ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPA1GN PRODUCTION NOTE University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library Brittle Books Project, 2012.COPYRIGHT NOTIFICATION In Public Domain. Published prior to 1923. This digital copy was made from the printed version held by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. It was made in compliance with copyright law. Prepared for the Brittle Books Project, Main Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign by Northern Micrographics Brookhaven Bindery La Crosse, Wisconsin 2012CORRESPONDENCE RESPECTING THE NEGOTIATIONS PRELIMINARY TO THE WAR IV •;V. , a C BETWEEN ! Î ■" FRANCE AND PRUSSIA: 1870. Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty. 1870. LONDON: PRINTED BY HARRISON AND SONS» [C.—167.] Price lid.ÄPfi 2 3 '3-3 L? ® A.A.Pease ro SH.öS G-"? Ac- table OF CONTENTS, •1t UöftAüY OF THE APR 23 1935 OF s..isc;s No. Date. Subject. Page 1. Mr. Layard .. July 5, 1870 Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen proposed as a candidate for the Spanish Throne. Cortes to meet on 20th instant .. •. . • 1 2. Lord Lyons .. 5, French Minister has declared that Prince of Hohenzollern will not be tolerated. Good offices of Her* Majesty’s Government invited to avert impending dangers 1 3. ,, . • • 6, Declaration in Corps Législatif against Prince Leopold’s candidature 2 4. To Lord Lyons 6> Conversation with French Ambassador, who urges Her Majesty’s Government to endeavour to stop Prince Leopold’s installation. Good offices promised 2 5. To Lord A. Loftus 6, To urge on Prussian Government danger and imprudence of Prince Leopold’s candidature. Remarks on secrecy of the negotiations 3 6. Lord Lyons .. 6, Text of Duc de Gramont’s declaration in Corps Législatif against Prince Leopold’s candidature .. 4 7. To Mr. Layard 7, Receipt of telegram of July 5. To urge abandonment of the Hohenzollern project. Gravity of the question as shown by declaration in French Chamber 5 8. ,» » •• 7, Interview with Spanish Minister. Her Majesty’s Government urge that effect may not be given to Prince Leopold’s candidature. Spanish Minister disclaims any hostile intentions towards France, and will report to his Government .. .. .. 5 9. Lord Lyons .. 7, Proceedings in French Chamber on occasion of the declaration. M. Ollivier’s assurance that France desires peace 6 10. ,» » •• •• 7, Conversation with M. Emile Ollivier on the 5th instant. Comments on the declaration in the Chamber.. 6 11. ,, yy • • •• 7, Duc de Gramont’s explanations as to the declaration and the necessity of it to meet the feeling of the country. He invokes the good offices of Her Majesty’s Government at Berlin and Madrid to preserve the peace of Europe. His views as to how this might best be effected. No answer received by France from Prussia, and an unsatisfactory one from Spain .. 7 12. yy yy . • • • 7, Conversation with Prussian Chargé d’Affaires, who considers the declaration as too hastily made, and expresses belief that neither the King nor Count Bismarck were aware of the offer of the Crown to Prince Leopold. As to power of the King to prevent his acceptance. 8 13. To Lord Lyons 8, Interview with Count Bernstorff. Prussia disclaims any knowledge of the negotiations, or any responsibility. The King, however, would not forbid the Prince to accept the Crown .. .. .. .. 9 14. To Mr. Layard 8, Communicates Lord Lyons’ despatches. To point out danger of the present crisis, and urge Spanish Government to avert it 9 15. Lord Lyons .. 8, Conversation with Duc de Gramont. His acknowledgments for friendly assurances of Her Majesty’s Government. No answer from Prussia. Military preparations to commence. The Due declares the complicity of King of Prussia in Prince Leopold’s nomination. Prince Leopold’s own renunciation, however, would be a solution of the question. Her Majesty’s Government urged to bring this about .. 10 16. To Lord Lyons 9, Opinion of Her Majesty’s Government respecting Hohenzollern ’candidature. To urge forbearance 11 17* yy yy •• 9, Regret at strong language of French Government and press. 12 18. To Lord Lyons (and Sir A. Paget) 9, ■ Conversation with Italian Minister respecting efforts for maintenance of peace 12 19. To Lord Lyons 10, Conversation with French Ambassador 13 20. To Sir A. Buchanan .. 10, Policy of Herd Majesty’s Government communicated to Baron Brunnow •« 13 I02I974IV TABLE OF CONTENTS. No. Date. Subject. Page 21. Lord A. Loftus •• July 6, 1870 Language of M. de Thile as to Prince Leopold's candidature • 13 22. „ •• 7, Conversation with Baron Thile. News received from Madrid .. .. .. • • 14 23. Mr. Layard .. •• 7, Communication to Spanish Government of Lord Granville’s telegram* and language of the Regent 14 24. M. Sagasta*to M. Ranees « 7, Views of Spanish Government respecting Prince Leopold’s election 15 25. Lord Lyons ,. 10, Communication of Lord Granville’s despatches to Duc de Gramont 16 26. Mr. Lumley.. 11, Contradiction of statement that Belgium favours Prince Leopold .. .. .. .. 17 27. Mr. Layard .. 10, Representations addressed to Spanish Government ., 18 28. Lord Lyons .. 12, Conversation with Duc de Gramont urging moderation. State of public feeling in France .. .. .. 18 29. 99 >9 •. 12, Official report of Government statement in Corps Législatif .. • » . « .• ». .. 19 30. 99 99 • . 12, Conversation with Duc de Gramont respecting renunciation of Prince Leopold. Question not settled with regard to Prussia .. . • . • • • .. 20 31. To Lord Lyons 13, Approve language reported in No. 28 . 21 32. „ „ 13, Approve language reported in No. 30 • 21 33« 99 99 13, Regret of Her Majesty’s Government that renunciation is not accepted as settlement of the question Observations upon Duc de Gramont/s statement that Her Majesty’s Government admitted demands of France to be legitimate 22 34. 99 ,9 13, 22 35. 99 99 13, Conversation with French Ambassador urging acceptance of renunciation of Prince Leopold .. .. . • 23 36. ' 99 99 13, Disappointment at Duc de Gramont’s language .. 23 37. Vice-Admiral Harris 11, Communication from Spanish Minister to Netherlands Government 24 38. Mr. Layard . 11, Efforts of Italian Government in favour of peace. Moderate tone at Madrid .. .. .. .. 24 39. Lord Lyons . 13, Has sent substance of Lord Granville’s telegram of 13th to Duc de Gramont in the Council 25 40. „ „ .. 13, Duc de Gramont’s announcement in Corps Législatif 25 41 * 99 99 . • 13, Conversation with Duc de Gramont as to terms on which French Government will consider question as finally settled . .. .. . • .. .. 26 42. 99 9> • • 13, Conversation with Duc de Gramont. Language attributed to Lord Granville at Stuttgardt 27 43, To Lord Lyons • • 14, Contradiction of language attributed to Lord Granville at Stuttgardt .. .. .. .. 27 44* 99 )9 •• • • 14, Answer to No. 41. Her Majesty’s Government have recommended King of Prussia to communicate to France his consent to Prince Leopold’s renunciation .. ., 28 45. 99 ft •• 14, Approve note to Duc de Gramont (No. 39) .. 28 46. Mr. Bonar • • 9, Conversation with President of the Swiss Confederation respecting state of affairs .. 29 47. Sir A. Paget •• 9, Conversation with M. Visconti Venosta. Instructions sent to Italian Minister at Madrid .. .. .. 29 48. „ 99 12, Statement made by M. Visconti Venosta in Italian Chamber 30 49. To Lord A. Loftus 15, Conversation with Count Bernstorff. Prussian Government decline suggestion that King of Prussia should communicate to France his consent to Prince Leopold’s renunciation 30 50. Lord A. Loftus • • 12, Count Bismarck’s movements. Attitude of South German States « •• .. .. .. .. 31 51* » » •• 12, Language of Baron Thile. Communication addressed to the South German Governments .. .. 31 02. 99 99 •• 12, Communication to Baron Thile of Lord Granville’s despatch of 6th instant (No. 5) 32 53. 99 99 ,, 13, Conversation with Count Bismarck as to state of affairs .. 32 54. Lord Lyons *. 15, Statement of Duc de Gramont in the Senate 34 55. „ ,, 15, Statement of M. Ollivier in Corps Législatif 34 56. To Lord Lyons • • 15, Conversation with ]\L de Lavalette as to demands of France on Prussia 34 57. To Lord Lyons (and Lord A. Loftus) 15, Recommending mediation. Appeal to Protocol of Paris Congress 35 58.; To Vice-Admiral Harris. 15, Conversation with Netherlands Minister as to neutrality of Holland 35 59.; To Mr. Layard ., 16, Approve steps reported in No. 27 35 60.; Lord Lyons . I 1 14, Effect produced by article in “North German Gazette” announcing refusal of King of Prussia to receive M. Benedetti .. .. • • / $3TABUS OF CONTENTS. So. Date. ' 1 Subject. Page 61. Lord Lyons . .. July 15, 1870 Communication to Duc de Gramont of telegrams and j despatch from Lord Granville .. .. •. ; 36 62. „ . .. is, ; Declarations made by Duc de Gramont and M. Ollivier in the Chambers 38 63. „ . « • ¡ 15, Conversation with Duc de Gramont as to communication from Her Majesty’s Government .. .. .. ’ 39 64» „ J5 « . . . ; : 15, Assurances of Duc de Gramont as to neutrality of Belgium 40 65. To Lord A. Loftus .. 16, To communicate to Count Bismarck French assurances as to neutrality of Belgium .. 41 66. To Lord Lyons 16, Will time be allowed to neutral vessels to sail to and from belligerent ports ? 41 67. To Lord Lyons; (and 16, Suggesting declaration of belligerents in sense of Paris 41 Lord A. Loftus) Declaration of April 16, 1856 68. To Lord Lyons 16, Thanks to French Government for declaration respecting > neutrality of Belgium 42 69. j, ,, • • 16, French subjects in North Germany to be under British protection 42 70. Mr. Layard .. 12, Communication of Lord Granville’s despatches to Spanish Government. Their assurances of desire to maintain 71» ,, »j • • 72. jj j9 » • 73. Lord Lyons . '74. jj 3> • • 75. jj ,, • • 76. Sir A. Buchanan 77 » 9 ,, 78. Lord Bloomfield 79. ,j j, $0. 5, « 81 Lord A. Loftus 32. jj j, 83. jj j, 84. Vice-Admiral Harris .. 85. Lord Lyons . 86. jj jj .» • 87. To Lord Lyons 88. j j jj 89. jj jj 90. jj jj 91. jj j, 92. jj jj 93. Señor Rances 94. Lord A. Loftus 95. To Mr. Layard 96. To Señor Rances 97. Lord A. Loftus 98. Lord Lyons 99. To Lord Lyons 100. To Lord Bloomfield 101. jj jj 102. To Lord A. Loftus . 103. Mr. Bonar 14, 14, 16, 16j 16j 9, 11? 9, 11, 13, 16, 16, 16, 17, 17, 17, 18, 18, 18, 18, 18, 18, 16, 16, 18, 19, 17, 18, 19, 19, 19, 19, 16, peace ., Withdrawal of Prince Leopold Communications with Italian Minister at Madrid Communication to French Government of proposal of mediation „. .. •• As to opportunities of seeing Duc de Gramont .. Official report of Government declaration in Chambers of 15th instant Movements of Prince Gortchakoff. Language of General Fleury Advice given by Russia at Berlin . • Conversation with Count Beust respecting state of affairs .. Unsatisfactory reports received by Count Beust.. ^ Advice given by Austria to France. Feeling in * South Germany Efforts of Italian Government to maintain peace. Attitude of Prussian Government Report of King of Prussia’s Aide-de-camp of communications with M. Benedetti Return of King of Prussia to Berlin. Public enthusiasm . Assurances from French Minister as to neutrality of Luxemburg Note to Duc de Gramont as to time to be given to neutral vessels (No. 67) .. Communication to French Government of Lord Granville’s despatch as to maritime declaration Approving above Approving note respecting time to be allowed to neutral vessels (No. £6j) Approwe languagc to Freuch Government --Approve memoranda sent to Duc de Gramont (No. 61) Approve steps respecting proposal of mediation (No. 74) • French Ambassador has communicated prohibition of strangers with French army Renunciation of Prince Leopold Neutrality of Holland, Belgium, and Luxemburg will be respected by Prussian Government Communication from Spanish Minister respecting candidature of Prince of Hohenzollern Acknowledging communication of renunciation of Prince of Hohenzollern (No. 94) Has urged North German Government to have recourse to the 23rd Protocol of Paris Congress, 1856 .. No stranger to follow French army French Government cannot accept mediation. Conversation with French Ambassador Endeavours of Austro-Hungarian Government at Berlin for preservation of peace. Conversation with Count Apponyi Conversation with Count Apponyi. His Government have urged withdrawal of candidature of Prince Leopold at Madrid and moderation at Paris Count Bernstorff’s observations as to King of Prussia’s communication of renunciation of Prince Leopold to M. Benedetti Attitude of Switzerland. Statement of President of the Confederation to Chambers 42 48 44 44 45 46 49 49 50 50 50 51 51 51 52 52 53 54 54 M 54 55 55 55 56 56 56 57 58 58 58 59 60 60VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. No. ; Date. Subject. Page 104. Vice-Admiral Harris.. July 18, 1870 Neutrality of Holland will be respected by France and Prussia. Promise of North German Government to respect neutrality of Luxemburg, contingently on France doing so 63 105. Lord Lyons » 18, French assurances as to respecting neutrality of Luxemburg and Holland 64 106. „ „ .. 19, Bavarian suggestion rejected by King of Prussia. Conversation with Due de Gramont 64 107* „ ,, .. 18, Declaration of war sent to Berlin on the 17th. Conversation with Due de Gramont on refusal of France to appeal to mediation 64 108. ,, >, -. «• 19 Commerce of neutrals. Conversation with Due de Gramont 65 109. „ „ .. 19, No foreigners to be received at French head-quarters 65 110. To Lord Lyons .. 20, Bavarian suggestion referred to in No. 106 not recommended to Prussia bv Her Majesty’s Government 65 in. „ 20, Non-acceptance by France of mediation. Approves No. 107 66 112. „ 20, Commerce of neutrals. Approves No. 108 .. -... Satisfaction of Her Majesty’s Government at assurance that France will respect the neutrality of Luxemburg and 66 113. „ 20, Holland 66 114. To Sir A. Buchanan *# 20, Proposal of Baron Brunnow to avert hostilities by Great Powers recording renunciation of Prince Leopold’s candidature in a Protocol 66 115. Mr. Bonar .. 18, Assurances of France, Prussia, and Baden respecting Swiss neutrality 67 116. Lord A. Loftus 19, Prussian reply to offer of mediation 68 117. To Lord Lyons 21, Conversation with French Ambassador. Neutrality of Belgium, Holland*, Luxemburg, and Switzerland. 118. „ „ Neutrality of England 68 21, Neutral property in enemy’s ships. As to interpretation of French Declaration .. .. .. 69 119. Lord Lyons 21, Treatment of merchant-vessels and subjects of belligerent States.. 70 120. M. de Lavalette 22, Declaration of war. French Government will abide by Declaration of April 16, 1856, and urges exact observance of strict neutrality by British authorities and subjects .. .. • • 72 121. Communicated by M. 22, Declaration to Senate and Legislative Body. War dates Lavalette] from July 19 Enemy’s vessels with British cargoes for British ports on British account. As to position of .. 73 122. Lord Lyons ,. 22, 73 123. n ,* •• 23, Due de Gramont’s note to French Ambassador in London refusing mediation 75 124. „ „ 24, Temporary privilege to enemy’s ships with French cargoes for French ports not applicable to British cargoes and ports • • •• •• •• • • • • 76Correspondence respecting the Negotiations preliminary to the War between France and Prussia, 1870. No. 1. Mr. Layard to Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State, Foreign Office.—(Received July 5, 5-50 r.M.) (Telegraphic.) Son lldefonso, July 5, 1870, 12*10 p.m. THE Council of Ministers assembled here last night under the Regent have decided upon proposing the hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern Sigmaringen as a candidate for the Throue. The Cortes is summoned for the 20th of the month, and it is expected that he will be accepted by the requisite majority. No. 2. Lord Lyons to Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State, Foreign Office.—(Received July 6.) (Extract.) Paris, July 5, 1870. THE Due de Gramont told me this afternoon that the French Government had received positive intelligence that the Crown of Spain had been offered by General Prim to the P.ince Leopold of Hohenzollern, and has been accepted by the Prince. To this, continued M. de Gramont, France will not resign herself, and when I say that we shall not resign ourselves to it, I mean that we shall not permit it, and that we shall use our whole strength to prevent it. M. de Gramont then informed me that he had declared categorically to Baron de Werther, the Prussian Ambassador, that France would not tolerate the establishment of the Prince de Hohenzollern or any other Prussian Prince on the Throne of Spain. Baron de Werther had, M. de Gramont said, answered that he was on the point of setting out for E ns to pay his duty to his^Sovereign, and that he would not fail to inform His Majesty of the sentiments of the French Government. M. de Grimont proceeded to observe to me that nothing could be further from the wishes of the French Government than to interfere in the internal affairs of Spain, but that the interest and the dignity of France alike forbade them to permit the establishment of a Prussian Dynasty in the Peninsula. They could not consent to the existence of a state of things which would oblige them, in case of war with Prussia, to keep -a watch upon Spain, which would paralyze a division of their army. The proposal to set the Crown of Spain upon a Prussian head was nothing less than an insult to Fiance. With a full consideration of all that such a declaration implied, the Government of the Emperor declared that France would not endure it. Finally M. de Gramont begged me to lose no time in making your Lordship acquainted with the sentiments of the Emperor’s Government, and expressed’his earnest hope that Her Majesty’s Government would co-operate with him in endeavouring to ward off an event which would, he said, be fraught with danger to the peace of Europe. [333] B2 No. 3. Lord Lyons to Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State, Foreign Office.—(Received July 6.) (Telegraphic.) Paris, July 6, 1870, 4 p.m. THE following is the substance, given from memory, of a declaration just made in the Corps Législatif by the Minister for Foreign Affairs :— “ it is true that Prim has offered the Crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hohen-zollern, and that the Prince has accepted it. We are ignorant of the details of a negotiation whjch has been concealed from us. We have respected the rights of a nation in the full exercise of its sovereignty, and have never manifested either favour or aversion to any candidate for the Throne of Spain. We have observed the strictest neutrality. We shall continue to do so ; but we do not consider that this principle obliges us to allow a foreign Power to disturb the balance of power in Europe to our disadvantage by placing one of its Princes on the Spanish Throne, To prevent this we trust to the prudence of the German people and to the friendship of the people of Spain. But if it should be th '«fwke, we shall perform our duty without hesitation and without weakness.” The declaration was received with'loud applause from all parts of the Chamber. No. 4. Emd Granville to Lard Lyons. My Lord, Foreign Office, July 6, 1870. 1 RECEIVED at the "House of Lords yesterday afternoon your telegram, dated a few hours before, stating the first impression .made on the Due de Gramont by the intelligence of the Crown of Spain having been offered to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern; and this morning 1 received your despatch of the saute date giving a more detailed report of what had passed between you and his Excellency. On my return horn Windsor this afternoon the French Ambassador called upon me. His Excellency held to me the same language as that which you report as having been held to you by the Due de Gramont. France, he said, disclaimed any desire to interfere with Spain ; and after stating the arguments which render the possession of the Crown of Spain bv * Prussian Prince dangerous to France, he concluded by assuring me that the circumstances were of the gravest character, and that, in his opinion, the Government of the Emperor could not, under the pressure of public opinion, admit a project of such a nature. He added, however, that there was no reason why any preliminary means ¡should not he tried to avert so great an evil as that which might result from it; and he addressed himself to the Government of the Queen, on the strength of the friendly relations which subsisted between England and France and of the desire of Her Majesty’s Government to maintain the peace of Europe, requesting them to exercise all their influence upon Prussia and upon Spain in order to put u stop to the projected installation of the Prince on the Spanish Throne. Itokl M. de La valet te that Her Majesty’s Government had been surprised by the news ; that I perfectly understood the unfavourable effect which such an announcement was calculated to produce in trance, although l did not agree with all the arguments that he had used with respect to the importance to so great a nation as France of a German .Prince on the Throne of Spain ; and that I reserved my opinion on facts of which I had as yet an imperfect knowledge. I said that it was a matter of regret to me that such strong language as that reported by your Excellency to have been addressed to Baron Werther had been used ; but I -added that it was not so much a moment for the general discussion, but rather to see '•what .could he done that could tend to a favourable issue of the affair. I readily assented to his request that Her Majesty’s Government should use what influence they might, possess, both with Prussia and with Spain; and, without any pretension to dictate to either Power, they would advise them to take into their most serious consideration, such as its gravity required, all the bearings of this question ; and I promised to communicate at once with your Excellency, Lord Augustus Loftus, and Mr. Layard. 'Tam,&c. (Signed) GRANVILLE.3 No. 5. Earl Granville to Lord A. Loftus. My Lord, Foreign Office, Juty KW. MR.. GLADSTONE and I were taken By surprise yesterday evening by the news that the Government of Spain had offered the Crown of Spain to Prince Leopold'o'f Hohenzollern; it appears also that the offer has been accepted by the Prince. Her Majesty’s Government have no wish to interfere in any way in the internal affairs of Spain; still less have they the pretension of dictating in such a matter to North Germany: but they certainly hope, and they cannot but believe, that this project, of which they have been hitherto ignorant, has not received any sanction from the King. Some of the greatest calamities to the world have been produced hy small causes, and by mistakes trivial in their origin. In the present state of opinion in France, the possession of the Crown of Spain by a Prussian Prince would be sure to lead to great and dangerous irritation. Of this, indeed, we have conclusive evidence in the report just received of what has been stated bythe Mimstee to the-French-Chamber. In Prussia it can be an object of no importance that a member of the House of Hohenzollern should be on the Throne of the most Catholic country in Europe. It is not clear that he wquld receive the allegiance of the Spanish people, divided as they are into parties, many of which would be necessarily opposed to Prince Leopold, and would possibly unite against him. Success could add but little to the dignity of the Royal Family of Prussia or to the power of North Germany, while the want of it could net fail to be a painful incident. It is not, however, so much as to the bearing w hich this question has upon North Germany, of which the King and his advisers are the best judges, that I wish to lav stress, as upon the result it may have on the future welfare of Spain,—an object which Prussia must have as much at heart as Her Majesty’s Government. It is in the interest of civilization, and of European peace and order that Spain should consolidate her institutions. It is almost impossible that this should be accomplished if a new monarchy be. inaugurated, which is certain to excite jealousy and unfriendly feelings, if not hostile acts, on the part of her immediate and powerful neighbour. Such feelings in France would be too likely to find an echo among some of those parties to whose existence in Spain I have already alluded. I venture, therefore, to hope that the King and his advisers will find it consistent with their own views of what is best for Spain effectually to discourage a project fraught with risk, to the best interests of that country. You will not fail to point out that if these sentiments be just, the King of Prussia, whose reign has brought about so signal an aggrandisement of that country, has now an opportunity not less signal of exercising a wise and disinterested magnanimity, with the certain effect of conferring an inestimable service on Europe by the maintenance of itg peace. You will be careful to say nothing which could give ground for the supposition that Her Majesty’s Government controvert, or even discuss, the abstract right of Spain in the choice of her own Sovereign. For your own information I may add that we have not in any measure admitted that the assumption of'the Spanish Throne by Prince Leopold would justify the immediate resort to arms threatened by France. On this topic, however, you are not to enter at present in communicating with the Prussian Government The groundwork of the representations which you are instructed to make, and of those which, with a similar aim, Her Majesty’s Government have addressed to the Government of Spain, is prudential. To considerations, however, of that class I cannot but add the reflection that the strict secrecy_ with which these proceedings have been conducted as between the Spanish Ministry and the Prince who has been the object of their choice, seems inconsistent, on the part of Spain, with the spirit of friendship, or the rules of comity between nations, and has given, what Her Majesty’s Government cannot but admit to be, so far as it goes, just cause of offence, which,, it may perhaps be contended, it may be impossiblfc’tt) remove so long as the candidature of the Prince continues. l am, &c. (Signed) GRANVILLE1. B %4 No. 6. Lord Lyons to Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State, Foreign Office.—(Received My Lord, Paris, July 6, 1870. A FEW minutes after the declaration of the Duc de Gramont on the offer of the Crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern was made this afternoon in the Corps Législatif, 1 dispatched to your Lordship a telegram giving from memory the substance of it. I have now the honour to transmit, to your Lordship a copy of the text of it. It was received with enthusiasm by the whole Body. Loud applause greeted it from all sides. I have, &c. (Signed) LYONS. Inclosure in No. 6. Text of the Duc de Gramont's Declaration in the Corps Législatif. JE viens répondre à l’interpellation qui m’a été posée hier par l’honorable M. Cochery. Il est vrai que le Maréchal Prim a offert au Prince Leopold de Hohenzollern la couronne d’Espagne, et que ce dernier l’a acceptée. Mais le peuple Espagnol ne s’est point encore prononcé, et nous ne connaissons point encore les détails vrais d’une négociation qui nous a été cachée. Aussi, une discussion ne saurait-elle aboutir maintenant à aucune résultat pratique. Nous vous prions, Messieurs, de l’ajourner. Nous n’avons cessé de témoigner nos sympathies à la nation Espagnole, et d’éviter tout ce qui aurait pu avoir les apparences d’une immixtion quelconque dans les affaires intérieures d’une noble et grande nation, en plein exercice de sa souveraineté ; nous ne sommes pas sortis à l’égard des divers prétendants au trône de la plus stricte neutralité, et nous n’avons jamais témoigné pour aucun d’eux ni prélérence ni éloignement. Nous persisterons dans cette conduite. Mais nous ne croyons pas que le respect des droits d'un peuple voisin nous oblia-e à souffrir qu’une Puissance étrangère, en plaçant un de ses Princes sur le Ttône de Charles Quint, puisse déranger à notre détriment l’équilibre actuel des forces en Europe, et mettre en péril les intérêts et l’honneur de la France. Cette éventualité, nous en avons le ferme espoir, ne se réalisera pas. Pour l’empêcher, nous comptons à la fois sur la sagesse du peuple Allemand et sur l’amitié du peuple Espagnol. S’il en était autrement, forts de votre appui, Messieurs, et de celui de la nation, nous saurions remplir notre devoir sans hésitation et sans faiblesse. (Translation.) T AM about to reply to the interpellation addressed to me yesterday by the Honour-ble M. Cochery. It is true that Marshal Prim has offered the Crown of Spain to the Prince of Hohenzollern, and that he has accepted it. But the Spanish people have not vet declared themselves, and we are not yet acquainted with the true details of a negotiation which was concealed from us. Accordingly, a discussion could not at present lead to any practical result. ' We beg you, gentlemen, to postpone it. ,We have not ceased to show our sympathy for the Spanish nation, and to avci ! everything that could have had the appearance of an interference of any kind in the intcrad affairs of a noble and great nation in the full exercise of its sovereignty; we have nr, with regard to the vaiious candidates for the Throne, departed from the strie..est neutrality, and we have never shown any of them either preference or aversion. We shall persist in this conduct. But we do not think that respect for the rhrUs of a neighbouring people compels us to suffer that, a foreign Power, by placing one of its Princes on the Throne of Charles V, should disturb to our disadvantage the pre?eu: balance of power in Europe and should endanger the interests and honour of France. This eventuality we firmly hope will not lie realized. To prevent if, we count at once on the wisdom of the German people and ths friendship of the Spanish people.5 If it should be otherwise, strong in your support, gentlemen, and in that of the nation, we should know how to discharge our duty without hesitation and without weakness. No. 7. Earl Granville to Mr. Laycrd. Sir, Foreign Office, July 7, 1870. YOUR telegram of the 5th instant, announcing that the Council of Ministers had decided on proposing the hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern as a candidate for the Spanish Throne, and that the Cortes had, in consequence, been summoned for the 20th of this month, contained the first intimation that Her Majesty’s Government received of such a measure being contemplated by the Provisional Government. From the accounts which they have subsequently received the proceeding appears to have been received with great disfavour by the French Government, and to have called forth in the French Chamber yesterday a very decided declaration from the French Minister for Foreign Affairs as to the view which the French Government would take of the matter if persevered in. Her Majesty’s Government have no desire to recommend any particular person whatever to Spain as her future Sovereign, or to interfere in any way with the choice of the Spanish nation ; but entertaining as they do the strongest wish for the well-being of Spain, it is impossible that they should not feel anxious as to the consequences of the step-thus taken by the Provisional Government, and they would wish you, whde carefully abstaining from employing any language calculated to offend them, to use everv pressure upon them which, in your judgment, may contribute to induce them to abandon the project of conferring the Throne of Spain on Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern. I need scarcely, however, point out to you the importance of carefully avoiding any course which might provoke them to adhere to it. I am, &c. (Signed) GRANVILLE. No. 8. Earl Granville to Mr. Layará. Sir, Foreign Office, July 7. 1870. I HAVE seen the Spanish Minister to-day. He translated to me a telegram which» he had received fiom his Government announcing that the Crown of Spain bad been offered by them to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern, and that the offer had been accepted by his Highness, and expressing the conviction that the choice thus made by them of a Sovereign for Spain would be agreeable to all the Powers of Europe. I told Señor de Ranees that I had been surprised by the news which I had received two days ago; that with regard to the satisfaction with which it would be received by foreign nations, I was not speaking merely after the event, but it was impossible not to have foreseen that such a choice, secretly madfe and suddenly announced, would create great irritation in France. I said that there was nothing in which I regretted my succession to Lord Clarendon so much as in regard to Spain ; that he knew it so well, and the interest that he took in its prosperity was so much appreciated by Spaniards, that his influence won id have been great in this critical moment. But my only wish was to follow in his footsteps, and do all I could to co-operate in what might advance the prosperity of Spain, without pretending to dictate or to interfere in her internal affairs. I begged him, however, to explain to his Government, in terms which would be scrupulously compatible with their dignity, that. Leonid not press upon them too much on prudential grounds, the wisli of Her Majesty’s Government that they should not give effect to a step which, as the elevation of Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern to the Throne of Spain, might, on the one hand, bring on great European calamities, and which, on the other, was almost certain to render the relations of Spain with a Power which was her immediate neighbour, of a painful, if not hostile character. 1 said that a monarchy inaugurated under such auspices would not consolidate the6 pew institutions of the country, and that difficulties abroad would certainly find an echo in SSpfiin herself. flefior Ranees explained that the project was one which had not been intended as hostile to France; that it was the natural result of other combinations which had failed; that it was to meet the ardent wish of the Liberal party to have a King, in order to consolidate their institutions-. Rut he begged me to remark that it was only a resolution of the Ministers with a view to put some proposition before the country; that the Cortes would have to decide ; that there was no reason to suppose that they would take any rash or injudicious step. Señor Ranees promised to report to his Government in as strong terms as were consistent with the respect due to them the earnest wish of Her Majesty’s Government that they should act in this matter with a view to the maintenance of peace in Europe* future welfare of Spain. I am* &c. * Signed) GRANVILLE. No. 9. Lordt: Egons to Eteri Granville.—(¡Received1 July 8.) (Extract.V Partis^ July 7, 1870* IN my telegram of yesterday I gave your Lordship, from memory, the substance of the declaration made in the Corps Législatif by the Duc de Gramont, respecting the offer of the Crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hbhenzollern ; and with my despatch of yesterday I sent your Lordship the text of that declaration. Observations from M. Crémieux and M. Arago, Members of the Extreme Left party, elicited from M. Emile Ollivier a strong assertion that the declaration was not to be taken as a sign that the Government was designedly or willingly preparing the way for war. He denied that it contained anything which could reasonably give offence either to Spain or to Prussia ; and uttered emphatically the following words :—“ Le Gouvernement desire la paix ; il la désire ayec passion .... il la désire avec passion, mais avec honneur.’* No. 10. Lord Lyons to Earl Grmnnille.—(Received July 8.) My Lord, Paris, July 7, 1870. IN my despatch of the day before yesterday I reported a conversation which I had had on the evening of that day with the Due de Gramont on the subject of the offer of the Ctown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hobenzollern. In the evening I went to the ordinary reception of M. Emile Ollivier, who took me one side and spoke to me at some length, and with considerable emphasis, respecting this affair. His language was in substance the same as that held by M. de Gramont, but he entered into rather more detail,, and spoke with still more precision of the impossi-bifitpof permitting the Prince to become King of Spain. Public opinion in France, he saidt would never tolerate it, Any Cabinet—any Government—which acquiesced in it would he at once overthrown. For his own part, it was well known he had never been an enemy to Germany, hut with all bis good-will towards the Germans he must confess that he felt this proceeding to be an insult, and fully shared the indignation of the public, > M. Erniie Ollivier then proceeded to speak of the declaration which was to be made by the,' Minister for Foreign Affair*in the Chamber on the following day. I, urged that it s&etdd: be moderate ; and M. Ollivier assured me that it should be as mild as was compatible with the necessity of satisfying;public, opinion, in France. But,.in fact, he said, our language is this “ We. are not, uneasy, because we have a firm hope, that the thing will not be done; but if it were to be done, we would not tolerate it.” After this conversation, I hardly expected that, the declaration would have been so «¡frangly worded as it proved to be* The terms of it were settled on the following morning at.a Council at St. Cloud,, at which the-Emperor presided, and it was, as, your Igird&hip is aware, read in the Corps L6gislatif in the afternoons. The declaration, however, forcible as it was, did not go at all beyond the feeling of the Canntry. It is only too plain that^ without considering how far the real interests of France may be in question, the nation ha^taken lJj^Rroppsalito place, th,e Prince, of Hohenaallera©a the Throne of Spain, as an insult and a chaffefrge froth YB'asIta. ’This "srodftd'iiSlffdlld ^■Sadowa on French ^pride had never been ebtopletefy healed,—-neverthiiteiss, fine had ‘begun to produce the effect of reconciling men’s nnuds to what was done and ctftilif bbt he helped, and irritation was subsiding. Now this unhappy affair has revived all tht did animosity; the Government and the people have alike made it a point of honour1 to prevent the accession of the Prince, and they have gone too far to recede. I do not, however, believe that either the Emperor or his Ministers either wish Hsr war or expect it. At this moment, they confidently hope that they shall succeed without War in preventing the Prince from wearing the Crown of Spain. They conceive that* if this should be so, they shall gain popularity at home by giving effect energetically to ‘the feeling of the nation ; and that they shall raise their Credit abroad as well as at home by a diplomatic success. They are, moreover, not sorry to have an opportunity of testing the public feeling with regard to Prussia. Lastly, they are convinced that it would have been mpossible, with safety, to put up with what, rightly or wrongly, the nation would regal'd is a fresh triumph of Prussia over France. In pursuing this policy, however, they have tun the risk of enlisting the pride Of Germany as well as of Spain in the cause of the Prince of Hohettzollern, and have left themselves no means of retreat. If they do not succeed in preventing the success '6f the Prince by peaceful means, they have avowedly n© alternative but to go to war. I have, &end to peace in Europe. Could he wish that Spain’s re appearance on the political scene of Europe should be the signal for ruin and bloodshed? Would he wish his name to go down to posterity as the author of all these evils ? Let him be strongly urged to prevent the early assembling of the Cortes. In this way the election would be prevented, and all might be well again. I inquired of M. de Gramont what was the present state of his communications with Prussia and Spain. From Prussia, he said, he had no answer, and he did not yet know what had been the result of the representations which Baron de Werther had undertaken, to make to the King at Ems. The Spanish Government, on the other hand, had coolly informed him that they were not surprised that the first intelligence of the acceptance of the Crown by the Prince of Hohenzollern had caused some emotion in France; but that they hoped that this would pass off, and that on reflection the French Government would admit that it was the inevitable solution of the Spanish question. No. 12. Lord Lyons to Earl Granville.—(Received July 8.) (Extract.) Paris, July 7, 1870. THE Count de Solms-Sonnenwalde, who is acting as Prussian Chargé d’Affaires in the absence of Baron Werther, the Ambassador, called upon me soon after I returned from the Duc de Gramont this afternoon, and expressed surprise at the declaration made in the Corps Législatif yesterday. He observed that Baron de Werther had engaged to represent the views of the Krench Government to the King of Prussia at Ems, and that it would have been natural to wait to know the result before making so strong a public announcement. M. de Solms went on to say that he had no positive information, but that he thought it extremelv probable that neither the King nor Count Bismarck knew anything about the offer of the Spanish Crown to Prince Leopold, and that the affair had been settled at Dusseldorf, at which place the Prince s fa!her lived. At all events, it was not conceivable that Prussia could have any interest in placing a Prince of Hohenzollern on the Throne of Spain. The relationship of these Hohenzollerns with the Royal Family was so remote that it would be difficult to define it. I askéd M, de. Solms what power the King of Prussia, as Chief of the House of Hohenzollern, or as Sovereign, could exercise over the Prince in the present case. He said (hat he hardly knew; that certainly Prince Leopold being in the army, could not leave it without the King’s permission.9 I observed to M. de Solms, that much as we might deplore it, we could not shut our eyes to the fact that the feelings of the French nation would now render it impossible for the Government, even if they wished it, to acquiesce in the elevation of Prince Leopold to the Spanish Throne. Neither Prussia, nor any other nation that I knew of, had any real interest in making the Prince King of Spain; but all nations were deeply interested in preventing war, and that nation would most deserve the gratitude of Europe which should put an end to this cause of disquiet and danger. It seemed to me that the King of Prussia might, more than any otter Sovereign, have the means of putting a stop to the whole thing in a dignified and honourable manner. No. 13. Earl Granville to Lord Lyons. My Lord, Foreign Office, July 8, 1870. COUNT BERNSTORFF called upon me to-day, and informed me that he had received letters from the King of Prussia, and also from Berlin, and from Count Bismarck, from the general tenor of which it appeared that the reply of the North German Government to the request first made to them by France, R.r explanation respecting the offer of the Crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern, was to the effect that it was not an affair which concerned the Prussian Government. They did not pretend to interfere with the independence of the Spanish nation, but left it to the Spaniards to settle their own affairs; and they were unable to give any information as to the negotiations which had passed between the Provisional Government of Madrid and the Prince of Hohenzollern. Count Bernstorff said that he was no! aware of the date at which the demand for explanation was made by the French Government, or of that of the answer which was returned to it. His Excellency went on to say that the North German Government did not wish to interfere with the matter, but left it to the French to take what course they liked ; and the Prussian Representative at Palis had been directed to abstain from taking any part in it. The North German Government had no desire for a war of succession, but if France chooses to make war on them on account of the choice of a King made by Spain, such a proceeding on her part would be an evidence of a disposition to quarrel without any lawful cause. It was premature, however, to discuss the question as long as the Cortes has not decided on accepting Prince Leopold as King of Spain; still, if France chooses to attack North Germany, that country will defend itself. Count Bernstorff' went on to say that the language which he had stated to me as held bv the North German Government was al=o held by the King of Prussia. His Majesty, he added, was a stranger to the negotiations with Prince Leopold, but he will not forbid the Prince to accept the Crown of Spain. Count Bernstorff dwelt much on the violent language of France. I repeated to his Excellency the principal arguments of a despatch which I had addressed to Lord Augustus Loftus, and in which I pointed out that it was in the interest of Spain that Her Majesty’s Government pressed the North German Government to consider the importance of an amicable solution being found for the question that had been raised; and I added that the position of North Germany was such that, while it need not yield to menace, it ought not to be swayed in another direction by hasty words uttered in a moment of great excitement. I am, &c. (Signed) GRANVILLE. No. 14. Earl Granville to Mr. Layard. Sir, Foreign Office, July 8, 1870. I REND you by the messenger Captain Bagge copies of despatches which l have this morning received from Lord Lyons. You will learn by these in what a serious light the offer of the Crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern is viewed by the French Government, and how imminent is the risk of great calamities if means cannot be devised for averting them, [333 J CHear: Majesty’s Government are not »ware whether any or, if any, what amount of sanction may have been given by North Germany; to the ofter to,, and acceptance by, Brinee; Hohenzollern of the Grown of Spain. They are ignorant of the impression which may have been produced on the King of Prussia and his Government by the Language of the French Government. On that point, therefore, they can say nothing ; hut they wilt use their best exertions to calm any irritation which the proceedings in the French Chambers, may have provoked at Berlin, and to dissuade the Prussian Government from upholding a project of placing a Prince of the family of Hohenzollern, who, from his connection with the Royal Family of Prussia, and his position in that country, would, under any circumstances, be always looked upon in France with suspicion, on the Throne of Spam. But, putting out of view what may possibly result from wounded feelings on the part of Prussia, the removal of the cause of dissension rests primarily with Spain. As regards the Provisional Government of Spain, Her Majesty’s Government feel sure that it would not be their wish to do anything which would be unnecessarily offensive to France, from whom they have received much consideration in the crisis through which Spain is passing: The Provisional Government, in turning their thoughts to the Prince of Hohenzollern, probably looked at the matter in an exclusively Spanish and not in an European point of view; and being convinced of the necessity of the speedy re-establishment of a monarchy in Spain, and disheartened by the successive obstacles which they had encountered in attempting to bring it about, they turned their attention to a Prince who might be ready to accept the Crown, and who, in other respects, might be acceptable to the Spanish people. Her Majesty’s Government are prepared to hear that the excitement which, looked at in an European point of view, their choice has called forth, was unexpected by the Provisional Government, whose wish Her Majesty’s 'Government feel sure can never be to connect the restoration of the monarchy in Spain with a general disturbance of the peace of Europe. The Spanish Government would certainly have deemed, as all the friends of Spain must deem, such a combination fraught with danger to Spain herself. Even if she were in no way party to the origin of such a conflict as must thereupon ensue, the general disquietude which war would cause throughout Europe, and which would extend far beyond the countries immediately engaged in it, would be fatal to the development of Constitutional Government in Spain. Her Majesty’s Government have no wish to press upon the Government of Spain their own ideas, but they believe it would be unfriendly on their part to abstain from thus toying before the Provisional Government some of the prudential reasons which seem to them of vital importance to the best interests of Spain. They hope that their doing so will be accepted by the Spanish Government as the best evidence of their anxiety for the greatness and prosperity of Spain, and of their admiration of the wise course of improvement which has been inaugurated under the Provisional Government; and they trust that this frank communication may induce the Spanish Government to avoid all precipitation, and to devise some means consistent with their dignity and honour to put an end to the present embarrassment. I am, &e. (Signed) GRANVILLE. No. 15. Lord Lyons to Earl Granville.—(Received July 9.) My ¡Lord, Paris, July 8, 1870. THE Due de Gramont expressed to me this afternoon great satisfaction with a report which he had just received of a conversation which your Lordship had had with the Marquis de Lavalette. He desired me to give your Lordship his best thanks for the friendly feeling you had manifested towards France. M. de Gramont went on to say that he was still without any answer from Prussia, and that this silence rendered it impossible for the French Government to abstain any longer'froBB making military preparations. Some steps iii this direction had been already taken, and to-morrow the military authorities must begin in earnest. The movements of troops would be settled at the Council to be held at St. Cloud in the morning. On my manifesting some surprise and regret at the rapid pace at which the French Government seemed to be proceeding, M. de Gramont insisted that it was impossible for them to delay any’longer.. They had reason, to know ti^deed the Spanish Ministers didnot deny it) that the King of Prussia had been cognizant of the negotiation between Marshal Prim and the Prince of Hohenzollern throughout. It was therefore incumbent upon His Majesty, if he desired to show friendship towards France, to prohibit formally the acceptance of the Crown by a Prince of his House. Silence or an evasive answer would be equivalent to a refusal. It could not be said that the quarrel was of France’s seeking. On the contrary, from the battle of Sadowa up to this incident, France had shown a patience, a-moderation, and a conciliatory spirit which had, in the opinion of a vast number of Frenchmen, been carried much too far. Now, when all was tranquil, and the irritation caused by the aggrandizement of Prussia was gradually subsiding, the Prussians, in defiance of the feelings and of the interest of France, endeavoured to establish one of their Princes on the Pyrenees. This aggression it was impossible for France to put up with. It was earnestly to be hoped that the King would efface the impression it had made, by openly forbidding the Prince to go to Spain. There was another solution of the question to which the Due de Gramont would beg me to call the particular attention of Her Majesty’s Government. The Prince of Hohenzollern might of his own accord abandon his pretensions to the Spanish Crown. He must surely have accepted the offer of it in the hope of doing good to his adopted country. When he saw that his accession would bring domestic and foreign war upon his new country, while it would plunge the country of his birth, and indeed all Europe, into hostilities, he would surely hesitate to make himself responsible for such calamities. If this view of the subject were pressed upon him, he could not but feel that honour and duty required him to sacrifice the idle ambition of ascending a Throne on which it was plain he could never be secure. A voluntary renunciation, on the part of the Prince would, M. de Gramont thought, be a most fortunate solution of difficult and intricate questions; and he begged Her Majesty’s Government to use all their influence to bring it about. I have, &c. -(Signed) LYONS. .. -..I—■....... ...... M > - .. ....................— No. 16» Earl Granville to Lord Lyons. My Lord, Foreign Office, July 9, 1870. I HATE received and laid before the Queen your Excellency’s despatches of the 7th instant, respecting the crisis in European affairs which has arisen from the offer of the Throne of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern. You will thank the Due de Gramont for the frankness of the communication that he has made to you, and for the friendly and certainly not misplaced confidence which he has shown by appealing to Her Majesty’s Government to use their influence to avert the present danger. Her Majesty’s Government are not able to perceive that the nomination of Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern to the Throne of Spain is a matter of such importance to a great and powerful nation like France as to warrant carrying to extremes a national feeling of resentment. But it appears clear that such a feeling does exist, and it is probably in deference to such public opinion that words have been publicly used by Ministers of the Emperor, which, at the outset undoubtedly add greatly to the difficulty of an amicable settlement of this question. Her Majesty’s Government feel confident that the Imperial Government will act with moderation and forbearance in the further conduct of this affair, and hope that an adjustment of the present question may be effected without any disturbance of the peace of Europe, and without any interruption of friendly relations between the different powers more immediately concerned in the dispute. The Due de Gramont may rest assured that no effort will be wanting on the part of Her Majesty’s Government to contribute to an object so desirable, and of such grave importance. I am, &c. (Signed) GRANVILLE.12 No. 17. Earl Granville to Lord Lyons. My Lord, Foreign Office, July 9, 1870. I HAVE this morning received your Excellency’s despatch of yesterday’s date, giving an account of a further conversation with the Due de Gramont on the offer of the Crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern. I acquainted your Excellency in my despatch of the 6th instant that in my first interview with the French Ambassador after the receipt of the news, I had expressed to him my regret that such strong language, as was reported by you, had been used on the subject by the Due de Gramont in conversing with the Prussian Ambassador at Paris. Her Majesty’s Government have continued to regret the tenor of the observations successively made in the French Chambers and in the French press, which tend to excite rather than to allay the angry feelings which have been aroused in France, and may only too probably call forth similar feelings in Germany and in Spain ; and their regret has been increased by the intimation now given to you by the Due de Gramont that military preparations would forthwith be made in France. Such a course is, they fear, calculated to render abortive the attempts which Her Majesty’s Government are making to bring about an amicable settlement, and is calculated to raise a serious question as to the expediency of making any further efforts at the present moment for that purpose, which precipitate action on the part of France can hardly fail to render nugatory, and of rather reserving such efforts for a future time, when the parties most directly interested may be willing to second them by moderation and forbearance in the support of their respective views. I am, &c. (Signed) GRANVILLE. No. 18. Earl Granville to Lord Lyons.* My Lord, Foreign Office, July 9, 1870. THE Italian Minister called upon me to-day with a communication from his Government respecting the question now pending between France, Prussia, and Spain. He said that the French Government had addressed themselves to the Cabinet of Florence, with a request that they would use their influence for the maintenance of peace, and that the Italian Government being most anxious that no disturbance of the general peace should take place, were quite ready to act as requested bv the French Government, and desired to make known to the Government of Her Majesty that they were prepared to join their efforts to those of Great Britain for this purpose. On this account M. de Cadorna was instructed to ascertain the views of Her Majesty’s Government on the present critical state of affairs, and whether and to what extent any joint action should take place between the two Governments. I told the Italian Minister, in reply, that Her Majesty’s Government were very sensible of the friendly confidence by which his communication was dictated ; and I told him thè substance of what Her Majesty’s Government bad already done and written on the subject, as set forth in the despatches addressed to your Excellency, Lord Augustus Loftus, and Mr. Layard. I expressed my satisfaction at the wise decision at which the Italian Government had arrived, to contribute as far as it could to the maintenance of general peace ; and although the combined action of other Powers to reconcile the differences which had produced such alarm did not appear to be, at all events for the present, desirable, the Italian Government might rest assured that, while acting separately, Her Majesty’s Government would be found pn all occasions acting cordially with them in the same spirit as that by which, I am happy to learn, the Cabinet of Florence was now animated. I said that I would keep the Italian Government fuily informed of the steps which might be taken by Her Majesty’s Government; and that 1 did not doubt that they would be equally communicative towards us. I am, &c. (Signed) GRANVILLE. -.. ' .. ■ n_________________!__________________ * A similar despatch was addressed to S.r Augustus Paget.13 No. 19. Earl Granville to Lord Lyons. My Lord, Foreign Office, July 10, 1870. IN an interview which I have had to-day with the French Ambassador, 1 informed him confidentially that I had heard from Mr. Lavard that Marshal Prim, though without committing himself, was in communication with Mr. Lavard as to whether means might not be found for settling the question of the Spanish succession without any impeachmeut to the honour of Spain. Her Majesty’s Government are fully persuaded that the Imperial Government have no desire for war, but only contemplate resorting to that extremity with the view o preventing the realization of a contingency which they consider would affect the honour and interests of France; and in intimating this conviction to the Marquis de Lavalette, I added that the intelligence from Madrid, which I had just imparted to him, seemed to me to afford strong additional grounds for avoiding any precipitate action in the question in dispute. I am, &c. ’(Signed) GRANVILLE. No. 20. Earl Granville to Sir A. Buchanan. Sir, Foreign Office, July 10, 1870. I HAVE explained to Baron Brunnow the policy which has been adopted by Her Majesty’s Government in regard to the nomination of the Prince of Hohenzollern asa candidate for the Throne of Spain, which may be stated shortly to be comprised in urgent representation to the French Government to avoid acting with precipitation, and in friendly pressure, without any appearance of dictation, on the Governments of Prussia and Spain, to induce thepi seriously to consider the question at issue in all its important bearings. Baron Brunnow said that, speaking for himself, he agreed in that policy, but he had. not received any instruction from his Government on this subject. I am, &c. (Signed) GRANVILLE. No. 21. Lord A. Loftus to Earl Granville.—(Received July 11.) My Lord, Berlin, July 6, 1870. BEING prevented by illness from leaving the house I requested Mr. Petre to call on' M. de Thile to inquire if his Excellency could give me any information on the subject of the reported offer of the Crown of Spain to the hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern. M. de Thile informed Mr. Petre that the French Chargé d’Affaires, M. le Sourd, had called upon him a few days ago and had stated that the intelligence which had reached the French Government of a deputation having been sent from Madrid to offer the Crown of Spain to the Prince of Hohenzollern, and of the offer having been accepted, had produced an unfavourable impression at Paris, and that the Imperial Government wished to know what course the Prussian Government intended to pursue with reference to this question (“quelle serait l’attitude du Gouvernement Prussien”). M. de Thile told the French Chargé d’Affaires that the selection of a Sovereign to till the Throne of Spain was a question with which the Prussian Government had no concern whatever (“c’était une question qui n’existait pas pour le Gouvernement Prussien ”), and that consequently he was not in a position to give any explanations upon the subject to the French Government. The Prussian Government considered that the statesmen and people of Spain were entitled to offer the Crown to any one whom they might think tit, and that it concerned the person alone to whom the offer was made to accept it or not.m M. de Thile assured Mr. Petre that this was all that had passed on the subject between M. le Sourd and himself. I have, &c. (Signed) AUGUSTUS LOFTUS. No. 22, Lord A. Earl Granville.—{¡Received July 11.) (EiitracU) Berlin, July 7, 1870. TJEING somewhat recovered from my indisposition 1 waited' to-day on Baron Thile. ©» referring to the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern for the Crown of Spain, his Excellency repeated to me what he had stated on the previous day to Mr. Petre, «s reported in my despatch of the 6th instant. His Excellency stated that he had received no fresh information on the subject, further than that the Spanish Minister had called upon him that day and had shown him a telegram he had received en clair from his Government, stating that a meeting of the Cabinet had taken place at La Granja in the presence of the Regent, and that the acceptance of Prince Hohenzollern as the future King of Spain had been unanimously agreed-to. It added that the Cortes would assemble on the 22nd instant, and that on the 1st August the vote would be taken. Baron Thile observed on the extreme irritation existing at Paris, and on the high tone assumed by the Due de Gramontinhis speech in the Chamber. His Excellency stated, however, that the Prussian Government would maintain an attitude of perfect silence and abstention. No. 23. Mr, Layardfto EaM Granville.—-{Received July 11.) ((Extract,) La Granja, July 7, 1870. I RECEIVED this afternoon your Lordship’s telegram expressing your anxiety as io the -consequences of the offence which Spain would give to France by electing the hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern to the Throne, as proved by the very decided declaration made in the French Chambers of the view taken by the French Government on this subj¡ect, and disclaiming, at the same time, the intention of England to recommend to Spain any particular Sovereign, or to interfere in any manner with the choice of the Spanish people. I telegraphed at once to Mr. Seymour, the Second Secretary of the Legation, to see Señor Sagasta from me, and to communicate to him the substance of your Lordship’s telegram. But as I had had, during the morning, some conversation with the Regent with regard to the election of the Prince of Hohenzollern, and his Highness had entered very fully upon the subject, expressing to me the anxiety which he felt in consequence of the reports received from Paris as to the feeling of the French Government and Chambers, I thought it desirable also to communicate to him your Lordship’s telegram. His Highness expressed his satisfaction at being made acquainted with the sgeritiments of Her Majesty’s Government, and observed to me that, as 1 .knew, he shared the anxiety felt by your Lordship. I impressed upon his Highness that England had no wish or intention to recommend ■awy »particular Sovereign to Spain, and to interfere with the free choice of her people.; and that 3he anxiety of Her Majesty’s Government at the attitude assumed by France was «ólelyto be attributed to the interest which they felt in the welfare of the Spanish nation. His Highness seemed fully to appreciate the friendly sentiments of Her Majesty’s Government, and expressed his satisfaction that I had at once communicated the substance df your Lordship’s telegram to the Minister of State.No. 24. Señor Sagasta to Señor RaMe& y, IfiiUaneuena.—Coju iMnicatedlía.Eaí'l Granville^ Ranees, July. l.k)r ^Translation.) Excellency,, Madrid, July 7, 187®* YOUR Excellency is aware of the important, declarations made in the Constituent; Cortes on the 11th of June last by the President of the Council of Ministers. In explaining, to the Representatives of the Spanish nation the proceedings, which had been fruitless up to that time, to find a candidate for the throne which they, in the exercise of their indisputable sovereignty, had raised, he stated to them that the Provisional Govern mentías well as the Executive Power, and subsequently the Government of His Highness the Regent* had honoured him with the most unlimited confidence, authorizing him* to take any steps and to enter into any negotiations necessary to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion in such a serious question. Invested with these ample, powers, General Prim had in his favour for the discharge of his difficult mission, besides his high-personal influence politically, the moral authority of the whole Government, the force which unity of purpose and action gives, and the guarantee of the mo&t.ahsolutc reserve. It was, therefore, to be hoped that, in spite of the unfortunate result of his former proceedings, he would succeed in overcoming every kind of difficulty, and be able, to propose to his companions in the Government and to present for the approval.of the Constituent Cortes a ,candidate worthy to wear the crown of Spain, and likewise acceptable to all men of the liberal monarchical party. The Government, entertained this conftdenee,. which has not been deceived, and it now has the satisfaction of announcing through me,to your Excellency that at the Council of Ministers held at La Granja on the 4th iustant under the presidency of his Highness, Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigrnaringen, was* named as a candidate for the Throne of Spain. The entirely favourable circumstance^ which are combined in this Prince, and the good reception which his nomination has, root with in the public opinion of the country, give the Government the pleasing hope that its-candidate will very soon be the one whom the Cortes will appoint as King by a large majority, and thus close the glorious period which began in September 1868. Yesterday^ when the reserve hitherto recommended by prudence had but just ceased to be necesaaryjL hastened to inform your Excellency by telegraph of the determination of the Government and of the arrangements that were immediately to be adopted to submit it to the sovereign approval of the Cortes, in strict compliance with the precepts of the fundamental code of the nation and of the law for the election of a Monarch. And (Signed) Von BISMARCK. No. 117. Earl Granville to Lord Lyons. My Lord, Foreign Office, July 21, 1870. THE Marquis de Lavalette called upon me to-day and communicated to me the substance of a despatch, dated the 19th instant, which had been addressed to him by the Due de Gramont, and in which he was instructed t,o express the thanks of the Imperial Government for the consent given by Her Majesty’s Government to the protection by Her Majesty’s Diplomatic and Consular authorities of French interests in Germany, and generally for the friendly character cf the neutrality which Her Majesty’s Government had declared their intention to maintain. M.. de Gramont said that the Imperial Government considered that they were entitledto look for this at the hands of Her Majesty^ Government, not only on account of the righteousness of their cause, but also on account of the service rendered by them to all Europe in defending the great interests of the European balance of power. They trusted th^t*r;the Queen’s Ministers would, by their speeches in Parliament, endeavour to repress the want of appreciation of their conduct shown by a portion of the English prfess. .History, however, would do justice to their motives in undertaking a war at once just and necessary. The first duty of the Imperial Government, M. de Gramoiit said, had been to reassure Belgium. The Emperor had himself written to the King, and the Belgian Governnient had been informed that their neutrality would be respected by France, so long as it was not infringed by Prussia. The same language had been held to Switzerland and Luxemburg. Holland had expressed her desire to maintain a neutral attitude, and the Imperial Government have announced their satisfaction at the declaration. These were proofs of the moderation of the Imperial Government, the more so as they had thereby renounced an important mode of attack on Prussia, namely, through Belgium and Luxemburg. The British Cabinet might, therefore, rest assured as to their intentions towards neutrals. The Due de Gramont said, further, in his despatch, that the Imperial Government were confident that no feeling of mistrust existed on the part of the British Government as to their intentions, and that the rumour of British troops being dispatched to occupy Belgium was totally void of foundation. Those who set afloat such a rumour seemed not to be aware that such a proceeding, if it were possible, would be contrary to the very principle they claimed to affirm. The Marquis de Lavalette had reported me as having expressed sound views on the subject of neutrality, and M. de Gramont hoped opinion in England would bear me out in what I bad said respecting enemies’ vessels resorting to British ports, in order to attack French ships. The Imperial Government would scrupulously adhere to the principles laid down in the Declaration of the Congress of Paris, and they would shortly send to M. de Lavalette the instructions to their Consuls regarding French and Prussian merchant-vessels ; and as soon as the war begins, the notification of which had already been sent to Berlin, they would publish their intentions respecting merchant-vessels. The French army, the Due de Gramont added, would have hospitably welcomed the English officers and correspondents who had applied to the Marquis de Lavalette for permission to accompany it; but the Etat Major-General, with reference to possible inconvenience which might result from such permission being given, had decided that no strangers unconnected with the army should be allowed to follow the French armies into the field. M. de Lavalette was therefore instructed to express the regret of the Imperial Government that they were obliged to decline granting permission. I stated to M. de Lavalette, in reply, that Her Majesty’s Government were glad to perform toward the Imperial Government any friendly office consistent with the duties imposed upon them as neutrals ; but that I did not think the present moment opportune, or that it would answer any useful purpose, now to discuss the questions adverted to by the Due de Gramont a§ to the necessity and justice of the war. I said that I was glad to have my anticipations confirmed that the French Government would scrupulously respect the interests and rights of neutrals, and that they would strictly adhere to the principles laid down in the Declaration of the Congress of Paris. I am, &c. (Signed) GRANVILLE. No. 118. Earl Granville to Lord Lyons. (Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, July 21, 1870, 8 p.m. FRENCH declaration referred to in your telegram of to-d .y seems to apply only to German ships with cargoes for French ports on French account. It is presumed that it is inteqded to grant the same privileges for cargoes in German vessels tor British ports on British account. Ascertain immediately and report by telegraph.70 No. 119. Mard Juyons to Earl Granville.-— (Received July 22.) SffylLord, Paris, July 21,1870. I RECEIVED, last night, from the Due de Gramont a note in answer to the two notes which I addressed to him, in pursuance of instructions from your Lordship, cn the 17th instant, as well as to that which, also in obedience to your Lordship’s orders, I wrote to him on the 19th instant. In answer to the request for early notice of the declaration of war, M. de Gramont sends me a copy of the announcement made by him to the Chambers yesterday. The substance of this announcement was conveyed to your Lordship yesterday by my telegram of 3 p.m., and the text of it by my telegram of 4*10 p.m. With reference to the suggestion of Her Majesty’s Government that France should announce her intention to observe the principles laid down respecting belligerent rights at sea by the Declaration of the 16th of April, 1856, M. de Gramont communicates to me a draft of a note to that effect, which is to be addressed by the French Representatives abroad to the Governments to which they are accredited. Finally, in answer to the request that Foreign Office messengers may be allowed to travel by railway, even when ordinary passengers are precluded from doing so, M. de Gramont says that it would be difficult for the French Government to make a formal engagement on the subject, but that all facilities compatible with the necessities of war will be given to British Government messengers. By my telegram dated 11 35 p.m. yesterday, I made your Lordship acquainted with the substance of this note from M. de Gramont. I have now the honour to transmit to your Lordship copies of the note itself and its inclosures. Your Lordship will not fail to observe that M. de Gramont’s note says nothing on the subject of the length of time during which merchant-vessels will be allowed to sail to and from the ports of the belligerents with cargoes. This point was particularly dwelt upon in one of my notes of the 17th instant; and I have frequently pressed, verbally on M. de Gramont’s attention the importance to British interests of obtaining early information on the subject. I spoke urgently in this sense to his Excellency yesterday. He said, in reply, that the intentions of the French Government respecting the treatment of merchant-vessels and of the subjects of belligerent States would be announced in the usual way in the official paper. The Journal Officiel ’’ of this morning accordingly contains a notice on the subject of Prussian residents in France and her dependencies, and of merchant-vessels. I transmitted to your Lordship by telegraph this morning the text of the paragraph relating to merchant-vessels, and 1 have now the honour to inclose copies of the whole notice. I have, &e. (Signed) LYONS. Inclosure 1 in No. 119. The Duc de Gramont to Lord Lyons. M. l’Ambassadeur, Paris, le 20 Juillet, 1870. VOTRE Excellence par deux lettres du 17 de ce mois m’a exprimé le désir d’être informée aussitôt que possible des dispositions que le Gouvernement de l’Empereur se propose de prendre à i’égard des neutres dans la guerre contre la Prusse. Je m’empresse de lui envoyer ci-joint le texte de la déclaration communiquée aujourd’hui même aux Chambres et qui constate l’état de guerre existant entre la France et la Prusse ainsi qu’entre les Etats alliés qui lui prêtent contre nous le concours de leurs armes. J’y joins la copie d’une note dans laquelle est exposée la ligne de conduite que le Gouvernement compte suivre à l’égard des neutres. Ainsi que l’avait justement pressenti votre Excellence, la France respectera scrupuleusement les principes posés dans la Déclaration du Congrès de Paris du 16 Avril, 1856, et se propose d’observer ces règles mêmes à l’égard de l’Espagne et des Etats Unis, qui n’ont point adhéré à la Déc’aration. Vous m’avez fait également l’honneur de m’écrire pour demander que les courriers du Foreign Offii-e soient admis à continuer leurs voyages par chemin de fer lors même que les Il me serait difficile de prendre un engagement formel à ce sujet, mais votre Excel-71 lence peut être assurée que toutes les facilités compatibles avec les exigences de l’état de guerre seront données aux courriers Anglais. Agréez, 8 c. (Signé) GKAMONT, (Translation.) M. l’Ambassadeur, Paris, July 20; Î870i YOU R Excellency bas, in two letters dated the 17th of this month, expressed to pie a wish to be informed as soon as possible of the measures which the Government of the Emperor proposes to take in regard to neutrals, in the war against Prussia. I hasten to send you herewith the text of the declaration communicated this very day to the Chambers, and which announces the state of war existing between France and Prussia, as well as between the allied States, who lend her the assistance of their arms against us. I add thereto a copy of a note in which is set forth the line of conduct which the Government proposes to follow in regard to neutrals. As your Excellency had justly anticipated, France will scrupulously respect the principles laid down in the Declaration of Paris of 16th April, 1 S'56, and intends to observe those rules even towards Spain and the United States, who have not adhered to the Declaration. You have likewise done me the honour to write to me to ask that the Foreign Office messengers may be allowed to continue their journeys by railway, even when ordinary travellers are prevented from doing so. It would be difficult for me to make a formal engagement on tl is subject, but your Excellency may be assured that all facilities compatible with the exigencies of a state of war will be given to the English messengers. Receive, &c. (Signed); GRAMONT. Inclosure 2 in No. 119. Declaration made to the Senate and to the Corps Législatif in the Sitting of July 20, 1870. [See No. 121.] Inclosure 3 in No. 119. Draft of Note to be addressed to French Representative^ [See No. 120;] Inclosure 4 in No. 119. Extract from the “ Journal Officiel” of July 21, 1870. Paris, le 20 Juillet, 1870. L’EMPEREUR a décidé, sur la proposition de son Excellence le Ministre des Affaire® Etrangères, que les sujets de la Prusse et des pays alliés qui lui prêtent contre nous le concours de leurs armes, se trouvant actuellement en France ou dans ses colonies, seraient autorisés à y continuer leur résidence, tant que leur conduite ne fournirait aucun motif dé plainte. L’admission sur le territoire Français des sujets de la Prusse et de ses alliés e$(, à partir de ce jour, subordonnée à des autorisations spéciales qui ne seront accordées quA titre exceptionnel. En ce qui concerne les bâtiments de commerce ennemis actuellement dans les ports de lEmpire, ou qui y entreraient dans l’ignorance de l’état de guerre, Sa Majesté a bien voulu ordonner qu’ils auraient un délai de trente jours pour quitter ces ports. Il leur sera délivré des saufs-conduits pour pouvoir rentrer librement dans leurs ports d’attache, ou se rendre directement à leur port de destination. Les bâtiments qui auront pris des cargaisons à destination ’de France et pour compte Français dans des ports ennemis ou neutres, antérieurement à la déclaration de guerre, ne sont pas sujets à capture. Ils pourront librement débarquer leur chargement dans le® ports de l’Empire, et recevront des saufs-conduits pour .retourner dans leurs ports d’attache.72 (Translation.) Paris, July 20, 1870, • . THE Emperor has decided, on the proposal of his Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the subjects of Prussia and of the allied countries which give her the assistance of their arms against us, who are actually in France or in her colonies, shall be authorized to continue to reside there as long as their conduct furnishes no motive for complaint. i The admission in French territory of subjects of Prussia and her allies is, from to-day, limited to special authorizations which will only be granted for exceptional reasons. As concerns merchant-vessels belonging to the enemy which may be actually in the ports of the empire, or who may enter these ports in ignorance of the state of war, His Majesty has been pleased to order that they shall have a delay of thirty days for leaving these ports. Safe-conducts shall be delivered to them to enable them to return freely to their ports of despatch, or to the port of their destination. The vessels which may take in cargoes destined for France and on French account in enemies’ or neutral ports, before the declaration of war, are not subject to capture. They may freely disembark their freights in the ports of the Empire, and will receive safe-conducts in order to return to their ports of despatch. No. 120. M. de Lavalette to Earl Granville.—(Received July 22.) Londres, July 22, 1870. LE Soussigné, Ambassadeur de France à Londres, a reçu de son Gouvernement l’ordre d’adresser à son Excellence M. le Comte de Granville la communication suivante :— Sa Majesté l’Empereur des Français s’est vue dans la nécessité, pour défendre l’honneur •et les intérêts de la France en même temps que pour protéger l’équilibre général de l’Europe, de déclarer la guerre à la Prusse et aux pays alliés qui lui prêtent contre nous le concours de leurs armes. Sa Majesté a donné des ordres pour que, dans la poursuite de cette »guerre, les Commandants de ces forces de terre et de mer observent scrupuleusement vis-à-vis des Puissances qui demeureront neutres les règles du droit international, et pour qu’ils se «conforment notamment aux principes posés dans la Déclaration du Cong ès de Paris du 16 Avril, 1856, savoir—■ 1. La course est et demeure abolie. , 2. Le pavillon neutre couvre la marchandise ennemie, à l’exception de la contrebande de guerre. 3. La marchandise neutre, à l’exception de la contrebande de guerre, n’est pas saisissable sous pavillon ennemi. 4. Les blocus pour être obligatoires doivent être effectifs, c’est-à-dire, maintenus par une force suffisante pour interdire réellement l’accès du littoral à l’ennemi. Bien que l’Espagne.et les Etats Unis n’aient point adhéré à la Déclaration de 1856, les vaisseaux de Sa Majesté ne saisiront pas la propriété de- l’ennemi chargé à bord d’un vaisseau Américain ou Espagnol à moins que cette propriété ne soit contrebande de guerre. Sa Majesté ne compte pas non plus revendiquer le droit de confisquer la propriété des citoyens Américains ou Espagnols qui serait trouvée à bord des bâtiments ennemis. L’Empereur a la confiance que, par une juste réciprocité, le Gouvernement de la Reine voudra bien prescrire des mesures pour que les autorités et les sujets Britanniques observent exactement, de leur côté, pendant la durée de cette guerre les devoirs d’une stricte neutralité. Le Soussigné, &c. (Signé) LAVALETTE. (Translation.) London, July 22, 1870. THE Undersigned, the French Ambassador in London', has received from his Government an order to address to his Excellency Earl Granville the following communication :— His Majesty the Emperor of the French has felt himself obliged, in order to defend73 the honour and interests of France, as well as to protect the balance of power in Europe, to declare war against Prussia, and against the Allied States which afford her the co-operation of their arms against us. His Majesty has given orders that, in the prosecution of this war, the Commanders of his Forces, by land and sea, shall scrupulously observe towards such Powers as shall remain neutral the rules of international law, and shall especially conform to the principle laid down in the Declaration of the Congress of Paris of 16th April, 1856, which are as follows:— 1. Privateering is and remains abolished. ' 2. A neutral flag covers enemy’s merchandize, with the exception of contraband of war. 3. Neutral merchandize, except contraband of war, is not, liable to capture under an enemy’s flag. 4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effectual; that is, they must be maintained by a force really sufficient to prevent the enemy from obtaining access to the coast. Although Spain and the United States did not adhere to the Treaty of 1856, His Majesty’s ships will not seize enemy’s property sailing on board an American or Spanish vessel, unless such property is contraband of war. Moreover His Majesty does not intend to vindicate his right of confiscating the property of American or Spanish subjects which may be found on board an enemy’s vessel. The Emperor is confident that, in just reciprocity, Her Majesty’s Government will have the goodness to prescribe measures for the exact observance on their part, by the British authorities and subjects, of the duties of strict neutrality during this war. The Undersigned, &c. (Signed) LAVALETTE. No. 121. Declaration made to the Senate and to the Corps Législatif in the Sitting of July 20, 1870.— (Communicated to Earl Granville by the Marquis de Lavalette, July 22.) Messieurs,—L’exposé qui vous a été présenté dans la séance du 15 a fait connaître au Sénat et au Corps Législatif les justes causes de guerre que nous avons contre la Prusse. Conformément aux règles d’usage, et par ordre de l’Empereur, j’ai invité le Chargé d’Affaires de France à notifier au Cabinet de Berlin notre résolution de poursuivre par les armes les garanties que nous n’avons pu obtenir par la discussion. Cette démarche a été accomplie et j’ai l’honneur de faire savoir au Sénat et au Corps Législatif qu’en conséquence l’état de guerre existe à partir du 19 Juillet entre la France et la Prusse. Cette déclaration s’applique également aux alliés de la Prusse qui lui prêtent contre nous leur concours armé. (Translation.) Messieurs, — The statement made to you at the sitting of the 15th has made known to the Senate and the Corps Législatif the just causes of the war against Prussia. According to usage and by order of the Emperor, I have invited the Chargé d’Affaires of France to notify to the Cabinet of Berlin our resolution to seek by arms the guarantees we have failed in obtaining by discussion. This step has been taken, and I have the honour to announce to the Senate and the Corps Législatif that in consequence a state of war exists from the 19th of July between France and Prussia. This declaration applies equally to the allies of Prussia who may afford her armed assistance against us. No. 122. Lord Lyons to Earl Granville.—(Received July 24.) My Lord, Paris, July 22, 1870. AT 11 o’clock last night I had the honour to receive your Lordship’s telegram dated 8 p.m,, by which I was directed to ascertain whether the privileges granted by the French Government to enemy’s ships with cargoes for French ports on French account were to be considered as granted also to enemy’s vessels with cargoes for British ports on British account- This morniug I sent Mr. West, Her Majesty’s Secretary of Embassy, to M. Desprez, the Political Director in the French Foreign Office, in the hope that in this way I should obtain at once a favourable answer, and be able to communicate immediately to your Lordship by telegraph. [333] Ln M. Desprez, however, referred Mr. West to a circular which had, he said, been sent to the French Representatives abroad for communication to the Governments to which they were accredited; and simply repeated the assurance that France would act up to the Declaration of 1856. Upon being, informed of this, I wTrote an official note to M. de Gramont, and took it myself to his office. I found that he was attending a Council of Ministers at the Tuileries, and I could therefore do no more at that time than leave my note with a message. In the evening I obtained an interview with M. de Gramont. He told me that an answer to my note had been prepared in the office, and he proceeded to read it to me. It stated that my question had been answered by anticipation in the negative, in a circular which had been sent to the Marquis de Lavalette to be communicated to Her Majesty’s Government; and it went on to say that cargoes found on board captured ships would be restored on proof being given that they were British property. I pointed out that this last observation was altogether beside the question. France was bound by the Declaration of 1856 not to seize neutral goods under the enemy’s flag, and consequently this was a matter beyond discussion. The question now really before us was whether it was fair or friendly that the French Government should', for its own convenience, and from consideration for the interests of its own subjects, grant certain privileges to enemy’s vessels having French cargoes on board which it denied to such vessels W'hen their cargoes belonged to neutrals. There might possibly, I said, be peculiar circumstances attending the present case; but I thought that M. de Gramont could hardly maintain, as a general principle, that France could equitably exclude neutrals from making a use of the enemy’s vessels which she allowed in the case of her own subjects. He would surely not expect neutrals to consider it just that France should take advantage of her belligerent rights in order to obtain exclusive commercial advantages for herself to their detriment; for instance, that she should permanently allow German vessels to pass unmolested to and from French ports, but should capture them if they traded with neutral ports. A conversation of some length ensued, during which M. de Gramont expressed a strong desire to consider the interests of neutrals in general, and of Great Britain in particular. He observed that if the arrangement to wThich I objected was one which had been usually adopted at the beginning of wars, no just complaint could be made against France for enforcing it now. If, however, it was a novelty, or if it admitted of an exception, he should certainly be disposed to give England the full benefit of any further concession which could safely and properly be made. He concluded by saying that, at all events, he would re-examine the question before sending an answer to my note. I reminded him of the great importance which it was to British subjects engaged in trade to have positive information on the subject without delay. I have already communicated the substance of this despatch to your Lordship, and I now do myself the honour to transmit to you a copy of my note to M. de Gramont. I have, &c. (Signed) LYONS. Inclosure in No. 122. Lord Lyons to the Due de Gramont, M. le Ministre, Paris, July 22, 1870. A NOTICE appeared in the official part of the “ Journal Officiel ” of yesterday, declaring the intentions of the Government of the Emperor with regard to merchant* vessels. The notice would appear, according to the literal tenor of it, to apply only to enemy’s ships with cargoes for French ports and on French account. Her Majesty’s Government presume that it is intended to grant the same privileges for cargoes in enemy’s vessels for British ports on British account. . ; The matter is of so much moment to British trading interests that Her Majesty’s Government earnestly request the Government of the Emperor to give them a distinct answer respecting it with the least possible delay. I shall be very much obliged if your Excellency will enable me to convey at once to Her Majesty’s Government the information they are so anxious to obtain. I have, &B. (Signed) LYONS, A________________________________________________________-— —■■■■■75 No. 123. Lord Lyons to EM Granville.—(Received July 24.) My Lord, Pans, July 23, 1870;. WITH reference to your Lordship’s despatch of the 19th instant, I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship a copy of the despatch by which the Due de Gramont directed the French Ambassador in London to decline, on the part of his Government, the suggestion made by Her Majesty’s Government that in conformity with the 23rd Protocol of the Congress of 1856, France and. Prussia should have recourse to the good offices of some third Power before going to war. I am indebted to the Due de Gramont for the copy of his despatch. I have, &c. (Signed) LYONS. Inclosure in No. 123. The Duc de Gramont to the Marquis de Lavaleite. M. le Marquis, Paris, le 17 Juillet, 187®. ~ LE Cabinet de Londres, se référant au 23me Protocole du Congrès de Paris, a offert au Gouvernement de l’Empereur d’interposer entre la France et la Prusse son action médiatrice afin d’éparguer à deux Puissances amies et à toute l’Europe le fléau de la guerre. Nous sommes sincèrement reconnaissants au Gouvernement Britannique du sentiment qui a dicté sa démarche, et plus que personne nous apprécions l’inspiration généreuse de la règle qu’il invoque. Nous devons toutefois rappeler qu’en la consignant dans ses Protocoles le Congrès de Paris n’a pas entendu l’imposer d’une manière impérative aux Puissances, qui seules demeurent juges des exigences de leur honneur et de leurs intérêts. C’est ce qui a été expressément établi par la bouche du Comte de Clarendon à la suite d’observations présentées par le Plénipotentiaire Autrichien. Quelle que pût être d’ailleurs en ce moment notre disposition à accepter les bons offices d’une Puissance amie, et en particulier de l’Angleterre, nous ne saurions aecéder aujourd’hui à l’offre du Cabinet de Londres. En présence du refus du Roi de Prusse de nous donner des garanties que la politique de son Gouvernement nous avait mis dans la nécessité de lui demander pour prévenir la reprise de visées dynastiques dangéreuses pour notre sécurité, en présence de l’offense que le Cabinet de Berlin a ajoutée à ce refus, le soin de notre dignité ne nous permet plus une autre conduite. Je l’ai fait savoir verbalement à Lord Lyons en le remerciant de sa démarche, et je vous prie de vous exprimer dans le même sens avec Lord Granville. A la veille d’une rupture que les efforts bienveillants des Puissances amies n’ont pas pu conjurer, l’opinion publique en Angleterre reconnaîtra que dans les circonstances actuelles le Gouvernement de l’Empereur n’a plus le choix de ses résolutions. Agréez, &c. (Signé) GRAMONT. (Translation.) M. le Marquis, Paris, July 17, 187®, THE Cabinet of London, referring to the 23rd Protocol of the Congress of Paris, has offered to the Government of the Emperor to interfere between France and Prussia its mediating action, in order to spare to two friendly Powers, and to all Europe, the scourge of war . We are sincerely grateful to the British Government for the sentiment which has prompted this step, and we appreciate more than any one the generous inspiration of the rule to which it appeals. We must, however, recall that in recording it in the Protocols, the Congress of Paris did not profess to impose it in an imperative manner on the Powers, which alone remain the judges: of the requirements of their honour and their interests. This was expressly laid down by Lord Clarendon, after the observations offered by the Austrian Plenipotentiary. However disposed we might be at this moment to accept the good offices of a friendly Power, and especially of England, we could not now accede to the offer of the Cabinet of London. In face of the refusal of the .King of Prussia to give us guarantees which the policy of his Government had forced us to demand in order to prevent the recurrence of L 276 dynastie aims dangerous to our security, in face of the offence which the Cabinet of Berlin added to this refusal, the care of our dignity allows us no other course. I have stated this verbally to Lord Lyons when thanking him for his offer ; and I beg you to speak to Lord Granville in the same sense. At the eve of a rupture which the kind efforts of friendly Powers have not been able to avert, public opinion in England will recognize that under existing circumstances the Emperor’s Government has no longer the choice in its decisions. Receive, &c. (Signed) GRAMONT. No. 124. Lord Lyons to Earl Granville.—{Received July 25.) My Lord, Paris, July 24, 1870. MY telegram dated 11*15 p.m. yesterday will have informed your Lordship that I received last night from the Due de Gramont a note replying in the negative to the question whether the temporary privilege granted to enemies’ ships bound to French ports with French cargoes did not extend also to enemies’ ships bound to neutral ports with neutral cargoes. I have now the honour to transmit to your Lordship a copy of this communication from M. de Gramont. The note to foreign Governments, of which M. de Gramont incloses a copy, is that of which a draft was communicated to me by his Excellency on the 20th instant, and transmitted by me to your Lordship in my despatch of the following day. A note in exactly the same words appears to have been addressed to your Lordship by the French Ambassador in London on the following day. I find on inquiry at the French Foreign Office that it is this same note which was held by the authorities there to convey by anticipation a negative answer to our question respecting enemies’ ships bound with neutral cargoes to neutral ports. I am assured, moreover, that no other communication respecting the exercise of belligerent rights at sea during the present war has been addressed by the French Government to foreign Powers. I have, &c. (Signed) LYONS. Inclosure in No. 124. The Duc de Gramont to Lord Lyons. M. l’Ambassadeur, Paris, le 23 Juillet, 1870. J’AI reçu la lettre que votre Excellence m’a fait l’honneur de m’écrire hier pour me demander, au nom de son Gouvernement, si la décision qui vient d’être prise en faveur des bâtiments ennemis à destination des ports de l’Empire, et chargés pour compte Français antérieurement à la déclaration de guerre, ne sera pas étendue à ceux de ces mêmes bâtiments qui, avant la date du 19 de ce mois, auront embarqué des cargaisons pour compte neutre à destination des ports neutres. En adoptant les dispositions auxquelles se réfère la note insérée dans le “ Journal Officiel ” du 20, le Gouvernement de l’Empereur n’a eu d’autre pensée que d’aviser dans l’intérêt du commerce Français à une situation placée en dehors de celle que crée, pour le cas de guerre maritime, la Déclaration du Congrès de Paris du 16 Avril, 1856. En effet, sans une mesure exceptionnelle comme celle qui a été prise les navires dont il s’agit et leurs cargaisons tombaient sous l’application des principes généraux du droit des gens et devenaient passibles de confiscation en cas de capture. Quant aux chargements neutres embarqués sous pavillon ennemi, ils sont couverts parle privilège général consacré en leur faveur par la Déclaration de 1856, et l’Ambassadeur de Sa Majesté à Londres a été chargé de faire connaître au Gouvernement de la Reine, par une note dont votre Excellence trouvera ci-joint copie, qu’en cas de capture de navires Allemands les cargaisons neutres qui seraient trouvées à bord seront restituées aux intéressés, sur justification de leur nationalité. Aller au-delà affranchir de saisie le bâtiment ennemi, par la seule raison qu’il est destiné pour un port neutre et qu’il a mis en mer avant la rupture des hostilités, serait l’abandon même du droit de guerre.77 Permettez-moi d’ajouter, M. l’Ambassadeur, que la ligne de conduite que nous nous sommes tracée durant la guerre actuelle à l’égard des neutres et du pavillon ennemi est strictment conforme à celle que, sur les suggestions même de l’Angleterre et de concert avec elle, nous avons adoptée en 1854 lors de la guerre d’Orient. Agréez, &c. (Signé) GRAMONT. (Translation.) M. l’Ambassadeur, Paris, July 23, 1870. I HAVE received the letter which your Excellency did me the honour to write to me yesterday, asking me in the name of your Government if the decision just taken in favour of enemy’s ships bound for ports of the Empire freighted on French account before the declaration of war would be extended to such of the said ships as may before the 19th of this month have shipped cargoes on neutral account for neutral ports. In adopting the arrangements referred to in the note inserted in the “ Journal Officiel ” of the 20th, the Emperor’s Government had no other intention than to provide, in the interest of' French commerce, for a situation not included in the Declaration of the Congress of Paris of the 16th of April, 1856, as to maritime war. In fact, without an exceptional measure such as that which has been taken, the ships in question and their cargoes would have come under the application of the general principles of international law, and would have become liable to confiscation in case of capture. With regard to neutral cargoes shipped under the enemy’s flag, they are covered by the general privilege sanctioned in their favour by the Declaration of 1856, and His Majesty’s Ambassador in London has been instructed to make known to the Government of the Queen, in a note of which your Excellency will find a copy herewith annexed, that in case of the capture of German ships, neutral cargoes which may be found on board them will be restored to the parties interested on proof of their nationality. To go further than this and free enemy’s ships for the sole reason that they are bound to a neutral port, and have put to sea before the commencement of hostilities, would be an actual relinquishment of the rights of war. Allow me to add, M. l’Ambassadeur, that the line of conduct which we have adopted during thfe present war in regard to neutrals and the enemy’s flag is strictly in conformity with that which, at the suggestion of England and in concert with her, we adopted in, 1854 during the war in the East. Receive, &c. (Signed) GRAMONT..LONDON: rBIUTED 8T 8A8SI0OV AMD ¿0*«. 3 0112 098984377 ? I ft. ° 53 O'* ft. •©. bq * I - ^ « fO- «*• ^"K 4 v ' * 00 « § o 5 «1. ÏHÊ LltKMRY Or Trifi APR 23 1936 UNIVÉRSIÏY OF iunois 5 gu «• at «» s> 3 FRANCE AND PRUSSIA.This book is a preservation facsimile produced for the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. It is made in compliance with copyright law and produced on acid-free archival 60# book weight paper which meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (permanence of paper). Preservation facsimile printing and binding by Northern Micrographics Brookhaven Bindery La Crosse, Wisconsin 2012