have satisfied all men of the existence of a watercourse, that you might have proved182 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. my father to be a wrongdoer, not merely called him one, as you do now. But such a thing was never thought of. If it had been, you would not have got an award for non-appearance, as you have against me, nor have gained anything by your sharp practice; for if you had brought a witness then, and appealed to his testimony, he would now have proved from his own knowledge all the circumstances of the case, and confuted these ready witnesses of yours. But I suppose, you despised a young and inexperienced person like me. Fortunately, men of Athens, their own acts are the strongest evidence against them ; for how comes it, they none of them ever protested or complained, or made the slightest objection, but submitted contentedly to the injury ? I think I have completely answered their case already; but I will go to the other points, and show you, men of Athens, still more clearly, that my father had a right to inclose the land, and these men’s statements are false. The land is admitted by the plaintiff to be ours ; and this being so, if you could see the place, men of Athens, you would know at once there is no ground for this action. I wished, on this account, to refer the case to impartial men who knew the premises; but my opponents were unwilling, though now they say otherwise. I will make it clear to you in a moment; but pray, men of Athens, attend. Between their land and mine is a road. A mountain surrounds both, from which streams of water run down partly into the road, partly on the lands. And the water falling into the road sometimes, where it finds a clear passage, is carried straight down the road, but, where it meets with any impediment, it then of necessity overflows upon the lands. It so happened, men of the jury, that the land in question was inundated after a flood. My father was not then the owner, but a town-bred man, who disliked the place. By his neglect, the water overflowed several times, damaged the land, and was making further inroad. My father, (as I learn from good authority,) seeing this, and also that the neighbours encroached and walked over his grounds, built this wall on the border. I have witnesses who speak to this of their own knowledge, and circumstantial evidence stronger than any testimony. Callicles says, I injure him by obstructing the watercourse; but I will show that it is privateAGAINST GALLICLES. 183 ground, and not a watercourse. If it were not admitted to be our property, perhaps we might have been trespassers by building on a public highway; but this they don’t dispute ; and there are trees planted on the ground, vines and figs. Who would plant them in a watercourse ? No one. Or who would bury his ancestors there ? No one, I guess. Yet both these things have been done, men of the jury. The trees were planted before my father built the wall; and the tombs are old, and made before we had the property. This being so, what stronger argument can there be, men of Athens ? The facts are convincing. Take all the depositions, and read them. [Depositions.'] Men of Athens, you hear the depositions. Do they not expressly say, that the ground is full of trees, and has some tombs, and other things commonly found on private grounds ; and also that it was inclosed in the lifetime of their father, without any opposition from them or the other neighbours ? We must look, men of the jury, into the other statements of Callicles. And first consider, whether you ever saw or heard of a watercourse by the side of a road: I believe, in the whole country there is none. For why should a man make a drain through his own land for water, that would pass through the public road? Which of you, I ask, in town or country, would receive water that passes through the highway into his own house or farm ? On the contrary, do you not, when it forces its way, dam or fence it off? Yet the plaintiff requires me to receive the water out of the road upon my own land, and then, when it has passed beyond his, to turn it back into the road. But, if so, the next adjoining landowner complains; and of course with the same right as the plaintiff. Again, if I am afraid of diverting the water into the road, I should hardly venture to turn it into a neighbour’s land. For, when I am sued for a fixed penalty, because it overflowed the plaintiff’s land from the road, what must I expect from those persons, who suffer by an inundation from my grounds ? Then if, having received the water, I may not drain it off either into the road, or into private ground, what, in heaven’s name, am I to do, men of the jury l Surely Callicles won’t force me to drink it up.184 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. For these and other annoyances which they have inflicted on me, instead of receiving, I must be content with not giving, satisfaction. I allow, men of the jury, if there had been a watercourse immediately beyond me, I might Lave been wrong in stopping the water. There are on some estates acknowledged watercourses, which (like the gutter-drains from houses) the first landowners receive, then pass to the next, and so on. But this no one either transmits, or receives from me. How then can it be a watercourse i Many persons ere now, I take it, have (for want of care) suffered by an inundation ; and so has the plaintiff. But the worst of it is; he, when his land is overflowed, brings up huge stones and makes a dam; yet, because the same accident happened to my father’s land and he inclosed it, it is a grievance, and Callicles brings an action against me. I can only say, if all persons who are injured by the flowing of water in that country are to sue me, I must have an immense increase of fortune to bear it. But these men are very different from the rest. These men have sustained no damage, as I will presently show you, while many of the others have been greatly injured; and yet these alone have ventured to sue me. They had indeed less cause than any; for whatever they have suffered has been through their own fault, although they shift the blame vexatiously on me; while the rest, however negligent they may have been, are at all events chargeable with nothing of this kind. But, that I may not crowd too many things together, take the depositions of the neighbours. [Depositions.1 Is it not shameful, men of the jury, that, while no complaint is made by these persons, who have been so much injured, or by any of the other sufferers, but they all submit to misfortune, the plaintiff gets up a vexatious action against me? That he has himself committed an offence, first, in narrowing the road, by bringing his wall beyond the boundary, in order to get his trees within the road—and secondly, in throwing rubbish into it, by which it has been both narrowed and raised—I will presently prove by witnesses. But I wish now to show you, that, though he sues me for so high a penalty, he has sustained no loss or damage worth mentioning.AGAINST C7ALLICLES. 1st Before these malicious proceedings, their mother and mine were acquainted, and visited each other, as you might expect they would, being country neighbours, and their husbands being acquainted when alive. My mother having called upon theirs, she told her the distress she was in, and showed what had happened. Thus I learned the story. And I will tell you what my mother said, men of the jury: so may I prosper, as 1 speak the truth. She told me what she saw and heard from their mother; that some barley got wet, about four bushels, which she saw being dried; and less than a bushel of barley-meal; and a jar of oil, she said, had fallen down, but was not at all damaged. Such, men of the jury, is this accident, for which I am sued for a fixed penalty of a thousand drachms. They can hardly charge me with the building up of an old wall, which neither fell down nor w7as injured. Admitting therefore that I was the cause of the whole misfortune, these are the things that got wet ! However, as my father had a right to inclose his land, and these men for so long a time never complained, and others, who have been great sufferers, lay no blame on me, and it is the common practice with you all, to drain water from your houses and grounds into the road, not to take it in from the road; what need of further argument ? These facts show that the charge against me is groundless, and they are not damaged as they allege. To prove that they threw the rubbish into the road, and narrowed it by advancing their wall, and also that I tendered an oath to their mother, and challenged them to let mine swear the same; take the depositions and the challenge. [The depositions. The challenge.] Can you conceive a more impudent set of pettifoggers 1 Having pushed forward their own wall, and raised the road, they sue other persons, and for a penalty of a thousand drachms, when their loss amounts not to fifty ! Consider, men of the jury, how many persons in the country have suffered by floods, at Eleusis and elsewhere. Heaven and earth ! They never dream of recovering the damage from their neighbours. And I, who have cause to complain of the road being narrowed and raised, remain quiet; but these men, you see, are so audacious as to harass with law the persons they have186 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. injured. Surely, Callicles, if you may inclose your land, we may ours. If my father by inclosing injured you, you likewise injure me by inclosing now. For it is clear that, if the water be obstructed by large stones, it will come back to my land, and may by a sudden inroad throw down the wall. However, I blame not the plaintiff for that, but submit to the misfortune, and shall endeavour to protect my own property. I think that he acts prudently in fencing his ground ; but, ingoing to law with me, I hold him to be thoroughly wicked and infatuated. Be not surprised, men of the jury, at the eagerness of the plaintiff, or his daring to bring a false charge now. For before, when he persuaded his cousin to claim my land, he produced a forged agreement. And now he has himself obtained an award against me for non-appearance in another similar action, in wThich he made Callarus, one of my slaves, defendant. For, among other tricks, they have hit upon this device : they bring the same action against Callarus. Now what servant would inclose his master’s land without orders ? Having no other charge against Callarus, they sue him on account of the wall, which my father built above fifteen years before his death. And, if I will let them have my land by purchase or exchange, Callarus does no wrong; but if I don’t choose to part with my own, Callarus has deeply injured them, and they look out for an arbitrator to adjudge the estate to them, or some compromise by which they may obtain it. Men of the jury, if designing knaves and pettifoggers are to have their way, I might as well have held my tongue; but if you detest people of that sort, and decide according to justice, then, as Callicles has suffered no loss or injury, either from Callarus or my father, I have said enough already^ To prove to you, that he got his cousin to aid him in his design against my estate, and has now himself procured an award in this other action against Callarus, to spite me because I set a value upon the man, and has brought a second action also against Callarus; the clerk shall read the depositions. [Depositions.^ I implore you, men of the jury, do not leave me oo the mercy of these persons, when I have done no wrong. I careAGAINST OIONYSODORUS. 187 not so much for the penalty, hard as that is on a man of small fortune; but they are driving me altogether out of the township by their calumny and persecution. To prove that I had done no wrong, I was willing to refer the matter to fair and impartial men, who knew the circumstances; and also to swear the customary oath; for that, I thought, would be most convincing to you, who are yourselves upon oath. Please to take the challenge and the remaining depositions. [The challenge. The depositions.] THE ORATION AGAINST DIONYSODORUS. THE ARGUMENT. Darius and Pamphilus lent 3,000 drachms to Parmeniscus and Diony-sodorus on a ship, which was to sail from Athens to Egypt and bring home a cargo of corn. Upon its safe arrival in the port of Piraeus the principal and interest were to be repaid. There was an express stipulation, that the vessel was not to discharge her cargo at any in* termediate port, which indeed was contrary to the Athenian law; and for a breach of the agreement the borrowers bound themselves to pay a penalty of double the amount. Parmeniscus went out with the ship to Egypt, purchased corn, and brought it on his way home as far as Rhodes; but there receiving a message from his partner, that the price of corn at Athens had fallen, owing to a large importation from Sicily, he sold his cargo in Rhodes, and continued for two years to carry on trade, going from Rhodes to Egypt and back, but never coming to Athens pursuant to his agreement with Darius and Pamphilus. Darius then applies to Dionyso-dorus, who had remained at Athens, reminds him of his liability, and demands payment of what was due under the agreement. Dionyso-dorus offers to pay the principal with interest calculated as far as Rhodes, alleging that the ship had been too much damaged on her voyage to proceed to Athens, that the other creditors had been contented to take interest to Rhodes only, and that by the terms of their contract the lenders were not entitled to recover anything unless the vessel came safe to the port of Piraeus. To this Darius replied, that he had nothing to do with any arrangement entered into with other creditors; that it was manifest the ship had suffered no serious damage, or she would not have been employed again in trading between Rhodes and Egypt; and, with respect to the clause exonerating the borrowers in case the ship did not come safe to Piraeus, that only applied in the event of a total loss, and not to a failure to return by the fraud or neglect of the borrower himself. If the ship188 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. were really lost, what did they mean by offering interest as far m Rhodes ? They were liable to pay the whole or nothing. These arguments did not convince Dionysodorus, or at least did not induce him to change his mind. A proposal was made by Darius to refer the dispute to the arbitration of commercial men; but, this being rejected, the present action was brought to enforce the performance of the contract. Darius, whose name appears only from the argument of Libanius, addresses the court in the following speech written for him by Demosthenes; and at the close of it calls upon Demosthenes himself to come forward as his advocate; a thing which was not so usual in private causes. I am a partner in this loan, men of the jury. We who have engaged in maritime trade, and put our money in the hands of other people, know very well, that the borrower has the advantage over us in every respect. He receives our hard cash without any mistake, and leaves us a bit of writing and a small scrap of paper that cost two farthings, containing his covenant to do what is right. We do not promise to advance our money, but advance it to the borrower immediately. On what then do we rely, and what security do we get when we part with our money ? We rely on you, men of the jury, and on your laws, which declare that whatever agreement a man enters into voluntarily with another shall be valid. It seems to me however, that neither laws nor agreements are of any use, if a person who receives money is not honest in his principles, and does not either fear you or respect the rights of the lender. Dionysodorus the defendant does neither of these, butdias arrived at such a pitch of audacity, that after borrowing three thousand drachms from us upon his ship, on the condition that his ship should return to Athens, and when we ought to have got back our money in the season of last year, he carried his ship to Rhodes, unladed his cargo there and sold it in violation of the agreement and of your laws ; from Rhodes again he despatched the ship to Egypt, and from thence to Rhodes, and even to this day he has never paid us who lent him our money at Athens, or produced to us our security ; he has now for two years been making use of our funds, keeping the loan and the trade and the ship that was mortgaged to us, and notwithstanding this he has come into court, with the intention, I presume, of mulcting us with the sixth part of the damages, and putting us in the lodging, besides cheating us out of our money. I therefore, men ofAGAINST DIONYSODORUS. 189 Athens, beseech and implore you all to give me redress, if you think I have been wronged. Let me first explain to you how the loan was contracted: that will best enable you to follow the case. This Dionysodorus, men of Athens, and his partner Par-meniscus came to us last year in the month of Metageitnion, and said they wanted to borrow money on their ship, on the terms that she should sail to Egypt and from Egypt to Rhodes or A thens, and they engaged to pay interest to either of those ports, as the case might be. We replied, men of the jury, that we would not lend to any other port than to Athens, and so they agree to return here, and these terms being arranged, they borrow three thousand drachms from us upon the ship, on the voyage out and home, and entered into a written agreement to that effect. In the agreement Pam-philus, who is here in court, was set down as the lender: I however, though not named, lent the money jointly with him. And first he shall read you the agreement. [The agreement.] In pursuance of this agreement, men of the jury, Dionysodorus the defendant and his partner Parmeniscus sent off the ship from Athens to Egypt. And Parmeniscus sailed with the ship; Dionysodorus stayed at Athens. For you must know, men of the jury, these men were agents and confederates of Cleomenes, the governor of Egypt, who, from the time that he received the government, has done immense mischief to your state, and still more to the rest of the Greeks, by buying up corn for resale and keeping it at his own price j1 and these men have been acting in league with him. It was done in this way. Some of them shipped off cargoes from Egypt, while others went out in the trading vessels, and others stayed at Athens and disposed of the consignments. Then those who stayed here sent letters to those abroad advising them of the state of the market, so that, if corn were dear with you, they might bring it here; if it became cheaper, they might sail to some other port. It was chiefly owing to such letters and confederacies, men of the jury, that the price of corn was raised. Well; when 1 Pabst—“ er Getreide zum Wucher aufkaufte, und wieder verkaufte* und so den Preis desselben willkuhrlich. bestimmte.”190 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. these men sent off this ship from Athens, they left the price of corn pretty high; and therefore they submitted to the clause in the agreement, binding them to sail to Athens and to no other port. Afterwards however, men of the jury, when the Sicilian vessels had arrived, and the prices of corn were falling, and their ship had got to Egypt, the defendant instantly despatches a person to Rhodes to inform his partner Parmeniscus of the state of things here, knowing perfectly well that his ship would be obliged to touch at Rhodes. Tho result was that Parmeniscus, the defendant’s partner, having received his letter of advice, and learned the state of the corn-market, at Athens, unships his corn at Rhodes and sells it there; and thus, men of the jury, they acted in defiance of the agreement, and of the penalty to which they had bound themselves in case of any breach of the agreement, and in defiance also of your laws, which require shipowners and merchants to sail to the port which they have agreed to, and subject them, in default of their so doing, to the severest punishments. As soon as we were informed of what had taken place, we were not a little amazed; we went to this man, who was the architect of the whole plot, and signified (as was natural) our displeasure at his conduct, complaining that, when we had expressly provided in the agreement that the ship should sail to no port but Athens, and we had lent our money upon such condition, he had exposed us to suspicion with persons who might choose to accuse us and say that we had been parties to the importation of corn to Rhodes, and complaining also that he and his partner, in spite of their agreement, had not brought their ship home to your port. Finding that we gained nothing by talking to him about the agreement and our rights, we desired him at all events to pay us our principal with the interest originally promised. The defendant treated us with the utmost insolence : he said he would not pay the interest reserved in the agreement; “ but ”—said he —“if you are willing to be paid in proportion to the voyage performed, I will give you”—says he—“the interest to Rhodes; but I cannot give any more.” Thus did he make law for himself, instead of complying with the terms of the agreement. We refused to accept his proposal, considering that, if we did so, it would be an admission that we had beenAGAINST DIONYSODORUS. 191 concerned in the importation of corn to Rhodes. Upon this he became still more pressing, and he came to us with a number of witnesses, and said that he was ready to pay us the principal money and the interest as far as Rhodes; not that he meant to pay us any the more for that, men of the jury, but thinking that we should be unwilling to receive the money on account of the suspicion which it would give rise to.1 This appeared from the result. Some of your fellow-citizens, men of Athens, who were accidentally present, advised us to accept what was offered, and go to law for what was in dispute, hut not to acknowledge the taking of interest to Rhodes, until after the case had been tried. We assented to this suggestion, not that we were ignorant, men of the jury, of our rights under the agreement, but because we deemed it better to lose something and make a concession, so as not to appear litigious. When the defendant however saw that we were closing with his offer—“ Cancel2 the agreement then”—says he. “We cancel the agreement! Nothing of the kind. Whatever money you pay, we will consent in the banker’s presence to annul the agreement as to that; but we will not cancel it altogether, until we have tried the question in dispute. For what ground shall we have to rely upon in a contest at law, whether we are to go before an arbitrator or a jury, if we cancel the agreement, which furnishes the means for recovering our rights?” To this effect we spoke, men of the jury; we pressed upon Dionysodorus, that he should not seek to annul or disturb the agreement, which both he and his partner admitted to be valid, but should pay us so much of the money as he admitted to be due, and leave the disputed claim, the amount of which was certain, to be decided by one or more commercial men, as he liked best. To nothing of the kind would Dionysodorus hearken; but, because we did not choose to cancel the agreement altogether and take what he required us, he has been for two years retaining and making use of our capital; and what is the most shameful thing of all, men of the jury, he himself gets 1 Pabst—“ wegen der angegebenen Grunde.” 2 Literally—“take up:” i.e. out of the hands of the depositary, who held it for both parties so long as it remained in force. The “ taking up ” would be equivalent to a cancelling or acknowledgment of satis* faction with us.192 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. maritime interest from other people out of our money, which he lends not at Athens or to Athens, but to Ehodes and Egypt, while to us, who lent money to your port, he refuses to pay anything that is due. To prove the truth of my statements, he shall read you the challenge which I gave him in this matter. \The challenge.] We gave this challenge, men of the jury, to Dionysodorus repeatedly, and exposed the challenge to view for many days. He said we must be downright simpletons if we supposed him to be so thoughtless as to go before an arbritator, who (it was evident) would condemn him to pay the debt, when he might go into court with the money in his purse, and, if he was able to humbug the jurors, he might go away with another person’s money, if not, he would pay it then instead of paying it sooner. He talked in this style like a person who had no reliance upon justice, but wished to try what sort of people you were. You have heard, men of the jury, what Dionysodorus has done. During the recital of these facts you must have been wondering, I take it, at his audacity, and what he could possibly have relied upon in coming to court. Audacity it is indeed, when a man, having borrowed money from the port of Athens, and having made an express agreement that his ship shall return to your port, or else that he will pay double the amount, neither has brought his ship home to the Piraeus, nor pays the lenders their money; and when he has landed his cargo at Ehodes and sold it there, and notwithstanding all these acts he dares to look you in the face! Now hear what he has to say to this. He says that his ship was disabled on her voyage from Egypt, and that he was therefore compelled both to touch at Ehodes and to unlade his corn there. And for proof he alleges, that he chartered vessels from Ehodes and shipped off some of his goods to Athens. That is one part of his defence. Another is this—He says that certain other creditors have consented at his request to take interest as far as Ehodes, and it would be hard if we did not consent to the same terms as they did. Thirdly again . he says, that the agreement binds him to pay the money if the ship arrives safe, and that the ship has not arrived safe inAGAINST DIONYSODORUS. 1D3 Pineus. To each of these pleas, men of the jury, hear my just reply. In the first place, when he says that the ship was disabled, I think his falsehood is apparent to you all. For, if the ship had really sustained this disaster, it would neither have got safe to Rhodes nor have been fit for sea afterwards. She appears however to have got safe to Rhodes, and again to have been despatched from Rhodes to Egypt, and at this very time she is sailing everywhere except to Athens. Is it not monstrous that, when he has to bring the ship home to the Athenian port, he says she was disabled, but, when he wants to unlade his corn at Rhodes, then the same ship appears to be seaworthy ? “Why then7’—he asks—“did I hire other vessels and tranship my cargo and send it off to Athens ?” Because, O Athenians, the defendant and his partner were not owners of the whole cargo, but the merchants who went out were obliged, I presume, to send their goods to Athens in other vessels, when these men put an end to the voyage before the ship had reached her destination. Of those goods however which belonged to themselves they did not ship the whole to Athens, but selected such as had risen in price. For, when you hired other vessels as you say, why, instead of transhipping the whole cargo, did you leave the corn in Rhodes ? They did so, men of the jury, because it was for their advantage to sell the corn in Rhodes; for they heard that the price of corn had fallen here; but they shipped off to you the other goods, from which they expected to get a profit. Therefore, Diony-sodorus, when you talk of the hiring of the vessels, you give no proof of your ship having been disabled, but only that it was to your own advantage. Upon these points I have said enough. With respect to the creditors who, they say, have consented to receive from them the interest to Rhodes, we have nothing to do with that. If any man has forgiven you any part of a debt, he that you have made terms with has sustained no wrong. We however have not remitted anything to you, nor consented to your touching at Rhodes. We consider the agreement to be in force, anything to the contrary notwithstanding. What says the agreement, and where does it require you to sail I From Athens to Egypt and from Egypt to Athens; in de- VOL. V. O194 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. fault of so doing, it binds you to pay double the amount. If you have performed this condition, you have done no wrong; if you have not performed it, and not brought your ship back to Athens, you are liable to the penalty in the agreement; for this is an obligation imposed on you, not by any other person, but by yourself. Show then to the jury one of two things, either that the agreement is not valid, or that you are not bound to do everything in accordance with it. If certain persons have excused you anything, and consented for some reason or other to take interest as far as Rhodes, does that exempt you from liability to us, with whom you have committed a breach of your agreement, in landing at Rhodes ? I should hardly think so. The jury are not now deciding upon terms consented to by others, but upon a contract entered into by you yourself with us. It is plain indeed to all of you, that even the remission of the interest, supposing it to have taken place, as these men say, has been to the advantage of the creditors. For those who lent their money to these men on the outward voyage from Egypt to Athens, when they arrived at Rhodes, and these men put into that port, could be no losers, I imagine, by remitting further interest, and receiving their money in Rhodes, and then employing it again in a run to Egypt. On the contrary, it was much more profitable to them than commencing a new voyage to Athens. For the passage to Egypt is speedy, and they had the opportunity of trading twice or three times with the same money; whereas they must have passed the winter here, and waited for the season of navigation. The other creditors therefore have been gainers, and have not remitted anything to these men : with us however it is not a question only of the interest; for we are not able to recover even our principal. Don’t listen then to this man, when he attempts to cajole you, and cites his transactions with other creditors as examples for us; but refer him to the agreement, and to the rights which spring out of the agreement. I have yet to show you how this matter stands, and the defendant relies upon the same thing, saying that the agreement only requires him to pay the debt if the ship arrives safe. I likewise say that this should be so. But I would be glad to ask you yourself, Dionysodorus, whether you are speaking of the ship as having been lost, or as having arrived safe. If the ship has beenAGAINST DIONYSODORUS. 195 wrecked and lost, why do you dispute about ths interest, and ask us to receive interest to Rhodes ? For in that case we are not entitled to get either interest or principal. But, if the ship is safe and not lost, why do you not pay us the money which you agreed to pay ? From what, men of Athens, can it be most clearly ascertained that the ship has arrived safe? Mainly, from the very fact that she is out at sea, and not less clearly from the statements of these men themselves. For they ask us to receive payment of the principal and a portion of the interest, implying that the ship has arrived safe, but not performed her whole voyage. Consider, men of Athens, whether we are acting according to the terms of the contract, or whether our opponents are, who, instead of sailing to the port agreed upon, have sailed to Rhodes and Egypt, and who, when the ship has been saved and not lost, expect to get an abatement of the interest, notwithstanding that they have broken their agreement, and have themselves made a large profit by their carriage of corn to Rhodes, while they have been keeping and making use of our money for two years. The proceeding is indeed most strange. They offer to pay us our principal, as if the ship had arrived safe, but propose to deprive us of the interest, as if she had been lost. The agreement however does not say one thing about the interest of the loan, and another about the principal, but our rights and means of recovery are the same for both. Please to read the agreement again. THE AGREEMENT. “From Athens to Egypt and from Egypt to Athens.” You hear, men of Athens. It says—“from Athens to Egypt and from Egypt to Athens.” Read the remainder. THE AGREEMENT. “ If the ship arrives safe in Piraeus.” Men of the jury, it is a very easy thing for you to give judgment in this cause, and there is no need of many words. That the ship has been saved and is safe, is admitted by our opponents themselves; for otherwise they would not have offered to pay the principal debt and a portion of the interest. She has not been brought back to Piraeus. Therefore we the creditors say we have been wronged, and for this we sue,19Ö THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. because the ship did not return to the port agreed on. Dionysodorus says he has done no wrong on this very account, because he is not bound to pay the whole interest, as the ship did not return to Piraeus. But what says the agreement Ì Nothing like what you say, Dionysodorus. The agreement declares that, if you do not pay back the money lent with interest, or if you do not deliver up the security entire, or if you violate the agreement in any other respect, you shall be liable to pay double the amount. Bead me that clause of the agreement. THE AGREEMENT. “ And if they do not deliver up the security entire, or if they do anything contrary to the agreement, they shall be bound to pay double the amount.” Have you ever delivered up the ship from the time that you received the money from us, acknowledging as you do yourself that she is safe Ì Or have you ever from that time returned to the Athenian port, the agreement expressly declaring that you shall bring back your ship to Piraeus and deliver her up to the creditors Ì For again, men of Athens, observe the extravagance of his statement. The ship was disabled, as he says, and on that account he took her into the port of Bhodes. Well ; after that she was repaired, and became fit for sea. How comes it then, my good friend, that you sent her off to Egypt and other ports, but to this very day have not sent her to Athens to us your creditors, to whom the agreement requires you to deliver the ship entire, although we requested and challenged you to do so repeatedly Ì The fact is, you are so courageous, or rather so impudent, that, although by the agreement you are liable to pay us double the amount, you do not choose to pay even the accruing interest, but command us to accept interest to Bhodes, as ii your command ought to be of more force than the agreement ; and you dare to say that the ship did not arrive safe at Piraeus ; for which, if you had your deserts, you would be sentenced to death by the jurors. For whose fault is it, men of the jury, that the ship has not come safe to Piraeus Ì Are we to blame, who lent our money expressly on a voyage to Egypt and to Athens, or Dionysodorus and his partner, who, having borrowed upon t^ese terms, that the shipAGAINST DIONYSODORUS. 197 should return to Athens, took the ship to Rhodes notwithstanding ? That they did this voluntarily and not of necessity, is clear from many circumstances. For, if the occurrence was really involuntary and the ship was disabled, surely, after they had repaired the ship, they would not have let her for a voyage to other ports, but would have sent her off to Athens, and made amends for the involuntary accident. As it is, however, instead of making amends, they have greatly aggravated their original offence, and have come here to defend this action in a spirit of mockery, as if it would be at their own option, in case of a verdict against them, to pay only the principal and interest. I trust that you, men of Athens, will not allow people of this description to have their own way; that you will not let them ride on two anchors, in the hope that, if they succeed, they shall keep the property of others, and, if they are not able to impose on you, they will but pay the bare amount of their debts. No; condemn them to pay the penalty under the agreement : for it would be shameful, when these men have bound themselves in a penalty of double the amount, in case they commit any breach of their contract, that you should be more lenient to them ; especially when the injury affects you no less than it affects us. The facts of the case are thus brief and easy to be remembered. We lent to this Dionysodorus and his partner three thousand drachms on a voyage from Athens to Egypt and back ; we have not received payment either of principal or interest; they have kept possession and had the use of our money for two years; they have not even to this day brought home their ship to your port or delivered it to us. The agreement declares that, if they do not deliver to us the ship, they shall pay double the amount, and that the debt may be recovered from either one or both of them. These are the grounds upon which we have come into court, seek* ing to recover our money through your assistance, as we cannot get it from these men themselves. Such is our case, men of the jury. Our adversaries, while they confess that they borrowed the money and have not paid it, contend that they are not bound to pay the interest mentioned in the agreement, but only that to Rhodes, which neither was contracted for nor has been consented to by us. Perhaps* men198 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. of Athens, if we were trying the case in a Rhodian court, these men might have got the better of us, by reason of their having carried corn to the Rhodians and having sailed to their port. As, however, we are before an Athenian tribunal, and have entered into an agreement for a voyage to your port, we hardly expect that you will give the advantage to persons who have wronged you as well as ourselves. And besides, men of Athens, do not forget that, though you are sitting in judgment only upon one cause, you are making law for the whole port of Athens ; and a large number of commercial people are standing by, to see how you decide this question. For if you hold that contracts and mutual engagements ought to be enforced, and treat with rigour those who violate them, the lenders of money will be more ready to part with what they have, and by that means the trade of your port will be increased. But if ship-owners, after entering into written contracts to sail to Athens, shall be at liberty to carry the ship to other ports under the plea that she has been disabled, and under any other such pretence as these which Dionysodorus sets up, and to apportion the interest according to the length of the voyage which they say they have performed, instead of paying it according to the terms of their agreement, there will be nothing to prevent all contracts of loan being dissolved. For who will like to part with his money, when he sees that written agreements are of no force, while effect is given to pleas like the present, and the excuses of wrong-doers prevail over right and justice'? Never allow such a thing, men of the jury ! It is not expedient either for the mass of the people or for the mercantile class, who are a most useful body of men both to the public at large and to those who have dealings with them, and therefore you ought to be careful of their interests. I have said all that lay in my power, and I now call upon one of my friends to speak in my behalf. Come forward, Demosthenes.AGAINST EUBULIDES. 199 THE ORATION AGAINST EUBULIDES. THE ARGUMENT. Euxitheus, the speaker, appeals from the judgment of the townsmen of Halimus, who, on a revision of their civic register, had struck his name out of the list, and thereby degraded him from his rank as an Athenian citizen. Eubulides, his nominal opponent, was the demarch, or prefect of the township; who had presided at the revision, and on whom devolved the duty of supporting the judgment on appeal. The subject of this oration is so fully explained in the first appendix to volume iv, that little requires to be said here. The question at issue is, whether Euxitheus was by birth a citizen of Athens. The proof of the affirmative lay on him; and accordingly he produces the testimony of his relations, and also members of his township, clan, and family, and a variety of circumstantial proofs, to establish the regitimacy of his birth and the citizenship of both his parents. There had been a prejudice against him, because his father spoke with a foreign accent or dialect, and because his mother had been a nurse and sold ribbons in the market. His father spoke a less pure Attic, owing to his having been taken prisoner in war, and having lived for many years abroad. On his return to Athens he had been, received by his friends and restored to his rights without any opposition. His mother’s mean occupation was the consequence of poverty, and afforded no proof of her being an alien. A cabal however had been got up against him in the township, partly on these grounds, and partly from other causes, which had made him personally unpopular. Eubulides, in particular, had been stimulated by malicious motives to procure his expulsion, and had adopted the most nefarious means to accomplish that object. As the result of the trial was a matter of the greatest importance to the appellant, (for, if the verdict went against him, he would have to be sold for a slave,) he makes every exertion to establish his case, to deprecate prejudice, and to excite the favourable sympathies of the jury. He concludes with a declaration that, in the event of an adverse verdict, he shall commit suicide, to ensure at least a burial by his relations in his own country. As Eubulides has made many false charges against me, and uttered calumnies which are neither becoming nor just, I shall endeavour to show you, men of the jury, by a fair statement of +he truth, both that 1 am entitled to tlie civic fran-200 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. chise, and that I have been shamefully treated by this man I pray you all, men of the jury, I entreat and implore you, that, considering the great importance of the present trial and the disgrace and ruin which attend conviction, you will hear me, as you have heard my opponent, in silence; that you will listen to me, if possible, with more favour than to him, (for you ought to be more favourable to those who stand in peril,) but, at all events, with equal favour. With respect to you, men of the jury, and with respect to my right of citizenship, I am hopeful and confident of success ; what alarms me is the occasion, and the strong feeling which incites the people to strike names off the register : for many have with justice been expelled from all the townships; we who have been the victims of cabals suffer by this prejudice; we have to repel the charges made out against others rather than those which affect ourselves, and therefore we cannot help being in great alarm. Notwithstanding this disadvantage, however, I shall proceed at once to declare to you what I consider to be the correct view even upon this part of the question. I think you ought to deal severely with persons proved to be aliens, if they have clandestinely and intrusively partaken of your civil and religious rights, without having obtained or petitioned for your consent : on the other hand, you ought to succour aud to rescue those who have been unfortunate, and who prove themselves to be citizens; for you should consider how extremely hard our case will be, when, though we ought to be seeking redress as well as yourselves, we are placed in the rank of punishable offenders, and suffer in common with others on account of your anger at the thing itself. I should have thought, men of the jury, that it became Eubulides, and indeed all who appear as accusers in support of a vote of exclusion, to state only what they know for certain, and not to bring up hearsay on a trial of this kind. Such a course has ever been deemed the height of injustice, insomuch that the laws do not even allow hearsay evidence, not even upon trifling charges; and this is reasonable; for, when people pretending to knowledge of facts have ere now been proved guilty of falsehood, what credence can be given to statements not within the speaker’s own knowledge ? And when no man is allowed, even where he makes himselfAGAINST EUBULIDES. 201 responsible, to damage another by evidence which he says he has heard, how can it be right for you to believe a person who speaks without responsibility i Since my opponent, not' withstanding his acquaintance with the laws, has taken every unfair advantage in the conduct of this prosecution, it is necessary that I should begin by explaining to you the out-’ rageous manner in which I was treated among my fellow-townsmen. I entreat you, men of Athens, not to be prejudiced against me, and not to regard my expulsion by the townsmen as a proof that I am not entitled to the franchise. Had you assumed that the townsmen would he able to do perfect justice, you would not have allowed the appeal to yourselves. As it is, you supposed that something of this sort might occur through jealousy, or through envy or hatred, or on other pretences, and therefore you gave to injured parties a recourse to your tribunal, through which, men of Athens, you have happily saved all those who have suffered injustice. First then I will explain to you the manner in which the division took place at the meeting of townsmen; for I consider it is speaking relevantly to the issue, to show what one has suffered contrary to the decree through the oppression of a cabal. This Eubulides, men of Athens, as many of you are aware, indicted the sister of Lacedsemonius for impiety, and did not get a fifth part of the votes. Because upon that trial I gave evidence unfavourable to him, but in accordance with truth, he became my enemy and commenced a persecution of me. And being a member of the council, men of the jury, and having authority to administer the oath, and having the custody of the documents, out of which he called up the townsmen, what does he do ?—in the first place, when the townsmen had assembled, he wasted the day in making speeches and drawing up resolutions. This wTas not done by accident, but in furtherance of his design against me, that the division in my case might take place as late in the day as possible ; and he accomplished this. We of the townsmen who took the oath wTere seventy-three in number, and we began to divide late in the evening, so that, when my name was called on, it was dark, for my name was the sixtieth in the list, and I was the last of those who were called on that day, when the elder members of the township had gone home202 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. fco the country; for our district, men of the jury, is five and thirty furlongs from the city, and, as most of the members reside there, the majority of them had gone home; those that remained were not more than thirty, and among them were all the persons whose aid Eubulides had secured. When my name was called, Eubulides jumped up, and poured out a volley of abuse against me, speaking rapidly and with a loud Voice, as he did just now. He produced no witness in support of his charges, either from the township or from the general body of the Athenians, but exhorted the townsmen to pass a vote of expulsion. I asked for an adjournment till the following day, on account of the lateness of the hour, and because I had no one there on my behalf, and the thing had come suddenly upon me; and that Eubulides also might have the advantage of preferring any charge that he pleased, and producing any witnesses that he had, and I might be enabled to make my defence before all the townsmen, and produce my relations as witnesses; and I offered to abide by whatever decision they should pronounce in my case. Eubulides however paid no regard to my proposal, but mstantly proceeded to take the votes of the townsmen who were present, without either allowing me to make any defence, or giving any definite proof of his charges. The persons who were combined with him jumped up and gave their votes. It was dark ; and they received two or three ballot balls each from Eubulides, and put them into the box; of this there is clear proof—for the voters were not more than thirty in number, and the ballot balls, when counted, were more than sixty, so that we were all astounded. To prove the truth of my statements—that the votes were not taken when all were present, and that there were more ballot balls than voters—I will call witnesses before you. It so happens that I have neither friend of my own nor any other Athenian to be my witness in this matter, because of the lateness of the hour, and because I did not ask any one to attend; but I am obliged to resort to the evidence of those who have injured me, I have drawn up such statements for them as they will not be able to deny. Head. [The deposition.] I allow, men of the jury, that, if the Halimusians had divided upon every case that day, it would have been reason*AGAINST EU3ULIDES. 203 ftbie to go on balloting to a late hour, that they might perform your decree and go about their business. But when there were more than twenty1 townsmen left, upon whose cases they had to divide on the following day, and the townsmen were obliged anyhow to meet again, what difficulty was there for Eubulides to adjourn to the following day, and take the votes of the townsmen in my case first 1 The reason, men of the jury, was this. Eubulides well knew that, if a hearing were allowed me, and if all the townsmen were present, and if the votes were rightly taken, the party leagued with him would be nowhere. How these people came to be leagued against me, I will tell you, if you like to hear it, after I have given an account of my birth. In the meantime what do I consider just, and what am I prepared to do, men of the jury? To show you that I am an Athenian both on the father s and the mother’s side, to prove this by the evidence of witnesses whose veracity you will not doubt, and to overthrow the charges and calumnies of my opponents. This is the proper course for me to take. It will be for you, when you have heard my case, if you think that I am a citizen, and have been the victim of a cabal, to deliver me; if you arrive at a different conclusion, to act as in good conscience you are bound. And now to begin. They have maliciously asserted, that my father spoke a foreign dialect.2 That he was taken prisoner by the enemy about the time of the Decelean war, that he was sold for a slave and carried to Leucas, that there he fell in with Oleander the actor, and was ransomed and brought home to his relations after an absence of many years—this they have omitted to mention, but have reproached him with his foreign dialect, 1 Reiske and Auger pronounce this to be inconsistent with what the speaker has said before, (page 1302. 1. orig.) showing (as they suppose) that thirteen cases only, and not twenty, remained. This however is not so. The seventy-three persons present on the first day did not comprise all the townsmen of Halimus, nor include all whose retention on the list was opposed. Every name in the list was called over, but only certain persons were objected to, so as to require a ballot. The twenty cases remaining to be disposed of on the second day were composed (in part at least) of those absent on the first. 2 Or “ with a foreign accent,” as Auger has it. Pabst—“ er sey ein Fremdling ”—which is strange, after Taylor’s note, and the distinction drawn by Demosthenes himself a little below between rbv £evi$ovra and (4vos, where Pabst translates it right.204 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. as if I ought to perish on account of my father’s misfortune I rather think that this very circumstance will materially help me to establish that I am an Athenian. I will first call witnesses before you, to prove that my father was taken prisoner and redeemed ; secondly, that after his return home lie received from his uncle the share which came to him from his father’s estate ; and further, that no one, either among the townsmen, or among the clansmen, or anywhere else, ever charged him (for all his foreign dialect) with being a foreigner. Please to take the depositions. [Depositions.] Of my father’s capture by the enemy, and of his redemption and return to Athens, you have been informed. To prove that he was your fellow citizen, men of the jury— (for such is the real truth)—I will call my relations by the father’s side who are living. Please to call first Thucritides and Charisiades : their father Charisius was brother to my grandfather Thucritides and my grandmother Lysarete, and uncle to my father; for my grandfather married his sister, she not being his sister by the same mother. After them call Niciades ; for his father Lysanias was brother of Thucritides and Lysarete, and uncle of my father. Next, Nicostratus ; for his father Niciades was nephew to my grandfather and my grandmother, and first cousin to my father. Call if you please, all these persons. And you, stop the water. [Witnesses^ You have heard, men of Athens, my father’s relatives on the male side both deposing and swearing, that my father was their relative. Surely none of them would commit perjury, with imprecations on his own head, in the presence of persons who must know him to be a false witness. Now take the depositions of my father’s relatives on the female side. [Depositions.] These persons, the living relatives of my father, both on the male and on the female side, have testified, as you see, that he was on both sides an Athenian, and justly entitled to the civic franchise. Now call the clansmen, if you please, and after them, the members of my family. [Witnesses.]AGAINST EUBULIDES. 205 Take now the depositions of the townsmen, and those of my relations concerning the clansmen, showing that they elected me prefect of the clan. \ Depositions.] You have heard, men of the jury, the evidence of my rela* tions, of my fellow-clansmen, and of the members of my township and family, who are the proper persons to give evidence. From this you may see, whether he is a citizen or a foreigner, who could get such support. If indeed we had had recourse to one or two persons only, we might have lain under the suspicion of having suborned them. But when it appears, that both my father in his lifetime and myself have been members of all those communities, to which each of you belongs, (I mean those of clan, kin, township, and family,) how can it be imagined, or how is it possible that all these persons have been got up, without having any real existence 1 Had it appeared that my father was a wealthy man, and gave money to these persons to induce them to say that they were his relatives, he might reasonably have been suspected of not being a genuine citizen : but as he was poor, and not only produced relatives, but showed that the persons whom he produced as such gave him a share of their property, is it not perfectly manifest that he really belongs to them Surely, if he had not been connected with any of them, they would not have taken him as one of their kindred, and given him money for it too. He was connected with them, as the fact shows, and as I have proved to you in evidence. Besides that, he was chosen to offices by lot, and served them after passing his probation. Please to take the deposition. [The deposition.] Does any one of you suppose that the townsmen would ever have suffered my father, if he had been a foreigner and not a citizen, to hold office among them, and would not have prosecuted him for it 1 No one ever did prosecute, or bring any accusation against him. Yet the townsmen were compelled to have a ballot on,their solemn oaths, when they lost the heritable register in the prefecture of Antiphilus, the father of Eubulides; and they expelled some of their members ; but no one ever moved for the expulsion of my father, or brought any charge against him. To all mankind the end206 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. of life is death ; and where a man has any charge against him concerning his descent, it is just that his children should continue responsible ; but where no objection is made to him during his lifetime, is it not monstrous that his children should be exposed to the attacks of all men 1 If there never was any inquiry into these matters, it might be conceded that the thing had escaped notice; but if there was an opportunity for inquiry, and a revision of the township, and if no one ever made any accusation, ought I not to be esteemed an Athenian citizen as far as concerns my father, who died before his civic origin was disputed ? To prove the truth of my statements, call the witnesses who depose to them. \Witnesses.~\ Besides, he had four children by the same mother with myself, and, upon their deaths, he interred them in the ancestral tombs, 'which are common to all the members of the family ; and none of these men ever forbade or prevented it, or commenced an action. But where is the man, who will allow persons having no connexion with the family to be placed in the ancestral tomb ? To prove that these statements are true like the rest, take the deposition. \The deposition.] Such are the grounds of my assertion, that my father was an Athenian. I have produced as witnesses persons who have been voted by my opponents themselves to be citizens, and who depose that he was their cousin. It is shown that he lived such and such a number of years at Athens, and that he was never and in no place regarded as an alien, but that he had recourse to these persons as his relations, and they not only received him as one of them, but gave him a share of their property. He appears further to have been born at such a period, that, if he was of civic birth on one side only, he was entitled to the franchise; for he was born before Euclides. I shall now proceed to speak of my mother, (for they have calumniated her also,) and I shall call witnesses in support of my statements And, men of Athens, the calumnies with which Eubulides has assailed us are not only contrary to theAGAINST EUBULIDES. 207 decrees respecting the market, but also contrary to the laws,1 which declare that, whoever reproaches either a male or a female citizen with trafficking in the market, shall be amenable to the penalties for evil speaking. We confess that we sell ribbons and live not in the way we could desire; and if you regard this, Eubulides, as a token that we are not Athenians, I will show you that it is just the reverse, and that it is not lawful for any alien to traffic in the market. First take and read me the law of Solon. [The law^\ Now take the law of Aristophon. For Solon, men of Athens, was thought to have enacted so wise and constitutional a statute, that you voted to renew it. [The law.] It becomes you then, men of Athens, acting in vindication of the laws, to hold, not that traders are aliens, but that pettifoggers are scoundrels. And let me tell you, Eubulides, there is another law concerning idleness, to which you who denounce traders are amenable. But we are now involved in such misfortune, that our opponent may travel out of the record to abuse us, and take every possible means to prevent my obtaining justice; while you will perhaps rebuke me, if I tell you what sort of traffic he goes about the city carrying on : and not without reason would you rebuke me ; for what occasion is there to tell you what you know ? But just consider. It seems to me, that our trafficking in the market is the strongest proof of this man’s charges against us being false. For when he says that my mother was a seller of ribbons and notorious to all, there ought surely to have been witnesses speaking to this of their knowledge, not repeating hearsay only. If she was an alien, they should have inspected the tolls in the market, and shown whether she paid the aliens’ toll, and to what country she belonged : if a slave, the person who bought her, or the person who sold her, should have come to give evidence of it; or, in default of them, some one else might have proved that she had lived in servitude, or that she had been set free. Eubulides however has proved none of these things; he has only been abusive, and abusive (I think) in the highest possible degree. For this it i See the Charicles, Excursus on the Markets, page 283. Translation208 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. is to be a pettifogger—to make all kinds of charges, and to prove nothing. And then he has said of my mother, that she was a nurse. We do not deny, that this occurred in those evil days of our commonwealth, when all people were badly off: in what way however, and for what reasons my mother became a nurse, I will tell you plainly. And don’t let it prejudice you against us, men of Athens: for you will find many women of civic origin taking children to nurse; I will mention them to you by name, if you please. Of course, if we had been rich, we should neither have sold ribbons nor have been at all in distress. But what has this to do with my descent'.* Nothing whatever, in my opinion. Pray, men of the jury, do not scorn the indigent, (for their poverty is a sufficient misfortune to them,) much less those who employ themselves and seek to get an honest livelihood. Hear my case fairly out; and if I show you that my mother’s relations are such as usually belong to free-born citizens, that they deny upon their oaths the calumnies which Eubulides casts upon her, and speak to their knowledge of her civic origin ; and if they are witnesses whom you will acknowledge to be credible; I then ask you to give me your verdict as justice requires. My maternal grandfather, men of Athens, was Damostratus of Melita. To him were born four children : by his first wife he had a daughter, and a son whose name was Amytheon; by his second wife Chserestrata he had my mother and Timo-crates. Amy theon had a son Damostratus, who took his grandfather’s name, and two other sons, Callistratus and Dexitheus. And Amytheon, my mother’s brother, was one of those who went to the war in Sicily and there lost his life ; and he is buried in a public monument. These facts will be proved to you in evidence. His sister married Diodorus of Alse, and had a son Ctesibius; and he fell at Abydos in the campaign with Thrasybulus. Of these relatives there is living Damostratus, the son of Amytheon, my mother’s nephew. The sister of my grandmother Chserestrata was married to Apollodorus of Plothea. They had a son, Olympichus, and Olympichus had a son, Apollodorus, who is still living. Please to call them. [ Witnesses.]AGAINST EUBULTDES. 209 You have heard these persons giving testimony and taking their oaths. I will also call the person who is my mother’s uterine brother and my relation on both sides, and his sons. For Timocrates, who is brother to my mother both on the father’s and the mother’s side, had a son, Euxitheus, and Euxitheus had three sons, who are all living. Please to call those who are in residence. [ Witnesses.] Now oblige me by taking the depositions of my mother’s relations and the members of her clan and township, and those who have the same places of burial. [Depositions.] I have thus laid before you my mother’s pedigree, and I show you that she is of civic origin both on the male and on the female side. My mother, men of the jury, first married Protomachus, to whom she was affianced by Timocrates, her whole brother; and by Protomachus she had a daughter; then she married my father, and gave birth to me. How she came to marry my father, you must be informed : and I will explain the charges which this man makes about Clinias and my mother’s having been a nurse and all that. Protomachus was poor, but becoming entitled to wed a rich heiress, and wishing to give my mother away, he persuades my father Thucritus, who was an acquaintance of his, to take her; and my mother was given in marriage to my father by her brother, Timocrates of Melita, in the presence of both his uncles and other witnesses; and those who are still living will bear witness for me. Sometime after this, and after she had had two children, while my father was absent in the campaign with Thrasybulus, she being in bad circumstances was compelled to take Clinias, the son of Clidicus, to nurse ; an unfortunate thing truly as regards the peril which now hangs over me, for from this nursing has arisen all the slander about our family; but the poverty in which she lived rendered it perhaps fitting and necessary at that time. It appears thus, men of Athens, that it was not my father wno first espoused my mother: Protomachus was her first husband, who had issue by her, a daughter namely, whom he gave in marriage. He is dead, yet even now he testifies by his acts that she is a citizen by birth and by right. YOB. V. p210 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. To prove the truth of these statements, please to call first tlie sons of Protomachus, next, the witnesses who were present when my mother was betrothed to my father, and his connexions of the clan, to whom my father gave the nuptial sacrifice in honour of my mother. After them, call Eunieus of Cholargus, who received my sister in mariage from Protomachus, and next, my sister’s son. Call them. Should I not be most cruelly treated, men of Athens, when ail these relations depose and swear to their connexion with me, if any one, not disputing the citizenship of any of these, should nevertheless vote me to be an alien ? Now please to take the deposition of Clinias, and that of his relations, who of course knew who my mother was, that nursed him. Good conscience requires them to swear, not to what I assert to-day, but to what they have known all their lives of the person reputed to be my mother and nurse of Clinias. For, if it is a mean thing to be a nurse, I don’t shun the truth. We are not guilty for having been poor, but (if at all) for not having been citizens ; and the contest now is not about fortune or money, but about descent. Poverty compels freemen to do many mean and servile acts, for which, men of Athens, they deserve rather to be pitied, than to be utterly ruined. I am told that many women of civic origin have become both nurses and wool-dressers and vintagers, owing to the misfortunes of the commonwealth at that period ; and many have since been raised from poverty to wealth. But of these matters by and bye. Now call the witnesses. That I am a citizen both by paternal and maternal descent, you have all learned, partly from the testimony which has just been given, and partly from what was given before concerning my father. It remains that I speak to you about myself • and I think I have a right to say plainly, that being of civic origin from both parents, having the heritage both of property and birth, I am a member of your political community. But I will not stop here : I will produce witnesses to prove everything which it becomes a citizen to establish—namely, that I was introduced to my fellow-clansmen, that I was en- [Witnesses^AGAINST EUBULIB.PS. 211 tered in the register of my fellow-townsmen, that by these very persons I was selected among the noblest-born to draw lots for the priesthood of Hercules, and that I held offices after passing my probation. Please to call them. [Witnesses.^ Is it not shameful, men of the jury 1 If I was drawn by lot to be priest, after nomination, it would have been my duty to offer sacrifice on behalf of these people, and Eubulides would have had to join me in the sacrifice : and that these same persons should not permit me even now to offer sacrifice in common with them! It appears, men of Athens, that I have all along been acknowledged as a citizen by every one of those who now accuse me : for surely Eubulides would not have suffered a mere resident alien and a foreigner, as he now calls me, either to hold offices, or to draw lots with himself as one of the nominees for a priesthood; for he was one of those who were nominated and drew lots. And again, men of Athens, as he was an old enemy of mine, he would not have waited for the present opportunity, which no one could ever foresee, if he had known anything of this sort against me. But he did not know anything of the kind; and therefore he continued all along to act with me as a member of the township, and draw lots for office without seeing any objection; but when the whole city was roused to anger against the intruders who had pushed themselves into the townships, he began to form plots against me. The earlier occasion would have suited a man convinced that his charges were true; the present suits an enemy and a designing pettifogger. For my part, men of Athens—and by Jupiter and the gods, don’t let any one make a clamour or be annoyed at what I am going to say—I consider myself to be an Athenian in the same manner as each of you considers himself to be one, having from the beginning regarded her as my mother, whom I represent as such to you, and not pretending to be her son while I really belong to another. And with respect to my father, men of Athens, I have acted in the same way. Now, if it is just that, when people are discovered to have concealed their real parentage and to have assumed a false one, you should regard this as a sign of their being aliens, surely in my case you should regard the opposite as % proof212 THE ORATIONS CF DEMOSTHENES that I am a citizen. For I should never in claiming the franchise have entitled myself as the son of parents who were both foreigners: had I known anything of this sort, I should have looked for persons to give out as my parents : but I knew nothing of the kind, and therefore 1 have kept always to my real parents, and I claim the Athenian franchise as their son. Besides, I was left an orphan, and yet they say that I am wealthy, and that some of the witnesses depose to relationship with me for the sake of what I give them. And at the same time that they reproach me with poverty and denounce the meanness of my birth, they pretend that I am rich enough to buy everything. Which of their stories then are you to believe] Surely, if I had been an illegitimate child or an alien, the witnesses might have claimed to inherit all my property. Then do these men choose to receive small pittances and to incur peril by giving false testimony and to perjure themselves, rather than to have all and have it safely without rendering themselves amenable to a curse] It is impossible, I say. They are relations, and do an act of justice in helping one of themselves. And they are not doing this now under my influence; but years ago, when I was a boy, they took me to the clansmen, they took me to the temple of Apollo our father-god, and to the other places of worship. Surely, when I was a boy, I did not induce them to do this by an offer of money. My father himself in his lifetime swore the customary oath before the clansmen, and introduced me to them, knowing that I was of Athenian birth, the son of an Athenian mother lawfully married to himself: and this has been proved to you in evidence. Am I then an alien ] Where havu I paid the resident alien’s tax] Or what member of my family ever paid it] Have I gone to any other townsmen, and, because I could not prevail on them to take me, entered myself on the register of this township ] Have I done any of the things which persons who are not genuine citizens are shown to have done ] ^Nothing of the sort. I am known to have lived harmlessly as a member of that township, in which my paternal grandfather and my father lived. And now—let me ask—how could any one establish his title to the civic franchise more clearly than I have done ] Let each of you consider, men ofAGAUN tel- EURO LIDES. 213 Athens in what other way he could prove relationship to his kinsmen, than in the way that I have proved it—by bringing them to give testimony on their oaths, and by showing that they have been the same all along from the beginning? On these grounds I had confidence in my case, and came to your tribunal for protection. For I see, men of Athens, that the courts of law are more powerful, not only than the Halimusians who have expelled me, but even than the council and the popular assembly; and justly so ; for your verdicts are in every respect most righteous. Reflect also upon this, you that belong to the large townships ; that you did not deprive any man of his right either of accusation or defence. And blessings upon all of you, who have acted so fairly in this matter, and not denied to those who asked for an adjournment the opportunity of preparing themselves! By taking that course, you exposed the tricks of malicious conspirators and calumniators. And you are deserving of all praise for it, men of Athens; on the other hand, those persons are highly blameable, who have abused a process in itself useful and equitable. In none of the townships, however, will you find that such shameful things have oeen done, as with us. Our townsmen have rejected one brother of a family, and retained another, both their parents being the same : and they have expelled some men of advanced age, whose sons they have left in the township. I will call witnesses, if you like, to prove these things. But the most shameful act of these conspirators I am about to tell you ; and, by J upiter and the gods, let none of you be offended, if I show how base these people are who have wronged me ; for I consider that, in revealing their baseness to you, I am telling the very thing which has happened to me. You must know then, men of Athens, that there were certain persons of foreign extraction, who wished to become citizens; their names were Anaximenes and Nicostratus. This clique admitted them to the township for a sum of money, which they divided among them, getting five drachms each. Eubulides and his party will not dare to say upon their oaths, that they don’t know this to be true. And they have not rejected these men on the last revision. What do you think they would scruple to do privately, when they dared to do such a thing in common ? Many have been destroyed,214 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. men of Athens, and many have been saved, from corrupt motives, by this faction of Eubulides. Even before their time—(I will speak to the point, men of Athens)—Antiphilus, the father of Eubulides, when he was prefect of the township, as I told you, manoeuvred to get money from certain persons, and said that he had lost the public register; under that pretence, he induced the Halimusians to have a revision, objected to ten of the members, and procured their expulsion; all of whom, but one, were restored by the court of justice. This \s known by all the older townsmen. It was not very likely they would leave any persons not Athenians on the register, when they contrived to expel even genuine citizens, whom the court restored. And, though he was the personal enemy of my father at that time, he not only did not object to him, but did not even vote that he was not an Athenian. How is that shown ? Because he was declared by all the votes to be a member of the township. But what necessity is there to speak of our fathers? Eubulides himself, when I was entered in the register, and when, the question being proposed for my admission, all the townsmen gave honest votes upon their oaths, neither made any objection, nor gave his vote against me ; for then too they all voted that I was a member of the township. And if they say that I am telling a falsehood, let any one that pleases give evidence to the contrary, while my water is running, If my opponents then, men of Athens, insist upon it as a strong circumstance in their favour, that the townsmen rejected me on the late revision, I show that on four previous occasions, when they gave conscientious votes without entering into a conspiracy, they voted that both I and my father were their fellow-townsmen; first, when my father passed the scrutiny on his coming of age ; secondly, when I passed the same scrutiny; again, on the former revision, when these people made away with the register; and lastly, I say, they voted in my favour, when they selected me among the noblest-born to draw lots for the priesthood of Hercules. And all these things have been given in evidence. If I might speak of my own administration as prefect, which brought me into odium with certain members of she township, as I gave offence by calling on many of them to pay rents for the sacred land , and to refund some of the publicAGAINST EUBU LIGES. 215 oaoney which they had embezzled, I should be very glad if you would listen to me ; but perhaps you would think that such matters were foreign to the question; and indeed I have one thing to bring forward, which is positive proof of their conspiracy. They struck out of the oath the clause “ that they would vote according to their honest judgment without favour or malice.” That became publicly known; and so did another thing, which I shall not shrink from mentioning. These persons from whom I recovered the public money conspired against me, and committed sacrilege by stealing the shields which I dedicated to Pallas; and they chiselled out the decree which the townsmen passed in my favour. And they have arrived at such a pitch of impudence, that they went about saying that I had done this for the sake of my defence.1 And could any of you, men of the jury, believe me so insane, that, to get this weighty2 piece of evidence, I would do an act deserving capital punishment, and destroy a public testimonial of my own good conduct ? The most shocking act of all they will surely not say has been my contrivance. Scarcely had my misfortune3 occurred, when, as if I was already an exile and a ruined man, some of these people came by night to my cottage in the country, and attempted to carry away the property which they found there; such thorough contempt had they for you and for the laws. If you like, I will call persons who know these facts. I could show many other things which these men have done, and many other falsehoods which they have told, and I should be glad to mention them to you ; but, as you consider these matters foreign to the issue, I will forbear. Keep in your mind however the following points, and see with what a strong case I have brought into court. As you question the Judges in their probation, even so will I question myself before you. “ Who was your father, sir?”—“My father was Thucritus.”—“ Do any relations give testimony in his favour?”—“Certainly.—First, four cousins ; secondly, a cousin’s son; thirdly, those who married the female cousins ; next, the clansmen; next, the kinsmen of our family who worship the same father-god Apollo, and the same Aulic 1 That I might cast odium on my opponents by charging them with the act. 2 Said ironically. 3 7. e. my expulsion from the township.216 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. Jupiter next, those who use the same place of burial; and in addition to these, the clansmen testify that he has cften passed probation and held offices, and they themselves are shown to have ballotted in his favour.” With respect to my father’s origin then, how could I prove my case more fairly or more clearly? I will call my relations before you, if you desire it. Now, men of Athens, hear what relates to my mother. My mother is Nicarete, the daughter of Damostratus of Melita. Do any of her relations give testimony?—First, two sons of her nephew ; secondly, her cousins ; thirdly, the sons of Protomachus, my mother’s first husband; next, Eunicus of Cholargus, who married my sister, the daughter of Protomachus ; next, the son of my sister. Besides them, the clansmen of her relations and the townsmen have given the like testimony. What more then do you require ? That my father married according to the laws and gave a nuptial sacrifice to the clansmen, has been proved in evidence. I have shown further, that I myself have partaken of all those things which freemen ought to partake of; so that in every respect you will act conscientiously, if you give your verdict in my favour according to right and justice. One more thing, men of the jury. At the examination of the nine archons you ask whether they behave dutifully to their parents. I was left by my father an orphan. On behalf of my mother I conjure and beseech you—let the issue of this trial be, that you restore to me the right of burying her in our hereditary monuments. Do not preclude me from, this—do not make me an outcast—do not sever me from communion with all my relatives, numerous as they are, and utterly destroy me. Rather than abandon them, if it is impossible for them to save me, I will kill myself, so that at least I may be buried by them in my country. 1 Harpocration—*EpK€tos Zet)s, § ficapLol it/rbs k'picovs iv rfj av\y ‘itipwrou rbv y&p 7repi&o\oi/ epKos €\eyov. Pabst calls him “ Gott des Hausbezirks.** Schoznann (Ant. Jur. Publ. Graec.) Jupiter Pern trails. One of the questions asked of the Thesmothetae on their probation Kas, e/ ’AirtiXAeoj/ ioriv avrois irarpcaos ica} Zevs epKetos-AGAINST THEOCKINESo 217 THE ORATION AGAINST THEOCRINES. THE ARGUMENT. The subject of this speech is like that of the speech against Aristogiton, and it belongs strictly to the class of public orations. Theocrines was one of those odious people whom the Athenians called SfjCophantcef and is probably the person referred to by Demosthenes in the oration on the crown, (vol. ii. page 112,) where he calls his rival “a tragic Theocrines.” A criminal information is brought against him on several grounds: First; because he had withdrawn from the prosecution of one Micion, whom he had charged with having violated some article of the mercantile law, for which withdrawal he was liable to a penalty of a thousand drachms. Secondly; he was liable by an express statute to imprisonment for having wilfully preferred a false charge against Micion. The withdrawal of this charge (it is contended) was a proof that it was wilfully false. At all events, he was liable in one way or the other. If the charge against Micion was an honest one, it ought to have been proceeded with; if dishonest, he had compromised it from corrupt motives. Thirdly; Theocrines had incurred a fine of seven hundred drachms payable to the hero of his tribe, and had continued to exercise his civic privileges without having paid it, which was contrary to law. He said it was his grandfather, and not himself, who had incurred the debt. But that made no difference; for he inherited the liability of his grandfather. Fourthly; he owed to the state a sum of five hundred drachms, which his father had been condemned to pay by a court of law. His father not having paid it in his lifetime, the debt and consequent disfranchisement had descended to Theocrines. The prosecutor of the information is one Epichares, a young man, whose father had been indicted by Theocrines for moving an illegal decree, and, being brought to trial, had been sentenced to a fine of ten talents. As he was unable to pay so large a sum, he had gone to prison. He might have avoided it (says Epichares), if he had chosen to compound the matter with his accuser. Indignant at the baseness of the man, who had thus deprived him of his liberty and ruined his prospects, the father solemnly charged his son to avenge him, while it was vet in his power, by taking such legal proceedings as were open to him against Theocrines. He could do so while his father lived; but after his father’s death he would inherit the disfranchisement and would be disabled to appear as a prosecutor. Epichareii213 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. undertook the duty thus committed to him, and laid the present ifi-formation, which he conducts in person. After an exordium, in which he bespeaks the indulgence and favour of the jury on account of his youth and forlorn situation, declaring that he had been abandoned by those who had promised to assist him, but who had been deterred or seduced by his opponent—he states briefly the several articles of the information and the facts upon which they are grounded, produces evidence, and shows that his charges are good in law. He proceeds to make a general attack upon the life and character of Theocrines, showing how he had treated his father, and also other disgraceful acts which he had committed, and contends that he is entitled to no mercy at the hands of the jury. The excuses which Theocrines was expected to set up are anticipated. He would endeavour to make a merit of his services as a public accuser, representing himself as a friend of the people and a supporter of the laws: he would urge that he had exposed himself to attack by his prosecution of certain leading statesmen, and in particular, of Thucydides and Demosthenes. These (says Epichares) were idle pretences. He could not have any regard for the laws, when he violated them by continuing to speak and take part in public business without paying his debts to the state. His only object was to make himself of importance and extort money. The prosecutions which he had undertaken were no advantage to the people of Athens: the proceedings were a sham, and got up for the purpose of an answer to this information. As to Demosthenes, whatever quarrel there might have been between him and the defendant had been made up, and, as he believed, for a sum of money. He calls Demosthenes to come forward as a witness; the call however is not responded to, and Epichares speaks of the orator in not . the most complimentary terms. At the conclusion, after referring to the services done by some ancient members of his family, and again imploring the jury to redress his father’s wrongs, he invokes the assistance of the bystanders, in the hope that some one will volunteer to be his advocate. The manner in which Demosthenes is here spoken of, and the insinuations cast upon him by Epichares, have led to the general belief that this speech was not his composition. Most critics have attributed ■ the authorship to Dmarchus, who was the personal enemy of Demosthenes, and an imitator of his style of writing; not indeed that this can be taken as a good imitation, for it has but little merit either in regard to force or clearness of language. From internal evidence (see pages 1330, 1336), it has been inferred, that the date of this speech is after b.c. 344. As my father, men of the jury, has through the defendant Theocrines suffered political 1 misfortune and been condemned to pay a fine of ten talents, and this fine has been doubled, so 1 I.e. the disfranchisement for non-payment of the fine, to which Theocrines had caused him to he condemned. Pabst—“in Betreff seines Verhältnisses zum Staate, ins Unglück gestürzt.”AGAINST TIIËOCHINÉS. 219 that we have not the least hope of deliverance, I have thought it right, without taking either youth or any other disadvantage into account, to lay this criminal information, in order to punish the defendant with your assistance. For my father, men of the jury, in compliance with whose wishes I have taken every step, declared to all his acquaintances what a sad thing it would be, if I should let slip the opporf unity which I had of taking vengeance on this man during my father’s lifetime, and if under the plea of youth and inexperience I should suffer him to be deprived of everything, while Theocrines was left to draw indictments contrary to the laws, and to harass numbers of citizens with vexatious actions which he was not qualified to bring. I therefore beseech and implore you all, men of Athens, to listen to me with favour ; first, because I am prosecuting in obedience to my father, and in order to redress his wrongs ; secondly, because I am both young and inexperienced, so that I must think myself fortunate, if by your favour I am enabled to reveal what Theocrines has done ; and in addition to this, men of the jury, because I have been betrayed (the truth shall be told you) by persons who, after being trusted by me on account of their enmity to Theocrines, after hearing the facts and promising to co-operate with me in this cause, have now left me in the lurch and settled with my adversary, so that I shall not have even an advocate to plead for me, unless some of my relations should be kind enough to assist me. The defendant was liable to many criminal informations, and had transgressed (as it appeared) all the laws to which that process appertains : but the most remarkable of his acts we found to be the presentment concerning the merchant vessel, and therefore my father put that in the information which he gave me. First he shall read you the statute concerning those who make presentments and then compromise instead of proceeding with them according to law : I think I ought to commence the case with this : afterwards you shall hear the presentment itself, which Theocrines drew up against Micion. Bead. [The lawi] This statute, men of the jury, expressly prescribes to those who undertake either to prefer indictments or to present or :o do any other of the things mentioned in the statute, on220 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. what conditions each of these proceedings is to be resorted to. These are, as you have learned from the words of the statute —that, if a man shall prosecute his charge and not obtain a fifth part of the votes, he shall pay a thousand drachms ; and likewise if he does not prosecute, Theocrines, he shall pay a thousand drachms, in order that no one may commence vexatious proceedings, or make a job for himself and compromise the interests of the state with impunity. Now I say that Theocrines (in the words of this information) is liable for having presented Micion of Chollidee, and then having sold the case for a bribe instead of prosecuting it. And this I think I shall prove clearly. Undoubtedly, men of the jury, Theocrines and his friends have tried all they could to tamper with the witnesses, and to induce them, either by threats or persuasion, not to give evidence. However, if you will support me as you ought to do, and command them, or rather join me in compelling them, either to depose or take the oath of disclaimer, and if you will not permit them to trifle with the court, the truth will be discovered. Read first the presentment, then the depositions. [The presentment.] This presentment, men of the jury, the defendant gave in after citing Micion to appear : it was received by Euthyphe-mus, secretary to the Overseers of the Emporium.1 The presentment was hung out for a long time before the board-room, until the defendant, upon receipt of a sum of money, allowed it to be struck out, when the magistrates called him to attend the hearing before them. To prove the truth of these statements, first call Euthyphemus, who was secretary to the board. [ The deposition.] Now read the evidence of those who saw the presentment hung out. Read. [The deposition.] Call now the Overseers of the Emporium, and Micion himself, against whose vessel he gave in the presentment; and read the depositions. [The depositions.] 1 See voi iv. page 201.AGAINST THEOCRINES. 221 That Theocrines gave in a presentment against the vessel of Micion, and that his presentment was hung out for a long time, and that, when he was called to a hearing before the magistrates, he did not attend or proceed with the case, is testified, as you have heard, men of the jury, by witnesses who had the best means of knowledge. That he is liable not merely to the fine of a thousand drachms, but also to arrest and the other punishments to which this statute subjects anyone who wilfully prefers a false charge against merchants and shipowners, you will easily gather from the law itself. For the proposer of the law, being desirous that those merchants who had committed offences should not escape, and that those who were innocent should not be exposed to annoyance, positively forbade this class of people to present them as offenders, unless there were good ground for believing that the facts charged in such presentment could be established before you : and if any pettifogging person infringes the law, he is liable to criminal information and imprisonment. But it is better to read the law itself: it will explain the thing more clearly than I can do. [The law.~\ You hear, men of the jury, what penalty the law imposes on the wilfully false accuser. If then Micion had committed any of the offences which Theocrines charged in the presentment, and Theocrines has compromised the affair and settled with that person, he is guilty of a crime against the state, and justly incurred the penalty of a thousand drachms. But if Micion only sailed where he lawfully might—(for let this be taken either way that he pleases)—and yet Theocrines presents and cites him as a criminal, he then u wilfully prefers a false charge against a shipowner,” and has violated not only the former law, but also the one which was last read, and has convicted himself of being thoroughly dishonest both in word and deed. For what man would have relinquished that share of the money w’hich he could have got by proceeding honestly according to law, and rather chosen to make a trifling gain by a compromise and render himself amenable to the statutes, when it was in his power, as I said just now, to obtain half the forfeiture under the presentment ? No one. would do so, men of the jury, if he were not conscious that his charge was groundless and vexatious.222 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. These are two laws, men of Athens, which have been infringed by this person who indicts others for illegal measures. There is a third law which he has violated, which enacts that any citizen who pleases may lay informations against those who are indebted to the treasury, or against those who are indebted to Pallas or to any other of the Gods or any of the heroes. Now it will be shown, that the defendant owes a sum of seven hundred drachms, which at his audit he was condemned to pay to the hero of his tribe.1 Please to read just that part of the law. [The law.~\ Stop. Do you hear, Theocrines ? What does it say ?— “ Or to any of the heroes.”—Now read the deposition of the tribesmen. [The deposition.] It’s very likely, men of the jury, that he’d care for a few persons, or for people who (like Micion) are most of their time out at sea, when he was neither ashamed nor afraid to act thus to his fellow-tribesmen who were on the spot, in the first place, by administering their finances in such a way that they convicted him of embezzlement, and secondly, when he had been fined and was well aware that the laws forbade him to prefer indictments till he had paid the fine, by setting the laws at defiance, as if he were superior to them, and an exception to the rule that state-debtors are debarred from the exercise of civic rights. He will assert indeed that it is his grandfather, and not himself, who is entered in the register of debtors ; and he will have a great deal to say upon this point, and try to make out that it was his grandfather. I myself cannot say for certain, which of the two it was : but, supposing it to be as the defendant will assert, I think that in that case you will be more imperatively called upon to convict him. For if his grandfather was a state-debtor a long time ago, and, though the law makes him his grandfather s heir, and he was bound long ago to have abstained from preferring indictments, he still prefers them; and if he expects to get off on this account, that he is a scamp of the third generation; his plea will not be a good qne, men of the jury. 1 See volume iv. appendix i. page 305.AGAINST THEGCUISES. 223 To prove that it is admitted by Theocrines himself that the debt is his own, and that he made an arrangement with the tribesmen for his brother and himself to pay it by instalments, and that a conscientious jury could not possibly acquit him on this information—please to take the decree which Scironides moved at the tribe-meeting. [The decree part read.'] Theocrines the defendant came and admitted the debt and premised to pay it in the presence of the tribesmen, when he found that we were coming and intended to take a copy of what was entered in the book. [The rest of the decree.] The members of the Leontian tribe, who compelled Theocrines to pay the seven minas, are somewhat more deserving of your commendation, men of Athens, than Theocrines himself. There is also a fourth law—(for I confess that I have inquired into most of this man’s concerns)—according to which the defendant Theocrines owes five hundred drachms to the state on the following account. His father had not paid a judgment to that amount, to which he was sentenced for having asserted the freedom1 of a maid servant of Cephi-sodorus, but had so arranged the matter -with Ctesicles the speech-writer, who was retained for his opponents, that he should neither pay the debt, nor be registered as debtor in the Acropolis. Notwithstanding this, I take it, Theocrines is still a debtor according to law. It is not because Ctesicles, the resident alien, has agreed with this man, who was as great a rogue as himself, that a person sentenced to pay a penalty according to law shall not be delivered over to the collectors —it is not on this account that the state is to be deprived of the penalties which have been legally imposed. The parties to a suit may come to what terms they please in their own private matters; but in matters which concern the public they can only make such arrangements as the laws allow. Please to read the law, which declares that half of the penalty shall be payable to the public treasury by any person wTho is adjudged to have unlawfully asserted the freedom of a slave. Then read the deposition of Cephisodorus. [The law. The deposition]. 1 See the Archaeological Dictionary, title ’Efaipicreoos224 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. Now read that law, which declares that the party shall be deemed a debtor from the day when he incurred the fine, whether he has been entered in the public register or not. I" The law?. In what other way, men of the jury, is an honest prosecutor to show, that the information has been rightly brought against Theocrines, and that he is not only liable to the Denalty of the thousand drachms claimed in the information, but also to several other penalties ? It seems to me that no better proof could be devised. For of course you cannot expect Theocrines himself to confess that he is indebted to the treasury, and that the information has been justly laid against him. On the contrary, you may be sure he will say anything rather than that; he will make all kinds of imputations on his accusers, alleging that he is assailed by a cabal, and that he has been brought into this peril on account of the indictments which he has preferred against others for illegal measures. It is the last resource of persons who are convicted on the merits of the case, to invent calumnies and excuses, to make you forget the question before you and listen to arguments foreign to the charge on the record. I can only say, men of the jury; had I seen in the statutes which have been read to you a clause such as this— “ the enactments aforesaid concerning false accusers shall be in force, unless Theocrines, when an information is laid against him, shall be pleased to denounce Thucydides or Demosthenes or some of other of our statesmen”—I should have kept myself quiet. But I find no excuse of this kind noticed in the laws, nor is it even new, so as to be worth your attention because heard for the first time; on the contrary, it has been advanced a thousand times before by people on their trial. And I am informed, men of Athens, by those who are older than myself, that in truth no breaker of the laws ought to obtain pardon, but, if any pardon ought to be allowed, it should be, not to habitual delinquents, nor to those who betray the laws from corrupt motives, (that would be most unseemly,) but to those who, for want of experience in such matters, transgress some clause of a statute unintentionally. Surely no one can say that Theocrines the defendant belongs to the last class of persons ; on the con-AGAINST THEorjRINES. 225 fcrary, it must bo admitted, that there is no part of the laws with which he is unacquainted. You must watch him therefore, having regard neither to my words nor to those which he will address to you. For it is not right that you, who sit here to administer the laws, should give your attention to long speeches and accusations, but to such only as you can easily follow, and by the help of which you will be thought by all your countrymen to have decided this information in a manner worthy of the laws: and you should put plain questions such as these—“ What do you mean, Theocrines, and you that follow the same courses that he does? Do you require us, who have swmrn to decide according to the laws, to give our verdict contrary to the laws on account of your speeches?—and this, when Micion, against whom the defendant Theocrines made his presentment and did not proceed with it, has given evidence before us and made himself responsible to these men? — and wrhen the secretary acknowledges that he received the presentment from Theocrines, and he also has made himself responsible by virtue of the deposition which was read a few minutes ago? — and further, when the overseers of the emporium have, though with great reluctance, borne the same testimony as the other witnesses? — and, in addition to this, when evidence is given, as you have just heard, by persons who saw the presentment exposed to public view, and who went before the magistrates? It would not be right for you to act in such a way, men of the jury. At all events, the life and character of the defendant will not induce you to disbelieve the depositions which have been read. The character of Theocrines shows him to be what I say still more clearly than the evidence. For what is there which a rogue and a pettifogger would do, which he has not done ? Was not his brother, when holding the office of Judge, and acting under his advice, brought into such bad odour with you by the defendant’s misconduct, that, when the question was put in the assembly whether he should be continued in office, you not only dismissed him, but deposed the whole board of Judges?1 And had not his colleagues 1 At the -first assembly of the Prylany, when there was an inquiry into the conduct of the magistrates, called e/rixeipoToina, upon which the question was put, whether the people were satisfied with xbeif VoL. V. Q226 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES by prayer and entreaty, and by promising that Theocrines should not again come near the board, prevailed on you to restore them their crowns, the greatest disgrace would have been inflicted on them. There is no need for me to call witnesses to prove these facts; for you all know that the Judges in the archonship of Lyciscus were deposed in the popular assembly through Theocrines. And bearing this in mind, you ought to presume that he is the same person now that he was then. Not very long after his dismissal, his brother came to a violent death, and see how he behaved in the affair. He made inquiry after the murderers, and when he discovered who they were, he took a sum of money and abandoned further proceedings. The office of sacrificer, which his brother held when he died, Theocrines assumed contrary to law, not having been drawn for it either originally or in the place of another i1 and he went about bewailing his brother’s cruel fate, and threatening to summon Demochares before the Areopagus, until he compounded with the guilty parties. He’s an honest man—is he not?—and a trustworthy man, and above all pecuniary considerations! He won’t venture himself to say so. For they say that, whoever means to administer the public affairs with justice and moderation ought not to have so many wants, but should be superior to those temptations which cause people to spend what they get on themselves. Such was his conduct in the affair of his brother. It is worth your while to hear how he has managed matters since he applied himself to politics; for he will say that he loves conduct. In the majority of cases this would he merely a matter of form; but any one was at liberty to prefer a complaint against a magistrate, and in such case the people, after hearing the charge, decided by show of hands whether the accused person should continue in office or not. (See Schomann de Comitiis, 231.) Theocrines had been assessor, -ndpedpos, to his brother, one of the Thesmothetae, and had given him advice, by acting upon which the whole board of Thesmothetae got into disgrace, and were deposed upon the eirixeipoTovia. They were reinstated upon undertaking not again to employ Theocrines as their adviser. 1 e7nXaxdiu was the proper term, when a man was drawn for *n office in the room of one rejected on his probation. See Schomann, Ant. Jur. Publ. Grace. 212, 239.AGAlTtfST THEOCRINKS. 227 fou next to his relations. I will begin with his conduct to us. Upon his accusation of my father, men of the jury, when he was prosecuting the indictment against him for illegal measures, he said that there had been a plot against the boy, concerning whom the decree was drawn ; the decree, I mean, in which my father proposed that maintenance iu the Prytaneum should be granted to Charidemus, the son of Ischomachus. Theocrines asserted that, if the boy returned to his paternal family, he would have lost all the estate which iEschylus, his adoptive father, had given him; the assertion was false ; for such a thing never happened, men of the jury, to any son by adoption. He said also that Polyeuctus, who married the boy’s mother, had been the contriver of the whole plot, because he wanted to get the boy’s property for himself. The defendant’s statement excited the anger of the jurors : they considered that, although the decree itself and the grant were conformable to law, yet that the boy would in fact be deprived of his property, and so they fined my father ten talents, as having conspired with Polyeuctus, and gave credit to the defendant as having vindicated the rights of the boy. Such, or to this effect, were the proceedings in the court. When this worthy person saw that people’s minds were exasperated, and that he himself had been believed, as if he were not a thorough miscreant, he summoned Polyeuctus before the archon, and preferred an indictment against him for maltreatment of the orphan : he went so far as to hand the record to Mnesarchides the assessor ; but having received three hundred drachms from Polyeuctus and sold for a trifling pittance those grievous charges, for which he estimated the penalty in my father’s case at ten talents, lie abandoned his proceedings, withdrew the indictment, and betrayed the orphan. Please to call the witnesses who prove these things. [ Witnesses.'] If my father had been well off, men of the jury, and able to provide a thousand drachms, he would have got entirely quit of the indictment for illegal measures. That was the sum the defendant asked. Please to call Philippides of Pseania, to whom the defendant Theocrines made this statement, and the other persons who are aware of his having made this statement. q 2228 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. [Witnesses^ That Theocrines, if he had been offered the thousand drachms, would have withdrawn the indictment against my father, I think, men of the jury, you would all be satisfied, even if no witness had deposed to it. That he has summoned many other persons and preferred indictments against them and then compromised the indictments, and that he is in the habit of compounding such matters for a small sum of money, I will prove to you by calling the very persons who paid such money, that you may not believe his assertion that it is he who watches the framers of illegal measures, and that, when indictments for illegal measures are put a stop to, the democracy is overthrown, (for such is the way in which people who sell everything are accustomed to talk). Please to call Aristomachus, the son of Critodemus, of Alopece; for he gave, or rather in his house was given, the mina and a half to this incorruptible person, on account of the decree which Automedon drew up for the people of Tenedos. [The deposition.] Now read the depositions of the other persons to the same effect, in the order in which I have given them, and that of Hyper ides and Demosthenes. This is really a monstrous thing, that the defendant should be glad to get money by selling indictments from persons whom no one else would think of asking for money. [The depositions.] Theocrines will say presently, that the information has been laid against him on this account, that he may not proceed with his indictment against Demosthenes, or with that which he preferred against Thucydides ; for he is clever^ at lying and talking nonsense. I, men of the jury, have-' examined this matter among others, and I will satisfy you that the state will not suffer the slightest disadvantage, whether the decree of Thucydides be ratified or whether it be annulled. In truth, it is not right to offer such defences to a jury who are sworn to decide according to the laws : however, you will see presently from the indictment itself, that it was intended to be set up as an answer to the information. Read these indictments. [The decrees. The indictments.]AGAINST THEO CRINES. 229 Whether these decrees1 are left to stand, or whether they are condemned, men of the jury, (for it makes no difference to me,) what does the state gain or lose i Nothing, in my opinion. They say that the iEnians pay no regard to our commonwealth, and that this has been brought about by the defendant Theocrines. For being assailed by his calumnies at that period, when some of them were philippizing and some atticizing, and hearing that the decree had been indicted as illegal, which Charinus had indicted before, that (namely) concerning the contribution, which Thucydides moved, and that there was no bringing the matter to an issue, as, although the people consented to take from the iEnians the contribution which they had agreed for with Chares the general, this miscreant had undertaken to co-operate with the traitor Charinus; they took that course to which they were driven by necessity, and of the evils which were before them chose the least. How must they have been harassed by the persons who were bringing indictments here, when they deemed it advisable to revolt from us, and to receive a garrison and submit to barbarians ] But you alone, I take it, are able to endure the wickedness of these persons; no other Greeks can tolerate it. That neither on account of the indictments which have been read nor for any other reason ought you, in breach of the law's concerning criminal informations, to acquit Theocrines, is pretty clear by what has been stated already. I fancy however, men of the jury, that you are quite alive to the nature of these men’s excuses and their accusations and pretended quarrels. For you have seen them often enough in the courts and on the platform professing to be personal enemies, and then in private following the same occupations and sharing their gains; at one time bespattering each other with the foulest insult and abuse, and in a little time after feasting together 2 and taking part in the same sacrifices. And you need hardly be surprised at any of these things; for the men are naturally base, and they see that you allow of such 1 “ Be iEniis levandis nimio onere tt}s (rvvT&lsoos”—Schafer, citing Bockh, CEcon. Polit. Athens, i. 451. 2 Pabst, adopting Schafer’s reading, l^ovras.—“ Familienfest* iusammen feierten.*’230 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES excuses; why therefore should they not resort to them and try to deceive you % Upon the whole, I deem it to be your duty, men of the jury, keeping in view simply the question in the cause, to see whether my arguments are just and conformable to law, and then to afford me redress, without caring whether it is Demosthenes who prosecutes or only a youth ; and not to consider that the laws ought to have greater effect, when they are exhibited before you with the ornaments of rhetoric, than when they are recited in ordinary language, but to regard them as invariably the same; and you should be the more ready to succour the young and inexperienced, as they are less likely than others to deceive you. That it is just the reverse of what Theocrines asserts— that it is not he, but I, who am oppressed by a faction, and that, after promises by certain people to help me in the cause, I have been betrayed through the leagues formed by these men—will be clear to you from what I am about to do. Let the crier here call Demosthenes. He will not come up. The reason is, not that I have been persuaded by certain people to lay an information against Theocrines, but that Theocrines and the person just called have settled their differences. And to prove the truth of this, I will, compel both Cleinomachus, who brought them together, and Eubulides, who was with them at Cynosarges, to give evidence : at the same time I will produce what you will all acknowledge to be, not a weaker, but a stronger proof than the former, in confirmation of my statement. Theocrines, when prosecuting for an illegal measure this odious fellow (as he will call him by and by), the cause of his present troubles, publicly discharged him from the indictment, in which he had laid the penalty at ten talents. How ?—you will ask. By no new device, but as other people of his class have done it. When the indictment was called on, some one made an affidavit to put off the trial, on the ground that Demosthenes was ill—Demosthenes, who was then going about and abusing iEsehines ! Theocrines allowed tliis enemy’s excuse, and neither then made a counter-affidavit, nor has since given notice of trial. Do they not manifestly impose on you, when you give ear to them under the impression that they are personal enemies ? Bead tha depositions.AGAINST THEO^KINES. 231 \Dex>o$itions?\ Even you then, men of the jury, should not listen to those persons, who will pretend to be advocates for Theocrines on account of their enmity to Demosthenes. You should require them, if they are really the enemies cf Demosthenes, to indict him themselves, and not allow him to frame illegal decrees. Remember, these persons are as clever speakers as Theocrines, and have more credit with you. They will not do what I say, however. Why? Because, men of the jury, they pretend to be at war with one another, when they are not at war. With respect to the enmity of these persons you can give me fuller information than I can give you. I should be glad however to ask Theocrines in your presence, if he were likely to give me an honest answ7er, what he would have done (as he says that his vocation is to put down the framers of illegal decrees), if any one had addressed the whole body of citizens in the assembly, and carried a decree, enabling those who were disfranchised and indebted to the treasury to indict, to present, to lay informations, in short, to do all the things which the law now forbids them to do ? I should like to ask, whether or not he would have indicted the person wBo moved that decree for an illegal measure ? Should he say that he would not indict, how can you believe him, when he declares that he keeps a watch over the framers of illegal decrees ? If he would indict, is it not scandalous—when he would prevent a decree moved by another person from being finally established, so that all people may not have this privilege— when he would prevent the thing by preferring an indictment, and annexing to it the very words of the laws—yet that now he himself, without having persuaded the people, or made the thing open to the whole body of citizens, draws indictments in spite of the prohibition of the laws ? And he will say presently, that he is cruelly treated if he is not at liberty to do these things, and he will rehearse the statutory penalties to which he will be liable on conviction. To think then that he should pay no regard to the laws, but expect to have such a privilege conceded to him by you, as no one has ever ventured to ask for 1 That on the information itself neither Theocrines nor any of his advocates will have a single argument to urge, I think232 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. you are all pretty well assured. I fancy however, they will try to make this point, that there are no informations against persons who are not registered in the Acropolis, and that you cannot consider those as debtors, whose names have not been delivered over to the collectors; as if you would be ignorant of the law, which declares that a man shall be considered a debtor from the day on which he has incurred the penalty, or on which he has transgressed the law or the decree ; or as if it were not manifest to all, that there are many ways in which people are indebted to the treasury, or in which people who obey the laws satisfy such debts! This indeed is manifest from the statute itself. Please to take this law again. [The law ] Do you hear, you odious beast, what the statute says 1 “ From the day on which he has incurred the penalty or transgressed the law.” Those are the words. I am told that they intend also to produce the law, which requires that so much as is paid upon any debt shall be struck out of the register, and they will ask, how any part can be struck out when the debt is not entered at all in the register; as if it were not plain that this enactment applies to registered debtors, while the case of debtors who are not registered is provided for by the other enactment, which says that they shall be considered as debtors from the day on which they have incurred the penalty, or transgressed the law or the decree ! Why then, says he, do you not indict me, who am indebted and not registered, for non-insertion1 in the register i Because the law declares that indictments for non-insertion in the register shall lie, not against unregistered debtors, but where persons, who have been registered and have not paid their debt to the state, have their names expunged. Take and read me the law. [The law.] You hear the law, men of the jury, which says expressly that, if any debtor to the treasury shall have his name expunged without having paid his debt to the state, an indictment for non-insertion in the register may be brought against him before the judges, but not against a debtor whq 1 See Arch. Diet. dypa v. n2 58 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. woman had formerly had in her connexion with Phrastor, and the loss of her dowry, and the impossibility of his finding another to give her in marriage with. “ You ”—said lie— “ have enjoyed her favours, and you ought to do something for her”—these and other words he spoke to excite compassion, such as might be expected from a man petitioning in a scurvy case. The arbitrators, after hearing both sides, effected a reconciliation between them, and persuaded Epae-netus to give a thousand drachms towards a marriage portion for Neaera’s daughter. To prove the truth of all these statements, I will call the sureties themselves and the arbitrators to give testimony before you, WITNESSES. “ Nausiphilus of Cephale, Aristomachus of Cephale, depose, that they were sureties for Epaenetus the Andrian, when Ste-phanus said that he had caught Epaenetus in adultery, and that, after Epaenetus had left the house of Stephanus and was no longer under restraint, he preferred an indictment against Stephanus before the judges, alleging that he had falsely imprisoned him ; and that they (the deponents), having been chosen as arbitrators to reconcile Stephanus and Epaenetus, effected a reconciliation between them, and the terms thereof were those which Apollodorus produces ” TERMS OF RECONCILIATION. “ The arbitrators have reconciled Stephanus and Epaenetus upon the terms following (that is to say), that there shall be an amnesty for what took place in regard to the imprisonment. and that Epaenetus shall give a thousand drachms to Phano for her marriage portion, since he has frequently enjoyed her favours, and that Stephanus shall deliver Phano to Epaenetus, when he comes to Athens and desires to have connexion with her.” Now hear the next case. Though this young woman had been thus publicly acknowledged to be an alien, and though Stephanus had ventured to charge a man as caught in adultery with her, yet Neaera and he had reached such a pitch of impudence, that they were not content with passing her off as a woman of Athenian parentage; but seeing that Theogenes of Cothocidae was drawn for king-archon, a man of good birth, but poor and ignorant of business, Stephanus,AGAINST NEiERA, 259 having assisted him at his probation and lent him money, when he entered upon his office, insinuated himself into his confidence, and purchased from him the office of assessor; after which he gave him in marriage this woman, the daughter of Nesera, affiancing her as his own daughter : such contempt did he show for you and for the laws. And this woman offered up the mysterious sacrifices for the welfare of the state, and saw what it was not right for her to see, being an alien, and, notwithstanding what she was, entered places to which, out of the whole Athenian community, no one but the wife of the king-archon is admitted, and she administered the oath to the venerable priestesses1 who officiate at the sacrifices, and was given in marriage to Bacchus, and performed on behalf of the state divers religious ceremonies of a solemn and mysterious kind. Ceremonies which may not even be heard by all, how can they be performed without impiety by an ordinary woman, especially such a woman as this, and one who has lived such a life i I wish however to enter somewhat more into detail concerning these matters, and to give you an historical explanation of them, that you may be more careful respecting the punishment of this offence, bearing in mind that you will have to pronounce sentence not only on behalf of yourselves and the laws, but for the honour of the gods, to avenge insulted religion and to punish the impious offenders. Anciently, men of Athens, there was a regal dynasty in Attica, and the sovereignty belonged to those who were most distinguished from time to time by reason of their being indigenous, and the king offered all the sacrifices, and at the most holy and mysterious his wife officiated, as it was reasonable she should, being queen. After Theseus had united his countrymen in one city and established democracy, and the city had become populous, the people continued to elect the king as before, choosing him out of the class most eminent for personal merit, and they passed a law that his wife should be of Athenian parentage, and that he should marry a virgin who had never known another man, so that the mystic sacrifices might be offered on behalf of the state according tc ancient usage, and that religious worship should be duly 1 Fourteen women who officiated at the mysteries of the Anti ^/,eria. See Arch. Diet. Title Dionyda. *2260 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. paid to the gods without any retrenchment or innovation* And they wrote this Jaw on a pillar of stone, and set it up in the temple of Bacchus by the altar in Limnæ. And this pillar stands even now, exhibiting the ir^cription in obscure Attic characters.1 The people gave this testimony of their piety to the god, and left it as a pledge to posterity, showing what they required the woman to be, wr_o was to be wedded to the god2 and to perform the sacrifices. And on this account they set it up in the most ancient and holy temple of Bacchus in Limnæ, that the inscription might not be seen by many ; for it is only opened once every year, on the twelfth day of the month Anthesterion. Therefore, men oî Athens, it is right that you also should show your respect for these sacred and solemn rites, for the celebration of which your ancestors have so honourably and magnificently provided ; and you should punish those who insolently defy your laws, and who commit outrages against your religion, tor two reasons, first, that they may pay the penalty of their crimes, and secondly, that others may take warning and may be afraid to sin against the gods and the commonwealth. I wish now to call before you the sacred herald, who attends upon the wife of the king-archon, when she administers the oath to the venerable priestesses, bearing their baskets3 before the altar, before they touch the victims :4 that you may hear the oath and the words which are pronounced, so much at least as you are allowed to hear, and that you may understand how solemn and holy and ancient these customs are. THE OATH OF THE PRIESTESSES. “ I keep myself chaste, and am pure and unstained of all which pollutes and of commerce with man, and I solemnize the wine-feast and the Iobacchic feast in honour of Bacchus according to the custom of the country and at the appointed periods.” 1 Auger—“en caractères attiques presqu’effacés.” In his note— “ C’est à dire, en caractères anciens. Suivant Harpocration, les caractères Ioniens, qui composoient les vingt-quatre lettres, et qui furent depuis en usage, ne furent inventés que fort tard.” - Reading Atovvatc, instead of aoi. 3 Containing the salt meal, which was thrown on the head cf thl victim. 4 Auger—“objets sacrés”AGAINST NEiBRA. 261 You have heard the oath and the ancient usages cf the country, as far as it is possible to speak of them, and how the woman, whom Stephanus affianced as his daughter to Theogenes, when king-archon, performed these sacred rites and administered the oath to the venerable priestesses; and you have been informed, that even the women who solemnise these rites are not allowed to speak of them to any one else. Now let me produce to you a piece of evidence, which has been given in secret, but which I shall show by the facts themselves to be certain and true. When these rites had been solemnised, and the nine archons had gone up to the Areopagus at the appointed time, the Areopagic Council, whose services to the state in regard to religion are generally so valuable, proceeded at once to make inquiries about this wife of Theogenes, and discovered who she was, and proposed, in their zeal for the interests of religion, to fine Theogenes in the highest sum which they can by law. Their measures were taken cautiously and in secret; for they have not an absolute power to punish any Athenian as they please. They gave him a hearing, and Theogenes, seeing that the council were indignant, and were prepared to fine him for having married such a wife and allowed her to perform the mystic sacrifices for the state, had recourse to the most humble prayers and entreaties, alleging that he did not know her to be the daughter of Neaera, but that he was deceived by Stephanus, and married her according to law as his legitimate daughter, and that by reason of his ignorance of public business and in perfect innocence and simplicity he had made Stephanus his assessor, that he might discharge his official duties, supposing him to be a friend, and on that account he had become his son-in-law. And—said he—“ I will give you the strongest and plainest proof that I speak the truth. I will dismiss the woman from my house, as she is the daughter of Neaera and not of Stephanus. And if I do so, I trust you will believe my assertion that I was deceived: if I fail to do so, then punish me as a base man, guilty of impiety to the gods.” Upon his making this promise and request, the Council of Areopagus, having compassion on him as a simple-minded man, and thinking that he had been in reality deceived by Stephanus, suspended their judgment. Theogenes, immediately after li^ had returned262 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. from the Areopagus, turns his wife, Nemra’s daughter, out of his house, and expels the defendant Stephauus, who had deceived him, from the magisterial hoard. And so the Areopagites abandoned their proceedings against Theogenes, relenting from their anger, and forgiving him on account of the imposture which bad been practised on him. To prove the truth of these statements, I will call Theogenes himself before you as a witness, and I will compel him to give evidence. Please to call Theogenes of Ereheia.1 THE DEPOSITION. u Theogenes of Ereheia deposes, that, when he held the office of king-archon, he married Phano as being the daughter of Stephanus, and that, when he found he had been deceived, he turned the woman away and no longer cohabited with her, and dismissed Stephanus from the assessorship and no longer allowed him to act as his assessor.” Now, take the law which I hold in my hand, in reference to these matters, and read it to the jury ; that they may see, that a woman of such an origin and such a character ought not only to have kept away from these ceremonies, to have abstained from witnessing them, from offering sacrifice, and performing any religious services on behalf of the state, but she should have been excluded from every place of public ■worship in Athens. For a woman who has been caught in adultery is no longer permitted to attend any of the public sacrifices, not even those which an alien or a slave has a right by law to attend either as suppliant or spectator. Such women, those I mean who have been caught in adultery, are alone forbidden by the laws to attend our public sacrifices, and, if they come to them in defiance of the laws, they may suffer any maltreatment, short of death, from any person that likes to inflict it, with impunity. The law allows any person who happens to encounter such a woman to vindicate our insulted religion. And on this account the law declares, that she may suffer any outrage short of death without right of legal redress, in order that our places of public worship may not be polluted or profaned, and that our women may, 1 As Theogenes is before described as belonging to the township of Cothocidse, the reading ap\j/iepe a, which cceurs in one manuscript, seems preferable.AGAINST NEJERA. 263 under the influence of a salutary terror, be led to behave themselves discreetly, to abstain from doing wrong, and keep to their domestic duties : for it teaches them that, whoever is guilty of any offence of this nature, will at the same time be expelled from her husband’s house and from the temples of the city. You shall hear the law itself, and then you will know that l am not deceiving you. Please to take the law. THE LAW OF ADULTERY. “ And when he has caught the adulterer, it shall not be awful for the person who has so caught him to cohabit with his wife ; and if he does cohabit with her, he shall be disfranchised. And it shall not be lawful for the woman, who has been caught in adultery, to attend the public sacrifices ; and if she does attend them, she may suffer any maltreatment short of death with impunity.” I wish now, men of Athens, to produce to you the testimony of the whole Athenian people, to show you how deep an interest they take in these religious ceremonies, and what care they have taken to guard their sanctity. The people of Athens, being the supreme power in the state, and having the absolute right to do what they please, regarded the gift of Athenian citizenship as a thing so honourable and so noble, that they passed restrictive laws defining in what way citizens should be created, which laws have now been trampled on by the defendant Stephanus and the persons who have contracted such marriages. You will be the better for hearing them recited, and you will know how these people have profaned the most honourable and noble gifts which are com ferred upon benefactors to your country. In the first place, there is a law binding on the people, forbidding them to create a citizen, who does not deserve to become such on account of signal services to the Athenian state. In the next place, when the people have been prevailed upon and have bestowed the gift, their creation of a citizen is not allowed to be valid, unless in the ensuing assembly it is confirmed by more than six thousand Athenians voting secretly by ballot. And the presidents are commanded by the law to place the ballot-boxes and give the balls to the people as they cume up, before the strangers264 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. enter and remove the stalls,1 in order that every Athenian may exercise an independent judgment as to the person whom he means to create a citizen, whether such person is worthy of the gift which he is about to receive. And after this, it gives an indictment against him for an illegal measure to any Athenian that pleases, who may come into court and prove that the new citizen is not worthy of the gift, but has been created such contrary to the laws. And it has happened ere now that, after the people had conferred the gift of citizenship at the request of persons who deceived them, an indictment for an illegal measure has been preferred and brought to trial, and the person who received the gift has been proved to be unworthy of it, and the court has taken it away from him. To enumerate the cases which have occurred in ancient times would be tedious ; I will mention those only which you all remember, of Pitholas the Thessalian and Apollonides the Olynthian, who, having received the grant of citizenship from the popular assembly, were deprived of it by the court of justice. These are modern examples, and you cannot have forgotten them. Wise and stringent as are these constitutional laws, defining the measures necessary to be taken for the creation of citizens; there is, in addition to them, another established law of the greatest importance: such forethought had the people for themselves and for the gods, that our public sacrifices should be offered with all due devotion and solemnity. The law expressly declares that, when citizens have been created by the people of Athens, they shall not be eligible to the offices of the nine archons, or to hold any priesthood; though their descendants are allowed by the people to share all civic rights, with this condition, that their mothers must be women of Athenian birth and affianced according to law. I will prove the truth of these statements by testimony of the clearest and strongest kind. But first let me explain to you the original foundation of the law, and show you how it came to be passed and to whom its provisions related, and what 1 Pabst—“die Buden wegzuschaffen,” Harpoeration supposes that the wattles, or whatever the 7$ppa may have been, were used to block up the approaches to the Pnyx, till the voting was over. See Becker’s Charicles, Excursus on the Markets, page 285, Translation; and compare the Oration on the Crown, W)l. II. of this work, page 68.AGAINST NEJ3RA. 265 gallant men they were and what firm friends they had been to the people of Athens. From all this you will see how that honour which the people reserve for their benefactors has been degraded, and what important privileges are withdrawn from your disposal by Stephanus the defendant, and by those who have married and begot children in the same way that he has. The Platseans, men of Athens, were the only Greek people who came to your assistance at Marathon, when Datis, the general of king Darius, returning from Eretria after having subjugated Euboea, landed on our shores with a large force and ravaged the country. And the picture in the painted portico exhibits to this day the memorial of their valour: for each of them is represented hastening to your succour with all possible speed, the whole body being distinguished by their Boeotian caps. Again when Xerxes invaded Greece, and the Thebans went over to the Medes, they (the Platgeans) refused to abandon our alliance, and, separating themselves from the rest of the Boeotians, one half of them joined the Laeedsemonians and Leonidas, withstood the advance of the barbarians at Thermopylae, and fell in that field of battle with their allies; while the remainder embarked in our triremes, as they had no vessels of their own, and assisted you in the seafights at Artemisium and Salamis. And they fought in the last battle at Platsea with Mardonius, the king’s general, in conjunction with you and those allied with you for the liberation of Greece, and the liberty which they won they deposited as a common prize for the whole Greek community. When Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians, presumed to put an insult upon you, and was not content that his countrymen were honoured with the sole command by the Greeks, and that your state, while in truth she led the Greeks to freedom, forbore to strive for precedency with the Lacedaemonians, for fear of exciting envy among the allies—I say, when Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians, puffed up with these honours, inscribed a distich upon the tripod at Delphi, which the confederate Greeks who had fought at Plataea and Salamis had constructed jointly and had offered to Apollo as a memorial of their victory over the barbarians—which distich is as follows :— He that hath vanquish’d the Mede, Pausanias, leader of Hellas, This grateful monument unto Apollo presents :266 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. ns if the achievement and the offering were his own, and not the common work of the allies—the Greeks being in wrath at this, the Plataeans, on behalf of the whole confederacy, commence a suit against the Lacedaemonians before the Amphictyons for a thousand talents, and compelled them to erase those verses, and to engrave the names of all the states which had taken part in the battle. By this they drew upon themselves the bitter hatred of the Lacedaemonians and the royal family of that state. For the moment the Lacedaemonians had no means of dealing with them as they desired ; but about fifty years later Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians, made an attempt in time of peace to surprise their city. He received assistance in this project from Thebes, and his chief instrument wasEurymachus, son of Leontiades, the Boeotarch, the gates having been opened at night by Nausiclides and his accomplices, who had been won over by bribes. The Plataeans, having discovered that the Thebans had got into their city in the night and had surprised it in time of peace, ran to arms and formed in order of battle to meet the enemy. As soon as it was daylight, they saw that the Thebans were not many in number, for only an advanced troop had entered ; a large quantity of rain had fallen in the night and prevented the arrival of the main body; the river Asopus had overflowed its banks, and it was not easy to cross, especially in the night-time—wThen the Plataeans therefore saw the Thebans in their city and knew that the whole body had not arrived, they fall upon them, vanquish them in battle, and put them to the rout before the arrival of reinforcements : and they despatch a courier to you, to inform you of the occurrence and of the victory which they had gained, and to require your assistance in case the Thebans should ravage their territory. The Athenians, when they heard what had taken place, hastened with succour to Plataea, and the Thebans, when they saw that the Athenians had sent succour to the Plataeans, returned home. When the Thebans had thus failed in their enterprise, and the Plataeans had put to death those whom they had taken in battle, the Lacedaemonians were in great wrath, and immediately without any pretext marched against Plataea, having ordered all the Peloponnesians to send two-thirds of their army from their respective cities, and having given notice toAGAINST NEA3RA, 267 all the rest of the Boeotians and the Locrians and Phocians and Malians and (Etseans and iEnians to march with all then* forces. And they invested the city of the Plataeans with a Jarge blockading force, and proposed to them that they should deliver up the city, keeping their territory and enjoying their possessions, and renounce the Athenian alliance. The Plataeans refused these terms, returning for answer that that they would do nothing without the Athenians; whereupon the Peloponnesians drew round them a double wall of circumvailation, and blockaded them for two years, making repeated and various attempts to take the city by storm. When the Plateeans were thoroughly exhausted, and reduced to extremity and desperation, they drew lots and divided themselves into two parts; one division remained to endure the siege ; the others waited for a night of rain and violent wind, and then, making their exit from the city, passed the intrenchments undiscovered by the enemy, massacred the sentinels, and reached Athens in safety, wholly unexpected, and in a most miserable plight. Of those who stayed behind, after the city had been taken by storm, all who had reached ' to the age of manhood were put to the sword; the women and children were reduced to slavery, except those who had gone secretly to Athens when they learned the advance of the Lacedaemonians. Now see in what way you imparted the freedom of your city to the men who had thus signally displayed their goodwill to the Athenian people, and who had sacrificed all their possessions, as well as their wives and their children. The law is apparent to all from your decrees, and you will know from them that I am speaking the truth. Please to take this decree, and read it to the jury. THE DECREE CONCERNING THE PLATiEANS. u On the motion of Hippocrates, it is decreed that the Platseans shall be Athenian citizens from this day, and possessed of the franchise in like manner as the other Athenians, and that they shall enjoy all rights which the Athenians enjoy, both civil and sacred, except any priesthood or devo-, tional office which belongs to a particular family, and except that they shall not be eligible to the places of the nina archons, but their descendants shall be eligible to these.268 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. And the Platseans shall be distributed among the townships and the tribes, and, after they have been so distributed, it shall no longer be lawful for any Plataean to become an Athenian citizen, without having obtained a grant from the people of Athens.” You see, men of Athens, how justly and wisely the orator framed the decree on behalf of the Athenian people, requiring that the Platseans, upon receiving the grant of citizenship, should first undergo their several probations in the court, to ascertain whether each of them was a Plataean and one of the friends of the state, for fear that other persons might get the freedom of the city under that pretence; and secondly, that the names of those who had passed their probation should be inscribed on a stone pillar, to be set up in the Acropolis by the temple of the Goddess, in order that the grant might be preserved to their descendants, and every one might have the means of proving to which of the original receivers he was a relative. And he does not allow any one to become an Athenian at a later period, who is not created such at the time and approved in the court of justice, for fear that others should procure for themselves the freedom of the city by pretending to be Platseans. And besides this, he defined at once in his decree the rule to be observed in relation to them, both in a political and religious point of view, declaring that none of them should be drawn for the offices of the nine archons or for any priesthood, but that their descendants should be eligible to such offices, if their mothers were of civic birth and married according to law. It would be monstrous, when in the case of your neighbours, who of all the Greeks have been confessedly your greatest benefactors, you so carefully and so strictly defined the conditions on which they should receive the grant of citizenship, that you should allow a woman, who has openly prostituted herself in all parts of Greece, thus shamefully and recklessly to insult the state and offend the gods with impunity, a woman who is neither of civic parentage nor naturalised by a vote of the people. Where has she not prostituted her person for hire? Where has she not gone for her daily wages ? Has she not carried on her infamous traffic in the whole of Peloponnesus i Has she not been in Thessaly and Magnesia with Simus the Larisssean and Eury*AGAINST NEÆRA. 269 (Limas, the son of Midias ; in Chios and most parts of Icnia, in the train of Sotades the Cretan, when Nicarete, to whom she belonged, let her out for hire ? What do you think a woman does, who is subject to strange men and goes about with any one who pays her? Will she not lend herself to ail the pleasures of those that hire her ? And will you declare by your verdict that a woman like this, who to the certain knowledge of all men has travelled over the world1 belongs to the Athenian community ? And what glorious act will you say you have done, when people ask you ? Bather, what dis* honour, what impiety must you not confess yourselves to bé chargeable with ? Before this woman was indicted and brought to trial, and before you all heard what she was and ■what acts of impiety she had committed, the offences would have been hers, and the neglect the state’s ; and some of you would not have known anything about the matter, while those who had heard of it would have expressed indignation, but would have had no means of punishing her, there being no one to bring her to trial or ask for your verdict upon her. But now that you all know the circumstances, and have her in your power and are competent to punish her, the sin against the gods is yours, if you decline to punish her. And what will each of you say, when he goes home to his wife or his daughter or his mother, after having acquitted this woman, when the question is asked, where you were—and you say, “we were sitting in judgment? ’—“On whom?” it will be asked. “On Neæra,”—you will say of course—“because she, being an alien, has been living as wife with a citizen, contrary to law, and because she gave her daughter, who was unchaste, in marriage to Theogenes the king-archon, and this daughter performed the mystic sacrifices on behalf of the state and was given as wife to Bacchus”—this and all the rest you will report, mentioning the particulars of the accusation, and how carefully and accurately they were stated in court. Your hearers will ask—“ well ; what did you do ?”—and you will say, “we acquitted her.” The most virtuous of the ladies will then be angry with you, for allowing this woman to 1 Pabst and Auger take eipyaafieviov in a different sense. Pabst—* von der es allbekannt ist, dass sie wegen ihres Gewerbes den ganzen Erdkreis durchzogen hat.” Auger—“ reconnue publiquement et géné* râlement pour s’être prostituée par toute la terre.”270 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. enjoy civil and religious privileges in like manner with themselves : those who are inclined to folly you encourage to do what they please, under the idea that, however they may indulge their passions, you and the laws have given them impunity. For, if you are tolerant of what they they do, and show your indifference to it, it will be thought that you agree with their principles. It would have been far better therefore, that this trial should never have taken place, than that, having taken place, you should pronounce a verdict of acquittal. For, in that case, prostitutes will be at perfect liberty to live with what men they please, and to affiliate their children upon anybody; and your laws will become invalid, and the principles of loose women will prevail, and have no restraint. Have regard then to the women of your own community, that the daughters of humble citizens may not be left unmarried for want of a dowry. Now, though a girl be poor, the law helps to find her a suitable dowry, if nature has but given her a tolerable person ; but if you, by the acquittal of this defendant, annul and trample upon the law, the traffic of prostitution will extend to the daughters of citizens, who are unable to marry for lack of a dowry, and the dignity of free-born women will pass to courtesans, when a license is given them to have sexual intercourse with whom they please, and to partake in all the sacrifices and religious ceremonies and honours of the state. Consider then, I pray you, that each of you is about to give your verdict, either for a wife, or for a daughter, or for a mother, or for the laws and the constitution and the religion of the country, in order that respectable women may not be put on the same footing with this prostitute—that women who have been carefully and modestly brought up by their relations, and given in marriage according to the laws, may not be ranked in the same class with one of loose and disgusting manners, who has repeatedly and day after day granted her favours to any number of men that solicited them. Don’t look upon me, the speaker, as Apollodorus, and these who will support and plead for the defendant as Athenians ; but look upon it that the laws and Nesera are contending with each other upon the facts which are in evidence. While you are upon the case for the prosecution, hear the laws themselves, through which the constitution is maintained, andAGAINST NEjERA. 271 according to which you are sworn to give judgment; hear what they prescribe, and how they have been disobeyed.by my opponents. When you are upon the defence, bear in mind the charge which the laws prefer and the proof offered by the prosecutor; look at the personal appearance of this woman, and consider this only, whether she, being Nesera, has been guilty of the acts with which she is charged. It would not be amiss, men of Athens, if you called to mind what happened to Archias, the hierophant. He was convicted in court of impiety for offering a sacrifice contrary to ancient usage, and you passed sentence upon him. It was charged against him among other things, that at the harvest-feast, when Sinope the courtesan brought a victim to the altar in the court at Eleusis, he sacrificed it for her, it not being lawful to sacrifice victims on that day, and the sacrifice not belonging to himself, but to the priestess. Dreadful indeed would it be, that a man of the race of the Eumolpidse, a descendant of an honourable family, and a citizen of Athens, should suffer punishment for having transgressed an established usage—notwithstanding that his friends and relations interceded for him—notwithstanding the public charges which had been defrayed by him and his ancestors—notwithstanding his being hierophant—you gave him not the benefit of all this, but punished him for the crime of which he had been found guilty—and shall this Nesera, who has committed offences against this same god and against the laws, she as well as her daughter, he suffered by you to escape with impunity 1 I wonder for my part, what they will urge to you in their defence. Will they say that Nesera the defendant is a woman of civic birth, and lives wTith Stephanus according to the laws'? They cannot say this; for it is in evidence, that she is a loose woman, and has been the slave of Nicarete. Or will they pretend, that she is not his wife, but that lie keeps her as a concubine ? This cannot be ; for her sons, who have been introduced by Stephanus to his clansmen, and her daughter, who has been given in marriage to an Athenian citizen, manifestly, prove that Stephanus has lived wTith her as his wife. I take it therefore, that neither Stephanus himself nor any one on his behalf will attempt to show, that the charge and the evidence are not true and that Nesera the defendant272 THE ORATIONS OB DEMOSTHENES. is a woman of civic birth : but I am told, that he means to set up a defence of this sort, that he keeps her not as a wife but as a mistress, and that his children are not by her, but by another woman, an Athenian of his own kindred, whom he says he formerly married. To meet this impudent assertion, this defence which he has concocted, and which he is prepared to support by false witnesses, I tendered him a fair and carefully drawn challenge, by means of which you might have ascertained the whole truth : I proposed that he should deliver up the female servants, Thratta and Coccalina, who continued with Neaera at the time when she came to Ste-phanus from Megara, and those whom she afterwards purchased when she lived with him, Xenis and Drosis; who know perfectly well, that Proxenus who died, and Ariston who is yet living, and Antidorides who runs in the footraces, and Phano, formerly called Strybele, who married the king-archon, were all children of Nesera. And, if it should appear from the torture, that Stephanus the defendant had married an Athenian wife, and that he had these children not by Nesera, but by another woman, a born Athenian, I offered to withdraw from the case, and not bring this indictment into court. For this is matrimony, when a man begets children, and introduces the sons to the members of his clan and township, and affiances the daughters to their husbands as his own. Mistresses we keep for pleasure, concubines for daily attendance upon our person, wives to bear us legitimate children and be our faithful housekeepers. Therefore, if Stephanus formerly married an Athenian wife, and these children were by her and not by Nesera, he might have shown it by the most certain proof, delivering up these female slaves for examination. To prove that T challenged him, you shall hear the deposition and the challenge read. Read the deposition, and then the challenge. THE DEPOSITION. “ Hippocrates, son of Hippocrates, of Probalinthus, Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of Pseania, Diophanes, son of Diophanes, of Alopece, Diomenes, son of Archelaus, of Cydathenseum, Dinias, son of Phormidas, of Cydantidse, Lysimachus, son of Lysippus, of iEgilia, depose, that theyAGAINST NEJSRA. 275 were present in the market-place, when Apollodorus challenged Stephanas, requiring him to deliver up the female servants to be questioned upon the subject of the charges which Apollodorus was preferring against Stephanus concerning Neaera; and that Stephanus declined to deliver up the female servants; and that the challenge was that which Apollodorus produces.” Now read the challenge itself, which I tendered to the defendant Stephanus. THE CHALLENGE. “ Apollodorus tendered this challenge to Stephanus upon the subject of the indictment which he has preferred, charging that Nesera, being a foreign woman, lives withhim as his wife. Apollodorus is ready to receive for examination by torture the female servants of Neaera, whom she brought from Megara to .Athens, namely, Thratta and Coccalina, and those whom she afterwards purchased when living with Stephanus, namely, Xenis and Drosis, who know for certain about the children of Neeera, that they are by Stephanus, namely, Proxenus, who died, and Ariston, who is now living, and Antidorides, who runs in the footraces, and Phano. And should they confess that these children are by Stephanus and Neoera, I proposed that Nesera should be sold for a slave according to the laws, and that her children should be declared to be aliens : but if, instead of confessing them to be her children, they declared them to be the children of another woman, an Athenian born, I offered to give up the cause against Neaera, and to pay for whatever damage the females might sustain by the torture.” Upon my giving this challenge to Stephanus, men of the jury, he declined to accept it. Does it not then appear to you, men of the jury, to have been decided by Stephanus himself, that Nesera is liable to the indictment which I have brought against her, and that I have told you the truth, and produced true testimony, and that whatever Stephanus urges will be false, and that the rottenness of his case will be apparent from his own conduct, when he has been afraid to give up to the question the female slaves whom I demanded 1 Thus, men of the jury, have I, as the avenger both of myself and of the gods, whom they have offended, brought these defendants to trial and delivered them up to be dealt vol. v *274 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. with by your verdict. It is for you now to perform your duty. Be assured that not a single one of your votes will be hidden from the gods, whom these persons have sinned against; under this assurance pronounce the verdict which justice requires; and avenge the wrongs done to the gods as well as your own. If you adopt this course, you will be thought by all men to have given a fair and righteous decision upon this indictment, which I have preferred against Nesera, charging that she, an alien, has lived as wife with a citizen. THE FUNERAL ORATION. THE ABGUMENT. That Demosthenes, after the unfortunate battle of Cha?ronea, was chosen by the Athenians to deliver the funeral oration in honour of the fallen, the reader has already seen (Or. de Cor. vol. ii. page 103). Whether the speech now before us is the one which he really delivered, is a matter which has been doubted from an early period. Harpo-cration quotes it with the remark, “if it is genuine.” Dionysius of Halicarnassus declares it to be unworthy of Demosthenes, remarkable only for fine-sounding words and poverty of thought. The like judgment is pronounced by Libanius, Photius, and Suidas; and, among modern critics, by Taylor, Bekker, Valkenaer, Wolf, Heyne, Schafer, Westermann, and Ranke. On the other hand, it is defended by Kruger, Becker, and Pabst. The last-mentioned critic observes, that although this speech is far inferior to the celebrated funeral oration of Pericles in Thucydides, and to that in the Menexenus of Plato, yet it is superior to the artificial composition of Lysias on the same subject. He points out also a similarity between certain passages in this oration and that on the Crown, as tending to prove the genuineness of this The remarks of Becker, in his “ Demosthenes als Staatsmann und Redner,” are instructive as to the character and object of these funeral speeches, and therefore I subjoin a translation of them: “ A beautiful custom in Greece, by which a grateful country strove to honour her sons who fell in battle in her defence, was the solemn interment of their ashes in a public tomb. The state considered this public distinction of men, who had sacrificed their lives for the maintenance of her free constitution, as a sacred duty of justice and gratitude : she therefore made provision, that the memory of such citizens should be worthily celebrated by orations, and perpetuated by monuments. u By whomsoever this custom may have been introduced into Athens—• whether by Solon, as is very probable, or shortly after the PersianTHE FUNERAL ORATION. 275 Wars, as some persons contend—it must ever be regarded as unquestionably the most praiseworthy which the wisest people of the ancient world admitted among their institutions. This tribute, which was paid to the beloved dead by a public acknowledgment of their services; this kind sharing by the whole commonwealth of the losses which individual families had sustained; this gentle consolation, which the orator, nominated by the state, and also in the name and on behalf of the state, administered to the fathers and mothers, wives and children, of those wno bad perished in battle ; lastly, this general lifting up of the soul above sorrow, upon the unfortunate issue of a battle—who does not see, that the whole of such an arrangement corresponded with the noble spirit of the people, who—especially in the best times of their history—willingly offered up their lives upon the field for their country, for freedom, and for renown ? They had from their youth upwards seen and heard, that an ever-glorious memory was from generation to generation secured to the fallen by means of a grateful commonwealth. When there is such an assurance —as an eminent man (Schlegel) has truly said—we cannot wonder, that not only a great number of heroic individuals should devote themselves to death for the commonwealth, but also that whole crowds of inspired citizens, not in drunken fury, but in sober reflection, should seek the field from which they know that they shall never return; we cannot wonder that the Athenians especially should know so well how to die for public freedom. For an accurate description of these last honours to the dead, we are indebted to Thucydides, who, as an introduction to the splendid speech of Pericles, gives the following account of the ceremony (11.34): ‘ The bones of the dead are laid out three days before, a tent being erected, and each man brings to his own relative what funeral offering he pleases. On the day of the funeral coffins of cypress-wood are carried in wagons, one for each tribe ; in which are laid the bones of every man, according to the tribe to which he belonged; and one empty bier is carried, spread with a cloth, in honour of the missing, whose bodies could not be found for interment. Any one that pleases, whether citizen or stranger, joins in the procession; and their female relatives attend at the burial to make lamentation. The urns are laid in the public sepulchre, which is in the fairest suburb of the city, [the Ceramicus,] in which they always bury those who have fallen in war, (except those who fell at Marathon; to whom, as being distinguished for a valour pre-eminent above all, they gave a burial on the spot.) After they have laid them in the ground, a man chosen by the state—one of high repute for his ability, and also of eminence by his position—speaks over them an appropriate panegyric; after which they all retire. In this way they bury them ; and through the. whole of the war, upon every occasion, the established custom was observed. Upon the first of the public funerals Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, was chosen to speak. At the appointed time, advancing from the sepulchre to a platform, which had been raised to the same height, that he might be heard as far as possible over the crowd, he spoke, &c.’276 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. * Only a few of these funeral orations have been handed down to; us from the ancients. Some of them were actually spoken at the ceremony; others were only sketched out by the writers whose names they bear, without having been really delivered on such an occasion. t( To the latter class belongs avowedly the noble oration of Plato in the Menexenus, which the philosopher puts in the mouth of Socrates, with the assertion that it was composed by Aspasia. It seems that Plato, dissatisfied with the ordinary form of these public funeral orations, wished to show by a specimen, how the orators might on,so important an occasion express themselves in a more lofty way than they were accustomed to do. (t In the same class, it seems, we must place the oration of Pericles ,in Thucydides. For, though the historian ascribes it to that statesman, it is most probably a work of his own design and composition, like the rest of his speeches ascribed to other men. “ From the two last-mentioned discourses we get less information as,to the general object and character of these funeral orations, than from those of Lysias, Demosthenes, and Hyperides. “ The Epitaphius of Lysias was composed Olymp. 96, in honour of the Athenians who had fallen in the Corinthian war. The argument and the style are like those of the Demosthenic; but the style is very unlike that of Lysias in his judicial speeches. “ Of the mourning speech of Hyperides we possess only a fragment, which, on account of its great merit, makes us doubly regret the loss of the whole. (St.obaeus, Serin. 121, p. 525.) It appears to be the peroration of the funeral speech in honour of Leosthenes. “ Of all the orators who were called upon to speak the praises of those fallen in battle, none had so honourable and at the same time so arduous a task imposed on him, as Demosthenes had after the battle of Chseronea. He himself observes at a later period, how unmis* takeably the people had shown their confidence in him, by choosing him for this office rather than an orator of the opposite party; and that their choice was a tacit approbation of the measures which he had advised, notwithstanding their calamitous result. Could we place ourselves in the position of the speaker, it would appear that this duty was one of the hardest which could be imposed on him. The peace with Philip had only just been concluded, and under the most favourable conditions. The king himself had given up the Athenian slain without ransom, and had thus facilitated the performance of the ceremony. The orator was therefore obliged, in mentioning his adversary, to observe a moderation, which was quite foreign to his character and to his long habit of speaking as the decided enemy of the Macedonians. Further, the position of the state was helpless, and the man, who was to console others, was himself stunned by the blows of a most cruel destiny. He was also,to cheer aud raise the spirits of those fellow-citizens, who by his advice had been driven to the field, and there had lost their relations and friends. These difficulties however were in a great measure diminished by the circumstance, that both the form and subject of a funeral oration had been for a long time past defined and limited Dy usage. It was notTHE FUNERAL ORATION. 277 the pleasing style of the discourse that was to give comfort and tranquillity to the hearers: it was from the prescribed technical form of the discourse that this result was to be expected. We must pursue this idea and develop it further, before we proceed to pass judgment on the oration. * A peculiar class of public speeches for solemn occasions, (to which class the Epitaphian belonged,) was the epideictic, which had for their subject the praise or censure of persons or things. (See Aristotle, Rhet. i. 9.) Both the argument and the character of them were defined by rules; and therefore the talent of the speaker had less free scope for exertion than in other kinds of discourses. Such was more particularly the case in funeral orations, for which a definite form was prescribed on the part of the state. This subject was always the same-—praise of the dead; mourning of their country for their loss; consolation for the nearest relatives. It was the especial * duty of the orators on this occasion to celebrate the ancestors and their deeds, and for that purpose to go back to a mythical period, and with the memory of olden times to connect the recent glorious acts of their descendants. Just so with the grounds of comfort, which the orators suggested to the mourners; the renown of the departed, which they obtained peculiarly by means of their public burial; their happy lot in the world below; the care which the state would take of their children; and lastly, the calling upon them to submit themselves to their destiny as heroically as the fallen warriors had done ; &c. It appears especially from the usual commencement and conclusion of the mourning speeches, that the orator was obliged bo conform to prescribed usage. They commence nearly all by declaring, that the duty imposed on them surpasses their strength; and in conclusion they dismiss the assembly with the words—‘ now gc back to your homes, after you have bewailed the dead according tc custom/ wWe must not pass over the composition, which was required for these works of art. A deep and earnest feeling of sorrow was to be expressed in a funeral oration. It was not by novelty of thought or by the application of rhetorical art that the minds of the hearers were to be worked on; but rather by a smooth and poetically beautiful language. They required of the orator what more properly, belongs to the poet, and it is indeed surpi’ising, that the Athenians did not on such occasions rather employ the genius of their finest poets, than the talents of their favourite orators, who in undertaking such a task found themselves involved in insuperable difficulties, and were unable to exhibit a work of art corresponding to their renown. u ‘ It is only allowed’—says Schlegel—4 to the fine arts, to express on festive occasions the feelings of holiday people ; it is not the province of eloquence. For sport must always be free, and not restricted by any serious object; otherwise it is not sport. Now the essential difference between the rhetorical and the poetical art is, that serious business is the main object of the former, beauty only its secondary object. Eloquence should only adorn the serious. If it invades the * domain of poetry, and makes beauty its principal object, then inevi-THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 278 tably happens what never ought to happen : oratory will sport with truth and justice; and what is more, it will err without reward, and sport without taste; for what is not fitting cannot be beautiful. u Nothing could be less agreeable to our serious orator, than to sport in this epideictic address with a people, whom at all other times he had raised to his own level by the force of truth. His hearers could only be satisfied by that form of speech which had been sanctioned (as it were) by ancient usage. We are disposed to exact more from such a speech, and to expect more from Demosthenes; and therefore ■ perhaps so many persons have entertained doubts as to the genuineness of this work.” Since the state determined to give a public burial to the men who lie in this sepulchre, who have demeaned themselves bravely in the war, and I was appointed to deliver the customary oration over them, I began at once to consider how they might obtain a becoming panegyric; and the result of my consideration and inquiry was, that to make a speech worthy of the departed would be a matter of impossibility. For since they disregarded that desire of life which is implanted in all men, and chose rather to die with honour than to live to see Greece in misfortune, is it not certain that they have left behind them a renown beyond the power of speech to celebrate? It may however be possible for me to discourse in a manner similar to those who have preceded me in the same task. That the state takes a serious interest in her sons who fall in battle, may be seen from many circumstances, but especially from this law, according to which she chooses a person to speak at the public funerals; for, knowing that with virtuous men the possession of money and the enjoyment of worldly pleasure is despised, and that all their ambition is for praise and renown, the state considered that they ought to be honoured with such speeches as might best accomplish for them the object of their desires, so that the glory which they won in their lifetime might be awarded to them after their death. If I observed that courage was the only quality of virtue which belonged to them, I should have praised this and passed over everything else. But since it has been their fortune to have had an honourable birth, and to have been trained up to wisdom, and to have striven in their lives for none but laudable objects, all which naturally led to their being virtuous men, I should be ashamed if ITHE FUNERAL ORATION. 279 omitted any of these grounds of praise. I will begin with the origin of their race. The noble parentage of these men has been un/versally acknowledged from the most distant period. For every one of them is able to refer his origin not only to a father and more remote ancestors, naming them man by man, but generally to the whole of his country, of which it is acknowledged they are indigenous sons. For they alone of mankind have inhabited the land of which they were born, and have bequeathed it to their descendants; so that it may justly be assumed, that, while those who have migrated to foreign countries and been called citizens of them, are like adopted children, these (the Athenians) are the legitimate-born citizens of their country. And, as it seems to me, the circumstance that the fruits of the earth by which men live appeared first among us, besides having been the greatest benefaction to mankind, proves beyond dispute, that the land is the Mother of our ancestors. For all things which bring forth, at the same time produce nourishment for their offspring by the law of nature, and so this land hath done. With respect to birth, then, such are the traditions of these men’s ancestors, handed down from time immemorial. With respect to courage and other virtuous qualities, I am afraid to say all that 1 could, for fear that my speech should reach to an unseasonable length; but I will endeavour to present a short summary of those points, which you that know them already may be advantageously reminded of, you that are unacquainted with them will do well to hear, and which, while they are glorious topics to enlarge upon, will not give annoyance by their length. For the ancestors of the present generation, fathers and those of more remote degree, bearing the ancestral titles by which the members of their family distinguish them, have never injured any mortal, either Greek or barbarian. It was their fortune (among other things) to be good men and true, and perfect lovers of justice; and in defending themselves against their enemies they achieved many gallant exploits. They vanquished the invading army of Amazons, and drove them back even beyond the Phasis : they expelled the army of Eumolpus and many other foes not only from their own country, but from that of the other Greeks:—armies which those before us dwelling280 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. westward could none of them either check or withstand. And of the children of Hercules, who himself delivered other men, our ancestors were c?dled the deliverers, when they came as suppliants to this land, flying from the persecution of Eurystheus. In addition to all these and many other glorious actions, they would not permit an insult to be offered to the dead, when Creon forbade the burial of the seven chiefs who attacked Thebes. I have passed over most of the deeds which are reckoned as mythical, and mentioned these, every one of which contains such abundant materials of panegyric, that verse-writers and lyrical poets and numerous writers of history have made the deeds of such men the arguments of their literary compositions. I shall proceed now to speak of those actions, which in point of merit are not inferior to any, but, because they are nearer to our own time, have not yet assumed a mythical character, nor been ranked in the class of heroical achievements. Our ancestors, without any aid, twice defeated by sea and land an invading force from the whole of Asia, and, exposing themselves to the brunt of the peril, wrought the deliverance of all the Greeks. Others have already celebrated what I am about to speak of; yet those men ought not now to be deprived of well-earned and glorious praises. For they may justly be deemed superior to the soldiers of the Trojan war, inasmuch as the latter, being the flower of Hellenic warriors, were ten years besieging a single city of Asia, and took it even then with difficulty, •whereas those Athenians not only defended themselves against an invading army gathered from the whole continent, which had reduced all other countries to subjection, but took vengeance for the wrongs which they had inflicted on others. Further, to prevent selfish encroachments among the Greeks themselves, they have encountered every danger which has arisen, and attached themselves invariably to the side of justice, until the progress of time has brought us to the present age of the world. Let no one imagine, that I have briefly enumerated these actions because I was at a loss what to say upon each oi them. Had I been of all mankind the most barren of in venation,. the virtue of those men itself furnishes so many obvious subjects of encomium, that it is an easy thing to go throughTHE FUNERAL ORATION. 281 them. But I prefer to mention their noble birth and the most important deeds of our ancestors, and then as quickly as possible to connect the subject with the acts of these men, that, as they were linked together by the natural tie of relationship, so I may unite their praises, considering that it will be pleasing even to them, and indeed most pleasing to both,, if they share in each other’s virtue not only by nature but by praise. - I must however interrupt the thread of my discourse, and, before I explain the performances of these men, invite the, goodwill of those who are no relations, yet have attended at nhe burial. Had I been appointed to solemnize this funeral by any expensive outlay, by the display of a chariot-race or a gymnastic contest, the more zealous I had been, and the more unsparing of cost in preparing the exhibition, the better I should have been thought to have performed my duty. But having been chosen to make a speech in praise of these men, I fear, unless I win the sympathy of my hearers, my zeal may cause me to do the reverse of what I ought. For riches, swiftness, strength, and the like, have intrinsic advantages for their possessors, and achieve success by means of the parties themselves, whether other people like it or not: but persuasion requires the goodwill of the hearers ; aided by that, with but a moderate share of eloquence, it brings fame and wins favour ; without such aid, however wonderful the powTer of the orator, it only disgusts the hearers. ( Many as are the topics of panegyric which the deeds of these men suggest, when I am entering upon them, I know not which to begin with ; they all crowd upon me at the same moment, and render the choice exceedingly difficult. However, I will try to observe the same order in my speech, which occurred in the history of their lives. They from the beginning were distinguished in all branches of education, practising what was suitable to every period of age, and pleasing all whom they were bound to please, their parents, their relations, their friends. Therefore the memory of their friends and relations tracing now (as it were) their footsteps every hour turns to them regretfully, finding numerous reminiscences of their excellence. When they arrived at man’s estate, they made their characters known not only to their fellow-citizens, but to all the world. For of all virtue iho282 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. beginning is understanding, and the end is courage; by the one we learn our duty, by the other we maintain it ;l in both of which qualities these men were eminently distinguished. For if there was growing up a common danger to all the Greeks, these men first foresaw it, and frequently exhorted all to take measures for safety; which is a proof of sound wisdom. The ignorance of the Greeks being mingled with cowardice, when it was possible to prevent and avert the mischief, partly did not foresee it, partly pretended not to : however, when they did hearken to counsel and were willing to do what was right, our countrymen did not bear malice, but putting themselves at their head, and giving all they had with alacrity, their bodies, their property, and their allies, marched to the decisive contest and spared not even their lives. It is a matter of necessity that, when a battle takes place, one side must be vanquished and the other be victorious. Yet I would not hesitate to say that, in my opinion, those on either side who fall in their ranks share not in the defeat, but are both equally conquerors. For among the living victory is adjudged to be theirs on whom the deity bestows it; but every man who remains at his post has done all that he was bound to do to secure the result. If he undergoes his destiny as every mortal must, he has suffered a casualty of fortune, but his soul has not been overcome by the adversary. I consider that the enemy’s not having invaded our territory has been owing not merely to their own neglect, but to the valour of these men ; for those who joined battle on that occasion, having man for man had experience of their valour, were reluctant to try the chance of a second battle with their kinsmen, thinking that they should meet adversaries of the same mettle, and it might not be easy to get the same good fortune. Nothing more strongly proves the truth of what I say than the circumstances of the late peace : for it is impossible to suggest any more true or honourable ground for making peace than this, that the leader of the enemy, admiring the valour of the fallen, rather chose to become the friend of their kindred than to risk his all by renewing the contest. I believe, if the soldiers who took the field were ask^d, whether they attributed their success to their own 1 Cicero pro Sexto—“ Hoc sentirw prudentise est, facere fortitudinis.”THE FUNERAL ORATION, £33 valojr, or to an unexpected and overwhelming good fortune joined to the skill and boldness of their general, there is not a man so shameless or audacious, as to claim the merit of the achievement. Where a ruling divinity has ordered the result according to his pleasure, all other parties, being but men, must of necessity be absolved from the charge of cowardice : and where the commander of the enemy has been more than a match for those opposed to him, the result is not chargeable to the masses either on one side or the other. If there were any mortal who could justly be blamed for the issue of this battle, it would be the Theban commanders, and not our troops or theirs, on whom the blame should be cast: for they, having received an army invincible in spirit, reckless in courage, and ambitious of glory, made no use of these advantages. And upon other points there may be a difference of opinion ; but this is equally apparent to all mankind, that the maintenance of Panhellenic liberty depended on the lives of these men; so that, when destiny had carried them off, there was no one left to resist the aggressors. I trust my words may give no offence ; but it seems to me that the virtue of these men may be truly said to have been the life of Greece ; for no sooner was the breath out of their bodies, than the glory of Greece had departed. And the following may be thought an extravagant assertion, yet I must give utterance to it. As, if light were removed from the world, nothing would be left to human life but misery and discomfort, so by the death of these men all the previous rep own of the Greeks is sunk in darkness and disgrace.1 Many are the causes which naturally made them what they were; but the worth of their character is mainly attributable to the constitution of their country. For oligarchies create feelings of terror in the citizens, but do not inspire a feeling of shame; and therefore, when the struggle of war commences, every one strives to save himself as well as he can, knowing that, if he can conciliate those in power either by gifts or by means of any other friendly relation, whatever baseness he be guilty of, very little infamy will attach to him. Democracies, besides much else that is equitable and good, 1 Compare Cicero in Lselio—“ Solem e mundo tollere videntur, qui amicitiam e vita tollunt, qu& nihil a Diis immortalibus melius habemu^ nihil jucundius.”284 THE .ORA.TIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. and that a sensible man should hold fast to, possess this peculiarity, that liberty of speech, which is dependent upoi; truth, cannot be deterred from declaring the truth. For neither is it possible for those who have committed any disgraceful action to shut the mouths of all,1 nor is the person who proclaims their reproach the only one who gives them pain; for those who would not themselves pronounce any censure are glad to hear it when another man speaks out. For fear of this, and for shame of the reproach that would follow a different course, they all, as you might expect, brave the peril of encountering the enemy, and prefer an honourable death to a life of infamy. I have mentioned the common motives which made all these men willing to die with honour—their birth, their education, their habitual practice of virtue, the fundamental principles of the government under which they lived. • I will proceed to mention those incitements to valour which are peculiar to their respective tribes.. All those of the Erech-theian tribe knew that their hero Erechtheus, in order to save his country, sacrificed his own daughters, whom they call Hvacinthides, and gave them up to death before his eyes. They thought therefore it would be shameful, when one of immortal parentage had done all that lay in his power to deliver his country, that they themselves should set more value on their mortal bodies than upon eternal renown. Those of the iEgeian tribe were not ignorant that Theseus, the son of iEgeus, first established constitutional equality in Athens ; and therefore they deemed it shameful to-be untrue to his principles, and chose rather to die than suffer them to be overthrown in the face of all the Greeks and meanly save their lives. The Pandionian tribesmen had received the tradition of Procne and Philomela, the daughters of Pandion, how they punished Tereus for the outrage which he had committed upon them. They therefore thought that life would be intolerable to them, if, being the kinsmen of those heroines, they did not show a spirit like them, to resent the insults which they saw offered to Greece. The Leon tidae had heard a legend of the daughters of Leon, how they gave themselves to their fellow-citizens as a sacrifice for the country, and when those women had such a manly spirit, 1 Pabst, “ beechwichtigen.” heiske, “ satisfacere.”THE FUNERAL ORATI OW. 285 they held it would not be lawful for themselves to display less of manhood than they did. The Acamantidæ remembered the verses in which Homer declares that Acamas sailed for Troy on account of his mother Æthra. He thus encountered every danger in order to preserve his mother : how then could they shrink from encountering every danger in order to preserve the whole body of their parents left at home S It did not escape the Œneidæ, that Semeie was the daughter of Cadmus, and she had a son, whom it is not befitting to name upon these obsequies, and he was the father of OEneus, who was the hero-founder of their tribe. As the danger before them was common to both states, they considered that for the welfare of both they ought to struggle to the last. The Cecropidæ knew that their own founder was represented to have been partly a dragon and partly a man in no other sense than this, that in understanding he was like a man, in strength like a dragon ; so they held, that it became them to act in accordance with that legend. The Hippothoontidæ bore in mind the marriage of Alope, from which Hippothoon was sprung, and knew him to be their founder : about which I forbear to mention the true particulars, choosing to observe propriety on this occasion. They thought they should be seen to act worthily of such ancestors. It did not escape the; Æantidæ, that Ajax, when the prize of valour was denied him, considered his life insupportable. Therefore, when the deity gave victory to another, they thought it was time for them to die in their country’s defence, so as to escape degradation. The Antiochidæ did not forget that Antiochus was the son of Hercules : and therefore tfiey deemed it their duty' either to live worthily of their antecedents, or to seek a glorious death. > The relations of these men who survive are objects of compassion, for having suffered such a loss, and having been severed from their constant society and affection. The con ' dition of their country also is forlorn, pitiable, and lamentable. They themselves, if we take a just estimate, are happy : for,: in the first place, they have exchanged a brief period of life for a long eternity of glory; their children will be brought up with honour by the state, and their parents will be maintained in their old age and be regarded with reverence, and their renown will be a consolation to the mourners : and in286 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. the next place, their bodies will be free from disease, then souls exempt from those troubles which attend the living in times of misfortune, and their last obsequies are now paid to them with all due honour and solemnity. How can we fail to regard them as happy, to whom their whole country gives a public burial, who alone receive the general praise, who are regretted not only by their kindred and fellow-citizens, but by all people bearing the name of Greeks, and whose loss afflicts the greatest part of the habitable world? Well might we say that they sit by the side of the nether gods, holding the same place with the virtuous of a former age in the islands of the blest. Even of those ancients no eye-witness has ever brought such intelligence; but we who live in earth have deemed certain men worthy of earthly honours, and then we divined according to our opinion that they obtain similar honours in the lower world. It is difficult perhaps to alleviate present misfortune by words; yet we should endeavour to turn the mind to sources of consolation; for it is right that men of such characters as yourselves, and whose ancestors were of equal repute, should be seen to bear calamities with greater fortitude than others, and to be the same in every kind of fortune. Such conduct will be most dutiful and respectful to the dead, and at the same time reflect the greatest honour upon the survivors and the whole commonwealth. It is a grievous thing for a father and a mother to be bereaved of their children, and to have lost the dearest supporters of their age ; but it is a splendid thing to see them rewarded with eternal honours and with a public memorial of their virtue, and deemed worthy of sacrifices and perpetual games. It is an afflicting thing for children to be left fatherless orphans; but it is a glorious thing to be the inheritors of a father’s renown; and, while the affliction we shall find attributable to the deity, to whom all mortals must bow in submission, the honour and the glory are due to their resolution, who chose bravely to die. With respect to myself—let me say—my object has been not to speak many words, but to speak the truth. You, my friends, finish your lamentations, perform the legal and customary rites, and then go to your homes.THE EROTIC ORATION. 2b* THE EROTIC ORATION. OB, THE PANEGYRIC UPON EPICRATER THE ARGUMENT. The subject as well as the style of this oration renders it improbable that Demosthenes was the author, and all critics concur in thinking it spurious. It bears the stamp of a rhetorical exercise or lecture. A teacher addresses his pupil, an imaginary youth, to whom he professes an attachment; pronounces a panegyric upon his personal beauty and accomplishments, exhorts him to attend to the due exercise both of his body and his mind, and to improve himself and exalt his character by the study of philosophy and the practice of virtue. Pabst, in his introductory preface, observes—“ Der Aufsatz ist also insofern interessant, als er der verrufenen Mannerliebe der Griechen eine giinstige Seite abzugewinnen sucht.” Come then, as you are willing to hear my address, I will read and deliver it to you. In the first place, you ought to understand its object. The composer of the address intends to praise Epicrates, whom of all the honourable youths in the city he considered to be the most pleasing, and to surpass his contemporaries more in understanding than in beauty. Seeing, (to speak briefly,) that most erotic compositions bring disgrace rather than honour to those who are the subjects of them, he has taken precautions to avoid this mischief, and has written that which he is really convinced of in his mind, that a true lover will neither do nor desire anything that is base. What you will find the most erotic part of my lecture relates to this matter, the rest of it is devoted either to praising the youth, or to counselling him upon his education and choice of life. All this is written in the way in which you would put it down in a note-book. For orations intended only for oral delivery ought to ne written in a simple style, like what you would say on the spur of the moment; but those which are designed for a permanence should be com-J28.8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. posed with the utmost care and according to rules of art. Tt is proper that the former should be convincing, the latter epideictic. However, that I may not say anything foreign to the purpose, or myself declare my opinion upon this subject, give me your attention, and you shall now hear the lecture itself; for Epicrates, whom I desired to have for my hearer, is himself at hand. Seeing that some of those who are beloved and endowed with beauty do not make a proper use of either of these advantages, but, while they pride themselves on their comeli ness of person, are averse to all intercourse with their lovers, and are so far from judging of what is best, that, on account of those who spoil the thing, they repulse even those who would associate with them modestly and decorously, I considered that such persons not only act contrary to their own interests, but lead others also into bad habits, and that right-minded people ought not to imitate their despair; for they should bear in mind this especially, that, as things are neither honourable nor disgraceful absolutely, but vary for the most part according to the conduct of the parties concerned, it is unreasonable to form one judgment of both without regard to circumstances ; and further, that it is most absurd to admire those who have the most and the staunchest friends, and yet to discountenance lovers, a class whose peculiar characteristic it is to attach themselves not to all but only to the beautiful and the modest. Besides, though perhaps it is not unreasonable, that such should be the feeling of those who have never yet seen an intimacy of this kind turn out well, or who are convinced of their own weakness and know that they could not innocently admit such familiar intercourse; those whose disposition resembles yours, who are not wholly ignorant how many important ends have been accomplished without dishonour by means of love, and who have lived all their lives with the strictest prudence, cannot with reason even suspect that they would do anything disgraceful. Therefore have I been the more encouraged to write this lecture, in the hope to attain two most glorious objects. For, if I describe the good qualities belonging to you, I hope at the same time to show that you are worthy of admiration, and that l am a person of discernment in loving one like you, Again, if I tender you advice of the most pressing importance, ITHE EROTIC ORATION. 289 consider that I shall give yon a proof of my goodwill, and find a means of support for our mutual friendship. I am not blind to the fact, that it is difficult to describe your nature and character in the way that they deserve, and that it is still more hazardous to give advice when the adviser renders himself responsible to the party advised. But I consider that those who justly obtain praises ought to outdo the eloquence of their panegyrists by the surpassing might of truth ; and I flatter myself that I shall not fail in my counsel, feeling sure that, while the best counsels in the world will be thrown away upon foolish people who are wholly corrupted by intemperance, those who lead a pure and blameless life will give effect to any advice that has a moderate share of wisdom. With such expectations I enter upon my address ; and I think all will agree with me, that it especially becomes youths of this age to maintain beauty in their persons, wisdom in their souls, manliness in both of these, and graciousness in their speech. With these qualities, which are the gift of nature, you have been so bountifully supplied, that you continue to be an object of wonder and admiration ; the other qualities which I have mentioned you have by your diligence improved to such a degree, that no person of intelligence can find fault with you. But what ought he to be, who is worthy of the highest encomium ? Ought he not to be cherished by the gods, and admired by men partly for his own sake, partly on account of his fortune t On the whole perhaps it will be better to postpone for a while the general discussion of your virtues; whatever I have to say in praise of your various qualities, I will endeavour to set forth with truth. I will begin with praising that which is first remarked in you by all beholders—your beauty ; and in particular, your complexion—that by which the limbs and the whole body are illustrated. I can find no suitable image to compare this to, and I can only ask those who read my oration to look at you with attention, that they may excuse me for not discovering any similitude. For to what mortal thing can one compare that, which creates an immortal longing in the beholders, the sight of which never satiates, which whei. out of sight dwells in the memory, which to a human form gives a divine dignity, blooming in external hue, and free from all suspicion of VOL. V. V290 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. disguise % And in your form one cannot find those blemishes which in many others who possess beauty are discernible. For either by neglect they disfigure all the comeliness of their person, or by some accident they mar its natural advantages. No such fault can be found with yours. For, whoever was the god who provided for your beauty, he was so careful to avoid every such defect, that he gave you a number of admirable qualities without anything to object to. And, whereas of all objects the face is the most striking, and in this the eyes, herein did the deity still more remarkably display his kindness to you. He has not only given you eyes adapted for all the common purposes of vision, but, while the virtue of some people is not made known even by their deeds, he manifested the most beautiful traits of your character by the evidence of your eyes, causing you to appear gentle and kind to those who behold you, noble and dignified to your associates, courageous and prudent to all : which must especially excite our wonder. For while other people are considered pusillanimous in their gentleness, arrogant in their dignity, and are thought to be over-bold on account of their courage, and simple on account of their moderation, fortune finding in you all these repugnancies has assimilated and harmonised them together,1 as if she were fulfilling a vow, or meant to exhibit a pattern for the rest of mankind, and not to create a mortal being in the usual way. If it were possible adequately to describe your beauty in words, or if this were the only one of your qualities worthy of praise, I should have thought that not a single feature of your beauty ought to be omitted in my panegyric : but, as it is, I fear my hearers would lose their relish for the rest, if I were too tedious upon this subject. For how can one find words to represent your features, which even works of art by 1 Hinc sunt ilia Ciceronis in Partitionibus de cavendis iis vitiis quae virtutem videntur imitari: “ Nam et prudentiam (inquit) rnalitia, et temperantiam immanitas in voluptatibus aspernandis et magnitudinem animi superbia in animis extollendis et despicientia in contemnendis honoribus, et liberalitatem effusio, et fortitudinem audacia imitatur, et patientiam duritia immanis, et justitiam acerbitas, et religionem sijper-stitio, et lenitatem mollitia animi, et verecundiam tiiniditas, et illam disputandi prudentiam concertatio captatioque verborum, e't hanc- ora-toriam vim inani3 qusedam profluentia loquendi: studiis autem bonis Bimilia videntur ea, quae sunt in eodern genere nimia.” Wolf.THE EROTIC ORATION. 291 the cleverest sculptors and painters could not excel ? And no wonder : for such works are seen without motion, so that it is uncertain how they would look if soul were imparted to them; whereas in you the character of the mind, in everything that you do, gives additional charm to the person, So much for the praise of your beauty, upon which I could enlarge, but forbear to do so.1 1 Much of this high-flown panegyric reminds one of the sonnets oi Shakspeare:— 83 I never saw that you did painting need, And therefore to your fair no painting set; I found, or thought I found, you did exceed The barren tender of a poet’s debt : And therefore have I slept in your report, That you yourself, being extant, well might shew How far a modern quill doth come too short, Speaking of worth, what worth in you doth grow. This silence for my sin you did impute, Which shall be most my glory, being dumb ; For I impair not beauty, being mute, When others would give life and bring a tomb. There lives more life in one of your fair eyes, Than both your poets can in praise devise. 84 Who is it that says most ? which can say more, Than this rich praise,—that you alone are you ? In whose confine immured is the store Which should example where your equal grew. Lean penury within that pen doth dwell, That to his subject lends not some small glory; But he that writes of you, if he can tell That you are you, so dignifies his story, Let him but copy what in you is writ, Not making worse what nature made so clear, And such a counter-part shall fame his wit, Making his style admired everywhere. You to your beauteous blessings add a curse, Being fond on praise which makes your praises worse, 103. Alack ! what poverty my muse brings forth That having such a scope to show her pride The argument, all bare, is of more worth Than when it hath my added praise beside. O, blame me not, if I no more can write ! Look in your glass and there appears a face u 2292 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. Concerning your good behaviour this high pa,uegy2ic occurs to me, that, although the age of youth is much exposed to calumny, your lot has been to be praised only. For you have not merely determined to avoid error, but to exercise a prudence above your years. And the greatest proof of this is yuur way of intercourse with people : for, although many have fallen in with you, with all possible kinds of character, and all of them have sought to allure you to their own circles, you have managed these matters so well, that all have been delighted to gain your friendship. Which is a sure sign of persons living an honourable and benevolent life. And yet many have got repute ere now, who have advised that one should not admit the society of casual acquaintance, and many who have followed such advice. They allege that you must either by associating with bad people incur the blame of the world, or by avoiding such censure give offence to your associates. I think that you deserve all the more praise on this account, that, while others regard it as a matter of impossibility to make themselves agreeable to their neighbours, you so far differ from them, as to have overcome every difficulty and impediment, and, without giving the least suspicion to others that you have had an immoral attachment, you have by your obliging disposition kept clear of offending your companions. With your lovers, if I am permitted to speak of them, you seem to me to converse so wisely and discreetly, that, while most youths cannot bear with moderation even those whom they prefer, you are fortunate enough to please all beyond measure ; which is the plainest proof of your virtue. For not one of your lovers fails to obtain from you what is just and honourable; and none even hopes to get wrhat would lead to disgrace : such is the liberty which your prudence secures to those who desire the noblest privileges, and such the discouragement which it gives to those who are inclined to licentiousness. Again, while most young That overgoes my blunt invention quite, Dulling my lines and doing me disgrace. Were it not sinful, then, striving to mend, To mar the subject that before was well? For to no other pass my verses tend. Than of your graces and your gifts to tell; And more, much more, than in my verse can sit, Your own glass shows you when you look in it.THE EROTIC ORATION. 293 men seek by taciturnity to get a reputation for prudence, you so far surpass them in natural talents, that you have acquired no less glory by your speeches and conversation with your friends than by all the rest of your conduct. Such persuasive power, such winning grace do you display, both in jest and in earnest. For you are simple without being faulty, and clever without malice, and kind without compromise of dignity; in a word, your nature is such, as if you were a child of Love by Virtue. With respect to courage—for this quality must not be passed over—not that your character does not admit yet of great improvement, or that the future will not afford still further materials for those who desire to praise you, but because praises are most honourable in connexion with this youthful age, in which others may be content to escape error—in you, among many proofs which you have given of courage, one may instance your exercise on the racecourse, of wdiich there have been innumerable witnesses. Perhaps I ought first to mention, how wisely you chose this department of the games. For, that a young man should rightly determine his course of action, is a sure sign both of a virtuous mind and a good understanding; and on both of these accounts the praise of your choice ought not to be passed over. As you knew that both slaves and aliens took part in the other contests, and that citizens alone had the privilege of leaping from the chariot,1 and only the best of them ventured to undertake it, therefore you applied yourself to this sort of contest. You judged also, that those who exercised themselves in footraces got no improvement in courage or spirit, and those who trained for boxing and the like were corrupted both in body and mind; and therefore you selected that species of contest which was the most honourable and noble, and the best adapted to your own natural taste—one which, in the use of armour and laborious exertion of running, bears a likeness to what happens in war, while in the magnificence and splendour of its display it resembles the power of the gods—and which further affords a most delightful spectacle, and possesses every kind of variety, and is 1 See the Archaeological Dictionary, title Desuitor, Harpocration, s. v, avc^ar^s, who says that games of this sort were practised only is Attica and Boeotia. Compare Er sta&kiu&, ad II. III. 265, VIII. 492.294 THE ORATIONS QF DEMOSTHENES. rewarded with the highest prizes; for, besides those which are proposed, the very practice and training for such a contest will appear no trivial prize to those who have the least love for virtue. One cannot adduce a stronger proof than the poetry of Homer, who has represented both the Greeks and the barbarians fighting with chariots; and even at this day the like practice is adopted, not by the humblest, but by the greatest of Greek states. So honourable is the exercise which you have chosen, so esteemed among all mankind. Considering again, that it was of no use to have noble aspirations or a body naturally formed for excellence, unless the mind were duly prepared for ambitious efforts, you first displayed your zeal in gymnastic exercises, and afterwards in action you did not belie it; you exhibited in actual contest not only all your other natural powers, but most especially the courage of your soul. Upon this subject I am almost afraid to enter, lest my language shall fall short of the reality; however I will not pass it by; for it would be disgraceful to shrink from relating what gives such delight to behold. Were I to describe all the contests, my lecture would perhaps run out to an intolerable length ; I will mention one only, in which you eminently distinguished yourself; this will illustrate all the others, and it will tax less the patience of my hearers. When the teams had started in the course, and some of them had got the start of you, others were pressing after, you overcame both those before and those behind, in the way that in each case was proper, and got the victory, winning a crown, of which, glorious as was the conquest, the more glorious and surprising part was your own safety. For, when the chariot of your opponents was rushing right opposite you, and all the spectators thought that the might of the horses wTas irresistible, though you saw that some of them were terrified at a mere shadow of danger,1 so far from being dismayed or playing the coward, you by your courage overcame the impetus of the team, and, by your swiftness overtook the more fortunate of your opponents. And so far did you change the opinions of men, that while many maintained, and with a show of truth, that the finest sight in a chariot race is a break-down, in your case the opposite feeling pre- 1 Pabst—“ Wiewohl Du sähest, dass Einige der Anwesenden schon, als noch keine Gefahr vorhanden war, sich heftig ängstigten.”THE EROTIC ORATION 295 vailed, and all the spectators were frightened at the thought of an accident happening to you : such earnest wishes for your success did your character excite. And there is nothing strange in this. It is an honour to oe distinguished in any one thing; but it is a far greater honour to unite in yourself all the distinctions of which any sensible man would be proud. I will make it clearer. We shall find that JSacus and Rhadamanthus on account of their wisdom, Hercules and Castor and Pollux for their courage, Ganymede and Adonis and others like them for their beauty, were beloved by the gods. I wonder not therefore at those who desire your friendship; I wonder at those who feel differently : for, when persons endowed with any one of the aforesaid qualities were deemed worthy to associate with the gods, surely a human being might well pray to be the frien;'. of him who possessed all these qualities. Your father an; mother and your other relatives may justly be envied, whei you so greatly surpass your contemporaries in virtue ; but much more enviable are they, whom you, a youth so highly accomplished, have selected in preference to all others as worthy to be your friends. The former have been connected with you by fortune, the latter have been recommended tc you by their own merits; and I scarcely know whether I should call them lovers or only persons of sound judgment ; for it seems to me that fortune, despising the base, anc wishing to stimulate the minds of the good, originally gave you your beauty of person, not that you might be seduced to pleasure, but that it might serve to procure you virtue and happiness. Though I have much more to say in your praise, I think it better to stop here, for fear it might he thought that my panegyric went beyond the limits of human nature. Foi the power of speech, as it seems, is so greatly inferior to that of sight, that, while people never think of disbelieving what they see, they regard the praise thereof as untrue even when it falls short of the reality. I will therefore drop this part of the subject, and proceed now to offer you such counsel, as may enable you to exalt yourself still higher in public estimation. I trust you will give attention to what I am about to say, and not treat it as a matter of indifference, or suppose that I address these words to you for mere show and not for2Ö6 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. your advantage. I am anxious about this, in order that you may not err from the truth, and, instead of choosing the best course, choose that which first presents itself and so mar your own prospects. Persons of low and mean natures we rebuke not, even when they act dishonourably, but persons who are distinguished like yourself incur reproach, if they neglect to do that which is most honourable. Again; those who go wrong in other cases commit an error of judgment in one point only ; but those who, when they receive practical advice as to their conduct, neglect or despise it, have cause to remember their folly for the whole of their lives. Nothing of this sort must happen to you. You should consider what in human affairs exercises the greatest influence ; what, if it succeeds, will procure the most beneficial results, and, if it fails, will cause the most serious evil in life : it is obvious that we should attend most carefully to that which is calculated to have a preponderating effect one way or the other. We shall find that the human mind governs all things in the world, and philosophy alone is able to give it proper instruction and training. Philosophy therefore you ought to acquire, and not to dread or to shrink from the labour which attends upon it, remembering that by sloth and idleness even the most superficial things are difficult to be mastered, while by resolution and perseverance no advantage in the world is unattainable ; and nothing can be so unreasonable, as to be ambitious and exert oneself strenuously to obtain riches and bodily strength and other things of that kind, which are all perishable and subservient in general to the mind, and yet to make no provision for the improvement of the mind itself, which rules everything else, which abides permanently with its possessors, and directs the whole course of life. It is an honour to be admired for the most estimable things by the favour of fortune; but it is a much greater honour to arrive at every possible distinction through your own diligence. Fortune’s favour is sometimes enjoyed by the unworthy; diligence belongs to none but those who excel in virtue. For a discussion of the whole subject of philosophy we shall find fitter opportunities hereafter; but there is nothing to prevent my briefly touching upon it now. This one thing you ought first to be clearly informed of, that every kind of instruction depends upon certain knowledge and exercise, andTHE EROTIC ORATION. 297 especially philosophy; for, the more industrious are those who apply themselves to it, the more complete does it become. Now, since the business of the mind is to employ itself in speeches and deliberations, and since philosophy imparts skill in each of these faculties, why should we hesitate a moment to pursue a study, whereby w^e may make ourselves masters of both? For then is it likely that our life will arrive at the highest degree of perfection, when, aiming at the most important objects, we are able to acquire what is teachable by art, and everything else by a certain exercise and practice. Surely it cannot be said, that it is not by knowledge that one man excels another in wisdom ; for, generally speaking, every nature improves by receiving proper training, and most especially those natures which are originally endowed with greater talents than others. Those not so well endowed may become improved in relation to themselves j1 the well endowed arrive at excellence over all. Be assured that an ability derived entirely from practice 2 is insecure, and not of much advantage for the rest of life, whereas the instruction which is got by philosophy is well adapted for everything. Some persons ere now, who have been tried in action, have been admired for the good fortune which has attended them. You should not look up to such persons as these, but attend to your own improvement; for you ought on important occasions, not to act on the spur of the moment, but to understand your duty; not to meditate when the occasion arises for action, but to know how to acquit yourself well in the struggle.3 Bemember that all philosophy confers signal benefits upon those who apply themselves to it, and most especially that science which relates to practical and political questions. Geometry aud things of that sort it is disgraceful to be ignorant of, though it is beneath your dignity to be a thorough 1 aörmv ߀\rio(TL ylywttr6ai. Literally, “ become better than themselves,” i.e. “obtain some positive improvement.” Pabst—“Den Einen nämlich gelingt es, sich nur über sich selbst zu erheben.” 2 Pabst—“ Die durch einzelne Fälle und Handlungen erworbene Fertigkeit.” H Pabst—“Denn nicht unvorbereitet, sondern wissenschaftlich, solid Du die wichtigsten Dinge behandeln, noch Dich bei der Ueberleguug durch die Eingebungen des Augenblicks leiten lassen, sondern n-teta zuverlässigem and tüchtigem Wissen ringen.”298 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. proficient in sncli knowledge: but in the science before mentioned it is an admirable thing to excel, and to be wholly uninstructed would be ridiculous. You may see the truth of this in many ways, and particularly by looking at the distinguished men of former times. First take the example of Pericles, who was thought far to surpass all his contemporaries in wisdom : history will tell you, that he acquired that power by having associated with Anaxagoras of Clazomense, and having been his disciple. Next take that of Alcibiades. He, you will find, had far less natural propensity to virtue; he sometimes behaved with arrogance, sometimes with meanness, and sometimes gave himself up to vicious excesses ; yet, in consequence of his intercourse with Socrates, he corrected many of his errors, and threw his faults into the shade by the greatness of his exploits. Tt is wasting time perhaps to talk of old matters, when I have more modern examples at hand. You will find that Timotheus achieved the greatest glory and the highest honours, not by the practices of his younger days, but the deeds which he performed after his intimacy with Isocrates. Archytas again, after he had been placed at the head of affairs in Tarentum, governed that state with such humanity and wisdom, that his renown has reached to all parts of the world. He originally was held in very low estimation, but gained his distinction by having associated with Plato. These results are none of them extraordinary : it would have been far more strange, if, when learning and study were necessary for the achievement of small things, we could accomplish the greatest without any such trouble. I see no reason to enlarge any further on this topic. I did not enter upon it originally under the idea that you were a total stranger to it, but under the belief that exhortations of this kind, while they admonish the ignorant, stimulate the zeal of the instructed. Do not suppose that in saying all this I am offering myself to be your teacher : that would be presumptuous ; I am not ashamed to confess that I yet need to learn a great deal myself; I am but one of the multitude, a competitor in the field of learning, rather than one fit to be a teacher of others. Yet I offer this explanation,1 not as 1 Pabst, reading Siopdov/xatf “Ich Diess zur Berichtigung der Met nungen anfiihre.”THE EROTIC ORATION 298 undervaluing the glory of those who profess to be teachers of wisdom, but because this is the real truth; for certain I am, that many from obscure and humble people have become illustrious by means of this discipline, and, in particular, that Solon both in his lifetime and after his death acquired the highest renown : nor was he excluded from other honours ; for he left the trophy of his victory over the Megarians as a monument of his valour, and his recovery of Salamis as a monument of his good policy, and his laws as a monument of his general wisdom, laws which even at this day continue to be in force among most of the Greeks ; yet, with all these titles to glory, there was nothing about which he was so anxious as to be reckoned one of the seven wise men, considering that philosophy brought not disgrace but honour to her votaries, and exercising in this very matter as sound a judgment as in the other things wherein he obtained distinction. Such is my own decided opinion, and therefore I advise you to pursue the study of philosophy, bearing in mind the natural talents which you possess. It was for this reason that 1 enlarged upon them at the outset of my speech, not because I expected to win your favour by praising your good qualities, but that I might urge you the more to the study of philosophy, hoping that you would not be indifferent to it, and that you would not neglect future advantages through an overweening pride in those which you possess already. Do not, because you are superior to your ordinary companions, renounce all endeavour to outshine others, but hold that the highest object of ambition is to be pre-eminent among all, and that it is better to be seen aiming at this than excelling among ordinary people. Do not dishonour your character; do not disappoint the hopes of those who take a pride in you, but endeavour by exerting yourself to the utmost to surpass the wishes of your warmest friends. And consider that other speeches, when they are well composed, clothe with renown those wTho speak them, but that counsel confers honour and advantage upon those who follow it, and that judgment in other matters displays the taste and feeling which we possess, but the choice of our pursuits is a test of our whole character. Now that you are forming a judgment upon this matter, expect that you yourself will be judged by all, and that I who have thus zealously pronounced yom300 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. panegyric shall jointly with yourself be undergoing probation.1 It is meet therefore that no blame should attach either to you for the praises which you shall appear to deserve, or to me for the friendship which I bear you. I should not so strongly have exhorted you to apply yourself to philosophy, had I not thought that this was the best practical proof I could offer you of my good wishes, and had I not observed how often the state, for lack of good men and true, took ordinary men into her service, and through their errors fell into the greatest misfortunes. In order that the state may get the benefit of your virtue, and that you may enjoy her public honours, I have addressed to you my warm exhortation. I do not think indeed that you will be at liberty to live a life of chance, but that the state will call upon you to administer her affairs, and, the more illustrious your character is, the higher duties she will deem you worthy to fulfil, and the sooner she will desire to make trial of your powers. It is right therefore that your intellect should be duly cultivated, that you may make no mistake when called upon to use it. It was my business to state what I conceive ought to be done by you : it is yours to take what I have said into consideration. In like manner it becomes all who seek to be intimate with you not to be content with superficial pleasures and trivial employments, or to encourage your attention to them, but to exert themselves with zeal and industry to make your life as glorious as possible ; thus will they earn the noblest praise for themselves, and confer the greatest benefit upon you. I find no fault, as it is, with any of your associates ; indeed I regard it as an ingredient in your good fortune, that you have found no unworthy lovers, but only such as one -would willingly select from all one’s companions to be intimate friends. I recommend you however, while you cherish their friendship, and make yourself agreeable to them all, to follow the counsels of those who possess the most understanding, that you may be held in yet higher esteem both by those men themselves, and by the rest of your fellow-citizens. Farewell. 1 Pabst—“Sollst Du denken, dass ich selbst, der ich Dich mit so bereitwilligen Eifer gelobt habe, mit betheiligt seyn werde beim Kampf Deiner Bew&hrung.”EXORDIA. 301 EXOKDIA. PREFACE. The collection of exordia which have come down to us unler the name of Demosthenes is not without interest for the modern reader, whether we suppose them to be entirely genuine or not. They have been acknowledged as such by ancient critics ever since the time of Callimachus, who made the collection for the Alexandrine library; and they are found in all the manuscripts of the works of Demosthenes. Among others who recognise them as genuine are Pollux, Harpocration, and Stobseus. The greater number of modern critics have subscribed to this opinion, though some, as Bockh, Dindorf, and Kiessling, have expressed doubts upon the subject. Schafer has doubts about exordia 54 and 55; of the rest, after citing the opinion of Fabricius, that they were “ a Demosthene per otium elaborata, quibus in tempore uteretur,” he says—“ neque absurda videatur opinio suspicantis, hanc syllogen (a Technico, opinor, contextam) non sola progymnasmata, sed etiam deperditorum exordia orationum complecti. Sed rem utcunque disceptaveris, mihi quidem haec prooemia lectu dignissima videntur : tantum enim abest ut redoleant umbram rhetoris obscuri, ut pleraque os referant summi oratoris.” Pabst thinks they could hardly have come down to us in the present form from the pen of Demosthenes, because in some instances, where they appear to have been taken from orations actually spoken, they vary considerably from our existing copies of these orations. It is very possible however that the orator may have prepared an opening in one form and varied it in the delivery; for few men speak the exact words which they have prepared beforehand; nor can we assume that every oration was published in the words in which it was delivered; indeed it is almost impossible that this should be so, for the ancients did not have the assistance of shorthand writers, as we have now. The opening of a speech is by no means the least important part of it, and often not the least difficult part. Sometimes it is in the choice of the topic, and sometimes in the form of the language, that this importance and difficulty consist. In the former case the speaker, having chosen his course of argument, though he has clothed this in words in his chamber, will often, when he comes to speak, not hesitate to vary the words, while he adheres to the sense. In the latter case his object rather is to please the ears of his audience by launching gracefully into his subject, and for this purpose the choice of words and phrases, the composition, in short, U the thing to be attended to. Many of the following exordia are302 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. capable of being applied or adapted to any occasion upon which thi orator’s power might be called forth. We may easily conceive that Demosthenes may have composed them either as a useful exercise in the art of speaking, or to be used pro re natd ; for we know that he did not like to mount the platform, either at the bar or in the assembly, without due preparation, and the Athenian ear, accustomed to the finest kind of eloquence, had become extremely fastidious and exigeant. It has been observed on the other hand, that compositions, which have nothing in their subject or their circumstances to fix the authorship, may easily have been fabricated by some grammarian and palmed off upon our author. Kiessling conjectures that these exordia are taken from the speeches of various Attic orators, and were collected by some rhetorician for scholastic purposes. But, if this were so, we should probably have found among them some of those written by the predecessors and contemporaries of Demosthenes, which have been handed down to us. I. Had the question for debate been anything new, men of Athens, I should have waited until most of the accustomed speakers bad delivered their opinions; and, if any of their counsels had been to my liking, I should have remained silent, if otherwise, I should have proceeded to impart my own. As the subject of discussion however is one upon which these men have often spoken before, I conceive that, even though I rise the first, I may fairly be considered to speak after them. Now then to the point. If our affairs had been prosperous, there would have been no need of counsel; but since, as you all see, they are in a wretched state, I will endeavour to advise you accordingly, and state what I consider to be your wisest course. In the first place, you ought to be convinced, that what you have been doing during the war you must do no longer, but exactly the reverse. For, if your former measures have damaged your affairs, measures of an opposite kind may very likely retrieve them. In the next place, you must not consider that person to be your best counsellor, who makes little or no demand upon your exertions; (for you see that such advice and such hopes have brought our state to the extremity of distress;) but he is the best counsellor, who, caring not to please the ear, advises such measures as will rescue us from dishonour and calamity. If indeed what one passes over in speech, to avoid giving you pain, could be passed over in reality, your orators should strive only to make themselves agreeable : but if what isEXORDIA. 303 pleasing in speech, when it Js not meet for the occasion, be* comes injurious in point of fact, it is disgraceful to cheat ourselves, and to do under the pressure of extreme necessity what we ought to have done voluntarily long before. II Not the same thoughts present themselves to my mind, 0 Athenians, when I hear the name which you give to your constitution, and when I see the manner in which some ,of you treat those who speak in its defence. You call your constitution a democracy, as you are all aware ; and yet I see many among you preferring to hear those who speak in opposition to it. And I wonder wdiat can possibly be the reason. Do you think they speak thus without being paid for it ? I should imagine, the leaders of the oligarchies, on whose behalf they speak, would rather give them more to be silent. Or do you regard what they say as better than what is said by others'? If so, you must deem oligarchy better than democracy. Or do you esteem the men themselves more highly1? How can it be right for you to hold any orator in esteem, who assails the established constitution ? Nothing then remains, but that you are in error when you take such a view. Beware, 0 Athenians, of falling into such error; lest you should give a handle to those who are plotting against you, and only find out your mistake when it will be no manner of use to you. That everything should not be exactly as we could wish, either with ourselves or our allies, is perhaps not very surprising, men of Athens : for many events are determined by the chance of fortune, and there are many reasons why things do not turn out as men expect. But that the people should get no share of anything whatever, and that their adversaries should always prevail against them, is in my judgment, men of Athens, a thing both to surprise and alarm those wTho reason rightly. This is the commencement of my address. III. I believe, men of Athens, you would give a great deal to discover what is the true policy to be adopted in the present matter of discussion. This being the case, you ought willingly and cheerfully to hear those who offer you their counsel,304 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. You will then not only have the benefit of those counsels which have been well considered beforehand, but t reckon h part of your good fortune, that many useful suggestions will occur to some of us at the moment, so that from them all you may easily select what is most expedient. IY. It is right, men of Athens, as it is in your own power to adopt what counsel you please, that you should hear all that is offered. For it often happens, that the same man says one thing amiss, and another not so : by clamouring him down in an ill humour you may perhaps lose many important suggestions, whereas by listening decorously and in silence you will at the same time do everything that is proper, and disregard what in your judgment is worthless. I myself am never wont to be tedious, and, even we re that my ordinary practice, I should have avoided it on the present occasion. I shall proceed to explain in the fewest possible words what I believe to be your wisest course. Y. I see, men of Athens, it is perfectly clear, what speeches you hear with pleasure, and what are not agreeable to you. However, I consider that to speak only for your gratification is the part of persons seeking to impose upon you, and I hold it to be the duty of a well-disposed and honest citizen, advocating measures which he is persuaded will benefit the state, to endure even your clamorous opposition or any other displeasure which you like to show. I should wish you on this account, if on no other, to hear patiently the speeches of both sides, in order that, if you think any one has advised a better course than that which you are bent upon, you may adopt his advice; on the other hand, if he fails and is not able to convince you, this may appear to have happened by bis own fault, and not through your unwillingness to hear him. Besides, no such unpleasant consequence will follow from hearing a man talk nonsense, as from stopping the mouth of a man who has something good to say. The foundation of all correct judgment is to believe» that you understand nothing before you have learned it; which is the more necessary when you reflect how often people havrEXORDIA. 303 changed their opinions. If you now are persuaded of the truth of this principle, I think that even I myself may in a few words say something to deserve your attention, and that you will think I offer you the best counsel. VI. Although many speeches, men of Athens, have been spoken by your advisers, I do not see that you are any nearer the discovery of what ought to be done, than you were before you came up to the assembly. This, I take it, is owing to the same cause as the general miscarriage of your affairs. Your orators, instead of 'advising what is for the best, accuse and revile one another, with the object, as it seems to me, of accustoming you to hear extra-judicially all the mischief that they do, so that, if ever they should happen to be brought to trial, you, considering the charges against them to be nothing new, but only what has often excited your wrath before, may pass a more lenient judgment upon their deeds. It would perhaps be foolish on the present occasion to institute a minute inquiry into the motives of their actions : I pass my censure upon them for this reason only, because such conduct is detrimental to your interests. I will neither accuse any man to-day, nor will I promise anything which I do not mean immediately to perform, nor in short will I imitate in any way these men whom I oppose; but I will state in the shortest possible compass what I consider to be your best and most prudent policy under existing circumstances, and having stated this, I will descend from the platform. VII. It appears to me, 0 Athenians, that the men who praise your ancestors adopt a flattering language, not a course beneficial to the people whom they eulogise. For, attempting to speak on subjects which no man can fully reach by words, they carry away the reputation of clever speakers themselves, but cause the glory of those ancients to fall below its estimation in the minds of the hearers. For my part, I consider the highest praise of our ancestors to be the length of time which has elapsed, during which no other men have been able to excel the pattern of their deeds. I will myself endeavour to show, in what way according to my judgment your pro- VOL. v. x306 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. parations may most conveniently be made. For thus it is. Though all of us who intend to speak should prove ourselves capital Drators, your affairs I am certain would prosper none the more : but if any person whomsoever came forward, and could show and convince you what kind and what amount of force will be serviceable to the state, and from what resources it should be provided, all our present apprehensions would be removed. This will I endeavour to do, as far as I am able, first briefly informing you, what my opinion is concerning our relations with the king. VIII. It appears to me, 0 Athenians, that both are at fault, they who have spoken for the Arcadians, and they who have spoken for the Lacedaemonians. For, as if they were deputies from either people, and not citizens of Athens, to which both direct their embassies, they accuse and attack one another. This might be the duty of the envoys; but to speak independently on the question and consider your interests dispassionately, wras the part of men who presume to offer counsel here. I really think, setting aside the knowledge of their persons, and their Attic tongue—many would take them for either Arcadians or Laconians. I see how vexatious a thing it is to advise for the best For, when you are carried away by delusion, some taking one view and some another, if any man attempts to advise a middle course, and you are too impatient to listen, he will please neither party, and fall into disgrace with both. However, if this be my case, I will rather myself be thought a babbler than leave you to be misled by certain people contrary to my notion of Athenian interests. On other points I will speak with your permission afterwards; but will begin with principles admitted by all, and explain what I consider to be your wisest policy. IX. I have risen, men of Athens, because I do not concur in opinion with some of those who have addressed you. I shall not accuse them however of having given unwise counsel from bad motives : my idea rather is, that many persons, neglecting to form a judgment of things, are accustomed toEXORDIA. 307 consider only wnaC words they shall speak, and if they can but find plenty of those, they are ready to harangue the assembly. There they are in error, and do not reflect, that many acts are performed by all people in a long space of time, and some of them of a contrary character, owing to the variety of the occasions ; therefore, if you pass over the earlier ones and refer to the later only, nothing in the world is easier than to deceive yourself. It seems then to me, that counsellors who advise you on such principles have no other ambition than to be thought clever speakers : but in my judgment, when a man undertakes to advise the state on public measures, his end and aim should be, that her resolutions may be crowned with success, not that his own extempore language may please the ear. Men who get renown for their speeches should have the accomplishment of some useful work to boast of, that their words may sound well not for the moment only, but for ever. X. If you have already determined, men of Athens, what is the best course to be adopted on the present occasion, it is an error to propose a question for consultation : for why should you be troubled with an idle discussion on measures, which you have yourselves decided to be advantageous without hearing discussion ? If however you are considering and deliberating, with a view to form your judgment after hearing what is to be said, it is not right to stop the mouths of those who are willing to offer you counsel. Tor, by so doing, you wholly lose from some men what they have devised for your advantage; and you cause others to suppress their real opinions, and to advise only what they think you desire. If you wish to be in error, you will compel the speaker who addresses you to say what you desire ; if you are really deliberating, you will take into consideration what he conscientiously advises • and act upon it if it is expedient. I say this, not because I am about to offer advice contrary to that which is agreeable to you, but because I am sure that, if you don’t choose to hear my opponents, they will say that you have been deceived; but, if you hear and reject their alvice, it will be plain that they were proved at the time to have advised you ill.508 THE ORATION'S OP DEMOSTHENES. XL I presume you all know, men of Athens, that you are come here to-day not to sit in judgment upon offenders, but to deliberate upon the question before you. It becomes you therefore to throw aside all accusations : it will be time for any man to denounce his adversary before you, when we bring him to trial; now it is his business to offer that advice, which is likely to serve or benefit the commonwealth. Accusation is for those who find fault with the past; counsel is asked for the present and the future. It seems to me, the present is not the occasion for censure or abuse, but for counsel. I shall endeavour therefore to avoid myself that which I condemn in others, and I shall offer such advice as I deem the best under existing circumstances. XII. I conceive, men of Athens, you will none of you dispute, that it is the part of an ill-disposed man and a bad citizen, to cherish such a liking or such a hatred to any of our politicians, as to disregard the interests of the state, and speak in the assembly from motives either of spite or rivalry : which is done by some of those who mount the platform. To them I will only say this much : it appears to me, that, whatever they have done in this way, their fault consists less in what they have done, than in the resolution which they manifest never to amend. To you my advice is, that you do not abandon yourselves to these persons and imagine it will be sufficient to punish them when you like, but that you check their malpractices as far as you possibly can, and at the same time, as becomes men consulting for the commonwealth, that you discard your own private jealousies and look only to the public interests, remembering that no man, not indeed the whole community of statesmen, would be competent to make amends, if the laws which are entrusted to your care were destroyed. XIII. It may be displeasing to some people, 0 Athenians, that a private person and one of the many, like yourselves, should come forward after these other statesmen, who by their long political experience and high repute hold the foremost rankEXORDIA. 309 among yon, and should venture to declare, that they appear to him not only to offer you wrong advice, but to be very far from understanding your true interests. However, I am so strongly convinced of the superiority of my counsel to theirs, that I shall not hesitate to express my opinion that all which they have said is utterly valueless. And I think that your right course will be, to regard not the speaker but the policy which he recommends. Your favour, men of Athens, should not attach itself like an heirloom to particular persons, but should be given to your wisest counsellors for the time being. XIY. I shall be glad, men of Athens, if you listen with attention to what I am about to say; for it is a matter of no slight importance. I wonder how it happens, that, before you have gone up to the assembly, any one of you that one meets is ready at once to declare by what means our affairs may be retrieved; and again, as soon as you have left the assembly, every one in like manner will give his opinion what ought to be done; yet, when you are debating on the question and collected together, you hear people saying anything rather than that. Is it, men of Athens, that each of you can understand what is for the best, and knows how to point out the duties of others, but will not gratify you by performing his own h And while each in his individual capacity censures others, to make a show of zeal on his own part, does he in his civic capacity abstain from voting measures, which would compel you all to take your share of doing public service ? If you think the time will never arrive, to expose this dissimulation, it wTould be well to continue in such a course. But if you see that this crisis is fast approaching, you must take care that you have not to struggle close at hand with perils, which you may take precautions against from a distance, and do not find those who are now disregarded rejoicing hereafter at your misfortunes. XY. In regard to the present affairs of the commonwealth, men of Athens, though they are not in the most prosperous condition, it does not seem to me very difficult to discover the.310 THE ORATIONS OF DElfOSTHENES. best means of improving them—and yet, to choose the fittest method of discussing the question in your assembly, is a thing exceedingly perplexing, as it seems to me—not that you will fail to comprehend what any one says—but you have been so accustomed to hear a variety of false statements, and (in short) anything rather than what is for your advantage, that T fear, whoever now advises you for the best, will incur that displeasure which ought to fall upon those who have deceived you. For I find that you are generally angry not with the authors of any mishap, but with those who are the last speakers on the subject. However, notwithstanding that I have thus carefully weighed these things in my mind, I deem it right to cast aside all other considerations, and give you the best advice that I can upon the question before you. XVI. I should be glad, men of Athens, to see you treat yourselves with the same kindness which you are accustomed to show to all other people: but at present you are more skilful in repairing the disasters of others than in attending to what concerns yourselves. It may be said perhaps that this very thing reflects the greatest glory upon the state, that she has chosen to encounter a multitude of perils for the sake of justice only, without regard to her own private advantage. While I acknowledge the truth of this, and accept it as being most creditable to our commonwealth, I hold it at the same time to be the duty of prudent men, to make no less careful provision for their own interests than for those of strangers, that they may show themselves to possess wisdom as well as humanity. XVII. Perhaps, men of Athens, it becomes those who aspire to be your counsellors, to frame their speeches in such manner as will be acceptable to you; or, if not this, to discard every other topic, and confining themselves to the simple subject of debate, to address you in the fewest possible words. For it seems to me, that it is not for lack of words that your affairs have all gone to wreck, but because some of your public men, both in their speeches and their politics, study only their own selfish advantage, while others, who have not yet giverEXORDIA. 311 proof of this, strive rather to get the reputation of clever speakers, than to effect any useful result by their eloquence. That I may not myself do the reverse of what I declare to be right, and say more upon irrelevant topics than upon those which I have risen to discuss, I will dismiss further preface, and proceed at once to tell you what I mean to advise. XVIII. It appears to me, men of Athens, that you ought to give your attention, if any one undertakes to show you that the measures upon which we are deliberating are at the same time just and expedient. I think I shall be able to do this without difficulty, if you will but listen to me with the least degree of favour. You must none of you be positive that the opinion which you happen to have formed upon the present question is the right one, but, if any contrary opinion is given in the course of debate, you must- hear it patiently to the end, consider it well, and then, if it meets with your approval, adopt it. For if any measure be attended with success, the merit of it will quite as much belong to you who adopt, as to him who advised it. The beginning of prudent deliberation is, not to have made up your minds before you hear the data upon which you have to form your judgment. For the confirmation of your resolve and the consideration of your policy differ both as to the time and the method of proceeding. XIX. I have come forward, men of Athens, to consult with you whether I ought to make a speech or not. Why I am unable to decide this myself, I will tell you. It seems to me, that one who is not seeking the gratification either of himself or others, but only to speak on your behalf what he is persuaded will be for your advantage, is under the necessity as well of supporting what both sides counsel wisely, as of opposing what both urge unjustly. If you will submit to hear both these lines of argument, which 1 shall address to you in a short compass, your consultations for the future will be attended with much better results. But if you shut your ears against me, before you have heard what I have to say, it will be my fate to offend both sides, without giving cause of offence312 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. to either. This will be very hard upon me. Therefore, if you desire it, I am ready to speak; if not, it is better to be silent. XX. I consider that it is both right and expedient for you, men of Athens, when you have to consult on state affairs, to forbear attacking and accusing each other, and confine yourselves to the expression of your several opinions upon the matter before you. That it is owing to certain persons that our affairs are in a bad condition, we all know; but the business of a counsellor is, to show by what means they can be retrieved. Besides, it appears to me, that the sharpest accusers of the guilty parties are, not those who inquire into their conduct upon occasions when they cannot be brought to justice, but those who are able to give counsel by which the present state of things may be amended : for through them you may be enabled in a time of tranquillity to punish the offenders. I look upon everything else as superfluous, and will address to you only such arguments as bear usefully on the present question, making first one single request. If I should happen to mention anything which has been done, don’t suppose that I allude to it by way of censure, but that my object is, to point out the errors which you then committed, and so to prevent your falling into them again. XXI. If in bygone time, 0 Athenians, we had not attached oui-selves to any political party, and had kept as quiet as we are keeping at present, I believe that what has now taken place would never have occurred, and 1 think that in many other respects you would have been much better off. Now, through the reckless misconduct of some of your statesmen, it is not possible either to come forward or to speak, or even to get a hearing; and this, I take it, gives rise to many not very pleasant consequences. If then we are obliged to hear tidings of these things, and then to consider what is to be done, and to suffer what you are now willing to suffer, you will vote, as you have been accustomed in past times, to launch triremes, to embark, to pay a property tax, to do all this immediately; and in four or five days, if there is no news of the enemy amiEXORDIA. 313 they remain quiet, yon will change your minds and think the opportunity for doing all this has passed away. So it happened, when we heard that Philip was in the Hellespont, and again when the privateering ships touched at Marathon. For it is your practice, men of Athens, to employ deliberation, as people ought to employ a military force—with speed. But you ought to do the reverse—deliberate quietly, and execute your resolutions promptly ; and you should consider also, that, unless you furnish sufficient provisions for your troops, and appoint an able general to conduct the war, and are determined to carry out the measures on which you have resolved, your decrees will survive, and the outlay which you have incurred will all be thrown away, but your affairs will be none the better, though you may bring whom you please to trial in your anger. For my part, I would rather you should be seen resisting your enemies than trying your countrymen; we should wage war with the former, and not with the latter. However, that I may not content myself with doing the easiest thing in the world—finding fault—I will explain to you how I think you may accomplish this desired object. But first let me entreat you not to make a clamour, and not to imagine that I am seeking to waste time or interpose delay. It is not those who cry “ to-day ! ” “ immediately ! ” who speak most to the purpose : for what has already happened we shall not be able to prevent by our present armament: no; the most serviceable speaker is he, who can show what force provided now will be capable of holding out, till we have either overcome our enemies or advisedly terminated the war. So shall we escape from annoyance in future. XXII. I take it, you will all agree, men of Athens, that, when our state is deliberating abont any of her private affairs, she ought to take as much care of her own interests as of justice; but when she deliberates about the affairs of her allies or the whole Greek community, as she is now doing, she should have a most especial regard to justice. In the former case our own advantage is the single point in question, in the latter case honour enters into it as well as advantage. For, though actions are under the control of those to whom they31 I THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. appertain, the opinion formed of them is beyond the control of any man, be he as powerful as he may : but, whatever character the acts themselves bear, the same will be attached to the actors by the general voice of mankind. Therefore you must use care and diligence, that all your measures may appear to be just. Your feelings concerning the injured parties should be such, as you would desire those of other people to be towards yourselves, in case anything should happen which I pray to heaven never may. Since however there are some persons here who oppose them contrary to their own real sentiments, I will address a few words to them, and then proceed to advise those measures which I think best for the commonwealth. XXIII. I suppose, men of Athens, you would regard it as no slight disadvantage, if an opinion unfavourable and discreditable to our commonwealth were to get abroad among the Greeks. There is no doubt what your feelings are upon this point, and yet your conduct is not consistent with them ; for you are led on from time to time to do certain things, which you will yourselves acknowledge not to be honourable. I know well enough that all men are more pleased to hear those who praise than those who censure them ; and yet I do not think it right to court this kind of favour by advising you contrary to your interest. If you did but determine rightly in the beginning, there would be no need to adopt public measures which you condemn in private, to prevent the occurrence of what now takes place. Every man cries out—how disgrace-ful, how shocking these things are ! how long will things go on so ?—and at the same time every one, when he takes his place in the assembly, sides with those who do these things which he condemns. Sure I am, 0 Athenians, it is for your advantage to listen to an honest counsellor ; I wish I were equally certain what will benefit the honest counsellor himself ; for then he would address you with more pleasure. Now I have misgivings; however I will not shrink from declaring what I believe to be good advice, whether you follow it or not.EXORDIA. 315 XXIY. Though one had never spoken a word before in your assembly, men of Athens, one might well be pardoned, I think, for rising now to answer the unjust complaints which the ambassadors have made against the commonwealth. To be worsted in other things by your adversaries may be thought more a misfortune than a disgrace; for it depends on fortune and commanders and many other causes, whether you succeed or not: but, when people are unable to justify themselves in a manner worthy of their own dignity, the disgrace, we shall find, belongs to the very nature and spirit of those who are so circumstanced. Had it been any other assembly before which such things had been said of you, neither would these men, I guess, have been so ready to utter falsehoods, nor would the hearers have tolerated many of their assertions. But, as all men abuse your good nature in some way or other, so have these men, as it appears, taken advantage of it on the present occasion : for they have sot you to listen to them against yourselves in a way that im other people would have done, I am quite certain. But it seems to me, 0 Athenians, that you ought on this account to be thankful to the gods, and to regard these men with abhorrence. That they should see the Bhodiau people, who once addressed more insolent language to you than these men themselves, now suppliants for your protection, I consider to be a fortunate thing for our commonwealth : but that these senseless men should neither take this into account, when it is so manifestly before their eyes, nor reflect that you have often saved them one and all from destruction, and that you have had more trouble in repairing the mischief caused by their temerity and infatuation, when they have embarked in war on a quarrel of their own, than in administering your domestic affairs—this, as it appears to me, ought to excite your utmost displeasure. However, it is perhaps the destiny of these men never to be wise in prosperity; but we, both for our own sakes, and on account of our former achievements, should be ambitious of proving to all mankind, that our principle ever has been and ever will be, to do justice, while certain people, who wish to enslave their fellow-citizens, calumniate them before us.316 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. XXY. If, men of Athens, yon heard the counsels of your statesmen and judged their measures in the same spirit, nothing could be more safe than to offer you counsel. For, when the result was good and prosperous—I must say nothing but what bears a good omen—the merit would be equally shared between you and the adviser. Now, however, you are glad to hear men advise what is agreeable, but frequently accuse them of deceiving you, if everything does not turn out as you could wish, not reflecting that, although every one has it in his power to inquire and consider what measures are for the best, as far as human reason will enable him, and to tell you the result of his inquiries, the execution and success of such measures depend for the most part upon fortune. It is sufficient that a human being should be responsible for his own intentions; that he should be made to answer for fortune also, is a matter of impossibility. If any means had been discovered of speaking on state affairs without peril, it would be madness not to adopt such means : but since it is necessary, that one who delivers his opinions upon a future policy must participate in the consequences and take his share in the blame of them, I think it would be disgraceful to hold oneself out as an honest and well-meaning statesman, and then to shrink from the danger (if any) which ensues. I pray to the gods, that, whatever advice is likely to benefit the commonwealth and myself, may come into my mind to suggest and into yours to adopt. To wish for victory only, without caring how it is achieved, is a sign, I should say, either of madness, or of a person striving for his own private advantage. XXYI. I pray, men of Athens, that as well upon the present occasion, as upon every other when you meet in assembly, that line of policy which you deem the best may be so in reality. It is right, I think, when you are deliberating on questions of importance, that you should be willing to hear all your advisers impartially, bearing in mind, 0 Athenians, that it is disgraceful to make a clamour now, when certain persons wish to give you counsel, and hereafter to listen with pleasure to these same persons denouncing what has been done. IEXOJ.IDIA. 317 know, and _ think you know, that for the present moment those orators please you best, who say what you wish them to say; but should anything happen contrary to what yon expect, as I trust may not be the case, you will think that these men have deceived you, while those, whom now you cannot endure to hear, will be regarded by you as oracles of wisdom. It is most especially for the interest of those, whose advice has wrought so strongly with you now, that their opponents should obtain a hearing. For if they are able to convince you, that the policy of these men is unsound, having done so before any error has been committed, they will keep them safe from all danger: if they cannot convince you, they will at all events have no right to find fault hereafter; but having obtained what in courtesy they were entitled to, a hearing, if they are fairly beaten in argument, they will be content, and, whatever may be the consequences, they will take their share in them with the rest of you. XXVII. I think, men of Athens, that on a consultation of such moment you ought to grant perfect liberty of speech to every one of your advisers. For my own part, I have never thought it difficult to make you understand right counsel—for, to speak plainly, you seem all to possess the knowledge yourselves—but to persuade you to follow it I have found difficult; for, when any measure has been voted and resolved, you are then as far from the performance as you were from the resolution before. One of the events, for which I consider you should be thankful to the gods, is, that a people, vho to gratify their own insolence went to war with you not ong ago, now place their hopes of safety in you alone. Well may we be rejoiced at the present crisis : for, if your measures thereupon be wisely taken, the result will be, that the calumnies of those who traduce our country you will practically and with credit and honour refute. XXVIII. The hopes held out by the speeches which you have just heard are great and glorious, 0 Athenians, and I imagine they have put most of you, without due reflection upon318 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. them, in a state of warm excitement. I myself never wish to say anything to you for the purpose of immediate gratification, which I do not think will benefit you hereafter. I know it is the common custom with most people to like those who approve what they do, and to have unfriendly feelings towards those who find fault with them. A wise man however should always strive to make his desires subject to his reason. Gladly would 1 have seen those measures, which are likely to be for your advantage, agreeable for you to execute, so that my counsel might have been at the same time pleasing and useful. As however I perceive that you are bent on taking a contrary course, I deem it my duty to oppose it, even at the risk of incurring odium with a certain party. If you will not endure to hear a single word, your resolutions will appear to have been formed not from error of judgment, but from a natural inclination to do wrong. But, if you will listen to me, you may possibly change your opinion, which I apprehend will be of the greatest advantage to you; or, if you do not, it will be thought that some of you are blind to your true interests, and others—whatever people choose to say. XXIX. First let me observe, men of Athens, that it is nothing new to find opponents of your resolutions in assembly, when some measure has to be carried. If you granted them liberty of speech in your debates, and they exercised it at the time, you might justly complain if they again obtruded upon you the arguments which were rejected before : but now it is not at all unreasonable, that these men should wish to say what you refused to hear on the former occasion, and it is you, men of Athens, who may fairly be blamed, because, when you are debating a question, you do not allow every one to declare his own opinion, but let some speakers preoccupy your minds, and refuse to hear any of the rest. From this results a consequence which cannot be agreeable to you; that those, whose advice you might have followed before you committed any mistake, you praise afterwards when they appear as accusers. In this very predicament, as it seems to me, you will again find yourselves, unless you give an impartial hearing to all cn the present occasion, and submitEXORDIA. 319 patiently to the trouble, and then, after having chosen what you judge to be the wisest policy, you reprobate the conduct of those who find fault after the event. I have thus deemed it right to declare in the outset what are my views upon the question before you, so that, if they meet your approval, I may proceed with the rest of my argument; if they do not, I may forbear either to annoy you or trouble myself any further. XXX. You ought, men of Athens, before you went to war, to have well considered what force you would have to meet its exigencies. If it was not clear beforehand that war was impending, you ought at least, when the prospect of it became certain and you were deliberating upon it, to have well considered the means of carrying it on. If you mean to say that you have put large bodies of troops into the hands of your commanders, and that they have lost and cut them up, no one will accept this excuse; for the same people who acquit by their verdict the administrators of their affairs cannot say that they have brought them to ruin. However, since the past cannot be recalled, and we have to apply the best remedy which existing circumstances will allow, I see no advantage now in making accusations, but I will endeavour to give you such advice as occurs to me. In the first place, then,, you must make up your minds to this, that the zeal and energy, which every individual is now called upon to display in public affairs, must be as extraordinary as was his negligence in times previous; so it is just possible that by long and strenuous exertions we may recover what has been thrown away. In the next place, you must not be dejected by the events which have happened : for that which is worst in the past is best for the future. What do I mean, 0 Athenians'? I mean that your affairs are in bad plight because you do nothing that is needful: if you had performed your duties and it were still the same, there would have been no hope of amendment. XXXI. Nothing is more offensive, 0 Athenians, than that yon! public speakers should censure and adopt the same practices.320 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. That they should quarrel and abuse each other without corning to any judicial decision, must be injurious to the state; there is no one so thoughtless as to dispute this. I think for my part, that these men would be improved, if, when they addressed you in public, they turned their mutual rivalries against your enemies. To you my advice is, not to side with either faction, not to care whether the one or the other prevails, but to aim only at this, that you may all get the better of your enemies. And I pray to the gods, that those, who either from jealousy or spite or any other cause offer different counsel from that which they in their hearts approve, may desist from such practices : to pronounce a curse upon any counsellor of the republic would perhaps be out of the way. I will accuse no individual, 0 Athenians, of being the author of our misfortunes : I charge them upon the whole body of these men. And I think that you should demand an account from them, when you are able to do it, at your leisure: now you have to consider, how your affairs may be retrieved. XXXII. I could have wished, men of Athens, that some of our orators had exerted themselves as much to give honest advice as they do to show off their powers of speaking, so that they might have been thought to be honest men rather than clever speakers, and your affairs might have improved as they ought. It appears however to me, that certain persons are content with getting a reputation for eloquence, and are wholly indifferent to the practical consequences of what they advise. And I wonder very much whether speeches of this kind are calculated to deceive the maker of them as much as they deceive them to whom they are addressed, or whether these persons understand that they are giving counsel contrary to their own honest opinions. For, if they are ignorant that one who means to effect anything important should not be bold in speech but strong in the sinews of war, not be confident because his enemies will lack power, but because he can overcome them even if they possess power, the graces of language, as it would appear, have prevented their seeing the most important truths. But, if they, would not venture tc say that they are ignorant of these things, and if there isEXOSOTA. 321 some other reason why they adopt their present course, how can you help thinking that it is a bad reason, whatever it is ? I will not shrink from declaring to you my opinion, though I see that you have a bias ; for it would be foolish, when you are unfairly prejudiced by one argument, to be afraid of advancing another which is likely to be more sound and more serviceable. I entreat you to hear me with patience, remembering that you would not have taken the views you have, if you had not heard arguments which convinced you. As, if you were judging of the value of certain coins, you would have thought it right to assay them, so now I ask you to judge the argument which has been addressed to you by what I have to say against it. If you find it to be sound and good, adopt it, and may good fortune attend you; but if, upon a careful consideration of all the particulars, you think it unsound and inexpedient, then I trust that, before you have committed any error, you will change your minds and adopt a course which is more prudent. XXXIII. My first wish, men of Athens, is, that you would adopt the advice that I am about to offer : should that wish however prove vain, my greatest satisfaction will be, that I have spoken it. It appears to me that it is not only difficult to offer you the best counsel in debate, but to discover it by thought and reflexion. Any one would be convinced of this, who thought that you regarded not the words but the things that you are engaged about, and who take more pains to be thought an honest man than to appear a clever speaker. For ray own part, I assure you, as I hope to prosper, that, when I began to consider the present question, an abundance of words occurred to me, which would not have been disagreeable for you to listen to. I saw, and I still see, that there was much to be said about your being the justest of the Greek people, and about your being descended from the best ancestors, and a good deal more of that kind. But things of this sort, though they give pleasure at the time of utterance, pass away directly and come to nothing. Your speaker ought to advise some practical course which shall secure the attainment of a future benefit. This, I know by experience, is a rare and a difficult thing to accomplish. It VuL. v. Y822 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. is not sufficient merely to see what is best, unless one can convince you who have to cooperate in its procurement. However, it is my business, I suppose, to advise what I am persuaded is advantageous; it is your business, 0 Athenians, to hear and judge, and, if it pleases you, to adopt it. XXXIY. It was easy to conjecture, men of Athens, a little while ago, when you refused to hear those who wished to oppose what this and that person said, that what is now taking place would occur, namely, that those who were prevented from speaking then would come forward in another assembly. If therefore you repeat what you did before, and refuse to hear the men who wished to support your former decrees, they will take the same course again in the next assembly and impeach the resolutions of to-day. Your affairs, men of Athens, cannot possibly be worse, nor the absurdity of your conduct be made more apparent than it is now, when your resolutions never come to any issue, you disregard your interests, you do nothing to forward them, and attach yourselves (as it were) to any persons who first occupy the stage. Let not such practices continue, 0 Athenians ; grudge not the labour, but give your attention equally to both sides; first choose the measures which you are to pursue, and then, if any one opposes the plan which you have deliberately decided on, regard him as a good-for-nothing person who is ill-disposed to you. When a man has not obtained a hearing, he may be excused for imagining that his own plans are preferable to yours ; but if, after you have heard and determined, he persists in obtruding his opinion, instead of giving way to that of the majority, he may lie under the suspicion of dishonesty. I myself should have held my tongue on the present occasion, had I seen you adhering to your resolution of the other day; for I am one of those who approve of the course which you then adopted. As some of you appear to have changed your opinions through the speeches of these men, I will endeavour to show you that their statements are neither true nor for your advantage. Possibly you may know this already; however, I will take the chance of ycnr being ignorant.EXORDIA. 322 XXXY. It was right and just, men of Athens, that, if any man had any counsel to offer, he should have endeavoured to convince you at the time .when this question was the subject of debate, so that two consequences which are most injurious to the state might have been avoided; first, the eternal failure of your decrees, and secondly, your stultifying of yourselves by changing your resolutions. However, as certain persons who were silent then find fault now, I wish to address to them a few words. I am astonished at the character of their politics, or rather, I have a very poor opinion of it. For if, when they might advise you at the time when you deliberate, they prefer impeaching your decrees, they act the part of pettifoggers, not, as they say, of well-disposed citizens. I should be glad to ask them—(and don’t let what I am about to say be the beginning of a squabble)—why, when they praise the Lacedaemonians in other respects, they do not imitate them in that which is the most admirable part of their conduct, but do exactly the reverse ? For they say, men of Athens, that at Lacedaemon every man declares his own opinion until the resolution is passed, but, when once that is passed and confirmed, all approve of it and assist in its execution, even those who opposed it in debate. Therefore it is that the Lacedaemonians, though few in number, prevail over many, and gain by opportunities what they cannot acquire by war, and they never let any occasion escape them, nor any means of accomplishing what is for their advantage. Sure enough, they do not act as we do through these men and those like them—we who, in vanquishing one another and not our enemies, have wasted all our time—and if any man brings us from war to peace, we abhor him; if any one proposes war instead of peace, we quarrel with him ; if any one advises us to be quiet and mind our own business, we say again that he is wrong; in short, we are always full of accusations and empty hopes. What then—it may be asked —do you advise, when you administer these rebukes? Well; I will explain. XXXYI. To begin, men of Athens—it appears to me, there is not much occasion to fear, that your consultations will not Y 2324 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. prosper by reason of your unwillingness to hear your counsellors. For, in the first place, fortune is kind enough to put many things into your hand without any exertion on your part; few things indeed would have done well, if it had depended on the foresight of your statesmen. In the next place, you know beforehand not only the arguments which every one would urge, but also the objects which each of them has in addressing you, and (but that it would have been invidious) I might have added, the reward which he gets for it. You are wise, I think, in compressing into the smallest possible compass the opportunity of imposing on you. Were the arguments which I have to offer anything like what you have heard already, I should hardly have thought it worth while to trouble you. But what I have to say, while it is most important for your interests, will be wholly different from what is expected by the multitude. I shall not detain you very long. Hear and consider my advice, and then, if it pleases you, adopt it. XXXVXI. The opening of my address, men of Athens, shall be both short and just; nor will I say all that I could say. For I hold, it is the part of one who meditates deceit, to try how by his speech he can hide disagreeable realities from you that hear him; but one who is resolved to deal with you plainly and honestly will make it his first business to declare which side of the question he comes forward to espouse, so that if, after hearing this, you desire to hear what further he has tc say, he may state and explain the measures which he advises; if you disapprove of his views, he may retire and neither annoy you nor trouble himself. The first thing that I have to say is this—it appears to me that the people of Mytilene have been injured, and that it is your duty to obtain justice for them. I have the means of showing also, how you can obtain it; but first let me satisfy you that they have been injured, and that it is your duty to succour them. XXXVIII. Let me say in the outset, men of Athens, that I cannot wonder if your counsellors should find it difficult to advise you : for, when the affairs on which one has to deliberate areEXORDIA. 325 in a bad condition, advice must necessarily be no easy matter. If there were any hope that by refusing to hear advice your affairs could be retrieved, it would be right to adopt such course; but if this, instead of mending, would only make them worse, how can it be right to let them sink to the lowest point of wretchedness, and endeavour to retrieve them after losing so much time and creating so many more difficulties, when it is in your power even now to extricate yourselves from your present embarrassments and re-establish your prosperity ? It is very natural that you should be angry, when you suffer such disasters; but, that you should vent your angei not upon the authors of the mischief, but upon every bodj in succession, is neither natural nor just. For those who are not chargeable with any of your past measures, but are prepared to show how the future may be amended, deserve, 0 Athenians, not your displeasure, but your gratitude; and, if you unseasonably repulse them, they will be disinclined to come forward in your behalf. I am not ignorant, that commonly it is not the guilty parties, but those who come in the way of your anger, who have to encounter its unpleasant consequences. However, I have risen to advise you, men of Athens, because I am persuaded that you will not find me to be the author of any foolish measure, but that I have better counsel to offer you than the rest. XXXIX. The events, men of Athens, are such as you have heard. You, however, ought on no account to be dismayed, remembering that despondency under misfortune is neither expedient for your affairs nor worthy of yourselves : your duty and your honour both require that you should make every exertion to recover what is lost. It becomes men who are such as you would represent yourselves to be, to exhibit more firmness than others under calamity. Grieved indeed I am, that such a disaster should have befallen the state; grieved I must be that any misfortune should happen to you : but if this was destined to happen, if it was reserved for us by a decree of Divine providence, then, I think, it is for your advantage that it occurred as it has done. For the changes of fortune are sudden; sometimes she favours one32C THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. side, and sometimes tlie other: but, when disasters happen through the cowardice of men, the effects are permanent. I think, even the conquerors are aware, that, if we are in earnest and our spirits roused by what has happened, it is not yet perfectly clear whether the event is a piece off good fortune for them, or the contrary. If the affair however has inspired them with false confidence, even this perhaps may turn out to your advantage : for, the more they despise you, the sooner will they commit some blunders. XL. It appears to me, men of Athens, that you are now deliberating not only concerning the state which you think, but on behalf of all the states in your confederacy : for, however you decide in the affair of this state, it is probable that the rest of your allies will take such decision for an example, and expect the same treatment for themselves. You must therefore have regard both to your interest and your reputation, and see that you take such measures as are at the same time just and expedient. The commencement of all these proceedings is with the generals; most of whom, when they sail from Athens, do not choose to pay court to your friends, who have been recommended to them as having shared the same dangers with you time out of mind; on the contrary, each of these commanders procures friends for himself, and then requires you to regard his flatterers as your friends; which is wholly contrary to the fact: for you could find no more natural nor more dangerous enemies than such persons. For, the more they cheat and defraud you, the more punishment they are conscious of deserving at your hands : and no man can be friendly to those, from whom he expects to suffer harm. The present occasion perhaps is not suitable for making accusations : I will proceed to offer that advice, which I think will be for your advantage. XLI. Among you all, men of Athens, I presume there is not one to be found so unfriendly to the commonwealth, as not to be grieved and distressed by the events which have occurred. If it were possible to undo aught of what has been done byEXORDIA. 327 anger and complaint, I should have exhorted you all to take that course; but, since the past cannot be altered, and you have to provide for the future and to guard against similar occurrences, instead of expressing your vexation at what has happened, yon ought, 0 Athenians, to give your serious attention to prevent the recurrence of such a calamity, and to assure yourselves that none of your statesmen has any counsel to offer, which can preserve the state without your cooperation; for that would be not counsel, but divine power. The cause of our wretched condition lies in this, that certain of the orators, in order to gain your favour at the moment, urge upon the assembly, that there is no need either to pay property taxes or to do military service, but that everything will come to you without your seeking or striving to get it. It would be well if these fallacies received another sort of refutation, and one attended with benefit to the state : it seems however to me, that even now fortune is in a manner kinder to you than your leading statesmen. For, while the many partial losses which you have sustained prove undoubtedly the baseness of those who administer your affairs, the fact that all has not been lost long ago I must regard as a signal proof of your good fortune. While then fortune allows you a respite, and keeps your enemies back, take precautions for the future. If you fail to do so, mind if you will not have to bring to task those who direct your affairs, while the prosperity of the commonwealth declines. It is impossible, 0 Athenians, that it can stand without something extraordinary occurring, when no one lends a hand to uphold it. XLII. It is by no means extraordinary, 0 Athenians, that those statesmen, whose unvarying policy is to give their support to oligarchies should be convicted of doing so on the present occasion. What may more reasonably excite wonder is this, that you, who are fully aware of the fact, should listen so often to these men with more pleasure than to those who defend your interests. Perhaps it is no more easy in public affairs than in private, to do always what is right; however, it is unquestionably wrong to neglect matters of the greatest importance. Other things are of less moment; but when328 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES. you hear with indifference discussions about constitutional principles and massacres and putting down of democracy, how can one help fancying that you have lost your senses 1 People in general profit by the examples of others, to become more cautious themselves : but you, even when you hear what happens to your neighbours, cannot feel any alarm ; on the contrary, while you would call any private person a simpleton, who did not take precaution against disasters; you make not the least effort, as a people, to avoid them, but wait, as it seems to me, till you are made sensible of them by experience. XLIII. Possibly, men of Athens, none of you has ever inquired, how it happens that people in adversity take better counsel upon their affairs than people in prosperity. The cause is no other than this, that the former neither dread any thing nor regard the dangers which are pointed out to them as appertaining to themselves; while the latter, who are constantly reminded of their errors, when they arrive at misfortune, are rendered cautious and prudent for the future. It is the duty of wise men, when fortune is most favourable to them, to behave themselves with the more moderation on that account; for, while there is no danger which may not be guarded against if you are provident, there is nothing which you may not expect to suffer if you are careless. I say this, 0 Athenians, not to inspire you with needless alarm; but that you may not be induced by your present good fortune to despise the dangers of which you are forewarned, which are likely enough to be realised if you are not careful to avoid them; and that, as becomes men who pretend to be surpassed by none in wisdom, you may take timely precautions without waiting for bitter experience. XLIV. There is one time for speaking to please you, and another for giving you sound and honest advice. Such is my opinion, men of Athens. For I observe, that one who speaks what is agreeable to you against his own conviction often draws greater enmity upon himself than one who opposes you from the first. Had you now all held the same opinions, I shouldEXORDIA. 329 not have come forward to address you, whether I thougnt that you were right or wrong; for, in the former case, I should have deemed it superfluous to advise people whose own impulses prompted them to act wisely ; and in the latter case, I should rather have believed myself, a single individual, to be in error, than all of you. As I see however, that some of you hold opinions coinciding with my own and differing from the rest, I will endeavour in conjunction with that section of you to convince the adverse party. Should you refuse to hear me, you would act very wrong; but, if you will listen to me in silence and be patient, one of two advantages you will gain. Either you will be persuaded by me, if what I recommend meets your approval; or you will be more thoroughly convinced of the wisdom of your present resolutions. Should the grounds on which I think you are in error appear to be futile, you will have proof that your measures are well chosen. XLV. I should be glad, 0 Athenians, as certain persons have acquired such renown in talking of these measures, that they might earn the like praise in the execution of them ; for, by the Gods, I assure you, I have no unfriendly feelings towards them, and I can only have good wishes for you, 0 Athenians. But see whether it be not a very different thing to make a good speech, and to choose useful measures; whether the former be not the work of an orator, and the latter belongs to a man of understanding. You, the many, and especially the elder portion of you, cannot be expected to speak like the ablest orators; for this faculty is acquired by practice; but you ought to have as good an understanding as they have, and better; for this is given by experience and knowledge of the world. Do not then forget, 0 Athenians, on the present occasion, that courage and boldness of speech, unless you have material force at your command, pleasant as they are to the ear, lead to peril in action, For example, it is a fine sentiment to express, that you will not submit to injustice. But now look at the thing itself. Those who wish to realise to themselves this glorious sentiment must fight and conquer their enemies. All things, men of Athens, are easy to be spoken ; but all things are not so easy to be done:350 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. the same quantity of sweat is not necessary for speaking that is necessary for doing. I do not think that you are naturally inferior to the Thebans—I should be mad to think so—but you are not so well prepared. Therefore I say, you should begin now to make preparations, as you have been so long neglecting military service. I do not oppose the whole scheme, but differ as to the mode of conducting operations. XLYI. What pains the ambassadors have taken to accuse our state, you have all observed, men of Athens. With one or two exceptions, which I can hardly remember, they have endeavoured to cast the blame of everything upon us. Had their accusations been true, you ought to be grateful to them, for accusing you thus to yourselves and not to others. But, since in their speeches they have distorted the truths omitting all mention of those actions which entitle you to the highest praise, and bringing charges which are false and have no relation to you whatever, you must, when they are convicted of such conduct, regard them as good-for-nothing persons. For, if they have sought the reputation of clever orators rather than that of truthful and honest men, they must themselves acknowledge, I should think, that their character for respectability is gone. It is a difficult thing to rise in your assembly to speak in your behalf, though it is easy to rise and speak against you. For, by Athene, I believe, there are no people in the world who so patiently endure to be reminded of their real faults, as you endure to be scolded for faults which you are not chargeable with. These men would not dare to utter such impudent falsehoods, were they not aware of this circumstance, and were it not notorious, that you are ready and willing to hear anything that any man will say against you. If it is needful that you should pay the penalty of such folly, you may be punished in this way, by hearing the state calumniated. But, if it is right to say all that justly can be said in defence of the truth, I am come forward for this purpose, believing, not that I myself shall be able to speak worthily of what you have done, but that the deeds themselves, however they are represented, must appear to be honourable and just. I trust, men of Athens, that you will give me an impartial hearingEXORDIA. 331 for your own sakes, and not be so cajoled by the speeches of these men as to become their factious partisans. For no one can cast any blame upon you, if you are deceived by a clever orator, but the blame then will be theirs, who have exerted themselves to impose on you. XL VII. I think you will all agree, men of Athens, that every one of you desires those measures to be carried, which he deems most advantageous to the state. It so happens, however, that you are not unanimous in your judgment of what is advantageous, or else you would not some of you desire me to speak, and some not to speak. To those who approve of the same measures as the speaker there is no need for him to address a single word ; for they are already convinced : to those whose policy is opposed to mine I have a few words to say. If you refuse to listen, it is of course as impossible for you to learn anything, as if you were silent and no one got up to speak. If you will lend me your ears, one of two good consequences must necessarily ensue. Either you will be brought over to the same opinion, and so will take counsel together more harmoniously, than which there cannot be a greater advantage under existing circumstances ; or, if the speaker is unable to convince your minds, you will have a firmer confidence in your present judgment. And besides, it does not look well that you should come to the assembly under a supposed obligation of choosing the best counsels which are offered you, and that it should turn out that, before you had formed a judgment from the speeches, you had already a conviction in your own minds, and one of so obstinate a nature, that you refused to hear anything to the contrary. XLVIII. Some of you perhaps, 0 Athenians, may think me troublesome for speaking so often, and always about the same matters. However, if you look at the thing fairly, it will appear that the blame of this should fall, not upon me,, but rather upon those persons who disobey your decrees. For, if they had in the first instance done what you corm manded, there would have been no necessity for me to speak332 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES 8 second time, or, if they had done it in the second instance, there would have been no necessity to speak again. But now, 0 Athenians, the oftener you have decreed what is for your advantage to be done, the less, as it seems to me, are those men prepared to do it. Formerly, by the Gods, I never understood the meaning of the expression “ Office shows the man,” but now I think I could explain it to others. For our men in office, or some of them, (that I may not include all in the same charge,) have not the slightest regard for your decrees, but care only for what they can get. If it were possible to give them anything, I might justly perhaps have been reproached for choosing to trouble you for a trifling outlay : but it is not possible, as these men themselves are fully aware. If they imagine that I shall procure anything extra for them, on account of the public charges which they have to defray, they talk nonsense. Perhaps indeed they wish what they expect; but I shall do nothing of the kind. No. If they find the means, I will launch the ship and perform my duty; if not, I will disclose to you the guilty parties. XLIX. I should think no sensible man, 0 Athenians, would deny, that the best of all things for the commonwealth is, if possible, to adopt no hurtful measures at all; the next best thing is, that we should have persons ready to oppose them. But then it is further necessary, that you should be willing to hear and to be instructed ; for there is no use in a wise counsellor, unless he has people to follow his advice. Again, it would not be unprofitable after this, that, whatever deceits may have been practised on you, owing either to the occasion, or to the time of day, or to any other cause, there should be some one to institute a further inquiry into the matter, when you return to your senses and are willing to hear it, so that, if your resolutions appear to be such as they were represented by their advisers, you may execute them all the more zealously for their having borne the test of inquiry, and, if they are found to be of a different character, you may pause before you proceed with them any further. It would be shameful indeed, if people who missed the best measures were compelled to execute the worst, and were notEXORDIA. 333 allowed to do the best thing under the circumstances, namely, to change their policy. T observe that all other men hold themselves out as perpetually responsible, when they are confident in the rectitude of what they have done : these men, on the contrary, object to your reconsidering any mistake which you have fallen into, thinking that your original delusion should have greater effect than the proof which you get afterwards. The motives which make these men so zealous are pretty well understood by most of you. However, as you have greater liberty of speech, it becomes every man’s duty to advise what he thinks best for your affairs. L. I pray to heaven that, whatever is likely to benefit the whole commonwealth, may be spoken by all, 0 Athenians, and chosen by you. I myself will openly declare what I am persuaded is most for your advantage, first making one request to you, that you will neither regard those who bid you march to battle as therefore possessing courage, nor those who endeavour to oppose them as therefore cowardly. For words and acts are not proved in the same way, 0 Athenians ; but now it should appear, that you have taken prudent counsel; hereafter, if these measures are carried, you will have to display the qualities of courage. Your zeal cannot be too highly praised; it is such as every well-wisher to the state would desire ; but, the more earnest it is, the more care should you take that you apply it to proper uses. For the choice of a measure will get no credit, unless the issue of it be honourable and useful. I remember, 0 Athenians, I once heard a saying here of a man who was in good repute both for his wisdom and his military experience—I mean Iphicrates—who said that a general ought to go into action with the purpose, not of effecting this or that, but of effecting this : such were the words he used. It was well understood, that what he meant was, that he should go into action to conquer. When you march to battle, whoever leads you is your master; but now each of you is his own commander. You must now therefore take such measures as will in every possible way conduce to the good of the state, and not, for the sake of an uncertain prospect, diminish your present welfare..334 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENEg. LI. I should have thought, men of Athens, that no one win* had confidence in these measures would complain of those who bring them under discussion : for, the more often they are scrutinized, the more highly must their authors be esteemed. And yet, as it appears to me, they themselves make it evident that they have not acted for the good of the commonwealth. Certainly it is those who are likely to be exposed in the event of a new discussion, who shrink from it and say that we ill-treat them. But, when you complain of ill-treatment on the part of us who seek the exposure, what then should we say of those who have practised decep* tion upon us ? LII. It would be just, 0 Athenians, that you should regard with the same displeasure those who attempt to deceive you, as those who succeed in the attempt. For, whatever lay in their power, they have done ; they have led you on as far as they were able; and their failure is owing to fortune, and to your being in a better state of mind than when you were under their influence. For my own part however, I think the state is so far from being in a condition to punish ©ffenders, that you ought to be very well content if you can escape mischief yourselves : so many juggling tricks are played off against you, and so many persons lend themselves as tools for the purpose. The present is not the fittest time to denounce the baseness of such people. I will address myself to the subject on which I rose to speak, and state what I consider to be advisable. LIII. The wrangling and disturbance, which so often occurs to the detriment of the commonwealth, has now also, men of Athens, proceeded from the same persons that it always, does. Yet it is not so much these persons who are to be blamed, (for they act thus perhaps from passion and rivalry, and mainly because they think it is for their private advantage ;) it is you, men of Athens, with whom the fault principally rests—you who, when assembled on public business of the highest importance, sit listening to private scandal and aouse, and cannot so much as reflect, that these reproaches,EXORDTA. 335 which the orators cast on one another without bringing the matter to trial and judgment, cause you to be lesponsible for what they prove against each other. For, with a very few exceptions, (that I may not include all in the charge,) none of them abuses his rival in order that your affairs may be improved, (far from it,) but in order that, what each charges his adversary with doing, and represents as a grievous offence, he may himself do with less chance of discovery. Don’t rely on my words for the proof of this, but only consider for a moment. Does any man ever rise in the assembly and say— “ I have come forward, men of Athens, desiring to get something from you, and not for your advantage ” 1—Assuredly, no one ever says this. They pretend to have come forward for your sake and on your account; such is their pretext. Now ask yourselves, 0 Athenians : how it is that you, whose interests they all profess to serve, are no better off now than you were before, while these orators, who do everything for your sake, and not one of whom has ever spoken a word for his own advantage, have all of them risen from poverty to wealth? The reason is, 0 Athenians, because they say they love you, but in fact they love not you, but themselves. They give you something to laugh at; they give you the opportunity of making a noise; and sometimes they buoy you up with hopes ; but never will they gain or acquire anything really beneficial to the state. No, men of Athens. The day that you are roused from your deplorable state of weakness, you will not endure even to look upon these men. At present they hold up the people, as if they were sick, with their drachm and their gallon and four obols, giving you, O Athenians, such diet as physicians give to their patients. As that neither imparts strength nor permits the patient to die, so these allowances neither let you turn in desperation to something better, nor are themselves of any permanent-advantage. LIY. It is just and right and honourable, men of Athens, that we should be as attentive as you yourselves always are to the performance of religious rites. I have been careful to perform my duty to you in this respect; for I have offered sacrifice to Jupiter the Preserver and to Athene and to336 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. Victory, and the sacrifice has been favourable and auspicious f?r you. I have sacrificed also to Persuasion and to the Mother of the Gods and to Apollo, and these offerings have likewise found acceptance. And tbe sacrifices to the other Gods were attended with success, and promise safety and welfare to the state. Eeceive then, 0 Athenians, from the Gods the blessings which they offer you. LV. There was a time, I believe, in your history, 0 Athenians, when the people compelled any man whom they saw to be honest and wise to engage in public business and hold political appointments ; not that there was any lack of men who desired to do so; (for, while I consider our state fortunate in every other respect, I believe she never enjoyed this one piece of good fortune, the failure, namely, of persons willing to make a profit out of the public purse;) but the people, 0 Athenians, regarded this as a spectacle glorious to themselves and profitable to the commonwealth. For these statesmen, linked to one another in continual succession, as they were good and virtuous in private, shewed themselves cautious and discreet in their political conduct; and those citizens, who, though they were honest and good magistrates, were not very clever at haranguing and canvassing, were not excluded from honours. But now, 0 Athenians, you appoint your magistrates exactly in the same way that you appoint your priests; and yet you ponder, when this or that person becomes wealthy by continually receiving large sums of the public money, while the rest of you walk about envying their prosperity. You are famous for taking away the honours which you confer, and making laws for such cases, when any one twice holds an office in the city police, or the like; while you permit the same persons always to be your generals. And there is some excuse perhaps for allowing those who are engaged in actual service to hold their commands; but it Is folly to permit the others, who do nothing, and hold a place for which they pay nothing, but are themselves paid. You should rather, 0 Athenians, appoint some of yourselves, as there are so many of you. For, if you weigh people as it were in a balance, every one who hj\s any merit will soon voluntarily come forward.EXORDIA, 337 LYI. That a man should rise to address you, who is persuaded that he has some useful advice to offer, is in my opinion, 0 Athenians, a right and proper thing ; but that any one should force himself upon you, when you are unwilling to hear him, I consider to be quite disgraceful. Should I be fortunate enough to secure your attention to-day, I think that you will be better able to choose the wisest measures, and will shorten the speeches of those who mount the platform. What then do I advise ? First, 0 Athenians, that you will require every one who comes forward to speak on the question before you. Otherwise you will have men talking upon a multitude of topics wide of the mark, and wandering into the field of wit and sophistry, especially if they imitate some of these orators who are so clever. If you were come here to listen to words, this sort of language should be both spoken and heard : but if you are come to deliberate on the choice of measures, I would have you judge the measures as far as you possibly can by themselves, irrespectively of the words that are calculated to deceive you. This is the first thing I advise. The next—which some persons may think strange, looking at the small importance of the speeches—is this : that you will hear those wh~ address you in silence. For on the question whether this or that measure is expedient, and which the state ought to select, there is but little to be said, unless people talk for the sake of talking, and that little will not bear repetition: but to tell you that you are bound to listen, and to reply to clamour, and make words grow out of words, is easy enough for anybody. By clamorous interruption you don’t get rid of the speaker; he goes on again, and you are forced to hear what is nothing to the purpose. Such is my opinion upon the subject in debate. VOIi V.338 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. THE EPISTLES. THE PREFACE. Six epistles have come down to ns under the name of Demosthenes, purporting (all hut one) to he written to the people and council of Athens, and four of them during his exile. The first is written after the death of Alexander; it exhorts his countrymen to take advantage of the occasion, to adopt prudent and vigorous measures for the recovery of their independence, and, above all, urges the necessity of a general amnesty and concord among the different cities and parties of Greece. In the second letter he petitions for his recall from exile, asserting his innocence of the crimes imputed to him, and reminding the people of his former services. In the third he entreats them to pardon and release the sons of Lycurgus, who had been thrown into prison for debt. In the fourth he defends himself against the calumnies of one Theramenes, who had reproached him with being unfortunate and the cause of ill-fortune to his country. The fifth is addressed to Heracleodorus, an orator of some Greek city, engaged in the prosecution of one Epitimus upon a criminal charge; in whose behalf the writer implores his clemency. The sixth relates to the affairs of the Lamian war. Critics are divided in opinion as to the genuineness of these epistles. There appears to have been no doubt entertained on the subject in ancient times; for they are cited as genuine by Hermogenes, Harpo-cration, Aristides, and other writers. But the facility with which the ancients were apt to receive collections of letters passing under the names of eminent men weakens the authority of such recognition. In modern times, Taylor, Bekker, Bockh, Dindorf, Clinton, and Kiessling have pronounced these letters to be spurious. On the other side are H. Wolf, Reiske, and A. G. Becker; the last of whom conjectures, that Demochares, a relation of the orator, procured from the archives of the council chamber the letters addressed by him to the council and people, and added them afterwards to his published works. Schafer believes in the first four of the letters; the two last he pronounces to be spurious. EPISTLE I. CONCERNING CONCORD. In commencing anything important, either in 'word or deed, one ought, I think, to address oneself to the gods. I therefore pray to all the gods and goddesses, that it may enterCONCERNING CONCORD. 339 into my mind to write, and into the minds of the assembled Athenians to. choose, whatever is best for the people of Athens and for the well-wishers of the people both now and hereafter. Having uttered this prayer, and hoping to be inspired by the gods with wise and salutary counsel, I write the following. Demosthenes greets the council and people of Athens. As to my return from exile, I consider that you may at any other time deliberate among yourselves, and therefore I have not now written upon that subject: but seeing that the present crisis may, if you adopt proper measures, bring honour and safety and freedom not only to you, but to all the rest of the Greeks, and that, if you mistake your course or allow yourselves to be misled, the opportunity will not easily be recovered, I have deemed it my duty to lay fully before you the opinion which I hold. I am aware it is a difficult thing to persuade by letter; for your custom is, to oppose arguments without waiting to understand them. A speaker may discover your wishes and correct your misapprehensions ; but a paper, if its readers are clamorous, has no such means of setting them right. However, if you will only hear me in silence and have patience to understand all that I have to say, I believe and I trust under favour of the gods, short as this letter is, I shall show that I have myself been acting purely out of good-will to you and for your benefit, and I shall be able to point out what is your true policy at the present crisis. In taking up my pen, I have not supposed that you are at a loss for orators, or persons who will say whatever comes uppermost without reflection : my object is, to impart to your advisers whatever knowledge I possess from experience or from having followed up the course of Grecian politics, and so, while I furnish them with ample means of discussing what I recommend, to enable the mass of the people more easily to decide upon their choice of measures. Such are the reasons which prompted me to write this epistle. It is first and principally necessary, men of Athens, that you should establish perfect harmony among yourselves with a view to the good of the commonwealth, and you should lay aside those * disputes which agitated former assemblies. Secondly, you must all of you co-operate with zeal and unanimity in executing the decrees which you pass; for to z 2340 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. do nothing at all, or do n( thing with an honest purpose, is not only ignoble and unworthy of yourselves, but is attended also with the greatest danger. And you must not forget another thing, which, though not sufficient of itself to win success, yet, when added to warlike power, will make every conquest much more easy to you. What do I mean'? That you must cherish no bitterness and bear no grudge against any of the Greek cities or any of their members who have supported the existing state of things. For the fear of such a thing will cause those who see themselves in danger from their connexion writh the conspirators, to be their zealous defenders ; whereas, if such fear be removed, they will all be milder in their feelings, and this will be of the greatest service. To proclaim such a policy in every city of Greece would be folly, or rather would be an impossibility; but, as you are seen to treat your own fellow-citizens, so will it be expected that you mean to deal with other people. I say that no one must cast any blame or reproach upon any city, or any general or orator or private individual, who has been known heretofore to support the existing state of things. You must concede that all who have been concerned in state affairs have done what became them, since the gods happily have preserved the state, and restored to you the power of independent action; and you must look upon it, as if you were in a ship, and some advised to navigate her with the sail, some with oars, that everything is counselled by both parties for a salutary purpose, but the issue depends upon accidents sent by the gods. If you judge of the past in this manner, 0 Athenians, you will induce all people to place confidence in you, and will act the part of honourable and good men; you will also effectually promote the objects you have in view, and cause either all your opponents in the Greek states to change their policy, or a few who are the most guilty to be left in the lurch, I pray you then to act in this magnanimous and generous spirit, promoting the common welfare of all, while you neglect not your own. I, who thus exhort you, have not myself met with the like liberality from certain persons, but have been unjustly and factiously sacrificed for the gratification of a cabal. However, I neither choose to indulge my private resentment at the expense of the public interests, noiCONCERNING CONCORD. 341 will I in any way mix up my private quarrels with the public interests, but, whatever I recommend others to do, I will set the example of doing myself, as it becomes me. The means to be taken to prepare yourselves, the perils to be avoided, the measures which, according to all human calculation, will most tend to ensure success, I have stated aa nearly as I could. How to carry on affairs day after day, how to take advantage of sudden events, how to discern every moment of action, how to know what is possible to be gained by persuasion, and what requires the exertion of force, all this will be the business of the generals in command. Therefore the duty of an adviser is exceedingly difficult • for measures which have been rightly chosen and most anxiously weighed and considered are often ruined by the mismanagement of those who are appointed to execute them. Now however I trust that all will go well. If anyone imagines that Alexander has been a fortunate man in obtaining uniform success, let him remember that that prince obtained his good fortune by labour and activity and boldness, not by sitting still. Now that he is dead, fortune is looking out for people to attach herself to. You ought to be those people. See that the leaders whom you give to your troops, and to whom you must necessarily entrust the execution of your plans, be as well disposed to you as possible. Whatever each individual among you is able and willing to do, let him resolve in his own mind to do it; and don’t let him break his resolution, or shrink and fall back, under the pretence that he has been deceived or misled by undue influence. Remember, you will not find people to make up your failures and deficiencies. Nor is there the same danger in a frequent change of plans where you have it in your own power to act as you please, as there is when you are engaged in war ; for a change of purpose in the latter case is defeat. Avoid then anything of this kind. Resolve only on such measures as you have the spirit to execute promptly and bravely; and, when you have once passed a resolution, invoke Dodonsean Jupiter and the other gods, who have returned you so many true and favourable and glorious oracles; call them to your aid, and act under their auspices ; and vowing to them the first fruits of victory, proceed with happy fortune to liberate the Greeks Fare ye well.342 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. EPISTLE II. CONCERNING HIS OWN RETURN. Demosthenes to the council and people sends greeting. I expected from the character of my statesmanship, not only that I should not be involved in such a calamity without being guilty of any crime, but that, even if I had committed some slight offence, I should obtain pardon. Since it has turned out as it has, mark the course I have taken. Whilst I saw you, without any clear proof or evidence given on the part of the council, passing sentence of conviction in pursuance of their secret information, I determined to keep myself quiet, considering that you were surrendering your own rights and privileges as much as I was deprived of mine ; for, when sworn jurors accepted the bare assertions of the council without any proof being offered, this was a surrendering of the constitution. Since however, as good fortune will have it, you have opened your eyes to the arbitrary power which certain members of the council were endeavouring to secure to themselves, and you now decide causes according to evidence, and have discovered that the secret whisperings of these men are highly censurable, I think that, with your permission, I may fairly ask to obtain the same relief as those who have suffered under the same accusations, and not to be the only man who by false accusation is deprived of his country and his property and the society of his friends and relations. You ought indeed, men of Athens, to be anxious for my restitution, not only because I have been cruelly treated without in any way deserving it at your hands, but for the sake of your own character among other people. .For you must not suppose, because no one reminds you of the times and occasions when I rendered the greatest services to the state, that the rest of the Greeks are ignorant of these, or have forgotten what I have done for you. I am, for two reasons, reluctant now to enumerate these services; first, for fear of envy, against which it is of no use to speak the truth, and secondly, because we are compelled now, through the cowardice of the rest of the Greeks, to do many thingsCONCERNING HIS OWN RETURN 343; that are unworthy of my former exertions. I may say briefly, however, the acts by which I showed my zeal in your behalf were of such a nature, that you were admired and envied for them by all men, and I had hopes of receiving the greatest rewards from you. When cruel and relentless fortune decided the battle, which you fought for Hellenic freedom, not as was just, but according to her own arbitrary will, even after that I never renounced my devotion to you, nor bartered it for anything else, neither for favour, nor hopes, nor wealth, nor power, nor safety ; though I saw that all these advantages were to be had by those who by their politics would act against you. Among many important things, however, upon which I may justly pride myself, there is one which I have always deemed the most important,, and this I will not hesitate to mention to you ; namely, that whereas in the memory of man there has never existed any one with so remarkable a talent as Philip, for winning people’s hearts and gaining them over to him by his social powers, and for corrupting by bribes the leading statesmen of the Greek cities, I alone was found proof against such influences, (a thing no less honourable to you than to myself,) though I frequently came in contact with Philip, and discoursed with him as your ambassador, and I declined divers offers of money which he made to me, as many persons who are yet living can testify. What opinion must these persons have of you i Only consider. That you should have treated in such a way a man of my character, is no disgrace, though it is a calamity, to me; but to you it cannot fail to be a matter of reproach, which you will clear yourselves from by reversing your judgment. All however that I have mentioned I regard as of minor importance, compared with the general course of my political life, in which my principle and my practice has always been, never to lend support to any feud or faction or any unjust encroachment either of a public or a private nature ; never to take vexatious proceedings against any man, whether citizen or alien ; not to exercise my oratorical talents for my own private advantage against you, but to be at my post as a statesman on your behalf, whenever my assistance was needed. The elder among you will remember, and should injustice men-fcipn to their juniors, the assembly in which.you.met to hear344 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. Python of Byzantium, when he came here with ambassadors from the Greeks, to prove that onr state had been guilty of injustice; but he went back with a different tale, after I, I alone of all your orators, had defended you against his calumnies. I pass by the various embassies which I conducted for you, and in none of which you ever sustained any disadvantage. For my measures, 0 Athenians, were designed, not to enable you to vanquish one another, not to sharpen the weapons of the commonwealth against itself, but to acquire renown for you as a noble and magnanimous people. These are the things which all of you, and especially the young, should regard with admiration. You should not look only for a man who in all his political acts ; will minister to your pleasure, (such persons you will never have any difficulty in finding); you should look also for one who in a friendly spirit will reprove you for your ignorance. I omit many things besides, for which another man, without any other merits, might reasonably have expected to obtain your mercy—I mean choragic and trierarchal services, and voluntary presents of money on all occasions ; upon which it will appear that I was not only myself the first to come forward, but that I exhorted others to do the same. Consider, men of Athens, how little all these things deserve the calamity which has fallen upon me now. Countless as are the troubles which surround me, I am at a loss which first to deplore—whether the advanced age at which I am compelled for the first time in my life, and without having in the least deserved it, to seek a perilous exile—or the disgrace of having been found guilty and condemned without proof or evidence—or the high hopes from which I have fallen into a depth of misery, which should have been the lot of others rather than mine. For it cannot be shown that I was ever one of the friends of Harpalus, or that I deserved to be punished for any previous political acts, or for anything that was proved at my trial. Of all the decrees that were framed in the affair of Harpalus, it is only those got up by me which have cleared the state of blame. From all this it is evident, that I have suffered not for any crime of my own, but through the circumstances of the time; 1 have unjustly been the victim of that resentment which falls upon all parties accused, because I was the first who wasCONCERNING HIS OWN RETURN. 345 brought to trial. For which of the arguments that have saved those tried after me was not urged by me % What proof did the council bring against me 9 What proof could they bring now 9 There is none ; for no one can make a fact out of that which never took place. However, I will drop this subject, though I could enlarge upon it if I liked ; for I have learned by experience, that the consciousness of innocence is of little use to save a man, while it bitterly augments his suffering. Since, as I am happy to learn, you have become reconciled to all the accused parties, be reconciled also to me, 0 Athenians. For I have never injured any one of you, as all the gods and heroes can testify ; as all bygone time can bear witness j to which you ought much rather to give credence than to the unsupported charge which has lately been brought against me. And T may fairly add, that of those who have suffered by this calumny, you will find me to be neither the vilest nor the least trustworthy. Neither ought my leaving the country to be a cause of displeasure. For I did not remove because I had despaired of you, or because I looked to any other quarter for safety; but in the first place, because I deeply reflected upon the disgrace of imprisonment, and in the next place, because on account of my age I was not able to endure the bodily pains and privations attending it. Besides, I did not suppose you to be unwilling that I should escape an ignominious punishment, which would destroy me without benefiting you. Further, you have many indications, that I was devoted to no other people, but to you alone. I did not go to a city in which I was likely to play a conspicuous part myself; but to one where I knew that my ancestors had taken refuge, when the peril of the Persian war fell upon them, and in which I was sure there were the most friendly feelings to Athens. That city is Troezen, to which my first prayer is that all the gods may be kind, on account of her good will to you and her kindness to me ; and my second prayer, that I may be able to show my gratitude when I have obtained my deliverance from you. When some persons in this city, in order to gratify me, began to condemn your ignorance in regard to my case, I spoke on the matter with all becoming reserve; and for this 1 flatter myself I am entitled to admiration and honour from my country. Seeing that, with346 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. all the good intentions of the Troezenians, their present power was insignificant, I changed my abode, and have placed myself in the sanctuary of Neptune in Calauria, not only for the sake of that protection which I thought the god might afford me—(about that I am not sure ; for a person in peril has but a scanty and precarious security against arbitrary power)—but also because from that island I have every day a sight of my country, for which I feel an affection as great as I could wish you to feel towards me. That I may not any longer be oppressed by these miseries, 0 Athenians, decree me that relief which you have already decreed for some others, so that I may neither suffer aught which would be disgraceful to Athens, nor be forced to be a' suppliant of others; for that would not be to your credit. If reconciliation with you were impossible, it would be better for me to die. This is my feeling: you have no reason to doubt it, or regard it as an idle boast : for I made you the arbiters of my destiny, and did not shun my trial, that I might not abandon the truth, or withdraw myself from your power, but allow you to do what you pleased with me : I thought it right that a people, from whose bounty I had received so much, should be permitted even to do me injustice if they liked. Since righteous fortune, however, prevailing over unrighteous fortune, by your not having taken any fatal step against me, has given you the opportunity to reconsider your judgment, deliver me, I pray you, 0 Athenians, and pass a vote that shall be worthy both of me and of yourselves. You will find nothing to blame in any part of my conduct; you will find that I do not deserve to be disfranchised or to he ruined, but, on the contrary, that my goodwill to the people of Athens has been as warm as any man’s (to say nothing invidious); and that I have accomplished more than any man living for your good, and given the strongest proofs of my affection to you. Don’t let any of you imagine, 0 Athenians, that it is from pusillanimity or any other base motive that I fill my letter with complaints. All men occupy themselves with what is before them, and what I have before me now, (alas, that I should have lived to see it!) is grief, and tears, and longing for my country and you, and the thought of what I have suffered; all which causes me to lament and complain. If you look atCONCERNING THE SONS UP LYCURGUS. 347 ■the matter fairly, you will not find that in any part of my career as a statesman I exhibited pusillanimity or weakness. Thus far I address myself to all of you. To those who are at enmity with me I have something special to say in your presence. What they did in subservience to your ignorance I will allow to have been done on your account, and make no complaint against them. Since you however have acknowledged your error, they will do well to make the same concession to me which they allow in the case of others: should they pursue me with their malevolence, I entreat you all to come to my help, and not to let the hatred of these men prevail over your kindness. Fare ye well. EPISTLE III. CONCERNING THE SONS OF LYCURGUS. Demosthenes to the council and people sends greeting. In my former letter I wrote to you on the subject of my own affairs, and stated what I thought you were bound to do for me; to which in due time perhaps you will consent. I trust also you will not overlook the matter upon which I have written to you now, and have regard not to party feeling, but to justice. For it so happens, that, although I am living at a distance from you, I hear many people blaming you for the manner in which you are treating the sons of Lyeurgus. I should have sent you this letter, if it were only for what their father had done in his lifetime, for which you, no less than myself, ought to show your gratitude, if you mean to do what is right. Lyeurgus, having in the beginning of his career applied himself to the financial department of the government, was not accustomed to prepare measures concerning the affairs of your allies or those of the Greeks in general: but, when most of those who pretended to be the friends of democracy had deserted you, he then attached himself to the popular side in politics, not because it afforded him the means of getting profit or reward—(such things were got rather from the other side)—nor because he saw that democratic principles were the safer—(on the contrary, they were attended with348 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. many obvious dangers, which every one undertaking to speak and act for the people was forced to encounter)—but simply because he was a man friendly to the people, and honest by nature. Being on the spot, he saw that those who were inclined to take the popular side were almost helpless after what had occurred, while their adversaries were in every respect strong and powerful; notwithstanding which, he adhered to that course which he thought was for the people’s good, and continued to perform his duty openly and fearlessly, both in word and deed; for which, as all men know, he was demanded from you by the enemy. I should have written this letter, as I stated in the beginning, for the sake of Lycurgus only: at the same time I considered it desirable for you to know the blame that was cast upon you by foreigners, and I had a stronger inducement to send the letter on that account. I beg of those who are hostile to him from any private motives to hear patiently what truth and justice can urge on his behalf. Be assured, 0 Athenians, that the reputation of your commonwealth suffers from wThat you have done to the children of Lycurgus. For not one of the Greeks is ignorant that you honoured Lycurgus in his lifetime to excess, and, although many charges were preferred by envious persons against him, you iiever found any of them to be true, and you had such confidence in him, and believed him to be so eminently a friend of the constitution, that you decided many questions in courts of justice upon the single affirmation of Lycurgus; that was sufficient for you, and it would not have been, had you not had such opinion of him. Therefore all men now, hearing that his sons have been thrown into prison, pity the deceased father, sympathise with his children, as being unworthily treated, and reproach you in bitter terms, which I should Hot venture to repeat. I am annoyed to hear these things, and contradict them and take your part as far as I can : and I mention them only thus ar, to apprize you that you incur general blame ; for I think it is to your advantage to know it; but it would be very painful to report all the scandal circumstantially. I shall communicate to you so much of what certain people say as is not abusive, and as 1 think it good for you to hear. No one believes that you labour under any ignorance or delusion as to the truth ofCONCERNING THE SONS OF LYCURGUR. 349 what concerns Lycurgus himself. The length of time during which his character was subjected to your scrutiny, and he was never found to have done you any wrong either in thought or deed—this, and the fact that no one ever suspected you of a lack of acuteness in other matters, naturally destroy the excuse of ignorance. There remains then nothing else but what would be universally pronounced to be the characteristic of a base people, namely, that you appear only to care for a man so long as you can make use of him, and after that you trouble yourselves about him no longer. For in what other way can you be expected to show gratitude to a deceased man, when you are seen to show unkindness to him in relation to his children and his good name, the only things for which all men, even on their deathbed, are anxious to make honourable provision ? It becomes not good and virtuous men to appear to act thus from pecuniary motives. It would not be consistent with your magnanimity, or with the general principles of your conduct. If you wmre called upon to ransom these youths from other people by a sum of money raised out of your revenue, I believe you would be all ready to do it: when I see you therefore reluctant to forgive a penalty, which has been imposed confessedly from motives of envy, I know not what else I can believe, except that you have taken up some bitter and violent prejudice against the friends of democracy. If this be so, you are adopting a course which is neither proper nor useful to yourselves, 0 Athenians. I wonder none of you consider, that it would be a disgraceful thing, if the people of Athens, who are thought to excel all men in understanding and education, whose country lias ever been a common place of refuge for the unfortunate, should now appear to be less merciful than Philip, who probably being ill instructed, and bred up without any restraint or discipline, thought proper at the time of his greatest success to display a spirit of humanity, and could not bring himself to declare that he made inquiries about his enemies in the field, with whom he had had a mortal struggle, and learned who they were and to whom they belonged : for he did not, (it seems,) think, as some of your orators do, that it is just or proper to treat all in the same way, but took merit into account in deciding such matters. You however, though you3o0 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. are Athenians and have received education, which, according to the common opinion, can make even stupid people endurable, have, in the first place, done a thing of the most unreasonable kind, in imprisoning the sons for the alleged crime of the father, and, in the next place, you represent this proceeding to be the same as if you were trying equality of weights and measures, not as if you were judging the political acts and principles of men; upon which inquiry should it appear that the acts of Lycurgus have been honest and constitutional and dictated by good will to you, his children ought to be requited by you not with evil, but with every possible good; or, should the contrary appear, though he would have deserved to be punished in his lifetime, his children ought not to incur displeasure for his faults; for death is the end of all offences to all mem If these are your principles, that, while the enemies of constitutional statesmen will not be reconciled to them even after their death, but continue to be hostile even to their children, you yourselves, in whose cause every friend of democracy struggles, will be grateful only while you can make use of him, and afterwards have no further regard for him—if these, I say, are your principles, nothing will be more wretched than to espouse the side of the people. If Moerocles answers, that this mode of reasoning is too subtle for him, and that he put the sons of Lycurgus in prison to prevent their running away, ask him why, when Taureas and Patsecus and Aristogiton and himself were condemned to imprisonment, and, instead of going to prison, continued even to speak in public, he never saw the justice of this argument. If he says that he was not then in office, at all events by the laws he ought not to have spoken. But how can it be equitable or constitutional, that some persons should hold office, who are not entitled even to speak, while others are cast into prison, whose father conferred valuable services on the state 1 I myself cannot understand, unless you wish publicly to announce, that brutality and impudence and profligacy have power in the commonwealth, and a better chance of safety and success, and that persons of such a- character, even when they get into a scrape, have the means of getting out of it, while it is a perilous thing to live a life of go£'I principles and to be an honest man and a friend ofCONCERNING THE SONS OF LYCURGUS, 351 the people, and, in the event of any plunder being commi tted, it affords no chance of safety. That it is unjust to hold a different opinion of Lycurgus from that which you held of him in his lifetime, and that it is just to have more regard to those who are gone than to those who are present; these and the like remarks 1 will pass by; for I believe their truth will be acknowledged by all men: but I should be glad to see you remember in how many other cases you have been grateful to the children for the good deeds of the fathers, as, for example, to the descendants of Aristides and Thrasybulus and Archinus and many others. I have not brought these cases forward by way of reproach. So far am I from intending this, that I think such conduct most beneficial to the state; for you thereby invite all men to be the friends of the people, when they see that, though in their own lifetime envy may prevent their obtaining the honours which they deserve, at all events their children will get from you what they are entitled to. Would it not be absurd, or rather would it not be disgraceful, when for some other of your countrymen, notwithstanding the remoteness of the time when their services were rendered, and though what you know of those services is from hearsay and not from your own eyesight, you preserve the regard which is their due, that to Lycurgus, who is but just dead and who has but lately ceased to administer your affairs, you have not shown that mercy and humanity which you have been ready to show in former times even to fools and knaves who have wronged you ? And your vengeance too has fallen upon his children, for whom even an enemy, if he were considerate and reasonable, would have compassion. I wonder also whether any one of you is ignorant, that it is not good for your state, to make it known, that those who have cultivated any other friendship, in case of success, get every possible advantage, and, in case of any miscarriage, are able to extricate themselves from it without difficulty, while those who place their dependence upon the people are not only worse off in every other respect, but are the only persons whose misfortunes are permanent. That this is the case, it is easy to show. Which of you does not know, that Laches, the son of Melanopus, was convicted in the court of law, as the sons of Lycurgus have been now, but the whole debt was352 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. forgiven him at the written request of Alexander ? And again, Mnesibulus of Acharnse was convicted in the same manner, the court having passed sentence upon him as it did upon the sons of Lycurgus; yet he, I am happy to say, was released. The man deserved your clemency, I am aware ; and none of those who now cry out would have said that the laws were overthrown by it; strange if they had : the laws were not overthrown; for all the laws are enacted for the sake of justice and the preservation of honest men, and it is not right either that the calamities of the unfortunate should endure for ever, or that you should appear to be ungrateful. If indeed my views upon this subject are in accordance with your interests, not only did you not overthrow the laws when you released those men, but you saved the lives of those who enacted the laws when you released Laches to please Alexander, who had requested you, and when you pardoned Mnesibulus on account of his high moral character. Do not then give it out by your conduct, that it is more profitable for a man to acquire a foreign friendship, than to place his trust in the people, or that it is better to attach himself to strangers than to be known as a person of democratic politics. It is impossible for a counsellor and a statesman to please everybody; but, whoever takes the popular side and acts from good-will to the people, deserves your succour and support. If you refuse it, you will teach all men to pay their court to others, not to yourselves, and to shun the appearance of doing anything for the good of the people. In short, men of Athens, it will be a disgrace to your whole community, and a calamity to the whole state, if the notion prevails that envy has more influence with you than gratitude for services, when envy too is a disease, and gratitude is a thing acceptable to the gods. Nor will I omit to mention Pytheas, who was a friend of th3 people until he began his political career, and after that was ready to do everything against you, Who does not know that this man, when he came forward on the popular side and began his political life, was persecuted as a slave, and indicted for usurpation of citizenship, and nearly sold into slavery by those men in whose service he wrote the attacks upon me; but, since he has himself begun those practices for which he formerly accused others, he has grownCOTffO^HNTNG THE SONS OF LYCURGTJS. 353 wealthy enough to keep two mistresses, who have happily brought him on his way as far as consumption, and, when he incurred a fine of five talents, he paid it more easily than he con Id have borne to pay five drachms before, and besides this, he has not only received from you, the people of Athens, your political franchise, which is a disgrace to the whole community, but he performs the ancient sacrifices of the country on your behalf at Delphi ? When examples of so striking a nature are before the eyes of all men, showing how unprofitable it is to espouse the democratic side in politics, I am afraid you will soon be destitute of persons to speak in your behalf, especially when some of your partisans have been taken away from you by destiny or fortune or lapse of time, as, for example, Nausicles and Chares and Diotimus and Menestheus and Eudoxus, and again, Eudicus and Ephialtes and Lycurgus; some you cast away, as Charidemus and Philocles and me, whom even you yourselves must regard as the most devoted of your friends, though I will not quarrel with you if you think that some others are equally so. Glad should I be if you had an abundance of such men, would you but deal fairly by them and not let them suffer what I have suffered. When however you publish to the world such examples as these, what man can honestly desire to join the democratic party? You will find plenty of persons who pretend to do so, as you have found before. I hope I may not live to see them unmasked, as those men have been, who now openly assert political principles which they once repudiated, and neither care for you nor fear your displeasure. You should weigh these things in your minds, 0 Athenians, and neither neglect your true friends, nor be swayed by those who are urging the commonwealth to severity and cruelty. Your present affairs require good-will and humanity much rather than faction and malice, which certain persons are pushing to excess, while they work as hirelings against you in the expectation of new troubles, as to which I trust they will be disappointed in their reckoning. Any one who attempts to ridicule these warnings of mine must be very simple indeed. For if, when he sees events having occurred which no mortal could have expected, he doubts the recurrence of what has happened before when the people were set against their defenders by VOL. V. A A354 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. men employed for the purpose, what else can he be but infa mated l Had I been at home, I should have explained these things to you by word of mouth : since I am in that situation, in which I wish they were placed who have slandered me to you and caused my ruin, I have sent my advice by letter. In so doing, my first and principal object has been your honour and advantage; and secondly, my feeling is, that I ought to show to the sons of Lycurgus the same good-will which I ever had for their father in his lifetime. Should it occur to any one, that I have plenty of time to spare from my own business, I will not hesitate to reply to him, that I am as anxious to promote your welfare and not to desert my friends as to achieve my own deliverance. I do not write to while away the time, but I undertake both the one business and the other in the same spirit and with the same motive and desire. If I have plenty of anything, it is that which I wish a plentiful supply of to my enemies. But of this enough. Permit me however now to make my complaint to you in a kind and friendly spirit, and in a few words: you shall hear it soon more fully in a letter, which expect to receive if I live, unless I get my rights from you before. Oh you— (what can I call you without being either offensive or untruthful 2)—0 thoughtless men, who had so little respect either for others or yourselves, that you banished Demosthenes upon a charge on which you released Aristogiton, and refused me that, which men who dare to set you at defiance may get without your leave ! I asked the boon, that, if possible, by collecting the debts that were owing to me and raising contributions among my friends, I might settle with you, and not be seen going about in a foreign land, with old age and exile as the only reward of my labours in your behalf, which would be the common reproach of those who have wronged me. I wished that my return home should be the act of your gratitude and magnanimity, and that I might free myself from the calumny which has been unjustly cast upon me; I only asked protection for such time as you have given me for payment, but this you do not concede, and you ask, as is reported to me—“ who prevents his coming to Athens and obtaining this ? ”—I reply, men of Athens, my own sense ofCONCERNING THE SONS OF LYCURGUS. 355 shame prevents me, and the unworthy requital which 1 have received for my political services, and my having lost my property through those men, by whom, that they might not have to pay twice over what they were unable to pay once, I was persuaded to become their surety before the magistrate; from whom, if I return home with your kind permission, I may recover a part, if not the whole, so as to escape dishonour for the remainder of my life ; but, should I return in the way that my informants advise, I shall be oppressed at the same time with shame and distress and fear. You take none of these things into your consideration, 0 Athenians, but grudge me even a few words of kindness, and perchance you will suffer me to perish by your neglect; for I shall not ask aid of any people but you. And then, 1 am sure, you will say that I have been hardly treated, when it will be no use either to me or to yourselves. For assuredly you do not expect that I have any property, except what is visible, and that I give up to you. The debts owing to me I wish to collect, if in a liberal and humane spirit you will make it safe for me to do so. You cannot show that I received money from Harpalus ; for I was not convicted, and I received nothing. If you look at the secret resolution of the council or the Areopagus, remember the trial of Aristo-giton, and hide your heads for very shame. I can have no milder terms for those who have sinned against me so grievously. For surely, when Aristogiton was accused by the council on the same grounds as myself, you cannot say that it was just for him to be acquitted and me to be destroyed. You are not so devoid of reason as that. I deserve not such a sentence; I am not a fit subject for it; I am no worse than he was, though I confess I am unfortunate, owing to you. Unfortunate I must be, when, in addition to other calamities, I have to compare myself with Aristogiton, and (what is worse) I being a lost man, and he having obtained deliverance. Do not suppose that I am expressing anger in these words. I can have no such feelings towards you : but it affords soma relief to injured persons to talk about their sufferings, as it does to persons in pain to groan; and assuredly I have the same affection to you as I would wish you to have for me. This in all my acts I have clearly shown and will show. Fox336 . THE EPISTLES Oi DEMOSTHENES. it has Leien always my opinion, that every statesman ought, if he be a good citizen, to have the same regard for his fellow-citizens as a child has for his parents ; he should pray that they may be as kind to him as possible, but he should take them as he finds them, and bear with their humours. A defeat in such matters is a creditable and noble victory in the judgment of the wise. Fare ye well. EPISTLE IV. IN REPLY TO THE CALUMNIES OF THERAMENES. Demosthenes to the council and people sends greeting. I hear that Theramenes, among other calumnies which he has been spreading about me, reproaches me with being unfortunate. That he should bo ignorant, that abuse, which shows no evil in the person whom it assails, has no effect whatever with sensible people, I am not surprised. For if a man reckless in his mode of life, an alien by birth, and bred from his childhood in a brothel, had any understanding of this sort, it would be more extraordinary than if he had no knowledge at all. With him, if I ever return home and get my pardon, I will endeavour to converse on the subject of his outrageous conduct towards you and myself, and I think, though he has not much shame in him, I shall be able to teach him moderation. To you however I wish, for the sake of the public good, to explain by letter my views upon this subject. I entreat your patient attention to them; for I think they are worthy not to be heard only, but to be kept in remembrance. I regard your commonwealth, 0 Athenians, as being of all the most fortunate and the best beloved by the gods, and I know that Dodonsean Jupiter and Dione and the Pythian Apollo have ever declared this in their oracles, and put their seal to the fact, that good fortune abides in the state with you. It is plain that, whatever the gods disclose about coming events, is a prophecy; the expressions which they derive from past events they apply to what has taken place. But my political acts at Athens belong to the past, from which the gods have pronounced you to be fortunate. HowIN REPLt TO THE CALUMNIES OF THERAMENES. 3317 then can it be just that the followers of advice should be called fortunate, while he that gave the advice receives the contrary appellation ?—unless perhaps in this way; that the general good fortune, which attended my advice, is declared by the gods, who cannot lie, whereas the slanderous expression, which Theramenes applies to me individually, is uttered by an audacious and impudent and senseless man. And you will not only find that your fortune has been declared to be good by the divine oracles, but you will see that it must be so by the facts themselves, if you rightly examine them. For, if you look as human beings upon the events which have occurred, you will find that the state has been most fortunate by adopting the measures which I advised ; and, if you expect to obtain what is reserved for the gods alone, you aim at an impossibility. What is that which is reserved for the gods, and impossible for mortals i To get everything that is good, to be able to enjoy it themselves and give it to others, and never to suffer or be liable to suffer any mishap in the whole of their lives. Starting from these principles, as you ought to do, compare your own position with that of other people. There is no one so foolish as to assert that what has befallen the Lacedaemonians, whom I did not advise, or what has befallen the Persians, whose country I never visited, is preferable to the state of things among you. I pass by the Cappadocians and the Syrians and the people who dwell in the Indian country, the remotest district of the earth : all of whom have suffered the most grievous and dreadful calamities. But perhaps, though it is generally admitted that you fare better than those people, you fare worse than the Thessalians and Argives and Arcadians, or some others, who have been in alliance with Philip. 'No. You have come off much better than these nations, not only by having escaped servitude, (and what misery can equal that*?) but because, while they are all charged with having caused the misfortunes of the Greeks through Philip and their submission to him, and are justly execrated on that account, you are known to have struggled in the defence of the Greeks, and in their cause to have staked your lives, your property, your commonwealth, your country, your all; in return for which you are entitled to glory and to immortal gratitude from all who desire to do justice. Thus the result358 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES. of my counsels has been, that Athens has fared better than any of the states which offered resistance to Philip, ana won a higher reputation than those which cooperated with him. The gods then on this account give us the favourable oracles which I have referred to, and cause the unjust calumny to fall on the head of him that utters it. This will be clear to any one who likes to examine his way of life. For he does by choice what one pronouncing a curse upon him would wish. He is an enemy to his parents, and a friend of Pausa-nias the brothel-keeper. He brags like a man, and suffers like a woman : he crows over his father, and yields submission to scoundrels. He plumes himself for that, for which he is abhorred by all men, his indecent language and his mentioning of things that give pain to the hearers; but he talks away, as if he were a simple person who spoke his mind. I should not have written all this, had I not wished to awake your remembrance of his vicious propensities. For what one is loth to speak of, and what one would avoid writing about, must be disgusting also to hear. The shocking depravities of this man you know and remember every one of you by so many proofs, that it has been unnecessary for me to say anything indecorous, and he himself is a visible monument of his own vices to all men. Fare ye well. EPISTLE Y. TO HERACLEODORUS. Demosthenes to Heracleodorus sends greeting. I know not how to believe or how to disbelieve what Menecrates has reported to me. He said that Epitimus had had an information laid against him and had been taken to prison by Aratus, and that you were engaged in the prosecution and were the most violent of his antagonists. I entreat you therefore by Jupiter Xenius and all the gods, not to bring me into an unpleasant and ugly affair. For let me tell you that, besides that I am anxious for the safety of Epitimus, and should think it a great calamity if he were to ¿suffer anything and you were instrumental in bringing it about, I am ashamed to think of the persons who knowTO THE COUNCIL AND PEOPLE OF ATHENS. 35 $ what I have been saying about you to everybody, which 1 said under the persuasion that I was speaking the truth, not from my personal knowledge of you, but seeing that you had gained a reputation and set a value on learning, and moreover that learned in the school of Plato, which is wholly removed from worldly lucre or any craft of that sort, but pursues all its inquiries for the sake of right and justice. By the gods, I think it would be sn impious thing for any one who had studied with Plato not to be ever truthful and good to all. Again it would be a most disagreeable thing to me, if, when my own natural impulse had been to be your friend, I found myself compelled to entertain a different feeling, because I had been neglected and deceived ; in which case, be assured, whether I say it or not, it will be so. If you despise me because I am not yet an eminent man, remember that you were once young and of the same age as myself, and have grown to be what you are by taking an active part in public and political life. The same thing may happen to me : for I lack not deliberative wisdom, and with the help of fortune success may attend it. A favour justly conferred is honourable to the giver, and this I ask at youi< hands. Do not be led or swayed by any of those who are less wise than yourself, but rather lead them to your own opinion, and so manage things that we may not be deprived of anything that was promised us, but that Epitimus may be freed and delivered from his perils. I will come myself at the time which you think is the most proper. Write to me, or send me a message as you would to a friend. Farewell. EPISTLE VI. TO THE COUNCIL AND PEOPLE OF ATHENS. Demosthenes to the council and people sends greeting. There came a letter from Antiphilus to the convention of the allies, satisfactory enough to those who wished to hope for the best, but containing disagreeable news for the par tisans of Antipater. They have brought letters from him to Dinarchus, who has arrived at Corinth, and filled all the people of Peloponnesus with rumours, for which I trust the360 THE EPISTLES OF DEMOSTHENES gods will shower vengeance on their heads. The person who arrives with the bearer of my letter came from Polemaestus to his brother Epinicus, a well-wisher of yours and a friend of mine: he brought him to me, and, when I had heard what he said, I thought it best to send him to you, that you might receive certain information of all that had happened in the camp from one who was present at the battle, and so you might have confidence as regards the present, and feel sure (under favour of the gods) of the accomplishment of your wishes hereafter. Fare ye well. THEINDEX, A. Abdera, famous for the stupidity of its inhabitants, i. 223. Abydus, ii. 109; the inhabitants of, always hostile to the Athenians, iii. 216, 227 ; y. 208. Acamas, v. 285. Acanthus, a seaport in Macedonia, iv. 181. Acarnse, v. 103. Adimantus, one of the commanders at the battle of iEgospotamos, accused by Conon, ii. 176. Adonis, y. 295. iEacus, ii. 53; his wisdom, v. 295. iEantides, of Phlius, iv. 301. iEgeus, y. 284. .¿Egina, inhabitants of, despised by the Athenians, iii. 231; Aristides an exile there, iv. 83; y. 163. ¿Egospotamos, defeat of the Athenians at, iii. 231. ¿Enians, the inhabitants of -¿Enus, a town on the sea-coast of Thrace, v. 229, 267. .¿Eschines, of Cothocidae, son of Atrometus, sent as an ambassador, with five others, to Philip, ii. 18 ; indictment of Ctesiphon, ii. 26 ; his parentage and early life, ii. 54, 55, 94 ; meeting by night with Anaxinus, a spy of Philip, ii. 57 ; at first opposed to Philip, ii. 125 ; his speeches in Arcadia, ib. ; his speech against Philo-crates at Athens, ii. 126 ; his speech the next day quite opposite to the former, ib. ; an envoy to Peloponnesus, before he was corrupted by Philip, ii. 212 ; proposed for Pylæan deputy, ii. 61. Æschrion, a servant of Timotheus, y. 119, 121. Æschylus adopted Charidemus, the son of Ischomachus, v. 227. Æsius, y. 251. Æsius, brother of Aphobus, Aetes, of Ceiriadæ, y. 250. iv. 124, 134. Æthra, the mother of Acamas, v. 285. Agapæus, an agent of Philip in Oreus, i. 128. Agatharcus, a painter, imprisoned by Alcibiades, iii. 114.362 INDEX. Agathon, an olive-dealer, iv. 68. Agathocles, v. 89. Agavus, a citizen of Abydus, iii. 227. Aglauria, an Athenian festival, iii. 273 (Appendix VI.). Aglauros, daughter of Cecrops, temple of, ii. 212. Agora, a town in the Thracian Chersonese, i. 98. Aghyrrius of Colyttus, iv. 35. Ajax, v. 285. Alcetas, v. 119, 121. Alcibiades, anecdotes of, iii. 113 ; exiled, notwithstanding his services to his country, 114 ; v. 298. Alcimachus, an Athenian general, v. 91—98. Alcisthenes, an Archon, v. 120, 128, 248. Alcmæonids, after being exiled, borrowed money at Delphi, and expelled the sons of Pisistratus, iii. 114. Alexander, son of Amyntas, an ancestor of Philip, i. 83 (note). Alexander of Thessaly, iii. 204. Alexander, brother of Philip, killed by Apollophanes, i. 250 ; ii. 177. Alexander, brother-in-law of Philip, i. 96. Alexander the Great brought back to Messene the sons of Philiades, i. 218 ; his march against Thebes, iv. 182. Alexander, a pirate ; perhaps the same as Alexander of Thessaly, iii. 217. Alope, the mother of Hippo-thoon, v. 285. Alopeconnesus, a town of the Thracian Chersonese, ii. 39; its situation, iii. 218. Amadocus, a Thracian prince, iii. 171. Amazons, army of, defeated by the Athenians, v. 279. Ambracia, attack upon it meditated by Philip, i. 121, 123 ; prevented by Demosthenes and the other envoys, i. 131. Aminias, a general of mercenary soldiers, iv. 275. Amphias, the brother-in-law of Cephisopon, v. 48. Amphictyons, The, i. 77 (note); ii. 61, 62, 63, 228 (Appendix i). Amphipolis, i. 39, 40, 46, 51 ; ceded to Philip, i. 80; besieged by Philip, iii. 204; occupied by his ancestor, Alexander, i. 163; right ot the Athenians acknowledged by Artaxerxes, ii. 159; Ti-motheus commander against it, iii. 213. Amphissa, ii. 59; Amphic-tyonic War against it, ii. 268 (Appendix IX.). Amyntas, the father of Philip, expelled from his kingdom by the Thessalians, iii. 203. Amyntas, a general of Philip, captured twenty vessels of the Athenians, laden with corn, ii. 33. Amytheon, the father of Da-INDEX. mostratus, Callistratus, and Dexitheus, lost his life in Sicily, v. 208. Anaxagoras of Clazomense, v. 298. Anaximenes, a person of foreign extraction, who fraudulently obtained citizenship at Athens, by the influence of Eubulides, y. 213. Anaxinus, a spy employed by Philip, ii. 57, 58. Androcles, a money-lender of Sphettus, iv. 189. Androclides of Acharnse, a witness in the suit against Olympiodorus, v. 103, 104. Andromenes, iv. 208. Androtion, speech of Demosthenes against, iii. 138—163; iy. 32. Anemoetas, a partisan of Philip at Thebes, ii. 107. Antalcidas, from whom a peace made with the Lacedaemonians, b.c. 387, was named, iii. 20. Anthemion, y. 93. Anthemocritus, an Athenian envoy, put to death by the Megarians, i. 157. Anthemus, a town surrendered by Philip to the Olynthians, i. 85. Anthesterion, the eighth month of the Attic year, answering to the end of February and the beginning of March, ii. 64; y. 260. Antia, a prostitute, v. 244. Antidorides, a son of Nesera, a 363 runner in the foot-races, v. 272, 273. Antidorus, his estate doubled in six years by the care oi his guardians, iv. 108. Antigenes, a servant of Hico-bulus, iv. 231. Antimachus, treasurer of Timotheus, put to death by the popular assembly, and his property confiscated, v. 116. Antimachus, son of Archestra-tus, a banker, iv. 215. Antioehus, the son of Hercules, v. 285. Antipater, a friend and minister of Philip, and father of Cassander, ii. 17 (note), 141; y. 359. Antipater, a native of Citium in Cyprus, iv. 196. Antiphanes of Lampra, v. 117. Antiphilus, the father of Eubulides, in whose prefecture the heritable register was lost, 205, 214. Antiphilus of Pseania, a witness in the trial of Midias, iii. 101. Antiphilus, a person mentioned in the last epistle of Demosthenes, v. 359. Antiphon, an Athenian, who had entered into a treasonable engagement with Philip • to burn the arsenal at Athens, ii. 56. Antissa, a city in Lesbos, i. 219; to which Iphicrates retired, iii. 208. Antisthenes, a banker, iv. 214.364 INDEX. Antrones, a town in Thessaly, i. 134 (note). Apaturius, oration against, iv. . 159—169. Aphareus, a person mentioned, in the oration against Euer-gus and Mnesibulus, y. 86; and in the oration against Callippus, v. 156. Aphepsio, son of Bathippus, iii. 49. Aphidna, a Denius in Attica, above 120 furlongs from Athens, ii. 21 ; v. 50. Aphobetus, brother of iEschi-nes, ii. 189. Aphobus, one of the guardians of Demosthenes, against whom he brought an action for neglect of his duty; on which occasion he delivered his first speech, iv. 88—135. Apollodorus, son of Pasion, who sued Stephanus for having given false testimony in the action against Phor-mio, iv. 202—219 ; v. 43 ; v. 240—242 ; his action against Polycles, v. 130— 146; his action for the Naval . Crown, v. 147—152 ; his defence against Callippus, v. 152—160 ; his action . against Nicostratus. Apollodorus of Leuconoe, a friend of the preceding, v. 138. Apollodorus of Phaselis, in Pamphylia, iv. 188. Apollodorus of Plothea, the , ■ father of Olympicus, whose son was also named Apollo* dorus, v. 208. Apollonia, in Thrace, later called Sozopolis, whence the modern Sizeboli, i. 121. Apollonides, the Cardian, who received a grant of land in the Thracian Chersonese, from Philip, i. 98 ; sent as an ambassador to Philip by Charidemus, iii. 223. Apollonides of Halicarnassus, iv. 196. Apollonides of Mitylene, iv. 275. Apollonides, the Olynthian, banished for his opposition to Philip, i. 128, 129. Apollophanes of Pydna, one of the persons who killed Philip’s brother, Alexander, ii. 177. Apollophanes, a person who accompanied Demosthenes on his second embassy to Philip, ii. 168. Apollophanes, v. 242. Araphen, an Attic Demus, v, 21. Aratus, v. 358. Aratus of Halicarnassus, iv. 193. Arcadian traitors, ii. 106, 125; honour Philip with brazen . statues and golden crowns, ii. 200. Arcesas of Pambotadse, v. 164. Archebiades of Lampra, v. 153. Ärchebiades, son of Demoteles of Alaea, a man of base character, v. 171, 176, 177.INDEX. 365 Archebius, a trierarch, accused of embezzling public property, iv. 4. Archebius of Byzantium, ILL 23, 224. Archenaus, a ship-builder, iy. 134 ; y. 138. Archenomides, son of Arche-damas of Anagyrus, iv. 191. Archenomides, son of Strato of Thria, iv. 197. Archestratus, a banker, iv. 214, 215. Archetion, iii. 111. Archiades, the son of Euthy-machus of Otryne, v. 2 6—42, Archias, the hierophant, convicted of impiety, v. 271. Archias of Cholargus, a councillor, iii. 152. Archidamus, the son of Zeuxi-damus, king of the Lacedaemonians, took Plataea by surprise, v. 266, Archidice, daughter of Euthy-machus of Otryne, married to Leostratus of Eleusis, v. 29. Archilochus, the son of Chari-demus, iv. 216. Archimachus, a relation of Po-lemo, the father of Hagnias, v. 14. Archinus, father of Myronides, iv. 36 ; v. 351. Archippe, the wife, first of Pasion, then of Phormic, mother of Apollodorus and Pasicles, v. 52, 64; died after the return of Apollodorus from Thrace, v. 145. Archippus,, son of Euthyma^ chus of Otryne, v. 27; died while in command of a ship at Methymna, v. 29. Archippus of Myrrhinus, iv. 163. Archons, observations relative to the, iii. (Appendix IY.) Archytas of Tarentum, renowned for his wise and humane government, v. 298. Areopagus, the Council of, ii. 332 (Appendix III.); most peculiar and venerable, iii. 188 ; v. 261. Arethusius, brother of Xico-stratus, against whom ApoL lodorus had lodged an information, v. 160. Argeeus, attempt to restore, iii 205. Argives refused to surrendel certain Athenian refugees to the Lacedsemonians, i. 198 ; partisans of Philip among them, ii. 106; resolved to receive Philip, ii. 200. Argos, v. 154. Argura, a town in Euboea, iii. 110, 120 (note). Ariobarzanes, satrap of Lydia and Ionia, i. 193, 194; iii. 211, 227. Aristsechmus, one of the guardians of Xausimachus and Xenopithes, sued by them for a breach of trust, iv. 243 —247. Aristsechmus, the Elean, a partisan of Philip, ii. 107. Aristarchus, son of Moschus, charged with the murder ofÎNDEX. 366 Mcodemus, iii. 100 ; liis exculpation, 101, 105—107. Aristides the Just, i. 57 ; buried at the public expense, iii. 230 ; during his exile resided at Ægina, till recalled, iv. 83 ; y. 351. Aristides, the Œneian, a choirmaster, iii. 86. Aristoclea, a prostitute, v. 244. Aristocles of Myrrhinus, iv. 20. Aristocles of Œa, iv. 163— 169. Aristocles of Pæania, a trier-arch, iii. 122. Aristocrates, a profligate, iv. 251. Aristocrates, a friend of Conon, v. 178. Aristocrates of Phalerum, v. 250. Aristocrates indicted by Euthy-cles, for whom Demosthenes composed the speech which was spoken on the trial, iii 164—234. Aristocrates, son of Scellius, and uncle of Epichares, razed Eetionea to the ground, v. 236. Aristodemus, an actor, ii. 192 ; the first proposer of a peace with Philip, ii. 15, 125, 127, 148, 215. Aristodemus, son of Aristoteles of Pallene, and father of the Aristoteles who conducted the suit against Leochares, y. 26, 29. Aristogenes, iv. 283, 284, 286, 287,288. Aristogiton, an Athenian ora« tor, against whom two ora* tions are included in the works of Demosthenes, but their genuineness (that of the second especially) has been strongly suspected, iv. 55— 87. Aristolaus of Thasos, an enemy of the Athenians, ii. 77. Aristolochus, a banker, v. 61. Aristomachus, the son of Cri-todemus of Alopece, iii. 171, 202 ; V. 228, 245. Aristomachus of Cephale, v. 258 ; at one time a judge, a surety for Epænetus, v. 256. Aristomenes of Anagyrus, iv. 301. Ariston of Alopece, prosecuted for a fraudulent entry, iv. 75. Ariston, son of Neæra, v. 273. Aristonicus of Phrearrii, ii. 37, 85, 112. Aristonoe, daughter of Philo-stratas, wife of Callippus, mother of Phœnippus, iv. 301. Aristonous of Decelea, v. 153. Aristophon of Azenia, a distinguished advocate, ii. 84, 208, 210, 313 (Appendix II.) ; iii. 49 ; iv. 4. Aristophon of Colyttus, ii. 33, 313 (Appendix II.). Aristophon, a commissioner, iv. 154. Aristoteles of Pallene, grandfather of Aristoteles, the sod of Aristodemus, v. 29.INDEX. 36? Aristratus of Naxos, an enemy of the Athenians, ii. 7 7. Artabazus, prefect of Lydia and Ionia, i. 66. Artemisia, queen of Caria, wife of Mausolus, i. 194, 198, 199. Artemisium, Battle of, ii. 80; v. 265. Artemo of Phaselis, brother of Lacritus, iv. 188, 189, 192. Arthmius, the Zelite, son of Pythonax, i. 125 ; ii. 202. Arymbas, king of the Molos-sians, attacked by Philip, i. 41. Athens, its walls rebuilt by Themistocles, iii. 26 ; list of festivals, iii. 272 (Appendix VI.). Athenodorus, an Athenian, brother-in-law of Berisades, iii. 171, 219. Atrestidas, an Arcadian, ii. 212. Atrometus, father of iEschines, ii. 55. Autocles, an Athenian naval commander, iii. 201 ; deposed, and succeeded by Meno, v. 134. Automedon, one of three rulers of Eretria appointed by Philip, i. 128. Automedon, an Athenian, who drew up a decree for the people of Tenedos, v. 228. Autonomus, secretary to Anti- * machus, v. 116. A utophrarlates arrests Artabazus, but afterwards releases him, iii. 214, B. Bacchius, an obscure man, v, 178. Bathippus, the father of Aphep sion, iii. 2, 49. Bathyllus, son of Polyaratus, iv. 268. Berisades, a Thracian prince, iii. 171. Bianor, brother of the wife of Amadocus, a Thracian prince, iii. 171. Blepseus, a banker, iii. 134. Boedromion, the third Attic month, answering to the latter half of September and the former half of October, ii. 33, 34, 44, 47, 64; the time for celebrating the Eleusinian mysteries, i. 54; iv. 165. Boeotus, brother of Plangon, iv. 252—281. Boeotus, son of Plangon, iv. 252—281. Borysthenes, a river of Sarma-tia (the modern Dnieper), : iv. 189. Bosporichus, chief magistrate of Byzantium, ii. 38. Bosporus, iii. 13 ; ii. 39 (note). Brachyllus, the father of the wife of Lysias, v. 244. Brasidas, a Lacedaemonian general, to whom divine honours were paid after his death, j. 163 (note). Brauron, a district in Attica* near the east coast, celebrated for the worship of Diana, v. 175.368 INDEX. Brougham, Lord, references to his translation of the Oration on the Crown, ii. 10, 13, 18, 19, 24, 25, 28, 29, 31, 37, 38, 42, 46, 52, 53, ' 54, 59, 67, 69, 74, 83, 85, 87, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 115. Brytidse, the name of a family, y. 255. Bucheta, a city of Cassopia, a district of Epirns, i. 96. Bulagoras of Alopece, one of the ambassadors sent to Philip, ii. 66. Buselus, a member of the township of Oenm, v. 7. Byzantines, The, compelled vessels to go into their port to pay harbour duties, i. 80; on ill terms with the Athenians, i. 103 ; combined with the Chians and Rhodians against the Athenians, i. 191, 200; succoured by the Athenians when attacked by Philip, ii. 38; voted a crown of gold to the Council and people of Athens, ii. 39. Byzantium besieged by Philip, ii. 38; saved by the fleet of 120 ships despatched by Demosthenes, ii. 35, 39. C. Cabyle, a town in Thrace, i. 108. Calauria (the modern Poro), an island near Troezene, con- taining a temple of Neptune in which Demosthenes took refuge and terminated his life, v. 117, 346. Callseschrus, son of Diotimus of Cothocidse, one of the ambassadors from Athens to the Thebans, ii. 73; a man of wealth, iii. 117. Callarus, a slave, v. 186. Callias, son of Hipponicus, who negotiated a peace with the Persians, ii. 202. Callias, an Athenian general, i. 157 (note). Callias of Phrearrii (probably the same as the preceding), ii. 48. Callias of Sunium, an Areopa-gite, ii. 57. Callias, a public slave, i. 49. Callicles, son of Epitrephes of Thria, v. 142. Callicrates, the son of Euphe-mus, iii. 157. Callicrates, brother of Callicles, v. 181. Callippides, father of the preceding, v. 181. Callippus of Lampra, v. 152 ; the state-friend of the Hera-cleotes, v. 154. Callippus, the son of Philo of Axione, iv. 217 ; v. 142. Callippus of Pseania, i. 98. Callippus, brother of Calli-stratus the plaintiff in the action against Olympiodorus, v. 105. Callisthenes, son of Eteonicus of Phalerum, ii 21—-pro-INDEX. bably the same mentioned, iii. 15. Callisthenes of Sphettus, a witness for Demosthenes against Thrasylochus, the brother of Midias, iii. 92. Callistratus, son of Callicrates of Aphidna, and an eminent orator, ii. 84, 210, 313 (Appendix II.); iv. 35 ; v. 116, 245, 250. Callistratus, son of Eubulis, and brother to Euctemon, the king-archon, v. 12, 13, 14. Callistratus, a banker, iv. 207, 213. Cammes, the tyrant of Myti-lene, iv. 275. Cardia, a town at the head of the gulf of Melas, i. 80 (note), 123; iii. 222. Cardians, i. 80, 99, 100, 112, 160; iii. 219. Carthaginians, formerly tributaries to the Syracusans, iii. 56. Carystus, a town of Euboea, i. 97 (note). Cassopia, a district of Epirus, i. 96. Castor and Pollux, v. 295. Cebren, a town not far from Ilium, iii. 214. Cecropidse, the, v. 285. Cephallenia, the Samos of Homer, the largest island in the Ionian Sea, iv. 149,153,156. C.ephalus, a renowned orator, ii. 84 ; never indicted, 92. Cephisiades, a merchant residing in Scyrus, v. 153. 369 Cephisodorus, an archon, iv. 139. Cephisodorus, a person mentioned in the Oration against Theocrines, v. 223. Cephisodorus or Cephisodotus, a Boeotian, iv. 191. Cephisodotus of Ceramicus, ii. 172; iii. 49, 214, 215, 217. 218. Cephisophon, son of Cephiso-phon of Ehamnus, ii. 15, 18, 28. Cephisophon, son of Cleon of Anaphlystus, ii. 34. Cephisophon, son of Cephalon of Aphidna, and brother-in-law of Amphias, v. 48, 50. Cephisophon, a person who bribed Stephanus to procure the banishment of Apollo-dorus, v. 242. Cercidas, an Arcadian, ii. 106. Cerdon, a slave of Arethusius, v. 167. Cersobleptes, a Thracian prince, an ally of the Athenians, i. 111,134,158, 159; iii. 171, 201, 202, 203, 208, 209, 210, 211, 217, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 227. Chabrias, a distinguished Athenian general, i. 66; won the naval victory at Naxos, i. 171, iii. 226 ; his deeds, iii. 27, 28; the decree of honours to him, iii. 30 ; his expedition to Egypt, ii. 207 ; accused by Oropus, iii. 87, 219, 221. Chabrias of Axione, a victor B B370 INDEX. in the Pythian games, v. 248. Chseredemus, author of a decree respecting the furniture of ships, y. 83. Chseretimus, son of Chari-menes of Pitthus, a man of loose morals, v. 177. Cheer on, a wrestler, made ruler of Pellene by Philip, i. 220. Chaeronea, celebrated for the defeat of the Athenians by Philip, 338 b.c. ; ii. 90, 363 (Appendix IX.); iv. 84. Chserondas, an archon, the son of Hegemon, ii. 26, 36. Chalcis, a city of Euboea, i. 37 ; iii. 222. Chares, an Athenian general, contemporary with Demosthenes, i. 51 (note), 219 (Appendix II.), 314 ; iii. 219, 223 ; y. 229, 353. Chares of Thoricus, iii. 106. Chariclides, an archon, iii. 124. Charidemus, son of Ischoma-chus, adopted by iEschylus, v. 227. Charidemus, son of Stratius of (Eum, y. 8. Charidemus, an Athenian general, i. 54 ; received a golden crown for his public services, i. (Appendix III.) 268 — 278 ; ii. 47 ; oration against Aristocrates, iii. 164—234. Charinus, son of Epichares of Leuconium, iv. 121. Charisiades, the son of Chari-sius, v. 204. Charisius, an Athenian ; father of the preceding, and brother of Thucritides, v. 204. Charisius, the Elean, v. 244. Chelidonian Islands, on the coast of Lycia, ii. 203. Chersonesus,. i. 87, 103; ii. 35 ; decree of the Chersone-sites, ii. 39; boundaries of the Chersonese, i. 98; ii. 143, iii. 166, 202, 213, 218, 219, 222 ; i. 257— 298, (Appendix III.; the Thracian Chersonese). Chians the, i. 80, 105, 191 ; iv. 201. Chion, an archon, successor of Cephisodorus, iv. 139. Chionides of Xypete, v. 248. Chrysippus, iv. 170, 178. Cicero, his remarks on the Oration on the Crown, ii. 9 (note); his Oration pro Cae-lio, ii. 52 (note); pro Balbo, ii. 56 (note); PhilippicII. ii. 65 (note); pro Milone, ii. 71 (note), 79 ; de Officiis, ii. 79 (note); in Verrem, ii. 107 (note); against Sallust, ii 112 (note); first Catalinarian, ii. 116. Cimon, fined fifty talents for stirring up a revolution at Paros, iii. 228. Cineas, a Thessalian, a partisan of Philip, ii. 106. CiriadaB, the residence of Aetes, v. 250. Cirrha, the port of Delphi, and sacred to Apollo, ii. 62. Cittus, a banker, iv. 173.INDEX, 37V Cleanax, a friend of Apoll odo-rus, y. 144. Oleander, an actor, v. 203. Clearclms, a Spartan general, who commanded the Greek mercenaries in the expedition of Cyrus against Arta-xerxes, i. 198; iii. 30. Cleo of Cothocidae, an Athenian ambassador, ii. 18, 28. Cleon of Phalerum, an Areo-pagite, ii. 57. Cleon of Sunium, a trier-arch, a witness for Demosthenes against Midias, iii. 122. Cleon, an Athenian general, father of Cleomedon, iv. 268, 273. Cleon, son of Cleomedon, grandson of the preceding, iv. 268. Cleocritus, son of Buselus of CEum, y. 7. Cleomedon, son of Cleon the Athenian general, iv. 268, 273. Cleomenes, appointed governor of Egypt by Alexander the Great, v. 189. Cleonee, a town of Phocis, ii. 40. Cleotinms, the Elean, a partisan of Philip, ii. 106. Clinagoras, a priest of Delphi, ii 63. Clinias, son of Clidicus, v. 209. Clinomachus, who reconciled Demosthenes and Theo-crines, v. 230. Clitarchus, made ruler of Ere-tria by Philip, i. 107, 128, 129 ; ii. 35, 36, 107. Clitomache, daughter of Mydi-lides, married to Aristoteles of Pallene, v. 29. Clitomachus, one of the ambassadors sent with Demosthenes to Peloponnesus, i. 131. Coccalina, a female servant, v. 248. Colias, a promontory in Attica, v. 248. Conon, father of Timotheus, a distinguished Athenian general, ii. 176; his achievements, iii. 24 ; the honours paid him, iii. 25, 26, 160. Conon, son of Timotheus, and grandson of Conon, iv. 276. Conon, an action brought against him by Ariston, v. 169—180. Corcyra (the modern Corfu), i. 171 ; ii. 88 ; iii. 226 ; iv. 96. Corinthians, the, i. 66; ii. 41, 107; iii. 21. Coronea, a town of Bceotia, overlooking the Copaic plain, i. 79, 84; ii. 151,160, 162, 217. Corsise, a town of Boeotia, ii 160, Cos, an island on the coast of Caria, the modern Stancho, i. 80; birthplace of Hippocrates and Apelles, i. 199 ; its wine, iv. 195, 196, 197. Collyphus, an Arcadian, elected B b 2372 INDEX general of the Am phictyons, ii. 62, 63. Cotys, king of Thrace, iii. 171, 201,203,204,208,209,213, 214, 215, 216, 217. Council of Eive Hundred, ii. 335 (Appendix IV.). Cratinus, abuse of, by Midias, iii. 110. Creon, king of the Thebans, ii. 71; y. 280. Cresphontes, king of Messenia, and the hero of a lost play of Euripides, ii. 71. Crithote, a promontory on the west coast of Acarnania, iii. 216. Critias, one of the Thirty Tyrants, v. 236. Crito, a spendthrift, iv. 280. Crobyle, a town in Thrace, i. 157. Crown, Oration on the, ii. 1— 115. Ctesias, the son of Conon, v, 171, 175. Ctesibius, son of Diodorus of Halse, y. 208. Ctesicles, his contempt of the Mysteries, iii. 125. Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes of Anaphlystus, ii. 2, 13; his indictment by iEschines, ii.26,28, 36,125, 127, 215, 397 (Appendix X). Gtesippus, son of Glauconides of Cydantidse, v. 245. Gtesippus, son of Chabrias, ii. 324 (Appendix II); iii. 2. Cteson of Ceramicus, v. 252. Cyanean Docks, two small is- lands at the entrance of the Thracian Bosporus, called also Symplegades, ii. 203. Cydantidae, v. 245, 272. Cydathenaeum, v. 48, 248, 272, Cynosarges, an eastern suburb of Athens, iii. 232 ; iv. 31 ; y. 230. Cyprothenus, the governor of Samos, appointed by Tig-ranes, the king of Persia’s deputy, i. 194. Cyrebion, brother-in-law of zEschines, ii. 207. Cyrus, the younger, i. 198. Cyrsilus, stoned by the Athenians for advising submission to the Persians, ii. 79. Cytherus, iv. 294. Cythnians or Siphnians, inhabitants of two small islands in the iEgean Sea; their names used as a term of contempt, i. 175. Cyzicenes, the, ii. 123; v. 132; value of a Cyzicene stater, iv. 178, 197. D. Damagetus, ii. 38. Damosfcratus the elder, of Me-lita, v. 208. Damostratus the younger, grandson of the preceding, and son of Amytheon, v. 208. Daochus, a Thessalian, a partisan of Philip, ii. 106. Daric, a Persian coin of pure gold, first struck by Darius, iv. 34.INDEX« 373 Darius the First, king of the Persians, v. 265. Datis, general of King Darius, y. 265. Decemvirate, established by ; Philip in Thessaly, i. 85. Decelea, a fortress in Attica, taken from the Athenians by the Lacedemonians, ii. 41; iii. 114, 144; iv. 34; v. , 203. Delos, temple at, ii. 56. Delphi, temple at, iii. 114; v. .. 353. Delphinium, one of the four . courts of law at Athens, held in a temple of Apollo, iii. 191, 329 (Appendix VIII.); iv. 269. Demades, a clever but profligate orator, ii. 103, 317 (Appendix II.); iv. 68; compared the Republic to an old woman, i. 59 (note). Demaratus, a Corinthian, denounced by Demosthenes as a traitor, ii. 107. Demaretus, guardian of the children of Aristsechmus, iv. 247. Demon, uncle of Demosthenes, and father of Demophon, his guardian, iv. 125, 148, 158. Demochares of Leuconium, a relation of Demosthenes, iv. 97, 112. Demochares of Pseania, v. 84. 87. iDemochares, whom Theocrines . threatened to call before the Areopagus,v. 226.- Democles, iv. 68. Democrates, son of Sepilus of Phlya, ii. 18, 73. Democratidas of Chollidae, father of Dionysius, iv. 193. Democritus of Anagyrus, sgn of Demophon, ii. 34. Demomeles, ii. 85. Demomeles, son of Demon, a relation of Demosthenes, iv. 96. Demonicus of Marathon, an Areopagite, ii. 57. Demonicus of Phlius, ii. 47. Demophilus, a banker, iv. 284. Demophon, son of Demon, and a cousin of Demosthenes, iv. 93, 96, 97, 102, 104, 105, 118, 134. Demosthenes, father of the orator, iv. 88, 93 ; statement of his property, 95 ; his death-bed, 115 ; emancipated his slave Milyas, 119. Demosthenes the orator, his boyhood and early life, ii. 94; presented with a golden crown for his services to the , Athenians, 37 ; a volunteer trierarch at Oropus, 42 ; introduced a law for the naval service, 44; his measures for protecting Attica, 108 ; the auxiliaries procured by his decrees, 109 ; a water-drinker, 135 ; ransomed the Athenian captives, 168 ; volunteered to take the office of choir-master, iii. 68; brought actions against his374 INDEX. guardians, 91 ; appointed to deliver the funeral oration for those who had fallen at Chserouea, in preference to dEschines or any other orator, ii. 103; twice an ambassador to Philip, 182; magnificently entertained Philip’s ambassadors, 189; insulted by Midias, iii. 70, 71; indicted seven times by Aristogiton, iv. 66 ; indicted by Theocrines, v. 228; took refuge in the temple of Neptune, in Calauria, y. 346. Demosthenes, a distinguished general in the Peloponnesian war, i. 57. Dercylus of Chalcis, ii. 138, 170. Digma, the Exchange at Athens where merchants exhibited their goods, v. 137. Dinarchus the Corinthian, a partisan of Philip, ii. 107. Dinarchus, an Athenian orator, y. 359. Dinias, son of Theomnestus, and father-in-law of Apollo-dorus, iv. 208; v. 59, 137, 138. Dinias of Erchea, a celebrated advocate, iii. 49, 50. Dinias, son of Phormidas of Cydantidae, v. 272. Dinon, brother of Nicostratus and Arethusius, v. 163. Dion, a shipowner, iv. 172, 174. Dion of Phrearrii, ii. 55. Dion of Syracuse, iii. 56. Diodes the Pittbean, iii. 87; concluded a truce with the Thebans, iii. 123; a law moved by him, iv. 12. Diodorus of Habe, v. 208. Diodorus, a witness for Ariston against Conon, v. 177. Diodorus, the accuser of An-drotion, iii. 138 ; speech composed for him by Demosthenes against Timocrates, iv. 1, 19. Diogiton of Acharnse, v. 252. Diognetus, a dissolute man, iv. 251. Diognetus of Thoricus, iii. 92. Diondas, ii. 85, 92. Dione, ii. 211; iii. 83 ; v. 356. Dionysia, or festival of Bacchus, i. 69 ; ii. 27, 37, 48, 50 ; iii. 66, 67, 69, 82, 124. Dionysius the younger, of Syracuse, received citizenship from the Athenians, i. 160; expelled from Syracuse by Dion, iii. 56. Dionysius the elder, originally a scribe or secretary, iii. 56. Dionysius, son of Democratidas of Chollidae, iv. 193. Dionysius of Aphidna, iii. 101. Dionysius, an Athenian, ii. 172. Dionysius, a slave, iii. 46. Dionysodorus, a shipowner, oration against him, v. 187 —198. Diophantus, a witness brought forward by Demosthenes against Aeschines, ii. 178 ; enumerated among the orators, ii. 210 ; iii. 47.INDEX. Diapith.es, an Athenian general, i. 100, 102, 104—106. Diopithes of Melita, v. 252. Diotimns, son of Diotimus of Icaria, v. 176, 177. Diotimus, a general of horse, crowned for his present of shields, ii. 47, 48. Diotimus of Euonymia, iii. 131; v. 353. Diphilus, son of Satyrus of Melita, y. 255. Dodona, the oracle of, ii. 93; in. 82, 83, 84. Dolopians accused by Demosthenes of betraying their country to Philip of Mace-don, ii. 29. Doriscus, a town in Thrace, i. 134, 146 ; captured by Philip, ii. 165, 220. Dorotheus, the Eleusinian, y. 249. Draco, the Athenian lawgiver, iii. 53 ; his laws of homicide, iii. 183; v. 97. Dracontides, iv. 134. Drongilus, a town in Thrace, i. 108, 135. Drosis, a female slave, purchased by ISTeaera, v. 272. Drymus, ii. 218 (note). Drys, a town near Byzantium, iii. 209. Dysnicetus, an archon, v. 71. E. Ecclesia, The, or Popular Assembly, ii. 339 (Appendix V.). Echinus, a town in Thessaly, 375 taken from the Thebans by Philip, i. 123. Ecphantus of Thasos, iii. 23. Eion, a city on the Strymon, below Amphipolis, i. 171; iii. 226. Elaphebolion, the ninth month of the Attic year, answering to the last half of March and the first of April, ii. 26, 66, 138. Elatea, a town in Phocis, i. 84 ; ii. 60, 62 ; news of its capture brought to Athens, ii. 68. Elatea in Cassopia, a district of Epirus, i. 96. Eleans, the, i. 211 ; ii. 107. Eleus, a town in Chersonesus, ii. 39. Eleusis, a town in Attica, 120 stadia from Athens, ii. 21, 73 ; v. 185, 271. Elis in Peloponnesus, i. 121 ; massacre of the exiles, i. 134 ; ii. 199, 209. Elpidas, a schoolmaster, ii. 54. Empusa, a nickname given to the mother of iEschines, ii. 55. Endius, son of Epigenes of Lampra, v. 47. Epsenetus, a native of Andros, a lover of Nesera, v. 256, 257, 258. Eperatus of Tenedos, v. 144. Ephetse, the, iii. 178, 329 (Appendix VIII.). Ephialtes, v. 353. Epicerdes of Gyrene, iii. 17. Epichares, v. 236,376 INDEX. Epichares, grandson of the preceding, y. 217. Epichares the Sicyonian, a partisan of Philip, ii. 107. Epicrates, an ambassador, ii. 203—205. Epicrates, v. 287, 288. Epigenes of Lampra, father of Endius, v. 47. Epinicns, the brother of Pole-msestus, v. 360. Epitimus, y. 358. Erasicles, a pilot, iv. 192, 196. Erchea, iii. 49. Erechtheus, y. 284. Erectheian tribe, ii. 67; iii. 88; v. 81. Eressns, a city of Lesbos, near Cape Sigrium, i. 219. Eretria, a town in Euboea, opposite to the coast of Athens, i. 107, 123,128; ii. 35; iv. 70 ; v. 265. Ergisce, a town in Thrace, i. 97. Ergocles, a person condemned for peculation, ii. 172. Ergophilus, a general, i. 271 (Appendix III); ii. 172; iii. 201. Erythrae, a city of Asia Minor, i. 105 (note). . Eryxias, a physician from Piraeus, iv. 164. Eryximachus, the brother-in-law of Chabrias, iv. 273. Etesian winds, i. 68. Euaeon, the brother of Leoda-mas, who killed Boeotus at a public supper, iii. 89, 90. Evagoras, king of Cyprus, i. 159, 160. Evander, an archon, iv. 36. Evander, a Thespian, iii. 124. Euboea, i. 40, 64, 75, 77, 107, 112,211; ii. 32, 35, 37, 40, 42, 87, 89, 107, 109, 217, 220; iii. 103, 119, 123, 144, 219; v. 240. Eubulides, the prefect, disputes the citizenship of Euxitheus, y. 199—216. Eubulides, son of. Buselus, v. 7* Eubulides, grandson of Eubulides, v. 7. Eubulides of Cynosarges, v. 230. Eubulus, a celebrated orator of Anaphlystus, one of the ambassadors to Philip, ii. 18, 207, 212; iii. 47, 131. Eubulus, son of Mnesitheus of Cytherus, ii. 32, 33. Eubulus of Probalinthus, ii. 65 ; y. 252. Eubulus, the accuser of Tharrex and Smicythas, ii. 175. Eucampidas, an Arcadian, ii. 106. Euclides, the archon, iv. 12, 35; v. 16, 206. Eucrates, the Leucadian, a paramour of ETesera, v. 247. Euctemon of Sphettus, a witness for Demosthenes against Midias, iii. 122. Euctemon, king-archon, son of Eubulides, v. 13. Euctemon, son of iEsion, iii. 121. Euctemon, the prosecutor of Androtion, iii. 138,139,154, 155; iv. 3, 4, 5, 27.INDEX. 377 Euctemon of Lusia, iii.. 100. Euctemon, commander of a fifty-oared vessel, v. 135, 136, 138. Eudemus of Cydathenæum, iv. 36. Euderces, an obscure man, iii. 227. Eudicus of Larissa, ii. 25 ; v. 353. Eudoxus, a popular man, v. 253. Evegorus, author of a law respecting the Dionysia, iii. 67. Euergus, action against him for false testimony, v. 76— 99 ; transactions with Pan-tænetus, iv. 223, 224, 227, , 229, 232, 234, 239, 241. Eumelides, v. 116. Eumolpus, v. 279. Eunicus of Cholargus, v. 210, 216. Eunomns of Anaphlystus, ii. 67. Euonymia, an Attic demus, iii. * 131. Euphemus, father-in-law of » Mantitheus, iv. 269. Eupherus, father of Callicrates, ; iii. 157. Euphiletus, son of Damotimus of Aphidna, iv. 197. Euphiletus, son of Simon of Aixone, v. 245. Eupliræus, i. 128; committed suicide, 129. Euphræus, an Athenian hanker, iv. 207, 213; v. 124. Euphron, a hanker, iv. 207, 213. Enpolemus, v. 5. Euripides, a colleague of Poly-cles the trierarch, v. 146. Euripides the poet, quotation from his Phoenix, ii. 192. Euryhates, the name of a notorious thief, used as a byword of reproach, ii. 15. Eurydamas, son of Midias, v. 268, 269. Eurylochus, a general of Philip of Macedon, i. 128. Eurymachus, son of Leontiades, the Boeotarch, v. 266. Eurystheus, king of the Argives, v. 280. Euthetion of Cydathenaeum, v., 248. Euthycles, an archon, ii. 49. Euthy cles, aThriasian, for whom Demosthenes composed the oration against Aristoerates, iii. 164. Euthycrates, an Olynthian, i. 107 ; ii. 200, 222. Euthy demus, son of Stratocles, iii. 121. Euthy demus of Phlyus, ii. 66. Euthy demus, son of Painphilus, iv. 272. Euthydicus, a physician, iv. 274. Euthymachus of Otryne, v. 29. Euthynus, a pugilist, iii. 89. Euthyphemus, a secretary, v. 220. Euxitheus, son of Theocritus, a Halimusian, v. 199—216. Euxitheus of Chollidse, v. 172, Euxitheus, son of Timocrates, v. 209. Euxitheus the Elean, if 106. Execestus, a physician, ii. 155.378 INDEX. Execestus of Lampsacus, iii. 211. G. Gamelion, the seventh month of the Attic year, answering to the last half of January and the firs t half of Pebruary, ii. 36. Ganymede, v. 295. Gelarchns, iii. 50. Gersestus, a promontory of Euboea {the modern Mandili), i. 68; ii. 217. Glaucetas, ambassador to Mau-solus, iv. 4 ; appropriates the money of the state, 5, 33, 34, 36, 50. Glaucetes of Cephisia, v. 250. Glaucon and Glaucus of GEum, two brothers, convicted of forging a will, v. 4. Glaucon, his proposed embassy, iii. 219. Glaucothea, the mother of iEschines, ii. 55, 103. Glaucus of Carystus, ii. 113. Glaucus of (Eum, v. 4. Gorgopas, a Lacedaemonian general, iii. 27. Gy Ion, maternal grandfather of Demosthenes, iv. 112. H. Hagnias of GEum, son of Buselus, v. 1—25. Hagnias the younger, grandson of the preceding, v. 2—25. Hagnias, a trierarch, son of Dromia, v. 141. Hagnophilus, v. 93. Halse, v. 102. Halians, The, i. 132, 170. Haliartus, a town in Bceotia, 1 64; ii. 41. Halicarnassus, iv. 193, 196; 197. Halimusians, v. 202, 213, 214. Halirrhotius, a son of Neptune, iii. 189. Halonnesus, oration on, i. 89— 99 ; seized by the Pepare-thians, i. 160. Halus, a town in Thessaly, i. 151, 167. Harmodius, descendants of, exempt from the trierarchal service, iii. 13; a brazen statue erected to, 25, 44, 54, 55 ; ii. 205. Harpalus, iii. 213; v. 344. Hecale, v. 255. Hecate, feast of, v. 178. Hecatombaeon, the first month in the Attic year, answering to the last half of July and the first half of August, ii. 17, 58; iv. 7, 8. Hedylus, son of Pamphilus, iv. 272. Hedyleum, a town in Boeotia, ii. 162. Hegemon, a partisan of Philip, ii. 103; iv. 68 (the same name occurs in ii. 36.) Hegesilaus, a supporter of Plutarch of Eretria, ii. 208. Hegesippus, an Athenian orator, ii. 141, 319 (Appendix II.); at the head of an embassy to Macedonia, B.of 343, i. 89 ; took part in anINDEX, embassy to tbe Peloponnesians, i. 130 ; the treatment be received from Philip, ii. 219. Hegestratns, a shipowner of Massilia (Marseilles), drowned in his attempt to sink a vessel, iv. 149. Helisea, the supreme court at Athens, v. 81. Heliodorus of Pithus, iv. 191. Helixus of Megara, a partisan of Philip, ii. 107. Hellebore, its use by the ancients, ii. 51 (note). Heraclea, the chief town of Upper Macedonia, v. 154. Heraclean sacrifice, ii. 145, 155. Heracleodorus, an eminent advocate, to whom Demosthenes addressed his Pifth Epistle, v. 358. Heraclidse, The, restored by the Athenians to their hereditary kingdom, ii. 73; v. 280. Heraclides, delivered Byzantium to the Athenians, iii. 22. Heraclides of Enos, the murderer of King Cotys, received a golden crown from the Athenians, iii. 204. Heraclides, a banker, iv. 161; v. 103. Hereeum, a fortress on the Propontis, taken by Philip, i. 53. Hermeeus, a banker of iEgina, originally a slave of Strymo* dorus, iv. 211. 379 Hermes, busts of, mutilated by Alcibiades, iii. 114. Hermias, governor of Atarneus, in Mysia, i. 138 (note). Hermogenes, v. 93. Hermon, a pilot, by whose assistance Lysander captured the Athenian fleet at iEgospotamos, iii. 231. Hermonax, iv. 247. Heropythes, an archon, ii. 66. Hesiod, a quotation from, ii. 191. Hierax, an ambassador to the Athenians from Amphipolis, i. 40. Hieron, or Hierum, a place on the Euxine. iii. 16; iv. 189 ; v. 136. Hieronymus, an Arcadian, a partisan of Philip, ii. 106, 125. Hipparchus of Athmonia, a licentious actor, v, 245, 246. Hipparchus, placed with Auto-medon and Clitarchus over Eretria by Philip, i. 128. Hippias, the son of Timoxenus, iv. 196. Hippias, the son of Athenip-pus of Halicarnassus, iv. 193, 197. Hippias, a cook of Charisius, v. 244. H:ppocrates, an Athenian orator, who moved a decree respecting the Platseans, v. 267, 272. Hippodamea, the forum in the Piraeus, so named after380 INDEX. the architect Hippodamus, Y. 119. Hipponicus, an ancestor of Alcibiades on his mother’s side, iii. 114. Hipponicus, a general sent by-Philip against the Eretrians, i. 128. Hippothoon, son of Alope, v. 285. Homer, quotations from, v. 285,294. Hyacinthides, the daughter of Erectheus, sacrificed by him for their country, v. 284. Hyes Attes, an exclamation of Phrygian origin, ii. 96. Hyblesius, the owner of a twenty-oared vessel, iv. 189, 192. Hyperides, the son of Oleander, chosen by the Areopagus to plead before the Amphie-tyons on the question of the Delian Temple, in preference to Æschines, ii. 57 ; one of the ambassadors to the Thebans, ii. 73 ; impeached Philocrates, ii. 152, 319 (Appendix II.) ; after the battle of Chæronea, moved that the disfranchised should be restored to their rights, iv. 84 ; a witness against Theocrines, v. 228. Hyperides, the son of Cal-læsehrus, ii. 58. I. J. Jason of Pheræ, an ally of. the Athenians, and a friend of Timctheus, v. 114, 116, 119, 121, 127. Iatrocles, his account of a banquet at the house of Xeno-ph.ron, and the ill treatment of an Olynthian woman, ii. 177. Idrieus, king of Caria, i. 80 (note). Ilium, seized by Charidemus, iii. 214. Illyrians, attacked by Philip, i. 41, 43. Imbrus (the modern Embro), an island on the coast of Thrace, i. 68 ; defended by two thousand Athenian troops, ii. 48; v. 240. Iphiad.es, his son, a hostage for Sestus, iii. 221. Iphicrates, an Athenian general in the Corinthian war, l 66 ; defeated a mora or division of the Lacedsemonian army, i. 171 ; iii. 226 ; honours granted to him, iii. 30 (note); a bitter enemy of Diodes, the Pithean, iii. 87 ; connected by marriage writh Cotys, iii. 208 ; retired to Antissa, and afterwards to Drys, iii. 209 ; deposed from his command, and superseded by Timotheus, iii. 213, 215 ; accuses Timotheus, v. 117; his son marries a daughter of Timotheus, v. 129. Ischander, son of Xeoptole-mus, i. 125 (note); brought by iEschineg to Athens, ii. 213.INDEX. Iseliomachus, father of Chari-demus, v. 227. Isocrates, the orator, iv. 191, 198 ; his intimacy with * Timotheiis, y. 298. Istlimias, an Athenian prostitute, y. 244. Jupiter Phratrius, v. 6 ; Aulic, ii. 151, 211; iv. 39, 198 ; v. 216 ; the most high, iii. 83 ; in Tomarus, iii. 83 ; Terminal, i. 98 ; Olympian, iv. 32 ; Hemean, iii. 104 ; his throne, iv. 59. L. Lacedaemonians, The, their demand for certain Athenian refugees refused by the Argives, i. 198 ; treaty with the king of Persia, i. 200 (note 3) ; i. 207, 216 ; battle at Penetra with the Thebans, v. 249 ; at Thermopylae with the Persians, v. 265 ; hostilities with Platseans, v. 26-6 ; defeated the Athenians and their allies in the great battle at Corinth, iii. 20 ; their garrison expelled from Thasos, iii. 22 ; disputed with the Athenians for the leadership of Greece, iii. 25 ; deceived by The-mistocles respecting the walls of Athens, iii. 26 ; carried on war for four or five months, i. 126. Lacedsemonius, whose sister was indicted by Eubulides for impiety, v. 201. 381 Laches, father of Melanopus. iv. 34. Laches, son of Melanopus, and grandson of Laches, v. 352. Lacritus of Phaselis, a sophist and a pupil of Isocrates; iv. 185—202. Lampis, a large and wealthy shipowner, iii. 231; iv. 170—185. Lampsacus, a town on the Hellespont, near the modern Lamsaki, i. 51; iii. 211 > v. 137. Lampra, v. 117, 153, 154, 251; iv. 35. Laomedon, a naval commander, whose vessels were detained by Philip, ii. 35. Larissa, a town in Thessaly, on the right bank of the Peneus, ii. 167. Lasthenes, an Olynthian, who betrayed his country to Philip, i. 107; appointed commander of the Olynthian cavalry, i.l 29; ii. 25,200,222. Latona, v. 20 ; iii. 83. Laws ; concerning the Areopagus, iii. 55, 174; iv. 274 ; v. 176, 226 ; concerning aliens, v. 207; concerning the disfranchised, iv. 13; concerning theft, ill treatment of parents, and desertion, iv. 28 ; concerning the exchange of estates, 116, 291 ; concerning homicide, iii. 176, 178, 180, 183, 184, 186, 327 (Appendix VIII.); compared with the Mosaic382 INDEX. Code, 331, v. 96 (note); iv. 32; concerning unchastity, iii. 146 ; y. 253, 263, 270; concerning heirs and heiresses, and adopted children, v. 16, 42, 73, 74; concerning the dead iii. 36, 277, 278, concerning burials, v. 19. Lemnos, an island off the coast of Thrace, i. 68; v. 240. Leon, an Athenian ambassador to the court of Persia, ii. 130 (note), 175. Leochares, oration against, y. . 26—42. Leocorium, the temple of the daughters of Leos, who had been sacrificed by their father, during a famine, as an offering for the lives of the people (see Thucydides, i. 20); v. 171. Leocrates, brother of the wife of Polyeuctus, iv. 281—290. Leodamas of Acharnse, an eloquent pleader, iii. 49 (note). Leonidas, the hero of Thermopylae, -v. 265. Leontiades, father of Euryma-chus the Boeotarch, y. 266. Leostratus of Effusis, son of Leocrates, v. 26—40. Leptines, oration against the law of, iii. 1—58. Leptines of Coele, iii. 157. Leucas, a Corinthian colony, i. 123 (note); v. 203. Leucon, king of the Bosporus, iii. 13 (note); granted the exportation of corn to Athens free of duty, iii. 15. Leuconium, or Leuconoe, iv 97, 138; v. 191. Leuctra, scene of the battle between the Thebans and Spartans, b.c. 371; ii. 14, 41; v. 249. Limnse, a place outside the walls of Athens, where there was a temple dedicated to Bacchus, v. 260. Locrians, The, celebrated for their excellent legislation, iv. 37. Lous, the Macedonian name for the month called by the Athenians Boedromion, ii, 64. Lyceum, the chief of the Athenian Gymnasia, on the south of the city, where Aristotle and the peripatetic philosophers taught, iv. 31. Lycidas, a miller, y. 165. Lycidas, a slave of Chabrias, iii. 46. Lycinus of Pallene, appointed admiral by Timomachus, v. 143. Lyciscus, an arch on, v. 226. Lycon the Heracleote, a merchant, y. 152—-160. Lycurgus, one of the ambassadors to Peloponnesus, who arrested Philip’s progress, i. 131; his speech against Leocrates, ii. 9 (note), 320 (Appendix II); a principal manager of the prosecution against Aristogiton, iv. 56 —87. Lysander, commander of the Lacedaemonian?, in the navalinde: 383 battle at iEgospotamos, iii. 231. Lysias the sophist, the son of Cephalus, and a paramour of Metanira, v. 244. Lysimachus, the son of Aristides, rewarded for his good conduct as a citizen with public grants, iii. 41. Lysimachus, son of Lysippus, y. 272. Lysinus, iv. 208. Lysippus of Crioa, v. 29. Lysistratus of Thoricus, iv. 278. Lysistratus, a witness in behalf of Aristón, in his action against Conon, v. 177. Lysithides, a wealthy Athenian, iii. 117 ; iv. 4 ; chosen as arbitrator between Callippus and Pasión, v. 156. M. Macartatus, the son of Theo-pompus, against whom an action was brought by Sosi-theus, v. 1—25. Macartatus, the maternal uncle of the preceding, of Pros-palta, v. 24. Macedonia, at one time held in great contempt by the Greeks, i. 122 ,* and paid tribute to the Athenians, i. 154. Madytus, a town of the Chersonese, ii. 39. Msemacterion, the fifth Attic month, containing the end of November and the beginning of December, ii. 21. Magnesia, in Thessaly, taken by Philip, i. 41 ', Philip prevented from fortifying it by the Thessalians, i. 43; gave ft back to the Thessalians, i. 85 Manes, a slave of Arethusius, v. 67. Mantias, a citizen of the Aca-mantian tribe and township of Thoricus, and the father of Mantitheus, iv. 2 52—26 7. Mantitheus, son of Mantias, iv. 252—267. Marathon, name of a town and a plain, about twenty-six miles north-east of Athens, celebrated for the victory of the Athenians over the Persians, ii. 214 ; Philip made a descent upon it, and carried off the sacred galley, i. 68 ; the battle of Marathon, i. 171 ; ii. 80; iii. 226; thePlateeans the only allies of the Athenians at Marathon, v. 265— 268. Mardonius, his scymitar and silver-footed throne preserved in the Acropolis, and stolen by Glaucetes, iv. 34 ; v. 265. Maronea in Attica, noted for its silver mines, iv. 226. Maronea, in Thrace, the modern Marogna, iii. 223; v. 136. Maronites, compelled by the Athenians to a judicial settlement of their claims Sryme, i. 162 ; contemptuous allusion to them, i. 223. Massilia, the modern Max« seilles, iv. 149, 152, 153.384 INDEX. M astir a, i. 108. Mausolus, king of Caria, attempts to annex Ehodes to his dominions, i. 190; Athenian embassy sent to him, iy. 4. Megaclides of Eleusis, y. 157. Megalopolis, an Arcadian city, near the frontiers of Laconia, i. 204—216 ; speech of Aeschines at, ii. 125. Megara, v. 237—274 ; Philip’s attempt to seize it, i. 119, ' 122; his near success, i. 134; ii. 32, 217. Megarians killed Anthemo-critus, i. 157 ; decrees passed against them by the Athenians, i. 174 ; asserted their own dignity, iii. 231 ; mean and illiberal, v. 248 ; Solon’s victory over them, v. 299. Melanopus, son of Diophantus the Sphettian, iv. 188. Melanopus, an ambassador to Mausolus, iv. 4 ; his offences and deserts, iv. 34. Melantus, an adversary and slanderer of Demosthenes, ii. 92. Melita, an Attic demus, iv. 107, 132; v. 171, 208,209, 216, 247, 252, 255. Melas, an island between Crete and Peloponnesus; a harbour for pirates, v. 233. Memnon, a son-in-law of Arta-bazus, iii. 215. blende, a town in the peninsula of Pallene, iv. 185.189, 193, 197. Menecles, a noted public informer at Athens, iv. 256, 258. Menecrates, Epist. v. 358. Menelaus, a commander of cavalry, i. 67. Menestheus, son of Philagrus by Telesippe of CEum, v 14. Menestheus, appointed commander of a hundred vessels against the Macedonian pirates, i. 223. Menestratus, the Eretrian, a friend of the Athenians, iii. 207. Menexenus, the son of Polya-ratus of Cholargus, iv. 268. Menippus, an agent of Philip in Oreus, i. 128. Menippus, a Carian, iii. 124. Meno, a general, the successor of Autocles, iv. 217 ; v. 134. Menon the Pharsalian, who gave twelve talents for the war at Eion, i. 171; iii. 226. Mentor, brother of Memnon, son-in-law of Artabazus, iii. 215. Messenians, sought the alliance of Philip, i. 83; Demosthenes sent on an embassy to them, i. 85; the sons of Philiades brought back by Alexander, i. 218. Metanira, a prostitute, v. 244. Methone (the modem Mod on), a town in Messenia, besieged by Philip, i. 40, 41. Methone in Macedonia, v. 142. Miccalion, iv. 154.INDEX. Micion, of Chollidss, v. 217— 225. Midias, a man of wealth, and an enemy of Demosthenes (the Oration against- Midias), y. 59—137. Midias, a relation of Conon, v. 172. Midylides, son of Euthyma-chus of Otryne, and brother of Archiades, y. 26—32. Midylides, son of Aristoteles of Pallene, y. 29. Miltiades, his unostentatious style of living, i. 58 ; iii. 229. Miltocythes, a Thracian chief, i. 118 (note); iii. 201, 203 ; betrayed to Charidemus by Smicythion, and put to death by the Cardians, iii. 218; negotiated an alliance with the Athenians, v. 132. Milyas, a freedman of Demosthenes ; the foreman of his father’s business, iv. 98; Demosthenes refuses to give him up for examination by torture, because he was emancipated by his father on his deathbed, iv. 120. Minos, the king of Crete; famous for his justice, ii. 53. Mitys the Argive, of whom Chabrias purchased a chariot and four, with which he won the race at the Pythian 1 games, v. 248. M.naseas, an Argive, a partisan of Philip, ii. 106. Mnesarchides, an assessor, v. 227/ 385 Mnesarchides, a wealthy Ath«> nian, iii. 131. Mnesibulus, brother-in-law of Theophemus, v. 92. Mnesibulus the Acharnian, Epist. iii. Mnesicles, an Athenian pettifogger, iv. 256. Mnesicles of Colyttus, iv. 226. Mnesilochus of Penthoidse, v. 141. Mnesimache, the daughter of Lysippus of Crioa, and wife of Midylides the son of Eu-thymachus, v. 29. Mnesiphilus, the name of an archon, incorrectly given, ii. 20 (note). Mnesitheus of Alopece, a witness in favour of Demosthenes against Midias, iii. 93. Mnesithides, the name of an archon, not correctly given, ii. 64 (note). Mnesithides, son of Antiphanes of Phrearrii an ambassador with Demosthenes and others to Philip, ii. 73. Mceriades, iv. 100. Moerocles, author of a decree for the protection of mer-. chants, v. 233; prosecuted by Eubulus for extortion, ii. 208 (note). M.olon, an archon, v. 132. Molon, an actor, ii. 192. Moschion, a colour-grinder, one of Conon’s servants, v. 104. Munychia, a port of Athens, in which was a temple of Diana, ii. 45. 0 c386 INDEX. Munychion, the tenth Attic month, in which was held the festival of Munichian Diana, the latter part of April and the beginning of May, ii. 66 ; iv. 165. Myronides, the son of Archinus, iv. 36. Mvrrhinus, an Attic demus, lii. 96; iv. 20, 162. Myrtis, an Argive, ii. 106. Myrtium, a town in Thrace, ii. 16. Mysteries, the Elensinian, i. 54; hi. 117; v. 244. Mytilene, iv. 275. N. Nauclides, betrayed Plataea to the Thebans, v. 266. Naucratis, an Egyptian city in the Delta, iv. 1. Naupactus (the modern Le-panto), a town at the entrance of the Corinthian Gulf, i. 123. Nan sides, an Athenian general, often crowned for his liberality to the state, ii. 47, 48 ; v. 353. Nail sides, an archon, not correctly given, ii. 72. Nausierates, fatner of Nausi-machus and Xenopithes, iv. 246. Nausierates of Carystus, iv. 188. Nausimachus, brother of Nau-sicrates, iv. 243. Nausinicus, an archon, in. 153; v. 256. Nansiphilus, son of the archon Nausinicus, v. 256. Naxos (the modern Naxia), the largest of the Cyclades, i 171; the scene of a victory by Chabrias over the Lacedaemonians, i. 62 (note); iii. 226. Neaera, a foreigner, a slave, and a prostitute, v. 237—274. Nearchus, son of Sosinomos, an ambassador to Philip, ii. 67. Neo, son of Philiades, the Messenian, ii. 107. Neocles, the name of an archon, incorrectly given, ii. 33, 34. Neones, a town in Phocis, ii. 162 (note). Neoptolemus, a superintendent of various works, ii. 46; a man of great wealth, ii. 134. Neoptolemus, a tragic actor, i. 76 (note); ii. 125 ; an agent of Philip, ii. 215 ; i. 76. Neptune, demanded justice of Mars on behalf of his son, Haiirrhotius, iii 189. Nicarete, daughter of Damo-stratus of Melita, v. 216. Nicarete, a freedwoman of Charisius the Elean, and a procuress, v. 244. Nicsea, a fortress commanding the pass of Thermopylae, i. 85. Niceratus,. son of Xicias, iii 121 (note). Niceratus of Acherdus, a wit-INDEX. 387 ness for Demosthenes against Midias, iii. 122. X iceratus, a witness for Ariston against Conon, v. 177. Xiciades, son of Lysanias, y. . 204. Xicias, the herald of Philip, imprisoned by the Athenians for ten months, i. 156. Xicias, son-in-law of Dinias, iv. 208 ; uncle of Stephanus, by whom he was deprived of his patrimony, v. 63. Xicias, the renowned Athenian general, i. 57. Xicias, the archon, ii. 58 (note). Xicias, the brother-in-law of iEschines, ii. 207. Xicidas, instituted a suit against Xenopithes, iv. 250 (Appendix II.), 309—313. Xicippus, a shipowner, v. 135. Xicobulus, the defendant in the action brought against him by Pantaenetus, v. 222 —243. Xieocles, the guardian of Pa-sicles, v. 55. Xicodemus, killed by Aristarchus, the son of Moschus, iii. 101. Xicomachus, the son of Dio-phantus, ii. 58. Nicophemus, an archon, v. 10, n. Xicostratus, a foreigner, admitted to citizenship at Athens by corrupt means, v. 213. Nicostratus, son of Xiciades, v. 204. Xicostratus, the brother of Arethusius, v. 160—169. Xicostratus of Myrrhinus, a witness for Demosthenes against Midias, iii. 96. Xinus, a priestess, convicted by Menecles, iv. 256. Xotharchus, the arbitrator in the suit between Demosthenes and Aphobus, iv. 128. O. Odeum, a building in Athens, originally built by Pericles for a music-hall but generally used for a law-court, v. 253, 254. CEdipus received at Athens when exiled from Thebes, ii. 73. (Enanthe, the mother of Sta-tonicles, v. 11. (Eneus, the son of Bacchus, v. 285. (Eneidse, the, v. 285. (Eneian tribe, ii. 49 ; iii. 86 ; v. 81. CEnomaus, king of Elis and father of Hippodamia, ii. 7 2 (note). GEtseans, the inhabitants of (Etea, a town in Thessaly in the upper valley of the Spercheus, v. 267. Olympian games, ii. 39 ; chariot-race, iii. 114; foot-race, v. 236 ; celebrated by Philip on the taking of Olympus, ii. 176. Olympichus, the son of Apob lodorus of Plothea, v. 20& c c 2388 INDEX. Olympiodorus, oration against, y. 100—113. Olynthians, iii. 202, 213; alliance with them voted by the Athenians, i. 45; delay in sending them aid, i. 47; Olynthus taken through treachery, i. 128; ii. 201; „ Olynthian captives, ii. 212; the Olympic games celebrated by Philip on the capture of Olympus, ii. 176. Onetor, the son of Philonides of Melita, iv. 135—148. Onomarchus, the Phocian general, defeated by Philip, ii. 216. Ophrynium, a town on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont, iv. 164. Opisthodomus, the inner cella of the old temple of Minerva at Athens, used as a treasury, iv. 36. Orchomenos, i. 79, 84; ii. 160; its re-establishment urged by Demosthenes,i. 207, 214; reduced to slavery by Philip, ii. 151, 217; how treated by the Thebans, iii. 38. Orestes gained his cause against the Furies in the Areopagus, iii. 189, 191. Oreus, a town in Euboea, betrayed to Philip, i. 104, 110, 128, 129, 134; rescued by the Athenians, ii. 35, 165, 167 ; the Orites occupied a fourth part of Euboea, iii. m Orontes, satrap of Myna, L 186 (note). Oropus (the modern Skala), i. 87, 210, 212, 218, 314 (Appendix II.); iii. 87. Orpheus, his saying concerning justice, iv. 59. P. Pjsonians, attacked by Philip, i. 41. Pagasse, a town in Thessaly, ii. 167 ; taken by Philip, i. 41; its restitution demanded, i. 43, 48 ; the Pagassean bay, i. 158. Palladium, a court for the trial of involuntary homicide, held in a temple of Pallas, i. Ill, 190, 329 (Appendix VIII.); v. 241. Pammenes, the son of Pam-menes of Erchea, a goldsmith, iii. 71. Pammenes, a general, iii. 223. Pamphilus, the father of Plan-gon, and maternal grandfather of the younger Plan-gon, iv. 272. Pamphilus, the younger son of Plangon, iv. 256. Pamphilus of Ehamnus, iv. 301. Pamphilus, a money-lender, the plaintiff in the action against Dionysodorus, v. 187 —198. Pamphilus, an Egyptian, a resident alien at Athens, iiL 119, 122 (note). Pamphilus, a fuller, v. 171«INDEX. 389 Panactus, a fortress on the borders of Attica, ii. 218. Panathenaea, the, i. 69 ; ii. 48, 168 ; iii. 117 ; iv. 8, 9 ; v. 35, 245. Pandia, the, a festival in honour of Jupiter, iii. 66. Pandion, the father of Procne and Philomela, v. 284. Pandionian tribe, so named from Pandion, ii. 17; iii. 68, 88; iv. 8, 11, 20. Pandosia, a town on the river Acheron, in Epirus, i. 96. Panemus, a Corinthian month answering to the Athenian . Boedromion, ii. 95. Pantsenetus, the plaintiff a-gainst whom Demosthenes composed the oration for Nicobulus, iv. 219—243. Panticapoeum, a town in the Cimbric Chersonesus, iv. 195. Parisades, king of Pontus, iv. 174. Parmenio, a general sent by Philip into Eretria, i. 128; ii. 141 ; besieged Halus, ii. 167. Parmeniseus, a merchant, v. 187—198. Parmeno, a Byzantine merchant and an exile, iv. 159 —169. Parthenon, the temple of Minerva at Athens, i. 174; iii. 143, 162 ; iv. 47. Paseas, a witness in the action brought by Ariston against Con on, v. 177. Pasicles, the son of Pasion the banker, iv. 202, 209 ; v. 55. Pasion, the father of Pasicles, iv. 202—219 ; v. 43—75, 113—129, 152—160; presented the state with a thousand shields, and was five times trierarch, v. 66 ; died m the archonship of Dysnicetus, v. 71; a man of great reputation in Greece, v. 144. Pasiphon, a physician, iv. 143. Patrocles of Phlyus preferred an indictment against Demosthenes, ii. 44. Pausanias, king of Sparta, inscribed an arrogant distich on the tripod at Delphi, v. 265. Pausanias, v. 358. Pella, the later capital of Macedonia, and birthplace of Alexander the Great, i. 91; ii. 31. Pellene, a town in Achaia, deprived of its rights by Alexander the Great, i. 220. Pelopidas imprisoned by Alexander of Pherse, iii. 204. Peloponnesus, Philip’s expedition against it opposed by Demosthenes, i. 130; measures proposed by Demosthenes, ii. 35 ; state of Peloponnesus after the battle of Leuctra, ii. 14; remarks upon it, ii. 351 (Appendix VIII). Peparethus, an island in the iEgean sea (the modern Kilb390 INDEX. dhromia), v. 53 ; laid waste by Philip, i. 160; ii. 32; its wine, iv. 197. Peparethians, seized on Halon-nesus, i. 160. Perdiccas, reigned in Mace- ' donia during the Persian invasion, and destroyed the fugitives, for which he was rewarded by the Athenians, , i. 172 (note); iii. 226. Periander, son of Polyaratus of Cholargus, iv. 268 ; his law respecting navy-boards, v. 83. Pericles, his disinterested regard for the public welfare, i. 57 ; his cultivation of philosophy, v. 298. Perilaus of Megara, a traitor despised by Philip himself, ii. 25, 107 ; tried before the Three Hundred, ii. 209. Perinthians, related to the P>y-zantines, ii. 39. Perinthus (the modern Eski Eregli, its name having been changed to Heraclea in a. d. 400), i. 149, 152. Perithoidse, an Attic demus, v. 141. Phsedimus, one of the Thirty Tyrants, ii. 177. Phsenippus, son of Calippus, iv. 290—303 ; adopted by Phi-lostratus the orator, iv. 300. Phalerum, the original port of Athens, ii. 21, 57 ; iii. 93 ; v. 250, 255. Phanastratus of Cephisia, v. 171. Phanias of Aphidna, a witness for Demosthenes, iii. 96. Phano, a daughter of Heaera, v. 249 ; called also Strybele, and married to Phrastor, but repudiated, v. 253. Phanostrate, daughter of Stra-tius of CEnoe, v. 8. Phanostrate, a prostitute, iii. 156. Phanus, a friend of Aphobus, iv. 119, 125, 134. Pharsalians, the, received Halus from Philip, i. 151; ii. 132. Phaselis (the modern Tekrova), on the eastern coast of Lyria, iv. 185 ; character of the inhabitants, iv. 187, 193. Phasis, a river in Pontus, beyond which the Amazons were driven bv the Greeks, v. 279. Phayllus, general of the Pho-cians, iii. 207. Pherse, in Thessaly, taken by Philip, i. 96,110, 117,134; ii. 166. Pherseans refused to join Philip, ii. 216. Pherrhephattium, the temple of Proserpine at Athens, v. 171. Phertatus, a corn-merchant, the partner of Protus, iv. 155. Phidolaus of Ehamnus, iv. 301, Phila, a prostitute, v. 244. Philagrus, son of Eubulides, v. 8. Philagrus of Melita, v. 247. Philammon, an Athenian boxer,, crowned at Olympia, ii. 113.INDEX. 391 Phileas of Eleusis, iy. 222, 22 6. Philepsius of Lampra, iv. 35. Philiades, tyrant of Messene; his sons brought back (after their expulsion) by Alexander the Great, i. 218 (note). Philinus, son of Mcostratus, a colleague of Demosthenes in the trierarchy, iii. 119. Philip, king of Macedon, unscrupulous and clever, i. 38; captured Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, and Methone, and invaded Thessaly, i. 41 ; in Thrace, besieging Herium, i. 53; his influence in Thessaly, i. 43 (note); intrigue with the Athenians, i. 46 (note); fondness for sensual indulgences and drollery, i. 49 (note); his energy and untiring activity, i. 50, 62 ; his possession of unlimited power, without responsibility, ii. 88; his letters, i. 156 —164; ii. 22, 34, 64, 67, 131. Philip, the shipowner, iv. 36; v. 117. Philip, son of the preceding, in danger of disfranchisement, iv. 36. Philip, a witness in the action against Aphobus, iv. 119, 126. Philippides, the trierarch, a rich man, iii. 131, 134. Philippides of Paeania, v. 227. Philiseus, a native of Abydus, iii. 210 (note) ; a deadly ». enemy of Athens, iii. 227. Philistides, an agent of Philip, and appointed by him one of the governors of Oreus, i. 107, 123, 128 ; ii. 32, 35. Philo, the father-in-law of Æschines, ii. 112. Philochares, a brother of Æschines, ii. 189. Philocles, v. 353. Phil ocrâtes, son of Ephialtes, iii. 204. Philocrates, the Agnusian, i. 83; ii. 14, 15; his treason and flight, ii. 118, 126; ridiculed Demosthenes for being a water-drinker, ii. 135 ; his decree, ii. 136 ; boasted of the gifts he had received from Philip, ii. 151 ; terms of peace proposed by him, ii. 161, 163; the colleague of Æschines, ii. 175, 195 ; his scandalous life, ii. 213. Philocrates of Eleusis, his resemblance in character to Aristogiton, iv. 68. Philomela, daughter of Pan-dion, and sister of Procne, v. 284. Philomelus of Pæania, iii. 123, Philon, a Theban ambassador to Philip, ii. 160. Philondas, a Megarian by birth, who resided at Athens, v. 120. Philonicus prosecuted by Aris-tophon, ii. 208. Philonidas of Melita, iv. 107, Philostratus, an orator, who adopted Phænippus, iv. 300. Philostratus of Colonus, son of392 INDEX. Dionysius, and the accuser of Chabrias, iii. 87; his deposition concerning JSTeaera, v. 245; a friend of Lysias the sophist, v. 244. Philtiades, son of Ctesias of Xypete, iv. 193 ; but elsewhere called the son of Cte-sicles, iv. 197. Phlius, a Dorian state: the Phliasians driven into exile, and sought protection from the Athenians, i. 66, 175 (note); 212 (note); ii. 47. Pliocians, unable to defend themselves without the assistance of the Athenians, i. 44; the Phocian War, ii. 14, 20, 23, 162, 164, 166, 170, 216—223 (Appendix i.). Phocides accused by Aristogi-ton, iv. 66. Phocion, general of the expedition sent to Euboea, ii. 324 (Appendix II.); iii. 120. Phocritus of Byzantium, chosen as an arbitrator by Apaturius and Parmeno, iv. 163. Phoenicia conquered by the king of Persia, i. 158. Phormio, an orator, engaged with Demosthenes to oppose the law of Leptines, iii. 2. Phormio, a wealthy Athenian, iii. 117. Phormio, son of Cephisophon of Piraeus, iv. 191. Phormio, an agent, iv. 205. Phormio, a banker, a freedman of Pasion, of whom Demosthenes at different times was accuser and advocate : one oration for him, iv. 202 -219 ; two orations against him, those in which Stepha-nus was nominally the defendant, v. 43—75; Phormio became an Athenian citizen, in the archonship of Xico-phemus, v. 71 ; employed Stephanus as his commissioner and advocate at Byzantium, v. 61; married the mother of Apollodorus, v. 46. Phormio, a galley-piper, the slave of Dion of Phrearrii, ii. 55. Phrasias, v. 153. Phrasiclides, in whose archonship the battle at Leuctra was fought, v. 249. Phrasierides of Anaphlystus, v. 141. Phrasierides, a rascal, iii. 227 ; v. 123. Phrastor, an Athenian citizen of the iEgilian township, v. 253. Phrearrii, ii. 37, 48, 73. Phreatto, a certain place in Attica by the seaside, where persons were tried who had been exiled for involuntary homicide, iii. 192, 329 (Appendix VIII.). Phrynio, son of Demon, and brother of Demo chares, v. 247. Phrynon of Phamnus (thiINDEX, 393 modern Ovrio Castro), ii. 175, 178, 187. Phyle (the modern Eili), a strong fortress about ten miles from Athens, ii. 21. Phylomache, the daughter of Hagnias, and wife of Phila-grus, v. 13, 14. Phylomache, wife of Sositheus, and grand-daughter of the preceding, v. 14. Piræus, the chief port of Athens, ii. 108, 114, 204, 205, 208, 224 ; iii. 67 ; iv. 35; y. 195, 196, 233. Pisistratids, i. 158, 218. Pisistratus, iii. 114. Pitholas, the Thessalian, deprived of his citizenship, v. 264. Pittalacus, ii. 192. Pitthus, iii. 87 ; iv. 191 ; v. 176. Plangon, the wife of Mantias, iv. 267, 268. Platæa, destroyed after the battle of Leuctra ; restored by Philip after the battle of Chæronea, i. 208 (note) ; ii. 127, 134, 217, 243 (Appendix L). Plato, v, 298, Pleiads, the setting of, v. 137. Pleistor, iv. 222, 226. Plothea, the residence of Apol-lodorus, v. 208. Plutarch, sovereign of Eretria, i. 75 (note) ; expelled by Phocion, i. 128 (note). Pnyx, an open semicircular piece of ground opposite the Areopagus, where the a-sem- blies of the people were commonly held, ii. 27, 339 (Appendix V.). Polemo, the son of Hagnias, v. 8. Polyaratus of Cholargus, the maternal grandfather of Man-titheus, iv. 268 ; honoured by the Athenians, and possessed of a large estate, 273. Polybius the historian, on Grecian statesmen, ii. 343 (Appendix VI.). Polvcles, v. 131—146. Polycles, an archon, ii. 44. Poly crates, the adviser of sending a colony to Chersonesus, i. 161. Polycrates, son of Epiphron, an ambassador to Philip, ii. 67. Polycritus, son of Apemantus of Cothocidse, an ambassador to Philip, ii. 34. Polyeuetus of Sphettus, an ambassador to Peloponnesus, i. 131. Polyeuetus, a flatterer of Midias, iii. 112. Polyeuetus of Crioa, iv. 296. Polyeuetus, a member of the Thriasian township, iv. 281 —290. Polyeuetus, the stepfather of Charidemus, v. 227. Polysthenes, iii. 127. Polystratus, a general of the Athenians in the Corinthian war, i. 66, received public rewards at the recommendation of Iphicrates, iii. 30.394 INDEX. Polyzelus, who struck a committee-man, iii. 77. Polyzelus, an archon, iv. 138. Pontus, the quarter from which Athens was chiefly supplied with corn, iii. 14. Poseidon, the sixth month of the Athenian year, the latter half of December, and former of January, iv. 138. Posidippus, a pilot in the trireme of Apollodorus, v. 143. Posthmus, the port of Eretria opposite Athens, i. 123 (note). Potidsea (the modern Pinaka) originally a Dorian city colonized from Corinth, captured by Philip, i. 40 ; iii. 23 ; given up by Philip to the Olynthians, i. 37, 46, 85, 92 ; iii. 202. Praxicles, a trierarch, v. 141. Probalinthus, the residence of Theogenes, iv. 108; of Eu-bulus, v. 252; of Hippocrates, v. 272. Procles, “ a dirty blackguard/’ iv. 240. Procne, daughter of Pandion, v. 284. Proconnesus (the modern Marmora), an island near the Hellespont, ii. 109 ; the inhabitants sought the aid of the Athenians, v. 132. Promachus, a witness for Boeotus, iv. 273. Pxotomachus, v. 209, Protus, an importer of corn, iv.. 154. Proxenus, the reputed son of Neaera, v. 249. Proxenus, an Athenian general, ii. 136, 141, 164. Proxenus, or public friend of the State; the term defined, i. 97 (note). Pteleum, a town near the Pa-gasaean Gulf, i. 98. Ptoeodorus of Megara, a partisan of Philip, ii. 107 ; a man of wealth, birth, and reputation, ii. 210. Pyanepsion, the fourth month of the Attic year, corresponding to the latter part of October, and the former of November, ii. 49. Pydna, a town of Pieria, captured by Philip, i. 40. Pylades, a banker, iv. 96. Pylae, v. Thermopylae. Pyrrhus, the Eteobutad, iii. 125 (note). Pytheas, v. 352 Pythian games, the,ii. 39, 156 ; i. 79, 122. Python of Byzantium, an able speaker and diplomatist, i. 94 (note); ii. 57 ; v. 344. Python of iEnos, one of the murderers of Cotys, iii. 204, 207, 217. Pythocles, son of Pythodorus* ii. 103, 186, 215. Pythodorus, v. 171. Pythodorus of Cedae, v. 79. Pythodorus of Acharnae, v. 138. Pythodotus, an archon, v. 106.INDIS. 395 R Bhadamanthus, ii 5? Eh annuls, an Attic dernu-s, ii 18, 21; iv. 301. Rhodians, oration on the liberty of the, i. 189—203. S. Sadocus, son of Sitalces, king of the Odrysae, i. 159 (note). Salamis (the modern Kuluri), an island between the coasts of Attica and Megaris, i. 171 ; ii. 48, 80, 214; iii. 225, 226. Samos, garrisoned by Cypro-themis, and delivered by Timotheus, i. 194; iii. 89, 114. Sannio, a choir-master, iii. 85. Satyrns, superintendent of the arsenal, iii. 158. Satyrns of Alopece, brother of Lacedaemonius, v. 251, 252. Satyrus of Melita, father of Diphilus, v. 255. Satyrus, a banker, iv. 211. Satyrus, a comic actor; anecdote respecting him, ii. 176 (note). Saurius of Lampra, v. 251, 252. Scepsis (the modern Eskiupsi), a town in Mysia on the ASsepus, not far from Troy, iii. 214. Sciathus (the modern Skiatho), an island off the coast of Thessaly, i. 68, 107. Scione, a town in the peninsula of Pallene, iv. 185, 189. Scironides, v. 223. Seir-oj horion, the twelfth Attic month, the latter part of June and the former of July, ii. 72, 138 ; iii. 94; iv. 5, 138. Sciton, an Athenian, fined for proposing illegal measures, iii. 125. Scyrus (the modern Skyro), so called from its ruggedness, an island east of Euboea, i. 90; v. 153. Scythes, son of Harmateus of Cydathæneum, v. 47. Selymbria (the modern Silivri), a colony of the Megarians, i. 199 ; besieged by Philip, ii. 34. Sèrthium, a fort in Thrace, i. 97, 118, 134. Sestus, a town in Chersonese, i. 39; iii. 216, 221 ; v. 135. Sicily, a great slaughter of the Athenians, iii. 17 ; v. 208 ; Sicilian vessels, v. 190. Sicyon ; the exiles restored by Alexander the Great, i. 222 ; ii. 25 ; white mules, iii. 117. Sigeum, an Æolian colony, i. 51. Simon, a Thracian, brother-in-law of Amadocus, iii. 171, 172. Simulus, a player, ii. 97. Simus of Anagyrus, one of the ambassadors to Philip, ii. 66. Simus of Larissa, ii. 25 ; came to A thens with 37eæra, v. 245 * also to Thessaly and Mag nesia, v. 268.INDEX. 396 Sinope, a prostitute, iii. 156 ; y. 271. Siphnians—tlie inhabitants of Siphnos, a small island in the Ægean Sea ; their name used as a term of contempt, i. 175. Sitalces, king of Thrace, i. 159 (note). Smicron, an Athenian; fined ten talents for proposing illegal measures, iii. 125. Smicythion, a Thracian ; betrayed Miltocythes to Chari-demus, iii. 219. Smycythas accused byEubulus, ii. 175. Socles, a banker, iv. 211. Socrates, of Oræa, an agent of Philip, i. 128. Socrates, “ a ranting player/’ ii. 97. Socrates, a banker, iv. 211. Socrates, the philosopher ; his influence over Alcibiades, v. 298. Socratidas, an archon, v. 115, 124, 248. Solon, the lawgiver ; his regard to popular rights ; fragment of his Elegiacs, ii. 10, ii. 196 ; justly eulogized for good laws, iv. 53 ; his statue at Athens, ii. 194; (note) iv. 86 ; a saying of his on female influence, v. 112 ; his renown, v. 299 ; i. 61. Solon, an obscure man, v. 61. Solon, of Erchia, an arbitrator chosen by Mautitheus,iv. 270. Sophilus, a paneratiast, iii. 89. Sophocles; quotation from his Antigone, ii. 193. Sosicles, an enemy of Demosthenes, ii. 92. Sosinomos, a banker, iv. 216. Sosistratus, a partisan of Philip in Euboea, ii. 107. Sositheus, father of Eubulides, v. 1—25. Sostratus, son of Philip of Hestrsea, iv. 193. Sostratus, a pirate, expelled from Peperethus by Philip, i. 161. Sotades, the Cretan ; a paramour of JSTeaera, v. 269. Spartans, severe military discipline of the, i. 120 (note). Sphettus, a town in Attica, connected with Athens by the Sphettian Way, ii. 73; iii. 92,106,122; iv. 189,191. Spintharus, son of Eubulus, v. 171. Spintharus, who purchased the house of Cleinomachus, v. 249. Spudias, the defendant in an action brought against him by the husband of one of the daughters of Polyeuctus, Spudias himself having married the other, v. 281—290. Stephanus, son of Menecles of Acharnae ; an action brought against him by Apollodorus the son of Pasion, v. 43— 75. Stephanus, of Eraeadae ; a paramour of hfeaera, v. 249—274 Strabax, a friend of IphicrateSjINDEX. 397 the Athenian general, and publicly rewarded for his sake, iii. 30. Strammenus,anArgive, a State-friend of the Heracleotes, y. 155. Stratins, son of Buselus of Ginm, v. 7, &c. Straton, the Phalerean, iii. 93; disfranchised and ruined, 95. Straton, a son of Buselus of GEum, v. 7. Stratocles of Amphipolis, i. 40. Stratocles, a “ smooth-tongued ” fellow, iv. 240. Strabola, a prostitute, v. 244. Strybeie, also called Phano, daughter of Neaera, y. 253 ; married theKingArchon,272. Stryme, a Thasian colony, but claimed by the Maronites, i. 162 (note), y. 136. Strymodorus, a banker in iE-gina, who gave his wife to Hermaius, his own slave, iv. 2H. Styra, a town in Euboea, iii. 121. Sunium, one of the most important fortresses in Attica, ii. 57; iii. 106, 122. Syracuse; the Syracusans for a long time a free people, iii. 56; iv. 155. Syrus, a slave, v. 67. T. TAMYNiE, a town in Euboea, iii. 119 (note). Tanagra, a town in Bceotia, ii. 40. Tarentum ; its affairs ably conducted by Archytas, v. 298 Taureas slapped on the cheek by Alcibiades, iii. 114. Taureas, v. 350. Teledamus, an Argive, and a witness for Demosthenes, ii. 106. Teledamus, son of Cleon, a partisan of Philip, ii. 106. Telemachus, a mine proprietor in the district of Maronea, iv. 222. Telephanes, a flute-player, iii, 69. Telesippe, the second wife of Phelagrus and mother of Menestheus, v. 14. Telestus, iii. 57. Tenedos, v. 143, 228. Tenos, seized by Alexander of Pheræ, and its people reduced to slavery, v. 132. Teres, a prince in the interior of Thrace, i. 158 (note), 160. Ter eus, brother of Pandion, punished by Procne and Philomela, v. 284. Teristasis, a place in the Chersonese, captured by Diopi-, thes, i. 157 (note). Thargelia, a festival in honour of Apollo and Diana, iii. 67, 306 (Appendix VL). Thargelion,* the eleventh month of the Attic year, from the middle of May to the middle of June, ii. 66 ; iii. 94. Tharrex, accused by Eubulus, ii. 175. Thasus, an island (the moder»398 INDEX. Thaso) off the coast ef Thrace, iii. 22; iv. 197; i. 93, 68. Thebans, obtained Orchomenes and Coronea from Philip, i. 79 ; betrayed by Timolaus, ii. 25 ; some of them partisans of Philip, ii. 107; expelled by the Athenians from Euboea, iii. 141; obtained possession of Plataea by treachery, but defeated by the Platseans, v. 266 ; their proverbial stupidity, i. 78 (note); their ferocity, iii. 38 ; their attempt to crush the Lacedaemonians thwarted by the Athenians, ii. 41 ; an alliance with the Athenians against Philip effected by Demosthenes, ii. 86. Themison and Theodoras, rulers of Eretria, seized upon Oro-pus, ii. 42. Themistocles, defeated the Persians at Salamis, ii. 80 ; restored the walls of Athens, iii. 26; banished for correspondence with the Mede, iii. 227. Theocles, a hanker, v. 164. Theocrines, oration against him, v. 217—237. Theodoris, a poisoning woman, iv. 77. Theodoras, a tragic actor, ii, 192. Theodoras of Euboea, ii. 42. Theodoras, the Phoenician, a money-lender, iv. 173. Theodotus, a denizen, iv. 177 (see iii. 253). Theogenes, son of Andromenes, v. 171. Theogenes of Cothocidai, king-archon, v. 258, 261. Theogenes of Probalinthus, iv. 108. Theogiton, a Theban, a partisan of Philip, ii. 107. Theomnestris of Athmonia, son-in-law of Apollodorus, y. 243 ; y. 59. Theophilus, an archon, iv. 226. Theopompus, father of Macar-tatus, y. 6. Theoteles, iv. 302. Theotimus, v. 171. Theoxenus of Alopece, iv. 157. Theoxotides, a choir-master, iii. 86. Theramenes, v. 356. Therippides, of the township of Pseama, an early friend of the father of Demosthenes, iv. 94. Thersagoras, one of the murderers of Philiscus, tyrant of Lampsacus, iii. 211. Theseus ; his temple, the The-seum, nearly perfect at the present time, and used as a national museum, ii. 54 ; united the inhabitants of Attica in one city and established democracy, v. 259. Thespise,, a town in Boeotia, situated at the foot of Helicon, i. 87, 214; ii. 127. Thessalians, treacherous, i. 43; iii. 203 ; Philip promised to surrender Magnesia to them, and to undertake thePhociauINDEX. 399 War on tlieir behalf, i. 46 ; after freeing them from these tyrants he imposed on them, first a tetrarchy, and then a decadarchy, i. 86 ; an embassy to them proposed by Demosthenes to withdraw them from their alliance with Philip, i. 48 ; they expelled Amyntas, the father of Philip, from Macedonia, iii. 203. Theodosia (the modern Caffa) a port in the Tauric Chersonese, and a place of considerable trade, especially in corn, now as it was in the time of Demosthenes, iii. 15. Thoas, an agent of Philip in Oreus, i. 128. Thoricus (the modern Theriko), occupied by the Athenians in the Peloponnesian Wai, iv. 257, 258, 265, 278 ; iii. 92, 106. Thracians, not their practice to put one another to death, iii. 219 ; Philip displaced some of their kings and established others, i. 41 ; destroyed thirty-two cities, i. 121 ; measures proposed by Demosthenes to protect the Thracians against Philip, ii. 16 ; state of Thrace after the death of Cotys, iii. 171. Thraso, the person at whose house iEschines met Philip’s spy Anaxinus, ii. 57. Thrasybulus of Colyttus, twice imprisoned, iv. 35 (note). Thrasybulus of Stiria, who occupied the Piraeus till the Thirty Tyrants were expelled and a popular government restored to Athens, ii. 204. Thrasybulus, son of the preceding, ii. 205. Thrasybulus, the uncle of Ni-ceratus, ii. 208. Thrasybulus, a noted orator, before the time of Demos thenes, ii. 84. Thrasylaus, a Thessalian traitor, ii. 106. Thrasyllus of Eleusis, v. 157. Thrasylochus of Anagyrus, the brother of Midias, iii. 61, 91; iv. 116; v. 143. Thrasylochus, probably a money-lender, v. 138. Thrasylochus, a Messenian, son of Philiades, a partisan of Philip, ii. 107. Thrasymedes, son of Dio-phantus the Sphettian, iv. 188. Thratta, a female servant of Hesera, v. 248. Three Hundred, The, a select body of the wealthiest citizens of Athens, elected to superintend the management of the property-tax; i. 301 (Appendix IV.), 52, 170 ; ii. 209, 210; iv. 294, 301. Thucritides, the grandfather of Euxitheus, v. 204. Thucritides, nephew of the pre* ceding, v. 204. Thvcritus, the father of Euxi* oheus, v. 209,400 TNDEX. Thucydides, mentioned as a statesman in connexion with Demosthenes, v. 224 ; an indictment preferred against . him by Theocrines, y. 228. Thyestes, the subject of a tragedy, ii. 221. Thymaetadse, iv. 197. Tigranes, ambassador of the Persian king, i. 194. Tilphossaeum, a town in Phocis, made over by Philip to the Thebans, ii. 160, 162. Timagoras, an Athenian, ambassador to the Court of Persia, condemned to death by the people, ii. 130 (note); deceived the Persian king, ii. 159 ; accused by his coambassador Leon, ii. 175. Timanoridas, a Corinthian, one of Hesera’s paramours, v. 246, 247. Timarchus, an accuser of Aeschines, ii. 119, 123; prosecuted by ACschines, ii. 188 (note), 191, 194; the decree proposed by him, ii. 206. Timocrates, the oration against him, iv. 1—54 ; the law moved by him contrary to the existing laws, iv. 11 ; the law itself, iv. 18; its inconsistencies pointed out, iv. 19; a mercenary of Mi-dias, iii. 112; treasurer with Androtion, iv. 30, 127, 273, 280. Timocrates, an archon, iv. .137, 138,144. Timocrates of Melita, v. 209. Timodemus, a banker, iv. 211 obliged to settle with his creditors, iv. 216. Timolaus, betrayed Thebes, ii. 25. Timomachus accused by Apol-lodorus, the son of Pasion, ii. 172; iii. 203; iv. 217; v. 135. Timosthenes of ACgilia, a partner with Phormio, v. 120. Timotheus, son of Conon, a distinguished general, advised sending troops to Euboea, to expel the Thebans, i. 113 ; the Macedonian power employed in his time as a help against the Olynthians, i. 48; took Corcyra, i. 171; iii. 226; sent to assist Ario-barzanes, and delivered Samos, i. 194 ; received public honours, iii. 31 ; chosen to succeed Iphicrates, iii. 213 ; possessed of large property, iv. 94 : sued for a debt by Apollodorus, son of Pasion the banker, v. 113—129; deposed from his command, v. 116; entered the service of the Persian king, v. 119; his intimacy with Isocrates, v. 298; visited by Alcetas and Jason, v. 119. Tiristasis, a town in Thrace, its inhabitants carried off for slaves by Diopithes, i. 157. Tisias, the father of the plaintiff against Callicles, v. 181. Tisias of Acharnse, chosen arbitrator between Apollodorus and Phormio, v. 48. 401 I'isias, the brother of Iphicrates, iii. 87. Tomarus, a mountain near the Oracle of Dodona, on which was a temple to Jupiter, iii. 83 (note). Xriballi, the name given to a set of dissolute men at Athens, v. 178. Tricaranum, a fortress on the Phliasian territory, i. 212, (note). Xriphylia, a small garrison in the Cyparissian Bay, i. 211 (note 3). Trireme, the Athenian ship of war, i. 64 (note). Troezen, the capital of a small district in the south-east angle of Argolis, v. 245. Trojan War, The, ii. 2213 v. 280, 285. Tromes, the father of iEschines, called by him Atrometus, ii. 54, 55. Tyrants, the Thirty, iii 7 (note 3); iv. 16, 17. X. Xenippus, proposed as arbitrator by Mantitheus, hut rejected by Boeotus, iv. 277. Xennis, a female slave of Xe-sera, v. 272. Xeno, a money-lender, iv. 207, 213. Xenoclides, an Athenian poet, banished by Philip from Macedonia, for receiving Hegesippus and his co-am-bassadors, ii. 219 ; a paramour of Xeaera, v. 245 ; deprived of his franchise, v. 246. Xenopithes, the son of Kausi-crates, against whom an action was brought by the sons of Aristaechmus, iv. 243 —251. Xenopithes, the uncle of the preceding, iv. 250. Xenophron, son of Phaedimus, one of the Thirty, entertained ZEschines and his coambassadors, ii. 177. Xerxes, his invasion of Greece, v. 265; his silver-footed throne preserved in the Acropolis, iv. 34. Xuthus, a trader, iv. 96. Xypete, the residence of Phil-tiades, son of Ctesias or Ctesicles, iv. 193, 197. Z. Zelea, a town in Mysia, the residence of Asthmius, son of Pythonax, who was outlawed for bringing Median gold into Peloponnesus, i 125 (note); ii. 202. Zenon of Phlyus, an Areopa-gite, ii. 57. Zenothemis of Syracuse, an agent of Hegestratus, a shipowner, iv. 148—158.' Zobia, a female with whom Aristogiton cohabited, and treated basely, iv. 71. D DLONDON : PRINTED BY WILLIAM GLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, STAMFOSD STasar AND CHASING CSA^S.ALPHABETICAL LIST OF BOHN’S LIBRARIES. 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