C. SUETONI TRANQUILLI

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS

London: C. J. CLAY AND SONS,
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,
AVE MARIA LANE.
Glasgow: 263, ARGYLE STREET.

Leipzig: F. A. BROCKHAUS.
New York:
MACMILLAN AND CO.
Bombay: GEORGE BELL AND SONS.

C. SUETONI TRANQUILLI

DIVUS AUGUSTUS
EDITED
WITH HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, COMMENTARY,
APPENDICES AND

INDICES

BY

EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A.
LATE FELLOW AND ASSISTANT TUTOR OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

Cambridge:
P R I N T E D AT T H E U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS.
1896
[All Rights reserved.]

&amimiige:
P R I N T E D BY J. AND C. F . CLAY,
AT T H E UNIVERSITY PRESS.

VIRO . DOCTISSIMO

HUBERTO • ASHTON . HOLDEN . LL.D.
SCHOLAE . REGIAE . GIPPOVICENSIS
OLIM • MAGISTRO • INFORMATORI
CUIUS • EXEMPLO • ET . INSTINCTU
PRIMUM • LITTERAS • ADAMAVI.

S.

LITT.D.

PREFACE.

T

H E main object of this volume is historical. Though
I hope that I have not neglected important points of
textual and grammatical criticism, my chief desire has been
to illustrate the work of Suetonius by putting before the
reader, as fully as space would permit, the materials which
exist for constructing the history of the life and times of
Augustus, and which expand and explain the necessarily
brief and summarised statements in the Biography itself.
I have therefore quoted freely from Dio and other writers,
and have printed in an appendix the entire Monumentum
Ancyranum (as emended and restored by Mommsen), with
dates and slight marginal indications of subject-matter, which
I hope may render it more readily available. To this I have
subjoined a few other inscriptions illustrating special points
in the Emperor's life, in addition to a considerable number
transcribed in the notes.
I feel, on looking back on my work, that I may at times
have sacrificed to this object of historical illustration some
critical discussions on text or language, such as might justly
have been expected. For Suetonius, like all good writers,
has a strongly marked individuality of style, and his own
peculiar method of manipulating word-forms and constructions. It is not safe criticism to class all such as accounted
for by the usage of the ' silver age/ that is, after all, a usage
other than that of Caesar and Cicero. Suetonius differs as
much in style from such writers as Velleius, Florus, Pliny,

viii

PREFACE.

as he does from either Caesar or Cicero. Idiosyncrasy has
as much to do with it as date. It is easy to exaggerate
the difference itself. Caesar's vocabulary, writing as he does
on a narrow range of subject, is a singularly limited one.
Cicero, except in his more private letters, aimed at a literary
purism which must have been remote from the common
practice of the day either in colloquial or written language.
The admission into literature of words in common use constitutes a large part of the difference, such, for instance, as
the fondness for the frequentative forms like pensare (c. 25),
pensitare' (c. 66), grassare (c. 67), taxare (cc. 4, 41), and of such
irregularly formed compounds as inobservantia (c. 76) and
praecipitium (c. 79). Again, of the long list drawn out by
P. Bagge of words used by Suetonius which are not used by
Cicero and Caesar, or only in a slightly different sense, a
considerable number can be shewn by the practice of Vergil,
Horace, Nepos and Livy to have been current at and soon
after the end of the Republic. Such are appellatio c. 100,
austrinus c. 81, avius c. 96, cerritus c. 87, cessare c. 42, conflare
c. 52, sedile c. 43, subtexere c. 68, titulus c. 31, and others.
In another class of words Suetonius has gone back to the
colloquialisms of an earlier age, as is shewn by the usage of
Plautus and Terence. Such are adapertus c. 53, condormire
c. 98, aquilus c. 79, invitare se c. 77. Some new words or
usages are naturally the result of new things, or a new view
of things. Such are actus c. 78, contubernium c. 89, exauctorare
c. 24, extemporalis c. 84, ieiunum servare c. 76, missilia c. 98,
notare c. 64, praecognoscere c. 97, pub Heare cc. 29, 100, missio
cc. 17, 45, recensus c. 49, breviarium cc. 28, 101,prosa (prorsa
oratio) c. 85.
In constructions he is fond of using the present and
perfect subjunctive (for vividness) instead of the imperfect
or pluperfect, as in edant c. 55, exigant c. 49, observata sit
c. 94, fugatae sint c. 16; and after verbs of exhorting or
commanding he prefers the construction without ut, as monet
imitetur c. 3 ; and usually puts a subjunctive after ante,,.

PREFACE.

ix

quam, prius...quam, though the clause is not in any way
oblique, see cc. 4, i o i ; so pridie quam.. .committeret c. 96. He
omits the preposition in with words conveying a well-understood locative sense, such as continenti c. 16, regione (followed
by genitive) cc. 7, 41, mtmicipalibus agris c. 13. For quippe
qui he often uses ut qui cc. 30, 66, 72 ; for an non he has an
c. 9 4 ; for an sometimes anne c. 6 9 ; for illico he uses coram
c. 27 ; for #tr adverso he uses contra cc. 44, 9 4 ; «Vra has the
sense of ante or i w cc. 24, 43, 66. He is fond of the conjunctions sed et cc. 38, 45, 57, 70, 89, 9 3 ; and of sed ox sed
quidem for fcal ravra, cc. 16, 29, 68y 92, 98 ; tanquam and
£%#.$? with subjunctive express the ground of an action
without necessarily any suggestion of unreality, cc. 6, 7, 10, 14.
Speaking more generally the points to be observed in his
style are (1) its brevity. This is not the epigrammatic brevity
of Tacitus, that master of the unexpected, who seeks to
impress his reader by surprising him. Suetonius is not
thinking of startling his readers: his brevity comes from a
wish to express much with the least possible expenditure of
words. It is business-like statement that he is seeking, not
ornament or brilliancy. (2) Allied to this is his inconcinnitas,
his rejection of the ' periodic' style. His sentences are not
elaborated or arranged with a careful eye to the balance of
clauses, order of words, or intricate combination. To express
clearly what he has to say is the limit of his ambition. For
rhythmical prose he has either no ear or no patience. (3)
Thirdly, he is participiorum amantissimus.
This too is a
peculiarity which arises partly from the desire of brevity, but
partly also from a perhaps conscious imitation of Greek
models.
These hints may serve as indications as to what to observe
in reading Suetonius. He is not a great artist in language;
but he is a considerable grammarian, and his peculiarities
are not the result of carelessness, but rather of scholastic
precision.

PREFACE.

X

The earliest Editions of Suetonius appeared in Rome
(1470) and Venice (1471). The principal Editions since are
those of Erasmus (1518), I. Casaubon (Geneva 1595, Paris
1610), J. G. Graevius (Utrecht 1672, 1691, 1703), S. Pitiscus
(Utrecht 1690, Louvain 1714), P. Burman (Amsterdam 1730),
J. H. Bremi (Zurich 1820), C. G. Baumgarten-Crusius (Leipzig
1816), C. H. Hase (Paris 1828). The text in this volume is
mainly that of C. L. Roth (Leipzig 1890). I have found the
edition of Pitiscus, which contains the notes of the older
editions, very useful, especially in regard to the legal writers.
The standard edition is still that of Baumgarten-Crusius; and
nothing, as far as I am aware, has been done for Suetonius
in England.
For discussions of the style and diction of Suetonius the
following will be found useful:
H. R. Thimm de usu atque elocutione C. Suetonii Tranquility
Konigsberg 1867.
P. Bagge de elocutione C. Suetonii Tranquilli, Upsala 1875.
Aem. Trachmann de conjunctionum causalium aptid Gaium
Suetonium Tranquillum usu, Halle 1886.
R. Dupow de C. Suetonii Tranquilli consuetudine sermonis
quaestiones, Iena 1895.
For the life of Augustus :
J. C. Dietrich Historia Augusti, Greisen 1666.
L. de Tillemont Histoire des Empereurs, Venice 1732.
W. Drumann Geschichte Roms, Vol. 4, pp. 245—302.
Egger Examen critique des historiens anciens de la vie et du
regne d'Auguste, Paris 1844.
G. C. Hieronymi de Octavii Imperatoris moribus, Hamburg
1820.

M. A. Weichert Imperatoris Augusti Scriptorum reliquiae,
Grima 1841.
M. Beule* Auguste et safamille et ses amis, Paris 1868.
Merivale History of the Romans under the Empire,
London, 1865.

PREFACE.

XI

T. Mommsen Res gestae Divi August^ Berlin 1883.
G. Wilmanns Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin
1873.
G. M. Rushforth Latin

Historical Inscriptions,

Oxford

1893.
References to Mommsen's R.-Staatsrecht and Marquardt's
R.-Staatsverwaltung
are made by the volumes and pages of
the French Translation.

I have to thank Mr P. Giles, Fellow of Emmanuel College,
Cambridge, for reading almost all my notes in proof and
giving me many valuable suggestions. Also Mr W. Chawner,
Master of Emmanuel, for doing me the same service in
regard to some of the notes. Mr W. W. Wroth of the British
Museum for aiding me to select some coins. Also Mr J. G.
Frazer, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and Mr P. E.
Matheson, Fellow of New College, Oxford, for kind aid when
appealed to for it. Lastly I owe more than I can say to the
care and kindness of the officials of the Press.
CAMBRIDGE,

Aprils 1896.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.
p. 12, first column, note on Caepias, add: It has been suggested by Ihne to
read Kw7rids in Dio 45, 1, from Copia, the name given to Thurii on becoming a
colony in B.C. 193.
p. 7, left-hand column, 3 1. from bottom, for halting read halting-place.
,
12 1.
,
,,
Gnomatici read Gromatici.
P. 8,
,
,,
€iri(f>oiT(dv r e a d €ir€<f>oLT(dv.
p. 16,
„
13 !•
p. 60,
,,
,
,,
Rushworth read Rushforth.
,
41.
,, right-hand
6 1.
,
,,
B.C. 29 read 28.
p. 61, left-hand
2I.
2 1. from top, for 29 read 28.
p. 51, margin, for Lollias read Lollius.
p. 96, note on tigrim, add reference Dio 54, 9.
p. 108, left-hand column, first note, add reference, Cohen Monnaies /rappees
sous VEmpire Romain, vol. 1. p. 67.
p. 132, 1. 10 of text, add no. of chapter, 70.

INTRODUCTION.
§ i.

AUGUSTUS.

THOUGH containing valuable material for biography and
history the work of Suetonius is neither history
• fytevits ccfid

nor biography. By rejecting chronological arrange- defects of
ment he puts it out of his power to trace the Suetonius'
c

A

biography,

connexion of events, or the effect of circumstances
in developing character. A number of detached facts are
told us of the conduct and policy of Augustus in various
departments of government or personal habit, and we are
left to sort and fit them into their proper place by the help
of others. Even if something is gained by this method, in
giving a view of his policy on each particular department
en bloc, more still is lost by putting out of view all that
explains motives, and justifies or condemns action. Suetonius
seldom passes a moral judgment. He tells us facts or rumours
and leaves us to form our own. He in no way emphasizes
what has struck so many modern critics of Augustus,—the
surprising change from the cold cruelty of the triumvir to
the wise lenity of the Emperor. And though I think too
much has been made of. this contrast by such writers as
M. Beule1, a little more clearness in distinguishing the policy
of the two periods would have been useful in helping us to
understand the nature of the times as well as the character of
Augustus.
1
Auguste, sa famille et ses cwiis, Paris, 1867-8. The evident reference to the
regime in France at the time perhaps gave a peculiar zest to the denunciation of
Augustus and his crimes in M. Beule's very brilliant and interesting, but scarcely
trustworthy, essay.
S.
C

INTRODUCTION.

XIV

In a sense indeed there was a singular unity in his character and career. Without his great-uncle's bril^umstus. ^ a n t qualities (especially as a general) he avoided
many of his mistakes. He was able to retain the
services and fidelity of men best suited to carry out the
measures demanded by the time; and he had learnt the
statesman's secret of effecting his objects without fatally embittering opponents or alienating friends. These qualities had
shown themselves in the young man: they accompanied him
and secured his success through nearly half a century of a vast
and difficult government. When we consider the distracted
state of Rome during the last thirty years of the Republic and
the scandalous abuses in the provinces; and when we farther
consider the frightful misuse of the autocracy by many of his
successors : it is difficult to withhold admiration from the man
who remedied the evils at home by a carefully veiled monarchy,
grafted with consummate skill upon the institutions of the
republic; who removed the worst evils in the provinces by
strenuous and honest administration ; who gained the respect
of neighbouring rulers; who organised and kept in check the
army; placed the finances on a sound footing; adorned and
beautified the city; and left the vast Empire, not indeed
entirely free from danger, but on the whole peaceful, prosperous and strong.
On all these points Suetonius gives us information, but
Ouratctho- n e v e r a connected story. For that we must go
rities for
elsewhere, and for the most part unfortunately to
the life and

reign of
writers considerably posterior in time. Among
Augustus, them the first place must be given to Dio Cassius,
a writer of the 2nd and 3rd centuries 2 , who with many foibles
tells a straightforward story with (I think) an
Cassius. evident intention of neither withholding nor misrepresenting facts. Here and there doubtless, as
in most writers, inaccuracies whether from mistake or prejudice may be detected in him; but on the whole his statements are generally supported, when the test is possible, by
coins and inscriptions. Considering the length and import2

Dion Cassius Cocceianus, b. about A.D. 155, d. after A.D. 230.

AUGUSTUS.

xv

ance of the public life of Augustus, and the literary activity
of the period, there seem to have been remarkably few connected accounts of it either contemporary or immediately
subsequent. Such as there were have for the most part
perished. His youth indeed is described with some charm in
a fragment of Nicolas of Damascus, which ends
however with the death of Iulius, and is perhaps
^mZc^s
too declamatory and eulogistic to be accepted
without considerable caution 3 . Appian 4 has much to tell
us of his civil wars, but ends with the death of
Sextus Pompeius (B.C. 35). This may be in part
supplemented by Plutarch's lives of Antony and Brutus 5 ;
and the Epitomes of Livy's later books, ending Plutarch.
with the death of Drusus (B.C. 9), remain to show Livyus how great our misfortune is in having lost them. Velleius
Paterculus is rhetorical and partial, though he
occasionally tells us something of value; and the
Annals of Tacitus only begin with the death of Augustus.
Of later writers Eutropius and Aurelius Victor (4th
cent.) are mere epitomists; Zonaras (12th cent.) a ^a^ef^s
rechauffe of Dio; and Orosius (4th and 5 th cent), Victor,
though now and then producing something of in- orosim'.
terest, is confused in chronology, and labours under
the disadvantage of writing with a special thesis, to be proved
at all hazards. The panegyrics of courtly poets seldom
add much that is substantial to our knowledge; yet, apart
from Vergil, Propertius, and above all Horace, the Horace
Augustan period itself would have added little to Vergil,
rol>er mSt
our acquaintance with Augustus, had it not been for
the preservation of that remarkable document on the wall of
an Asiatic temple, known as the Monumentttm An- TheMonucyranum, the most authentic piece of autobiography Ancyrathat has survived from antiquity 6 .
num.
3
Nicolas was secretary to Herod the Great. Iosephus attacks his accuracy
and accuses him of suppressing and misrepresenting facts in order to please Herod
[Ant. 16, 7, 1]. He visited Rome, and his favour with Augustus is mentioned by
Athenaeus 14, 652 a, and Plutarch Symp. 8, 4.
4
Appian of Alexandria, temp. Trajan to Antoninus Pius.
5
Plutarch (b. about A.D. 45) wrote a life of Augustus, but it is lost.
6
The writers of the period whom Suetonius might have used are discussed in

C2

xvi

INTRODUCTION.

In no part of the story of Augustus are the disadvantages
of Suetonius' method more striking than in the chapters
dealing with those constitutional changes by which the new
autocracy was gradually evolved. Yet in no department is it
more necessary to observe dates, the order of events, and the
circumstances of the day, if we are to understand in the
faintest way how this immense and far-reaching change was
accomplished. For such help we must go to Dio Cassius.
The situation may be stated somewhat thus. Two evils
were afflicting the Empire, disorder at Rome and
Hon as
maladministration in the provinces.
For the
Augustus former the remedy in Cicero's eyes had been the
found it.

J

J

supremacy of a man at once powerful and loyal
to the constitution ; for the latter sharper legislation and the
purification of the law courts. Both had proved illusory.
Pompey had failed as a guardian of order, and a succession
of scandals had discredited the courts. Iulius had succeeded
D'Muitis *° r a w ^ ' e *n keeping order at Rome. He would
of Iulius
perhaps have succeeded in reforming the adminisaesar.
tration of the provinces, for which his legislation
had inaugurated a new and valuable principle. But he had
some special disadvantages. He had been in arms against
his country; he had been long a leader of a party, and of a
party to which (though doubtless counting many good men)
the spendthrift and the reckless naturally drifted. Consequently he was surrounded by men of bad character, to
whom he was obliged to commit affairs of importance 7 .
Again, in the course of party conflict he had roused many
implacable enmities and lost many friends. With all his
brilliance and clemency there was something in him that
provoked hatred and alienated loyalty. Nor was it of slight
import that he had nearly all the learned and literary class
at Rome against him. In spite therefore of the destruction
the next section. Of course the labours of scholars (and above all of Mommsen) on
this monument, and in the whole field of epigraphy, in reconstructing our knowledge of the early Empire, must hold the first place in our recollection and gratitude.
7
Bellorum enim civilium hi semper exitus sunt, ut non ea solum fiant quae
velit' victor, sed etiam ut Us mos gerendus sit, quibus adititoribus sit parta victoria,
Cicero fam. 12, 18,

AUGUSTUS.

xvii

which had befallen the opposition at Pharsalus, Thapsus, and
Munda, there were still enough nobles left with the will and
the power to thwart and murder him. But Octavian belonged
to a new generation. A mere boy when he first Superior
engaged in politics, he had no party ties to shackle a0iVQ^fes
him, or long-standing enmities to embarrass trim, vian.
Such friends as he had were personally attached. They did
not, like confederates in a conspiracy, demand a share of the
spoils; and, with rare exceptions, proved effective and remained loyal. Nor did the events of the civil war ruin his
credit with the citizens. The cruelties of the proscription
were by many attributed more to his colleagues than to
himself8. And if his severities at Philippi and Perusia have
left a stain on his memory, they did not seem so horrible to
contemporaries accustomed to a stern code of military law,
and rendered callous by twenty years of bloody party strife
and civil war.
They were also the last. From the time of the fall of
Perusia in the spring of B.C. 40 he figured more and Atimstus
more clearly before the eyes of the citizens as their becomes
best security for peace and prosperity. The times "latent"
were troublous. The ships of Sextus Pompeius than Anscoured the seas, cutting off merchant vessels and eyes of the
stopping: the supplies of corn. From Gaul came c^ttzem be~
r r

&

r r

tween B.C.

news that the Germans were crossing the Rhine, or 40 and
that certain tribes were interrupting the passage of B,c* 31,
the Alps. In the East the Parthians were threatening the
frontier of Syria:
hinc movet Euphrates, movet hinc Germania belluni*.
Antony was in the East indeed with a great army to keep
back the barbarians. But not only was the East less interesting to the Romans than the West; but, while scandalous
stories were reaching Rome as to Antony's revels in Egypt,
his infatuation with Cleopatra, and his disasters in the field,
the young Caesar was by his own exertions, or those of his
friends, gradually relieving the city of the terrors nearer home.
8
9

Dio 47, 7; Veil. 2, 66; Plut. Ant. 21.
Vergil Georg* 1. 509, evidently written before Actium.

INTRODUCTION.

xviii

Sextus Pompeius was crushed in B.C. 3 6 ; the movements in
Northern and Southern Gaul were checked by Agrippa in
B.C. 38-7 1 0 ; the Illyrians, Dalmatians, Iapydes and Pannonians were subdued by successive expeditions under Pollio in
B.C. 39, under Augustus himself in B.C. 35-6, under Agrippa
and himself in B.C. 3411; the Salassi who blocked the Val
d' Aosta were crushed in B.C. 34 by Valerius Messala12; and
Statilius Taurus had in B.C. 36-5, after the degradation of
Lepidus, secured the loyalty of Africa and Sicily without
striking a blow33. These achievements gave safety and peace
to Italy, and the poet only expressed the aspiration of the
citizens generally in his prayer to the gods,
hunc saltern everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo
ne prohibete /14
The contrast with Antony, carving out kingdoms for his
own and Cleopatra's children, and credited with the
felureThis d e s i g n o f transferring the seat of Empire to Alexpostiion
andria, was easily drawn, and Augustus took care
The hand of that ^ should be made very plain to the eyes of the
Antonius Romans» The two men had never been cordial
B.C. 4O-32.

_

.

.

,

.

_

.

r>

1

1

1

.

friends since the young Octavius first landed in
Italy in B.C. 44 to claim his inheritance. Party needs had
brought them together; jealousy and mistrust were always
thrusting them apart. Reconciliations had again and again
been effected, now by the intervention of friends and ministers,
now by that of Octavia : but they were diametrically opposed
in disposition, purpose, and policy; and finally Octavian
deliberately brought on the conflict which ended at Actium,
when he thought himself strongest, and the case against
Antony most capable of being represented in an odious light
to the citizens.
Actium and the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra gave
him all that he hoped. He was now left alone ; the
Hum B.c.
old oligarchical party was destroyed; the legions,
31 all long w e a r y 0 f civil w a r were ready to be disbanded if
J

Jor peace*

• '

only the veterans could obtain bounties and land ;
10
12

u
Dio 47, 49.
Dio 47, 42; 49, 35—38.
13
Dio 49, 34, 38; Appian Illyr* 17.
Dio 49, 44.

14

Vergil G. 1, 500»

AUGUSTUS.

xix

the survivors of the previous generation were tired of war 15 ;
the new generation were used to a directing hand. The
problem was how to secure his power without offending the
prejudices of the elder men too bitterly, or fatally obscuring
the hopes of promotion and activity on the part of the
younger. Hence was gradually evolved, with extraordinary
skill and sagacity, the theory of the Principate.
The term principatus rightly represents the fact; it was to
be a primacy among other powers, as well as a
v
r

,

i

. .

T^

" i .

T h e

douhle

primacy of rank among the citizens. But this developprimacy was developed in two ways ; and eventually ™e7tt °fthe
r

J

r

J

'

J

primacy.

the principatus was attached both in men's minds
and in practical fact to the second of the two. On one side
Caesar was to become supreme by combining the powers of
the republican magistrates, with or without the offices themselves. He was to be consul or to have consular power.
Though not proconsul, he was to have proconsular power.
Above all, though not tribune (which as a patrician he could
not be), he was to have the tribunicia potestas. This was not
all conceived at once. At first he was always consul, and
therefore the question of the consular power did not arise,
and the proconsulare imperium was thought of afterwards.
But on the other hand he was to be invested with what was
practically a new office, though under a name which might
admit of being regarded as only an honorary distinction, freely
attributed to him by universal consent, and in virtue of which
he should appear to the whole world to represent in his single
person the majesty of the Empire : this was the principatus.
- (i) And first the absorption of the republican powers.
The tribunicia potestas was the most important of
Aujrustus
these; and his attempt to obtain the Tribuneship in absorbs the
B.C. 44 seems to show that he had early seen that ^ur7puWthis office, with its power of initiation, obstruction, can magisand control, would give him what he wanted16. The The Trifirst step was taken in B.C. 36-3, immediately after buneshiP>
15
6 fih AOJJLITIOS otidfr (pavep&s, ok ye /cat <xvfM(pop(2p woXk&v Treireipafiipos, eveb*
Xjuw<re*>, Dio 50, 3.
16
Dio 45, 5 ; PluU Ant. 1 6 ; Suet. c. 10.

XX

INTRODUCTION.

the final defeat of Sextus Pompeius. Besides the ovation
,
and other honours decreed to Octavian on that
B.C. 36-5.

The person occasion, a residence on the Palatine was assigned
us declared t o h*m> anc * his person was declared to be under
to be prothe protection of the same leges sacratae as those of
the leges
the Tribunes, with whom he was to share the
sacratae. official bench in the Senate 17 . Whether this was a
spontaneous idea of the Senate, or came from a suggestion of
his own, it is at any rate the first use of the Tribunate as a
means of giving him a special position, and the first indication
of the principle that the difficulty of his being ineligible to the
Tribunate might be got over by the possession of the power
without the office.
Still it was the privileges rather than the power that were
given by this vote. The next step was the power.
TheTvibvL- It was taken in B.C. 30. Antony was dead: all
nicia poopposition was at an end. Death in battle, suicide,
xesuas.

or submission had put the world at Caesar's feet.
When the news was brought home by Cicero, the great
orator's son, the Senate hastened to lavish their now familiar
honours. Among others more or less extravagant, Caesar
was to have the tribunicia potestas for life, with a right of
auxilium within the city and half a mile beyond the pomoerium (which was not in the competence of the tribunes) and
the right of giving a casting vote in all indicia™.
Still, important as the tribunicia potestaswas to him, it was
in point of dignity inferior to the consulate, which
The trlbu- at any rate in theory made him head of the State.
™aslidtiie ^ u t there were certain inconveniences about the
new^ consti- consulship, which he held in successive years from
B.C. 31 to B.C. 23. At home it involved (at any rate
in form) a division of functions and powers with a colleague.
17

T7}v re olxlav a-dry i\j/7](pi(TavT0 Kal TO firjTe Xdyy TL bf$pl£e<rdai' el 5e /*•/), rots
cttfrots rbv TOLOVTS TL dpavapTa eVe'xecflcu olairep iirl r y drjfjL&pxy eVera/cro. Kal yap
eirl T&V afaQv (3d6p(av (rvyKaOefccrdai acjucnv Pkafiev. Dio 49, 15.
18
Dio s 1, 19. Tijv Te i^ovcriav TTJV TOJV 8T)fxapxwv 5ta ftlov %%ziv Kal roi)s e7rt/3ow»
juLevovs avTov Kal €PT6S TOV 7ra)jj,r)piov Kal e^w M-^XP^ oy86ov rjjuuo-Tadiov dfxtivavy 6
furjdevl TCOV drjfjLapxo^vTOJv e^rjv, ^KK\T]T6P re SiKafav Kal xj/rjcpov Tiva afiTOv 4v TTOGL rots
diKa<rT7)piois wcrirep 'Afl^as (fripeo-dai. T h i s last rather dubious expression seems
to imply some sort of appellate jurisdiction, at any rate in cases of doubt.

AUGUSTUS.

xxi

In the provinces it might place him in an equivocal position
in regard to the proconsul. In B.C. 23 therefore a great
change was made, which in fact recognised the new constitution that had come into existence. Augustus resigned the
consulship, which he did not hold again till B.C. 5, and in
exchange received the proconsulare imperium^ which was not
to be laid down upon his entering the pomoerium, and was to
be superior (mains) to the imperium of the proconsul or propraetor in every province. He was also to have perpetually
the consular privilege of bringing any business before the
Senate which he chose. He had already in B.C. 27 received
special powers in those provinces in which there were legions,
but this new proconsulare imperium made him in theory as
well as in fact supreme in all alike. Still in this new constitution he clung to the shadow of popular choice and
republican position, and the tribunicia potestas, now confirmed
again to him for life, was openly treated as his most important
function: the years of his tenure of it starting from B.C. 23
are used as the ordinary mode of dating events on coins and
inscriptions19.
(2) The consuls however were still nominally head of the
State. It was necessary that some means should „v
J

1 he new

be found to give Augustus (as he was called since Prindpate
B.C. 27) in form that first place which he already Zflopmmt
had in reality. It was thus, as I conceive, that the ofprinceps
theory of the principate took a new development.
It was not a development of his position as princeps senatus,
which he had been since B.C. 28. That only gave senatorial
rank, bringing no privileges beyond the right of being asked
first for his sententia, which as consul (who introduced business but did not vote) would be of no value to him. The
name may have suggested the new title; but it was used in
an essentially different sense. Its novelty and indefiniteness
were its chief advantages. His consular, proconsular, and
tribunician powers were very great, but after all had certain
traditional limits. As princeps of the whole State, on the
other hand, he would exercise whatever magisterial powers
Dio 53, 42.

XX11

INTRODUCTION.

he possessed without question as to precedence or rights of
colleagues, and in all parts of the Empire alike. It was not,
as were his other powers, founded on any shadow of republican magistracy, and was perhaps never exactly defined; but
as it placed Augustus in rank and dignity before all other
magistrates, so it gave him the right not only of exercising
those powers, uncontrolled by colleagues, but also of doing
everything else not included under them. Eventually it
came to be treated as the reality which it was, and Augustus
could speak of events me principe^ or ante me prineipem, ]\ist
as he might have said me consule or ante me consilient™.
Like other powers of the new regime, however, it was
arrived at gradually. At first it seems to have been
pate for
conferred (without the name perhaps) in connexion
ioyears
yj\t\\ the imperial provinces at the division of B.C. 27.
In them Augustus was to exercise for 10 years a
power unlike any that had been recognised before. When
this apxv is renewed in B.C. 19-18 the rule in the provinces
had been secured by the perpetual proconsulare imperium, and
this novel power was not needed. From henceforth at each
renewal this rjryefiovia or irpoaracria has ceased to have any
special connexion with the provinces, and applies equally
to the whole Empire, and is, as Dio [53, 16] says, a real
'monarchy' 2 \ It was this title and office which expressed
20
M. A. cc. 30 and 32. I accept Prof. Pelham's proof that princeps was not
a development of princeps senatus [Journal of Phil. VIII. 16, p. 322], though I
think that the title of princeps iuventutis (i.e. equitum, or all below the Senate)
given afterwards to Gaius and Lucius shows that in one aspect of it there was a
feeling in men's minds that the two were in some senses connected; and I also
venture to think that 'leader of the Roman Nobility' and 'elect of the Roman
people' do not adequately express the ideas ever attaching to the Princeps.
21
This account of the origin of the principatus, in some degree (I think) new,
requires to be supported. It seems to follow from Dio. In 53, 13, when describing the division of the provinces, he says that Caesar wishing to avoid the imputation of 'monarchy' accepted the government (dpxv) of them for 10 years only. In
summing up the results of his administration of the provinces, however, he declares
it to have been a real monarchy, which the periodical renewal [aXXa &rq irfrre, etra
irhre, /cat /nerd TOVTO 5e/ca /cat erepa adOts dha Trevraias avrip expyftady] made
practically life-long. But when he tells of the various renewals, he has a new
name for the office (which yet can only be the renewal of the first); in B.C. 19 he
calls it irpoo-Taaia, [44, 12], in B.C. 8 rjyefMovia [55, 5], in A.D. 3 riyefiovla [55, 12];
in A.D. 13 wpotTraaia [56, 28]. These are his words for the Latin principattis^

AUGUSTUS.

xxiii

-the unity of the Empire in the face of the world of foreign
nations, and the coordination of all powers and offices under
the supreme control of one, who yet had adopted a title so
little arrogant that it might be interpreted as merely giving a
first place in dignity, and a right to take the lead on all
occasions of ceremony. Other titles suggested departmental
functions, this an imperial and universal supremacy. Other
titles might be and were (at any rate in name) shared with
others, this could be applied to one alone.
But though this title in a sense included all others, yet he
also bore others indicating the particular spheres in which his
powers were to be exercised; often in conjunction with colleagues. Thus the title Imperatorhad two meanings, ( i ) It
belonged to a magistrate with imperium. (2) It was
bestowed by acclamation on a victorious general
by his soldiers22. If this were confirmed by the Senate, it
could, it seems, be assumed as a perpetual title. Augustus
at any rate so assumes it. Thus, in an inscription recording
the formation of the Triumvirate, Caesar alone has the title,
given him by his soldiers after the battles at Mutina 23 and
confirmed by the Senate,...EMILIVS M. ANTONIVS. IMP.
CAESAR IIIVIR R. P. C. A.D. IV KAL. DEC. AD. PRID. CAL. IAN.

SEXT. [Orell. 594]. Thus again in the Consular Fasti for
B.C. 33 he is entered as IMP. CAESAR, and so henceforth. But
he was also imperator because another formal vote of the

which therefore he considers (so far as it was a definite office) to have grown out
of the original dpxv of the Imperial provinces. It may be worth while to observe
that of the two passages in which Augustus speaks of himself as princeps in the
Mon. An. [cc. 30- and 32], in the former he is referring to an extension of the
frontier, in the latter to his relations with foreign powers. He was indeed princeps
civitatis to the citizens, but above all he was princeps as representing the Empire
to the outside world.
22
Dio 43, 44. The vote in the Senate in B.C. 44 confirmed by the Senate on
the 16th of April [Ov. F. 4, 673]. An inscription of B.C. 29 [Wilm. 879] gives us
the title in both senses: SENATVS • POPULVS»QUE- ROMANVS • IMP»CAESARI • D»
IVLI • F • COS • QVINT • COS • DESIGN • SEXT • IMP • SEPT • REPVBLICA • CONSERVATA.

Cp. also Pliny N. H. 3 § 136 (the inscription at Turbia) IMPERATORI • CAESARI •
DIVI • F • AVG • P O N T I F I C I • MAXVMO• IMP • X I I I I • TRIBVNICIAE • POTESTATIS • X V I I .

The title by acclamation could only be given once in the same war, Dio 70, 21.
23
Dio 46, 38. Cp. Cicero x. Phil. § 28.

xxiv

INTRODUCTION.

Senate in B.C. 29 gave the title to him and his descendants 24 ,
and he therefore could and did use it as a regular title; but,
as he always had imperium in other ways, it rather expressed
a fact than conferred any fresh powers.
There were certain other functions, originally inherent in
the consulship, but which since B.C. 443 had deti^ers™1 volved upon the periodically appointed Censors.
The chief of these were the making up of the list
of the Senate {lectio Senatus), and of the Equites, and taking
the census. The Censorship, much reduced in its powers by
Clodius in B.C. 58, had fallen into desuetude during the civil
wars. Two Censors had been appointed in B.C. 42, but had
refused to act; and, though the experiment of allowing the
appointment of two in B.C. 22 was tried, it was not successful.
Augustus performed the functions of the Censors partly by
falling back upon the old consular powers25, partly in virtue
of special powers as praefectus moribus26, a contrivance for
exercising censorial powers without the office or name, as in
the case of his other powers. Thus in B.C. 29, though Consul,
he seems to have thought it necessary in holding the census
to rest upon his tribunicia potestas; but in B.C. 8 and A.D. 14
he acts simply in virtue of his potestas consularis®\ which had
been given him for life in B.C. 19.
The general result of the concentration of all these powers
.,
in the person of one princeps is thus expressed by
of the auto- Dio, who speaks of course from a point of view
cra
Vt' |53> of a later date, when the development of the
autocracy had become more complete.
24

Dio- 52, 41. Perhaps Augustus may have claimed the title as early as B.C.
43 in consequence of the vote bestowing it on lulius and his children: roi>s ircudas
rots re iyydvovs atfrou otiro) tcaXeiaOcu xpyj^lffaaOai Dio 43, 44.
25
Dio indeed speaks of him as Tt^retfcras ai>p 'Ayplinrq, in B.C. 29. But
Augustus himself enumerates this census among his consular acts with his
colleague Agrippa \M. ^ . 8 ] .
26
lulius had held the same office [Dio 43, 14; 44, 5]. What Augustus asserts
that he refused [Jlf. A. 6 IW iirtfjLeXyjrTjs r&v re v6/x(av KOX T&V rpbiruv eiri rrj fieyterry
ei-ovvlq, xetporoj>?70cD] seems to have been a life-censorship. Dio [54, 10, 30] asserts
that he was twice elected eTr LfjLe\rjT7]s T&V rpbirw for five years each time, i.e. B.C.
19 and 12, see c. 27.
27
See p. 60, M. A. 8.

AUGUSTUS.

XXV

' The word ' monarchy' was so odious to the Romans that they
''never called their Emperors dictators or kings or anything of that
' sort. Yet, as the ultimate power in the State lies with them, they do
' in effect reign. The various constitutional offices (except the censorship) do indeed subsist to this day: but the Emperor for the time
' being manages and directs everything exactly as he chooses. That
' they may seem, however, to possess these powers in accordance with
Maw and not by force, the Emperors assume the several offices,
'which, when there was a free democracy, carried with them the
' highest powers, with the one exception of the dictatorship. Thus
'for instance they frequently take the consulship; on quitting the
' pomoerium they are always styled proconsuls; instead of king or
'dictator they take the name of Imperator, and not merely those
' who have won victories, but all alike, as a symbol of irresponsible
' power. Dictators or kings indeed they do not style themselves, since
' those offices have been once for all abolished, but all their actual
' powers they have secured by this appellation of Imperator.
'The powers bestowed by these various offices are these. As
' Imperatores they can levy troops, collect money, declare war, make
'peace, exercise at all times and in all places alike such complete
' authority over the army, whether of citizens or auxiliaries, that even
' within the pomoerium they can put to death both equites and
' senators; and, in short, can do all that the consuls and other magis' trates possessed of full imperium would be able to do.
' Again, as censors they examine into our lives and morals, hold
'the census, and enter or strike off names from the rolls of the
' Equites and Senate, entirely at their own pleasure.
' Once more, being invested with all priesthoods, especially that
' of the Pontifex Maximus, and in the majority of cases being able to
' confer them on others, they have complete control over everything
* connected with religion.
' Lastly the tribunician power, exercised in old times by the men
'of the greatest influence, gives them the means of absolutely
' putting a stop to any proceedings of which they do not approve,
'and renders their persons inviolable, so that the least violence
' offered to them however trivial, whether by word or deed, makes
' the guilty party liable to death without trial, as being under a curse.
' The actual office of Tribune they consider themselves debarred by
' the sacred laws from taking, because they are always patricians, but
' its powers they assume to the highest degree to which they ever
' extended, And accordingly it is by it that they reckon the years of

xxvi

INTRODUCTION.

1

their reign as though they were colleagues of the annually elected
* tribunes.
1
These titles they have taken from the usages of the democracy
'in order that they may pose as having assumed nothing
Legibus < that was not bestowed by the people. Yet they had
' been already rendered unnecessary by one sweeping
' concession putting them above the laws {legibus solvi). In virtue of
1
this, which was never given outright to any Roman in old times,
' they might have done all they have ever done, or anything else.
'The result is that they have invested themselves with the comThegene- ' plete powers of the State, with everything in short that
ral result, i ki n g S e v e r ^ a( j except the offensive name.
6
Their appellations of Caesar and Augustus add nothing to their
' powers. The former is merely a symbol of a pretended descent,
4
the latter of an exalted position. The title pater patriae, however^
' does perhaps give them a certain authority over us all, such as formerly
' fathers had over their children. Not that this was the original idea
' of it. It was at first a mere title of honour, which yet conveyed the
' suggestion that, while they loved their subjects, their subjects were
1
bound to reverence them.'
This view of what the new principate came to in the not
remote future dissipates any colourable pretext of
It was a

i

•

J.

real
constitutional conservatism, with which Augustus
monarchy. m a ^ j l a y e flatterecl his contemporaries or deluded
his own mind. H e dwells indeed on this point more than
once in the Monumentum; and takes credit for refusing unconstitutional offices, and for not exercising powers superior
to those of his colleagues. But facts are too strong for him.
He had in effect established an autocracy, which his successor
(with some show of reluctance) promptly acknowledged and
carried to its logical conclusion.
In no department of government was the unlimited
primacy of the Princeps more efficacious or more
r
J
L

Reforms in

.

the Prosalutary than in the provinces, l h e life-long imvtnces.
perium proconsular, bestowed on him B.C. 23, gave
a definite expression to its exercise. From that time appeals
were naturally addressed to him, and new regulations issued
by him28. But four years before, on the division of the pro28

Dio 53,32; Suet. Aug. 33; Dig. 1, 49, 4 ; 27, 42, i ; Tac. Ann. 4, 6.

AUGUSTUS.

xxvii

vinces in B.C. 27, the theory of the Principate enabled Augustus
to initiate, if he did not carry out immediately, a series of
reforms. In the Imperial provinces this was comparatively
easy. It followed from the fact that the- legati Augustipro
praetore were appointed immediately by him, held their office
during pleasure, and were answerable to him ; while the
finances of the province were under the care of a procurator,
who was as dependent on his orders, and as responsible to
him, as the steward of a private individual. But in the
Senatorial provinces also his power could and did intervene
with almost equal decisiveness. The beneficial changes introduced were mainly these:
(1) Though in the Senatorial provinces the praetorian or
consular governors were still selected by lot from ex-praetors
and ex-consuls of five years standing (according to the lex
Pompeid), and though over that allotment the Senate presided
and kept some control, yet Augustus retained the privilege
of approving the list and, if he chose, of fixing the number of
candidates; whereby if necessary he could practically name
the governors29.
(2) If there were serious complaints of maladministration
he could take over a province temporarily, without changing
its permanent status 30 .
(3) The proconsuls (in Senatorial provinces) had but insignificant forces, only such as were necessary for a guard
and police duty31. Their power of compulsion therefore rested
on the support and prestige of the government at home.
(4) There was in a Senatorial, as in an Imperial province,
a procurator to manage the tribute, who was equally in both
answerable to the Emperor 32 .
(5) The proconsul or propraetor had a fixed salary, and
no longer exacted his expenses from the provincials33.
(6) Cases of malversation and oppression were referred
to the Senate by the Emperor; and the Senate named one of
29
30
31
32
33

Dio 53, 44; Tac. Ann. 6, 27, 40.
Dio 53, 14; 54, 30; 55, 28. Tac. Ann. 1, 76.
Except in the case of Africa Tac. H. 4, 17; Dio 53, 13.
Dio 53, 15, Marquardt 9, p. 582.
Dio 52, 23; 53, 15; Tac. Agric. 42.

xxviii

INTRODUCTION.

its own number as advocate for the complaining province.
The injured provincials no longer depended on the services
oi&patronus or on the verdict of a jury 34 .
(7) The postal service (in connexion with which must be
considered the improved roads) greatly facilitated rapid and
frequent references to the Emperor himself on details of
administration 35 .
(8) The old abuse of the libera legatio, if not wholly
removed36, was rendered difficult and almost ceased to exist.
At the same time such laws as had been previously passed
with a view to purify provincial administration—the lex
Calpurnia B.C. 149, the lex Acilia [Cic. 2 Verr. 1, 9], the lex
Servilia Glauciae B.C. 122, the lex Cornelia B.C. 80, the lex
Iulia B.C. 59,—remained in force so far as they were not superseded by the new regulations 37 . The beneficent effect of the
change was promptly felt in many parts of the Empire, not
least in Asia, where there set in about this time a period
of great material prosperity.
§ 2.

S U E T O N I U S , HIS L I F E AND W R I T I N G S .

Like other writers of biography in ancient times, Suetonius
has found no biographer himself. Even the dates of his birth
and death are uncertain 38 , and scarcely any facts of his life
are known. He mentions himself seven times, but only briefly
to refer to what he had seen or heard as a boy or young man,
or to tell us his father's name and rank39. Pliny the younger
34

Tac. Ann. 3, 68; Suet. Dom. 8; Pliny Ep. 3, 9.
Suet. Aug. c. 49, p. 107 note. C. I. L. 14, p. 1 at Ostia there is a procurator
36
pugillationis et ad naves vagas, Marq. 9, pp. 587—592.
Suet. Tib. 31.
37
As for instance the regulations of the lex Iulia, which rendered all the
staff {cohors) of a governor liable to prosecution, without being able to plead his
authority for illegal acts. See Pliny Ep. 3, 9.
38
He was an adulescens 20 years after Nero's death, i.e. in A.D. 88 \_Ner. c. 57]
and still calls himself so towards the end of the reign of Domitian [ob. A.D. 96,
Dom. 12]. The period usually marked as adulescentia is from about 17 to 31.
Therefore he was roughly speaking not more than 31 in A.D. 96, or less than 17
in A.D. 88, i.e. he was born not earlier than A.D. 71. The year A.D. 75 seems the
most probable, as we find that he had been promised a military tribuneship in
A.D. 100 [Plin. Ep. 3, 8]. His death occurred at some time previous to A.D. 160.
39
Aug. c. 7; Cal. 19; Oth. 10; Ner. 57; Domit. \i\de Gramm. 4; vitaLucani.
35

SUETONIUS.

XXIX

is the only contemporary who throws any light upon his life.
From him we learn that he practised in the law courts; that
he taught rhetoric ; that in A.D. ioo he was to have a military
tribuneship (probably to qualify for office), but begged Pliny
to use his influence to have it transferred to another; that his
works were much liked and expected with some eagerness ;
that he resided for a time at least in Pliny's house, who declares that the closer his view of him the greater his affection
for him became 40 ; that though he was married he had no
children or had lost them; and that Trajan accordingly
granted him the ius trium liberorum. The biographer Vopiscus testifies to his honesty 41 ; and Aelius Spartianus, in his
life of Hadrian 42 , tells us that he was secretary (epistularum
magister) to that Emperor, but was with others displaced
about A.D. 121 for paying too much court to the Empress
Sabina. That is really all that we know of him. The fact
seems to be that he avoided public life. He was a grammaticus, a teacher and scholar, half philologist, half antiquarian;
and the kind of literature to which he devoted himself was
not that which made a man conspicuous or generally popular.
He wrote no epigrams or panegyrics, no declamations or
plays. Nor was his birth high enough to make him a
personage in society. His father was a tribunus legionis
angusticlavius \Oth. 10]; and his connexion with Pliny was
after all that of an inferior to a patron, in whose letters
there is always, in spite of their warmth, a certain tone of
superiority. Of his works (besides the treatise de Rhetoribus
and the fragment de grammaticis which we possess) Suidas
gives us the following list:
(i)
(2)

On Greek Games, one book43.
On Spectacles and Games at Rome, two books44.

40
Pliny Epist. 1, 18, 24; 3, 8; 5, 10; 9, 34; ad Traj. 94, 95 Suetonium Tranquillum, probissimu?n honestissimum eruditissimum virum, et mores eius secutus et
studia iam pridem, domine, in contubemium adsumpsi tantoque magis diligere
coepi quanto hunc proprius inspexL
41
Vopisc. vit. Firmi 1 § r emendatissimus et candidissimus scriptor.
42
Ael. Spart. vit. Hadr. n § 3.
43
Eustathius ad Horn. Odyss. 1, 107: Ioh. Tzetzes Chil. 6, 874.
44
Liber ludicrae Historiae, Tertull. de sped. 6, Aul. Gell. 9, 7, 3.

S.

d

XXX

INTRODUCTION.

(3) On the Roman year, one book45.
(4) de notis {irepl TWV iv TOU f3i/3\l,0L<; o-rjfieLOOP), one
book46.
(5) On the Republic of Cicero, against Didumus, one
book.
(6) On proper names, dress, and shoes47.
(7) On words of ill-omen and their origin48.
(8) de institutis et moribus Romae, two books49.
(9) Stemma Caesarum; et vitae eorum a Iulio ad Domitianum, eight books.
(10) Stemma virorum illustrittm Romanorum™.
A. Reifferscheid {Suetonii Tranquilli reliquiae and Quaes tiones Suetonianae) tries to show that some of these are the
titles not of separate books, but of different parts of the same
book. He appears also to have written an account of the
Gallic wars of Iulius Caesar 51 ; a book de vitiis corporalibusm ;
another de illustribus scortism; another de institutione officiorumu\ a miscellany called Pratum or de rebus variism; a
treatise de Regibus in three books56. This represents the
fruits of a great and varied industry, which, if not as vast as
that of Varro, is yet sufficient to explain his abstention from
more active employment.
45

46
Censorinus 20, 1.
Amm. Marcell. 22, 16, 16.
48
Servius ad Verg. Aen. 2, 683; 7, 612.
Eustathius ad Horn. //. 8, 488.
49
60
Aul. Gell. 15, 4, 4.
Hieronymus ad Dextrum 2. 821.
51
Oros. Hist. adv. Paganos 6, 7, 2 hanc historiam Stietonius Tranquillus plenissime explicuit, which could by no possibility refer to the single chapter in the
life of Iulius.
^2 Servius ad Verg. Ed. 3, 8; Aen. 7, 627.
53
Ioh. Lydus de Magistratibus 3, 64 Tp&KvXko$..Jp ry irepl kincr^bjv iropvQu.
54
Priscian 6, 8, 41.
85
Priscian 8, 4, 2 1 ; 18, 19, 4 ; Isidorus de Natura rerum 38, 1.
56
That is, apparently, foreign kings, Ausonius Epist. 19.
47

THE

§ 3.

SOURCES.

xxxi

T H E A U T H O R I T I E S O F S U E T O N I U S FOR T H E

LIFE

OF A U G U S T U S .

The paucity of the contemporary accounts of Augustus
which have reached us has been already noticed. Suetonius
must have had a considerable mass of authorities at his disposal, the greater part of which has perished.
First among them must be placed the Emperor's own
memoirs extending to B.C. 24, which were published writino-s
in his lifetime or soon after his death 57 ; more than of Auone collection of his letters 58 ; his speeches 59 ; State gus us'
papers or discourses delivered orally from a written copy 60 ;
his laws 61 ; diplornata™; rationaria of the Empire drawn up
periodically63; edicts, some of which were on matters personal
to himself64; laudationes over members of his family or friends,
his grandmother, sister, Agrippa and Drusus 65 . Of the lastnamed he also wrote a life66, besides other compositions on
more general topics, enumerated in the eighty-fifth chapter.
Lastly, there were the three volumes left at his death, containing directions for his funeral, a breviarium of the Empire,
57
He quotes them in cc. 2, 7, 27, 28, 42, 62, 74, 85, 86; de Grammat. c. 16.
They are also quoted by Appian B. civ. 4, n o ; 5, 47; Illyr. 14; Dio 48, 44;
Isidorus de natura Rerum 44; Plutarch Comp. Cic. et Dem. 3; Pliny N. H. 2 §§
24, 94.
58
Quoted in cc. 40, 50, 51, 64, 71, 76, 86, 87, 93; also in Tib. 21, 5 1 ; Claud. 4;
Calig. 8; vita Hor.; Seneca de brev. vit. 5 § 1; dialog. 10, 4 § 3 ; Macrob. Sat. 2,
4, 12; Pliny N. H. 18 §§ 94, 189; 21 § 9; Priscian 10, 9: Aul. Gell. 10, n , 5; 10,
24, 2; 15, 7, 3; Isidor. Hispal. 1, 24 § 2. There was also a collection of correspondence between him and Cicero in three books, frequently quoted by Nonius.
That these books contained some of his letters is evident from one of these fragments cum iter facerem ad Hirtium Claternam spurcissima tempestate, cp. Cic. ad
Att. 16, 9; 16, 11.
59
He quotes the exact words cc. 58, 84. Dio probably had published copies
of them, see ,53, 3—10; 54, 25; 56, 2—9; 60, 10; Cic. ad Att. 15, 2 § 3 ; 14, 21 § 4;
Tac. Ann. 1, 10; Iul. Front, de limit, agr.; Liv. Ep. 59, App. B. civ. 3, 96.
60
c. 84 note. See Dio 55, 14—22; Tac. Ann. 4, 39; Sen. de Clem. 1, 9.
61
62
63
c 34, 36.
Cat. 33.
c. 28, cp. Cal. 16; Nero 10.
64
cc. 28, 31, 42, 44, 53, cp. Ner. 4.
65
His grandmother Iulia [c. 8]; Octavia [Dio 54, 35], Agrippa [Dio 59, 28],
Drusus [Suet. Claud. 1; Dio 55, 2].
66
Suet. Claud. 1. -

d2

xxxii

INTRODUCTION,

and finally the index rerum gestarum, which constituted a kind
of ' apologia pro vita sua '67.
Next among Suetonius' sources we must reckon numerous
public documents, the acta diurna which were prePubhc
served68, senatus constclta et actam> the plebiscita
which bestowed honours on Augustus 70 , as well as
local records, as at Velitrae 71 .
Thirdly, there were writings of various sorts by friends and
foes. Among the former it seems we must reckon
Writings

°

offriends Maecenas and Agrippa, though it is uncertain
andfoes.
whether the writings referred to were formal compositions or mere letters 72 . Of his enemies there were speeches
of M. Brutus 73 ; letters of Sext. Pompeius74, Marcus and
Lucius Antonius 75 , Cassius of Parma 76 , Iunius Novatus 77 , besides popular pasquinades and epigrams 78 .
Lastly there were some books giving a more or less consecutive account of the life and times of Augustus 79 .
Histories *

Suetonius does not frequently refer to them by
name. He more often uses some vague phrase which might
cover both written and oral testimony, such as alii (cc. 2 and
16), scribunt quidam.. .extiterunt qui traderent (c. 15), quidam
fertmt\. .quidam exponunt\. .existunt qui ferant (c. 94), ferunt
(cc. 23, Ji^.fertur (c. 33). A certain number however he does
67

c. ior : Tac. Ann. 1, 8; Dio 56, 33.
Plin. N. H. 7, 60 in actis temporum di7)i Augusti invenio &c.
69
70
71
cc. 5, 58, 65.
cc. 5 7 - 8 .
c. 1.
72
Plin. N. H. 7, 148 Philippensi praelio morbidi fuga et triduo in palude aegroti et (ut fatentur Agrippa et Maecenas) aqua subter cutemfusa turgidi tatebra...
Horace Odes 2, 12, 8 tuque pedestribus dices historiis proelia Caesaris, Maecenas,
melius ductaque per mas regum colla minacium. Servius ad Verg. G. 2, 42 constat Maecenatem fuisse literarum peritum, et plura composuisse carmina; nametiam
Augusti Caesaris gesta descripsit} quod testatter Horatius. Philargyrius ad Verg.
Georg. 2, 162 Agrippa in secundo vitae suae dicit, etc. See also Pliny N. H.g% 24
pigeret refer re ni res Maecenatis et Fabiani et Flavii Alfii multorumque esset Uteris
mandata. None of these passages really prove that Maecenas, and much less that
Agrippa, wrote on Augustus; but Agrippa could hardly write his own life without
giving many particulars of that of Augustus. Cf. Plin. A^. H. 3 § 86.
73
74
75
Tat. Ann. 4, 34.
c. 68.
cc. 2, 4, 7, 16, 63, 68, 69.
76
c. 4. His letters are referred to by Pliny N. H. 31 § i r .
77
78
c. 51.
c. 70.
79
Augustus disliked inferior writers undertaking to write of him, see c. 89, cp.
Hor. Od. 1, 6, 10.
68

THE

SOURCES.

xxxiii

name. Among them perhaps the most important was Cremutius Cordus80, who wrote a history of Augustus {nrepl r&v
T<B Avyov<TT<p 7rpax@evTcov), and appears to have taken so unfavourable a view at any rate of the earlier part of his career,
that his books were burnt or excluded from Rome during the
reign of Tiberius. Aquilius Niger81, of whom nothing else is
known, also attacked him, accusing him of causing the death of
Hirtius. In like manner Iunius Saturninus (equally unknown)
assailed his conduct in the proscription 82 . Among other
writings M. Valerius Messala Corvinus (b. B.C. 64) composed
a work on the civil wars after the death of Iulius. He died
about 9 years before Augustus, and as he deserted Antony
for Augustus soon after Philippi, and was the mouthpiece of
the Senate when offering the title of pater patriae, his account
may be presumed to have been more favourable to Augustus 83 .
Cornelius Nepos, one of the older generation like Messala,
does not appear to have written a formal history of the time,
but in his Chronica or de viris illustribus may have retailed
some anecdotes of Augustus 84 . Iulius Marathus, who was his
freedman and secretary, seems to have written some account
of his personal appearance as well as of the prodigies that
accompanied his birth85. On this last subject anecdotes were
also preserved by Asclepiades of Egypt and P. Nigidius
Figulus86, Pythagorean philosopher and mystic. This class
of writer no doubt helped Suetonius in the composition of his
94th chapter, but could not add materially to the chief parts
of the work. That there was plentiful material, however,
either in literature or tradition, is also shown by the number
of anecdotes (about 80) recorded of Augustus in Pliny's
Natural History®.
80

81
82
c. 35 p. 80 note.
c. 11.
c. 27.
cc. 54, 58, 74. He had been devoted to Cassius Tac. Ann. 4, 34; when
put on the proscription list he had fled to Brutus [App. B. civ. 4, 38], and after
Philippi made terms with Antony [ib. c. 136; 5, 112—3]. See also Dio 49, 16,
38; 50, 10. His history is quoted by Plutarch Brut, cc, 40, 41, 43, 45.
84
85
m
c. 77 p. 143 note.
cc. 79, 94.
p. 162 notes.
87
It may be observed that Pliny is the only writer who records one important
work of Augustus, the division for administrative purposes of Italy into eleven
regiones [3 §§ 46—128]. They were I. Campania (including Latium south of the
Anio). II. Apulia and Calabria including the Hirpini. III. Lucania and Bruttium.
83

XXXIV

INTRODUCTION.

§ 4.

T H E TEXT.

The text of Suetonius, though not perfect, may be regarded
as fairly satisfactory, and few great problems seem to arise, at
any rate in the Augustus. The number of MSS. of the vitae
Caesarum is very great, the best of all being the Codex Memmianns (9th cent.) in the National Library at Paris, and the next
the Florence Codex Mediceus ( n t h century). Roth holds
it not proven that, as has been maintained, all later MSS.
were derived from the Memmianus or from any one source;
though all MSS. have the same lacuna at the beginning of
the Iulius, and certainly the variations between such MSS.
as have been collated are not large or important. I have
collated the two in the Cambridge University Library of the
12th and 15th centuries respectively, and the general result of
the inspection seems to be that the text had been thoroughly
settled before the earlier date. The two texts (setting aside
common blunders) are substantially the same, and offer little
assistance in such difficulties as exist. I have noticed most
variations of importance in the course of the notes. I append
a few observations on special points.
c. 7, p. 12, 1. 6. cubiculi Lares. The MSS. have cubiculares
(so both Camb. MSS.). The correction is by Lipsius.
c. 17, p. 38, 1. 1. Cn. Domitium. I have admitted Cn. into
the text in spite of all MSS., which have T , as there seems no doubt
whatever that the praenomen of Domitius was Gnaeus.
c. 21, p. 48, 1. 2. Suebos [some MSS. Suevos]. I feel that
Suetonius ought to have written Ubios, but it is possible that he
used Suebi in a loose and wide sense.
IV. Samnium (embracing the Frentani, Marrucini, Marsi, Peligni, Aequiculi,
Vestini, Sabini). V. Picenum. VI. Umbria (including the territory of the Senones).
VII. Etruria. VIII. Gallia Cispadana. IX. Liguria to the Var. X. Venetia (including Carni, Istri, Cenomani). XI. Gallia Transpadana. The division seems
to have taken into account both the natural features of the country and the distribution of races : but though Suetonius is careful to note his divisions of the city
and his police arrangements for the protection of the country (cc. 31, 32), it is only
in a passing allusion to his visitation of them that he mentions the regiones of Italy
(c. 46).

THE TEXT.

XXXV

c. 25, p. 55, 1. 5. S i c i l i a is evidently right for the Cilicia of
most MSS. The same error occurs in Livy Ep. 58.
c. 30, p. 68, 1. 5. sestertii. The later Camb. MS. has s e s t e r t i u m ; and it seems to me now more probable that in this and
similar places the numeral sign H S has been wrongly transcribed with
the singular case terminations of sestertium. See also c. 41, p. 91,1. 7.
c
- 32> P- 75> 1 7- v i c e n s i m o [quinto]. The MSS. have tricen«
simo or tricessimo. See fragm. of the Lex Acilia (formerly called Lex
Servilia)% 17, Bruns Fontes p. 59, C. I. L. 1, 49—54. It may be
observed that 25 was also the minimum age for the lowest senatorial
magistracies under Augustus, Dio 52, 20, Momms. Staatsr. p. 235.
c. 40, p. 90, 1. 9. c i r c o v e . This reading for circave, adopted
by Roth from a Paris MS. and several others, is also in the older
Cambridge MS.
c. 42, p. 93, 1. 12. p o s t se. Both Cambridge MSS. have posse.
„
„ 1. 13. p o s t h a c . Camb. 1 , Camb. 2 posthanc.
c. 51, p. 109, 1. 6. s e d v i o l e n t i u s , an emendation of Pithoeus
for sedulo lentius. Camb. 2 sedido violentius.
c. 53, p. i n , 1. 10. a d o p e r t a is the reading of the MSS. but I
have on the whole preferred Roth's a d a p e r t a . The point of the
former would be that Augustus closed the curtains of his sedan to
avoid giving or receiving trouble.
c. 56, p. 114, 1. 3. i n t r i b u . Erasmus for the MSS. tribubus.
The latter might be defended by translating ' among the tribes,' i.e.
in his tribe when the tribes were voting. Camb. 1 has trib.
c. 64, p. 124,1. 7. n o t a r e . I have accepted this emendation
of Lipsius with some doubt. For though writing in shorthand was
taught boys in schools, swimming was also a conspicuous feature in
early training, which Cato taught his son himself (Plut. Cat. 20); yet
perhaps it would be too much for a valetudinarian, like Augustus,
to do.
c. 70, p. 133,1. 3. istorum. Camb. 1 iustum.
c. 79, p. 147, 1. 3. e t a m e m o r i a e i u s . This phrase does
not seem to occur elsewhere. The MSS. have etiam memoriam,
Camb. 1 etiam in memoria?n.
c. 94, p. 164, 1. 13. i n e i u s s i n u m s i g n u m rei p u b l i c a e .
Roth reads in eius sinum rempublicam. But Dio, who is translating
from Suetonius, has elKova nva TTJS 'PW/^S [45, 2], and it seems somewhat forced to use respublica as = signum reipublicae. The Codex
Memm. has in eius signum reipublicae, but sifium would be likely to
drop out before a word so similar as signum. The two Camb. MSS.

xxxvi

INTRODUCTION,

have in eius sinum reipublicae^ thus by a parallel mistake dropping
the other of the two similar words. The true reading is found in
several MSS.
c. 98, p. 169, 1. 11. m i s s i l i a . Roth marks a lacuna before this
word. We might read rerumque omnium as in Ner. 11. But rerum
may be defended perhaps as referring to the ornaments or furniture,
as opposed to the eatables lying on the table. For d i r i p i e n d i q u e
Camb. 1 has diripiendi.
[Madvig Advers. Crit (1872) pp. 374 sq. proposes the following
emendations: c. 27, p. 58, 1. 4 persona, c. 32, p. 73, 1. 10 grassaturam. c. 35, p. 79, 1. 4 a deformi\ 1. 6 pretiwn for praemium. c. 42,
p. 93, 1. 12 restitutum iri. c. 43, p. 95, 1. 7 om. et before nonnunquam. c. 65, p. 126, 1. 11 quoquam for quopiam. c. 86, p. 153, 1. 17
Annius a c Veranius, c. 89, p. 157, 1. 2 alii dabat, sed plane, Poematum etc. c. 91, p. 159, 11. 5—6
dedicata...aedes...frequentaretur,
Cp. Dio 54, 4.]

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS DURING THE L I F E OF
AUGUSTUS.

CONSULS

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

M. Tullius Cicero, C. An- Birth of Augustus at Rome IX. Kal. Oct. (23
Sept.) c. 5. Execution of the Catilinarian
tonius.
conspirators Non. Dec. (13 Dec). Capture
of Jerusalem by Pompey in December. Birth
of M. Vipsanius Agrippa.
D.lunius Silanus, L. Licinius C. lulius Caesar praetor. Fall of Catiline in
the winter. Return of Pompey to Italy from
Murena.
the East.
M. Pupius Piso Calpurnia- Triumph of Pompey. lulius goes to Spain as
pro-praetor.
nus, M. Messala Niger.
L. Afranius, Q. Caecilius After victories in Spain lulius returns to Rome
to stand for the Consulship. Formation of
Metellus Celer.
the so-called triumvirate—Pompey, Caesar
and Crassus.
C. lulius Caesar, M. Cal- Contests between Caesar and the Optimates
headed by Bibulus. Caesar carries his
purnius Bibulus
agrarian laws and the lex de repehmdis.
Death of C Octavius, father of Augustus,
c. 8. Clodius becomes Tribune on 10 December. Birth of Livy.
L. Calpurnius Piso Caeso- Clodius carries a law punishing those who had
put citizens to death without trial. Cicero
ninus, A. Gabinius.
goes into exile (April). lulius Caesar in
Gaul conquers the Helvetii and the German
Ariovistus. Clodius quarrels with Pompey.
Birth of Propertius.
P. Cornelius Lentulus Spin- lulius conquers the Belgae. Cicero returns
from exile (September). Pompey praefectus
ther, Q. Caecilius Metellus
annonae for five years. Birth of Livia (27
Nepos.
September).
Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Campaign of lulius in Armorica. Clodius,
Marcellinus, L. Marcius
aedile, still attacks Pompey. Conference at
Philippus.
Lucca and renewal of the agreement between Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus.
Cn. Pompeius Magnus II., lulius defeats the Germans on the Meuse and
M. Licinius Crassus II.
crosses the Rhine, and first goes to Britain.
Pompey marries Iulia, daughter of lulius
Caesar. Death of the poet Lucretius.

INTRODUCTION.

XXXV111

CONSULS
54

53

52

5»

50

49

47

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

lulius Caesar goes to Britain a second time.
Rebellion of Ambiorix in Gaul. Crassus
marches against the Parthians. Death of
Iulia in childbirth. Pompey pro-consul of
Spain, which he governs by three legates,
staying at home himself.
Cn. Domitius Calvinus, M. lulius Caesar subdues the Nervii. At Rome
frequent riots between the followers of CloValerius Messala.
dius and Milo prevent the Consular elections.
Crassus defeated and killed at Carrhae by
the Parthians.
Cn. Pompeius Magnus III., Murder of Clodius by Milo (20 Jan.). More
riots preventing election of consul till 25 Fesolus: ex Kal. Sexti/., Q.
bruary. Pompey carries a law preventing
Caecilius Metellus Pius
consuls taking a province till 5 years after
Scipio.
consulship, and renewing the rule that a
candidate for consulship must come personally to Rome. Milo condemned de vi.
Campaign of lulius against Vercingetorix.
Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, M. Final reduction of Gaul by lulius Caesar.
He is deprived of two legions for the ParClaudius Marcellus.
thian war under Bibulus. Parthians defeated
by C. Cassius. Proposals to give Caesar a successor in Gaul. Death of Iulia, grandmother
of Augustus, who speaks her funeral oration
in his 12th year, c. 8. Pompey's command
in Spain extended to a second period of 5
years. Cicero governor of Cilicia.
Illness of Pompey. Farther attempts to recall
L. Aemilius Paulus,
lulius Caesar. Curio (tribune) vetoes the
Claudius Marcellus.
proposal to name a day for lulius to give up
his province, and on the 10th Dec. joins
Caesar at Ravenna.
C. Claudius Marcellus, L. Caesar sends an ultimatum to the Senate,—
he will surrender his province and army if
Cornelius Lentulus Cms.
Pompey will do the same. Expulsion of the
Diet. s. eq. m. comit. /tab.
tribunes Antony and Cassius from the Seet fer. Lett, e., C, lulius
nate. Caesar crosses the Rubicon (Jan.) and
Caesar.
advances towards Brundisium. Pompey collects his forces at Brundisium and thence
crosses to Greece (March). Siege of Marseilles. Defeat of the Pompeian legates at
Ilerda in Spain (August).
C. lulius Caesar II., P. Ser- Defeat of Pompey at Pharsalus (9 August =
29 June). Pompey murdered in Egypt.
vilius Vatia Isauricus.
Octavius (Augustus) assumes the toga virilis
(18 Oct.), and is elected into the college of
pontifices in the room of Domitius Ahenobarbus. He acts as praefedits urbi during
the feriae Latinae [Nic. Dam. 7]. Caesar
engaged in the Alexandrine war.
Dictator r. p. c. c., C. lulius Conclusion of the Alexandrine war (28 March
Caesar. Mag. eq.,M. An=January). Defeat of Pharnaces of Pontus
tonius. Q. Fufius Calenus,
and return of Caesar (as Dictator) to Rome
cos., P. Vatinius, cos.
(Septem. =July). Thence goes to Africa to
attack Cato and the remains of the Pompeians. Octavius (Augustus) prevented by
his mother owing to weak health from accompanying him [Nic. Dam. 6].
L. Domitius Ahenobarbus,
Ap. Claudius Pulcher.

CHRONOLOGICAL

TABLE.

xxxix

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

C. lulius Caesar III.,
Aemilius Lepidus.

M.

Dictator r. p. c.c.,C lulius
Caesar I I I . Mag. eq., M.
Aemilius Lepidus.
C. lulius Caesar IV. cos.
sine collega.
Q. Fabius Maximus mort.,
C. Caninius Rebilus, C.
Trebonius.
Dictator r.p. ger. c., C. lulius
Caesar IV. Mag. eq., M.
AemiliusLepidusII. Mag.
eq., C. Octavius. Mag.
eq.fCn. Domitius Calvinus
non iniit.
C. lulius Caesar V. cos. occ.
est, M. Antonius.
P. Cornelius Dolabella.

C. Vibius Pansa mort. est,
A. Hirtius occis. est.
C. lulius Caesar Octavianus
add., C. Carrinas, Q. Pedius mort. est, P. Ventidius.
Ill.viri reip. constituendae,
M. Aemilius Lepidus, M.
Antonius, C. lulius Caesar
Octavianus.
L. Munatius Plancus, M.
Aemilius Lepidus I I .

L. Antonius Pietas, P. Sulpicius.
Cn. Domitius Calvinus II.
add., C. Asinius Pollio.
L. Cornelius Balbus.
P. Canidius Crassus.
L. Marcius Censorinus, C.
Calvisius Sabinus.

Battle of Thapsus (7 April), and suicide of
Cato at Utica. Reformation of the Calendar
by insertion of 90 days. The young Octavius
in high favour with lulius, which he uses to
obtain pardon for the brother of his friend
Agrippa [Nic. Dam. 7]. Caesar's triple
triumph over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus. Octavius
takes part in it. Caesar (Dictator for 10
years) goes to Spain in December.
War with Gnaeus and Sextus Pompeius in
Spain. Battle of Munda (17 March). Octavius, left behind from sickness, joins Caesar
soon after the battle of Munda, with him
visits Carthage [Nic. Dam. 11], and returns
to Rome in September. lulius appointed perpetual Dictator with right of being consul for
10 years. Octavius treated as his uncle's heir.
Murder of lulius (14 March). Octavius, who
was at Apollonia in Epirus, returned at once
to Italy (April). By will of lulius he is
adopted as his son and made heir to threefourths of his estate. He accepts the inheritance and is henceforth known as C. lulius
Caesar Octavianus. When his relations with
Antony became strained he enrolled a legion
of yeterans, and was joined by two other legions which Antony had brought over from
Macedonia. With these he inarches to Miltina where Antony was besieging Dec. Brutus
(December). The Senate votes him authority
(1) as pro praetore, and (2) as pro constile.
Battle at Forum Gallorum near Mutina (15
April).
The consul Pansa is mortally
wounded, Hirtius being killed next day in
assaulting Antony's camp. Antony retreats
to Gaul, followed by Dec. Brutus. Octavian
comes to Rome and is elected consul (August). The lex Pedia for trial of assassins
of lulius. Octavian makes terms with Antony and Lepidus, and the Triumvirate is
arranged. This followed by the proscriptions.
Birth of Ovid (20 March).
War with Sext. Pompeius, and with Brutus
and Cassius. Battles at Philippi (Oct.—
Nov.). Death of Brutus and Cassius. Fresh
arrangement for dividing the care of the
Empire between the triumvirs. Antony goes
to Asia, and thence to Egypt with Cleopatra.
Birth of Tiberius (16 November).
Quarrel between Caesar and L. Antonius and
Fulvia. Siege of Perusia.
Fall of Perusia. M. Antonius and Ahenobarbus harass the coasts of S. Italy. Caesar
marries Scribonia. Peace of Brundusium
between Caesar and Antony. Marriage of
Antony and Octavia. Ovation.
Peace of Misenum with Sext. Pompeius. Antony goes to the East against the Parthians.
Birth of Iulia and divorce of Scribonia.

xl

INTRODUCTION.
CONSULS

38

37

36

35
34

33

32

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

Ap. Claudius Pulcher, C. Caesar marries Livia. Birth of Drusus. Sext.
Pompeius renews his depredations on Italy.
Norbanus Flaccus.
Two indecisive sea-battles off (1) Cumae,
(2) Rhegium. Disasters to Caesar's fleet off
the Scyllaean promontory [Dio 48, 46—8].
Victory of Ventidius over the Parthians
[Dio 49, 19—26]. Sosius conquers the Jews
and takes Jerusalem. First period of the
Triumvirate expires (31 December).
Ill.viri reip. constituendae, Caesar causes a new fleet to be built under the
M. Aemiiius Lepidus II.,
direction of Agrippa (recalled from Gaul),
M. Antonius II., C. Iulius
who also constructs the portus Iulius beCaesar Octavianus II.
tween Misenum and Puteoli. Antony comes
to Tarentum and agrees with Caesar for a
M. Agrippa cos., L. Cani5 years' renewal of the Triumvirate.
nius Gallus cos. abd. T.
Statilius Taurus.
L. Gellius Poplicola abd., Renewed war with Sextus Pompeius, battles off
Mylae. Caesar's expedition to Tauromenium:
M. Cocceius Nerva abd.
his danger: final defeat of Pompeius at Mylae
L. Munatius Plancus II., P.
and flight to Asia. Treason of Lepidus and
Sulpicius Quirinus.
his deposition from the Triumvirate. Axiovatio
voted to Caesar and Tribunician privileges
[Dio 49, 15]. Disasters of Antony in the
Parthian war. Statilius Taurus secures Africa
for Caesar, and Norbanus Flaccus Spain.
A residence assigned to Caesar on the
Palatine. Ovation.
L. Comificius, Sex. Pom- Murder of Sext. Pompeius in Phrygia. Caesar
goes on an expedition against the Illyrians
peius.
and Pannonians, c. 20.
L. Scribonius Libo, M. An- Caesar conquers the Dalmatians. Messala sub^
dues the Salassi (Vald* Aosta). Antony intonius, abd.
vades Armenia and captures king ArtavasL. Sempronius Atratinus.
des treacherously. Caesar receives a wound
Ex Kal. ltd. Paul. Aemiiius
in the course of the Illyrian expedition, c. 20.
Lepidus, C. Memmius.
Special honours voted to Octavia and Livia.
Ex Kal. Nov. M. Herennius
Triumphs of T. Statilius Taurus ex Africa;
Pic ens. .
of C. Sosius ex Iudaea-, of C. Norbanus
Flaccus ex Hispania. Death of Sallust.
Imp. Caesar Augustus I I . Agrippa as aedile reforms the water supply in
Rome and restores the aqueducts. Fruitless
abd., L. Volcatius Tullus.
expedition of Antony up to the Araxos.
P. Autronius Paetus.
The Parthians conquer Media and Armenia.
Ex Kal. Mai C. Flavius.
Antony returns to Greece eiri rep rod Kaiaapos
Ex Kal. Jul. C. Fonteius
TroX^y [Dio 49, 44]. Caesar and the Senate
Capit o, M'. Acilius Aviola.
create new patricians. Mauretania made a
Ex Kal. Sept. L. Vinucius.
province on death of k. Bocchus.
Ex Kal. Oct. L. Laronius.
Cii. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Breach between Caesar and Antony becomes
complete, c. 17. Antony divorces Octavia.
C. Sosius.
Caesar makes known the contents of AnEx Kal. Jul. L. Cornelius.
tony's will. War proclaimed nominally
Ex Kal. Nov. N. Valerius.
against Cleopatra. Dio [50, 6] gives the two
sides. For Caesar were Italy, Gaul, Spain,
Roman Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and other
islands on the coasts of these: for Antony
the provinces and client states of Asia and
Thrace, Greece, Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrene
and islands adjoining, and nearly all kings
and dynasts in the vicinity of these places.

CHRONOLOGICAL
CONSULS

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

Imp. Caesar Augustus I I I . ,
M. Valerius Messala Corvinus.
Ex Kal. Mai. M. Titius.
Ex Kal. Oct. Cn. Pompeius.
Imp. Caesar Augustus IV.,
M . Licinius Crassus.
Ex Kal. Jul. C. Antistius
Vetus.
Ex Id. Sept. M . Tullius
Cicero.
Ex Kal. Nov. L . Saenius.
Imp. Caesar Augustus V.,
Sex. Appuleius.
Ex Kal lul. Potitus Valerius Messala.
Ex Kal. Nov. C. Furnius,
C. Cluvius.
Imp. Caesar Augustus V I . ,
M. Agrippa I I .

TABLE.
PRINCIPAL

xli

EVENTS

Defeat of Antony and Cleopatra at Actium,
2nd September. Caesar becomes supreme
in the State [Dio 5 1 , 1 rbre irp&Tov 6 Kai<rap
TO Kparos irav fxbvos <=axev\
Defeat of Antony in Egypt. H e and Cleopatra commit suicide (August). Egypt becomes a province with special conditions.
Cornelius Gallus appointed first praefect.
T h e Senate vote to Caesar (1) Tribunicia
potestas for life, outside as well as inside the
pomoerium, (2) a casting vote in all iudicia,
(3) special mention in all public prayers, and
private libations. T h e Georgics of Vergil.
Caesar's three triumphs, ex Illyrico, ex Actiaca
victoria, de Cleopatra.
T h e temple of Ianus
closed. First reform of the Senate.

Marriage of Agrippa with Marcella, the niece
of Caesar. T h e consuls hold a census and
Caesar is entered as princeps
Senatus.
Temple of Apollo on the Palatine consecrated. T w o praetorii put at the head of
the treasury.
Restoration of temples is
begun.
Imp. Caesar Augustus V I I . . T h e proposal of Caesar to restore the Republic
M. Agrippa I I I .
rejected by the Senate, c. 28. Division of the
provinces into Senatorial and Imperial for
10 years [Dio 53, 11—13]. Caesar receives
the title of A U G U S T U S , 13 J a n . [Ov. F. 1,
587]—irapa rrjs J3OV\T]S /cat irapa rod drjjuiov
[Dio 53, 16]. The Principatus.
ovrw T6 re
rod drj/JLov /cat TO yepovo~ias Kp&Tos irav is Tbv
Aflyovo-Tov fxeTicTTt) /cat air' avTov /cat &KpL(37)s
fjiovapxia /car^cr^ [Dio 53, 17]. Tiberius assumes the toga virilis.
Augustus goes to
Gaul and Spain.
Imp. Caesar Augustus V I I I . , Death of Cornelius Gallus. Augustus engaged
T . Statilius Taurus I I .
in the Cantabrian war. Sext. Appuleius'
triumphs ex Hisp.
Imp. Caesar Augustus I X . , Expedition of Terentius Varro against the
M. Iunius Silanus.
Salassi. Foundation of Augusta Emerita in
Spain. Galatia made a R o m a n province,
but Mauritania restored to Iuba. Construction of the Triumphal Arch at Turbia voted
[Dio 53, 2 5 ; Pliny, N. H. 3, § 136]. See
under year B.C. 6. Second closing of the
temple of Ianus.
Imp. Caesar Augustus X . , Augustus returns from Spain. Honours voted
C. Norbanus Flaccus.
to the young Marcellus. Renewed rebellion
of the Cantabri. Expedition of Aelius Gallus
into Arabia.
Imp. Caesar Augustus X I . Dangerous illness of Augustus, c. 28. Agrippa
add., A. Terentius Varro
(made governor of Syria) retires to Lesbos.
Murena mort. est.
Important constitutional changes. Augustus
L . Sestius, Cn. Calpurnius
abdicates the consulship and receives tribuPiso,
nicia potestas for life, see under anno 2 7 ;

INTRODUCTION.

xlii
CONSULS

n

M. Claudius Marcellus Aeserninus, L. Arruntius.
Censores.
L. Munatius Plancus.
Paul. Aemilius Lepidus.

M. Lollius, Q. Aemilius Lepidus.
M. Appuleius,
Nerva.

P. Silius

C. Sentius Saturninus, Q.
Lucretius Vespillo.
Ex Kal. ltd. M. Vinucius.

P. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, Cn. Cornelius
Lentulus.

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

and proconsulare imperium^ both inside and
outside the pomoerium, superior (mams) to
that of any governor in any province. From
this year the years of his tribunicia potestas
are henceforth reckoned, beginning v. Kal.
Iul. (27 June), Dio 53, 32. Death of the
young Marcellus. Return of the standards
from Parthia agreed upon.
Conspiracy and death of Murena, c. 19. Some
changes in the arrangement of the Imperial
and Senatorial provinces, Cyprus and Gallia
Narbonensis become Senatorial. Outbreak
among the Cantabri.
Gaius Petronius
repulses the Aethiopian invaders of Egypt.
Augustus goes to Sicily on his way to
the East. Disturbances at the consular
comitia.
Agrippa, recalled to Rome, marries Iulia,
daughter of Augustus. Augustus returns to
Sicily and thence goes to Greece, and winters at Samos.
The standards and prisoners are returned from
Parthia. Birth of Gaius Caesar, son of Iulia
and Agrippa. Augustus regulates the affairs
of the East [Dio 54, 9]. He again winters
at Samos. Mission of Tiberius to Armenia.
Agrippa finally subdues the Cantabri. Augustus returns to Rome (12 Oct.). Tiberius
granted praetorian rank. Augustus appointed praefechts moribzis with censorial
powers for 5 years [Dio 54, 10]. Consular
rank for life and the perpetual power of
proposing laws also voted to him. Death
of Vergil.
Second reform of the Senate. The lex de
maritandis ordinibus. First renewal of the
Principatus [two periods of five years, Dio
53,

'5

13

l6

; 54, 12].

The ludi saeculares held. Birth of Lucius
Caesar, son of Agrippa and Iulia. Augustus
adopts him and his elder brother Gaius.
L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Agrippa again sent to Syria. Statilius Taurus
P. Cornelius Scipio.
made praefectus urbi. Disturbances in the
Alpine regions, in Pannonia, Dalmatia,
Ex Kal. Iul. L. Tarius RuMacedonia and Thrace. Augustus spent
fus.
this and the next year in or near Gaul.
M. Lollius defeated by the Sigambri and
Usipetes, c. 23.
M. Livius Drusus Libo, L. Augustus still in Gaul. Tiberius and Drusus
subdue the Rhaeti.
Calpurnius Piso.
M. Licinius Crassus, Cn. The temple of Ianus again closed.
Cornelius Lentulus Augur.
Tib. Claudius Nero, P. Augustus returns to Rome from Gaul and
Quinctilius Varus.
Agrippa from Asia. Drusus in Germany.
Opening of the theatrum Marcelli. Third
reform of the Senate. Agrippa sent in the
winter against the Pannonians. Death of
Lepidus.
C. Furnius, C Iunius Silanus.

CHRONOLOGICAL
CONSULS

TABLE,

xliii

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

M. Valerius Messala Barba- Agrippa dies in March. Augustus becomes
Pontifex Maximus (6 March); and is aptus mort. est, P. Sulpicius
pointed praefectus moribus for another 5
Quirinus abd.
years.
C. Valgius Rufus abd., C
Caninius Rebilus mort. est,
L. Volusius Saturninus.
Q. Aelius Tubero, Paul. Fa- Campaign of Drusus in Germany and of
Tiberius in Dalmatia. Death of Octavia,
bius Maximus.
c. 61. Fourth reform of the Senate. Closing
of the temple of I anus prevented by the
Daci crossing the Danube. They are defeated by Tiberius in this and the next year.
lulus Antoninus, Q. Fabius Augustus resides most of this year at Lugdunum.
Birth of Claudius (afterwards
Maximus Africanus.
Emperor) at Lugdunum, son of Drusus and
Antonia, niece of Augustus.
Nero Claudius Drusus Ger- Drusus attacks the Chatti and Suevi. He dies
from an accident. Farther reforms in the
manicus mort. est, T.
Senate [Dio 55, 3].
Quinctius Crispinus.
C. Marcius Censorinus, C. Augustus returns to Rome and again takes the
government of the provinces for 10 years
Asinius Gallus.
[Dio 55, 5]. Tiberius crosses the Rhine to
attack the rebellious Sigambri. The various
tribes submit. Death of Horace and Maecenas. The name of the month Sextilis
changed to August. Augustus holds a
census. Third period of the Principatus.
Ti. Claudius Nero II., Cn. Triumph of Tiberius (1 Jan.). Renewed disCalpurnius Piso.
turbances in Germany recall him thither.
Rome divided into 14 regiones. Tiberius
receives the Tribunician power for 5 years.
D. Laelius Balbus, C. An- Gaius Caesar consul designate for the sixth
tistius Vetus.
year after this (i.e. a whole quinquennium is
to intervene). Tiberius retires to Rhodes for
7 years.
Imp. Caesar Augustus XII., Gaius Caesar takes the toga virilis, c. 26.
L. Cornelius Sulla.
Death of Tiro, the freedman of Cicero and
editor of his letters. (?The Nativity of
Christ.)
C. Calvisius Sabinus, L. Death of Herod.
Passienus Rufus.
L. Cornelius Lentulus, M. Birth of Galba (afterwards Emperor). Alarms
in Parthia and Germany.
Valerius Messalinus.
Imp. Caesar Augustus XIII. L. Caesar takes the toga virilis.
Augustus
abd., M. Plancius Silvareceives the title of pater patriae, c. 58. Iulia
divorced by Tiberius (in B.C. 11) and bannus abd.
ished by her father, c. 65.
Q. Fabricius, L. Caninius
Gallus.
Cossus Cornelius Lentulus, C. Caesar sent to the East to prevent the
Parthian invasion of Armenia.
L. Calpurnius Piso.
C. Caesar, L. Aemilius A dangerous rising in Germany against M.
Paullus.
Vinicius.
P. Vincius, P. Alfenius Tiberius returns to Rome from Rhodes. Death
Varus.
of Lucius Caesar at Massilia (August). C.
Ex Kal. Jul. P. CorneCaesar meets Phraates on the Euphrates, at
which meeting Velleius Paterculus was
lius Lentulus Scipio, T.
present [2, 101]. The house of Augustus
Quinctius Crispinus Valeon the Palatine burnt.
riana.

INTRODUCTION.

xliv
CONSULS

*3
H

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

L. Aelius Lamia, M. Ser- Fourth period of principalis [Dio 55, 12].
vilius.
Ex KaL IuL P. Silius, L.
Volusius Saturninus.
Sext. Aelius Catus, C. Sen- Death of Gaius Caesar at Zimyra in Lycia
(23 Feb.). Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus
tius Saturninus.
adopted by Augustus (27 June). Tiberius
Ex KaL IuL C. Clodius Lireceives trib. pot. for 10 years and goes to
cinus, Cn. Sentius SaturGermany, the campaign lasting till December.
ninus.
Treason of Gnaeus Cornelius.
L. Valerius Messala Volesus, Second campaign of Tiberius in Germany. A
severe famine in Rome.
Cn. Cornelius Cinna Magnus.
Ex KaL IuL C. Ateius Capita, C. Vibius Postumus.
M. Aemilius Lepidus, L. Third campaign of Tiberius in Germany. ReAmntius abd.
volt in Pannonia and Dalmatia. The aeraL. Nonius Asprenas.
rium militare established. Dedication of the
arch at Turbia, commemorating the pacification of the Alpine tribes.
A. Licinius Nerva Silianus, Germanicus (son of Drusus) sent to Pannonia.
Q. Caecilius Metellus CreTiberius undertakes the Illyrian war (A.D.
ti'cus.
7-9)M. Furius Camillus, Sex. The Pannonians submit, but there is still
Nonius Quinctilianus.
fighting in Dalmatia.
Ex KaL ltd. L. Apronius,
A. Vibius Habitus.
C. Poppaeus Sabinus, Q. Tiberius visits Rome, but has to return to
Sulpicius Camerinus.
Dalmatia, and the whole of Illyricum is
Ex KaL ltd M. Papius Musubdued. Defeat and death of Varus, c. 23
tilus, Q. Poppaeus Secun[Dio 56, 18—24; Veil. 2, 117—120]. Birth
dus.
of Vespasian (afterwards Emperor). Exile
of Ovid and of the younger Iulia.
P. Cornelius Dolabella, C. Tiberius goes to Germany to restore discipline
Iunius Silanus.
and to make preparations for crossing the
Ex KaL IuL Ser. Cornelius
Rhine. Augustus makes great exertions to
Lentulus.
enrol fresh legions [Suet. Tib. 18; Dio 56,
23]M. Aemilius Lepidus, T. Tiberius and Germanicus cross the Rhine, but
Statilius Taurus.
advance a very short distance and fight no
Ex KaL ltd. L. Cassius
battle. The Rhine remains the limit of the
Longinus.
Roman empire.
Germanicus Caesar, C. Fon- Tiberius celebrates a triumph ex Pannoniis
teius Capito.
Dalmatisque. Birth of Caligula at Treves (?)
Ex KaL ltd. C. Visellius
(31 Aug.), Suet. Cal. 8.
Varro.
C. Silius, L. Munatius Plan- The principatus renewed a fifth time for 10
cus.
years.
Sex. Pompeius, Sex. Ap- Augustus with Tiberius as colleague holds a
puleius.
census, cc. 27, 97, Tib. 21. Death of Augustus
(19 August).

C. S U E T O N I

DE

VITA

TRANQUILLI

CAESARUM

LIBER II.
DIVUS AUGUSTUS.
G E N T E M Octaviam Velitris praecipuam olim fuisse, multa 1
declarant. Nam et vicus celeberrima parte oppidi
iam pridem Octavius vocabatur et ostendebatur ara TQ^a^s
Octavio consecrata, qui bello dux finitimo, cum
forte Marti rem divinam faceret, nuntiata repente hostis
1. Velitris. It seems doubtful whether Velitrae was originally a Latin or
Volscian town. It long maintained independence of Rome. Twice at least
(B.C. 492 and 404) it was occupied by
Roman coloni. Yet the original inhabitants absorbed or overcame these
coloni and maintained the traditional
hostility to Rome. At the end of the
Latin War (B.C. 340—338) its senators
were removed beyond the Tiber, its
walls dismantled, and new settlers were
sent to occupy the lands of the banished
senators. Still it retained a form of
municipal government [Livy 8, 14]
and shared in the Roman civitas
under the Lex lulia of B.C. 90. The
members of the gens Octavia however
who were settled there were already
Roman citizens.
praecipuam, 'distinguished.' Tac.
A, 12, 40 praecipuus scientia rei miliS.

taris. As applied to living persons in
this sense it seems chiefly prae-classical
and of the silver age.
celeberrima, 'mostfrequented.' Cato
R. R. 1 § 3 recommends that there
should be near the farm a via bona celebrisque; cp. infr. c. 44 ludi celeberrimi*
oppidi as opposed to urbs (Rome), cp.
Tib. 11; Otho 1, though the two words
are often interchanged.
ara Octavio consecrata, 'an altar
consecrated by an Octavius'; cf. Jul. 20
camfium Stellatem maioribus consecraturn...divisit. Some however explain it
as dative 'dedicated to,' i.e. for the
use of Octavius and his family. The
builder of such an altar consecrated it
to the use of himself and his family, see
for instance Willmanns' Exempt. Inscr.
2514 C • CLODIVS • C • L • EVPHEMVS • NEGOCIATOR • PENORIS • E T •
VINORVM • D E • V E L A B R O • A • I I I I •

I

2

SUE TON I

[2

incursione, semicruda exta rapta foco prosecuit, atque ita
proelium ingressus victor redit. Decretum etiam publicum
exstabat, quo cavebatur ut in posterum quoque simili modo
exta Marti redderentur, reliquiaeque ad Octavios referrentur.
2 Ea gens a Tarquinio Prisco rege inter minores gentis adlecta s
in senatum, mox a Servio Tullio in patricias traducta, procedente tempore ad plebem se contulit, ac rursus magno
SCARIS • ARAM • POSV1T • SIBI • CONSECRAVIT • DEDICAVITQVE • LIBERTISQVE • SVIS • POSTERISQVE • EORVM.

Such an altar served at once as a rendezvous of the family and a memorial
of some great event. T h u s the exsecrata
columna [Cic. i Phil. § 5] set up by the
pseudo-Marius where Caesar's body was
burnt is called by Dio Cassius a ^oj/xbs
[44, 51] and an ara by Brutus
[ad/am.
12, 2]. Even when such memorials in the
streets took the form of statues, incense
was offered on them as altars. Cicero de
Off. 3, § 80 (of Marius Gratidianus) et
ea res, si quaeris, ei magno
honorifuit.
Omnibus vicis statuae, ad eas tus, cerei.
prosecuit is a ritual word, and was
applied to formal cutting or slicing of
the entrails, as inseco to the flesh, in
preparation for the altar. Cato R. R.
134 ubi exta prosecta erunti lano struem
ommoveto mactatoque item uti
prius
obmoveris.
Varro L. L. n o insicia ab
eo quod insecta caro, ut in carmine Saliorum est, quod in extis dicitur
nunc
prosectum.
Livy 5, 21 vocem haruspicis
dicentis * qui eius hostiae exta prosecuisset
ei victoriam darV exauditam.
See also
Lucan 6, 7 0 9 ; Ovid F. 6, 163.
redderentur is also a ritual word
applied to the action of placing the exta
on the altar. Carmen Arv. C. I. L. 28
deinde reversus ad aram extas reddidit.
Vergil G. 2, 194 lancibus et pandis
fumantia
reddimus exta. Stat. Theb. 4,
466 semineces jibras et ad hue spirantia
reddit viscera.
This was also expressed
by exta porricere.
reliquiae...referrentur, that is, the
parts not burnt were to be taken to the
house of the Octavii. Cp. Plaut. Poen.
2, 43 age eamus intro, dum exta referuntur.
Ovid Met. 12, 153 cuius ut
imposuitprosecta
calentibus
aris...sacra
tulere suam, pars est data cetera mensis.
2. e a g e n s . . . senatum. T h e addition
of 100 to the Senate by Tarquinius Priscus is recorded by Livy 1, 3 5 ; Dionysius 3, 67. Cicero [de Re P. 2, 20]

says that he doubled the number. T h e
gentes from whom they were taken were
called gentes minores. T h e process was
called adlectio [Suet. Iul. 80, irpofficara\eyeuv Plut. Rom. 20], or sublectio [Livy
ep. 70; T a c . Ann. 11, 25]. But neither
of this nor of the subsequent traductio by
Servius Tullius have we any knowledge.
I t seems to have been a later invention.
T h e Octavii known to us in Livy [28, 3 6 ;
2
9> J3> 3 6 ; ?>o, 2, 24, 3 6 ; 3 1 , 3, 1 1 ;
34» 4 5 ; 35» 2 5 ; 36, 16] are a Plebeian
gens, of which the first to hold curule
office was Cn. Octavius, praetor in 205.
F o r the term traductio see Cicero pro
Sest. § 15 traductio adplebem
furibundi
hominis;
ad Att. 2, 9 hie Hierosolymarius traductor ad plebem.
per Divum Iulium...redit. T h e elevation of Octavius to the patriciate seems
to have taken place soon after the battle
of Pharsalus (August B.C. 48). O n the
18th of October following [C. I. L. 10,
8375] Octavius took the toga virilis, and
in describing the ceremony Dio [45, 2]
says k% odv TO^Ttav 6 Kcucrap /J.£ya\a eir*
ai)T$€ire\irl(ras h re roi>s efiirarplSas atirbv
ivtfyaye ical iirl rty apxty T](TK€L. A t the
same time he was elected into the college
of Pontifices in the place of Ahenobarbus, who had fallen in the battle [Nicolas
D a m . 4]. But as Caesar did not return
to R o m e till the autumn of 47, the actual
traductio may not have taken place till
l a t e r ; perhaps in 46 or 45, when in
virtue of a lex Cassia [Tac. Ann. 11, 25]
Caesar endeavoured to recruit the diminishing patrician gentes, which had
sunk to fourteen or fifteen, by new
creations, Dio 43, 47 7ro\\oi)s de ical
is roifS evTrarptdas rods re virarevKdras
7} /cat apxw Tiva api-avras eyicarPket-ev.
F o r this new class of nobility see
Mommsen R. H. 4 p . 475. Augustus
continued the
practice,—patriciorum
numerum auxi consulquintum
(B.C. 29)
iussu populi et senatus, M . A. 1, 8, cp.
Dio 52, 4 2 ; Tacitus I.e.
Subsequent
emperors did it on their own authority.

DIVUS

2.]

AUGUSTUS.

3

intervallo per Divum Iulium in patriciatum redit. Primus
ex hac magistratum populi suffragio cepit C. Rufus. Is
quaestorius CN. et C. procreavit, a quibus duplex Octaviorum
familia defluxit conditione diversa. Siquidem Gnaeus et
5 deinceps ab eo reliqui omnes functi sunt honoribus summis.
At Gaius eiusque posteri, seu fortuna seu voluntate, in
equestri ordine constiterunt usque ad Augusti patrem. Proavus Augusti secundo Punico bello stipendia in Sicilia tribunus
militum fecit Aemilio Papo imperatore. Avus municipalibus
primus ex hac.

The stemma referred to is as follows:
C. Octavius Rufus
Quaestor B.C. 230

Cn. Octavius
Praetor B.C. 205

C. Octavius
Eques

Cn. Octavius
Cos. B.C. 165

C. Octavius
Trib. Mil. 205

Cn. Octavius
Cos. B.C. 126

M. Octavius
Tr. PI. 133

Cn. Octavius
M. Octavius
Cos. B.C. 87 Tr. PI. (after B.C. 120)
I
L. Octavius
Cn. Octavius
Cos. B.C. 75
Cos. B.C. 76
M. Octavius
Aedile B.C. 50
stipendia in Sicilia. L. Aemilius
Papus was Praetor in 205, and had
Sicily allotted to him [Liv. 28, 38],
where there were at the time two legions made up of the soldiers disgraced
at Cannae and Herdonia. But it is not
true, as the writer in Smith's Biographical Dictionary states, that C. Octavius was at Cannae. He quotes Frontinus Strateg. 4, 5, 7, where however it
is Cn. Octavius who is mentioned.
avus municipalibus magisteriis,' municipal offices.' Magisterimn properly
the office of a magister, as Cicero prov.
cons. § 46 describes the office of censor
as magisterium morum. C^. magisterium
eqtiitum Tib. 3; magisteria sacerdotii
Cat. 22; magisterium collegii [Minervae]
Dom. 4 ; and the later office of pedestre
magisterium, Aurel. Vict. Caesares 42.
It is not classical as a technical word
for the office of a magistratus, and Suetonius here uses it as opposed to the imperial magistratus. The offices in a

C. Octavius
Atia= C. Octavius = 1 Ancharia
Praetor B.C. 61 |
Octavia the elder
Octavia
ob. B.C. 11

C. Octavius
(Augustus)
ob. A.D. 14

municipium varied in different towns.
The prevailing ones were those of Senate
or Council (decuriones, centumviri, curiales or curia); officers yearly elected,
—and popular election went on in these
towns more than 100 years after it
ceased in Rome,—as two duumviri iuri
dicundo, consules, two quaestores, two aediles. In some—called praefecturae—a
praefectus iuri dicundo was yearly appointed by the Praetor at Rome. In
others—coloniae—there were quattuorviri, censores, and curatores. Though
after the Social War and the lex Iulia
(B.C. 90) the civil status of these towns
was assimilated, the interior constitution varied as before. As regarded
Rome they were all municipia and
possessed the franchise, but with respect
to their internal administration they
were still to be classed as municipia,
coloniae, praefecturae, conciliabula. See
W. T. Arnold, Roman Provincial Administration, p. 225.
I—2

4

SUETON/

[3

magisteriis contentus abundante patrimonio tranquillissime
senuit.
Sed haec alii; ipse Augustus nihil amplius quam equestri
Augustus familia ortum se scribit vetere ac locuplete, et in
onl
y
qua primus senator pater suus fuerit. M. Antonius s
claimed
,
.
,
,
equestrian Jibertinum ei proavum exprobrat, restionem e pago
rank.
Thurino, avum argentarium. Nee quicquam ultra
de paternis Augusti maioribus repperi.
3
C. Octavius pater a prineipio aetatis et re et existimatione
magna fuit, ut equidem mirer hunc quoque a non- i
father of nullis argentarium atque etiam inter divisores operAugustus, a S q u e campestris proditum; amplis enim innutritus
sed haec alii. No doubt many flatPRO • Cos • IMPERATOR • APELLATUS •
terers or enemies were found to search
EX • PROVINCIA • MACEDONIA.
the annals of the Octavii. Suetonius
M. Antonius. The slanders of Anquotes as writers on the life of Augustony were apparently conveyed in
tus, Iulius Marathus (cc. 79, 94); C.
letters principally written in the two or
Drusus (c. 94); Iulius Saturninus (c. 27);
three years previous to the battle of
Aquilius Niger (c. 11); M. Valerius
Actium, which his friends or his eneMessala Corvinus (c. 74). C. Asinius
mies published.
Pollio, who wrote on the Civil War
e pago Thurino. The term pagus as
[Jul. c. 55—6], does not seem to have
applied to the municipia properly indibrought his history down to the reign of
cates a village or other unit of inhabitAugustus. The only considerable fragants in the country as opposed to the
ment of such a work which we possess
vicus in the town; but Suetonius seems
is that of Nicolas of Damascus, friend
to be using it loosely for ager Thurinus
and secretary of Herod, and in high
(c. 3) or regio Thurina (c. 7). In B.C.
favour with Augustus himself. On this
193 a 'Latin' colony was settled at
point however he merely says that his
Thurii—consisting of 3000 veterans of
father was a Senator (T&V £K rrjs crvyicXri- the infantry and 300 from the cavalry;
TOV), and his ancestors /card re TTXOVTOV but its territory was so large that these
Kai eineiKdav 6^o/>tarc6raTOi.
were not considered sufficient, and a
ipse Augustus. Besides the Res
third of the land was retained for future
gestae left by Augustus to be inscribed
allotments [Livy 35, 9 nutnerus exiguus
in various parts of the empire and pre- pro copia agri]. The name was changed
served for us in the Monumentum Anto Copia, but this seems not to have
cyranuni) he wrote a history of his own
lasted, and the old appellation prevailed.
life and times. See cc. 25, 27, 42, 74,
argentarius, * money-changer' or«bank85—6, Claud. 1; de Gramm. 16. This
er,' Nero 5. Cicero Caecin. § 16. Whether
work was used by Plutarch in the lives
the Octavii did possess a ropewalk at
of Cicero (45), Brutus (27), Antony (22,
Thurii and a bank at Thurii or Velitrae
68); and by Appian [£. civ. 42], Dio is quite unknown. They were certainly
Cassius [48, 44], and by other later
wealthy.
writers. Augustusalsocaused thehonours
3. divisores operasque campesof his grandfather and father to be intris. Cicero \_Harus. resp. § 42]
scribed on marble slabs adorning some
speaks of the quaestus campestris as
chapel in his palace. That of his grandbeing of the most profitable kind {maxifather (if it is his) is too much broken to
me fecundus). It was of various sorts.
be of use. That of his father is entire.
Friendly supporters {suffragatores) dis[C. I. L. Vol. 1, p. 278.]
tributed passes for theatres and festivals
C • OCTAVIUS • C • F • C • N . C •
[Cic. Mur. § 72]; election agents (sePRON • PATER • AUGUSTI • T R • M I L •
questres) held sums of money which the
BIS • Q • A E D • P L • CUM • C • TORAdi7)isores distributed; and the heads of
NIO • IVDEX • QUAESTIONUM • PR •
political clubs or sodalitates brought

3.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

5

opibus, honores et adeptus est facile et egregie administravit.
E x praetura Macedoniam sortitus, fugitivos, residuam Spartaci
et Catilinae manum, Thurinum agrum tenentis, in itinere
delevit, negotib sibi in senatu extra ordinem dato. Provinciae
spraefuit non minore iustitia quam fortitudine; namque Bessis
ac Thracibus magno proelio fusis, ita socios tractavit, ut
bands of artizans {operae) to encourage
or overawe the voters (see on c. 32).
But though such things were forbidden
by many laws, it seems that a certain
amount of money distributed at least
among a man's own tribe was looked
upon as almost a matter of course. See
inf. c. 40 and Jul. 19. Cic. ad Att. 1,
18 est autem C. Herennius quidam
Tr.
PI., quern fortasse ne nosti quidem, — t a m etsi potes nosse: tribulis enim tuus est,
et Sextus pater eius numos vobis dividere
solebat. F o r the discreditable nature of
the employment see Cicero Verves 3,
§ 161 non in hominis luxuriosi sed tantum in furis atque divisoris
disciplina
educatus.
ex praetura Macedoniam sortitus,
* after his praetorship the chance of the
lot gave him Macedonia.' H i s praetorship was in 6 1 . I n 60 (March) he went
as propraetor to Macedonia, succeeding
the extortionate and unsuccessful Gaius
Antonius, the colleague of Cicero in his
consulship (63). H e distinguished himself in his province not only in war
against encroaching barbarians, in the
course of which he was acclaimed by
his soldiers ' i m p e r a t o r ' [Veil. 2, 69],
but also by his conciliatory manners,
strict integrity, and justice [Cic. ad
Q. Fr. 1, 1 § 21]. Macedonia was
looked upon as a profitable province
and had suffered much at the hands of
various governors.
It was generally
governed by a praetorhcs, not a consularis, but the practice varied according
to the military necessities. T h e Senate
decided from year to year which provinces were to be praetorian which
consular; but some, as Sicily and
Sardinia, seem always to have been
praetorian. See Arnold, p . 44.
residuam Spartaci.
I n B . C . 72
Spartacus, the leader of the revolted
gladiators, seized Thurii and held it as
base of operations for plundering expeditions. I t shows how difficult an
effective police in S. Italy was to maintain, that twelve years after this there
should still be remains of his followers
who held out in the mountains near

Thurii. F o r the war of Spartacus B.C.
73—71 see Livy ep. 9 5 — 7 ; A p p i a n B.
civ. r, 116—120; Plutarch Crass. 8—11.
Catiline was conquered in Etruria near
Pistoria (Pistoia), but some of his men
doubtless escaped and made their way
south. Or they may be some of the
slaves dismissed from the camp at Faesulae, who had taken refuge, as a last
resource, with the surviving gladiators
at Thurii.
tenentis in app. to manum, cp. Liv.
26, 35 ingens turba
circumfusifremebant.
extra ordinem, ' beyond his regular
sphere of duty,' which was in Macedonia.
Bessis ac Thracibus, 'with the Bessi
and other Thracians.' T h e Bessi wrere
a large mountain tribe extending at
various periods from the R. Nestus and
the Rhodope Mt. {Despoti Dagh) to the
Strymon or at times to the Axius. T h e y
were the most constant source of trouble
to a governor of Macedonia, whose
object was to keep them on the other
side of Rhodope and make his N . W .
frontier secure. Even before the R o m a n
occupation the Macedonian kings had
had to fight them [Polyb. 23, 8 ; Livy
39, 53]. T h e victory of Octavius seems
to have dismayed them for a time, for we
find them offering Piso, proconsul in
Maced. B.C. 57—56, reinforcements [Cic.
in Pis. § 84]. But Piso alienated them
again by his treatment of their a g e n t ;
and in 43 Brutus had to go on an expedition against them [ D i o 4 7 , 25]. They
are mentioned by Herodotus [7, i n ]
as a branch of the Satrae, the one
Thracian tribe that had never been
conquered, and as having charge of an
oracle of Dionysus, whence probably
the term Bassareus used by Horace
[Od. 1, 18, 11] for the Thracian Bacchus,
though this is derived by others from
(3ap<rdpa} ' a fox skin,' H e r . 4, 192.
They were infamous even among other
predatory tribes for their robberies.
Strabo 7, 5, 12 B&rcrot d£ otirep TO irSiov
rod opovs vtjAovrai rod MfJLov, teal &7rd
r&v \y\<jT&v \rjcrral irpoffayopetioprai, cp.

id. 7, fr. 47.

6

SUETONI

[4

epistolae M. Ciceronis exstent quibus Quintum fratrem, eodem
tempore parum secunda fama proconsulatum Asiae administrantem, hortatur et monet, imitetur in promerendis sociis
4 vicinum suum Octavium. Decedens Macedonia, prius quam
profited se candidatum consulatus posset, mortem s
Iwdsbtas? °' 3 " t repentinam, superstitibus liberis Octavia maiore, quam ex Ancharia, et Octavia minore item
proconsulatum Asiae. Quintus Tullius Cicero was Praetor in B.C. 62 and
governor of Asia from 61 to 58. T h a t
Suetonius should indicate the government of a praetorius by the term proconsulates may be the result of the later
division of the provinces into Imperial
and Senatorial, the former being governed by a legatus, the latter by a proconsul,
titles which the governors held without
regard to the magistracies they had
previously administered. Asia had always since its establishment (B.C. 129)
been governed by a praetorius,
who
however even in republican times was
sometimes called pro-consul.
T h e province started with the dominions of
Attalus of Pergamus bequeathed to
R o m e in B.C. 1 3 3 ; and in Cicero's time
included Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, and
L y d i a {pro Flacc. c. 27]. T h e administration of Quintus seems to have
been marred by ill temper (ad Q. Fr.
1, 1 adiungenda enim facilitas est in
audiendO) in satisfaciendo ac disputando
diligentia.
His rebus nuper C. Octavius
iucundissimus fuit) and a too credulous
confidence in his freedman Statius [id.
1, 2]. Asia was a province however in
which an honest governor was pretty
sure to give offence; for it was the
chosen hunting ground of the publicani,
until Caesar abolished the system in 48
[App. B. civ. 5, 4 ; Dio Cass. 42, 6].
4. decedens Macedonia, ' o n quitting his province of Macedonia.' T h e
technical word for a governor giving
up his p r o v i n c e : Iul. 18 ad
triumphum
simul
consulatumque
decessit \
generally however with ex [more rarely
with a]; but in Cic. pr. Lig. 1, 2
decedens provincia;
and absolutely in
Cic.famt
3, 6 te ante quam tibi successum esset decessurum esse. Sail. J. 36
Albinus Romam decessit.
profiteri se candidatum. T h e professio would have to be made at R o m e at
least 17 days [trinum nundinum,
Cicero
adfam. 16,12] before the date of election.
W h e n the regulation requiring a per-

sonal professio was made is not k n o w n .
Cicero, speaking in 63, says that it was
not required by any lex [contr.
RulL
2 § 24]. I t may nevertheless have been
a custom which could not be neglected.
I n B.C. 66 Catiline was prevented by
an accusation of repetundae from standing for the consulship,—quod
intra
legitimas dies profiteri nequivit [Sail.
Cat. 18]. I n B.C. 60 Caesar had to
choose between giving up his triumph
and entering R o m e to make his profession K&TOJVOS dt avTiktyovTos a u r y ,
/cat TTjv rjfjLipav reXevraiau ovcrav T&V
irapayyekiQv avciXovvTos iirl rots \6yots,
ividpafiev 6 Ka?crap virep(.d&v rou Spi&fA/3ou Kal irapayyeiXas is TTJU hpxty dvifieve
TT]V xeLP0T0V^avt
Appian B. civ. 2, 8.
Instances of election without such personal professio are not uncommon earlier,
Marius for instance having been more
than once elected in his absence; and
in B.C. 160 Q. Fulvius Flaccus, in circumstances very like Caesar's, for he was
waiting outside the walls for a triumph
from Spain, was elected consul [Livy
40, 43]. Still the law of Pompey in
55 or 52, which is the first we know
of as actually legalising the regulation,
must have been only an enforcement
of a custom generally observed, though
perhaps liable to evasion [Iul, 28].
Octavia maiore, quam ex Ancharia.
According to Plutarch [Anton. 31] there
was only one Octavia, daughter of
Ancharia and half sister to A u g u s t u s ;
and we certainly hear nowhere else of
an elder Octavia. But that Octavia
was connected with the Julian gens is
shown by her body being laid out in
the H e r o u m Iulium [Dio 54, 35]. H e r
character is conspicuous for magnanimity and purity, in spite of the way.
in which both her uncle and brother
(who was devotedly attached to her)
used her hand to secure political objects.
She was married to C. Claudius Marcellus (consul in B.C. 50), yet Iulius
offered to transfer her to Pompey
in 53, on the death of Iulia [Suet.

4-3

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

7

Augusto, quos ex Atia tulerat. Atia M. Atio Balbo et lulia,
sorore C. Caesaris, genita est. Balbus, paterna stirpe Aricinus,
multis in familia senatoriis imaginibus, a matre Magnum
Pompeium artissimo cohtingebat gradu functusque honore
s praeturae inter vigintiviros agrum Campanum plebi lulia lege
Caes. 27]; and when she was left
a widow at the end of 41, though
pregnant by her former husband, she
consented to be married to Antony in
order to cement a reconciliation between
him and her brother, the Senate suspending the law which required a ten
months' widowhood [App. B. civ. 5,
64; Plut. Ant. 31; Dio 48, 31]: For
two or three years she resided with
Antony at Athens, where she was much
beloved, and succeeded in retaining his
affection and intervening more than
once to prevent a quarrel between her
husband and brother [App. B. civ. 5, 93;
Plut. Ant. 33, 35; Dio 48, 54]. But in
B.C. 37—when the last reconciliation
took place—she was left behind at Rome
and Antony again fell under the influence
of Cleopatra. When she went in B.C. 35
to Greece to take troops and money
to Antony in Egypt, he forbade her to
come nearer to him than Athens, though
he accepted the presents [App. 5, 138;
Dio 49, 33]. But though she returned
to Rome in B.C. 34 she refused to obey
her brother when he ordered her to quit
Antony's house. She lived there as
his wife, carefully bringing up both the
three children which she had borne him
and his own children by Fulvia [Plut.
54; Dio 51, 15]; and though Antony
divorced her in B.C. 32 [Dio 50, 3;
Plut. 57] she adopted and brought up
his children by Cleopatra [Plut. 87].
The death of her son Marcellus in B.C.
23 was a severe blow to her, and she
seems to have lived in retirement after
that till her death in B.C. 11, when her
laudatio was delivered by Augustus and
her son-in-law Drusus [Dio 5, 35].
Augustus was glad to accept honours
voted to her by the Senate in B.C. 35,
and dedicated many of his public buildings to her. The opera Octaviae included
a porticus (with a school), a curia, and
a library [Pliny JV. H. 34, 31; 35, 114;
36, 22, 24, 34—5» 43—«Ilulia, see infr. c. 9.
Aricinus. Aricia [la Riccid\ was the
first halting on the via Appia [Horace
Sat. i, 5, 1], 16 miles from Rome. It
obtained the most favourable terms at

the end of the Great Latin War (B.C.
338) and practically enjoyed the rights
of citizenship ever since [Livy 8, 14].
Cicero [3 Phil. § 15] speaks of it as a
municipium... vetustate antiquissimum,
iure foederatum, propinquitate paene
jinitimum, splendore municipum honestissimum.
senatoriis imaginibus.
The jus
imaginum belonged not to Senators,
as such, but to Curule Magistrates.
See Cicero 2 Verres 5 § 36 nunc sum
designatusaedilis...obearumrerum laborem et sollicitudinem fructus illos dalos,
antiquiorem in senatu sententiae dicendae
locum, togam praetextam, sellam curulem, ius imaginis ad memoriam posteritatemque prodendam. But as the curule
magistracies gave a seat in the Senate,
they are loosely spoken of as senatoriae:
though since the time of Sulla the
Quaestorship gave the entree to the
Senate, and therefore there would be
Senators who had not the ius imaginum,
as in fact had always been the case with
those Senators who had been from time
to time put on the roll by the Censors
without having held curule offices. Pliny
[JV. H. 35, §§ 4—8] complains that
the old waxen portraits had in his time
been superseded by bronze shields with
conventional figures, or statues on
which often different heads were substituted. The old fashion was to keep
expressi cera vultus (real portraits) in
their several shelves or niches, so that
likenesses of all the known members of
a family were sometimes carried at a
man's funeral. They were joined by
long scrolls (stemmata); and near them
were cases of family records (tabulina)
relating the events in the years of office
held by them. The earliest mention of
these imagines at funerals is in Polybius
[6, 51] who thought it a custom admirably calculated to inspire emulation in
virtue.
a matre, 'on his mother's side. Cp.
Jul. 65 militem neque a moribus neque
a forma probabat, sed tantum a viribus.
So ab omni parte [Hor. Od. 2, 16, 27],
insignis ab arte [Ov. Tr. 4, 10, 16].
praeturae. M. Atius Balbus was

8

SUE TON I

[4—

divisit. Verum idem Antonius, despiciens etiam maternam
Augusti originem, proavum eius Afri generis fuisse et modo
unguentariam tabernam modo pistrinum Ariciae exercuisse
obicit. Cassius quidem Parmensis quadam epistola non
praetor in B.C. 62 and served in Sardinia. He was one of the xxviri for
dividing the Campanian land, as was
Pompey, whom Cicero therefore calls
Attii collegam [ad Att. 2, 10].
Iulia lege. The law passed in his
first consulship (B.C. 59) for the division
of the Campanian lands and the Stellatian plain among 20,000 citizens. The
lands immediately round Capua were
reserved, as the best, for the fathers
of three children, and dispossessed
owners were compensated by means of
the funds brought by Pompey from
the East. It was vehemently resisted
by the Optimates headed by Bibulus,
and was only carried by the forcible
expulsion of Bibulus from the Forum.
Jul. 20 lege autem agraria promulgata obnuntiantem collegam armis foro
expulit. The opposition to it in the
Senate caused Caesar to neglect
that body and hardly ever summon
it during the rest of his year [Appian B. civ. 2, 10; Dio 38, 1—3].
Cicero seems to have hesitated as to
what position to take up, ad Att. 2, 3
est res sane magni consilii. Namfortasse
resistendum legi agrariae; in quo est
quaedam dimicatio, sed plena laudis:
aut quiescendum. He afterwards speaks
with disapproval of it as depriving the
state of a large revenue [2 Phil. § 101,
cp. ad Att. 2, 16], and refused to serve
on the commission [ad Att. 2, 19, 3].
Candidates for office for the next year
had to take an oath not to disturb arrangements made under it, ad Att. 2, 18
habet etiam Campana lex exsecrationem
candidatorum, in contione si mentionem
fecerint quo aliter ager possideatur atque
ut ex Iuliis legibus. For three chapters
of the law preserved in Scriptores Gnomatici) see Bruns Fontes Juris R. p. 94.
despiciens, 'by way of lowering,' the
feeling of contempt is put for the expression of it. Cicero [3 Phil. § 15]
answering an edict of Antony's in which
these attacks on the birth of Augustus
were continued, says, videto quam despiciamur omnes qui sumus e municipiis,
id est, omnes plane.
exercuisse, 'carried on,' so Vitell. 2
Antiochi cuiusdam furnariam exercen-

tis. de Gramm. 23 cum et qfficinas promercalium vestium exerceret. Vesp. 16
negotiation^ quoque vel privato pudendas propalam exercuit.
Cassius Parmensis. The identity of
this Cassius of Parma has been a subject of much dispute. The earliest trace
of him is a letter to Cicero [ad/am. 12,
13] in the year 43, dated from Cyprus
on the 13th of June. If this is really
the man, it appears that he was in command of a fleet on the coast of Asia,
and, in conjunction with his namesake
C. Cassius Longinus, was attacking
Dolabella when endeavouring to take
possession of the province of Syria. He
probably was then Quaestor or pro-quaestor. But Porphyrio on Horace [Ep. 1,
4, 3] says that he was tribunus militum
with Horace. He had been one of the
assassins of Caesar, and after the
failure and death of Brutus and Cassius
at Philippi (Nov. B.C. 42) he made his
way from Asia, where they had left
him, to the Ionian Sea with more than
30 ships and joined first Domitius Ahenobarbus and then Sextus Pompeius in
Sicily. After the death of the latter
he attached himself to Antony. And
it was while with him at Alexandria
(B.C. 35—31), between the death of
Sextus and the battle of Actium, that
this letter would be written. After
Actium Cassius fled to Athens, and
was executed by order of Octavian, the
last of the assassins to perish [App. B.
civ. 5, 2: Veil. Pat. 2, 87: Valer. Max.
1, 7, 7]. Porphyrio on the passage of
Horace already cited says that he wrote
multas tragoedias. And another grammarian Aero says: Epicureus fuit poeta,
.. .satiras scripsit.. .aliquot generibus stilum exercuit: inter quae opera elegia
et epigrammata ejus laudantur. Another Cassius, an inferior poet called
Cassius Etruscus, is mentioned by
Horace [Sat. 1, 10, 59 sq.] and has
been by some confounded with Cassius of Parma. Two lines of Cassius
are quoted by Quint. 5, IT, 24; and
Varro L. L. 6, 7; 7, 72. A poem on
Orpheus was attributed to him, which
however has been shown to have been
composed in the 16th century A.D.

5.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

9

tantum ut pistoris, sed etiam ut nummulari nepotem sic taxat
Augustum: Matema tibi farinast
ex crudissimo Ariciae
pistrino: hanc finxit manibus collybo decoloratis Nerulonensis
mensarius.
s
Natus est Augustus M. Tullio Cicerone C. Antonio conss. 5
V i l l i . Kal. Octob., paulo ante solis exortum, regione B i r t h of
Palati, ad Capita bubula, ubi nunc sacrarium habet, Augustus
ahquanto post quam excessit constitutum. Nam ut tember
senatus actis continetur, cum C. Laetorius, adulescens B,c* 63*
nummulari. The nummularius was
a 'money changer,' his office or counter
was a mensa (hence mensarius). Mart.
«,.57» 8
Mine otiosus sordidam quatit mensam
Neroniana nummularius massa.
Galb. 9 nummulario 11011 ex fide versanti pecunias manus amputavit mensaeque eius adfixit.
taxat [a frequentative form of tango\
'attacks,' 'inveighs against.' It means
(1) 'to take cognisance of,' 'to estimate,'
(2) in a bad sense, as here, 'to stigmatize.' Cp. Domit. 10 Occidit et Helvidium filium, quasi scaenico exordio sub
persona Paridis et Oenones divortium
suum cicm uxore taxasset. So retaxare,
cf. Vesp. 13 Licinium Mucianum...nunquam nisi clam et hactenus retaxare
sustinuit, ut apud communem aliquem
amicum querens adderet clausulam:
'Ego tamen vir sum.''
finxit, 'kneaded into various shapes.'
Varro L. L, 6, %fictores dicti a fingendis libris.
Nerulonensis, 'of Nerulum,' a town
of Lucania [Livy 9, 20] on the road
from Capua to Rhegium.
collybo, 'exchange,' 'agio.' Cic. ad
Att. 12, 6 sed certe in collubo est detrimenti satis, cp. 2 Verr. 3, § 181. Hence
the word familiar to us in the N. T.
[Matt xii. 21 etc.] /co\Xu/3t(rr^s, cp.
Arist. Pax 1196 ov8£ tcoWtipov 'a small
coin' [Pollux 9, 72 e'trj 5' av Kal /coX'AujSoV XeWTOV TL VO[U<TfJL(iTLOI>].

But

KOX-

\vpo$=a\\ay)j
[Pollux 7, 170]. The
word is not Latin or Greek, but of
Semitic or Phoenician origin. Hebrew
S^n and Rabbinic fD^p.
5. Villi. Kal. Oct., i.e. 23 September
[C. I. L. 1, p. 326]. A birthday was
reckoned from midnight to midnight
[Varro ap. Macrob. Sat. 3, 2]. It is
a question whether the date is by the
reformed Julian calendar, which came

into operation on 1 January 45, or by
the old calendar which would make the
date 31 August. But even if we admit
that the old calendar is that referred to, it
is still extremely doubtful how far any
one particular year was wrong. It was
the custom about this time to intercalate
27 days at the end of February every
other year in order to bring the civil
year into harmony with the solar year.
But this was wholly in the hands of the
Pontiffs, and they seem to have been
often influenced by political motives
(such as wishing to prolong or curtail
a tenure of some magistrate's office)
and therefore it is not certain in any
particular year what the true state of
things was. In the year 63 however,
Cicero speaking on the VI Id. Novembres [2 Cat. 23] says—Quern ad modtim
illis {mulierculis) carere poterunt, his
prcesertim iam noctibus? quo autem pacto
illi Apenninum atque illas pruinas ac
nives perferent? This suits the time
of year, and looks as if the civil calendar
was not far wrong in 63. In c. 94 the
father of Augustus is said to have come
late to a meeting of the Senate when
a discussion on Catiline was to take
place, owing to the birth of his son.
And though we do not know elsewhere
of such a debate as early as 23 September: yet Catiline's proceedings had
been causing much trouble for some
months. The Comitia had been twice
postponed; and it is not surprising that
he should have formed a subject of
debate on that day. Dio [48, 1] relates
the lateness of Octavius at the Senate,
but does not mention the subject of
debate. Augustus himself in B.C. 8
selected Sextilis as the month to be
called by his name, as that in which he
had first been consul and had won
certain victories, though many friends
suggested September as his birth month,
Dio 55, 6. The large error in 46 is

io

SUETONI

[5—

patricii generis, in deprecanda graviore adulterii poena praeter
aetatem atque natales hoc quoque patribus conscriptis allegaret, esse possessorem ac velut aedituum soli, quod primum
partly accounted for by the suspension
of the usual biennial intercalation owing
to the absence of Caesar (Pont. Max.)
and many of the pontiffs from the
beginning of 49.
regione Palati. Of the original four
'regions' of Rome (the Suburan, the
Esquiline, the Viminal or Colline, and
the Palatine) the regio Palatina included
the Palatine hill, the Germalus and the
Velia. Varro L. L. 5, §§41—54. There
a lane leading from the valley in which
the Colosseum now stands up the slope
of the Palatine was called ad capita
bubula; it led to the spot now occupied
by the Church and Convent of S. Bonaventura, Lanciani's Pome p. 106. In
the late division of Augustus it would
fall into the 10th region. Others explain it as the name of the house, comparing Dom. 1 natus est ad Malum Punicum. But the expression is more
usually descriptive of a district or street:
so a spot in the Tyrol was called ad
Pirum, Mart. 1, 117, 6.
sacrarium. A chapel or shrine,
which in the larger houses of Rome
not only included the Lararium, but
served also as the repository of objects
of reverence or heirlooms of the family,
and works of art. From Cicero [ad
fam. 13, 2] it would sometimes seem to
have been used as a studio for sculptor
or artist,—Aviano Evandro, qui habitat
in tuo sacrario, multum utor. The
obligation to maintain such a shrine
would pass in many cases with the
ownership of the house, like the trophies
and triumphal ornaments [Pliny N. H.
35 § °1- For its place in the house,
see Becker's Gallus, p. 262. Ulpian
dig. 1, 8, 9 § 1'sacer locus est locus consecratus: sacrarium est locus in quo
sacra reponuntur: quod etiam in privato
aedificio esse potest.
senatus actis. lulius Caesar in his
first consulship, B.C. 59, caused these
acta to be kept and published as well
as the acta diurna [see Suet. Jul. 20
inito honore primus omnium instituit
ut tarn senatus quam populi diurna acta
confierent et publicarentur]; and they
were included in a commentarium rerum urbanarum sent to the provinces.
Thus Caelius says to Cicero then in
Cilicia [ad fam. 8, 11] in B.C. 51,—
quam quisque sententiam dixerit in

commentariis est rerum urbanarum, ex
quo tu quae digna sunt selige; multa
transi; cp. ib. 12,23. Augustus stopped
the publication of the acta senatus
(c. 73). But Tiberius seems to have
allowed them to be published, Tib. 73.
Dio 57, 23 says that in causing the condemnation of his libellers in the Senate
he really published them..Jdrj/jLoatevev
dare KCLI is ra Koivd, {nrofAvtjiJLa.Ta ecrypd-

<p€<rd<u. He complains that the suppression of the acta not only made the writing
of history difficult, but caused endless
false and groundless rumours [53, 19].
C. Laetorius. The Laetorii known
to us are plebeians. This man's family
must have been one of those raised by
Augustus.
graviore poena. The punishment of
adultery by the lex Iulia (B.C. 17) was
for the man a fine of half his goods and
relegatio, for the woman the loss of
half of her dos and a third of her whole
estate and relegatio. The law did
not inflict death, though it allowed
the father or the injured husband to
inflict it in certain cases and with
certain restrictions. Tacitus [Ann. 3,
24] remarks that in punishing the
paramours of his daughter and granddaughter with death Augustus clementiam maiorum suasque ipse leges egrediebatur. His action in this case was
grounded on the principle that these
men were guilty of maiestas also: cp.
the case of Appuleia Varilla [Tac. Ann.
2
t 50] where Tiberius, when she had
been acquitted of maiestas,...adulterii
graviorem poenam deprecatus, ut exemplo maiorum propinquis suis ultra
ducentesimu7?i lapidem removeretur suasit. In B.C. 25 however Tiberius inflicted
exilium on Aquilia and her paramour,
instead of the relegatio of the lex Iulia
[Tac. Ann. 4, 42].
natales, 'noble birth,'—only in Silver
Latin. Cp. Pliny Ep. 3, 20, 6, non
nunquam candidatus aut natales competitoris aut annos, aut etiam mores
arguebat. id. 8, 18, 8 mulier natalibus
clara. Tacitus Agr. 6; Hist. 4, 19;
Ann.

11, 2 1 .

aedituum, * temple-guardian.' There
were two classes of aeditui: the aedituus
magister had the general superintendence of a temple, though he did not
live in it. Thus Domitian, when the

70

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

i\

Divus Augustus nascens attigisset, peteretque donari quasi
proprio suo ac peculiari deo, decretum est ut ea pars domus
consecraretur. Nutrimentorum eius ostenditur adhuc locus in 6
avito suburbano iuxta Velitras permodicus et cellae
s penuanae mstar, tenetque vicmitatem opinio tarn- £~£ h o o d
quam et natus ibi sit. Hue introire nisi necessario
et caste religio est, concepta opinione veteri, quasi temere
adeuntibus horror quidam et metus obiciatur, sed et mox
confirmata. Nam cum possessor villae novus seu forte seu
o temptandi causa cubitum se eo contulisset, evenit ut post
paucissimas noctis horas exturbatus inde subita vi et incerta
paene semianimis cum strato simul ante fores inveniretur.
Infanti cognomen T h u r i n o inditum est, in memoriam 7
temple on the Capitol was set on fire,
apud aedituum clam pernoctavit\Dom.
i ] : the actual care of the temple was
in the hands of an aedituus minister,
or aedituus a sacrario [Marquardt 12,
P- 259]attigisset. For a new born child
was placed on the ground—partly that
the auspices might be taken, partly
that the father might decide whether
he would rear it. Ov. lb. 2, 221 Qui
simul impurae matris prolapsus ab
alvo I Cinyphiam foedo corpore pressit
humum. Macrob. Sat. 1, 12 quod infantes partu editi non prius vocem edant
quam attigerint humum.
donari, 'to be pardoned as a concession to.' So Sulla according to
Florus [3, 5, 10] spared the Athenians
...in honorem mortuorum sacris suis
famaeque donavit. Seneca de ira 2, 21
causae suae et prioribus factis et bonis
in futurum promissis donetur, Cicero
uses condonare in this sense [ad fam.
13, 73] peto ut eius filios qui in tua
potestate sunt, mihi potissimum condones. Livy also dare, 7, 20 Caere...
hospitio vestalium cultisque diis darent*
6. avito suburbano: cp. c. 94.
cellae penuariae, a later form of
penariae. The cella penaria is the
* store-room' for provisions of all kinds,
penus multiplex [Nero, c. 11]. Cp.
Varro L. L. 5 § 162 a celando cellam
appellarunt:
penariam ubi penus.
Cicero de Sen. § 56 semper enim boni
assiduique domini referta cella vinaria,
olearia, etiam penaria est.
tamq.uam et natus ibi sit, 'that he
was born as well as nursed there.' The

use of tamquam with opinio tenet is
like that after words of accusing and
suspecting: Juv. 3, 22 et merito tarn
suspectus tamquam ipse suas incenderit
aedes. Tac. A. 11, 4 species alteri obiecta tamquam vidisset Claudium spicea
corona evinctum. Plin. Ep. 3, 9, 29
reum postulavit tamquam in causa
Castae praevaricaretur, where Mayor
says that in Silver Latin tamqua??i is
used like cos without expressing any
doubt. See infra c. 94 prohibitum
monitu dei tamquam is ad tutelam rei
publicae educaretur.
caste, after ceremonial purification.
Cic. de legg. 2, 8 ad deos adeunto caste.
Gell. 4, 9 templa...religiosa sunt quae
non vulgo et temere, sed cum castitate
ceremoniaque adeunda.
religio est = non audent, Liv. 2, 62.
sed et, 'and what is more,' 'and
that too,' ml ravra. In Silver Latin
sed is often not disjunctive but cumulative, lul. c. 9 idem Curio sed et
M. jictorius auctores sunt. Mart. 1,
117, 7 et scalis habito tribus sed altis.
id. 2, 6, 5 haec sunt quae relegente me
solebas \ rapta exscribere sed Vitellianis.
id. 7, 71, 4 ulcere turpi...nee rigidus
fossor sed nee arator eget.
incerta, 'mysterious,' of which no
account could be given.
strato, 'bedding.' Cal. 51 proripere
se e strato sub lectumque condere solebat.
Lucret. 4, 849 mollia strata lecti.
7. Thurino. Suetonius apparently
means that this name was given to the
boy by his parents in commemoration
of the affair at Thurii, see c. 3. It
took place in B.C. 60 when he was two

12

SUETONI

[7

maiorum originis, vel quod regione Thurina recens eo nato pater
Why
Octavius adversus fugitivos rem prospere gessecaiied
r a t . Thurinum cognominatum satis certa probatione
Thurinus.

,. ,

.,

.

trad id en m, nactus puenlem imagunculam ems aeream
veterem, ferreis et paene iam exolescentibus litteris hoc nomine
inscriptam, quae dono a me principi data inter cubiculi Lares
colitur. Sed et a M. Antonio in epistolis per contumeliam
saepe Thurinus appellatur, et ipse nihil amplius quam mirari
se rescribit, pro obprobrio sibi prius nomen obici. Postea
\dedicavit] quotiensque introiret exoscuand a half years old, and his father may
labatur. Nero (c. 25) also seems to have
have thought the achievement suffiput there his artistic crowns,—sacras
ciently important to commemorate in
coronas in cubiculis circum leclos posuit.
this way, as Drusus afterwards called
Antiques were placed there, Mart. 9,
his son Germanicus.
Another name
44, 11 of a statue of Hercules offensus
given him by Dio [45, 1],—Caepias, is
variae tumidis terroribus aulae> Privatos
less explicable, and has been thought
gaudet nunc habitare Lares.
Lampto be a corruption of Caesar. I t is
rid. Alex. Sev. 29 matutinis horis in
not mentioned by anyone else except
larario suo, in quo et divos principes sed
Zonaras [10, 13] who copies Dio.
optimos electos et animas sanctiores, in
ferreis litteris. Iron letters let into
quis Apollonium dicit, Christum
Abrabronze by a process called ' e m p a e s t i c '
{e/jt,ifai<TTUcTi r^xv7l)'
Dio 44, 7 T& 86y- ham et Orfeum et huiuscemodi ceteros
/ACLTa TO, wepl TOIJTGJV yiyvbfxeva is [xh habebat ac maiormn effigies, rem divinam
I t was therefore a chapel
(TT'/fKas apyvpas xPv<r^0LS yp&wowiv tvt- faciebat.
attached to the cubiculum.
Marcus
ypa\pav.
Seneca Ep. 1, 5,. 3 non
Antoninus placed there the statues of his
habeamus argentum in quod solidi auri
teachers, Iul. Capit. 3 tantum
autem
caelatura descenderit.
Petron. Sat. 32
honoris magistris suis detulit ut imagines
habebat etiam in minimo digito sinistrae
eorum aureas in larario haberet.
manus anulum grandem sub auralum,
extremo vero articulo sequentis minor em,
postea Gai Caesaris et deinde Auut mihi videbatur, totum aureum sed
gusti. T h e name Gaius Caesar was
plane ferreis veluti stellis
ferruminataken in consequence of his greattum.
These letters or ornaments of a
uncle's will. Immediately on his return
different metal seem to have been let
to Italy after the assassination of Iulius
in, not fastened on. So that even
he took the name of Caesar, but at first
if some of the iron letters had come
his mother and stepfather were strongly
out, Suetonius would be able to m a k e
opposed to his accepting the dangerous
out the inscription by the matrices of
inheritance. On the 20th of April B.C.
the original letters. F o r similar com44 Cicero entertained him at dinner in
binations of two metals Casaubon quotes
his villa at Puteoli (before he had gone
Athenaeus 11, 488 B £i-(adev dew ifixetto Rome) and noticing that his steppecrOai robs %/)u<roOs ijXovs r y apyvpy
father Philippus avoided calling him
iford/uLan Kara TOP TTJS e/j.7raicrTiK7}s r£xV7)s .Caesar, though his other friends did
rpbirov. See Eustath. on Horn. / / . n ,
so, Cicero himself did not address him
633 diiras.. .xpv&elois rfKoicn ireirapixivov.
by that name [ad Att. 14, 12]. H e
acted however immediately as his
principi, ' t o the E m p e r o r H a d r i a n . '
uncle's heir,—he was ex
dodrante
Suetonius was one of his secretaries.
(fths) and in ima cera Gaium Octainter cubiculi Lares. T h e ' Lares of
vium
etiam in familiam
nomenque
the bed-chamber' were a marked feaadoptavit, Iul. 83.—But though a will
ture of the Palace, cp. Dom. 17 puer
could give a man a right to bear the
qui araeLarum cubiculi ex consuetudine
testator's name, it was necessary for a
assistens interfuit caedi. Family busts
legal transfer to t h e ^ m and familia of
particularly valued were frequently
one who was suo iure to have a lex
placed among the images. I n Cal. 7
curiata passed. This was not done
we hear of an infant of Germanicus
until after the victory of Mutina and his
cuius effigiem..An cubiculo sua positam

7-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

13

Gai C a e s a r i s et deinde A u g u s t ! cognomen assumpsit,
alterum testamento maioris avunculi, alteram Munati
Planci sententia, cum, cjuibusdam censentibus Romu- adoption
lum appellari oportere quasi et ipsum conditorem j * n d
5 urbis, praevaluisset, ut Augustus potius vocaretur,
election to the Consulship in August,
caeterisque civibus Augustus
appellatus
B.C. 4 3 . See Dio 46, 47 Kal is TO TOV
est, se vii. et M. Agrippa cos. I t was
Kai<rapos yivos /caret ret vofxi^bfieva i<re- immediately after the reconstitution of
iroLTjdr} Kal 81a TOVTO Kal rrjv iwiKXyaiv the state, the restitution of standards
fieridero' covofia^e /xiv yap Kal irporepov
by the Bastarnae and Dalmatians, and
avrbs iavrdv, ws yi TKTI SOKC?, Kaiaapa
the division of the provinces between
it- ov TO ovofia avrq> TOVTO jueTa Khypov
himself and the Senate [Liv. ep. 134].
KareXei<pBt\' ov fxivToi OUT* aKpi^rj TTJV
H e n c e Ovid (who however dates it on
irpoffrjyopiav O$T' iirl irdvras etxe, irplv by
the Ides) says [F. 1, 589]
Kal iK TLOV iraTplwv avTYjv TOTC e/3e/3cuwRedditaque est omnis populo
provincia
<raTo, Kal OVTCJS ii; iKelvov Vdios 'IOVXIOS
nostro,
KaTcrap 'OKTaoviavos iireKkfidrj. This
et tuus Augusta nomine dictus avus.
had been postponed in the previous
See Mon. Anc. c. 34 In
consulatu
year by the intrigues of Antony TOV
sexto etseptimo (B.C. 28 and 27) Bella ubi
i
vdfiov TOV (pparpiaKov io~(f>ep6pt,€vov Kad civilia exstinxeram per consensum uniov TTJv iffiroirfCLV avTOV TTJV is TCL TOV versorum potitus rerum omnium,
rem
Kaiaapos ysviaQai 'ihei, avTos piv icrirovpublicam
ex mea potestate in senaSctfe drjdev i&eviyKeiv, did 5£ drjfiapxw
tus populique Romani arbitrium
transTivdy dvepdWeTo 8-rrtas, cos firjdivw iraTs tuli.
Quo pro merito meo Senatus conaVTOV iK TQV VOfJLCJV OJV, ftrjT€ TC TT]S OVfflaS sul to Augustus appellatus sum.
Dio 53,
iroXvirpaypLovoLT] Kal irpds rd'XXa daOevia-- 16 iirel di Kal r y 'ipyq avrd iireTiXeaev,
Tepos €'£y) [Dio 45, 5]. Augustus subovTO) Si) Kal TO Avyovo-Tov ovo/xa Kal irapd
mitted for the time; but the assumption
TTJs /3ouA??s Kal irapd TOV STJ/JLOV iirideTO.
of the name is always admitted by
Orosius [6, 20] puts it in B.C. 29.
Cicero in his public and formal uttermaioris avunculi for magni a. ' a
ances. Thus in the Philippics he speaks
grandmother's brother,' cp. Claud. 3 .
of him as 'Gaius Caesar' or ' C a e s a r '
Romulum. T h e reason which D i o
[4 Phil. § 4 ; 5 § 42, 8 0 — 3 ; 10 § 15,
(/. c.) gives for his abandonment of his
2 1 ; 13 § 1 9 ; 14 § 37]. And in his letters
strong desire for the title of Romulus is
between J u n e and November B.C. 44 he
that it was regarded as implying too
calls him Octavianus or Caesar Octavipronounced a claim to kingly powers,
anus,—thus acknowledging his adoption
not as being inferior to that of Augustus.
from the Octavii [ad Att. 15, 1 2 ; 16,
Florus [4, 12, 66] on the other hand
8, 1 1 ; adfam. 12, 23], though he once
says Tractatum etiam in Senatu,
an,
also calls him Octavius [ad Att. 16, 9 ] .
quia condidisset imperium,
Romulus
Matius, his friend and the procurator of
vocaretur;
sed sanctius et reverentius
his games, at the end of May B.C. 44
visum est nomen Augusti, ut scilicet iam
speaks of him as ' C a e s a r ' and ' Caesar
turn, dum colit terras, ipso nomine et
adolescens' [ad fam. 11, 28]. Pollio
titulo consecraretur.
T h e derivation of
writing in May B. c. 43 calls him Octavithe word is not certain. T h e general
anus [adfam. 10, 33]. Decimus Brutus,
opinion now seems in favour of connectwriting in May and Plancus in J u n e B.C.
ing it with augeo rather than with avis.
43 speak of him as Caesar [ad/am. 11,10,
I t is, in any case, a ritual word and sug14; 10, 23]. T h e change of name was
gested to the Romans both ideas,—
therefore generally recognised before the
that of augury, and that of divine blessformal adoption by the lex curiata.
ing and increase; Ovid F. 1, 609
Sancta vocant augusta patres:
augusta
Augusti. T h e day on which this
vocantur
title was formally given was the 16
templa sacerdolum rite dicata
manu.
January B.C. 27 [ x v m . Kal. F e b . ] . See
huius et A V G V R I V M dependet origine
C. / . L. 1, p . 384 where Mommsen
verbi,
quotes Censorinus 21, 8, a. d. xvi. [?
xviiiJ] K. Febr. imp. Caesar divi f.
et quodcumque sua Iupiter AVGET
sententia L. Munati Planci, a senatu
ope.

14

SUETONI

[3

non tantum novo sed etiam ampliore cognomine, quod loca
quoque religiosa et in quibus augurato quid consecratur augusta dicantur, ab auctu vel ab avium gestu gustuve, sicut
etiam Ennius docet scribens:
Augusto augurio postquam inclita condita Roma est.
Quadrimus patrem amisit. Duodecimum annum agens
aviam Iuliam defunctam pro contione laudavit.
8
B.c. 51.
Quadriennio post virili toga sumpta, militaribus donis
46?' 4 9 ~ triumpho Caesaris Africano donatus est, quanquam
B.C. 45 in expers belli propter aetatem. Profectum mox avunpam
*
culum in Hispanias adversus CN. Pompei liberos,
gestu gustuve referring to the motions and feeding of the sacred chickens.
But the last part of the word, whatever
be the first syllable, is doubtless an
adjectival termination, cp. ang-usius.
Festus, augustus locus sanctus, ab
avium gestu* id est, quia ab avibus
significatus est, sic dictus: sive ab avium
gustatu, quia avespastae id ratum fecere.
The passage of Ennius is quoted by
Varro R. R. 3, 1, 1
Septingenti sunt paulo plus aut minus
anni,
Augusto augurio postquam inclita condita Roma est.
8. quadrimus. The father of Augustus died on his way home from
Macedonia in B.C. 59 to make his
professio for the consulship. In ordinary years the comitia were in July, in
which case he must have died before
his son's fourth birthday. But in B.C.
59 the comitia were put off by Bibulus
till the middle of October [Cicero ad
Att. 2, 20 and 21] and therefore Octavius may have died after September 23.
duodecimum...agens, 'in his twelfth
year,' i.e. before 23 September B.C. 51.
Quintilian however [12, 6, 1] makes
him twelve;—Caesar Augustus duodecim natus annos aviam pro rostris
laudavit. Nicolas (c. 3) seems to put
it still earlier, if he is referring to this,

laudatio of his aunt traces his family up
to Ancus Marcius and Venus), but to
serious falsifications of history: see
Cicero Brut. 16 his laudationibus historia rerum nostrarum estfacta mendosior.
Originally the honour was confined to
men. Cicero [de orat. 2 § 44] says that
thefirstwoman so honoured was Popillia
the mother of Catulus (about B. c. 120);
yet Livy [5, 50] asserts that the privilege
was granted Roman women owing to
their liberality in contributing to ransom
paid to the Gauls in B.C. 389,—Matronis
gratiae actae honosque additus ut earum
sicut virorum post mortem solennis
laudatio esset. For instances of these
laudationes in Suetonius, see Iul. 7,
84; Tib. 6; Calig. 10, 1 5 ; Claud. 1;
Ner. 9.
pro contione, 'in public meeting,'
equivalent to the pro rostris of Iul. 7.
quadriennio post. It was in the fourth
year after this: since, as we have seen
(p. 2), he took the toga virilis in October B.C. 48, and was at the same time
elected into the college of Pontifices in
the place of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus
killed at Pharsalus in August, Nicolas
§ 4 KOX iveyp&cpT} els rty lepoo-forjv els rbv
AevKtov AO/MTIOV T6TTOP TereXevT^Kdros...

KaX 6 /JLev djuLa rfj /uLeraWayrj rrjs ecrdijTos
Kal TT} KaXXlffTy rifif} KOffjuLTjdeis Wve. Velleius P a t . 2, 59 pontificatus
sacerdotio

—6TL KaTaap irepl kvvia fry fjidXto-ra puerum honoravit. Accordingly Cicero
in 43 speaks of him aspontifex, 5 Phil.
yeyov&s davjmd re ov fwcpbv irap^crxe
''Pwp.aloLS <pij(T€0)S OLKpdrrjTa drjXdxras § 47. The African triumph was in Sepiv

Toiq.be rikidq,. The custom of funeral
laudationes was of great antiquity,
[Polyb. 6, 53], and as they dealt with
the achievements of the whole family
they not only gave rise to imaginary
pedigrees (see Jul. 6, where Caesar in a

tember B.C. 46, the battle of Thapsus
having been fought in the previous
April. Suetonius therefore cannot mean
to place the assumption of the toga
virilis and the triumph together-; we
must take the clause quadriennio...

8.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

15

vixdum firmus a gravi valitudine, per infestas hostibus vias
paucissimis comitibus naufragio etiam facto subsecutus, magnopere demeruit, approbata cito etiam morum indole super
itineris industriam.
Caesare post receptas Hispanias expeditionem in Dacos
et inde in Parthos destinante, praemissus Apolloniam
studiis vacavit. Utque primum occisum eum here- 44 at
demque se comperit, diu cunctatus an proximas p o oma"
represents him as rejecting the request
sumpta, ' h a v i n g taken the toga virilis
of a large number of young men who
four years after (the laudatio of his
were anxious to accompany him, owing
grandmother).'
to his splendid future prospects. Even
militaribus donis. See c. 2 5 ; Tib.
his mother wished to go with him.
32. T h e young Octavius was allowed
But he refused all company except that
to join his uncle's triumphal procession
of some of his swiftest and most active
as though he had been on the campaign,
slaves (robs (bKvrdrovs TCOV okercoV Kai
though, owing to his weak health, and
ippwfjLevecrrdTovs €KXe^djm,€vos).
his mother's anxiety, he had given up
his ardent wish to do so [Nicolas 6],
approbata indole. Cp. Nicolas 11
T h e militaria dona seem to have been
ewifjLeXh 8' iiroieiro irpbs avrbv SiaXeybthe dress and ornaments of a commander
lievov virkp 7ro\XcoV dyaKplveiv diroTreipfb[Nic. 8].../cai TOP viov Kalaapa, vlbv ijdrj
jxevos atirov rrjs 8iavolar opcoV 8k etivroxov
TreTroirjfjL&os, 6VTCL 8£ rpbirov rivd KCLI Kai ev(TTL)veTov Kai fipaxtiXoyov atird re
<ptj(X€L 5LCL rb ayxoT&Tca TOV ytvovs elvai,diroKpLvbfxevov rd /ecupicorara gjrepye Kai
e/cAeutre rep eavrov dp/xari #7recr#a4, K6O~virepTjcnrdfeTO.
fioLS atirbv
o~TpaT7)yiKo?s aaicr)(ras,
super itineris industriam, 'over and
cos av aurov o~i)o~Kt\vov 4v iroX£/JUp ye-above the energy displayed in his
yovbra.
j o u r n e y ' ; cf. Nero 31 super fiduciatn
imperii etiam spe quadam
repentina
profectum mox. Iulius started for
immensarum et reconditarum opum imSpain in December B.C. 46 and returned
est.
Otho 5 instigante
super
in the following September. T h e battle pulsus
animi dolorem etiam magnitudine
aeris
of Munda was fought on the Liberalia
alieni.
(17 March), Gnaeus Pompeius was
killed on the n t h of April [Caesar
Caesare.. .destinante. Before Caesar
B. Hisp. 38], and about the same time
returned from Spain (B.C. 45) it was
Octavius seems to have joined his uncle
known that he meditated crowning his
at Carteia \B. Hisp. 37].
work by one more great military expedivixdum firmus a gravi valitudine. tion. I t was to secure peace at almost the
This was the first of the many serious
only point of the empire at which there
illnesses of Augustus, in consequence
was serious trouble, the Eastern frontier,
of which his life was more than once
which was subject to constant alarms
despaired of. They seem to have arisen
and attacks from the Parthians. T h e
from a feeble liver and a tendency to
loss of the army and its standards under
high fever. T h e present attack had
Crassus in 53, though partially avenged
been brought on by assiduous attention
by the victory of C Cassius in 51, had
during the summer heats to the adminislong been a terror to the popular imagitration of the ' G r e e k ' theatre, which
nation. Rumours now were afloat that
his uncle had put under his charge.
the Sibylline verses declared that the
T h e anxiety of Julius for his restoration
Parthians could only be subdued by a
is graphically related by Nicolas c. 9 :
king, and one of the
Quindecemviri,
KOLI irore deiirvovvTL TjyyeiXi TLS COS £K\V- L . Aurelius Cotta, proposed (or deTOS etq KOX xaXe7rc3s £%oi * 6 8* eKTrrjdifjcras clared that he would propose) that
avvwbbijTos TJKW £vda ivoo-yXetiero, KCLI
Caesar should have the title of Dictator
TCOV larpdv ideLTO efMradtaraTa fievrbs coV at Rome, but of king in the provinces (cp.
dycwtas Kai atirbs irapeKddqTo' dvaKrt\Empress of India). See Plut. Caes. 60
o~&fJL€vos tV abrbv ei)9vfxos kyhero.
cos €K ypajJLfJLarajp SijSi/XXeicojp aX^ai/ua
rd HdpOwv (paivoLTo 'P«/«ifois (tbv /3 apaucissimis comitibus. Nicolas (10)

i6

SUETONT

[8

legiones imploraret, id quidem consilium ut praeceps inmaturumque omisit, ceterum urbe repetita hereditatem adiit,
professors could conveniently come.
<ri\ei
(TTparevofMivoLS
iir' ai5rqi)s
Octavius seems t o have brought his
a \ \ w s avtyiura ovra. Cic. de div. 2, 110
teachers with him, see c. 89 and notes.
Sibyllae versus, quorum interpres nuper
Apollonia was a joint colony of Corinth
falsa quadam hominum fama
dicturus
and Corcyra founded during the tyranny
in senatu putabatur;
eum quern re vera
of Periander (B.C. 665—585), and does
regem habebamus, appellandum
quoque
not seem t o have been important till
esse regem, si salvi esse vellemus. C p .
the R o m a n occupation, when it b e Jul. 7 9 ; Appian B. civ. 2, n o . Cicero
came t h e starting point of t h e via
did not hear t h e speech b u t asks t o
Egnatia
[ H e r o d . 9, 9 2 — 4 ; Thucyd.
have it sent h i m [ad Att. 13, 4 4 ] ; h e
1, 26; Strabo 7,- 5, 8 ; Plutarch Ser.
had however felt obliged t o join i n the
Num. Vin. c. 7]. According to Nicolas
general adulation a n d h a d written to
(16) at Apollonia Octavius was ^AotfCaesar in t h e sense which h e k n e w
would b e agreeable, i.e. urging h i m to fxevos fih i)irb TCOV TJKIKLOV KCLI (f>l\wv,
6avfjia^6fJL€POS de fiirb TQV h rrj 7r6Xei
undertake t h e Parthian w a r [ad Att.
TTCLVTCOV, iiraivoti/JLeifos 8' iirb r&v irai13, 27]. B u t Caesar did not mean t o
8evTU)j>.
go straight to Parthia. T h e whole expedition was calculated to b e likely to
studiis vacavit.
C p . c. 45 quod
last 3 years, in the first of which he was
inter spectandum libellis legendis rescrito subdue the Dacians or Getae as they
bendisque vacaret. Vesp. c. 21 gestationi
were sometimes called [Appian B. civ.
et inde quieti vacabat. T h e phrase does
2, n o ] . These tribes being conquered
not exactly occur in Cicero, but a usage
he would cross to Asia Minor, or sail
very near it is in de div. 1, 11 ego vero
down the Aegean. H e n c e troops were
inquam philosophiae,
Quinte,
semper
sent towards t h e end of 45 across to
vaco.
Apollonia to encamp on the via Egnatia^
utque primum... comperit. Octavius
along which they would march either
learnt t h e murder of Iulius by a letter
on their Dacian expedition or to take
from his mother.
But t h e bearer
ship at Thessalonica for t h e East.
could tell him nothing more, as h e had
Octavius was to be one of the Dictator's
been despatched in haste immediately
two Magistri Equitum
[ D i o 43, 51]. afterwards. After a long deliberation
H e was accompanied by a suite of
he decided n o t to appeal for the present
young men, among whom were his
to t h e legions in Macedonia, though
future ministers and friends M . V i p - several of t h e officers proffered their
sanius Agrippa and L . Cilnius Maecenas
assistance, but to g o at once t o Italy.
[Nicolas 31].
I t was not till h e landed in Calabria
praemissus...vacavit, * being sent in that h e heard of Caesar's will a n d his
adoption [Nicolas 16, 17].
advance to Apollonia h e devoted himself to study.' Appian B. civ. 3, 9
c e t e r u m . . . dissuadente.
Octavius
iraide6ea0al re Kal &<rKei(rdcu ra 7roX^cua landed considerably south of Bruniw^/jLTreTOfiirbrod Katcrapos cos is roiis disium, near Lupiae (Lecce), where h e
7ro\€fJLiovs exj/bjULevos adry Kal avrbv ev ry
met with some who had been a t Caesar's
'ATToWoovlq. liriricov l\cu irapaXkai; CK
funeral a n d h a d heard t h e will a n d
MdKedovLas eiriovcrai avvey^/xva^op. Kal
could tell him that h e was heir to threeTQV rjyejiidvcjv rod crrparov TLvks a?s cvy- fourths of his uncle's property—ex doyevet Kal<rapos Oapuva iwL^olrwv.
Veil.
drante [see Iulius c. 8 3 ; though Livy
Paterc. 2, 59 ad erudiendum
liberalibus
ep. 116, says t o one-half ex dimidia
disciplinis singularis
indolem
iuvenis
parte].
H e then went to^Brundisium
Apollonia?n eum in studia miserat, mox
where h e found letters from his mother
belli Getici ac deinde Parthici
habiturus
and stepfather. Atia begged h i m t o
commilitonem.
T h u s it was quite as
come at once t o her protection, Philipmuch for training in military matters
pus urged him to renounce the inheritas in general culture that Octavius was
ance,—6 5£ Ka?<rap ijdei fxev iir' etivolas
sent to Apollonia; nor is there any
ravra Trapawovvra iyLyvuxrKe dt raother evidence that Apollonia was spevavria^ Nicolas c. 18. Philippus h a d
cially a place of education; though it
taken neither side in t h e civil war, and
might doubtless b e selected as t h e
wished his stepson to abstain from the
nearest place t o Italy where Greek
party struggles.

8.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

17

dubitante matre, vitrico vero Marcio Philippo consulari
multum dissuadente. Atque ab eo tempore exercitibus comparatis primum cum M. Antonio M. que ^se0pfe^g
Lepido deinde tantum cum Antonio per duodecim power B.C.
fere annos, novissime per quattuor et quadraginta \*~~
solus rem publicam tenuit.
proximas legiones. Those encamped
ad Att. 16, i i . To the troops thus
in Macedonia ready for the Parthian
raised from the veterans were added the
expedition.
legio Martia and quarta, which broke
vitrico. There seems no reason to off on the march from Brundisium and
T
doubt that L. Marcius* Phiiippus w as came to Alba Fucentia, and put themstepfather to Augustus. Yet Dio [45,1] selves at the disposal of Octavius
calls him his mother's brother, irpa(f)7) (November), Cicero 3 Phil. § 39; 13
ixky Trapa re rrj fxr)Tpl icai irapa r<£ § 19. II. the first tenure of the Triumvirate. It was established by a
Sid€\<pcp adrrjs Aovdip <&Cklinri>). And
lex passed on 27 of November 43 in
Ovid F. 6, 809 says that he married
Octavian's aunt,,.. .nupta fuit quondam consequence of an agreement come to
between Antony, Lepidus and Aumatertera Caesaris Mi. It seems imgustus at their meeting earlier in the
possible that the courtier Ovid should
have made'a mistake on such a subject; month. They were to form a board to
and the only explanation possible seems settle the constitution ret publicae constituendae, with full powers as to the
to be that he married the two sisters in
succession. Velleius [2, 59 and 60] 'designating' magistrates and carrying
on government for 5 years, from the
calls him vitricus; Appian B. civ. 3,
10 7) de fJLifjTrjp KOX $L\nnros os el%e^ following 1st January to 31 December
38. It was also arranged that there
aiirfy. Plutarch Cicero 45 $l\nnros 6
rty /uijripa rod veov Kalcrapos %xwv' should be three great provinces, Caesar
Cicero 3 Phil. § 17 Z. Phiiippus qui was to take both the Africas, Sicily
and Sardinia; Lepidus the Spains and
habet Aricinam uxorem, C. Marcellus,
Gallia Narbonensis; Antony the rest of
qui Aricinae filiam. Cp. ad Att. xiv.
Gaul, with legions and legates. Lepi12. See infr. c. 29. He was consul
dus was to be consul for 42 and take
in B.C. 56.
atque ab eo tempore exercitibus charge of Italy while Caesar and Antony
went to attack Brutus and Cassius [Dio
comparatis.. .tenuit. This exceedingly
46, 54]. After the battle of Philippi
brief summary of Augustus' career inthese arrangements were modified.
cludes I. the levying of an army against
Antony at Mutina in the autumn of 44. The triumviral imperium remained unM. A. i annos tmdeviginti natus exer- changed : but Antony was to take
citum privato consilio et privata impensa general charge of all east of the Adriatic, Caesar of all west of it; and
comparavi. Cic. ad Att. 16, 8 (Nov. 44)
Lepidus was to be allowed to hold
Kal. vesperi literae mihi ab Octaviano.
Africa as his province,—Italy was to
Magna molitur. Veteranos qui sunt
Casilini et Calatiae perduxit ad suam be common to all [Dio 48, 1]. The
sententiam. Nee mirum: quingenos de- triumvirate was renewed for another
narios dat: cogitat reliquas colonias 5 years from 1 January 37 to 31 Dec.
obire. Plane hoc spectat ut se duce bel- 33 ; but in B.C. 36 Lepidus was deprived
of his share of the provinces and forced
lum cum Antonio geratur. Cicero hesitated to trust him, ego quidem O-KTJTTTO-to abdicate his imperium as triumvir.
fjLcti. non confido aetati. Ignoro quo III. Neither Caesar nor Antony resigned his imperium at the end of 33;
animo, ib. 9. He however is soon convinced that Octavius is important, is but the battle of Actium (31) followed
by the death of Antony (30) left Caesar
tamen egit sane strenue et agit. Romam
with the sole imperium. This completes
veniet cum manu magna, sed est plane
the twelve years of Suetonius' three first
puer. Putat senatum statim. Quis veperiods. IV. The 4th period of 44 years
niet? si venerit, quis incertis rebus
is that which may be properly called
offendet Antonittm? Kal. Ian. erit forCaesar's reign from B.C. 30 to A.D. 14,
tasse praesidio, aut quidem ante depug—from the death of Antony to his own.
nabitur. Puero municipia mirefavent....
S.

2

18

SUETONI

[9—

Proposita vitae eius velut summa, partes singillatim neque
per tempora sed per species exsequar, quo distinctius demonstrari cognoscique possint
Bella civilia quinque gessit: Mutinense, Philippense,
Perusinum, Siculum, Actiacum ; e quibus primum
ac
civil wars
novissimum adversus M. Antonium, secundum
B.c. 44— adversus Brutum et Cassium, tertium adversus L.
3 1.

Antonium triumviri fratrem, quartum adversus Sex9. neque per tempora sed per
species, 'not however following the
chronological order, but taking each
subject by itself.' Suetonius generally
follows this plan more or less, giving
separate accounts of an Emperor's
wars, legislation, friendships, methods
of government, honours enjoyed, pleasures and the like. But in most of the
lives the chronological sketch is more
prominent than in that of Augustus.
He divides his subject in the present instance thus : (I) Civil wars, 9—19. (II)
Foreign wars, 20—21. (Ill) Triumphs
celebrated, 22—24. (IV) Military discipline, 24—25. (V) Offices, 26—27.
(VI) General policy and administration,
public buildings, etc., social reforms,
administration of justice, legislation,
28—34. His dealing with the Senate,
the magistrates, the Equites, and the
citizenship, 34—40.
His financial
measures, 41—42. His arrangement
of the games and theatres, 43—46.
(VII) His administration of the provinces and foreign affairs, 48—50.
(VIII) Miscellaneous characteristics
and anecdotes, 51—60. (IX) His family
life, wives, children and adopted sons,
friendships, servants, personal morality
and amusements, appearance and health,
6\—82. (X) His literary accomplishments, 84—86. His peculiar expressions
and tricks of writing, his instructors,
and Greek studies, and patronage of
learning, 87—89. (XI) His views
and practices as to religion, 90—93.
(XII) The various omens and other
divine indications accompanying his
birth, and the great crises of his life,
94—6. (XIII) His last days, his death,
and will, 97—101.

bella civilia. I. Mutinense: Octavius started for Mutina before 1 January
43. The decisive engagements which
compelled Antony to withdraw from
Mutina took place on the 15th of April
[Cic. ad /am. 10, 30—33; 14 PhiL\

Dio 46, 37] on the via Aemilia,
and the next day or next day but one
close to Antony's camp at Mutina [App.
B. C. 3, 71—2]. II. Philippense:
Brutus and Cassius on their march
through N. Macedonia (42) found the
road near Philippi blocked by 8 legions
sent by Antony under Caius Norbanus
and Decidius Saxas. The two armies
fronted each other for some weeks until
towards the end of September Antony
arrived with reinforcements followed a
little later by Octavian (who had been
detained by sickness). There were two
battles with a fortnight's interval towards the end of October and the beginning of November. In the first
Brutus stormed Octavian's camp, and
all but captured him, but Cassius was
defeated and committed suicide under the
false impression that Brutus had failed.
In the second Brutus was defeated and
killed himself [Plutarch, lives of Antony
and Brutus, Dio 47, 32—49; App. B.
Civ. 4, 105—138; Veil. Pat. 2, 70—71].
III. Perusinum: On the 1 January 41
Lucius Antonius (brother of Marcus)
became Consul. Marcus Antonius in
accordance with the agreement made
after Philippi was in the East: but his
wife Fulvia was in Rome and she combined with Lucius (who as symbol of
his devotion to his brother's interest
had taken the cognomen of Pietas) to
support the interests of Marcus and his
veterans against those of Caesar. It
was Fulvia who was the ruling spirit
of the two, and she used the circumstances of the time, especially the task
Caesar had to perform of distributing
lands to the veterans, for stirring up
quarrels. Caesar showed his sense of
the situation by divorcing Fulvia's
daughter Clodia, to whom he had been
contracted though he had not as yet cohabited with her. These disagreements
led to a real civil war which centred
itself at Perusia where Caesar besieged

io.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

19

turn Pompeium CN. F. Omnium bellorum initium et causam
hinc sumpsit: nihil convenientius ducens quam necem avunculi vindicare tuerique acta, confestim ut Apollonia rediit,
Brutum Cassiumque et vi necopinantis et (quia provisum
s periculum subterfugerant) legibus adgredi reosque caedis
Lucius Antonius from the autumn of
41 to March 40 [Dio 48, 5—16; Veil.
Paterc. 2, 74—76; A p p . B. Civ. 5,
19—49]. I V . Siculum: T h e Sicilian
war spread over several years. Caesar
was engaged in Sicily early in 42 just
before starting for Macedonia. During
the two years which followed Sextus
Pompeius had held Sicily, Corsica and
Sardinia and other islands, had harassed
the coasts of Italy almost at his will,
and the triumvirs were execrated by
the people for the sufferings thus entailed on them. They were obliged
therefore to do something. First of all
Antony and Caesar in common negotiated the treaty of Misenum with
Pompey [39] which secured to Sextus
his rule in the islands (with the addition
of the Peloponnese) and his restitutio
in integrum at Rome, as well as other
great concessions, while it provided for
the free supply of corn from those parts
to Rome and the cessation of Pompey's
raids. Antony then went off to the
East for his Parthian expeditions, and
Caesar was left in charge at R o m e .
But the peace was maintained for a
very short time. Sextus conceived himself not to be treated fairly in accordance
with its terms, and began his encroachments again (B.C. 38—7), and Caesar
was obliged to undertake the war. In
38—7 it went against Caesar, who lost
a considerable fleet and was in great
personal danger.
I t was not until
Agrippa took command (B.C. 36) that
things began to look brighter, and
finally after much desultory fighting
both by sea and land Sextus fled to
Asia where he was put to death ( B . C .
35) [Veil. Pat. 2, 73, 7 9 — 8 1 ; Dio 48,
I
7~32;
3°"; 49> 1—18; A p p . B. Civ.
5, 77—92 ; 98—145]. V. Actiacum :
T h e war which was settled by the battle
of Actium (September B.C. 31) was not
professedly a civil war. Caesar had
indeed industriously put before the
people all the civil crimes of Antony,
and the very boys in the streets it is
said formed themselves into rival parties
of Caesarians and Antonians, neverthe-

less the proclamation of war was against
Cleopatra [rrj ixkv odv KXeoirdrpg, did,
ravra TOV 7r6Ae/uoz> i\£>7](pl(ravT0, r £ 5'
'AvTcovtcp otidev dyjdev TOLOVTOV eir^yyeihav... Dio 50, 6]. It was quite enough
for Antony's enemies that he should
appear before the people as fighting on
the side of a hostis. T h e war may be
counted as lasting from the autumn of 32
(some desultory movements occurring
in the winter) to the death of Antony
in the first half of B.C. 30 [Dio 50, 10
— 5 1 , 1 0 : Velleius Paterc. 2, 83, 8 ;
Plutarch Antony, c. 5 J sq.J
10. necem ... vindicare.
Augustus
himself puts the vengeance for the assassination of Iulius as his first public
achievement after his successful campaign at Mutina. See M . A. 2 qui
parentem
meum interfecerunt^
eos in
exilium expuli iudiciis legitimis
ultus
eorum facintis, et postea bellum
inferentis rei publicae vici bis acie. But
though the legal condemnation of the
assassins here spoken of seems formally
to have been confined to a sentence of
interdictio aquae et ignis, it is observed
by Suetonius [Jul. 89] that within three
years nearly all had perished by various
forms of violent death. F o r exceptions
see Appendix B.
confestim u t Apollonia rediit. It
does not appear that Octavian took any
steps against the assassins immediately
after his return from Apollonia. H e
was very reserved, and Cicero, though
with some doubt, declared that he was
well disposed to his party: ad Att. 15,
12 (written early in June B.C. 44). I t
was not till he came to Rome with an
army in August 43 B.C. to claim the
consulship that he began the vengeance.
T h e acta of Caesar had been confirmed
by a decree of the Senate in March,
but Antony is accused by Cicero of playing fast and loose with them [2 Phil.
§ 100].
subterfugerant.
Brutus and Cassius, though Praetors, had to leave
R o m e immediately after Caesar's funeral, owing to the popular feeling against
them, and never ventured to return to

2—2

20

SUETON

I

[10

absentis deferre statuit. Ludos autem victoriae Caesaris, non
audentibus facere quibus optigerat id munus, ipse edidit. Et
quo constantius cetera quoque exequeretur, in locum TR. PL.
forte demortui candidatum se ostendit, quanquam patricius
necdum senator. Sed adversante conatibus suis M. Antonio
the city again. T h e y stayed in Italy
6, 12] as procurators.
F o r the comet
till towards the end of August, at first
mentioned by Suetonius [Iul. 88] as
at Lanuvium [Cic. ad fam. n , 2], then
having appeared during these games,
at Antium [ad Att. 15, 11, 12], and
which the people believed to be the soul
finally, after collecting ships and men, at
of Caesar being received among the
Velia and at Naples [ad Att. 16, 7].
gods, see Pliny N.II.2% 93—94 Cometes
T h e scene at the theatre in which C.
in una totius orbis loco colitur in te?nplo
Antonius presided in the place of Brutus
Pomae, admodum faustus divo Augusto
at the games of Apollo in July, though
iudicatus ab ipso, qui incipiente eo adCicero afterwards declared it to be
paruit ludis quos faciebat Veneri Geneextraordinarily favourable to Brutus
trici non multo post obilum
patris
[2 Phil. § 3 1 incredibili honore], was
Caesaris in collegio ab eo instituto.
Dio
really far from encouraging [ad Att. 16,
45» 75 ; cp. A p p . B. civ. 3 , 2 4 ejxpiio-doov yap
in locum Triouni Plebeii. T h e vacancy
TLVU)V dvcucpayovTWV KCLTOLKakeLV Bpovrovseems to have been caused by the death
re /cat Kdo~(nov iirel TO \oiirbv CLVTOIS
of Helvius Cinna, who was killed by
diarpov cvvedrjfjLayojyelTO es TOV k'Xeov, the mob in mistake for L. Cornelius
io-tdpafiov ddpooL (Octavian's partisans)
Cinna, one of the assassins [Plut. Caes.
Kal rat 6ias tirkvxov fikxpi TTJV d^twaiv
6 8 ; Brutus 2 0 ; Dio 45, 5]. Antony
prevented Octavian's candidature by an
legious. See passage of the Monuedict, in virtue of his consular power of
mentum quoted above. T h e law for
coercitiO) A p p . B. civ. 3, 31 irpovypa^ev
the trial of the conspirators was brought
cos tiiraros /iTjdevl Kaicrapa
eyx^petv
in by Octavian's cousin and colleague in
iraptLvonws, 7) xp^crecrflcu /car' afirou TTOLVTI
the consulship, Q. Pedius [c. 83], who
fj-irpcp T7js i^ovaias.
Plut. Ant. 16 5TJhad served with his uncle in Gaul, and
jxapxiw re ydip ivtcrrr) IXGTLOVTL KOL 8i(ppov
was a joint heir by his will. Veil.
XPVGOVV TOV TTCLTpds, (jbaTTCp
4\f/lfj(pLaT0,
Paterc. 2, 69 et lege Pedia, quam Cos.
TiBhros rjTrdXrjcrev els (pvXaKTjv d-rratietv.
Pedius collega Caesaris tulerat,
omnibus
T h e constitutional grounds on which
qtii Caesar em patrem interfecerant aqua
the opposition rested seem to have
ignique damnatis interdicttim erat. C p .
been I . the patriciate conferred on
Appian B. civ. 3, 9 5 ; Dio 46, 48. This
Octavius by I u l i u s ; I I . his a g e ; I I I .
took place in August B.C. 4 3 ; but the
his not having been quaestor and so a
subsequent proscriptions of the triumvirs
senator (necdum senator).
This last
in November caused Pedius so much
involved a breach of custom though
distress and excitement that he died
not of law [Willans le Senat 1, p . 212],
[ A p p . B. civ. 4, 6].
and Antony found that he would be
elected, and consequently stopped the
ludos...victoriae Caesaris.
These
comitia [cucre...dveKelv TTJV x€lP0T0V^av
games had been intended to be exTots vTTo\olirois TQV dyfjLapxuv apKoti/uLevov,
hibited on the Palilia (21 April) in celeA p p . I.e.].
bration of Caesar's Spanish victory,
and were to accompany the dedication
adversante.. .Antonio. T h e first point
of the completed temple of Venus
in which Antony opposed Octavian was
Victrix vowed at Pharsalus in B.C. 49
in regard to a large sum of money
[App. 2, 102; Dio 43, 2 ; 45, 6]. After
(about ,£5000000) left by Caesar in
his death they were not proceeded
the temple of Ops. Of this as Caesar's
w i t h ; but Octavian on coming to Rome
heir Octavian demanded an account,
at once took measures for their celewhich Antony refused on the grounds
bration in May, securing the services of
that it was public money, and did not
Matius Calvinus [ad Alt. 15, 2 ; ad
come to Caesar's heir, who had no
Fam. 11, 27—28] and Postumius, two
public position in virtue of the will, for
warm friends of the Dictator [ad fam.
Caesar had of course no power to leave

io.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

21

consule; quern vel praecipuum adiutorem speraverat, ac ne
publicum quidem et tralaticium ius ulla in re sibi B r e a c h
sine pactione gravissimae mercedis impertiente, ad with M.
optimates se contulit, quibus eum invisum sentiebat, n t o m u s '
Postumius mihiprocurators nonplacent,
...ib. 15, 2 (18 May). Still his resentment against the murderers of his uncle
was for the present carefully concealed,
and this gave Cicero hopes of retaining
him, though his doubts were not set at
rest,... Octaviano, ul perspexi, satis ingenii, satis animi: videbaturque erga
nostros heroas ita fore ut nos vellemus
animatus. Sed quid aetati credendum
sit, quid nomini, quid kereditati, quid
Karrixhcrei, magni consilii est: vitricus
quidem nihil censebat, quern Asturae
vidimus. Sed tamen alendus est; et,
tit nihil aluid, ab Antonio seiungendus,
ib. 12 (10 June). It was not however
till the latter part of October that
the alienation from Antony was complete; when, on the latter leaving Rome
to meet the legions at Brundisium
from Epirus, Octavian enrolled soldiers from the veterans at Casilinum
and Calatia on the plea that Antony
was about to march upon Rome.
Though he had no authority for doing
LP
this, the Optimate party hastened to re6 Kcucrap is X^P 'AVTWVLOV TJTTCLTO].
cognise him, in their hatred of Antony,
Antony's secret influence was exercised
though Cicero doubted as to giving him
also in the other points,—the tribunedirect countenance [ego autem cricqirTOship, the celebration of the games, and
fxat,, ad Att. 16, 9], and Varro and some
the formal lex ctcriata for his adoption
others disapproved. It was not until
[atirbs fxkv €<nro{i^a^ev bi)dev elcreveyKew,
5i& 8e brjfxdpx^v TLPCOV dvepaWeTo, Diothe 19th of December that thanks were
voted in the Senate to Octavian, thus
45, 5]implicitly recognising him [3 Phil.
ad optimates se contulit. Cicero
§ 39]; and it was only on the 1st Jan.
had from the first hoped to get Octavius
B.C. 43 that imperium was accorded to
on his side as against Antony. He
him, with the rank of pro-praetor and
anticipated with pleasure the quarrel
a seat in the Senate [5 Phil. § 46J. It
that would arise between them,—sed,
ut scribis, poi^bdeixtv magnam cum An- is certain, however, that he was playing
a part, and meant only to use the Optitonio, ad Alt. 14, 10 (19 Apr. B.C. 43),
mates to give him the power of making
—and believed that he had secured him
on his arrival,...modo venit Octavius, terms with Antony on a footing of
et quidem in proximam villam Philippi, equality. He himself asserts that he
used the troops to destroy the narrow
mihi totus deditus, ib. \i (18 April)...
clique then enslaving the country, by
nobiscum hie perhonorifice et amice
which he means the party of Optimates
Octavius, ib. 12 (22 April). These con[per qtiem rem publicam dominatione
fident expectations were damped by the
factio nis oppressam in libertatem vinspeech delivered by him in May, when
dicavi M. A. 1 § 1, words apparently
introduced on the Rostra by L. Antofounded on those of Iulius himself, see
nius, and by his celebration of the
games in the Dictator's honour, de B.civ. 1, 22 ut se et Populum Romanum
Octavii contione idem sentio quod tu ; factione paucorum oppressum in libertatem vindicaret\.
ludorumque eius apparatus et Mathis ac

a successor in his public offices. However the second heirs Pinarius and Pedius
were paid, and they seem to have
handed over their shares to Octavian
[App. B. civ. 3, 15—22; cp. Cicero
2 Phil. § 93].
publicum... et tralaticium ius 'a right
open to every one,' ' of an ordinary description.' Cp. Nero 7 tralaticiae postulationes, ' formal motions in a court/ id.
33 tralaticio funere, 'common,' 'ordinary funeral.' On his arrival in Rome
early in May 44, Octavius at once gave
notice before the praetor C. Antonius,
that he accepted the inheritance of
Caesar, and found himself immediately
not only involved in a money controversy with M. Antonius, as were his
co-heirs Pedius and Pinarius, but had
also to defend himself in many actions
brought by those who professed to have
been wrongfully dispossessed by Caesar;
and in these actions he was frequently
worsted by Antony's influence [App.
Bell. civ. 3,22 irauraxov r& woWd, dfioi&s

22

SUETONI

[io—

maxime quod D. Brutum obsessum Mutinae provincia a
Caesare data et per senatum confirmata expellere armis
niteretur. Hortantibus itaque nonnullis percussores ei subornavit, ac fraude deprehensa periculum in vicem metuens
veteranos simul in suum ac rei publicae auxilium quanta
potuit largitione contraxit; iussusque comparato exercitui pro
praetore praeesse et cum Hirtio ac Pansa, qui consulatum
susceperant, D. Bruto opem ferre, demandatum bellum tertio
quod D. Brutum...niteretur. The
assignation of Gallia Cis-Alpina to
Decimus Brutus was among the arrangements made by Iulius preliminary
to his starting on the Parthian expedition [App. B. civ. 3, 2]; Antony had
carried a lex transferring it to himself in
June, B.C. 44 {cum legem de provinciarum
permutatione per vim tulisset Liv. ep.
107),—though he appears to have obtained a vote of the Senate on the 1st
of that month in his favour [Cic. ad Att.
14, 14; 15, 4; 1 Phil.%6; Dio45,9].
Decimus Brutus after some hesitation
resolved to resist; threw himself into
Mutina with his troops, and sent an
edict, published in Rome on the 19th
of December, declaring that he was in
lawful possession 'of his province, and
forbidding any one with imperium to
enter it [Cic. ad fam. 11, 6—7]. Antony was by that time on his way to
besiege him; and Octavian with his
newly levied legion, and with the Martia
and 4th legion, which had left Antony
and joined him at Alba Fucentia, had
also started to the seat of war.
percussores ei subornavit. Whether
this attempt to assassinate Antony was
really countenanced by Caesar was a
matter of dispute at the time. Appian
[B. civ. 3, 39] says that most people
believed that it was so, but that the few
clearer-sighted ones perceived that it
was not to his interest to get rid of
Antony, as he would immediately find
himself confronted by the enmity of the
Optimates, who only supported him
from fear of Antony. On the other
hand, Cicero says that though the
common people believed it to be a report
got up by Antony himself to discredit
Caesar, the Optimates both believed
and approved of it...Perum urbanarum
acta tibi mitli certo scio. Quodni ita
putarem ipse perscriberem. Inprimisque
Caesaris Octaviani conatum; de quo
multitudini Hctum ab Antonio crimen

videtur, tit in pecuniam adolescentis impetum faceret. Prudentes autem et boni
viri et credunt factum et probant. ad
fam. 12, 23 (written to Cornificius about
the 5th October), cp. Seneca de Clem.
T, 9, 1. Plutarch [Ant. 16] seems to
disbelieve it; and Caesar's own version
of the affair is probably that given by
Nicolas [c. 30], who asserts that Antony
deliberately invented both the plot and
the report inculpating Caesar, who, as
soon as the story reached him, at once
visited the consul's house and offered to
act as one of his body guard.
veteranos.. .quanta potuit largitione
contraxit. The enrolment began immediately after Antony's departure for
Brundisium (9 October). He offered a
bounty of 500 denarii (about ^20), and
soon got men to enlist. ... Veteranos
qui Casilini et Calatiae sunt perduxit
ad suam sententiam. Nee miruni:
qtiingenos denarios dat. ad Att. 16, 8.
For this enrolment of soldiers at his
own expense, see M.A. 1; 3 Phil. § 3 ;
Veil. 2, 61.
iussus.. .susceperant. The decree, of
which notice had been given on the 19
December, 44, was passed at the meeting of the Senate on the 1 January 43,
when Hirtius and Pansa came into
office. It is given in Cicero 5 Phil. §
46 quod C. Caesar, C.f, pontifex, pro
praetore summo rei publicae tempore
milites veteranos ad libertatem P. R.
cohortatus sit eosque conscripserit...senatui placere C. Caesarem C. f. pontificem pro praetore senatoretti esse sententiamque loco praetorio dicere. He was at
the same time invested with imperium
(ib. 45 demus igitur imperium Caesari,
cp. rr Phil. § 20 imperium C. Caesari
belli necessitas, fasces senatus dedil).
Dio (46, 29) says that he was first inter
quaestorios (iu rots rera^,ieu/c6crt), but
this seems a mistake. There was, however, a second decree giving him an
honorary consulship (ornamenta con'

II.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

23

mense confecit duobus proeliis. Priore Antonius fugisse eum
scribit ac sine paludamento equoque post biduum „.
demum apparuisse, sequenti satis constat non modo duct at
ducis,. sed etiam militis functum munere atque in utlna*
s media dimicatione, aquilifero legionis suae graviter saucio, aquilam umeris subisse diuque portasse. Hoc bello cum Hirtius 11
in acie, Pansa paulo post ex vulnere perissent, rumor increbruit ambos opera eius occisos; ut Antonio fugato, re publica
consulibus orbata, solus victores exercitus occuparet. Pansae
sularia), and therefore in the M. A. T
§ 3 he says ob quae senatus decretis
honorificis in ordinem suum me adlegit
C. Pansa A. Hirtio Coss., consularem
locum simul dans sententiae ferendae et
imperium mihi dedit. Cp. Livy ep. ri8
propraetoris imperium a senatu datum
est cum consularibus ornamentis. This
2nd decree Dio [46, 41 ] places after the
battles at Mutina, but wrongly as it
appears, for Pansa and Hirtius were
then dead. Cp. App. 3, 51...rots'Iprty

managed to bring off his body [Appian
B. civ. 3, 71].
paludamento, his military dress as
imperator. Thus Pompey fled from the
camp at Pharsalus, detractis insignibus
imperatoriiS) Caes. B. civ. 3, 96. When
lulius had to escape by swimming at
Alexandria he is said to have done so
paludamentu?n mordicus trahens ne
spoliopoteretur hoslis, Iul. c. 64.
11. Hirtius... Pansa. Hirtius had
been at the seat of war since the beginning
Kal Ucbvaq, Kaicrapa <TV(TTparrjye1u...Kal
of the year. Pansa arrived with a reinyvd}fjir}u atirbv elcr<p£peLv iv rots viraTiKoisforcement on the 14th of April. In the
i]d7j. Speaking, indeed, on 20 March,
engagement of the 15th Pansa received
43, Cicero [13 Phil. 39] still calls him
two severe wounds, duobus periculosis
pro praetore in the army, but that would
vulneribus acceptis, Cic. 14 Phil. 26;
not prevent his having consular rank in
and was carried off the field to the camp
the Senate.
of Hirtius at Bononia. Hirtius fell in
tertio mense...duobus proeliis. See the attempt to storm Antony's camp on
note on c. 8. The battles near Mutina
the 17th; but Pansa lingered for some
took place on the 15th of April, and the
days. The rumour which ascribed his
next day but one. In the first, at Forum
death to the intrigue of Augustus with
Gallorum, it does not appear^ that
his physician Glycon was persistent.
Octavian was himself personally enSee Tac. Ann. 1, 10. Glycon was
gaged [KCLITOI firjde fAaxecrd/JLepos Dio 46, arrested by Pansa's quaestor, L. Man38], though his cohors praetoria was
lius Torquatus. M. Brutus (writing
stationed on the via Aemilia and sufon the 16th of May) begs Cicero to
fered severely, losing its commander,
secure his release, and declares his belief
in his innocence,.. .nil minus credendum
D. Carfulenus. Octavian seems to
est: quis enim maiorem calamitatem
have remained to guard his camp, and
morte Pansae accepitl [Ep. ad Br. r,
though in the despatch which Hirtius
6]. According to Appian [B. civ. 3,
sent off immediately after the engage75—76] Pansa on his deathbed was
ment he commends him for holding it
and fighting a secundum proelium [14 particularly friendly to Octavian, and
warned him of the designs of the OpPhil. 28], nothing is said of it in the
timates. Octavian performed the last
letter of Ser. Servilius Galba (greatrites over both, and sent their ashes to
grandfather of the emperor) who was
Rome with all honour.
himself engaged, see Cic. ad fam. 10,
30. Appian B. civ. 3, 66—70. In the
victores exercitus. Cp. victor currus
fighting on the next day or next day
Ov. Tr. 4, 2, 47, victores legiones Plaut.
but one, however, Caesar was actively
Amph. 1, 1, 33. On the death of the
employed. Antony had retreated to
consuls, the Senate ordered the Martia
his camp near Mutina, and Hirtius and
and Quarta legio to join Dec. Brutus in
Caesar, after defeating his troops outpursuit of Antony; but both refused to
side the camp, forced their way in.
quit Octavian [Cic. adfam. 11, 14, 19,
Hirtius fell in the camp, but Caesar
2 0 ; ad Brut. 1, 2, 14].

24

SUETONI

[12—

quidem adeo suspecta mors fuit, ut Glyeo medicus custoditus
sit, quasi venenum vulneri indidisset. Adicit his Aquilius
Niger, alterum e consulibus Hirtium in pugnae tumultu ab
ipso interemptum. Sed ut cognovit Antonium post fugam a
He deserts M. Lepido receptum ceterosque duces et exercitus
the cause consentire pro partibus, causam optimatium sine
Optimates cunctatione deseruit, ad praelextum mutatae volunB.C. 43. t a t j | s djcfo factaque quorundam calumniatus, quasi
quasi...indidisset, 'on the charge of
having introduced poison into his wound.'
For quasi cp. cc. 6, 14.ll Its use cannot
be rigidly separated from that of tamquam; but it seems generally to indicate
something more of doubt.
Aquilius Niger. Nothing seems to
be known of this writer, and his statement is hardly worth considering. It
seems founded on the fact that Octavian
was near Hirtius when he fell: see
Appian B. civ. 3, 71 "Iprtos 8e KCLI es TO

formed Cicero that he could not induce
him to act with any energy against
Antony [ib. 10, 34]. He had in fact
resolved to join Antony. On the 22nd
of May he wrote to Cicero [ad/am. 10,
34] still professing loyalty, and asserting
that he had superseded his two legati,
Silanus and Culleo, who, being sent
forward to guard the pass into Narbonensis, had joined Antony [see App.
B. civ. 3, 83], but on the 29th of May
he had himself joined forces with
crTparbiredov icr^Xaro rod 'APTUVIOV KCLL
him, and addressed a despatch to the
irepi TT)V <TTpcLT7)yida /uLaxofJievos ^ireae'
Senate declaring that his soldiers reKOI a\)Tov TO T€ cru>juLa 6 Kaiaap ecrdpajuLibp fused to fight against their countrymen,
aveiXeTO Kal TOV o~Tp<XTOir£bov /careo'xei'.
and ending with a veiled menace or
12. ut...receptum. M. Aemilius Le- warning as to the need of their making
pidus was Magister Equitum at the time terms with Antony [ad /am. 10, 35].
of Caesar's assassination, and soon after- The Senate answered by declaring
wards (having meanwhile been elected
Lepidus and all his followers hostes
Pontifex Maximus) went to his province
(31 June), allowing, however, his folof Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania lowers the opportunity of returning to
Citerior, which had been assigned to their allegiance before the 1st of Sephim by Caesar. He was at first acting tember [ad/am. 12, 10].
with Antony, and secured the temporary
ceterosque duces et exercitus.
adhesion of Sextus Pompeius. Upon
Antony had been joined by Ventidius
Antony's breach with the Senate he
Bassus towards the end of May [Cic. ad
seems to have played a double part. /am. 11, 29]; before the end of August he
He kept up a correspondence with was also joined by L. Munatius Plancus,
Cicero, full of professions of loyalty, and governor of farther Gaul. About the
asserting his intention of opposing middle of July, Dec. Brutus had formed
Antony's retreat into his province of
a junction with Plancus near Grenoble
Narbonensis. He advanced to the River [ad/am. 10, 24]; but a third army was
Argenteus {Argens) about the 20th of on its way under C. Asinius Pollio from
May, Antony being in the neighbour- Baetica [ad/am. 10, 30], and before
hood of Forum Iulii (Frejus) at its the end of August Pollio had persuaded
mouth, and from it reported that
Plancus to abandon Dec. Brutus and to
Antony's men were deserting him and join him in giving in their adhesion to
promised to oppose him in the interests Antony [Appian B. civ. 3, 97]. Livy
of the state [ad/am. 10, 34]. But he ep. 120 Cum M. Antonio vires Asinius
was ventosissimus [ib. n , 9], and had quoque Pollio et M. Munatius Plancus
already alarmed the Optimates by pro- cum exercitibus suis adiuncti ampliasposing earlier in the year that terms sent. The Senate, which had voted the
should be made with Antony [id. 10, 6; command against Antony to Dec. Brutus,
10, 27]; and even after Antony's retreat had no force to look to except two
from Mutina had written despatches legions sent from Africa by Q. Corniwhich Cicero regarded as * cold and ficius, which arrived the day before
shuffling' [frigidae et inconstantes, id, Octavian entered Rome [ad/am. 11,14;
iOj 16], while Plancus privately in- Appian B. civ. 3, 91].

13.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

25

alii se puerum, alii ornandum tollendumque iactassent, ne aut
sibi aut veteranis par gratia referretur. Et quo magis paenitentiam prioris sectae approbaret, Nursinos grandi pecunia et
quam pendere nequirent multatos extorres oppido egit, quod
5 Mutinensi acie interemptorum civium tumulo publice extructo
ascripserant, pro libertate eos occubuisse.
Inita cum Antonio et Lepido societate, Philippense quoque
bellum, quamquam invalidus atque aeger, duplici T jj e xriproelio transegit, quorum priore castris exutus vix umvirate
,

.

r

^T

and battles

o ad Antoni cornu fuga evaserat. Nee successum 0f Phiiippi
victoriae moderatus est, sed capite Bruti Romam B-c-43—2pro partibus, * were coming to terms
in the interests of the party,' i.e. the
opposite party, cp. coniurandi pro partibus suis, c. 17.
dicta factaque...calumniatus ' h a v ing alleged as a pretext. 5
Calumniari
(1) absol. of bringing vexatious actions c. 23, and alleging pretended
reasons, Tib. 5 3 ; (2) followed by cognate
accusative or accusative of the person,
or both, see Cic. ad /am. 9, 7 nam,
quod antea te calumniatus
sum,
indicabo malitiam meant; (3) ' t o suggest
objections,' Cic. ad fam. 9, 2 sed calumniabar ipse: putabam qui obviam mihi
venisset.. .suspicaturum
aut
dicturum
etc. praetextum n. is not classical.
quasi...iactassent. F o r quasi see
note on c. 10. For the epigram see
the letter of D e c . Brutus to Cicero
[ad fam. 11, 20] novissime Labeo Segulius homo sui simillimus
narrat
mihi
apud Caesarem se fuisse
multitmque
sermonem de te habitum esse. Ipsum
Caesarem nihil sane de te questum nisi
quod dicer et te dixisse, laudandum adolescentem, omajidum, tollendum ; se non esse
commissurmn ut tolli possit.
On which
Cicero comments [adfam. n , 21 ] Di isti
Segulio malefaciant,
homini
nequissimo
omnium, qui sunt, qui fuerunt, qui futuri sunt!
Quid? ilium tecum solum
aut cum Caesare? qui neminem praetermiserit quicum loqui potuerit, cui non
eadem ista dixerit!
Paterculus, 2, 62,
explains that Cicero intended tollendum to convey a double meaning.
H e had been proud of the witticism
before it got him into trouble with
Octavian,—Mirabiliter, mi Brute, laetor
mea consilia measque sententias a te
probari de xviris, de ornando adolescente [adfam. 11, 14]. H e had spoken

of him often as a puer, but generally
with complimentary meaning. See ad
fam. 10, 28 puer egregius.
sectae. Used of political as well as
philosophical principles and p a r t y ; cp.
Rhet. § 4 obiicientibus sibi quod in republica administranda potissimum
Isaurici consularis secta??i sequeretur, " malle" respondit " Isaurici esse discipulum
quam Epidi
calumniatoris."
Pliny
Panegyr. 45 § 4 quae tibi secta vitae,
quod hominum genus placeat.
Iuv. 14,
122 eidem incumbere sectae.
Nursinos...eglt. According to Dio
this took place during the war with
L . Antonius in B.C. 41. T h e people
of Nursia repulsed Octavian from their
walls, but made terms when Salvidienus Rufus had taken Sentinum. They
were punished,—ewel p.hrot rous lv rrj
fA&XV Trj irpbs Kaiaapd cr(j>i<n yevo/JL^vrj
7re<r6vTa$ dd\J/avT€$ eiriypaxf/av TOLS [AVT}fj,eioi$ odjrdv 6'rt vwep rrjs eXeudeplas
aycavtfoj&evoL erehetirrjerav, irafJLTrSWois
XPT)P<OLcnv itrj/Aubdyo-av were /cat rty
TTOKLV KCLI T7)v x^Pav <*/*& iracrav eKkiireiv
[48, 13]. Nursia, a Sabine town on
the Nar, was a municipium.
I t was
at the foot of the Apennines, strongly
fortified, and celebrated for its coolness, frigida Nursia [Verg. Aen. 7,716],
nee non habitata pruinis Nursia [Sil.
It. 8, 419].
13. inita...societate. T h e agreement
to form the triumvirate (tres viri reipublicae constituendae) was made by Octavian, Antony and Lepidus on a small
island in t h e R. Lavinius (a tributary
of the Po) near Bononia,—kv pij<ridUp
TLVI rod irorafiov TOV irapd ry\v Bovooviav
wapappeovTos [Dio 46, 54]. avvyecrav
dpi(pl MOVTLI/TJJ/ irb\iv is vr}<rlda rod Aa/?tvlov iroTafMov ppaxeidv re /cat virriav.

26

SUETONI

[13

misso, ut statuae Caesaris subiceretur, in splendidissimum
quemque captivum non sine verborum contumelia saeviit;
ut quidem uni suppliciter sepulturam precanti respondisse
dicatur, iam istam volucrum fore potestatem ; alios, patrem et
filium, pro vita rogantis sortiri vel micare iussisse, ut alterutri
T h e conference lasted three days, crvveX06VT€S ol Tpeh els vrjcrida TrorafM^ irepippeofJL^vqv eirl rpets rjimipas (rvurjdpevcrav
Plut. Anton. 19. November B.C. 43.

insulting words to Augustus seems to
be the case of Favonius.
Another
execution was that of Q. Hortensius
(son of the orator) who was put to
quamquam invalidus atque aeger. death on the tomb of C. Antonius by
Octavian had been attacked by illness
order of M. Antonius, as being prinas soon as the troops crossed to Epirus
cipally guilty of the former's death
on the way to Philippi [Dio 47, 37];
[Plut. Ant.
22]. Augustus himself
and he does not seem to have recovered
asserts that he spared all citizens, see
when the fighting began near Philippi,
M. A. 3 Bella terra et mart civilia exfor his physician had the night before the
ternaque toto in orbe terrarum
suscepi
first battle caused him to be removed
victorque omnibus superstitibus
civibus
from the camp. This in fact saved his
peperci.
But as the assassins had been
life; for Brutus stormed and plundered
condemned under the lex Pedia, they, in
the camp. Augustus himself said that
common with others in the Proscription
he had been warned by a dream to
lists, were no longer cives.
leave the camp, Kataapos CLVTOV eV
successum...moderatus est, 'used
MTTVLOV gvdov oi)K 6VTOS dXkd 0uXawith moderation,'cp. Claud,
\\duritiam
^afjiivov rty ijfiepav, <bs avrbs iv rots
levitatemque multortim ex bono et aequo
virofJLv/ifJLao-LV'4ypa\j/ev,Appian B. civ....moderatus est. Dom. 7 pretia mode4, n o ; cp. Dio 47, 41—46. Plutarch
I'atus est. But the nearest parallel to
Anton. 22 cus de avrbs ev TOCS vTroiAvf}iAao~i the meaning of moderor is in Livy 37,
yiypa<pe, T&V <pi\oov TLVOS ovap IbbvTOS
35, where it takes the dative, ...ut meavexdpy&e irpb rrjs ndxys. id. Brut. 4 1 .
moi'es rerum humana7'um, et suae forad AntoM corrm, that is, to the
tunae moderarentur, et alienam ne urgeright wing, nearest the sea. Cp. Livy
rent.
ep. 124 vario
eventu...pugnaverunt;
capite...Romam misso. According to
ita tit utriusque dextra cornua vincerent,
Dio [47, 49] the body was burnt with
et castra quoque utrinqne ab Us qui vicehonour by Antony, and the head sent
rant
expugnarentur.
to Rome, but lost at sea. Plut. Ant. 22
n e c . m o d e r a t u s est. T h e bulk of
BpoijTip de TTJV atfroO <p0LVLKl5a woXXQv
the armies of Brutus and Cassius after
XPWdTUV d%iav odaav eirippnpe /cat T&V
the battle made terms with the condireXevdtpuv TLVI TCJV eavTov 7rpo<r£ra£e
querors and obtained an amnesty. Dio
TTJs TCL<P?}S e7rLfJLe\y)67)vcu. TOVTOV flo~Tepov
47, 49 TO \xev irXrjdos TQIV o~TpaTtojyvobs ov <rvyKCLTaKati(ravTa TTJV cpoivuilda.
T&V O&TIKVL dbelas o~<plo*i K7]pvx&do"r]s veKpQi /cat woXXd TT)S els TTJV Tacpqv
Tip
fiieT&TT)'
TCOV de dvdp(dv TQ)V 1Tpd)T(dV TCOV
dairdv-qs v^yprjfjiivov direKTeivev. Cp.
dp%ds TLvas axbvTWv 0 /cat 4K TQV o~<pa- id. Brut. 53 ; A p p . B. civ. 4, 135.
7
yiwv T&V re eiriKeKTipvyiifrwv'4TLOVTCJV
sepulturam. Augustus in his meol fiev 7r\eiovs eavTovs irapaxp^^ dire"moirs asserted that he had always
KTeivav rj d\bvTes, coawep 6 Qaov&vios,
observed the rule of giving the bodies
icpdapqaav, ol de Xonroi TOTC eirl TT)V
of those executed to their relations for
ddXaacrav diirpvyov /cat /uteTa TOVTO T£ "burial, Ulpian Dig. 48, 24, 1 Cor2$fry irpocedevTo. Dio therefore seems
pora eorum qui capite damnantur cognato reduce the number of executions to
tis ipsorum neganda non sunt.
Et id
small proportions, cp. Appian B. civ.
se observasse etiam divus Augustus libro
4, 135. T h u s we know of M. Valerius
decimo vitae suae scribit.
Vespasian
Messala Corvinus and L . Bibulus with
[Vesp. 2] poenae coniuratortim
addena large following, who escaped to
dum censuit tit
insepultiproicerentur.
Thasos and made honourable terms
alios, patrem et filium...micare.
with Antony [App. 4, 136]. There
This seems to refer to the two Aquilii
were however some executions, and the
F l o r i ; but the affair is placed by Dio
foundation of Suetonius' story of the
after Actium, 51, 2 TQ>V de /coXacrtf&rcoj/

13.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

V

concederetur, ac spectasse utrumque morientem, cum patre,
quia se optulerat, occiso Alius quoque voluntariam occubuisset
necem. Quare ceteri, in his M. Favonius ille Catonis aemulus,
cum catenati producerentur, imperatore Antonio honorifice
s salutato, hunc foedissimo convitio coram prosciderunt.
'AKti\iolT6$\upoi...8i'0{jt.a, ixcCkuTTa'£(rxov observe Caesar's agrarian law [Plut.
...on rbv Zrepov rbv Xaxbvra /ceAetfo-cwCato 32; Dio 38, 7]. In 57 he led the
ros avrov <r<payr)v<u d/Acporepoi diecpdapyjopposition to Pompey's extraordinary
<raV yjffCLV ixkv irwfjp re KO.1 ircus, ws de powers as praefectus annonae [ad Att.
oSros irpiv Xaxe«> avrbs eavrbv r<£ acpayei
4, 1], and denounced Ptolemy Auletes for
€KCOV Trap£do)K€, ireptrfkyrjo'e' re 4KEIVOS the murder of the ambassadors [Dio 39,
teal af>Toxeipi$ ai)ry iirair^davev.
No1 4 ] ; in B.C. 56 opposed the motion for
thing more seems known of these Flori,
sending Pompey to Egypt [Cic. ad
but other members of the family appear
Q. F. 2, 3 § 3], and his election to the
from coins to have held office under
consulship of 55 with Crassus, with the
Augustus, as triumvirs of the mint, and
reversion of Spain and Syria [Dio 39,
in the East to have been employed in
34—5]. W h e n , however, the civil war
connexion with the return of the stanwas begun by Caesar's crossing of the
dards by the Parthians, in B.C. 20. See
Rubicon, he, like his model Cato, took
C. I. L. 2, p. 551, Wilmanns, 1122.
the side of Pompey, though even then
micare, sc. digitis, is to shoot out the
he did not refrain from bitter sarcasm
fingers, Verg. Aen. 10, 396 semianion the latter. G?ad)vi6s rts, dvrjp ra\\a
mesque micant digiti ferrumque
reixev o{> TrovripSs, avdadeiq, dk /cat tifipet
tractant.
I t then indicated a game
TTOW&KIS TT]V Kdrcjpos oibfxevos awofuof chance played by two persons throwixeiadai irappr)(riav, eiciXeve rbv UofJLTrifjLOP
ing up their hands and shooting out
rep 7ro81 Tijirretv TT)V yr\v as viriaxveiTO
their fingers, guessing correctly the
8vvdfjL€LS dvaKaXotifjLevov Plut. Pomp. 6 0 ;
number shot out deciding the winner,
cp. id. Caes. 33. Still he followed
as in the modern Mora.
Cic. de Div.
Pompey in his flight from Pharsalus,
2 § 85 quid enim sors est? idem propeand waited on him with great devotion
modum quod micare, quod talos iacere,
[ib. 73 ; Veil. 2, 53]. For his execuquod tesseras. Calpurn. Eel. 3, 25 et
tion after Philippi see Dio 47, 49. Like
mine alter no s mag is tit distinguere canCato he failed to gain the highest office.
tus Possitis, ter quisque mantis iactate
H e was rejected for the Aedileship for
micantes.
As the number of fingers
B.C. ^[ad Att. P . , 1 § 7], but was elected
shot out might be declared falsely,
for B.C. 52 [Plut. Cato 46]. H e failed
it became a proverb for an honest man
for the Praetorship of B.C. 50
[ad/am.
that 'you might play the finger game
8, 9], but apparently was elected next
with him in the dark.' Cic. de off. 2
year, for Velleius [2, 53] calls him
§ 78 contritum est vetustate prov erbium: praetorius in B.C. 48.
cum enim fidem alicuius
bonitatemque
imperatore.. .prosciderunt, 'though
i
laudant, ldignum esse' dicunt
quicum
they saluted Antony respectfully by
in tenebris mices.'
Petron. Sat. § 44
the title of Imperator, they addressed
cum quo audacter posses in tenebris miCaesar to his face in terms of the utmost
care. August, de Trin, 8, 5.
contumely.' T h a t is, they refused to
give him any official title, and inveighed
M. Favonius ille Catonis aemulus,
against him besides.
T o address an
' t h e well-known imitator of Cato,' i.e.
Cato Uticensis. ^TJXCJTTJS K&TUVOS Plut. imperator by his name and without his
title was disrespectful. See Seneca de
Caes. 2 1 ; ipaar^sKdrcovos id. Brut. 12.
Const. 18 Gaius Caligula iratus
/uit
M. Favonius was an irreconcilable
Herennio Macro, quod ilium
Gaium
Optimate, opposed, like Cato, to
salutaverat:
nee impune cessit primiPompey and Caesar alike. H e first
pilario quod Caligulam dixerat.
Cp.
appears as denouncing Clodius in B.C.
.Veil. P a t . 2, 84 vir clarissimus
Cn.
61 [Cic. ad Att. 1, 4 5 ; pro Mil. §§ 26
Domitius,
qui solus
Antonianarum
and 44]. I n 60 he prosecuted Pompey's
r
partium numquam reginam nisi nomine
future father-in-law , P. Scipio Nasica
salutavit.
C p . Vesp. 15 Helvidio Pris(Metellus Pius), on a charge of ambitus
co, qui et reversum se ex Syria solus
[ad Att. 2, 1 § 7]. In B.C. 59 he alone
privato nomine Vespasianum
salutaverat
of the Senators declined to swear to

28

SUETONI

[14—

Partitis post victoriam officiis, cum Antonius Orientem
ordinandum, ipse veteranos in Italiam reducendos et
B.c.4i,war

. .

.

.

1

1

. . .

with L.
Antomus

municipalibus agns conlocandos recepisset, neque
veteranorum neque possessorum gratiam tenuit,
alteris pelli se, alteris non pro spe meritorum tractari
querentibus. Quo tempore L. Antonium fiducia consulatus,
quern gerebat, ac fraternae potentiae res novas molientem
confugere Perusiam coegit et ad deditionem fame compulit,

et in praehira omnibus ediciis sine honore
ac mentione ulla transmiserat, non ante
succensait quam altercationibus
insolentissimis paene in ordinem redactus.
So Tigranes, AovKtiWcp dpyt^o/xevos on
fia<ri\£a fxbvov atirbv, oi fcacnXtwv iv rfj
eincrToKi] irpoa-rjydpevaeu, oi)5'
avrbs
avTLyp&cfxxJv avroKpdropa
Trpocre?irev Plut. Luc nil. 2 1 .
prosciderunt. Cp. Cat. 30 equestrem
ordinem ut scaenae harenaeque
devotum
assidue proscidit.
Ovid Pont. 4, 16,
47 Ergo summotum patria
proscindere,
livor, Desine.
Pliny N. H. 33, § 6 proscissus conviciis.
partitis...officiis.
This is the 2nd
division of the Empire, after Philippi.
Caesar was to take Spain and Numidia
(new Africa), Antony, Gaul and Africa.
Italy—with which was to be incorporated Cisalpine Gaul—was to be regarded as the seat of empire and a
common recruiting ground. If Lepidus
(who had been left in charge of Rome
and was accused of intriguing with
Sextus) made objections, Antony undertook to let him have Africa. Sardinia
and Sicily, being practically in possession of Sextus Pompeius, were to be
objects of their common care. Caesar
was to go to Italy with half the army
to prevent any movement on the part of
Lepidus, to prepare for the war against
Sextus, and to arrange for the division
of lands among the veterans: Antony
to the east, to put down the remains of
the opposition (such as that of the
younger Labienus), and collect money.
This agreement was reduced to writing,
and it practically put the empire in the
hands of two instead of three, Lepidus
being ignored [Dio 48, 1 ; A p p . B. civ.
4, 3 ; Livy ep. 125; Plut. Ant. 23].
veteranorum...tenuit. Livy ep. 125
reversus in Italiam veteranis agros divisit. Caesar's arrival in Italy was again
delayed by illness [Dio 48, 2], and he
found an opposition prepared for him by
L . Antonius (Cos. B.C. 41) and Fulvia,

wife of M. Antonius, who made use of
the discontent caused by the confiscations and assignation of lands, ...receptis
in partes suas populis quorum
agri
veteranis assignati erant.
It was in
these confiscations that the poet Vergil
suffered...Impius haec tarn culta novalia
miles habebit? [Eel. 1, 71]. T h e difficulties which Caesar had to encounter
are described by Appian B. civ. 5, 12
— 1 6 . T h e soldiers were dissatisfied
as to the locality of their farms, or
seized more than was allotted to them,
selecting the best pieces of land; the
dispossessed owners could not get compensation, and caused commotion in the
city by appearing with their wives and
children to complain of their hard case,
oi)hkv fxkv ddtKTjcraL Xiyovres, 'IraXiwrcu
yap 6vres avlo~Ta<T0ai yrjs re KOI iarlas
ola doptfkrjiTTOL [ib.]. Caesar was therefore KarafioibfAevos i7ri<pd6v(as bird TQ>V
&<paipovjj.frci)v [ib. 13], and presently,
by the intrigues of L. Antonius and
Fulvia, was rendered unpopular with
those of the veterans who had been in
Antony's army [ib. 14], seditiones exercitus sui, quas corrupti a Fulvia
M.
Antonii uxore milites contra imperatorem
sutim concitaverant, cum gravi periculo
inhibuit [Liv. ep. 125]; cp. Dio 48, 9.
14. potentiae, 'illegal power.' Cic.

pro Mil. § 12; 2 Phil. § 26.
confugere Perusiam ... fame compulit. L. Antonius retired to Perusia
on being stopped in his march along
the via Flaminia by the occupation of
Sentinum and Nursia, towards the end
of B.C. 41. He was reduced to surrender in March B. c. 40. Livy ep. 126
C. Caesar, cum esset annorum viginti
trium,obsessum in oppido PerusiaeL. Antonium conatumque aliquotiens erumpere
et repulsum fame coegit in deditionem
venire. The besieged were reduced to
feed on grass and leaves, and the
Ferusina fames [Luc. 1, 41] was long
remembered. The town had not been
properly provisioned for a siege, \i/j,b$

IS.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

29

non tamen sine magnis suis et ante bellum et in bello discriminibus. Nam cum spectaculo ludorum gregarium militem
in quattuordecim ordinibus sedentem excitari per apparitorem
iussisset, rumore ab obtrectatoribus dilato quasi eundem mox
et discruciatum necasset, minimum afuit, quin periret concursu
et indignatione turbae militaris. Saluti fuit, quod qui desiderabatur repente comparuit incolumis ac sine iniuria. Circa
Perusinum autem murum sacrificans paene interceptus est a
manu gladiatorum, quae oppido eruperat. Perusia capta in
plurimos animadvertit, orare veniam vel excusare se conantibus una voce occurrens, moriendum esse. Scribunt quidam,
being a certain Aemilius, who had served
rJ7TT€T0 TOV Aevdov Kal rb KOLtcbv rJKfJLafeif
ayplcos, are fxrjdep avTOV fjLrjde rrjs irdXecos in the court which condemned the
assassins of Caesar [App. B. civ. 5, 48].
irpoTrapea-KevacrfJt.hris, Appian 5, 34 ;
Appian also tells us that the town was
though Dio [48, 14] contradicts this, rb
yap xw/)£o*> rr\ re 0tf<rei K&prepdv ecrri Kal given up to plunder, though Velleius
Paterculus [2, 74] attributes such
TOLS iiriTTjdelois iKavQs 7rap€<TK€^a<xro.
massacre as there was to the anger of
in quattuordecim ordinibus, in the
the soldiers, who could not be refourteen rows of seats reserved by the
strained, in Perusinos magis ira mililex Roscia Othonis (B.C. 67) for the
tu?n quam voluntate saevitum
ducis.
equites, infr. c. 4 0 ; Caes. 39 L. Decimus
T h e burning of the town began with
Labienus eqttes.., sessum in
quattuorthe action of one Cestius Macedonicus,
decim e scaena per orchestram
transiit.
who set fire to his house and threw
excitari, 'forced to leave his seat.'
himself into the flames. T h e destrucMart. 5. 14 Sedere primo solitus in
tion was apparently pretty complete,—
gradu semper \ Tunc, cum liceret occuT&V de TLepovcrivcov Kal TCOV OXKOJV TCOV
pare, Nanneius \ Bis excitatus
terque
eKel a\6vru)v 61 TrXeiovs airdikoi'ro, Kal 7]
transtulit castra. Quint. 3, 6, 19 si exciirdXis atfrfy irkty TOV 'H^cuGrrefou TOV r e
tatus fuerit de spectaculis et aget iniuriT7)s"Hpas eSovs iraaa KareKatidr) [Dio 48,
arum.
T h e incident is narrated by
14]. I t was afterwards restored by
Appian [B. civ. 5, 15] as happening in
the course of B.C. 41 (rrparnbT'qs airopCov Augustus under the title of Perusia
olKeias 'idpas irapyjXdev is TOVS KaXov/xipovs Augusta. T h e motive of the severity
linrias* Kal 6 jxkv drjuos iireo-rjfjLrjvaTo' Kal seems to have been the wish to put a
final end to the old Optimate party; thus
6 K.a?<rap TOV o~TpaTubT7)v dvio'T'qcrev.
T i b . Canutius and Clodius Bithynicus
quasi, see c. 10. discruciatum neare mentioned among those executed;
casset. C p . Cic. 13 Phil. 37 ita sibiconthe former of whom had favoured
venisse cum Dolabella ut ille Trebonium
Octavian as long as he was opposed to
et, si posset, Brutum Cassium discrticiaM. Antonius; but had declared against
tos necaret. Elsewhere it is generally
the triumvirate, and had been in the
used of mental agony, ad Att. 14, 6 ;
lists of the proscribed [ A p p . ; Dio I.e.].
Plaut. Aul. 1, 3, 2 7 ; Ter. Adelpk. 4, 4,
moriendum esse. Marius answered
1 discrucior animi\
Casin. 2, 3, 60
those who pleaded for Lutatius Catulus,
discrucior amore.
airoBavelv de?, Plut. Mar. 44 ; for occurqui desiderabatur, ' t h e missing m a n . '
rens, 'answering,' cf. Valer. Fl. 7, 223.
W h e n the soldier denied having received
scribunt quidam...mactatos. T h e
any severity and explained the incident,
statement is repeated by Dio (48, 14)
the other soldiers turned on him as havwith the same qualification \6yos ye
ing betrayed his order (Appian).
£%ei 8TL...£TTI TOV fiupibv TOV Tip Kalvapt
15. in plurimos animadvertit. Livy
r<£ irpOTepy uxriGifjLe'voj' axOfrres lirweTs
ep. 126 ipsi (L. Antonio) et omnibus miT€ TptaKdcnoL Kal (HovXevTal...irij07)<xav.
litibus eius ignovit: Perusiam
diruit.
A n d that the report had some vogue is
T h e severities, however, were directed
shown by Seneca de Clem. 1, 1 § 3
against those Perusians who were memAugustus,
bers of the Senate, the only one spared fuerit moderatus et clemens

30

SUETONI

[15—

trecentos ex dediticiis electos utriusque ordinis ad aram Divo
Iulio extructam Idibus Martiis hostiarum more macafter the tatos. Extiterunt qui traderent, conpecto eum ad
*ip °^
arma isse, ut occulti adversarii et quos metus magis
quam voluntas contineret, facilitate L. Antoni ducis
nempepost Perusianas aras. Nevertheless, as both Suetonius and Dio make
the statement with reserve, and as there
is no further confirmation, we may be
allowed to doubt the story. See Merivale, Romans under the Empire, vol. 3,
p . 244.
hostiarum more, i.e. with an axe
(securis).
Cp. Flor. 2, 5, 3 legatos
nostros nee gladio quid em, sed ut victimas securi percutiunt.
Verg. Aen. 2,
ii^fugit
cum saucius aram \ taunts et
incertam excussit cervice securim.
Divo Iulio. T h e deification of Iulius
was partly completed during his lifetime. T h e several steps according to
Dio were (I) After Thapsus in B.C. 46
the senate voted among other honours
dpjxa rt avrov iv r y K<X7riTa;A/y avnirpbauirov r$ Ad IdpvdTjvai, Kal eV eUova
avrbv rrjs olKov/Aivys %aA/foi)j/ &rt/3t/?a0TL
ffdyjvai ypa<p7)v §xoPTa
y^ideos
iari
[43, 14]. This title however
he himself afterwards caused to be
erased, id. 2 1 . (II) W h e n the news of
Munda (B.C. 45) reached Rome farther
honours were voted to him before his
r e t u r n : his statue was placed in the
temple of Quirinus, on the Quirinal,
with the inscription Deo I n v i c t o : dX\r}v
re nva eiKOva is rbv rod Kvpivov vabv
Qe$ avacf)TLp iiriypa-tyavres Kal dWrjv is
rb KairtrdbXiov irapa robs paaiXetio-avras
irore iv r ^ ' P c t ) ^ dvidevav [Dio 43, 45],
cp. Cic. ad Att. 12, 45 (written J u n e 45)
De Caesare vicino scripseram ad te quia
cognoram ex tuis Htteris. Eum o~tivvaov Quirino malo quam Saint i. ib.
47 domum tuam pluris video
futuram
vicino Caesare (Atticus lived on the
Quirinal).
( I l l ) Later on additional
votes were passed,—a gilded chair was
to be carried in the procession of the
gods at the Circensian games, which
was actually done in August B.C. 4 5 , —
cp. Dio 44, 6 oijTb) 87} %s re ra diarpa
rov re dteppov afirov rbv iirlxpvvov Kal
rbv ari^avov rbv biahidov Kal diaxpvvov
i% lo~ov rdls r&v decov iffKOfii^eadai, with
Cic. ad Att. 13, 44 Suaves tuas litter as I
etsi acerba pompa.
Verumtamen
scire
omnia non acerbum est, vel de Cotta.
Populum vero praeclarum, quod propter

?nalum vicinum
ne Victoriae
quidem
ploditur.
F r o m which it appears that
the figure of Caesar came next to that
of Victory in the procession. Suet. Jul.
J6 ampliora humano fastigio decerni sibi
passus est, sedem aurea??i in curia et pro
tribunal?', tensam et ferculum
circensi
pompa. At last, continues Dio, tda avrbv
dvriKpvs 'IOIJXLOV irpoarjyopevaav Kal vabv
avrci) rri imeiKeta avrov refxevtffdijvaL
'iyvuaav,
iepia <r<pio~i rbv 'Avr&viov
coairep riva biakiov irpoxeipwajuLevov. Antony however seems not to have been
formally initiated in this priesthood
[Cic. 2 Phil. § 1 1 0 quid igitur cessas?
cur non inauguraris ?]; anal when Octavian essayed to have the gilded chair
carried with the other gods into the
theatre in May B.C. 44, he was prevented
by the tribunes [Cic. ad Att. 15, 3 de sella
Caesaris bene tribuni], who were probably acting at the instigation of M.
Antonius [App. B. civ. 3, 2 8 ; Plut. Ant.
16], for his brother Lucius was tribune
at the time. At any rate Antony seems
to have opposed at first the full apotheosis. (IV) I t was not till the 1st of
September B.C. 44 that he proposed in
the Senate that, whenever a supplicatio
was voted for a victory, there should be
an additional day in Caesar's honour
[Cic. 2 Phil. § 1 JO an
supplicationes
addendo diem contaminari
passus es?
though Dio, 43, 44, seems to put this
immediately after Munda], while he
appears to have neglected a lex brought
in by himself adding a day to the Ludi
Romani to be specially devoted to Caesar's worship [Cic. ib. quaeso deinceps
num hodiernus dies qui sit
ignores?
nescis heri quartum in circo ludorum
Romanorum ftdsse ? te autem ipsum ad
populum lulisse ut quintus praeterea dies
Caesari tribueretur?
cur non sumus
praetextati ? cur honorem Caesaris tua
lege datum deseri patimur?\
(V) It was
Octavian's policy however to have the
deification fully acknowledged; a glans
picked up at Perugia has the words
Divom Iulium (C. I. R. 1, 697); and it
was one of the concessions made by
Antony at the reconciliation at Brundisium [B.C. 39] that he should be in-

i6.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

31

praebita, detegerentur devictisque is et confiscatis, promissa
veteranis praemia persolverentur.
Siculum bellum incohavit in primis, sed diu traxit intermissum saepius, modo reparandarum classium causa, W a r s w i t h
quas tempestatibus duplici naufragio et quidem per Sextus
aestatem amiserat, modo pace facta, flagitante populo B#c. 42—
ob interclusos commeatus famemque ingravescentem; $6'
augurated as afiamen Iulii [Plut. Ant.
nomenclature of Roman finance. Asco33 afiros de Kalaapi %apt^"o^€^os iepebs nius in Cicero, 1 Verr. 22 Fisci, fiscinae,
airedelxOy rod irportpov Kalaapos]; and fiscellae spartea sunt utensilia ad maioris
under the influence of Augustus altars,
summae pecunias capiendas: tmde quia
statues and temples to the * divine Iulius' maior summa est pecuniae publicae
sprang up in various places. The basis
qtiam privatae, ut pro censu privato
of one of the earliest of such statues in
loculos et arcam et sacellos dicimus, sic
Rome is preserved, C. I.L. i, 626 Divo» pro publico thesauro dicitur fiscus.
I U L I O • IUSSU - POPULI • ROMANI •
veteranis praemia. On Octavian's
STATUTUM • EST • LEGE • R U F R E N A .
difficulties in the matter of satisfying
Rufrenus was in the army of Lepidus
the veterans, see note to c. 13.
[Cic. ad fam. 10, 21] and probably
16. Siculum bellum...intermissum
brought in his lex shortly after the forsaepius. The war against Sextus Pommation of the triumvirate. See Servius
peius was all along assigned to Octavian,
ad Verg. Eel. 9, 47.
and lasted with intervals from B.C. 43 to
mactatos. Whatever its derivation
35. I. Immediately after the formation of
(whether connected with mactus, or no),
the triumvirate in the winter of 43—42.
mactare is a ritual word: Verg. Aen. 2,
Sextus Pompeius had successfully held
202 sollemnes taurum ingentem mactahis own in Spain against C. Cassius and
batdd aras. Liv. 10, 28 hostiui?i legiones Asinius Pollio. After Caesar's death
Telluri ac dis Manibus mactandas dabo. Lepidus had been commissioned to make
Horace, Odes 1, 19, 16 mactata veniet
terms with him, and he had agreed to
lenior hostia. Yet the poets sometimes
submit to the government in return for
use the word simply of murder. See
a restitutio in integrum and a restoraOvid Her. 10, 77 and 101.
tion of his father's wealth. On their
breach with Antony, the Senate had
conpecto...isse. Probably an afterendeavoured to secure his loyalty;
thought founded on the belief in the
passed a vote of thanks to him for his
profound policy of Augustus.
answer to their commissioners at Marfacultate... praebita,
' when the
seilles ; and finally nominated him comchance of having L. Antonius as a
mander of the fleet [Cic. 13 Phil. §§13
leader was afforded them.' The conand 50; App. B. civ. 4, 83—4; Dio
struction of facultas with a personal
48, 17J. Being condemned under the
word is rare, cf. Plancus ap. Cic. fam.
lex Pedia, and placed in the proscrip10, 4 sifactdtas tui praesentis esset.
tion lists by the Triumvirs, he sailed to
confiscatis. Used of persons in Tib.
Sicily and was there joined by many
49 principes conftscatos. Cal. 41 duos
equites Romanos•.. .confiscari iussit. Of fugitive Optimatists. He besieged the
praetor of Sicily, Aul. Pompeius Bimoney, contained in the Emperor's
thynicus, in Messene, whom he put to
fiscus as opposed to the aerarium pubdeath after persuading him to admit
licum, see infr. 101. At the date here
him into the town [Dio I.e.; App. 4,
alluded to no such distinction existed.
85]. Accordingly Octavian sent Q.
Fiscus was properly a 'basket' used in
Sicily for holding money. Cicero, Verves Salvidienus with a large fleet to attack
Act. 1 § 22 fiscos complures cum pecunia Pompeius, proceeding himself to Rhegiurn by land. Salvidienus was deSiciliensi a quodam senatore ad equitem
Romanum esse translatos. 2 Verr. § 197 feated, and Octavian was shortly aftersestertios.. .in cistam transferain defisco. wards obliged to sail to Brundisium to
help Antony [Livy ep. 123; Appian 4,
ib. 183 viator aut Venerhts qui Jiscum
85; Dio 48, 19]. II. From B.C. 42 to
sustulit. Like numus therefore fiscus
B.C. 39. After the ruin of the Pompeians
found its way from Sicily into the

32

SUETONI

[16

donee navibus ex integro fabricatis ac viginti servorum milibus
manumissis et ad remum datis, portum lulium apud Baias,
at Philippi, Sextus was joined by L .
duplici naufragio. T h e first shipStatius Murcus with a fleet and many
wreck followed the defeat of Calvisius
more fugitives. H e infested the Italian
and Menodorus as well as of the
shores, stopping the supplies of corn,
squadron which Caesar brought to their
while Octavian was in G a u l ; and while
relief at the northern entrance of the
Vipsanius Agrippa, to whom Octavian
strait of Messene, in the early part of
had entrusted the war, was in Rome,
B.C. 38 [App. B. civ. 5, 8 8 ; Dio 48,
celebrating the games of Apollo in July
47]. T h e second occurred on the folB.C. 40, Sextus was joined for a time by
lowing day, in which the fleet of
Antony, instigated by Fulvia and his
Augustus and Sabinus suffered still
mother Iulia to make war on Caesar.
more severely [App. 5, 89—92], Kcu'On the death of Fulvia, however, a
aapi <5h o#5' is Tjfxtav rCov veGov irepieaibOr]
peace was negotiated between the triKal TOVTO <T(p6dpa TreirovTjKds. Cp. Dio
umvirs at Brundisium. Antony married
48, 48.
Octavia, and Sext. Pompeius was comet quidem per aestatem, ' a n d that
pelled to retire to Sicily.
But as he
too though it was summer.'
Appian
held that island with Corsica and
[5, 89] attributes the disaster partly to
Sardinia, he was still able to intercept
the mistake of the sailors, who thought
the corn supplies...'Vufialovs d' 6 \t/xbs
the storm would not last at that time of
iirtefrev, oiire r&v e&wv ifiirbptav eirnrktovthe year...olbfievoi ra%^ws rb irvedfjLa
T<bov diei HofJLirrj'LOV Kal SiKeAfas, oflre rCov
evddxreiv ws kv 'iapi TCLS *>aus eKaripiadev
etc 8ij<rea)$ did 2ap5cb Kal Ktipvov e^OyueVas ayKiupais e7c re rod irehdyovs Kal dirb rrjs
f/7rb T&v TXofJLTrrfiov otire £K rrjs wepalas yrjs dieKpdrovv Kal K6VTOL$ £%€<bdovv air'
Aifitiys did robs atrrofo eKaripwdev vavaW-fjkwv. per aestatem, 'in the sumKparovj/ras [App. B. civ. 5, 67]. T h e
mer time,' as per noctem, ' b y night,'
triumvirs were compelled to make
'in the night time,' Pliny N. H. 2 §
terms with him, and by the peace of
48. Aestas is represented by Appian's
Misenum, B.C. 39, he undertook to
Zap, indicating in military or naval
cease harassing Italy and stopping the
language the two-fold division of the
corn, on condition of full restitution and
year into sailing and non-sailing seasons,
having the government of Sicily, Sar—as Thucydides divides the year, et
dinia, Corsica and Achaia [App. I.e.;
quidem, Kal ravra.
Dio 48, 27, 28, 36, 37, 3 8 ; Livy ep.
modo pace facta, ' w h e n peace had
127; Plut. Ant. 32]. III. B.C. 38—
but recently been made,' that is, the
B.C. 35. T h e peace did not last long.
peace of Misenum in the previous
Sextus complained that Antony had
autumn [39].
cheated him in regard to Achaia, and
flagitante populo. T h e people had
began his piracies again. Caesar was
been eager that the triumvirs should
obliged to recommence the war.
In
make peace with Sext. Pompeius, beB.C. 38 he lost half his fleet in the
cause of the suffering and commercial
straits of Messene [App. B. civ. 5, 83].
disaster caused by his stoppage of comB.C. 37 was spent in the preparation of
merce. A p p . B. civ. 5, 69 Kal fjLad<bv 6
a new fleet, which was put under the
dyjfjios a#0is ijdpoi^ero Kal Trap€K&\ei abv
command of A g r i p p a ; and in B.C. 36
okotptipaei rbv Kaiaapa irifjLxf/at AL(3UVL
Sextus was finally conquered and fled
irlcrriv Trpefffietieiv idiXovrt irpbs airbv
to Asia, where in 35 he was put to
virtp eip^vqs.
death [App. B. civ. 5, 97—127; Liv.
navibus ex integro fabricatis. T h e
ep. 129 adversus Sex. Pompemm
vario
construction of the new fleet was put
eventu navalibus certaminibus
pugnatum
under the superintendence of Agrippa
est: ita ut ex duabus Caesaris classibus
during B.C. 37, who was summoned
altera cui Agrippa praeerat
vinceret,
from Gaul for the purpose [Dio 48, 49],
altera quam Caesar duxerat deleta, exand was eventually placed in command
positi in terram militcs in magno periof it in room of Calvisius [App. 5, 96].
culo essent.
Vichis deinde Pompeius in
portum lulium...effecit. Dio 48, 50
Siciliam profugit...ep.
131 Sex. Pomkv rrj Kifytfl rf) Ka/xiravtdi xwPL0V rL /^6'
peius cum infidem M. Antonii
veniret,
ra£i) Mi(T7)vov Kal HovredXtov /j,r)voei5^s
bellum in Asia adversus eum moliens
'iariv' '6pe<ri re ydp (TjxiKpois Kal ypCKois
oppressus a legatis eius occisus est].
irVt)V fipaxiuv irepLelXqirTai, /cat 0dXa<r-

i6.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

33

inmisso in Lucrinum et Avernum lacum mari, effecit. In quo
cum hieme tota copias exercuisset, Pompeium inter Mylas et
Naulochum superavit, sub horam pugnae tarn arto repente
somno devinctus, ut ad dandum signum ab amicis excitaretur.
Unde praebitam Antonio materiam putem exprobrandi, ne
rectis qnidem oculis eum aspicere potuisse instructam aciem,
verutn supinum, caehim intuentem, stupidum cubuisse, nee prius
peius fought in the autumn of B.C. 36.
cav rpnrXijv KoXir<b8r} '4xeL' V f*& 7<V
T h e first was to the west of Mylae (G. of
2£a> re Kal irpbs rah irbXecriv ecrriv, 7 5'
7
oXiyrj 8ta(f>vrj air'* avrris 8(,eipyerai, dXXr} Patti), where Agrippa sailing from the
ev avrci) r(p /uvx<£ Xi/j.vix)8r}s bpdrai. Kal island Hiera attacked Pompey's fleet
KaXelrai aiirr} /LICV 'Aovepvls 7) 8e fxio"q while Augustus was still in Italy
[ A p p . 5, 105—9; D i o 49' 2 — 4 ] - T h e
AovKprjvis' 7} yap £i-a) rod TvpaijpiKov
o&o~a is eKetvo Kal rrjv iiroovvfiiav reXe?. second was some weeks later to the
ev ratirrj 87} rrj 6aXdo~o~ri rrj euros eKari- east of Mylae {Bay of Milazzo) in
which Pompey was finally defeated,
pas, (Trevoh rdre 'iairXois rb 8ie?pyov rrjv
AovKprjvlda dirb rod ireXdyovs iir' d/x<po- losing all but 17 of his ships [ A p p . 5,
116—122; Dio 49, 8—11]. Augustus
repa irap'' avrrjv rr]v rjirecpov b 'Aypiiriras
had in the interval suffered a considercvvrpifjaas Xi/bLfras vavkox^rdrovs
dirkable reverse in a descent upon Taurodei^ev. T h e difficulty of this piece of
menium [App. 5, n o — 1 1 2 ; Dio 49,
engineering lay in the fact that the
5 ; Paterc. 2, 79], and does not appear
Lucrine lake, which was separated by a
to have been on board ship during
narrow causeway from the Tuscan sea
either of the battles at Mylae. During
on the one hand, and by a narrow strip
the second he was with the land force,
of land also from the Lacus Avernus on
which he had brought from Italy, now
the other, was too shallow for large
increased by the junction with Lepidus.
ships to cross into the Avernus, while
But the engagement was in full sight of
the causeway between it and the mare
land where his men were stationed, and
Tuscum was not sufficiently lofty or
it is possible that he may have had to
strong to resist storms and secure its
give the order for blowing the signalcalm. Agrippa strengthened the causetrumpet. However, such grounds as
way, and must have also dredged the
Antony had for his malicious remark
Lucrine lake to increase its d e p t h ; but
were more likely to have been given in
his work did not last, and the artificial
the disaster at Tauromenium, where he
harbour described by Vergil [G. 2, 161
was in great danger, iirl Se irapaKXijaei
An memorem port us Lucrinogue
adrd crrparr)yiKd (T7]/Ji€?a cus ev KivStivcp
dita
c/ausfra,
/mXicrra <3v diriOero [App. 5, i n ] .
atque indignatum
magnis
stridoribus
rectis oculis, 'boldly,' looking withaequor,
out fear or shame. Cp. Cic. pro Pad.
lulia qua fionto longe sonat unda rePost. § 48 hie vos aliud nihil orat nisi
fiiso
ut rectis oculis hanc urbem
intueri...
Tyrrenusque
fretis
immittitur
aestus
liceat. So Iuvenal 10, 187 recto vultu;
Avernis? cp. H o r . A. P. 63]
6, 401 recta facie.
Horace's siccis
speedily became useless for large vessels.
oculis [Od. 1, 3, 18] is a farther variety
Strabo 5, 4, 6 elairXovv 8' €-%ei irXoiois
£Xa<ppols, evopjut,io~a<r6ai 8' dixprjerros. T hin the phrase.
e
supinus, ' o n his back,' 'lolling idly.'
Lucrine lake has now become part of
C p . Luc. 9, 589 nulla vehitur cervice
the sea {Gulf of Pozzuoli), and the lake
supinus.
See Mayor on Iuv. 1, 66.
Avernus, almost filled up by a volcanic
I a h n on Pers. 1, 129. T h e notion of
eruption, is now represented only by a
Casaubon that it indicates an attitude
reedy swamp.
of superstitious terror (quoting Horace's
inter Mylas et Naulochum. T h e
manibus supinis) is far-fetched.
Anexact situation of Naulochus is not
tony pictures Caesar as lying on his
known beyond the fact that it was a
back staring up into the sky because he
roadstead between Mylae and Pelorus
shrank from looking out to sea and
[ A p p . 5, 116]. There were two battles
seeing the battle which was in full
between Agrippa and the fleet of Pom-

S.

3

34

SUETONI

[16

surrexisse ac militibus in conspectznn venisse quant a M. Agrippa
fugatae sint kostium naves. Alii dictum factumque eius criminantur, quasi classibus tempestate perditis exclamaverit,
etiam invito Neptuno victoriam se adepturum, ac die circensium
proximo sollemni pompae simulacrum dei detraxerit. Nee s
temere plura ac maiora pericula ullo alio bello adiit. Traiecto
view. D i o 49, 9 ^ r e yap 0a\a<ro~a i}
iKei iracra TQP pecop eVeTrX^pwrc./cat ij
%c6/>a 7] fiev iyyvs afirrjs virb T&P cbrrXtap,ipwp...6dep irep /cat 6 ayfope'Soije fxev
TQV vavixaxotivTuv pidpoop eZVca, rrj 5'
aKrjdeia Kal rcop CLWCOP iyepero...iK€?Poi
...irpos ye TTJP TQ>V dpujuipajp oxptp /cat

afirol Tpoirov TIP a TjywvifrvTO.
a M. Agrippa. M. Vipsanius Agrippa,
born in t h e same year as Augustus, h a d
been closely associated with h i m from
the first (ip ravrip r e iratdevdels /cat rtva
e^toP vireppoX-rjp eraipelas, N i c . 7). H e
had been with him at Apollonia in
B.C. 44 [Veil. 2, 5 9 ] ; h a d served with
him in t h e w a r of Perusia [Dio 48, 20]
in B.C. 4 1 , in which year he was Praetor,
and in t h e following year occupied
Sipontum, which h a d been taken b y
M . Antonius [id. 28]. I n B.C. 38 h e
carried on a successful campaign in
Gaul, crossing the Rhine into Germany,
and subsequently suppressing a revolt
of t h e Aquitani, for which h e was
offered b u t refused a triumph [ib. 4 9 ] .
After t h e disaster to t h e fleet in B.C. 38
and t h e desertion of Menodorus in t h e
early part of B.C. 37, Octavian became
dissatisfied with t h e management of
Calvisius Sabinus, and entrusted t h e
task of constructing a n d commanding
a new fleet t o Agrippa, causing h i m
also to b e elected consul for t h e latter
half of B.C. 37 [ A p p . B. civ. 5, 9 6 ] .
It was then that h e formed t h e docks
in t h e lake Avernus. T h e chief credit
of the final defeat of Sext. Pompeius in
B.C. 36 was his,—Livy Ep. 129 M.
Agrippa navali corona a Caesare donatus est; qui honos nemini ante eum
habitus est.
classibus tempestate perditis. F o r
the double shipwreck see above {duplici
naufragio). D i o mentions a third disaster
from b a d weather in t h e early part of
B.C. 36 [49, 1 ] ; b u t seems to be confusing t h e two years.
invito Neptuno. If Augustus did
say this, h e was, it seems, referring t o
t h e fact that Sext. Pompeius h a d shown
his exultation at t h e disasters • which

befell t h e fleets of his enemy in B.C.
38—7 b y adopting t h e title of * Son of
N e p t u n e , ' and wearing sea-green robes.
D i o 48, 48 [cp. c. 19] /cat 6 2i£ros eVt
/cat p.aXXop ijpOt] Kal rod r e Uocreid&pos
vlbs 'ovritis iiricrrevep eXvat /cat crroXrjp
Kvapoadrj ipedtiaaro, LTnrovs r e Kat, als
ye ripis </>a<ri, /cat dpdpas is TOP iropdpiop
t&pras epi(3aXep. A p p . B. civ. 5, 100
6 de Hop,7rr)io$...e'8ve PLOPOP daXd<ro~r) /cat
IIo(rei5cG//i /cat vlbs abrCop ixpiaraTO /caXe?crdai, iretdofiepos oiic apev Beov bis otfrco
dipovs 7rrat(rai rovs TroXepiovs. 0acrt 5e
afirbp.. .rty crvprj&r} rots avroKpdropcL
xXapitida iic (potpiKTJs is xvapty /ueraXXa£at. C p . Neptunius dux of Horace,
Epode 9, 7.
quasi. See on c. I T .
die...pompae, T h e ludi
circenses,
whether the ludi Romani in circo or
others, were opened b y a solemn procession starting from the Capitol through
the forum, the rear of which was brought
u p b y the figures of the gods, the lighter
ones carried on t h e shoulders of men,
the heavier on tensae.
A m o n g other
quasi-divine honours Iulius had tensam
et ferculum
circensi pompa [ltd. c. 7 6 ;
Cic. ad Att. 13, 4 4 ; Dionys. H a l . 7,
72, T—13].
nee temere, ' and scarcely.' C p . cc.
53? 66, 73, 77, Tit. 6 ita ad praesens
plurimum
contraxit invidiae tit non
temere quis tarn adverso
rtimore...transient ad principatum.
de Rhet. 1 iilustres rhet ores.. .non temere
reperienttir
quam de quibus tradam.
Tib. 73 no?i
temere quicquam nisi ex tuto
ausurus.
Cat. 30 non temere hi quemquam
nisi
crebris et minutis ictibus
animadverti
passus est. Vesp. 15 non temere quis
pzmitus
insons reperiettir.
W i t h this
meaning temere (^facile) is always with
negative.
traiecto...effugit. T h i s refers to t h e
expedition between t h e two battles at
Mylae in the autumn of B.C. 36. Thinking that Sexttis would be wholly occupied with defending himself against
Agrippa, Caesar transported his troops
from Leucopetra and landed n e a r T a u r o -

16.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

35

in Siciliam exercitu, cum partem reliquam copiarum continenti repeteret, oppressus ex improviso a Demochare et
Apollophane praefectis Pompei, uno demum navigio aegerrime
effugit. Iterum cum praeter Locros Regium pedibus iret et
prospectis biremibus Pompeianis terrain legentibus, suas ratus,
descendisset ad litus, paene exceptus est. Tunc etiam per
devios tramites refugientem servus Aemili Pauli comitis eius,
dolens proscriptum olim ab eo patrem Paulurh et quasi
occasione ultionis oblata, interficere conatus est.
Post Pompei fugam collegarum alterum M. Lepidum,
quern ex Africa in auxilium evocarat, superbientem ~
\

#

,

Deposition

viginti legionum fiducia summasque sibi partes terrore of Lepidus
et minis vindicantero spoliavit exercitu supplicemque B ' c ' 3
concessa vita Circeios in perpetuum relegavit.
menium (being refused admission into
the town). H e r e he was attacked both
by land and sea. Leaving his camp in
charge of Cornificius he embarked on
board his ship and got his fleet afloat.
After some severe fighting with the
ships of Sextus, Caesar found at nightfall that the majority of his vessels
were captured or destroyed, while the
remainder were on their way back
to Italy. . H e spent the night at sea
doubting whether to make his way back
to the camp of Cornificius (beset by
cavalry under Demochares and Apollophanes) or to make for Italy. Finally
his ship came to land at a spot in
S. Italy near Stylis or Columna (called
by Appian Ada/a, an unknown name),
and after considerable hardships he
reached the troops which under the
command of Gaius Carrinas were waiting to cross to Sicily. [ A p p . 5, 109—
1 1 2 ; Dio 49, 5 dyairrjTCJS is TTJV rjireLpov dweo(£07).]
a Demochare et Apollophane. These
m e n were freedmen of Sext. Pompeius
who occupied the chief command under
him after the treason of Menas (Menodorus) and the death of Menecrates.
A p p . 5, 84 6 Hofiw/jios avrbv re ATJ/JLO%dprjy /cat 'A7r6X\o<pdvr)j/, /cat rovde direXetjdepov eavrov, vavdpxovs
airtyyvev
dvrl Mr)vodu-pov Kai Meveicpdrovs. T h e y
are not mentioned in the other accounts
of this defeat of Augustus, but as Menochares was in command at Mylae at
the time [Dio 49, 2] he was doubtless
engaged in it.

iterum...exceptus. This incident is
not noticed by either Appian or Dio.
Aemili Pauli. This was a son of L .
Aemilius Paulus, the elder brother of
the triumvir M. Aemilius Lepidus. L.
Aemilius had always been a partisan of
the senatorial party, and though in his
consulship of B.C. 50 he had accepted a
bribe from Caesar to remain neutral, he
had in B.C. 43 joined in the vote of the
Senate declaring his brother Lepidus a
public enemy for joining A n t o n y ; and
accordingly had been put in the list of
the proscribed by his brother later in
that year on the formation of the triumvirate. All authorities agree in assigning this act to M. Lepidus [App. B. civ. 4,
12; Dio 47, 6 ; Plut. Ant. 1 9 ; Paterc.
2, 6 7 ; Oros. 6, 18], but as the proscription lists were in the names of the
triumvirs collectively, Octavian was
jointly responsible. Though proscribed,
Paulus had been allowed to escape, had
'fought at Philippi, and had since died
in Asia Minor [ A p p . B. civ. 4, 37].
M. Lepidum...relegavit. In virtue
of the rearrangement of the provinces
after Philippi (42) M . Lepidus was to
have Africa, if it turned out that he had
not been guilty of treasonable negotiations with Sex. Pompeius. H e had
not been allowed to go there till after
the taking of Perusia (40). T h e province had been secured to him again at
the renewal of the triumvirate in 37 at
Tarentum [App. B. civ. 5, 9 4 — 9 7 ] ;
but he was restless under the subordinate position which he in fact occupied,

3—2

SUE TON!

36
17

[17

M. Antonii societatem semper dubiam et incertam reconciliationibusque variis male focilatam abrupit tandem,
The

rupture
with M.

final

.

,

....

et quo magis degenerasse eum a civili more approbaret, testamentum, quod is Romae, etiam de Cleopatra liberis inter heredes nuncupatis, reliquerat, s

survivors of four fresh legions from
Africa that were shipwrecked off Lilybaeum.
Circeios in perpetuum relegavit.
Lepidus however was not allowed to
remain unmolested at Circeii. In B.C.
18, after the plot of the younger Lepidus, he was compelled to come to
Rome, and treated by Augustus with
marked indignity,...Kal otire is &\\o TI
<bs Kal d^lip ol \byov ixpyro, Tore 8e
Kal T V ipytpov varan*} TQV virarevKOTiou iwTJyev. Dio 54, 15; cp. infr.
c. 54.
17. reconciliationibus... focilatam.
The occasions on which reconciliations
between Augustus and Antony had taken
place were (1) in 43, in November following the battle near Mutina [App.
B. civ. 4, 2; Dio 46, 54]. (2) in B.C.
40 after Perusia, at Brundisium [Dio
47, 29—30; App. B. civ. 5, 56—65].
(3) in B.C. 37 at Tarentum, on the intervention of Octavia, when the revival of
the triumvirate was settled [App. B.
civ. 5, 93; Dio 48, 54].
focilatam,' kept alive,' ' kept flickering.' It is a word of the silver age, and
is iised by Pliny of persons, ipse pattcis
diebus aegre focillatus...decessit, Ep. 3,
14, 4; cp. ib. 16, 12. Metaphorically
by Seneca Ep. 13 § 14 pudet me ibi sic
tecum loqui et tarn lenibus te remediis
focillare.
A deponent focillari * to
cherish' is quoted from Varro by
Nonius [cip.fo-veo,fo-ats].
male, 'with difficulty,' 'imperfectly.'
Cp. Tib. 42 vitia male diu dissimttlata
tandem proftidit.
abrupit tandem. The breach between Antonius and Caesar was rendie *%v?r]crTus LEPIDI TRADIDIT SE
dered inevitable by the events of 33—
32 B.C. The death of Sextus PomCAESARI • SUPPLl[C]A7Y0...
peius (35), the successful expeditions
viginti legionum. That is, the
against the Illyrian Iapydes, the Pannotwelve from Africa and the eight of
Plennius from Messene. Appian [B. nians, the Dalmatians, and the Salassi
[Dio 49, 36—38] had assured and
civ. 5, 123] reckons his force at 22
legions,—ativ TOIJTOLS (i.e. the legions of established Caesar's position in the
uv
Plennius which joined him) ^x 86o eyes of the people of Rome as their
leal e'Uovi T£\T) weffip Kal iirirtas iroWoifS best security for peace and plenty.
Meanwhile the conquest of Armenia
iirripTo. The two additional legions
(B.C. 34), and the temporary check
according to him [c. 104] were the

while nominally on a par with his
colleagues; and though he obeyed the
summons to start for Sicily with twelve
legions on the ist of July B.C. 36 [App.
5, 97], he acted there independently;
took Lilybaeum [App. 5, 48]; and then
went across the island to besiege the
Pompeians in Messene. After the
victory of Agrippa between Mylae and
Naulochus, the Pompeian Plennius
occupied Messene and opened negociations with Lepidus, who made terms
with him atad took over his eight
legions. Having thus a force of about
20 legions, he sacked Messene, and resolved to claim the whole of Sicily as
his province. But when Caesar appeared the army of Lepidus declined to
engage in another civil war, and went
over to his colleague. Lepidus was constrained to fall at Caesar's feet and sue
for pardon. His life was spared, but
he was deprived of imperium and of all
office except that of Pontifex Maximus,
as to which there were religious difficulties in a deposition, which Augustus
declined to break through [see c. 31;
Appian B. civ. 5, 122—126; Dio 49,
11].
The victory of Augustus was celebrated as on the 3rd of September, see
the Fasti Amiternini [C. I. L. 1, p.
398] Feriae et supplicationes aput omnia
pulvinaria quod eo die Caesar divi f
vicit in Sicilia. But whether this was
the day of the naval victory, or of the
surrender of the army of Lepidus, is
left uncertain by the inscription of
Cumae [C. I. L. 10, 873; Rushforth, p.
51], the date in the entiy being unfortunately lost [ i n non • Septembr. eo

17.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

37

aperiundum recitandumque pro condone curavit. Remisit
tamen hosti iudicato necessitudines amicosque omnes, atque
given to the Parthians by his subordinates, left Antony free to enter upon
his scheme of an Eastern Empire, in
which kingdoms were to be carved
out for his children by Cleopatra. But
the gravest offence to Augustus was the
recognition of Caesarion as a legitimate
son of Caesar and Cleopatra, as though
the offspring of a real marriage,.. .rod de
irporepov KatVapos TTJV /uev yvvcuKa, TOV
5e vibv oVrws yeyovhai
e'Xeyep, /cat es
7-771/ eicelvov 8r) X&PLV TavTa TTOLCIV eo~Ki)-

Capitolio I regina dementes ruinas
\funus
et imperio parabat.
Livy Ep. 132.
testamentum. Caesar got his information as to Antony's will from M.
Titius (the murderer of Sext. Pompeius)
and L. Munatius Plancus, who in B.C.
32 deserted Antony and came to Rome.
T h e y had witnessed it and told Caesar
of its contents and where it was to be
found. H e did not hesitate to possess
himself of it and make its contents
k n o w n : rotaura yap irov ev aurats dve1TT€TO, OTTUJS T6J> KaLffCLpa TOV 'OKTCLOVLaVOV
ytypaiTTO wore /*??§' afriav nvd Trap'
€K rotirov, on iroirjTos dXX' ov yv/jcrcos
avr&v Kaiirep wapavofJubTarov irpay/Aa
avrov TTCUS fy, diap&Wri [Dio 49, 41].
TotTycras ax&v [Dio 5°> 3l*
T h e final breach came in B.C. 32, when
de Cleopatra lioeris. T h e children
one of the consuls C. Sosius ventured
of Antony by Cleopatra were Cleopatra,
to propose the confirmation of Antony's
Alexander
and
Ptolemaeus.
The
acta in the Senate, and Caesar next
daughter was married to I u b a I I . king
day made such a reply that both consuls
of Numidia, and afterwards of Maureleft Italy for Alexandria, and Antony
tania. They were all three brought up
retaliated by openly divorcing Octavia
by the magnanimous Octavia, but of the
[Dio 50, r — 2 ] .
subsequent fate of the two sons nothing
degenerasse eum a civili more.
seems to be known [Plut. Ant. 8 7 ; Dio
otirw yap irov avrbv e5e8oij\(i)TO Coare /cat 51, 15]. In the lifetime of Antonius
yv/jLvao~iapxr}<rcu rots 'AXe^avSpevm iret- Ptolemy had been invested with the
crat, j3<un\is r e CLVTT) /cat Uviroiva for' kingdom of Syria, Cleopatra with that
eKeivov /caXeio-0ai, o-rpartt&rasre'Pw/xatous of Cyrene, and Alexander with that of
ev Tip 8opv<f>opiK<p'i%eLv/cat TO OVO/JLCL
Armenia [Dio 49, 41]. But these
atirrjs TT&VTCLS o-0as rats d<Jirio~iv eVt- arrangements of course fell to the
ypdipeiv. 2$ re TTJV dyopdv //.er' avTou
ground with his defeat and death. I n
ecrecpolTCL, /cat rets TravrjytipeLs oi crvv- his will he had (j[) declared Caesarion
dieTidei, r a s 8e 67/cas 0vvei;7)Ta£€, /cat
to be a real son of Iulius, (2) had left
(Tvvnrirevs KOLI ev rats iroheaw, rj /cat
enormous legacies to his own children
iKeivrj fiev ev 8L<ppip TLVL efapeTo, 6 5e by Cleopatra, (^) ordered his own body
'AVTI&VIOS avroirodi afar} fiera T&V evvotito be buried with that of Cleopatra in
%(JW 7}Ko\o60ei. /cat TO re (TTpaTrjyiov
Alexandria. T h e effect of the pubfiao-LXeiov ibvo/nage, /cat dKivdtcriv ganv
lication of the will is described by Dio
ore wapefavvvTo, ecrdijTi re e-£w TU>V
[50, 3] t h u s : 6Y odv Tavra dyavaKTrjiraTpicov expwo, /cat eVt K\IVT)S eVtxptfo~avTe$ eTrlo~Tevo~av on /cat r d W a TO,
aov Sicppov re bfjLoiov /cat ev Tip Koivip
6pv\ovfJLeva dXrjdrj et'77, TOVT"* ZCTTIV o n ,
ewpcLTO. Dio 50, 5 ; Horace, Epode 9,
av KpaTif}o~ri, TT)V re TTOXLV o~<f)G)v Trj KXeo11—16
irdrpa %aptetrat /cat rb Kpdros is TTJV
Myvwrov fjLeTadr)o~ei.
Romanus, eheu,—posted
negabitis—
remisit.. .hosti iudicato. According
emancipatus
feminae,
to Dio [50, 3], Antony was not declared
fert vallum et anna miles et spadonia hostis in B.C. 32. W a r was declared
bus
against Cleopatra, but though it was
servire rugosis potest,
well understood to be against him,
interqtie signa turpe
militaria
Antony's name was not mentioned.
sol adspicit
conopium.
App. B. civ. 4, 39 however says that
So Plutarch [Ant, 36] TO alaxpbv r\v
Messala was elected consul in his place
T&V KXeo7rdrpas nfxCov dviapbraTov.
It
for B.C. 31 ore ai50ts exj/rjcpi^eTO elvai
was also believed that Cleopatra aimed
at transferring the Empire to Alex7T0\e/M0S.
andria. Tifjv re (3acri\eiav TTJV T&V AlyvC. Sosius et Cn. Domitius (Ahenoirricjv UTT' 'ipwTos eKTi)(raTo /cat TT)V TUJV barbus) were the consuls for B.C. 32.
"Poo/jialijjv \y)\peordaL di avrov eX7rtVacra They left Rome after the debates in the
[ D i o 5 1 , 1 5 ] . Cp. H o r . Od. 1, 37, $dum
Senate at the beginning of January, and

38

SUETONI

[17

inter alios C. Sosium et Cn. Domitium tunc adhuc consules.
Bononiensibus quoque publice, quod in Antoniorum clientela
antiquitus erant, gratiam fecit coniurandi cum tota Italia pro
partibus suis. Nee multo post navali proelio apud Actium
vicit, in serum dimicatione protracta, ut in nave victor
A .
September pernoctaverit. A b Actio cum Samum in hiberna se
E,c
* 31*
recepisset, turbatus nuntiis de seditione praemia et
Caesar gave out that they had gone with ' by Cic. 2 Phil. § 27 a n d all other
his free consent, a n d that others might
writers.
go if they pleased, D i o 50, 2 nadkv 8e
publice, ' a s a community,' as opposed
TovTo 6 Kaiaap eicibu re ctirroi)s iKireiro/J,- to individuals, c p . Tib. 6.
<p£vai gfpacTKev, IVa /JLTJ /cat cbs &8IK<2V TL in Antoniorum clientela. So in Tib. 6
iyKaTa\e\ri<f)daL vir' avrwv SOKTJ, KCLI €TTL- we hear of the Lacedaemonians being
rpkireiv KOX rots aWois rots edeXovcri irpbs in tutela Claudiortim.
I n Cic. 2 Phil.
TOV 'AvTibviov IXZT adeias airapai.
107 the people of Puteoli are said to
C. Sosius was praetor in B.C. 49
have selected Cassius and the two Bruti
[Cic. ad Att. 8, 6], and had been legatus
as their patrons. T h e Patron us repreto Antony and governor of Cilicia and
sented the interests of the municipium
Syria, where h e had done good service,
or provincial town at Rome, a n d often
having taken Jerusalem and restored
was a material benefactor besides, see
Herod B.C. 37 [Plut. Ant. 3 4 ; Ioseph.
the case of Labienus at Cingulum, quod
Ant. 14, 16; B. lud. 1, 18]. F o r this
oppidum constituerat suaque pecunia exhe celebrated a triumph in B.C. 34 and aedificaverat [Caes. B. civ. 1, 15].
is called proconsul in the Fasti, ...C.
gratiam...suis\ 'excused them from
Sosius pro cos. ex Iudaea an. DCCXIX.
joining in the general agreement oi all
H I . Nonas Septembr.;
a n d is hence
Italy on his side.' pro partibus, c p .
termed triumphalis
in the epitaph of a
c. 12. F o r the (unusual) sense oi gratia
great-grandson [see Wilmanns 1134],
with gen.' dispensation from, 'cp. Tib. 35,
L • NONIUS • QUINTILIANUS • L • F •
eq. Romano iuris iurandi gratiam fecit.
S E X • N • C • Sosi • cos • T R I U M P H A L •
in serum...pernoctaverit. T h e rePRO • N E P • AUGUR • S A L I U S • PALAT •
sistance of the Antonian fleet did not
v i x • ANN • x x i i i . After Actium h e
cease with t h e flight of Cleopatra or
Antony at Actium (2 September, B.C.
was left unmolested b y Caesar [ D i o
31).
Many of the captains would not
5i> 2].
or could not follow their leaders, and
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus was the
the struggle continued till late in the
son of L. Domitius, killed at Pharsalus,
afternoon [6 O~T6\OS.../A6\LS uipas Se/ccinys
by Porcia, sister of Cato Uticensis. H e
aireiire, Plut. Ant. 68. Ulius etiam detrachad been in the proscription list of 43
to capite in longum fortissime
pagnandi
— 2 , b u t held out against the triumvirs
duravit constantia, Vel. 2, 85. ab hora
till B.C. 40, having the command of 50
quinta usque in horam septimam incerta
ships in the Ionian sea, with which he
vincendispe gravissimae utrimque caedes
molested Antony when crossing to Greece
actae; reliqitum diei cum subsequente
in B.C. 42, and won a victory over his
node in victoriam Caesaris
declinavit,
lieutenant Domitius Calvinus about the
Oros. 6, 19]. Augustus is said finally
same time as the first battle at Philippi
[App. B. civ. 4, 115]. I n B.C. 40, to have conquered by using fire to burn
the hostile vessels, which he avoided as
however, h e was reconciled to Antony
long as possible, because he wished to
by the influence of Asinius Pollio [Veil.
secure them [Dio 50, 34]. H e asserted
Pat. 2, 76], a n d was accordingly inin his memoirs that 300 ships fell into
cluded in the pacification with Caesar
his hands [Plut. /. c.\. F o r serum by
at Brundisium in B.C. 37 [App. 5, 65],
itself for a 'late hour of the day,' c p .
and served under Antony against the
Nero 22 spectaculum.. An serum protraParthians [Plut. Ant. 4 0 ] . A s to his
hebatur. Otho 11 in serum usque patente
having been one of the assassins of
I n Livy [7, 8 ; ^ , 48] it
Iulius, see Append. B . T h e MSS. ' cubiculo.
generally has a defining genitive, such
have T . D o m i t i u m ; b u t the praenomen
as diei or noctis.
Gnaeus is attested by the Fasti and

17.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

39

missionem poscentium, quos ex omni numero confecta victoria
Brundisium praemiserat, repetita Italia, tempestate in traiectu
bis conflictatus (primo inter promuntoria Peloponnesi atque
Aetoliae, rursus circa montes Ceraunios, utrubique parte
5 liburnicarum demersa, simul eius, in qua vehebatur, fusis
armamentis et gubernaculo diffracto) nee amplius quam septem
et viginti dies, donee desideria militum ordinarentur, Brundisii
commoratus, Asiae Syriaeque circuitu Aegyptum petit obsessaque Alexandrea, quo Antonius cum Cleopatra Taking of
Et Antonium quidem, A 1 ^ ;
3 confugerat, brevi potitus est.
.

andna,

seras conditiones pacis temptantem, ad mortem September
adegit viditque mortuum. Cleopatrae, quam ser- B,c* 3°«
desideria militum. Cp. Tac. Ann.
cum Samum... poscentium. Augustus
spent the winter of B.C. 3 £—30 in Greece 1, 19 non per seditionem et turbas desideria militum ad Caesarem ferenda.
and Asia. When recalled to Italy by
Asiae Syriaeque circuitu, 'by a cirthe disturbances here mentioned, he
cuitous route through Asia and Syria,'
went no farther than Brundisium, where
he remained 30 days, being visited by like the orbis iter of Ovid. Cp. Seneca
Ep. 79, 1 circumitus Siciliae tolius.
nearly all the magistrates, Senators, and
brevi potitus est. Suetonius has given
chief equites. Dio 51, 4. The visit was
after the 1st of January B.C. 30, for it was a very compressed account. Caesar did
not enter Alexandria till the first of
in his 4th consulship with M. Crassus.
August, B.C. 30 [C. L L. 1, pp. 324,
Dio 51, 4 ; Oros. 6, 19, 14. The effect
328J. Antony had in the previous
of his presence on the insubordinate
soldiers is referred to by Germanicus autumn made a vain attempt to gain
[Tac. Ann. 1, 42] divus Augustus vultu over the troops in Africa, and on his
return to Alexandria had opened negoet aspechi Actiacas legiones exterruit.
ciations with Augustus, ofiering to live
Ceraunios. The dangerous nature of
the headland was well known,—infamis as a privatus at Athens [Dio 51, 5—7;
scopiilos^ Acroceraunia [Hor. Od. 1, 3, Plut. Ant. 73]. In the spring ot B.C.
30 Cornelius Gallus, taking over the
i9j.
command of the troops in Africa, adliburnicarum. The name libumica
vanced to Paraetonium, where he secured
was applied to a vessel of less draught
the remainder of Antony's fleet. Meanthan the great warships of the Romans,
while Caesar, with the secret connivance
and it was apparently of such ships that
of Cleopatra, landed at Pelusium and
the fleet of Caesar at Actium had chiefly
consisted. The name of course came advanced towards Alexandria, decisively
defeating Antony, who had hurriedly refrom the pirate vessels of the Illyrian
turned from Paraetonium. The Egyptian
Liburni, which were constructed for the
fleet, again it is said on the secret order
shallow waters of the Illyrian coast, and
of Cleopatra, deserted, thus preventing
is applied to vessels of various sizes,
Antony's scheme of escape to Asia; and
from a ship of war to a yacht. See
Calig. 37 fabricavit et deceris Liburnicas thereupon—being told also that Cleopatra had shut herself up in the fjt,v7)fMe?ov
gemmatis puppibtis. Nero 34; and in the
and was dead—he stabbed himself and
fr. about Pliny's death, he is said to
have perished aim,. .flagrante Vesubio ordered his attendants to carry him to
the /uLV7ifj,e?ov, where he died in the
ad explorandas prophis causas libumica
queen's arms [Dio 51, 10; Plut. Ant.
prcetendisset. Cp. Hor. Epode 1, 1 ibis
77—8]. The ad mortem adegit is
Libumis inter alia navium.. .propagnaonly therefore indirectly true.
cula. Aiftvpvoi yevos 'IXAupiwz/, ol rbv
'loviov Kal ras vf)<rovs eKyarevov vavvlv viditque mortuum. According to
(bicelais re /cat /cotf0ous, odev ere vvv Dio [51, 11] the body of Antony was
'Pwyucuo* ra Kov<pa Kal dijea diKpora Ai- embalmed under the direction of Cleopvpvidas irpovayopeijovcriv, Veget. 4, 33. patra. Cp. Plutarch Ant. 83 ed&TTTero

40

SUETONI

[17—

vatam triumpho magnopere cupiebat, etiam psyllos admovit,
qui venerium ac virus exugerent, quod perisse morsu aspidis
putabatur. Ambobus communem sepulturae honorem tribuit
ac tumulum ab ipsis incohatum perfici iussit. Antonium
iuvenem, maiorem de duobus Fulvia genitis, simulacro Divi 5
Tats iicdprjs %ep<7t 7roAure\c3s /cat fioLGiTOV iou, atfrri* re r a $Y}pia KareirqZovres
XLKUJS ira<riv Cos epotiXero x p ^ ^ a t XaafxfiXvvovGi Kal KTJXOWL. Pausan. 9, 28,
jSo&njs. T h e looking on the dead body
1, of the people near M . Helicon, where
of any enemy, though it might be nethe snakes are comparatively innocuous,
cessary in order to be satisfied of his
wVre dia<j>evyov(n r a iroXXd ol drixOivres
death, was regarded as an aggravation
rjv dvdpl AL(3v'C yivovs rCov y&vXXa)i> Kal
of cruelty. So Pompey would not look
dXXcos irpoo-<pbpois CITLTVX^O-L rots <papfjt,dat the dead body of Mithridates [Plut.
KOIS.
Pomp. 4 2 ] ; nor Caesar at the head of
quod perisse morsu aspidis putaPompey [ A p p . B. civ. 2, 90].
batur. Suetonius puts this doubtfully, as
servatam triumpho. Dio 51,11 Katdo most other authorities, rb de dXrjdes
o~ap de eiredtifiei /xev /cat TQV drfaavpCov ovdels oTdev Plut. Ant. 86. TO fxev erases
iyKpcLTTjs yevkoQai Kal eKelvrjV $doo~dv reovdels oWev y rpbir^> die^ddpy] Dio 51,
avWafieiv Kal is r a vitcqriipia dirayayelv.
14. Livy Ep. 133 only says voluntaria
Plut. Ant. 87 /cat yap e0o/3etro irepl TQ>V morte defuncta.
Velleius (2, 87) exXprif^oLToov /cat fxiya 7rpbs dot-av qyeLTo rod presses no doubt, Cleopatra
frustratis
dpidfxfiov Karayayelv iKeivrjv. Horace
custodibus inlata aspide morsu sane eius
[Od. 1,37,31] no doubt is expressing this
expers muliebris metus spiriium
reddidit.
disappointment as to the privata deduci
Horace {Od. 1, 37, 27) seems to have
superbo \ non humilis mulier
triumpho.
accepted the same story, fortis etasperas \
Yet Caesar's motive perhaps was not
tractare serpentes, ut atrum \ corpore comthe desire of merely gracing his triumph.
biberet venenum.
I t was important for him to give a
communem sepulturae honorem.
striking proof that he had been fighting
Plut. Ant. 86 Kawap.. .Ta<p7}i>aL rb crafta
against an Egyptian queen, rather than
o~vv 'Avrctivly Xa/xirpws /cat /3ao"t\t/ccos eKia Roman imperator.
Xevae. But the burial of Antony had
psyllos admovit. [Cp. Dio, 51, 14
apparently been the work of Cleopatra
who regards it as the name of a craft
herself. Dio 51, 1 r ; Zonar. 10, 3 ; Plut.
not a people 7W77 yap ov yiyverai
Ant. 82.
iJ/vXXa.] T h e mysterious Psylli were
Antonium iuvenem... Caesarionem.
said by Herodotus to have perished by
T h e fate of Caesarion was no doubt
a sandstorm in their contest with the
due to the claim openly made for him
South Wind, and to have been sucby Antony that he was the offspring of
ceeded by the Nasamonians [ H e r . 4,
a lawful union between Iulius and
173].
Some remnants of them howCleopatra. Such an assertion was of
ever were believed to remain in the
course offensive to Augustus, and might
district between the two Syrtes [Pliny,
have been used by his enemies to
N. H. 5, 27], who were said to possess
weaken his position as his uncle's heir.
the art of curing the bites of snakes [id.
I t appears that the paternity of Caesa7, 13—14], and to be themselves imrion had been denied by Iulius himself,
pervious to the poison [id. 21, 7 8 ;
and that one of his friends, Gaiiis
Strabo, 17, 1, 44]. T h e smell of their
Oppius, published a pamphlet to disbodies was even said to scare snakes
prove it. Antony asserted in the Senate,
away [Pliny 8 , 9 3 ; 25,123]. T h e s n a k e however, that Caesar had acknowledged
charmers of Barbary still profess the
the b o y ; and Cicero [ad Att. 14, 20]
same powers; and the Psylli, or men
speaks of him as ille Caesar.
Plutarch
calling themselves by that name, were
[Caes. 49] says that the name arose
known in Italy (though believed to lose
from the common talk of the Alextheir power there), and were to be met
andrians, and Suet. [Jul. 52] says that
with in Egypt [id. 11, 89]. F o r the
Caesar allowed Cleopatra to call the
sucking out of the poison see Plutarch,
boy by the name as a favour. As CleoCato min. 57 tyvXXovs.. .ol rd re 8^y/j,aTa
patra had only a nominal husband in a
TCOV Orjpicjv itovrai rots crTOjuatn CXKOPTCSchild-brother, the suspicion was natural,.

18.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

41

Iuli, ad quod post multas et irritas preces confugerat, abreptum
interemit. Item Caesarionem, quern ex Caesare Cleopatra
concepisse praedicabat, retractum e fuga supplicio adfecit.
Reliquos Antonii reginaeque communes liberos non secus ac
necessitudine iunctos sibi et conservavit et mox pro conditione
cuiusque sustinuit ac fovit. Per idem tempus conditorium et
corpus Magni Alexandri, cum prolatum e penetrali subiecisset
and the fact may be considered as fairly
established. A t any rate Antony's will,
read in Rome in 32, contained the assertion [Dio 50, 3 ] ; and as he had been
already declared ' k i n g of k i n g s ' and
heir of Egypt and Cyprus [Dio 49, 4]
there could have been little doubt
that he was to be got rid of. H e attempted to fly to Aethiopia, but was
betrayed by his paedagogue [Dio 49, 5 ;
Plut. Ant. 81]. H e was about 17 years
old.
T h e young Antony, whom Dio and
Plutarch call "AvrvXXos [Dio 49, 5 ;
Plut. Ant. 81], must have been much
younger, for Antony was not married to
Fulvia till B.C. 45 or 44, see Cic. 2 Phil.
§§ 77> 99 [from which the divorce of
Antonia would seem to have been B.C.
4 5 ] ; but after Actium Antony had
given him the toga viri/is, in order that
he might have authority to represent
him at Alexandria, and had sent him
with offers of submission to Augustus
[Dio 51, 5 and 8]. H e was therefore
in a somewhat different position to that
of the other children, and like Caesarion
was betrayed by his paedagogue T h e o dorus [Plut. /. c.].
simulacro Divi Iulii. T h e worship
of the ' D i v i n e I u l i u s ' had apparently
been early introduced in Alexandria,
where it was only a natural sequence to
the deification of the Ptolemies. There
were various busts and statues of Iulius
in the Palace, and no doubt in other
places. See Dio 51, 12,—Cleopatra receives Augustus 7ro\Xds eiKouas TOV
irarpbs CLVTOV KOX iravTodairas irapadefjLevTj. H o w this deification was continued in Egypt, see C. I. G. 4923. I n
the great temple at Philae was discovered an epigram in praise of Augustus
(of about B.C. 12) beginning
Kai<rapL iravrofxedovTi. teal aireipwv Kpa~
T£OVTL

%avi, r y e/c Zavbs irarpos, ''EXevdepicp.
F o r the use of the statues of kings
and emperors as an asylum for fugitives,
see Tib. 53 novissime calumniatus
modo

ad statuam Angusti modo ad exercitits
confugere velle, Pandatariam
relegavit.
Ulpian, Dig. 21, 1, 17 § 12 Egoputo non
esse eum fugilivum,
qui id facit, quod
publice facere licere arbitrator, ne eum
quidem qui ad stahiam Caesaris fugitivum arbitror. This too seems to have
come from Egypt, see Livy 23, 10,
where the Campanian Magius escaping
from Hannibal's ship, which had been
blown ashore at Cyrene, ibi aim ad
statuam Ptolemaei regis confugisset deport attts a acs to dibits
Alexandriam...
vinculis
liberatur.
18. conditorium et corpus Magni
Alexandri, * the coffin and body of Alexander the Great.' O n his death-bed Alexander desired that his body should be
taken to the temple of Amnion [Iustin.
I2
> *5> 7]« H o w this command was
carried out is told by Diodorus [18,
26—28]. A splendid funeral car was
constructed by Arridaeus [or Arribaeus,
see Hicks G. I. p . 235] and in Syria
was met by Ptolemy son of Lagus, who
instead of taking it to the temple of
Amnion conducted it to Alexandria,
where KareffKebace r^fxevos Kara rb fieyaOos /cat Kara TTJV Karao-Kevrjv rijs
'AXe^dvdpov do^rjs a&op, ev <p /c?;dei;<ras
avrbv nai 0u<ricus r;pwt/cats nai ayGxri
/j.eya\oTrp€ir€(TL TtfArjaas 01) 7ra/>' dvdpd)7T(av
fxbvov dWd Kal irapd de&v /ca\ds a/JLoi(3as;
<;\af$ev. Pausanias however says [1, 6, 3 ;
1, 7,1] that Ptolemy I. buried Alexander
at Memphis, and that Ptolemy I I . transferred the body to Alexandria. Strabo
[17, 1, 7] gives a somewhat different account. According to him the body was
brought by Perdiccas from Babylon on
his Egyptian expedition in 321, and
taken from him by Ptolemy,—rb 8k (rcofxa
rov 'AXe^&vdpov KOfxlaas 6 UToXefxaTos
eKTjbevaev ev rfj 'AXeZavdpeia, oirov vvv
'4TL Keirai. At any rate the worship of
Alexander was joined with that of the
Ptolemies, as is shown in the priestly
decrees, C. I. G. 4697 (Rosetta stone),
4 8 7 6 : and his body was preserved in
the tomb of the Ptolemies,...ptpos U

42

SUETONI

[18

oculis, corona aurea imposita ac floribus aspersis veneratus est,
consultusque, num et Ptolemaeum inspicere vellet, regem se
volaisse ait videre, non mortuos. Aegyptum in provinciae
formarn redactam ut feraciorem habilioremque annonae urbicae
TQIV (3a<ri\el(j0v eari /cat rb kakovfievov
liijfjLa [al. Sw/>ta], 5 wepi(3o\os r\v, iv §
al TQVfia<Ji\£(tivratpal /cat i] 'A\ei~av8pov
[Strabo i.e.}. Augustus was able to see
it because the gold coffin made by Arrhibaeus had been removed by Ptolemy
N o t h u s (about B.C. 118) and a glass
one substituted [Strabo /. <:.]. T h e arms
laid upon the coffin were also now or
afterwards taken away, for Caligula
possessed his thorax [Suet. Cai. 53].
T h e Ptolemaeum
with the coffin of
Alexander has long disappeared, though
in the 5th century Achilles Tatius in
the romance of Leucippe and Cleitophon
[5 § 3] m describing Alexandria mentions coming et's rbv eirdovvfAov 'A\e£dydpov TOTTOV. According to Dio [51,
16] Augustus not only saw the body
but touched it and broke off a piece of
the nose.
Ptolemaeum, sc. * tomb of the Ptolemies.' T h e form of the word is supported by Diodor. 20, 100, who calls
the Stoa at Rhodes a UroXe/jLcuov; and
Cicero de Fin. 5, 1, i in gymnasio quod
Ptolemaeum
vocatur.
But Stephanos
Byz. s.v. KcnriTdokiov has IlToAe/uaeiOJ>,
and Propert. 2, 1, 30 has the adjective
Ptolemaeeus.
Aegyptum in provinciae formam redactam. Egypt was made a province,
but with several remarkable peculiarities
as to its administration. It was from
the first wholly in the hands of the emperor, who received both the revenues
from the royal domains of the Ptolemies
and the taxes from the country as his
private property. Though the distinction between Senatorial and Imperial
provinces was not yet made, Caesar
boldly initiated a new departure. It
was governed not by a pro-consul or
legatus, but by a praefectus, nominated
by the emperor and subject to recall at
pleasure [infr. c. 66; Ner. 4 7 ; Domit.
4 ; T a c . Hist. 2, 7 4 ; C. I. G. 4 9 2 3 ;
Plin. N. H. 6, 181 ; 19, 3 and n ; 36,
69]. T h e emperor had besides a procurator', generally one of his freedmen [Her. 35], and now or later another officer, also nominated by the
emperor, iuridicus Aegypti [C. I. L. 10,
2, 1250; Wilmanns, 1250], to preside
over the courts at Alexandria.

T h e province differed from others
also in not consisting of a number of
states existing side by side with local
autonomy. It was divided into three
great districts or inKTTparrjyLOLL, each
district into nomes (PO/JLOL), each nome
into a certain number of hamlets (/cwfjLCLi) which were presided over by a
regular gradation of officials, who administered their separate offices, but
were all answerable to the Praefectus
at Alexandria. This organization had
existed under the Ptolemies, but at any
rate under the later kings had become
corrupt and inefficient. Caesar therefore followed the lines of the old constitution, only infusing reality and
efficiency into it. T h e Praefectus performed the ceremonial functions of the
kings [Plin. H. H 5, 5 7 ; Sen. H. Q.
4, 2, 8], and during the reign of Augustus
had three legions, afterwards reduced to
two. But the population of Alexandria
was so seditious [roaaiJTTjif irov veojrepoTrodav CLVT&V Kartyvw, Dio] that they
were not permitted to have an elected
Senate, or to share in the advantages
of the lex Saenia (B.C. 30) which allowed
provincials under certain circumstances
to obtain the civitas and serve offices
admitting to the Roman Senate. But
perhaps the regulation which confined
the praefectura
to equites (forbidding
Senators and even illustres equites entering Egypt,—see T a c . Ann. 2, 5 9 ; H. 1,
1 1 ; 3, 8, 1 1 ; Suet. Tib. 5 2 ; Arrian 3,
5, 1 0 ; Dio 5 1 , 17 ovdevl povXevrrj o$x
onus eyxeiPl<TCLL UVTTJV iroX/ULrjo-ev d \ \ '
ov8' iveTTLdyj/xeiv avrrj 4^ov<rLav gdwKev—
was in part a concession to the feelings
of the Alexandrians; for though Roman
soldiers had been there since the time
of Gabinius (B.C. 55), the mob were
easily enraged at the sight of the fasces,
which seemed an open declaration of
their slavery [Caesar 8. civ. 3, 106].
Though thus made a kind of appanage
of the emperor, Augustus always affected
to regard Egypt as subject like the
other provinces to the R o m a n people.
M. A. 27 Aegyptum imperio Populi Romani adieci. A n d on the obelisks placed
in B.C. 10 in the Campus and Circus
was engraved [C. I. L. 6, 7 0 1 ] : I M P •
CAESAR • DIVI • F • AUGUSTUS • PON-

18.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

43

redderet, fossas omnis, in quas Nilus exaestuat, oblimatas
longa vetustate militari opere detersit. Quoque Actiacae
victoriae memoria celebratior et in posterum esset,
urbem Nicopolim apud Actium condidit ludosque
5 illic quinquennales constituit et ampliato vetere Apollinis
templo locum castrorum, quibus fuerat usus, exornatum navalibus spoliis Neptuno ac Marti consecravit.
in the work.' For soldiers employed in
TIFEX • MAXIMUS • IMP • XII • COS •
such fatigue duty see Suet. Claud. 1 ;
XI • TRIB • POT • XIV • AEGYPTO • IN •
Tac. Ann. 11, 2 1 .
POTESTATEM • POPULI» ROMANI • RED^
Nicopolim apud Actium. Nicopolis
ACTA • SOLI • DONUM • DEDIT. T h e
on the promontory at the entrance of
principal passages on this subject are
the Ambracian gulf, opposite to that
Strabo 1 7 ; Dio 51, 16—17. See the
of Actium, was built on the site of
authorities quoted by Marquardt vol. 9
Caesar's camp, 3 miles N . of the modern
[with the additional authorities given
Prevesa. Dio 50, 12 /cetre\a/3e TO XWP^OV
by the French translators, Organisation
TOVTO h> $ vvv 7) ISIKOITOXIS £<TTI. id.
51,1
de VEmpire 2, Aegyptus],
wtiXiv riva h r<£ TOV (rrpaTOiredov roircp
feraciorem habilioremque annonae.
...<rvvcpKi(r€, NLKOTTOXLV avrrj 6vo/xa 806s.
Tac. H. 1, 11 speaks of Egypt as a
Inhabitants were found for it by reprovinciam aditu difficilem annonae femoving the people from Aetolia [Paus.
cundam.
Pliny, Panegyr. 31, 1 percre7, 18, 8 ; 10, 38, 4], Ambracia arid
buerat antiquities urbem nostram
nisi
Anactorium [id. 5 , 2 3 , 3], and Cassopeia
opibus Aegypti all stistentarique
non
[Strabo 7, 7, 6], and the remaining
posse. Aurel. Vict. 1, 6 huius
Angusti
townships of Acamania were made
tempore ex Aegvpto annua
ducentiens
hamlets of it [Strab. 10, 2, 2].
centena millia frumenti
inferebantur.
apud Actium, ' in the neighbourhood
Strabo [17, 1, 13] tells us of the enorof Actium.'
mous increase in the commerce and importance of Alexandria under the sway
ludos quinquennales. Dio 51,1 dy<2of Augustus, though the corn trade of
va re Tiva /cat fxovcnKov Kal yvfiviKov
Egypt had long been familiar to the
lirirodpo/JLias re TrevTer^piKov iepbv...KCLTGreeks in the 5th century; see Bacchy48ei%ev. Similar quinquennial games
lides apud Athen. 2, 39 f. irvpo<f>6poL 5e were also established near Alexandria
Ka/r alyXrjevTa vijes dyovciv air' AiytiirTov
at a place also called Nicopolis, where
fj,£yio~Tov ITXOVTOV.
he conquered Antony [Strabo 17, 1, 10;
C. I. G. 5804].
exaestuat, rare and post-classical in
this sense: lust. 1, 2, 7 quae materia
ampliato... consecravit. According
{bitumen) e terra exaestuat.
to Strabo [7, 7, 6] the naval trophy was
fossas oblimatas, 'choked with mud.'
near the temple of Actian Apollo, on
Cp. Cic. N. D. 2 § 130 Aegyptum
Nilus
the promontory of Actium (mod. la
irrigat et cum tota aestate obrutam opPunta), opposite to Nicopolisj O'LKOVCTL
pletamque tenuit. turn recedit mollitosque
ret fxkv eV Se£tq, dvirXeovGi rCov 'EXXTJUOJV
et oblimatos ad serendum agros relinquit.
'AKapvaves Kal lepbv TOV 'AKTIOV 'ATTOXBy the fossae, Suetonius does not seem
Xcovos kvTavBd eVrt TrXrjfftov TOV <rrd/-taros,
to mean the great canals, such as that
X6<f>os TLS, Iv $ 6 veibs, Kal UTT' avTip
to the Red Sea mentioned by Herodotus
Tredlov &X<ros %xov Ka^ ve(hpia^ eV ols av£~
[2, 158; 4, 3 9 ] ; but the smaller ditches
6TJK€ Kcu<rap rrjv deicava'cav dicpoOiviov,
made to carry off the flood waters,
dirb juLouoKpoTov ^x?1 8eKf)povs. But Dio
which Strabo [17, 1, 10] says it was the
mentions a temple of Apollo open to
special duty of good princes of Egypt
the sky in Nicopolis itself, or rather
to see were kept clear,—7} de porjdeia
on the hill above it, on the spot on
which Caesar's tent had stood, also
atiTTJ' TT)V fJL€V IToXX^V 7rap€KXV(TLV
i/J,adorned with beaks of ships, [51, 1] rd
<f>pai-eL K(X)\IJ€LV, TT]V 8e irXi)po)o~iv rjv 7}
8e xwPL0V & <i> eo~Kr)vw(re, XLOois rerpa%ous epydfrerai rovvavriov avaKaddpo~ec
TWV diwptiywv Kal i^avol^a TQ>V o~TO/ia~ •ireSoLS €Kpr)iri5oi}<re Kal rots aXovaiv efiftoXOLS €KO(TfJLr}creu, edos TL ev avrdp TOV
TWV.
'ATTOXXWOS viraiSpLOv Idpvcrd/xevos. N o
militari opere,' by employing soldiers

44
19

SUE TON I

[i9

Tumultus posthac et rerum novarum initia coniurationesque
Conspira- complures, prius quam invalescerent indicio detectas,
ciesduring compressit alias alio tempore: Lepidi iuvenis, deinde
t e reign. y a r r o n i s Murenae et Fanni Caepionis, mox M.
other authority mentions the dedication
to Neptune and Mars. The dedication
to Neptune was perhaps an amende
honorable for the defiance mentioned in
c. J6. An epigram of Philip of Thessalonika [Anthol. 6, 236], who lived in
the 1st century A.D., mentions the naval
trophy

Caesar imponit manum, and describes
Lepidus as iuvenis forma quam mente
melior. The plot was said to be to
assassinate Augustus on his return from
Egypt. See also Dio 54, 15; Seneca
de Clem. 1, 9, 6; Dialog. 10, 4, 5.
(2) Varronis Murenae et Fanni
Caepionis. Of this conspiracy again
"EfjL(3o\a xa^Koyeveia, (ptXoirXoa revx^a we hardly know anything. A. Licinius
Murena, called, after his adoption by
'AKTICLKOV TToXefiov Keifxeda fxapT^pia. Terentius Varro, A. Terentius Varro
19. tumultus ... coniurationesque. Murena [Wilmanns 1712], was the
Cicero in the Eighth Philippic discusses brother of Terentia, the wife of Maethe difference between a tumultus and a cenas, and of the Proculeius celebrated
helium [§§ 2—4], and concludes that a by Horace [Od. 2, 2, 6], who had
tumultus cannot exist without a bellum, shared his property with him when rethough the converse may. Itaque ma- duced to poverty by some means during
iores nostri tumultum Italicum, quod the civil war. In B.C. 25 he had led a
erat domesticus, tumultum Gallicum, successful expedition against the Salassi
quod erat finitimus, praeterea nullum and founded the town Augusta, mod.
nominabant. However, the generally Aosta [Dio 53, 25; Strabo 4, 6, 7]. He
accepted distinction was that a tumultus was also a member of the College of
existed when men were in arms in Italy, Augurs [Hdr. Od. 3, 19, 11], perhaps
though there was no hostis or foreign as a reward. His conspiracy with
Caepio, for which he was executed in
enemy, and the citizens causing it had
not been declared Lostes. See Livy 2, 26 B.C. 22, seems probably connected with
of a movement of the Sabines, tumultus the more autocratic form of the Empire
ftdt veritts quam bellum. id. 7, 9 tu- established in B.C. 23, in which he was
multtts Gallictts. id. 32, 26 servilis Consul. Velleius Paterc. 2, 91 erant
tamen qui /tunc felicissimum statum
tumultus.
The conspiracies and other disturb- odissent; quippe L. Murena et Fannius
Caepio diversis moribus (nam Murena
ances alluded to are
(1) Lepidi iuvenis. M. Aemilius sine hoc facinore potuit videri bonus,
Caepio et ante hoc erat pessimus) cum
Lepidus, son of the triumvir, had sufficient motives for conspiracy against inissent occidendi Caesaris consilia, oppressi auctoritate publica, quod vi faAugustus. His father's disgrace and
enforced retirement since B.C. 36 may cere voluerunt hire passi sunt. Perhaps
well have rankled in his mind, and his Murena's complicity was much in the
mother lunia, sister of M. Brutus, could way of rash talk, for he /cat dKpdrCji KCLI
have no love for Caesar. But of the KCLTaKopei Trapprjalq, irpbs irdvras bfxolm
particulars of the plot we have no in- £xpT)To, as to which Horace is supposed
formation. According to Appian [B. to be giving him a gentle hint in the Ode
civ. 4, 50] he was prosecuted by Mae- addressed to him [2, 10]. It was also
cenas and sent by the consul Balbinus perhaps accentuated by physical causes,
to Augustus at Actium, and there for he was gibberosus, Suet, de Gramm.
executed by his order. But no consul 9. One consequence of the affair was
of that name is recorded in the Fasti, a coolness between Augustus and Maeand if he is identified, as has been done cenas, the latter being believed to have
by some, with L. Saenius, consul from communicated some secrets to his wife
Nov. 1, B.C. 30, then the despatch of Terentia in the matter of her brother.
the prisoner to Augustus at Actium See infr. c. 66; cp. Dio 54, 19. Of
cannot be true. Livy [ep. 133] seems Caepio we know nothing more than
what Velleius tells us. He was accused
to put it after the triumph of B.C. 29.
Velleius [2, 88] says it took place dum by Tiberius, see Suet. Tib. 8 Fannium
Caepionem qui cum Varrone Muraena
ultimam bello Actiaco Alexandrinoque

I9-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

45

Egnati, exin Plauti Rufi Lucique Pauli progeneri sui, ac
praeter has L. Audasi, falsarum tabularum rei ac neque
aetate neque corpore integri, item Asini Epicadi ex gente
Parthina ibridae, ad extremum Telephi, mulieris servi nomenculatoris. Nam ne ultimae quidem sortis hominum con(5) Luci Pauli progeneri sui, * Lucius
in Augustum conspiraverat reum matesAemilius Paulus, the husband of his
tatis aftud indices fecit et condemnavit.
g r a n d d a u g h t e r ' ; see c. 16. T h e hus(3) M. Egnati. M. Egnatius Rufus
band of the younger lulia, daughter of
was Aedile in B. C. 20, and distinguished
Agrippa and Caesar's daughter lulia.
his year of office by liberality to the
H e was the son of the Paulus Aemilius
citizens who had suffered from the fires
Lepidus, censor in B.C. 22, and by his
so frequent in Rome, /cat dia rovro rd
re &va\d)fJLaTa rd rrj dpxfj afirov irpoff'f}- wife lulia had two children, M. Aemilius
Lepidus [Suet. Cal. 2 4 ; Dio 59, T I ] ,
Kovra irapd rod d^fiov Aa/3wj> /cat crrparr}and Aemilia, wife of the emperor
ybs irapavdfAws dircdeixOels, iirrjpdr) re
y
Claudius [Suet. Claud. 26]. H e was
vir avrCov rotirwv KCLI rbv Atiyovcrrov
V7repe<pp6v7j(rev cocre /cat irpoypd\f/at on consul in A.D. r. W h a t was the nature
of his treason and when it took place
ddpavcrov /cat d\6K\r)pov r<$ diaddxy rr\v
irohiv TraptdwKev [Dio 53, 24]. Augustus we do not know. I t may have been
connected with his wife's banishment for
snubbed this boastful edict by remarking
adultery in A . D . 9.
that it was the duty of the Aedile rather
to prevent fires; and Velleius [2, 91—2]
(6) L. Audasi...Asini Epicadi...Tesays that h e soon after the fall of Mulephi. Nothing is known of these perrena, having had the praetorship in
sons, lulia was in the island of Panthe year following his aedileship, and
dateria off the coast of Campania from
being a candidate for the consulship in
B.C. 2 to A . D . 3 [TsLC.An. 1, 53], Agrippa
the next year, with equal illegality, adPostumus (son of Agrippa and the elder
gregatis simillimis sibi interimere Caesalulia) in the island of Planasia, mod.
rem statuit, ut quo salvo salvus esse 11011 Pianosa, near Elba from A.D. 7 [Tac.
poterat, eo sublato moreretur. T h e consul
An. 1, 3 ; Dio 55, 32]. A similar atforB.c. 1 9 , 0 . Sentius Saturninus, refused
tempt to carry off Agrippa Postumus to
to receive his name as a candidate, and
the legions in Germany took place imit was then that h e entered into the plot.
mediately after Augustus' death, but h e
Velleius [2, 93] says that the crime of
h a d been already put to death by order
Egnatius was three years after that of
probably of Li via [Tac. An. 2, 39—40].
Murena, and that is the order of events
falsarum tabularum, 'of forgery, 5
in Seneca de Clem. 9, 6. But Dio seems
coming under the lex Cornelia
defalsis.
to place it in B.C. 26.
gente Parthina, of the Illyrian Parthini, conquered by C. Asinius Pollio
(4) Plauti Rufi. This seems to be
in B.C. 39, of whom this man therefore
the same person as the Publius Rufus
was evidently a freedman.
whom Dio [55, 27] mentions as being
accused of abetting disturbances and
nomenculatoris.
T h e functions of
seditious libels in A . D . 6. T h e r e h a d
the nomenclator in Republican times
been great distress in R o m e from a
had been generally connected with
failure in the corn supply, intensified
the candidates for office, see Cic. de
by several disastrous fires, and the
petit. 25, 32 ; pro Muren. 7 7 ; ad Alt.
popular discontent showed itself in many
4, T ; ad Q. Fr. 1, 2. I n later times
ways.../cat TTOWCL /JLCV KOX <pavepCos vewrehis office was chiefly social, to prevent
poTToda 5ie\d\ovv, ir\e[oj de dij /3t/3\/a
the great from giving offence,—Iuv. 1.
ptiicrcdp e^erideaav.
/cat ravr'
e\4yero
9 8 ; Sen. Ep. 19 and 2 7 ; Bene/. 6,
ixh 4K irapao-Kevrjs TLOVTCKIOVrivo$*¥oij<f>ov 33 § 4 ; Pliny JV. If. 29 § 19. F o r t h e
ylyveada^ ^7TW7rre^ero de is dWovs ' 6 [xkv form of the word cp. Mart. 10, 30, 23
yhp 'PoD0os otir' evdvfJLrjdijvai ri atirQv nomenculator
mugilem
citat
notum.
oiire irpagai idtivaro, Zrepoi de r$ iiteivov
Suet. Cal. 4 1 ; Claud. 34.
opofjiari KaraxpdofxevoL Katvorofxetv einultimae sortis. Cp. Cal. 35 nullus
cretiovfo.
H e is not known elsewhere,
denique tarn abiectae condicionis tarn
but some coins bear the name of Plotius
extremae sortis fuit, cuius etc. Suetonius
Rufus as a triumvir of the mint.
has omitted among the conspirators Cn.

46

SUETONI

[19—

spiratione et periculo caruit. Audasius atque Epicadus Iuliam
filiam et Agrippam nepotem ex insulis, quibus continebantur,
rapere ad exercitus, Telephus quasi debita sibi fato dominatione et ipsum et senatum adgredi destinarant. Quin etiam
quondam iuxta cubiculum eius lixa quidam ex Illyrico 5
exercitu, ianitoribus deceptis, noctu deprehensus est cultro
venatorio cinctus, imposne mentis an simulata dementia, incertum ; nihil enim exprimi quaestione potuit.
Externa bella duo omnino per se gessit, Delmaticum
adulescens adhuc, et Antonio devicto Cantabricum. 1
foreign
Delmatico etiam vulnera excepit, una acie dextrum
campaigns genu lapide ictus, altera et crus et utrumque brachium
matiaii
ruina pontis consauciatus. Reliqua per legatos adCornelius China, the consul of A.D. 4,
in regard to whom Dio and Seneca [55,
14—15; de Ben. 9] have reported a
curious conversation between Augustus
and Livia. Seneca asserts that having
pardoned Cinna and even given him
the consulship, Augustus' life was never
attempted again.
quasi, * who pretended t h a t ' ; see
on c. 6.
ex Illyrico exercitu, the army employed in Illyricum in B.C. 35—34; see
next chapter.
20. Delmaticum. The Dalmatian
campaigns extended over parts of two
years, B.C. 35 and 34. But Augustus was
only personally engaged in the former
year. The expedition began with an
attack upon the Iapodes (Iapudes) who
werefoederatz, apparently on the pretext
of piracy and the non-payment of tribute.
Their capital Metulum (mod. Mottling)
offered a stout resistance, but other
tribes seem to have been more easily
subdued. Augustus then extended his
campaign by an attack upon the Pannonians, who had given no provocation,
in order to exercise his troops and
accustom them to live on plunder.
Their capital Siscia was taken and
Augustus returned victorious to Rome,
Tiaving accomplished his purpose of drawing a contrast between his own activity
in extending and defending the Empire
and the inactivity or failure of Antony
in the East. The Pannonians revolted
next year but were again subdued by
the troops left behind under Fufius
Geminus [or Vibius, according to Florus
4, 12, 8]. See Dio 49, 35—36; Appian

Illyr. 16 and 22; Strabo 4, 6, 10; 7,
5, 2. The Dalmatians had as a rule
sided with Brutus and Cassius and had
before this been subdued by Asinius
Pollio in B.C. 39.
Antonio devicto Cantabricum, 'the
Cantabrian war which took place after
the final defeat of Antony.' The Cantabri and Astures in Northern Spain
were nominally in the Roman province
of Hispania Tarraconensis; but they
were wild and savage highland ers and
their submission was merely nominal,—
Cantabnim indoctum iuga ferre ftostra,
Hor. Od. 2, 6, 2. Their offence was
as usual the making raids on tribes
allied with Rome, and Augustus went
in person against them in B.C. 25; but
after some time had to retire to Tarraco
from ill-health, brought on by anxiety
and fatigue. The campaign was continued with somewhat greater success
by his legates Gaius Antistius and
Titus Carisius, so that at the end of the
year there was apparent peace and the
temple of Ianus was closed; but the
Cantabri soon broke out again and were
not subdued by Agrippa till B.C. 19 [Dio
53» 25—6; Strabo 3, 4, 3].
consauciatus, 'badly wounded.'
per legatos. These were (1) in the
war against the Dacae and Bastarnae
(B.C. 30), Marcus Crassus; (2) against
the Salassi (B.C. 25), Terentius Varro
Murena; (3) against transalpine Gauls
in B.C. 25, M. Vicinius; (4) against the
Cantabri in B.C. 22, Gaius Fannius, and
in B.C. 20—19, M. Vipsanius Agrippa;
(5) the invasion of Arabia (B.C. 24),
Aelius Gallus; (6) against Queen Can-

2i.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

47

ministravit, ut tamen quibusdam Pannonicis atque B-c- 35»
.
(2) CanGermanicis aut interveniret aut non longe abesset, tabrian
Ravennam vel Mediolanium vel Aquileiam usque B,c* 25*
ab urbe progrediens. Domuit autem partim ductu partim
s auspiciis suis Cantabriam, Aquitaniam, Pannoniam,
Delmatiam cum Illyrico omni, item Raetiam et t am\ qm
Vindelicos ac Salassos, srentes Inalpinas. Coercuit (4) ? an "
nom
_
.
.,
, .,
'
et Uacorum mcursiones, tnbus eorum ducibus cum (5) Daldace of Aethiopia in B.C. 22, Gaius
Petronius; (7) against Alpine tribes
and Pannonians in B.C. 17— 15, P. Silius;
against the Bessi, Marcellus Lollius;
against the Sarmatians, L. Gaius; against
the German tribes on the Rhine, M. Lollius ; (8) in B.C. 15—13 Augustus'stepsons Tiberius and Drusus against the
Rhaeti; in B.C. 12 Tiberius subdued
the Pannonians, Drusus the Sicambri,
Frisii and Chauci; and in B.C. 11—10
Drusus continued his invasion of Germany, Tiberius his campaign in Dalmatia and Pannonia (B.C. 11); and
Lucius Piso chastised the Bessi. In
B.C. 8 Tiberius was again engaged in
Germany. (9) A.D. 2—3, Caius Caesar
was engaged in the East as legatus of
Syria. (10) P. Quintilius Varus was
defeated at the Saltus Teutoburgiensis
A.D. 10.

non longe abesset. In B . C 20 the
news of the inroads of the German
Usipetes and Teucteri (on the Rhine
about Bonn) and the defeat of Lollius
so alarmed Augustus that he set out for
Gaul. He did not however actually
take part in the campaign, but he remained absent from Rome nearly three
years, staying either in Gaul or at some
place easily accessible from it [Dio 54,
20]. It is this absence which is referred
to by Horace Odes 4, 5 abes iam murium din.
21. partim ductu partim auspiciis
suis. The distinction is between those
expeditions which Augustus commanded in person and those which, though
commanded by others, were under his
auspicia as head of the army, to whom
it pertains to take the auspices before it
started. Thus in the M. A. c. 26 of
the armies sent to Aethiopia and Arabia
he says meo iussu et auspicio ducti stmt
duo exercitus; and in c. 30 of the army
of the Daci,—meis auspiciis projligatus
est. And in c. 4 he draws the same
distinction ob res a me aut per legatos

meos auspiciis meis terra marique prospere gestis etc.
Cantabriam... Inalpinas. See note
to previous chapter for the dates of these
wars.
Aquitania. The Aquitani (the people
in the valley of the Garonne and the
Landes,—including roughly the departments of the Hautes and Basses Pyrenees) had been it appears defeated by
Agrippa in B.C. 38 [App. B. civ. 5, 92 ;
Dio 48, 49], before he was recalled to
assist his master against Sext. Pompeius,
but were not finally subdued until B.C. 28
when M. Valerius Messala Corvinus was
granted a triumph for his victory over
them when governor of Aquitania.
Fast. Capit. v n K. Oct. Tibull. 1, 7, 3
hunc fore Aquitanas posset qui fundere
gentes, quern tremeret forti milite vichis
Atur. Cp. id. 2, 5, 115 sq.
Salassos. The Salassi inhabiting the
Val d' Aosta had been first defeated in
B.C. 143 by Appius Claudius, but they
had continued to harass Roman armies
and convoys, though in B.C. 100 Eporedia was established to keep them in
check. In the time of Augustus there
were three struggles with them: (1) in
B.C. 35 when Antistius Vetus failed to
subdue them; (2) in B. C. 34 when
Messala reduced them to temporary
submission; (3) in B.C. 25 when Terentius Varro Murena conquered them and
sold 30,000 into slavery [Dio 49, 34,
38; 53» 2 5 ; L i v v Ep- 135]- A Roman
colony was then settled called Praetoria
Augusta (Aosta).
Dacorum incursiones. The Daci or
Getae lived on both sides of the Danube,
but it seems that the incursions complained of were of the tribes on the
left bank who harried Pannonia. The
movement among these barbarians had
attracted attention at Rome for some
time. Iulius Caesar had meant to attack
them before going against the Parthians
[see c. 8; ltd. 44; Appian B. civ. %

48

SUETONI

[21

matians, magna copia caesis, Germanosque ultra Albim
tribes.Pme Auvium summovit, ex quibus Suebos et Sigambros
dedentis se traduxit in Galliam atque in* proximis Rheno
agris conlocavit. Alias item nationes male quietas ad obsequium redegit. Nee ulli genti sine iustis et necessariis causis s
n o ; 3, 25, 37; Liv. Ep. 117]. The part of a Roman province. M. A.. 26
Gallias et Hispanias et Germaniam qtia
rumours of their incursions continued to
alarm the Romans [Verg. G. 2, 497 ; includit oceanus a Gadibus ad ostium
Albis fluminis fiacavi. The campaigns
Horace Odes 1, 35, 9; 3, 16, 4; Sat. 2,
6, 53]- While in Pannonia (B„C. 35) in which this was effected were (1) those
Augustus attempted to conciliate one of of Drusus in B.C. 13—9 [Dio 54, 32—6;
their kings named Cotiso, offering to Livy Ep. 139—142], (2) that of Tiberius
B.C. 8 [Dio 55, 5; Veil. 2, 97], (3) those
marry his daughter and promise him
the infant Iulia in marriage. Cotiso of Domitius Ahenobarbus between B.C. 6
—A.D. 2 [Dio 55; Tac. Ann. 4, 44].
refused and threw in his lot with Antony
[see infr. c. 63; Appian lllyr. 11—3 ; The provinces of Germania Superior
Front. Strat. 1, io,- 4 ; Dio 51, 22; and Inferior, however, were on the left
Plut. Anton. 63]. After Actium two bank of the Rhine with fortresses on
the right bank, and were at first merely
expeditions at least were carried out
extensions of Gallia Belgica; the terriwith some success against them [M.A.
c 30 protuli fines Illyrici ad ripam tory between the Rhine and the Elbe,
Uuminis Danuvi citra qtwd Dacorum though occupied by Roman troops and
transgresses exercitus meis auspiciis for a short time regarded as a province,
virtus' prqfligatus est, et postea trans was lost again by the disaster of Varus
in A.D. 9 [Flor. 4, 12, 21 Germaniam
Danuvium ductus exercitus meus Dacorum gentes imperia popidi Romani per- quoque utinam tanti not? pittasset! magis
turpiter amissa est quam gloriose acferre coegif]. The first was in B.C. 29
quisita\ and never really recovered.
—28, under Marcus Crassus, for which
in B.C. 27 he was allowed a triumph ex Tac. Ann. 1, 59; Agr. 15.
Thraecia et Getis [C. I. R. 1,461, Dio 51,
Suebos et Sigambros. Cp. Tac. Ann.
23—27 ; Hor. Od. 3, 8, 18 occidit Daci
2, 26 sic Sugambros in deditionem acCotisonis agmen; cp. 2,9, 23 ; 2, 20, 19]. ceptos, sic Suebos regemque Marobodunum
The second in B.C. 10, which seems to pace obstnetum. Id. 12, 39 tit qtiondam
be the first referred to in the MoniiSugambri excisi aut in Gallias traiecti
mentum, when the Daci crossed to the forent. The Sigambri in B.C. 8, when
right bank of the Danube, Dio 54, 36 Tiberius crossed the Rhine, refused till
ot re /cat ACLKOI rbv "Icrrpov ireir^ydTa too late to join other German tribes in
dia(3&PT€s \eiav CK TTJS Havvovias dire- making terms, and were transferred to
rtfJLovTo. Mommsen [.A^^-. p. 130—132] cities on the S. of the Rhine, much
identifies a third with the second menagainst their will, Dio 55, 6 0 re yhp
tioned in the Moniimentum, in which
AflyovvTos o-vWap&v avrotis es 7r6\ets
the Roman army crossed the Danube TLV^S KariOero /cat iKelvoi dvaavaffx^under Cn. Lentulus; but the date is not
vcLvres eavrotis Karexp^OLvro. Suet.
ascertainable, though he suggests A.D. 6;
Tib. 9 Germanico (bello) quadraginta
see Tac. Ann. 4, 44; Dio 55, 30; Strabo
millia dediciorttm traiecit in Galliam
iuxtaque ripam Rheni sedibus adsignatis
7, 3, 12—13; Florus 4, 12, 18—20.
collocavit. Cp. Victor ep. 2; Oros. 6,
The raids of the northern barbarians
21, 24; Hor. Od. 4, 2, 36; 14, 51.
were not however wholly stopped;
see Ovid Tr. 3, 10, 34—65; Suet.
Suebi was a general name for several
Tib. 41.
warlike tribes in Central Germany and
tribus...caesis: that is, three out of
it cannot mean that they were all transfour of the chiefs. Strabo 7, 3, 13 els
ferred. The statement must refer to
v0V<TL
r^rrapas fjivptddas rvyx&
<rvpe<TTa\some one tribe of Suebi. An ancient
fJL^VOL.
emendation was Ubios, but the migration
Germanos.. .summovit,' he thrust the of the JJbii was voluntary, though made
Germans beyond the Elbe,' i.e. the free under the protection of Agrippa. Strabo
Germans; that is to say, he made Ger- 4, 3» 4many between the Rhine and the Elbe
sine iustis causis. Yet Dio [49, 36]

DIVUS

21.]

AUGUSTUS.

49

bellum intulit, tantumque afuit a cupiditate quoquo modo
imperium vel bellicam gloriam augendi, ut quorundam barbarorum principes in aede Martis Ultoris extending
iurare coegerit mansuros se in fide ac pace quam *j?e .
5 peterent, a quibusdam vero novum genus obsidum,
feminas, exigere temptaverit, quod neglegere marum pignora
sentiebat; et tamen potestatem semper omnibus fecit, quotiens
vellent, obsides recipiendi. Neque aut crebrius aut perfidiosius
rebellantis graviore umquam ultus est poena, quam ut captivos
10
sub lege venundaret, ne in viciria regione servirent neve intra
tricensimum annum liberarentur. Qua virtutis moderationisque
fama Indos etiam ac Scythas, auditu modo cognitos, pellexit
ad amicitiam suam populique Romani ultro per lega- R etura 0f
tos petendam. Parthi quoque et Armeniam vindicanti t h e stan r

-i

•

.,-

T / ^
%T

dards by

*s facile cesserunt et signa militaria, quae M. Crasso et Parthians
M. Antonio ademerant, reposcenti reddiderunt ob- B,c' 22,
declares the expedition of 35 B.C. against
sold in B.C. 25 (Tvui\a/3i re roi>s iv 7)\uda
Pannonia to have been unprovoked,
teal dir^doro e$> $ /JLrjdels o~<pa)v euros e'l^yKKrjfia fxev otidev avrois eTTMpepojp, o$8e KOO~LV er&v eXevdepcjdeirj, Dio 53, 25. A
yCLp 0#5' 7)5lK7)T0 VTT* afiT&V, K.T..X.
clause in the contract for the sale of
quoquo modo, ' i n any and every w a y /
slaves prohibiting their manumission
i.e. without distinction. See Roby L. G.
was known to Roman law : Paul. Dig.
2289; Livy 4 1 , 8.
i r , 1, 9—12.
imperium...augendi.
I n his postIndos...petendam. M. A . 31 Ad me
humous memoir Augustus advised his
ex India regum legationes saepe missae
successors not to extend the E m p i r e , —
sunt, nunquam antea visae apud quemrois re irapovcnv dpKea07jvai KCLI [irjdafA&s quam Romanorum
ducem.
Nostram
etrl ifketov rrjv dpxhv eirav^TJo-aL iOeXrjaat' amicitiam petierunt per legatos Bas8v(r<pjj\aKr6j/ re yap atirTjv gcreffdcu, Dio tarnae Scythaeque et Sarmatarum
qui
56, 33* w h o adds rovro ydp KOLL atfros sunt citraflumen
Tanaim et ultra reges,
ovTios del irore oft Xdyy jiovov dXXa Kal
Albanorumque
rex et Hiberorum
et
fyycp er^pyjcrev' irapbv yap yovv atirip
Medorum.
Horace makes much of this
woWa €K rod fiapfiapiKov irpoo'Kr'qo'ao'dai in the Car?nen Saeculare, 55 [B.C. 17],
OVK f)0i\7}{r€P. T a c . Ann. 1, 11 addiiam Scythae responsa petunt
superbi
derat consilium coercendi intra
terminos
nuper et Indi.
C p . Od. 1, 12, 5 6 ;
imperii.
Verg. Georg. 2, 170. D i o [54, 9] says
that these Indians brought tigers for the
barbarorum principes. T h e various
first time to R o m e : Florus [4, 12, 62],
chieftains who came to Augustus for
that they brought elephants, pearls, and
aid or protection are enumerated in the
other jewels. Cp. Strabo 15, r, 4 ; and
Monumentum, c. 32—33.
other authorities in Mommsen, Res g.
Martis Ultoris: see c. 29.
p . 133. F o r t h e Scythae, the barbarians
feminas. This refers to the Germans,
between the Danube and theBorysthenes
of whom Tacitus [Germ. 8] says quam
(Dnieper)^ see V i c t o r i a / . 2 adhunc Indi,
(captivitateni) longe impatientius
femiScythae, Garamantes, Aethiopes legatos
narum suarum nomine timent, adeo ut
miserunt;
Flor. 4, 12, 62 et Scythae
efficacius obligentur animi civitatum quimisere legatos et Sarmalae
amicitiam
bus inter obsides puellae quoque nobiles
petentes.
imperantur.
sub l e g e . . . liberarentur.
A conArmeniam... cesserunt. Armenia, the
dition of this sort was imposed b y
district of the upper Euphrates to the
Terentius Varro on the captive Salassi
Caspian, was reduced to the state of a

S.

4

50

SUE TON I

[22—

sidesque insuper optulerunt, denique, pluribus quondam de
regno concertantibus; nonnisi ab ipso electum probaverunt.
Ianum Quirinum, semel atque iterum a condita urbe ante
memoriam suam clausum, in multo breviore temporis
Janus B.C. spatio terra marique pace parta ter clusit. Bis ovans
29 and
ingressus est urbem, post Philippense et rursus post
Siculum bellum. Curulis triumphos tris egit, Delclient kingdom by Antony's victory over
Artabazesin B.C. 34. Ioseph. 15, 4, 3.
About B.C. 20 its king Artaxes was
murdered, and Augustus says that he
might then have made it a province,
but preferred to follow precedent by
establishing Tigranes, another son of
Artabazes, on the throne. M. A. c.
27; Dio 54, 9; Tac. Ann. 2, 3 ; Veil.
Pat. 2, 94, 122. Tiberius, was sent to
effect this, see Sueton. Tib. 9 regnum
Xrmeniae Tigrani restituit ac pro tribunali diadema imposuit.
signa...optulerunt. The standards
were those lost at Carrhae by Crassus
(52): and on two occasions during Antony's operations in the East, (1) when
Decidius Saxa, Antony's legatus in Syria,
was defeated in B.C. 40 by Pacorus, son
of Orodes [Dio 48, 25]; (2) in B.C. 36,
when the Medes and Parthians cut to
pieces two legions under Oppius Statianus who were in charge of Antony's
baggage [Dio 49, 25; Plut. Ant. 38].
The standards taken by the Medes were
afterwards returned to Antony (B.C. 33),
but not those taken by the Parthians
[Dio 49, 44]. It is to this double
disaster that Horace refers in Od. 3,
6, 10 iam bis Monaeses et Pacori manus
non auspicatos contudit impetus nostros
et adiecisse praedam torquibus exiguis
renidet. And it is thus that Augustus
in the M. A. c. 29 speaks of them as
trium exercituum Romanorum spolia et
signa. Their recovery by Augustus was
a triumph of diplomacy rather than of
arms. The kingdom of Parthia came
into the hands of Phraates (s. of Orodes)
in B.C. 37 : his cruelties raised up a pretender against him in Tiridates, who
appears to have been successful for a
time. After Actium Phraates was driven to take refuge in Syria, and was
so much afraid that Augustus (who
granted Tiridates safe harbourage in
Syria) should take advantage of this
disorder to attack him, that he sent
legates to him in B. c. 30 (while he was
in Asia) and gave him a son as hostage

[Dio 49, 23; 51, 18]. In B.C. 23 however, Tiridates (after apparently farther
attempts in Parthia) fled to Rome carrying with him a son of Phraates. Augustus allowed Tiridates to remain in
safety; but opened negotiations again
with Phraates, sending him back the
son who had been living as a hostage
at Rome, but on condition of receiving
back captives and standards [Dio 53,
33]. Still Phraates did not fulfil the
bargain until Augustus came again personally to the East, spending the winter
of B.C. 21—20 in Samos, KKV robry
$padT7]S (po(3r}Qels /JLT] KOL iirccrrpaTebdri
01, on firi8<hr<a rCoP(TvyK€L/jL€vci}v iireiroLifjKeL
•u, TOL re (nqiuLeia. abrip KOL roi)s at%//,a\(6TOVS. . .air4ire[x\l/ev [Dio 54, 7—8]. T h e

Roman poets constantly refer to the restitution as part of the warlike triumphs
of Augustus: Verg. Aen. 7, 605; Hor.
Od. 4, 5, 16; 4, 15, 4—9; Ep. 1, 18,
56; Propert. 3, 10, 13; 4, 4, 16; 4, 5,
48; 4, 12, 3 ; 5, 6, 79: Liv. Ep. 141
pax cum Parthis facta est, signis a rege
eorum, quae sub Crasso etpostea sub Antonio capta erant, redditis. Cp. Iustin.
42, 5, n .
obsides: besides the one given in
B.C. 30 [Dio 51, 18], Strabo tells us
that Phraates at the time of the restitution of the standards put into the
hands of the legate of Syria four sons,
two of them with wives and children;
they do not seem however to have been
taken to Rome [Strab. 16, 1, 28].
22. Ianum Quirinum...ter clusit.
The form cludo, clusi, is late, and is not
always used by Suetonius; cp. Ner. 47.
The two previous occasions of closing
Ianus were in the reign of Numa and in
B.C. 235 after the 1st Punic War [Liv.
1, 19]. Of the three occasions of its
closing under Augustus, two are recorded by Dio: (1) in B.C. 29, among
the honours voted to him by the Senate
after the fall of Antony [Dio 51, 29;
cp. Veil. 2, 38; Plut. de fort. Rom. 9;
Oros. 6, 20, 8]; (2) in B.C. 25, after
the campaign against the Astures and

23-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

51

maticum, Actiacum, Alexandrinum, continuo triduo omnes.
Graves ignominias cladesque duas omnino nee alibi quam in
Germania accepit, Lollianam et Varianam, sed Lolli- Defeat of
anam maioris infamiae quam detrimenti, Varianam L o l l i a s
^-

'

B.C. 17 and

5 paene exitiabilem, tribus legionibus cum duce lega- Varus
tisque et auxiliis omnibus caesis. Hac nuntiata A,D" I0,
Cantabri [Dio 53, 27; Oros. 6, 21, 1].
The third time is not recorded except by
Orosius who puts it in B.C. 2 [6, 22, ij.
The Senate voted for its closure in
B.C. 10, but the closing was prevented
by the Dacian rebellion [Dio 54, 36].
Mommsen {Res g. p. 50) is inclined to
put it between the end of the German
wars of Drusus and Tiberius, B.C. 8,
and the outbreak in Armenia in B.C. 1.
The term Ianus Quirinus is used also
in the Monum. c. 13, and represented
in the Greek by TLi\t]v 'JZwdXtov,
'gate of Enyo' or 'Bellona.' It was
otherwise called Ianus Geminus and
Ianus bifrons. See Hor. Od. 4, 15, 9
Ianum Quirini; Verg. Aen. 7, 607
geminae belli portae. The condition of
its closure is cum per totum i7nperiiwi
populi Romani terra mari esset parta
vidoriispax (M. A. /. c).
bis...omnes. M. A. 4 bis ovans
triumphavi, tris egi curules triumphos
Ais e[Trl K€\T)TOS eOpLdfJL^evaa], Tpls
dpfxaros. The two ovations were in
B.C. 40, after a reconciliation with
Antony [Dio 48, 31], and in B.C. 36,
after the defeat of Sextus Pompeius
[Dio 49, 15]. See C. I. L. 1, p. 461,
Acta Triumph. :
7 1 4 IMP • CAESAR • DIVI • F • C • F •

i n • VIR • R • p • c • ovans • an •
decxiii • QVOD • PACEM • CVM • M •
ANTONIO • F E C I T .
7 1 8 IMP • CAESAR • D I V I • F • C • F • II •
I I I • VIR • R • P • C • II • A • DCCXVII •
OVANS • EX • SICILIA • IDIBVS •
NOVEMBR.

An ovation was voted in the Senate
to Octavian after the battles near Mutina in B.C. 43 [Cic. ad Brut^ but was
never celebrated.
Of the three triumphs two were celebrated on the 13th and 15th of August,
B.C. 2 9 DE • DALMATIS • E I D • SEX . . . .
AIGVPTO • X I I X • K • SEPT. [C. I.
L.

vol. i, p. 478]. The third, on account of the victory of Actium, was
probably on the 12th or the intervening 14th. All authorities agree
in the number three. Liv. Ep. 133;

Macrob. Sat. 1, 12, 35; Verg. Aen.
8, 714, where Servius says prinw
die triumphavit exercitus qui Antonium
vicerat navali bello. Secundo qui Delmatas vicei'at. Tertio ipse aw? Alexandrino est ingressus triumpho. Dio
[51, 22] however puts the order (1) Dalmatian, (2) Actian, (3) Egyptian, as
Suetonius does. For the distinction
between the ovatio and triumphus see
Gellius, 5, 6.
23. Lollianam... Varianam. The
first disaster was in B.C. 16, when the
Sigambri, Usipetes, and Tencteri crossed
the Rhine into Roman Germany and
Gaul and inflicted a defeat on the
Roman cavalry under M. Lollius, the
legatus in Gaul, in which affair the
Eagle of the 5 th legion was lost, Dio
54, 20; Tac. Ann. r, 10. Of Lollius, see
Vellei. 2, 97 homine in omnia pecuniae
quam recte faciendi cupidiore, though
Horace (Od. 4, 9, 32—40) says the reverse. It was this disaster that led to
e<j>'
Augustus spending nearly three years in
or near Gaul [Hor. Od. 4, 5].
The clades Variana was much more
serious. P. Quintilius Varus was appointed legatus of the army in Germany
in A.D. 7, and seems to have regarded
the district between the Rhine and the
Elbe as completely reduced to form a
part of the Roman province. He was
ingenio mitis moribus quietus and more
fitted for the Court than the camp. His
character in regard to money was bad ;
he had been governor of Syria,—quam
pauper divitem ingressus dives pauperem
reliquit; and it seems to have been his
severe measures in levying taxes that
raised up the national movement under
Arminius. In the Saltus Teutoburgiensis {Lippischer Wald) he was caught,
and he and three legions were cut to
pieces, A.D. 9 [Dio 56, 18—22 ; Veil. 2,
117—120; Tac. Ann. 1, 60, 61, 71;
Flor. 4, 12, 26—39]. The victories of
Tiberius in Pannonia prevented for the
present serious consequences to the
Empire beyond the loss of Germany
between the Rhine and the Elbe, see
Suet. Tib. 16—17.

4—2

52

SUETONI

[24

excubias per urbem indixit, ne quis tumultus existeret, et
praesidibus provinciarum propagavit imperium, ut a peritis
et assuetis socii continerentur. Vovit et magnos ludos Iovi
Optimo Maximo, si res p. in meliorem statum vertisset:
quod factum Cimbrico Marsicoque bello erat. Adeo. denique
consternatum ferunt, ut per continuos menses barba capilloque summisso caput interdum foribus illideret, vociferans:
Quintili Vare, legiones redde! diemque cladis quot annis
maestum habuerit ac lugubrem. In re militari et commutavit multa et instituit, atque etiam ad antiquum morem
nonnulla revocavit.
Disciplinam severissime rexit: ne legatorum quidem cuiMiiitary quam, nisi gravate hibernisque demum mensibus,
discipline, permisit uxorem intervisere. Equitem Romanum,
and the authorities quoted by him.
excubias. Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 9,
159 excubiae diurnae stint, vigiliae noc- The chief changes were (1) as to the
number of legions. It is calculated that
turnae.
propagavit imperium, * prolonged after Actium and the fall of Antony he
their command,' that there might be had fifty at his disposal. To diminish
no change in the legati of the provinces the vast armaments maintained during
while there was danger of a panic. the civil war was his first care. The
number was reduced to eighteen, acpropagare is used for the more common
prorogare in Livy [23, 25 C. Terentio cording to Mommsen, according to
others twenty-three [see E. G. Hardy
consuli propagari in annum imperium]
in Journal of Philology, vol. 22, no. 45,
in very similar circumstances.
and Dio 55, 23], until it was raised
a peritis et assuetis. Men who had
had experience of their subjects, and to again to twenty-six on the Pannonian
rising in B.C. 6. (2) The most imwhom their subjects had grown accustomed. Tiberius made this a regular portant change perhaps was that each
part of his policy: see Suet. Tib. 4 1 ; legion was put under the command of
a legatus, as a deputy of the Emperor,
and Augustus from the first limited the
distinct from the legatus of a province.
holding a province not by time, but
There was no imperator of a whole
according to his pleasure, ecj> 6<rov &v
army in any district to whom the sacraeavTcp 56£o*, Dio 53, 13.
mentum was taken ; that would now be
magnos ludos, 'Great Games,' such
as the Ludi Magni ox Romani, cele- taken only to the Emperor. (3) Certain
brated on the 4th of September in the changes in the ofheering of the legions
followed from the fact that they were
Circus Maximus.
Cimbrico Marsicoque. The Cimbric generally stationed permanently in some
war, B.C. 105—101. The Marsic or province [Tac. Ann. 4, 5] with a permaSocial war, B.C. 90—88. This is, I nent castra. The praefectus castrorum
believe, the only extant authority for therefore became an important officer. (4)
The praetoria cohors, always existing in
the vowing of Games in these wars.
the army, was now organised as a bodybarba capilloque summisso. Cp.
Jul. 67 milites.. .diligebat quoque usque guard of the Emperor and was stationed
adeo ut> audita clade Tituriana^ barbam in and near Rome. (5) The cohortes
capillumque summiserit nee ante demp- urbanae under the orders of the praefectus urbi, and the cohortes vigilum,
serit quam vindicasset.
24. et commutavit multa et insti- performed various police duties in the
tuit. For the changes in the army city [Tac. H. 3, 64; Dio 55, 26]. For
initiated by Augustus see Mommsen, further changes as to service and pensions
see c. 49.
Res g. p. 68 sq., Marquardt; XI. 159,

24.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

53

quod duobus filiis adulescentibus causa detrectandi sacramenti pollices amputasset, ipsum bonaque subiecit hastae;
quern tamen, quod inminere emptioni publicanos videbat,
liberto suo addixit, ut relegatum in agros pro libero esse
s sineret. Decimam legionem contumacius parentem cum
ignominia totam dimisit, item alias immodeste missionem
postulantes citra commoda emeritorum praemiorum exauctoravit. Cohortes, si quae cessissent loco, decimatas hordeo
pavit. Centuriones statione deserta, itidem ut manipulares,
o capitali animadversione puniit, pro cetero delictorum genere
variis ignominis adfecit, ut stare per totum diem iuberet ante
praetorium, interdum tunicatos discinctosque, nonnumquam
detrectandi sacramenti. Since B.C.
80, a term of military service had ceased
to be a condition for obtaining office.
But the old obligation of service when
an imperator held a levy remained [Dio
56, 23]. But as the legions came to be
more and more recruited in the provinces a levy in Italy became rare.
Moreover, as a rule, enough men were
found willing to volunteer.
hastae: the full phrase audio hastae
in Jul. 50.
in a g r o s : the mildest form of relegation whereby a man was not bound to
leave Italy. Livia in her speech to
Augustus indicates the various degrees
of relegatio, ri yap av d3i/ajcreie rts 4s
vrjcrov KaraKkeicrdete 7} /ecu iv ayp£ rr6Xet
rk TLVL; Dio

55,

20.

decimam legionem. T h e tenth legion
formed part of the army in the province
of Syria in A . D . 18 [Tac. A. 2, 57]. It
was therefore either forgiven, or a fresh
legion enrolled with the same number.
I t is called Decima Fretensis, which
Mommsen (Res g. p . 69, note 5) supposes to have arisen from its once serving
under Sextus Pompeius in the Straits.
cum ignominia opp. to honesta missio.
citra... exauctoravit, 'discharged from
full service without the good-service
money due to men who had served their
full time.' T h e exauctoratio might be
honourable or the reverse; in either
case it was not a full missio [Tac. An.
1,17 apud vexillum tendentes alio vocabulo eosdem labores perferre\
and the
exauctorati were not necessarily entitled
to the praemia militiae accruing after
vicena stipendia:
Marq. XI. p . 184.
See Tac. A. 1, 36 igitur
volutatis
inter se rationibus placitum tit epistolae

nomine principis scriberentur:
missionem dari vicena stipendia meritis, exauctorari qui sena dena fecissent.
Cp.
Tib. 3 0 ; Nero 31; Vitell. 10; Vesp. 8; T a c .
TI. 1,20. F o r commoda praemiorum,' the
bounty,' at the missio, see c. 49. Cal. 44
commoda emeritae militiae ad DC milium
summam recidit.
Brutus et Cassius ad
Cic. fam. 11, 2 § 3 quod de commodis
veteranorum
laturus
esses. Augustus
fixed it at 5000 denarii at the end of
16 years' service for the Praetorians;
and 3000 denarii at the end of 20 years'
service in the legions, Dio 55, 23.
citra in silver Latin =*without.' See
Iul. 2 8 ; infr. c. 4 3 ; R o b y Z . Gr. 1876.
decimatas hordeo pavit, ' H e had
every tenth man executed and served
out rations of barley (instead of wheat)
to the rest.' A very ancient military
p u n i s h m e n t ; Livy 27, 13
Marcellus...
cohortibus quae signa amiserant
hordeum
darizussit.
F o r the decimatio see Polyb.
6, 3 8 ; Suet. Galb. 12 ; and its rarity
Tac. An. 3, 2 1 ; it was specially inflicted
for loss of a standard, Livy 2, 59.
statione deserta. Any dereliction in
the matter of keeping guard was punished by the fustuarium.
A Tribunus
touched the offender with a rod and
then he had to run the gauntlet of the
whole army, Polyb. 6, 37. Livy 5, 6
fustuarium
meretur qui signa
reliquit
aut praesidio decedit.
tunicatos discinctosque, * without
the sagum or the sword belt.'
Livy
27, 13 centuriones manipulorum,
quorum signa amissa fuerant,
destrictis
gladiis discinctos destituit.
As a sign
of mourning see infr. c. 100. See the
opposite, Vitell. n urbem...introiit
paludatus ferroque
sticcinctus,...sagtclatis

54

SUETONI

[25

cum decempedis, vel etiam cespitem portantes. Neque post
bella civilia aut in contione aut per edictum ullos militum
commilitones appellabat, sed milites, ac ne a filiis quidem aut
privignis suis imperio praeditis aliter appellari passus est,
ambitiosius id existimans, quam aut ratio militaHs aut tern- s
porum quies aut sua domusque suae maiestas postularet.
Libertino milite, praeterquam Romae incendiorum causa et si
tumultus in graviore annona metueretur, bis usus est: semel
ad praesidium coloniarum Illyricum contingentium, iterum
ad tutelam ripae Rheni fluminis; eosque, servos adhuc viris i
feminisque pecuniosioribus indictos ac sine mora manumissos,
sub priore vexillo habuit, neque aut. commixtos cum ingenuis
aut eodem modo armatos.
comUibus ac detectis commilitonum
gladiis.
25. neque...commilitones appellafoat. Contrary to the habit of I u l i u s ;
see Jul. 67 nee milites eos pro contione
sed blandiore nomine commilitones appellabat. So Galba to the soldiers attacking him, Quid agitis,
commilitones?
Galb. 20. A n d Pompey while being
rowed on shore in Egypt attempted to
conciliate Septimius by saying ov dr] TTOTJ
ere £y<b yeyovora (TvarparLcbTrjv ejxbv
dfAcpiyvoto; Plut. Pomp. 79.
libertino.. .bis u s u s est, * he employed
freedmen in the army (other than the
tirbanae cohortes on special occasions)
only twice.' T h e old rule of course
confined service in the army to citizens.
Yet in times of stress freedmen or slaves
manumitted for the occasion had been
several times enrolled. See for examples
Livy 22, 5 7 ; 23, 32, 3 5 ; 24, 14; 25, 20;
27, 38. During the civil wars both sides
had availed themselves of the practice.
T h u s Marius formed a corps from slaves
to whom he gave liberty [Plut. Still. 9 ;
Mar. 4 1 ] ; Pompey [Caes. B. civ. 1, 24],
Labienus [B. Afr. 19], Cn. Pompeius
[App. B. civ. 2, 103], Brutus [Plut.
Brut. 45], Sext. Pompeius [App. B. civ.
5, 13I], all did the like. Augustus had
shown his sentiments on the subject by
returning some of the slaves in the army
, of Sext. Pompeius to their masters. T h e
two occasions of his employing libertini
here mentioned a r e :
(1) At the Pannonian rising, A. D. 6,
see Dio 55, 31 ir^fxirei rhv YepixavLKov
KCLLTOI Tafuetiovra <rrparLibras ol oiK
efiyeveis [ibvov dXXa /cat e^eXevOipovs
5oi5s.

(2) After the fall of Varus, A.D. 9,
see Dio 5gy 23 diroKXyjpdxras 8e 2/c re
r&v €crTpaT€V/JL&(*}v ijdrj /cat e/c rCov et-ekevBkpwv offovs 7)5vvf)6y] /carAe^e. Cp. Tac.
A. 1, 3 1 .
incendiorum causa. See c. 30. Dio
55, 26 iireidi) re eV r<£ XP^vty rotjTip
TTOWCL T7)S 7r6Xews irvpl die<j)0dpr) Ap-dpas
r e i^eXevdipovs ewTaxv irpbs rets iiriKovpias avryjs /careXe^aro.
indictos.
H e levied [cp. indicere
mtiltam] a certain number of slaves
from the richer families. T h a t is, these
persons had to supply a certain number
of slaves for the army, who were at
once manumitted. C p . Ner. 44 mox
tribus urbanas ad sacramentum
citavit,
ac nullo idoneo respondente certum dominis servorum numerum indixit.
The
immense number of slaves kept by rich
Romans at this time offered a ready
recruiting ground in an emergency,
especially when familiae
of gladiators
were trained. As to the number of slaves
kept see Plin. N. H. 33, 1 mancipiorum
legiones et in domo turba externa ac
servorum quoque causa nomenclator adhibendus. Senec. de Tranq. 8. In 49 B.C.
Domitius Ahenobarbus was able to man
seven naves actuarias colonis suis [Caes.
B. civ. 1, 34].
servos adhuc, 'before manumission.'
sub priore vexillo, ' h e kept them in
separate cohorts, in which they had
been originally enrolled.' Such cohorts
were called voluntariae.
Cp. Macrob.
Sat. 1, 11, 33 Caesar Augustus in Gerifiania et Illyrico cohortes
libertinorum
complures legit, qtias voluniarias
appellavit. Cp. Liv. 22, 57 prius sciscitantes
vellentne militare (whereas citizens had

2S.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

ss

Dona militaria, aliquanto facilius phaleras et torques, quicquid auro argentoque constaret, quam vallares ac
murales coronas, quae honore praecellerent, dabat;
^^dys
has quam parcissime et sine ambitione ac saepe etiam
5 caligatis tribuit. M. Agrippam in Sicilia post navalem victoriam caeruleo vexillo donavit. Solos triumphales, quamquam
et socios expeditionum et participe-s victoriarum suarum,
numquam donis impertiendos putavit, quod ipsi quoque ius
habuissent tribuendi ea quibus vellent. Nihil autem minus
io perfecto duci quam festinationem temeritatemque
convenire arbitrabatur. Crebro itaque ilia iactabat: ^tion
X7T€vS€

fipaSeotx;.

'Aa(f>a\r)<i <yap ear* apLeivonv fj

Opacivs arpar7]\drr}^. Et, Sat celeriter fieri quidqidd fiat satis
be7te. Proelium quidem aut bellum suscipiendum omnino
15 negabat, nisi cum maior emolumenti spes quam damni metus
ostenderetur. Nam minima commoda non minimo sectantis
discrimine similes aiebat esse aureo hamo piscantibus, cuius
abrupti damnum nulla captura pensari pesset.
then no choice), vexillum = cohors.
Cp. T a c . A. 3, 21 vexillum
veteranorum
non amplius quingenti
numero.
eodem modo a r m a t o s , like other
i
auxilia'> such cohortes would be leves
[Tac. Ann. 1, 51]. They were armed
with the spat ha (long sword) and the
kasta instead of the gladius and pilicm.
Marq. XI. p . 192.
phaleras et torques.
For these
military rewards see Polyb. 6, 39,
who however says that phalerae were
given to a m a n in the cavalry, a cup to
one in the infantry. T h e condition was
the having slain and stripped an enemy
in the field. C p . Bell. Hisp. 26 Caesar
ob virtutem lurmae Cassianae
donavit
millia xiii et praefecto torques attreos.
Cp. T a c . Ann.
2, 9. F r o m c. 43
Augustus seems rather to have undervalued such rewards.
v a l l a r e s a c m u r a l e s . T h e former to
the man who first mounted the vallum
of a camp, the latter to him who first
mounted a city wall.
[Polyb. /. c.;
Gellius 5, 6 ; Valer. Max. 1, 8, 6 ; Livy
26, 48.] These rewards are all mentioned in an inscription in honour of a
soldier of the n t h legion, L. A C O N I O . . .
AB • IMP • TRAIANO • AUG • GERM • OB •
BELLUM • DACIC • TORQIB • ARMILL •
PH ALERIS • CORON A» V ALLAR... DON ATO.

Wilmanns 1589. C p . ib. 1598, 1607.
In id. 1615 a certain M. Vergilius
Lasius is said to have been D O N A T U S »
HASTIS«PURIS«DUABUS * ET'CORONIS»
AUREIS • AB • DIVO»AUGUSTO»ET»TIB •
CAESARE. Cp. id. 1616.
sine a m b i t i o n e , 'without respect of
persons,' 'without any design of winning
favour.' caligatis ' common soldiers.'
Vit. 7 ; Iuv. 3, 3 2 2 ; 16, 24.
M. A g r i p p a m i n Sicilia. See on c.
16. caeruleo vexillo, 'sea b l u e ' as a
sign of a naval victory. Velleius [2, 81]
says that he gave him a corona classica
insigne quo nemo unquam
Romanorum
donatus est. A n d Dio [49, 14] describes
it as a GT€<f>avov xpixrow ifjL(36\ois 970707fxevov, and a special decree was passed
authorising him to wear it whenever
triumphal ornaments were worn. T h e
blue flag according to Dio was given
after Actium [51, 21 (T^fieitp KvavoeideT
vavKpaTTjTiKip TrpocreTrecrefjLvvve]. F o r the
presentation of a vexillum, see Wilmanns 1620, T«PONTIUS...DONATUS...
A« DIVO • TRAIANO-HASTA»PURA«VEXILLO «CORONA «MURALI. Cp. 1625.
o-irevSe ppaSlcos, festina lente, ' m o r e
haste less speed.' Aul. Gell. TO, I I .
a<r4>a\ijs...... orTpaTTjXdTrjs, E u r i p .
Phoeniss. 602.

aureo hamo piscantes. The Em-

SUE TON I

56
26

[26—

Magistratus atque honores et ante tempus et quosdam
novi generis perpetuosque cepit. Consulatum viceistCon-

.

&

.

^

.

.

1

.

1

.

.

,

.

.

1

1

sulship,
August
B.C. 43.

simo aetatis anno mvasit, admotis nostiliter ad urbem
legionibus, missisque qui sibi nomine exercitus deposcerent; cum quidem cunctante senatu Cornelius 5
centurio, princeps legationis, reiecto sagulo ostendens gladii
capulum, non dubitasset in curia dicere: Hie faciet> si vos
non feceritis.
Secundum consulatum post novem annos,

Quaestorship 25th year, Aedileship or
peror Mauricius in his aTparyyiKa 8, i
ol roiovTOt, ofidfr bia<f>£pov<ji TCOV XPV<T<Tribunate 27th year, Praetorship 30th
£
year, Consulship 33rd year. But disdeXeafrfjifroov. A corresponding proverb
pensations were frequent.
is in Thucyd. 5, 16, 3 dpyvpta evX&Ka
novi.. .generis.. .perpetuosque. AueVkat-ew foretelling a dearth.
gustus in the M . A . 5 says that the
pensari, used in the silver age for
consulship annuus et perpetuus
was
compensari.
offered him [apparently in B.C. 22] but
26. magistratus...cepit. T h e conthat he refused it. T h e offices of a
sulship in August B.C. 43 when he was
' new k i n d ' may refer to the proconsuin his 20th year, having already by two
lar imperium,
the potestas
tribunicia,
Senatus Consulta been invested first
morui?i praefectura, and the
principalis.
with pro-praetorial rank and then the
These may perhaps come under honoconsularia
ornament a and
imperium
res ; but Augustus always held that he
[C. I. L. 10, 8375, VII Idus Ian. 20 die
was only first in rank, in power was on
Caesar prinnim fasces sumpsit].
In
a par with his colleagues, M. A. c. 3 +
December of the same year he became
d^ioofjiaTL iraprwv 5itjveyKa i^ovatas 5£
triumvir r. p. c. It is however doubtOV5&TL ir\elov £<rxov TWV avvap^a.vT(av/MI,
ful whether the law as regards the age
admotis nostiliter, i.e. after the
for holding magistracies applied to exbattle of Mutina and the refusal of the
traordinary commissions of this sort.
consulship by the influence of the party
H i s election into the College of Pontiof assassins. A p p . B. civ. 3, 82, 86.
fices soon after the battle of Pharsalus,
hie faciet... feceritis.
T h e same
when he was perhaps still
praetextatus,
story is told of the emissaries of Iulius
or immediately after taking the toga
in B.C. 50 by Plutarch [Pomp. 58].
virilis, was not against precedent. See
Dio [46, 43] gives it rather differently
Livy 40, 4 2 ; 42, 28.
Mommsen
...eh TLS avrcop ei-rjXde' re 4K TOV j3ov\ev[Staatsr. vol. II.] has shown that the
rrjpiov Kai TO %L<pos \afi<bv (do7r\oi yap
condition as to age for the magistracies
€(r€X7]\^9r}(rav) Tjxj/aro re CLVTOV KCLI elirev
depended on and was consequential to
on OLV v/neis TT\V viraretav pirj Scure rip
the age at which the Quaestorship
Kai<rapi TOVTO dwaei. ' I f that's your
could be held. A power of suspending
method of persuasion,' said Cicero, ' h e
the rules had always been held to bewill get it.' A p p i a n [B. civ. 3, 82]
long to the Senate, and had been exersays nothing of the threat but represents
cised in several cases as in that of
the application as part of an intrigue
Scipio [Polyb. 10, 4] and Pompey in
with Cicero, who supported it with the
B.C. 70 [Cic. de imp. Pomp. § 6 2 ] ; and
idea of being the young man's colleague
therefore Augustus may have justified
himself.
on constitutional grounds his eleven consulships between 43—23 B.C., all of
secundum...tertium. Augustus was
which were while he was under the
Consul for the second time in B.C. 33, for
consular age, by the S'tum proposed by
the third time B.C. 3 1 . As the triumCicero on the 1st of January 43, eius
virate legally terminated D e c . 31 B.C.
rationem,
quemcunque
magistratum
33 there was an interval of a year in
petet, ita haberi, ut haberi liceret, si
which he would naturally not have had
anno superiore quaestor fuisset.
Cic. 5
imperium.
But this h e never laid down,
Phil. § 47. After B.C. 30 the rules seem
and still kept up the right of seating
to have been altered, and the ages for
himself between the two consuls as
office to have been settled as, for the
though sharing with them the supreme

27.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

57

tertium anno interiecto gessit, sequentis usque ad undecimum continuavit, multisque mox, cum deferren- Subsetur, recusatis duodecim magno, id est septemdecim consulannorum, intervallo et rursustertium decimuni biennio ships.
5 post ultro petiit, ut C. et Lucium filios amplissimo praeditus
magistratu suo quemque tirocinio deduceret in forum. Quinque medios consulatus a sexto ad decimum annuos gessit,
ceteros aut novem aut sex aut quattuor aut tribus mensibus,
secundum vero paucissimis horis. Nam die Kal. Ian. cum
o mane pro aede Capitolini Iovis paululum curuli sella praesedisset honore abiit suffecto alio in locum suum. Nee c
'

Sometimes

omnes Romae, sed quartum consulatum in Asia, taken up
quintum in insula Samo, octavum et nonum Tarra- a roa '
cone iniit.
s
Triumviratum rei p. constituendae per decern annos
power [Dio 50, 2 kv juecry TCOV virdrcov
iiri 8l<ppov dpxwov iffiaas. C p . 54, 10].
sequentis... continuavit.
H e was
consul every year from B.C. 29 to B.C.
2 3 ; but in the first and last of these
only for the first four or six months of
the year.
C. et L. filios. Gaius and Lucius
were the sons of Agrippa by Iulia d.
of Augustus, see on c 64.
tirocinio...forum. For the importance attached to the dedtictio in forum
or tirocinium fori of the youths about
to assume the toga virilis in the imperial
families, see Tib. 15 and 5 4 ; Calig.
10; Nero 7 ; Claud. 2; M. A. 14 ex
eo die quo deducti sunt in forum
ut
interessent publicis
consiliis
decrevit
senattts...
F o r the sacrifice on the
Capitol, Valer. Max. 5, 4, 4.
annuos, 'throughout the year,' annuum mihi tempus des, N e p . Them. 9.
F r o m B.C. 28—24 he was consul all
through the year.
secundum...paucissimis horis, Dio
49, 43 6 5' odv Kcucrap rrfv bircLTeiav
(vp%e yap /*era AOVKLOV rod TotiXKov
detirepov) rfj irpLorrj et)#i)s y^py /caret, rbv
rod 'AvTuviov Tpbirov aireiTre. Antony
had done the same in the previous year
[id. 49, 39]. T h e reason seems to have
been that their common position as
triumvirs made the holding of the consulship by one or the other a source of
difficulty, and neither was as yet prepared for an open breach.
alio, P . Autronius Paetus, B.C. 33.

quartum in Asia, B.C. 30. Augustus
spent the Winter of B.C. 31—30 in Asia
preparing for his attack on Antony and
Cleopatra. Dio 5 1 , 5.
quintum in...Samo, B.C. 29. After
the fall of Antony (30) Augustus did not
return to Italy till the Summer of B.C.
29, his triumphs taking place in September of that year. H e wintered at
Samos, rod 5e 51) dtpovs h re TTJV 'EXXdSa
/cat is TTJV ' I r a A W 6 Kcu<rap eirepaaodrjy
Dio 51, 2 1 .

octavum et nonum Tarracone, B.C
26 and 25. Augustus was engaged in
these years in the Cantabrian war, see
c. 20. I n B.C. 27 he was in Gaul intending to cross to Britain, but was
detained by disturbances among the
Gauls...Kavrevdev h re TTJU 'I(3rjpiai>
afiiKero /cat Karear^aaro
KOX ttcelvrjv
[Dio 53, 22]. H e must therefore have
arrived at Tarraco before 1 January
B.C. 26.
Suetonius remarks on his
entering upon his consulship away from
R o m e , as it was unusual; yet there had
been several precedents, as Flaminius
in B.C. 217 (Liv. 21, 63) and Marius on
more than one occasion.
27. triumviratum... administravit.
T h e triumvirate upon which Antony,
Octavian, and Lepidus entered 27
November B.C. 43 by the lex
Titia
expired on 31 December B.C. 38 [see
Fasti Colotani C. I. L. r, p . 466 M.
Aemilius M . Antonius I m p . Caesar i n
VIR • R • P • C4» EX • A • D • V • KAL • DEC • AD •

PR • K«iAN • S E X T •]. But when that term

58

SUETONI

[27

administravit; in quo restitit quidem aliquandiu collegis
Triumvirs ne qua fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam utroque
^l)ec2;~8 acerbius exercuit. Namque illis in multorum saepe
B.c.
personam, per gratiam et preces exorabilibus, solus
31 iDecem^ niagnopere contendit ne cui parceretur, proscripsitque
berB.c.33. etiam C. Toranium tutorem suum, eundem collegam
patris sui Octavi in aedilitate. Iunius Saturninus hoc amplius
tradit, cum peracta proscriptione M. Lepidus in senatu excuarrived they did not lay down their
Iulius or approved it or continued their
office and in the Spring of B.C. 37 agreed
opposition to themselves [App. /. c. 4,
to keep it for five years more, appa8—11].
T h e number of the names
rently without a lex. See A p p . B. civ.
proscribed is spoken of by Livy Ep. 120
5, 95 [of the negociations at Tarentum]
as cxxx senatores et plurimi
equites.
€7ret 8k 6 XP°V0S oriitots £\r)ye rijs dpxrjs
A p p i a n says about 300 senators and
7] rots rpccriu i^/r\(pL<TTO av8pd(nvi erepau 2000 equites. Livy may be referring
iavrois Cbpifav ireuTaeriav, ofibkv <CTI rod to the number that actually perished,
drjfxov Serjdkvres. Dio 48, 54 eavrois 8k
for many escaped to Brutus and Cassius
T^V rjye/JLOvLav is dAAct'£TT)irevre, iireidr} or Sext. Pompeius. See Appendix D .
T& nporepa i£e\r)Xti9ei, kirkrpe^av.
It
As to the part taken by Augustus it was
will be observed that when this arrangeinevitable that a writer like Velleius [2,
ment was made, whether in the Winter
66] should minimise it and lay the blame
according to Dio or the Spring according
on Antony... repugnante
Caesaresed/rusto Appian, the triumvirate had already
tra adversus duos. But Plutarch [Ant.
expired. T h e triumvirs simply did not
21] also says that most blame was
lay down their imperium^ and agreed
thought to attach to Antony...irpeff^reentirely between themselves upon a
pos &v Kaiaapos AeirLdov 5e dwaruTepos:
further term of holding it. It is an
while Dio [47, 7] declares that the
illustration of the Roman constitutional
chief fault lay with Antony or Lepidus,
practice that for an office to become
and makes the weighty remark that
vacant the actual holder must formally
Augustus was too young to have incurlay it down. I t is true that in the
red or conceived numerous enmities; and
ordinary annual magistracies the term
he goes on to relate instances in which
was so strictly fixed that no one could
he preserved certain of the proscribed.
venture to refuse to perform the act of
Appian, however, makes no distinction
abdication, but in extraordinary offices,
in the guilt of the three.
such as the decemvirate, or this triumC. Toranium tutorem suum. T h e
virate, the case was less clear; and
action of Augustus in regard to this
at any rate the triumvirs availed themman may perhaps be explained by the
selves of the doubt, and even when
assertion of Nicolaus D a m . c. 2 that his
the second term arrived [31 Dec. B.C.
guardians had plundered his property,
33] appear not to have abdicated. Auto which he submitted at the time withgustus, however, does not own to this
out taking legal action...ol avrov irpbsecond extension. M. A . c. 7 rptdv
yovoi...6p<f)a^ '6vri ene'ivi») ret
xPWaTa
dvdpcov iyevo/nrjv 8t]ixo(fiwv irpayixaTWV
ekiirovro' Kara(rravT€S 5' iTriTpoTroi ravra
KaropdwTrjs Gvve%£<jiv Zrecriv 84KCI. See dL€<p6p7)<rav ' 6 8k TQOV irpbs cauToi/s SiKaiiav
Mommsen Staatsr. vol. I v. p . 431.
dwoaTas TOLS irepikeKfideiGiv ypKeiro. C.
in quo...exercuit. T h e first list conThoranius or Toranius [Xeyo/uievos biro
tained only seventeen names [App. B.
TLVCJV einTpoiredvaL Kal<rapo$ A p p . 4, 12]
civ. 4, 6] and the consul Pedius assured
was a praetorius and was betrayed by
the terrified nobles that the list was
his son, who got him put on the list by
definitive.
But when the triumvirs
Antony [ib. c. 1 8 ; Valer. Max. 9, 11,
arrived and the law was passed for their
5]. I t may be therefore that Augustus
legal establishment [Nov. 27], on the
only acquiesced, C. Toranius was in
next morning a fresh edict was fixed up
exile in Corcyra in B.C. 45. See Cic.
in the Forum announcing the resolution /am. 6, 20, 21.
of the triumvirs of putting to death
in senatu, probably in the usual adthose who had joined in the murder of
dress on the 1st of January B.C. 42 when

27.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS,

59

sasset praeterita et spem clementiae in posterum fecisset,
quoniam satis poenarum exactum esset, hunc e diverso professum, ita modum se proscribendi statuisse, ut omnia
sibi reliquerit libera. In cuius tamen pertinaciae i nt he
s paenitentiam postea T. Vinium Philopoemenem, quod ProscnPpatronum suum proscriptum celasse olim diceretur,
equestri dignitate honoravit. In eadem hac potestate multiplied flagravit invidia. Nam et Pinarium equitem R. cum,
contionante se admissa turba paganorum, apud milites subo scribere quaedam animadvertisset, curiosum ac speculatorem
ratus, coram confodi imperavit; et Tedium Afrum consulem
designatum, quia factum quoddam suum maligno sermone
carpsisset, tantis conterruit minis, ut is se praecipitaverit; et
Quintum Gallium praetorem, in officio salutationis tabellas
s duplices veste tectas tenentem, suspicatus gladium occulere,
nee quidquam statim, ne aliud inveniretur, ausus inquirere,
Lepidus entered on his 2nd Consulship.
Another proscription list was afterwards
published, but it was in the nature of an
extra tax on the property of the opposition party. Dio 47, 16. Nothing is
known of Iunius Saturninus or his
history.
ita...libera, 'though he assented to
put a stop to the proscription he
reserved complete freedom to himself
for the future.' Octavian had no intention of sparing the assassins of Iulius,
and as many of them were still at large,
he would not bind himself not to exercise his powers upon them.
T. Vinium. T h e story is told by Dio
[47, 7]. H e was concealed by his wife
in a chest at the house of a freedman,
and afterwards produced under the protection of Octavia when Caesar was
apart from his colleagues. Wife and
freedman had incurred death by the
concealment according to the edict
[ A p p . B. civ. 4, 11 6s av rj o w a s TJ
iiriKovprjo-as 7} crvveid&s <pavfj]. Dio
asserts that Augustus saved many in a
similar wray, but gives no other instances.
Perhaps Ovid refers to some stories of
the sort when he says of Augustus...
saepe Jidem adversis etiam latuiavit in
armiSf Tr. 1, 5, 39.
Pinarium...Tedium...Q. Gallium. Of
the two former we have no certain information. Pinarius may be T . Pinarius or
his brother, both of whom were intimate

with Cicero [Cic. adQ.Fr.%, 1,22]. Some
of the Pinarii were connected with the
Caesars [Suet. Jul. 83]. Tedius Afer
may be connected with a friend of
Augustus mentioned by Tacitus [An.
1, 10]. Q. Gallius was a son of a
Q. Gallius once defended by Cicero on
a charge of ambitus [Cic. Brut. 2 7 7 ;
de pet. cons. § 19], and a brother of the
M. Gallius who adopted Tiberius [Suet.
Tib. 6]. Appian's account of the affair
of Gallius agrees substantially with that
of Augustus in his memoir, B. civ. 3,
95. T h e ocnlis ems sua manu effossis
seems incredible. A similar story was
told of Sulla [Val. Max. 3, 3, 5].
paganorum, 'civilians' opposed to
milites', Iuv. 16, 3 3 ; Plin. Ep. 10, 86 b ;
7, 25 b ; Digest 29, r, 9 § 2.
curiosum e t speculatorem, 'eavesdropper and spy.' I n later times curiosi
became a regular name for informers;
Iustin. Cod. 12, 33, 1. speculator, one
of t h e ' scouts' attached to a legion, came
to indicate an aide-de-camp of the commander, and later one of the Emperor's
body-guard. See c. 74. I do not find
any parallel use of it as a ' spy.'
in officio salutationis, ' when waiting
on him in the morning.' T h e morning
salutatio is sufficiently known from
Martial and Iuvenal. F o r omcium in
this connexion see Iuv. 3, 125.
tabellas duplices, 'folded tablets,'
either a letter or petition. See Ovid

6o

[27—

SUE TON I

paulo post per centuriones et milites raptum e tribunali,
servilem in modum torsit ac fatentem nihil iussit occidi, prius
oculis eius sua manu effossis; quern tamen scribit conloquio
petito insidiatum sibi coniectumque a se in custodiam, deinde
urbe interdicta dimissum, naufragio vel latronum insidiis 5
perisse. Tribuniciam potestatem perpetuam recepit,
bimicTan *n °l u a s e m e l a t c L u e iterum per singula lustra coland
legam sibi cooptavit. Recepit et morum legumque
Censorial

•

,

•

powers.

regimen aeque perpetuum, quo lure, quamquam sine
censurae honore, censum tamen populi ter egit: 10
primum ac tertium cum collega, medium solus.
Rem. 667; Am. 1, 12, 27. They were
of waxed wood, and are called duplices,
triplices etc., according to the number
of tablets. Mart. 7, 53, 3 ; 7 2 , - 2 ; 10,
87, 6.
servilem in modum. F r e e citizens
were exempt from examination by torture, Dig. 48, 8, 5 ; except (in later
times) on charges of maiestas; ib. 48,
t8, 10.
tribuniciam ... recepit.
(i) Tribunicial privileges were first conferred on
Augustus in B.C. 36, after the defeat of
Sextus Pompeius [Dio 49, 15 ^ r e 'dpycp
firjTe Xoyy vfipifradai'
et de fxrj, rots
avTols rbv TOLOVTO dpdo-avra e>exeV0at olairep eirl r<£ drjjx&px^ ereraKTo]. Appian
[B. civ. 5, 132] and Orosius [6, r8, 34]
say that he now accepted the tribunicia
potestas for life,—wrongly, as it seems;
and Mommsen holds that its extensiory
recorded by Dio in B.C. 30 [51, i&y
only applied to its extension outside the
pomoeriumj^&r^-. p . 44]. (2) T h e final
step in making the tribunicia
potestas
the chief feature in the prerogative of
the Princeps was taken in B.C. 23 when
Augustus laid down his n t h Consulship
on the 1st July [C. / . L. 1, p . 472]. T h e
Senate then voted [Dio 53, 32] dirjfJLapxov
re airbv 5ia (3Lov elvai, /cat xP7llJLaTL£eLV
abrq wept evos TWOS STOV CLV i&eXyarj nad'
€K&<TT7)V (3ovXr)V,

KOLV fXTj V7TaT€^7].

ThllS

Augustus himself calculates the years
of his tribunicia
potestas from this.
M. A. c. 4, cp. io. Mommsen's Staatsr.
2
II. , p . 836. These privileges were embodied in the laws conferring their
powers on subsequent emperors. See
C. I. L. 6, 930, Rushworth, p. 82.
semel atque iterum...collega.
(r)
Augustus took Agrippa as his colleague
for five years in B.C. 1 8 ; Dio 54, 12.

(2) In B.C. 6 Tiberius was admitted for
a term of five years a l s o ; Dio 55, 9 ;
Suet. Tib. 9, 1 1 ; and again in A . D . 4
for ten years, after the death of Gaius
and L u c i u s ; Suet. Jib. 1 6 ; Dio 55,

recepit et morum legumque regimen.
From the testimony of the Monumentum
[in this passage supplied by the copy at
Apollonia] it appears that Augustus was
offered a perpetual potestas censoria, but
declined it. T h e actual work however
he undertook in right of his potestas
tribunicia.
M. c. 6 'Pw/taJaw O/AOXOyotivTW tva i7rifjLeXr]T7)5 rQ>v re vbfxwv
/cat T&V Tpoircov iwl rrj /jLeyicrrrj e£ou<rta
ixbvos x€LP0T0J/7)^(?i &PXhv ovde/mlau irapa
TO, ir&TpLa 207) 5L8O/X^V7)V avedeZ&firjv. a
8e rore 5L' 6/JLOV 7) criry/cXTjros oiKovofxeiadaL
iftotiXero rrjs drjfjLapx^Krjs et-ovcrtas Cov
irtXeo-a.
T h e two occasions of his
undertaking this were in B.C. 19 [Dio
54, 10] and B.C. 12 [Dio 54, 30]. But
Suetonius says that this office was perpetuttm, Dio, that in both cases it was
for five years; Augustus in the Mon.
says that it was offered him three times
in B.C. 20—19 [M. Vinucius, who is
named in the latter of these years, began
office on 1 July], and again B.C. ix.
T h e allusions to this function of Augustus
in the poets are numerous; see H o r . Od.
4, 5, 2 2 ; 15, 9 ; Epist. 2, 1, 1; Ovid
Met. 15, 8 3 3 ; Tr. 2, 2 3 3 ; Momms.
Staatsr. 11.2, p . 686.
quo iure...solus. Suetonius agrees
with the Monumentum c. 8 In consulatu
sexto ~[B.c. 29] censum fiopidi collega
M. Agrippa egi... iterum consulari cum
imperio lustrum solus feci C. Censorino
et C. Asinio cos. [B.C. 8]...tertium consulari cum imperio lustrum conlega Tib.
Caesare Jilio feci Sex. Pompeio et Sex.

28.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

61

De reddenda re publica bis cogitavit: primum post
oppressum statim Antonium, memor obiectunv sibi T
ab eo saepius, quasi per ipsum staret ne redderetur; meditated
ac rursus taedio diuturnae valitudinis, cum etiam [fonfna~
s magistratibus ac senatu domum accitis rationarium (I)B.C. 27,
1 iy\ J? (2 2 3 .

imperii tradidit.

Sed reputans, et se privatum non

Appuleio cos. [ A . D . 14]. Dio however
gives a different account: (1) B.C. 29
[52, \ i \ (2) B.C. 19 [54, 10], (3) B.C. 12
[54> 35L (4) A . D . 3 [55, 13]. But the
second and third of these seem to be confused with the regimen morum ascribed
to him by Dio. T h e first census was
held by Augustus and Agrippa in virtue
of a censoria potestas [C. I. L. 9, 422
imp. Caesare VI. M. Agrippa 11. cos.;
idem censoria potest, lustrum
fecerunt\
the other two in virtue of his consularis
potestas; and it must be remembered
that this was strictly constitutional.
T h e census had always been in the
hands of the consul. T h e censors were
appointed to take this burden off them,
but there being no censor the consular
prerogative revived.
Therefore Suetonius is wrong in describing the censtis
as held by a ius derived from a perpetual
censoria potestas.
28. de reddenda...bis. I. I n B . C
28—27 In consulatu sexto et septi?no...
rem publicam ex mea potestate in senatus
populique Roniani arbitrium
transtuli.
M. A . c. 34. This is the first great
constitutional experiment of Augustus,
and is mentioned by such writers as
Ovid [F. 1, 589] and Velleius [2, 89] in
the sense in which Augustus desired it
to be regarded. It was also commemorated on coins (e.g. Eckhel 6, 83 imp.
Caesar divi f. cos. v i . libertalis p. R.
vindex);
and in the Fasti (e.g. Fasti
Praem. ad Ian. 13, C. I. L. 1, p. 384
corona querna uti super posies imp.
Caesaris Augusti poneretur senatus deer evit quod rem publica??i p. R. restituit).
And yet both Strabo [17, 3, 25] and
Dio [52, 1; 53, 12] saw and expressed
the truth that from that time Augustus
was practically supreme. T h e real fact
seems to be that in the course of 28—27
Augustus (1) laid down the extraordinary powers which he had exercised
as triumvir; (2) abolished in an edict
the acta of the triumvirate [Tac. An.
3, 2 8 ; Dio 53, 2 ] ; (3) while holding
the consulship each year kept up the
custom of handing over the fasces
in alternate months to his colleague

[Dio 53, 1 ] ; (4) restored to the Senate
the control of some of the provinces and
its right of allotting provincial governors;
(5) allowed censors to be elected in the
ordinary way in B.C. 22. W h a t in spite
of these things maintained the autocracy
of Augustus was (1) that he retained
the potestas tribunicia with its ius relationis and other powers defensive and
obstructive; (2) that he retained or
accepted a perpetual imperium
proconsular
by reserving to himself the
command of certain of the provinces in
which the presence of a considerable
armed force was necessary [Dio 53, 12].
This led, among other things, to the
separation of the public treasury (aerarium), on which fell almost exclusively
the local expenses in Italy, from they?scus
or imperial treasury, out of which the expenses of the provinces and army were
defrayed and which was wholly under
the control of the Emperor. (3) T h o u g h
the titles of Augustus and Princeps gave
him no definite constitutional powers,
they gave him precedence everywhere
and a certain sanctity which disarmed
opposition. These powers Augustus did
not think of laying down, as Suetonius
says; what he did elaborate was the
restitution of the forms of the republic
so far as was consistent with his own
supremacy.
I I . T h e second occasion referred to
was in B.C. 23 when he was attacked by
what seemed a fatal illness, from which
he was recovered by the skill of Antonius
Musa, T&S re dpxds rotfs re dWovs robs
Trp&Tovs KOI T&V /3oi/\eurt3i> Kcd TCOV ITTiriwv dOpolcras diddoxov otideva airtde^e
...diakexOeis 64 nva avrots irepl TOOV
drjfxocrtwv irpayfJL&TOov r<? fxkv Ul<ra)vi rds
re dvudfieLS KCLI TCLS irpocrddovs rds KOIV&S is

fiiftXiov eyypd\f/as ZdcoKe, r $ 5' 'Aypiwirq,
rbv daKr6\tov evexeipiezv [Dio 53, 30].
By thus refraining from appointing a
successor Augustus acknowledged that
the ultimate authority lay with Senate
and people. But after his recovery, by
resigning the consulship and resting on
his tribunicia potestas and proconsulare
imperhim
he made a still more dis-

62

SUE TON I

[29

sine periculo fore et illam plurium arbitrio temere committi,
in retinenda perseveravit, dubium, eventu meliore an voluntate.
Quam voluntatem, cum prae se identidem ferret, quodam
etiam edicto his verbis testatus est: Ita mihi salvam ac
sospitem rem publicum sistere in sua sede Hceat, atque eius rei 5
fructum percipere, quern peto, ut optimi status auctor dicar, et
moriens ut feram mecum spem, mansura in vestigio suo fundamenta rei publicae quae iecero. Fecitque ipse se compotem
voti, nisus omni modo, ne quern novi status paeniteret.
Urbem, neque pro maiestate imperii ornatam et inunda- 1
tionibus incendiisque obnoxiam, excoluit adeo, ut
B
nd other * u r e s ^ gloriatus, marmoream se relinquere, quam
adornlatericiam accepisset. Tutam vero, quantum provideri
the^ity. humana ratione potuit, etiam in posterum praestitit.
Publica opera plurima extruxit> e quibus vel prae-1
cipua: Forum cum aede Martis Ultoris, templum Apollinis
tinct departure from old constitutional
theories.
rationarium. Cp. breviarium imperii, c. i d . The word itself ( = ' financial statement') does not seem to occur
elsewhere, though rationarii is used in
the Digest for ' accountants.'
inundationibus incendiisque. The
frequent floods in Rome are familiar to
readers of Livy [1, 4; 24, 9; 25, 21;
30, 38; 38, 28; cp. Hor. Od. 1, 2].
Pliny JV. H. 3, 5, 55 remarks on the
liability of the Tiber to sudden rises.
Fires were scarcely less frequent, see
the passages quoted by Mr Mayor,
Iuv. 3, 6. The crime of arson was
included under several laws [see Ramsay
R. Ant. p. 348] and was, it is supposed
from Dig. 42, 9, 9, punishable by burning alive.
marmoream... relinquere. Dio 56,

poured into Rome from countless quarries in Africa, Greece, and Asia Minor.'
29. forum cum aede Martis Ultoris.
The Forum Augnsti was on the S.E.
of the Forum Iulii, and was a rectangular space surrounded by a wall
nearly 100 feet high (with the temple
in the centre), lined on the inside with
polished marble. Augustus bought the
land necessary for the building, M. A.
21 in privato solo Martis Ultoris templum forumque Atigustum ex manubiis
feci. See Middleton, Remains of Ancient
Rome, vol. 11. p. 6 sqq. There was in
it also a quadrigae dedicated by Augustus, M. A. c. 35. The temple of Mars
Ultor was vowed by Augustus at
Philippi [c. 29, cp. Ov. F. 5, 569] and
dedicated in B.C. 2, see Veil. 2, 100 se
et Gallo Caninio consulibus. But as early
as B.C. 20 it seems to have been suffi30 TT)V "PcafMrjv ytjivrjv irapaXaftwv \idivr\v ciently advanced to receive the standards recovered from the Parthians [Dio
vfxlv KdTaXeliroi). T h e extent to which
54, 8]. Three Corinthian columns of
Augustus by his own liberality and that
it are still standing. Its treasury is
of his friends beautified Rome is best
understood by studying the list of build- alluded to in Iuvenal 14, 261. See
also Calig. 24.
ings given in the M. A. cc. 19—21.
In his sixth Consulship [B.C. 28] for
templum Apollinis in Palatio. M. A.
instance he says that he restored 82
19 Umplumque Apollinis in Palatio cum
temples in Rome. Cp. Hor. Od. 3, 6, porticibus. It was approached by lofty
1—4, and Middleton's Remains of
steps, and two libraries of Greek and
Ancient Rome, vol. 1, p. 387, 'the
Latin books were attached to it. See
whole city burst out, as it were, into a
Ov. Tr. 3, 1, 59
sudden blaze of splendour, glowing with inde tenore pari gradibus sublimia celsis
the brilliance of richly veined marbles,
ducor ad intonsi Candida templa dei.

29.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS,

63

in Palatio, aedem Tonantis Iovis in Capitolio. Fori extruendi
causa fuit hominum et iudiciorum multitudo, quae videbatur
non sufficientibus duobus/ etiam tertio indigere; itaque festinatius necdum perfecta Martis aedejpublicatum est, cautumque
5 ut separatim in eo publica iudicia et sortitiones iudicum
fierent. Aedem Martis bello Philippensi ; pro ultione
paterna suscepto, voverat; sanxit ergo, ut de bellis ^™
triumphisque hie consuleretur senatus, provincias
cum imperio petituri hinc deducerentur, quique victores
o redissent, hue insignia triumphorum conferrent. Templum
Apollinis in ea parte Palatinae domus excitavit, Ai)0u0
quam fulmine ictam desiderari a deo haruspices Palatinus.
signa peregrinis ubi sunt altema columnis
Belides et stricto barbarus ense pater,
quaeque viri docto veteres coepere novique
pectore, lecturis inspicienda patent.
According to the coni?nentarii
divini
[C. I. L. i , p . 403] it was dedicated
October 9, in B.C. 28 [Dio 53, 1 rb re
airwKKdjviov rb kv T<£ IlaXarty KOX TO
T€fi4vi(rjj.a rb irepl avrb rds re dirodifjKas
rCov fiifiXiuiv i^eirolt)<Te /cat Kadi£poj<rev].
I t was vowed or promised in B.C. 36
after the victory over Sextus Pompeius
[Veil. 2, 81]. Cp. H o r . Od. r, 3 1 .
aedem Tonantis, a small temple near
the great temple of Iupiter Capitolinus,
see c. 9 1 . I t was of solid blocks of
marble [Plin. N. H. 36, 50]. It was
dedicated in B.C. 22 [Dio 54, 4] on the
1 September \C. I. L. 1, p . 400].
pufolicatum, 'opened for public use.'
C p . ltd. 44 bibliothecas Graecas Latinasqne...publicare.
I t is not used in
this sense by Cicero.
separatim, i.e. separately from the
iudicia privata, which were still to be
held in the old forum or basilicae. F o r
sortitiones iudicum Ascon. on Cic.
Verves Act. 1, 6 ; Cic. pro Cluent. 27 ;
pro Flacc. 2 ; ad Q. Fr. 3, 4 ; in Pis. 40.
publica iudicia are trials for crimes
under laws establishing quaestiones perpetuae, such as lex lulia maiestatis, de
sicariis etc. Dig. 47, 1, 1.
pro ultione paterna, see on c. 10.
hie, instead of in the Campus, as
before [Liv. 3, 63] or later in the
temple of Bellona outside the pomoerium, because the claimant could not
come inside without forfeiting his imperium. See the case of Africanus, Livy

28, 3 8 ; cp. 26, 2 1 ; 28, 9 ; 3r, 4 7 ;
4 1 , 6.
deducerentur, cp. Caesar starting for
Spain in a lectica inter qfficia prosequentiwn fascesque lictorum^ Jul. 7 1 .
According to the arrangements of Augustus the proconsuls of Senatorial provinces did not wear the sagum and
sword, the legati or propraetors of
Imperial provinces did. Both had six
lictors, but neither were allowed to
assume the insignia of their office till
they reached their province [Dio 53,
13]. I t was therefore probably only
the latter class of provincial governors
who started from the temple, for they
alone had imperium.
fulmine ictam. T h e consecration of
a place struck by lightning was general.
I t was part of the Etruscan discipline,
and therefore was referred to the Etruscan haruspices. See Festus s.v. oscum ;
Pliny N. H. 2, 1 4 5 ; Pers. Sat. 2, 27.
Augustus seems to have bought up a
number of houses on the Palatine near
his own with the view of enlargement,
and then to have determined on devoting
a part of it to the temple of Apollo and
its adjoining colonnades and libraries.
Dio 49, 15 rbv rbirov, 6v ip r y IlaXari(j) UHTT o'tKodo/JLTjoral riva iibvrjro, edr)/jLOffioxre /cat T^'AirbWcovi ttpwerev, eireibrj
Kepavvbs is atirbv iyKaTttTKyxf/ev. Veil.
2, 81 contractas emptionibus
complures
domos per procuratores,
quo
laxior
Jieret ipsius, publicis se usibus destinare
professus est, templum Apollinis et circa
porticus facturum promisit, quod ab eo
singulari
extructum
munificentia est*
F o r the splendours of the temple, see
Propert. 5, 6. Middleton's Remains of
Ancient Rome, vol. 1. p . 185.

64

SUE TON I

[29—

pronuntiarant; addidit porticus cum bibliotheca Latina
Biblio- Graecaque, quo loco iam senior saepe etiam
theca.
senatum habuit decuriasque iudicum recognovit.
Iuppiter Tonanti lovi aedem consecravit liberatus periculo,
cum expeditione Cantabrica per nocturnum iter
lecticam eius fulgur praestrinxisset servumque praelucentem
exanimasset. Quaedam etiam opera sub nomine alieno, nepotum scilicet et uxoris sororisque, fecit, ut porticum
Porticus. bas.ilicamque Gai et Luci, item porticus Liviae et
Theatrum. Octaviae theatrumque Marcelli. Sed et ceteros
principes viros saepe hortatus est, ut pro facultate
quisque monimentis vel novis vel refectis et excultis urbem
Buildings adornarent. Multaque a multis tunc extructa sunt,
couriers. s i c u t a Marcio Philippo aedes "Herculis Musarum,
decurias...recognovit. For the de- finishing touches to it. It was then
curiae iudicum see on c. 32. As they destroyed by fire, and restored by
were nominated for life by the Emperor
Augustus A.D. 12 and dedicated to the
periodical rccognitiones would be neces- memory of Gaius and Lucius [Dio 56,
sary for filling up vacancies. For re27], M. A. 20 Forum Iulium et basicognoscere see cc. 32 and 38; Cat. 16 licam, quae fuit inter aedem Casloris
equites recognovit.
et aedem Saturni, coepta profligataque
opera a patre meo, perfeci: et eandem
expeditione Cantabrica, see c. 20.
praelucentem, * carrying a torch be- basilicam consumptam incendio, ampliato
fore him/ Stat. Silv. 1, 2, 89 natanti eius solo, sub titulo nominis filiorum
meorum incohavi, et, si vivus non perpraeluxi. Iuv. 3, 283—4, where Mayor
quotes the name of the slave thus carry- fecissem, perfici heredibus htssi.
porticus Liviae et Octaviae. The
ing it (lampadarius) from inscriptions.
See Orelli 2845, 2930. C. I. L. 6, poi'ticus Liviae was on the Esquiline
on the site of a large building said by
8867—69 ; lanternarius, Cic. in Pis.
tradition to have been the palace of
9, 20; C. I. L. 10, 3970; Val. Max. 6,
Servius Tullius; near it was a temple
8, r lanternam praelatam.
quaedam etiam...Marcelli. M. A. of Concord also built by Livia, see Ovid
c. 2r Theatrum ad aedem Apollinis in Fast. 637—640 . disce tamen, veniens
solo magna ex parte a privatis empto aetas, ubi Livia nunc est \ porticus,
feci, quod sub nomine M. Marcelli immensae tectafuisse domus. The porgeneri mei esset. The theatrum Mar- ticus Octaviae [to be distinguished from
the Porticus Octavia, Livy 45, 6 and
celli had been projected by Iulius, see
ltd. 44 theatrum summae magnitudinis 42], built on the site of an older porticus
Tarpeio monti accubans. Dio 43, 49 Metelli, was a quadrangular cloister
Oiarpov TL Kara, rdu Hofiwfjiov olicodo- enclosing the temples of Iupiter Stator
/JLTjcrcu ideXfoa* irpOKaTefi&XeTO fihvand luno regina. It was built after
oi)/c
the Dalmatian war [B.C. 33] and dedii^er4\€(T€ 64. Augustus completed it
cated in the name of his sister with the
and dedicated it either in B.C. 11 [Plin.
H. N. 8, 65] or in B.C. 13 [Dio 54, 36] other opera Octaviae. Mommsen, R. g.
p. 80; Middleton, Remains, vol. 11. p.
in honour of the young Marcellus, son
200. See fragments of the Capitoline
of Octavia and adopted by himself, who
Plan in Burn's Rome, p. 300.
died in B.C. 23.
basilica. The Basilica Iulia was
ceteros...hortatus est. See Dio 54,
dedicated by Iulius in B.C. 46, having
18 rots TCL iinviKLa irifjbTTOVffivfyyov€K
been begun in B.C. 54, if Cicero [ad Att. TCOV \a<t>tipi»)v is T7)v T&V irpd^ecop /AV/JJULTJV
4, 16, 14] is referring to it. It seems,
iroieiv irpoaira^ev.
though dedicated, not to have been enMarcio... Musarum. This temple was
tirely finished off till Augustus put the
originally built by M. Fulvius Nobilior

29.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

65

a L. Cornificio aedes Dianae, ab Asinio Pollione atrium
Libertatis, a Munatio Planco aedes Saturni, a Cornelio Balbo
theatrum, a Statilio Tauro amphitheatrum, a M. vero Agrippa
complura et egregia.
in B.C. 186, and filled with the spoils of
Ambracia, especially terra-cotta statues
of the Muses by Zeuxis [Plin. N. H.
35, 66]. Ovid [F. 6, 799 sq.] seems to
say that Marcius Philippus at his restoration of the temple joined the worship
of Hercules to it,—dicite, Pierides, qui
vos adiunxerit isti, cui dedit invitas
victa noverca manus. As to L. Marcius
Philippus and his relationship to Augustus see note on p. 17. He appears
not only to have rebuilt the temple but
to have surrounded it with a porticus,
see Burn's Rome, p. 312; Mart. 5, 49,
12. It appears in the Capitoline plan
opposite one side of the Porticus Octetviae.
The aedes Dianae was that said to
have been built on the Aventine by
Servius Tullius as a common temple for
the Latin League [Liv. 1, 45; Dionys.
4, 26; Strabo 4, 1, 4]. L. Cornificius
was consul B.C. 35 after doing Augustus
good service in the war against Sext.
Pompeius.
The atrium Libertatis was probably
not identical with the temple of Liberty
founded by Tiberius Gracchus on the
Aventine [Burn's Rome, p. 206]. It
appears to have been used as a place
for the examination of slaves by torture
[Cic. pro Mil. § 59]; and it had a library
attached to it[Ov. Trist. 3, 1, 71] which
Pollio founded from his Illyrian spoils
[Plin. N. H. 7, 115; 35, 10].
aedes Saturni. The very ancient
temple of Saturn was said to have been
dedicated in B.C. 497 [Livy 2, 2; Dionys.
6, 1], and stood at the foot of the
Clivus Capitolinus. For its restoration
by Munatius Plancus see Wilmanns,
1112
L • MVNATIVS • L • F • L • N • L • PRON •
PLANCVS • COS • CENS • IMP • T E R T • VII •
VIR • EPVLON • T R I V M P H • EX • RAETIS •
AEDEM • SATVRNI • F E C I T • D E • MANIBIS.

This attributes the restoration of the
aedes Saturni to the proceeds of his spoils
in the war with the Raeti. His triumph
is given in the Fast. Cap. under 29 Dec.
711/23, as ex Gallia, for he was governor
of Gaul.
The theatrum of Cornelius Balbus
was dedicated in B.C. 13 [Dio 54, 25].
S.

L. Cornelius Balbus, like his uncle, the
friend and agent of Iulius Caesar, was
a native of Gades, and had obtained
the Roman citizenship about B.C. 72
with his relations. He was with Pollio
in Spain B.C. 44—3, and was proconsul
in Africa in B.C. 20, being allowed a
triumph over the Garamantes in B.C. 19,
—ex Africa VI Kal. Apr, [C. I. L. 1,
p. 461]. The splendour of his theatre,
wdiich was not far from the theatrum
Marcelli, is mentioned by Pliny N. H.
36, 60. It was however so near the
Tiber that when the river was flooded
it was inaccessible [Dio /. c.\
amphitheatrum... Tauri. The amphitheatres at Rome, which were an
adaptation of the Greek theatres for
the purposes of the arena, had always
been temporary wooden structures in
the forum and elsewhere. T. Statilius Taurus was another triumphalis
\C. I. L. 1, p. 461] ex Africa, which he
had secured for Octavian after serving
against Sext.Pompeius (B.C. 34). Hewas
consul in B.C. 37 and again in B.C. 26
[Wilmanns 1111 T . STATILIO • TAVRO •

IMP • i n • cos • 11 • PATRONO], after a

successful campaign in Spain, and again
in B.C. 16. Dio [51, 23] assigns the
erection of the amphitheatre to B.C. 29.
It was on the Campus Martius, and is
said to have been destroyed in A.D. 64
in the great fire [Dio 62, 18]. It did
not at once supersede wooden structures,
either temporary or permanent, like that
of Curio [Plin. N. H. 36, 116], for
Augustus speaks of exhibitions in amphitheatris [M. A. c. 22].
a M. Agrippa...egregia.
Besides
great works in Italy such as the portus
IuliusvX Baiae [see pp. 32—3], Agrippa's
contributions to the splendours and conveniences of Rome were very numerous,
either at his own cost or as administering
public funds. Besides the Pantheon
which, dedicated in B.C. 27, still stands
as a monument of the greatness of his
ideas [Dio 53, 27; 63, 27; 66, 24], we
hear of Thermae opened in B.C. 21 [Dio
54, 29]; numerous other smaller baths
[Dio 54, 11]; a bridge over the Tiber
[Middleton's Rome, 2, p. 368]; the completion of the Septa in the Campus
[Dio 53, 23]; a porticus Neptuni [Dio

S

66

SUETONI

[30

Spatium urbis in regiones vicosque divisit instituitque, ut
City dis- *Mas a n n u i magistrates sortito tuerentur, hos magistri
tricts:pre- e plebe cuiusque viciniae lecti. Adversus incendia
cautions

against

i

.

excubias nocturnas vigilesque commentus est; ad

53, 27 • 66, 2 4 ; Mart. 66, 2 4 ] ; gardens
with a stagnum, and euripus [Dio 54,
29; Ovid Pont* 1, 8, 3 8 ] ; two Aquaeductus,—Aqua
Julia and ^ ^ #
Virgo,
begun in B.C. 33 [Frontin. de aquaed. 8 3 ;
Dio 54, 1 1 ; Plin. N. H. 3 1 , 4 2 ] ; and
when curator aquarmn in B.C. 33, he
is also said to have caused to be constructed 700 basins or pools and 500
fountains [Plin. N. H. 36* 121].
[Lanciani, in Ramsay's
Antiquities,
p. 62, maintains that the present Pantheon is not that of Agrippa, but a
reconstruction of H a d r i a n . See however Middleton's Rome, 2, p . 137.]
30. spatium...divisit. T h e date of
this measure ( B . C 7) is proved by an
entry in the Fasti [Henzen, 6545] recording the completion of a list of 107
vici-magistri
Imp. Caes. Nerv.
Trai.
August, i n Sex. ltd. Frontin. i n Coss.,
i.e. A.D. 100. T h e list of fourteen
regiones into which Rome, both within
and without the Servian walls, was
divided is given by Preller, Regionen
der Stadt Rom, by Nardini, Roma Antica, by Prof. Middleton, Remains of
Ancient Rome, vol. 1, p p . 380—4, by
Ramsay, Ant. p . 13, ed. 1894. T h e
regiones contained a varying number
of smaller divisions or parishes (vici)
amounting in all to 265, each of which
had its aedicula Larhwi or compitalis,
chapel of the Lares worshipped at
the central compitum, see Plin. N. H.
3, 66 regiones xiv, compita
Larium
cclxv.
T h e worship of the genius Augusti seems afterwards to have been
united with that of the Lares, see
C. J. Z . 6, 454 LARIBVS • AVG • VICI •
MAG • F • Q • MVNATIVS • SELNP • M •
MVNATIVS • IRENAEUS • M • VLPIVS •
AGATHONICVS • T • VIBIVS • HERMES.
Cp. Ov. Fast. 5, 145 mille Lares Geniumque ducis, qui tradidit illos, urbs
habet: et vici numina trina cohtnt. See
Mommsen res g. p . 82. F o r the employment of the vicus as an administrative unit, see cc. 40, 4 3 ; Tiber. 7 6 ;
Claud. 18. T h e division into regiones
was of course ancient [Dionys. H a l . 4,
14], but the number (14 instead of 4)
and the space included were new, the

latter extending perhaps to about the
line of the subsequent Aurelian walls.
u t illas.. .lecti. T h e management of
the regiones was assigned by lot to the
praetors, aediles, and tribunes [tribunes
in C. I. L. 6, 449, 450, 4 5 2 ; praetors
ib. 451, 453], see Dio 55, 8 TLOV dyopavbiAW /cat 7 W drjfJLapxuv TQ>V re arparrjywv iraaav rr\v iroktv, deKaricrcrapa fxipr}
vefjLrjdetcrav, idvqpip TrpoGTaxQtvruv. Under them were curatores and denuntiatores. See Wilmanns 1715 REG • 1 •
CVR • CVRTIVS • O • L • IVCVNDVS • P •
HELViDivs • p • L • H E R M E S . These
were generally freed men, as in this case.
Cp. Rushforth 45.
m a g i s t r i . Yoxxrvicorum
magistrivrexe
elected annually by the inhabitants of
the vicus, and at the celebration of the
religious rites on the 1st of May [Ov.
F. 5, 129], and the 1st of August, when
they entered upon their office [C. J. L.
6, 4 4 6 ; Wilmanns 1716 D I A N A E • AVGVST • SACRVM • Q • AVILIVS • ADAEVS •
MAGISTER • VICI • QVI • K • AVGVSTIS •
PRIMVS • MINISTERIVM • INIT. C p . ib.
1717], wore the toga praetexta, and were
escorted by Lictors. Dio 55, 8 ol de dr)
(TTevuiroi i7rifjLe\7}TU)v TLVCOV e/c rod 5^/JLOV,
ovs /cat (TTeituTrapxovs KaKovpLev' KCLI
<r<piari /cat rrj ecdrJTt rrj apxt-xfj /cat pa/3doijxovs dtio iv ai)Tois rots %wptots &v av
apxu<?h vpLipais TIGI xpvtrdat 43607]. They
too were generally freedmen, see C. I.L.
6, 448> 975> Rushf. 45.
adversus incendia...commentus, see
on c. 28. T h e aediles were specially
charged with this duty, see Dio 54, 3.
But as they proved inadequate, seven
corps of nocturni vigiles were organised
in A.D. 6 under a praefectus to manage
the business. Dio 55, 26 i7r€idr)...7ro\\a
TT)S iroXecos irvpl 5ie<pdap7) avdpas re e£e\eud^povs eTrraxy irpbs r a s ewtKovpias avrrjs
/careA^aro /cat dpxovra lirirta
avroh
7rpoa4ra^€. See also supr. c. 2 5 ; Dig. 1,
15, 3, § 4 ; Mayor on Juv. 3, 199.
These vigiles were distinct from the
cohortes urbanae which were in the city
to the number of 6000 men [Dio 55,
24 ol rrjs iroXews <f)povpol e£a/a<rx£Ato/<<re
8VT€$ /cat T€Tpaxv vev€fJLt)fxivoL. Cp. T a c .
Ann. 4, 5].

3o.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

67

coercendas inundationes alveum Tiberis laxavit ac fire and
repurgavit, completum olim ruderibus et aedificiorum flood*
prolationibus coartatum. Quo autem facilius undique urbs
adiretur, desumpta sibi. Flaminia via Arimino terms munienda,
5 reliquas triumphalibus viris ex manubiali pecunia
The Viae.
sternendas distribuit.
alveum Tiberis laxavit. For laxare
'to enlarge' see Cic. Att. 4, 15 ut
forum laxaremus et usque ad atrium
Libertatis explicaremus. This was apparently the terminatio of the Tiber bank
made in B.C. 8, see C. I. L. 1235 f.
Rushf. pp. 26—29, Wilmanns 846 c •

aTparei(ruv 3L avrrjs ^eXXe^, iirefAe\qdy]. The via Flaminia, the most important of the three great roads to the
North [tres ergo viae: a supero mari
Flaminia^ ab infero Aurelia, media
Cassia, Cic. 11 Phil. § 22], ended at
Ariminum where it was joined by the
via Aemilia leading westward through
MARCIVS L • F • L • N • CENSORINVS • C •
ASINIVS • C • F • GALLVS • COS • EX • S • C •
the valley of the Po. The inscription
TERMIN • R • R • (recto rigore) PROXIM • on the triumphal marble arch still standing at Ariminum confirms the fact and
CIPPVS • PED «XLII • CVRATORES • RIPAthe date, C. I. L. 11, 365. The via
RVM • QVI • FVERVNT • EX • S • C • REFlaminia was first made fit for military
STITVERVNT. That is, the first board
use by Gaius Flaminius, in his censorof curatores [A.D. 15, see on c. 37] reship B.C. 222 [Livy Ep. 20]. Augustus,
stored the work of the consuls Censothough taking the via Flaminia under
rinus and Asinius (B.C. 8). This had
his special care, repaired or supplied
been the duty of the Censors, see
money for repairing other roads also,
C. I. L. I , 6 0 9 P • SERVILIVS • C • F •
Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome,
ISAVRICVS • M . VALERIVS • M • F • NV •
2
N • MESSAL • CENS • EX • S • C • T E R M I N .
> P- 357(B.C. 55—54). For the frequency of
reliquas...distribuit. Of these viri
inundations see on c. 28. The termitriumphales we know from inscriptions
natio alluded to in the last inscription
of C. Calvisius Sabinus who triumphed
was in consequence of one, see Dio 39, from Spain in B.C. 28 and repaired the via
6r. Two specially severe floods are
Latina[C. I.L. 1, p. 478; 6895 ; Mommrecorded in B.C. 27 [Dio 53, 20] and
sen res g. p. 87]. The importance of the
B.C. 23 [id. 33].
curatio viartim extra urbem is shown by
ruderibus, 'rubbish' from building the rank of the men appointed curatores,
operations or ruins caused by fire, as in
who were almost always of the ordo
that of Nero's time, see Nero 38. The senatorius [Wilmanns 2, p. 79]. Iulius
Emperor promised a gratuitous ruderum
Caesar made almost his first bid for
egestio, which were to be used for filling popularity as curator viae Appiae [Plut.
up marshes, Tac. Ann. 15, 43. See
Caes. 5], and Cicero in 65 regards the
Dig. 39, 2. For the damage to repair of the via Flaminia as rendering
buildings caused by the inundations, see a man a formidable rival for the consulOtho 1.
ship [Att. 1, 1,2].
prolationibus, 'extensions,' cp. Livy
ex manubiali pecunia. This does
31, 5 Jihium prolatio. Such encroach- not seem to occur elsewhere. The
ments on the river may be among those
usual expression is ex manubiis, for
referred to by Horace, Odes 3, 1, 33.
manubiae are not spoils, but money
desumpta sibi Flaminia. This arobtained from sale of spoils. Aul. Gell.
rangement was made in B.C. 27 ; M. A.
13, 25, 26 nam praeda dicitur corpora
c. 20 Consul septimum viam Flamiipsa rerum quae capta sunt, mamibiae
niam (ab urbe) Ariminum feci et ponies vero appellatae sunt pecunia a quaestore
o?nnes praeter Mulvium et Minucium: ex venditione praedae redacta. Of the
Dio 53, 22 iv jxev yap r$ irpoeLprjfjLevitjthree parts into which this money
fret ras odobs rets g£« rod reixovs 5vo"iro- was divided one went to the treasury,
peiJTOvs vir dfxeXeias bpG>v oflaas ras one to the soldiers, one to the general.
fxkv
aXXas aXXois TLCTI TQU fiovkevr&v iirt- This last was frequently spent wholly
aicevacrcu rdis oUelocs rAecrt vpoaira^e,or in part upon public works. See
TT]S 5e QXafiwias avrbs iireidrjTrep 4K- Livy 10, 46; Cicero in Verr. 2, 3 § 186;

5—2

68

SUETON

I

[30—

Aedes sacras vetustate conlapsas aut incendio absumptas
refecit easque et ceteras opulentissimis donis adoratfonsT
navit, ut qui in cellam Capitolini Iovis sedecim milia
pondo auri gemmasque ac margaritas quingenties
sestertii una donatione contulerit Postquam vero pontificaUS circiter milliens ; and therefore the
2, 1, § 5 4 ; Plin. N. H. 7 § 9 7 ; Suet.
statement of the amount of gold given
Iul. 26 forum de manubiis
inchoavit,
(64,000,000 sesterces) is shown by
Tib. 20 dedicavit et Concordiae aedem,
Mommsen to be exaggerated.
The
item Pollucis et Castoris...de
manubiis;
jewels apparently came from the spoils
M. A. 21 In privato solo Martis Clitoris
of Cleopatra [cf. c. 4 1 , Dio 51, 22].
temphim forumque Augustum ex maniFor various other objects dedicated by
biisfeci.
Augustus, see Pliny N. H. 35, 27—8,
Aedes sacras. This general restora93—4 (pictures); 2, 9 4 ; 7, 1 8 3 ; 36, 28
tion took place for the most part in B.C.
(statues); 36, 196 (elephanti obsiani).
28. See M. A . 20 duo et octoginta templa
31. pontificatum...sustinuerat. Ledeorum in urbe consul sext. ex decreto
pidus [who had obtained the office in
senatus refeci, nullo praetermisso quod eo
' the confusion following Caesar's assassitempore refici debebat. Descendants of
nation, Livy Ep. 117; Veil. 2, 63] died
the original founders were charged with
in B.C. 13; but Augustus was not elected
the restoration of others, Dio 53, 3 rovs
till 6 March B.C. 12 [M.A. 10 P. Sul[xev yap for' IdicoT&v TLVG>V yeyevqix^vovs
C. I. L. 1,
TOLS re iraicrlv avrCov /cat roh eyybvois e't picio C. Valgio consulibus.
p. 387 ; cp. Tabula Maffeiana, and Ov.
ye rives irepirfvav iiriGKev&aai iKe\ev(Tev
X
-^ 3> 4 5]* It seems to have been usual
rovs de \011rovs avrbs dveKrrjffaro.
To
for some such interval to elapse before
this Horace, Odes 3, 6 (written about
B .c. 2 7), specially refers Delicto, maiorum a new election: thus Iulius was not
elected till the beginning of B.C.
immeritus lues, \ Romane, donee templa
62 [Plut. Caes. 7; Dio 37, 37], and
refeceris \ aedesque labentes deorum, et |
Tiberius' election was also in the
foeda nigro simulacra ftimo.
Livy (4,
March following the death of Augus20) tells us of the examination of the
tus in the preceding August [C.I. L, 1,
spolia opima in the temple of lupiter
p. 388]. T h e pontiffs were appointed
Feretrius by the Emperor,
templorum
for life, and the Pont. Max., as exercising
omnium
conditorem aut
restitutorem.
some of the kingly functions, was irreSee also Ovid, Fast. 2, 59—66.
movable. A p p . B. civ. 5,131 rod difj/jiov
For the distinction between aedes
rr\v fJLeyiaryjv lepwcrtivTjv is avrbv e/c
and templum cf. Gell. 14, 7. Aedes is
Aeirldov fJLercupepovros, rjv 'eva ^xeLP vevbthe building or cella, while templum is
lAL<rrai fiixPL O&v&rov, OVK idix€T0'
The
the sacred enclosure round it, though
pretext for the breach of the rule inloosely used sometimes for the building,
volved in the offer to Augustus was the
and must have been consecrated by an
irregularity in Lepidus' accession to the
augur. See Mommsen, res g. p . 7 8 ;
office. Livy 1. c. says in
confusione
and Middleton, Remains
of
Ancient
rerum ac tumultu.. .intercipit. Veil. 1. c.
Rome, vol. 2, p . 248, who quotes an
in locum Caesaris furto creatus.
Dio
inscription from Bull. Com. Arch. 1887
[44> 53] s a v s that Antony in fear of
p . 2 2 3 AEDEM • IPSIVS • MARMORATAM»
Lepidus...dpx^pia avrbv
awodeixQwcu
A • SOLO • SVA • PECVNIA • F E C I T • ET •
irapeaKetiaaev.. .6Vws yap 8t) padicos axirb
TEMPLVM • MARMORIS • STRAVIT •
irorfari h re rovs lepras adOis airb rod
IDEMQ • D E D I C A V I T . A l s o C. I. L. 6,
brjixov TT?J> aipeciv rod apx^piias eiravf}I O 2 3 4 AEDES • D I V I • T I T I • I N • TEM7a7e... Augustus however was anxious
PLO • DEORVM.
to break no constitutional rule that he
ceteras...contulerit.
This gift of
could safely keep, and no doubt he was
jewels to lupiter Capitolinus (valued at
able in Lepidus' state of powerlessness
50,000,000 sesterces) was half the entire
to exercise the functions without the
amount of such gifts made by Augustus.
name. H e takes credit however for his
See M. A . 21 dona ex manibiis in
abstention [see M . A. 10...in vivi conleCapitolio et in aede divi luli et in aede
gae loctim populo id sacerdotium deferente
Apollinis et in aede Vestae et in templo
mihi'..,recusavt\.
T h e office gave imMartis co fisecravz, quae mihi consliterunt

3T.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

69

turn maximum, quern numquam vivo Lepido auferre sustinuerat, mortuo demum suscepit, quidquid fatidicorum Pontifex
librorum Graeci Latinique generis nullis vel parum Maximus
idoneis auctoribus vulgo ferebatur, supra duo milia B,c ' I2#
s contracta undique cremavit ac solos retinuit Sibyllinos, hos
quoque dilectu habito; condiditque duob,us forulis
auratis sub Palatini Apollinis basi. Annum a Divo verses!*6
Iulio ordinatum, sed postea neglegentia conturbatum
atque confusum, rursus ad pristinam rationem redegit; in
10 cuius ordinatione Sextilem mensem e suo cognomine
Calendar.
nuncupavit, magis quam Septembrem quo erat natus,
quod hoc sibi et primus consulatus et insignes victoriae
perium et auspicium, and, though Augustus had these from other sources, it
also gave him control on the appointment of vestals and the flamen dialis,
disciplinary powers over the priests, the
power of fixing ludi conceptivi and the
calendar generally. All subsequent E m perors took the office up to Gratian
( A . D . 382).
quidquid fatidicorum ... ferebatur.
* whatever prophetic writings were current, ' cp. Iul. 20 ut vulgo mox ferrentur
hi versus.
Cicero Brut. § 27 Periclem
actus scripta quaedam feruntur.
The
burning of the libri Sibyllini on the
6th July B.C. 83 [Appian B. civ. 1, 8 6 ;
Tac. H. 3, 72; Pliny N. H. 13, 8 8 ;
Plutarch Sull. 2 7 ; Dio fr. 106] had been
followed by a commission to collect
others from various towns in Italy and
Greece [Dionys. H . 4, 6 2 ; T a c . Ami.
6, 18]. Some of them were getting illegible from age, and Augustus ordered
them to be recopied [Dio 54, 17]. T h e
circulation of unauthentic verses however does not seem to have been wholly
suspended by this revision, for in A . D . 32
we hear of another book being known
at Rome [Tac. Ann. 1. c.]. T h e official
copy continued to be consulted till late
in the 3rd century, see Vopisc. Aurel.
18; and, after attempts to revive its
authority by Iulian, was finally burnt
by Stilicho about A.D. 400. T h e y were
under the charge of the x v viri, who
consulted them by order of the Senate,
and were bound to keep their contents
otherwise secret [Val. Max. 1 , 1 ; Zonaras 7, 1 1 ; Lactant. Inst. 1, 6, 13].
F o r forulos see Iuv. 3, 219 hie libros
dabit et forulos mediamque
Minervam.

annum...redegit. According to Dio
[55, 6] the change of Sextilis to Augustus was made in B.C. 8. T h e error in
the calculation of the Julian calendar,
according to Macrobius [Sat, 1, 14],
arose from the Sacerdotes having added
the intercalary day one year in advance
of the true leap-year, i. e. when three
years instead of four had passed; the
Julian calculation being that the Solar
year was 365 d. 6 h. As this came in the
year B.C. 45 the error by B.C. 8 would
amount to three days, i.e. there would
have been twelve years with the extra
day instead of 9. Augustus therefore
ordained that there should be no additional day for the next 12 years. Accordingly a SCtum was passed to this
effect [Censor, de d. nat. 22] as well as
a plebiscitum on the motion of the
tribune Sex. Pacuvius [Macr. I.e., Bruns,
Fontes, p . 175].
Sextilem...optigissent. Dio 55, 6on
Kal viraros 4i> ai/ry rb irpdrov diredddeKTO
Kal /A(l%as iroXkas Kal fj,eya\as 4V€VIK7)K€L.
T h e victories alluded to cannot include
those in the civil war, either at Mutina,
Philippi, Perusia, or Actium, for they
were all in other months [see notes
pp. 9, 36]. But Augustus entered Alexandria in August [p. 39], and Drusus conquered the Breuni about the same time
in the year [ H o r . Od. 4, 14, 34 quo die
Portus Alexandrea supplex Et
vacuam
patefecit aulam, Fortuna lustro prospera tertio Belli secundos reddidit exitus
. . . ] . T h e victory over Sextus Pompeius
may also have been at the end of August,
see note p. 36. I t is noteworthy that
though the name of July, in spite of the
protests of the Optimate party [see Cic.

70

SUETONI

[31

optigissent. Sacerdotum et numerum et dignitatem sed et
commoda auxit, praecipue Vestalium virginum.
Vestals
Cumque in demortuae locum aliam capi oporteret,
ambirentque multi ne filias in sortem darent, adiuravit, si cuiusquam neptium suarum competeret aetas, oblaturum
se fuisse earn. Nonnulla etiam ex antiquis caerimonis paulatim
Att. 16, 1 and 4], and the name of
August, without any protest at all, prevailed, similar attempts by other Emperors to name months in their own
honour failed [Suet. Nero 55 ; Dom.
13; Dio 57, 4; Ael. Commod. 8, 8].
sacerdotum...auxit. It was part of
Augustus' plan of political reconstruction
to revive and give importance to the
various sacred colleges. One method
of doing this was by becoming a member of them himself. Accordingly we
learn from the M. A. 7, that he was
pontifex, augur, quindecimvir s.f.} septemvir epulonum, frater arvalis, sodalis
Titius, felialis. And he was not only
an honorary member, he attempted to
keep alive their ancient ceremonies.
His voting among the Arval brethren is
recorded in the Acta [Henzen pp. xxix,
xxx], and as a fetial he proclaimed war
against Cleopatra [Dio 50, 4]. It was
these colleges too, with that of the Titit
sodales, which Augustus seems to have
specially revived both by entering them
himself and causing members of his
family to do so: hence we find Nero
Caesar, son of Germanicus, c&MedJlamen
Augustalis, sodalis Augustalis, sodalis
Titius, frater arvalis, fetialis, qtiaestor
[Mommsenw^. p. 34; C. I. L. 6, 913].
commoda, * allowances.' This must
be held to include both 'endowments'
and special exemptions. The priests
were exempt from military service, imposts, and public services {mtmera).
Dionys. 4, 62, 71; 5, 1; Livy 4, 54;
Gell. io, 15; Plut. Num. 14; Cic.
Acad. pr..i, 38; Brut. § 117. But the
claim of the augures and sacerdotes to
such exemption was once at least disputed [Livy 33, 42]. The cost of sacrifices, banquets etc., was provided for
by certain charges on some of the ager
publicus [Cic. PhiL 13, 15; Oros. 5,
18; Festus 245], and the collegia had
probably other landed estates. Fresh
grants were made from time to time.
Thus Aurelian decrevit etiam emolumenta
sartis tectis et ministris (Vopisc. 35).
Augustus is said to have given lands at

Lanuvium to the Vestals [Frontin. de
coloniis 106], and his special favour to
them is alluded to by Ovid F. 6, 455
nunc bene lucetis sacrae

sub

Caesare

flammae. Besides such grants to the
College, individual Vestals were richly
dowered [Tac. Ann. 4, 16].
cumque...fuisse earn. The number
of the Vestals was always six, though
at some period before the final closing
of the College by Gratian it had been
raised to seven [Symmachus Ep. 10, 6 1 ;
Ambros. Ep. 17]. The conditions were
that the girl should be between six and
ten, the daughter of parents living (patriwa et matrimd), who were not freed men nor engaged in any mechanical
trade, and that she should be bound to
chastity and the service of the goddess
for thirty years, after which she might
retire and marry. In case of a vacancy
the Pontifex Maximus named twenty
girls one of whom was chosen by lot,
though as a rule this was rendered unnecessary by the voluntary offer of some
parent [Gell. 1, 12, 10]. But about
this time there seems to have been a
falling off of such volunteers, so that
Augustus relaxed the rule as to the
daughters of freedmen, Dio 55, 22 iireidr}
re ov pq.5lios oi TT&vv efiyeveis rets dvyartpas els TTJV TTjs 'Eo-Hcts leparelav eiredidoaav, ivofJLoderrjdr) KOX e£ direXevOeptop
yeyewrjfjLfras iepaadai,—and, as we have

seen, a large dowry from the treasury
was offered to induce parents to present
their girls [Tac. Ann. 4, 16; n , 86].
competeret, 'were eligible,' 'were
within the legal limit,' generally followed by the abl. of the thing constituting the competence [Tac. H. 3, 40]
or ad with the accus. of that for which
one is competent [Livy 22, 5]. This
absolute use is late. Of Augustus'
grand-daughters at the time of the
measure mentioned by Dio (A.D. 4)
there were only Iulia and Agrippina, both
of whom were born before B.C. 15 and
so would be too old. His great-granddaughter by Agrippina was not yet
born.

3i.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

71

abolita restituit, ut Salutis augurium, Diale flaminium, sacrum
Lupercale, ludos saeculares et compitalicios. Lupercalibus
Salutis augurium. T h e new consuls on coming into office offered a
prayer to Salus for the health and prosperity of the people, but before doing
so the auspices h a d to be taken to
ascertain whether such a prayer might
be offered; and the whole ceremony
was called Augurium
Salutis, Dio 37,
24 cUcrre TO olcoj/ca/xa TO TTJS vyieias 5ia
7r&pv iroXkov iroLTJo-ai (in B.C. 63 after
Pompey's victories), TOVTO de pavTelas

(flaminicd), see generally Aul. Gell. 10,
15; Plut. Q. R. 14, 5 0 ; Romulus 4 7 ;
Tac. Ann. 4 , 1 6 ; Festus s. vv. Flaminica
and equo; Servius ad Vergil. A en. 4, 262;
Wilmanns 539.
sacrum Lupercale. T h e restoration
of the Lupercal is mentioned among the
works of Augustus in the M. A . c. 4.
T h e site of the sacred cave is uncertain. T h e festival celebrated on the 15
February was probably connected with
W
et
beating the bounds of the ancient PalaTLS TpOTTOS & r W , TTTLHTTW TWO, ^ X ^
'
ewiTptirei fffaau/ 6 Beds vyieiau atT?}crat,
tine city. T h e circumstance of its cele(as oi>x OGIOV ov ofibk atT7]o~iv avTTJs wplv bration in B.C. 44, when Antony offered
crvyxuprjdijvcu yev&Ocu. One condition
Iulius a crown [Cic. 2 Phil. §§ 86—7],
was that there should be p e a c e ; and
seems to have led the Senate to withAugustus took great pleasure in renewdraw from the college of Luperci an
ing the ceremony in B.C. 29 in conendowment granted them by Caesar
nexion with the closing of the temple
[Cic. 13 Phil. § 31 vectigalia
Juliana
of Ianus, Dio 5 1 , 20 T&S re irtiXas TOV
Lupercis ademistis], and apparently to
'ICIPOU OJS /cat ir&VTiov <r<pi(n TQV iroXe/xwvput a stop to the festival. It continued
ireTravfji&wp 'eKkeicrav /cat TO otwptay-ta
to be celebrated thenceforth till A . D . 494,
TO TTJS vyidas iirolrjaav.
See Marwhen Pope Gelasius substituted for it
quardt 13, p . 77, note (7). T h e name
the feast of the Purification of the
of the Emperor was joined in the
Virgin.
solemn votorum nuncupatio along with
ludos saeculares, M. A . c . 22 Pro conthat of the Salus Ptidlzca, which took
legio xv viro7-um magister conlegii collega
place usually on 3 January, see
M. Agrippa ludos Saeculares C. FurnioC.
Wilmanns 2876. F o r the worship of
Silano Cos.feci, i.e. B.C. 17, A. u . C. 737.
Salus, begun in B.C. 180, see Livy 40,
These games were the special function
37; Wilmanns 13, 64 a, 102.
of the x v viri (who had also charge of the
Diale
flaminium.
According
to
Sibylline books), see T a c . Ann. 11, 11.
Festus (s.v. maximae dignationis) there
On what calculation Augustus selected
were thirteen flamens attached to the
the year for them is uncertain, though
worship of different g o d s ; but there
it appears to have rested on some paswere famines
maiores (Dialis, Martis,
sage of the Sibylline books [Hor. C. S.
Quirini). T h e flamen dialis occupied
5]. D i o 54, 18 says they were the 5th
a position of great dignity, had a seat
held since the foundation of the city.
in the Senate, the sella curulis, and
T h e preceding celebrations are said
was preceded by a lictor; but he was
[Censorinus 17, 8] to have been in 449,
subject to the most minute and tire348, 249, 149 [though Livy Ep. 49
some rules as to duties and residence.
only notices the two last]. T h e fifth
Every day was festus to him, he might
should therefore have been in B.C. 49 or
not sleep a night out of Rome, or mount
48. T h e Civil W a r prevented that,
a horse, or take an oath. T h e last was
and Augustus and his colleagues may
held to exclude him also from all magishave arrived at the year 17, by deducttracies, though this was at times got
ing 33 years as the number accumulated
over by his colleague taking it for him
in advance by the last three saectila being
[Livy 3 1 , 5 0 ; 39, 39, 45l- It was no
reckoned as 100 years, whereas the
wonder therefore that it was found
right length of the saeculum was said to
difficult to get men of high rank to
be n o years [Hor. Carm. Saec. 21
serve [Livy 27, 8], and when L . Corcertus undenos deciens per annos orbis
nelius Merula died in B.C. 87 the office
tit cantus referatque ludos...~\ as being
remained vacant for 75 years, till Authe maximum length of a man's life.
gustus secured an appointment in B.C.
T h e Emperor Claudius in A.D. 47 how11 [Tac. Ann. 3, 5 8 ; Dio Cass. 54, 36].
ever neglected this calculation, taking
the 800th year of the city according to
F o r the position of the flamen dialis
the Varronian epoch. But Domitian
and rules affecting him and his wife

j2

SUETONI

[31—

vetuit currere inberbes, item saecularibus ludis iuvenes utriusque sexus prohibuit ullum nocturnum spectaculum frequentare
nisi cum aliquo maiore natu propinquorum.
Compitales
Lares ornari bis anno instituit, vernis floribus et aestivis.
Proximum a dis immortalibus honorem memoriae ducum
praestitit, qui imperium Populi Romani ex minimo
tionsiP" maximum reddidissent. j Itaque et opera cuiusque
manentibus titulis restituit et statuas omnium triumphali effigie in utraque fori sui porticu dedicavit, professus
edicto commentum id se, ut ad illorum velut exemplar et ipse,
dum viverety et insequentium aetatium principes exigerentur a
civibus. Pompei quoque statuam contra theatri eius regiam
in A.D. 88 seems to have gone back
to it [Suet. Dom. 4]. See also C. L L.
11 p. 442, Marquardt 12, p. 89 sqq.
compitalicios. The Compitalia, which
dated from the regal period, were properly ludi conceptivi, but were so generally fixed on or about the 3rd and 4th of
January, soon after the Saturnalia, that
they became equivalent to ludi stati
[Mommsen, C. I. L. 1, p. 382]. They
were under the charge of the officers of
the vici as magistri collegiorum compitaliciorum [Livy 34, 7; C. I. L. 6, 1234].
But these colleges having been abolished
by a Senatus Consultum in B. C. 64 as
dangerous, restored by Clodius in B.C.
58, and again abolished by Caesar
[Ascon. in Pis. p. 6; Suet. Iul. 42], the
celebrations seem to have fallen into
desuetude. The restoration of Augustus was connected with the reorganization of the vici mentioned in c. 31. It
is alluded to by Vergil Aen. 8, 717
ludisque viae plausuque fremebant. The
celebrations of the Compitalia in the
country [Cato R. R. 5 and 57] were
perhaps not interrupted, see Cic. ad
Alt. 7, 7, § 3.
compitales...aestivis, that is, probably on the 1 st May and 1st of August,
—the latter being the day on which the
new vicorum magistri entered on their
office. Ovidi*1. 5, i2g praestitibusMaiae
Laribtis videre Kalendae aram constitui
... 147 Quoferor ? A ugustus mensis mihi
carminis huius ius habet. But it is nowhere precisely stated that these were
the two days, see Marquardt 12, p. 248;
Mommsen in C. I. L. 1, p. 393.
statuas.. .triumphali effigie, 'statues
with triumphal ornaments.' The series
of statues in niches in the colonnades

round the forum Augusti began with
Aeneas and came down to the time of
Augustus. Ovid F. 5, 563 hinc videt
Aenean oneratum pondere caro Et tot
Iuleae nobilitatis avos. See also the list
in Vergil Aen. vi. Gellius 9,11 mentions
Valerius Corvinus among them. See
Iuv. 1, 129 deinde forum iurisque peritus Apollo atque triumphales. Dio says
they were of bronze (xctX/cous), 55, 107,
but Lampridius of marble [Alex. Sev.
28, 6 exemplo Augusti qui summorum
virorum statuas in foro suo e marmore
collocavit additis gestis]. There were
not it seems equestrian statues, i.e. in
chariots, as was the fashion in other
places [Iuv. 8, 3 ; 7, 125 ; Plin. N. H.
unde et nostri currus nali in Us qui
triumphavissent. Serum hoc, et in his
non nisi a divo Augusto seiuges\ The
car set up in the middle of the forum
seems to have been meant as a triumphal emblem for all alike. M. A. c.
35. For the inscriptions see Veil. Pat.
2, 39 Divus Augustus praeter Hispanias
aliasque gentes, quarum titulis forum
eius praenitet etc. For extant specimens see C. I. L. 1, pp. 281—292.
Pompei... statuam. This was the
statue in the Curia Pompei, at the foot
of which Iulius Caesar fell. It was
saved from the fire by which the Curia
was destroyed after the murder. Suet.
Caes. 88; App. B. civ. 2, 147. It has
been supposed to be the same marble
statue which was found in 1553, and is
now in the Palazzo Spada. But this is
not proved, and the more general
opinion is that the statue in the Curia
was of bronze.
regiam sc. porticum> cp. c. 76. The
porticus Pompeiana was outside the

32.]

,

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

73

marmoreo Iano superposuit, translatam e curia, in qua C.
Caesar fuerat occisus.
Pleraque pessimi exempli in perniciem publicam aut ex
consuetudine licentiaque bellorum civilium duraveSuppres-

s rant aut per pacem etiam extiterant; nam et grassa- sion of
torum plurimi palam se ferebant succincti ferro, quasi bri g and tuendi sui causa, et rapti per agros viatores sine
discrimine liberi servique ergastulis possessorum supprimebantur, et plurimae factiones titulo collegi novi ad nullius
0 non facinoris societatem coibant. Igitur grassaturas
dispositis per opportuna loca stationibus inhibuit, illegal
ergastula recognovit, collegia praeter antiqua et associa "
legitima dissolvit. Tabulas veterum aerari debitorum,
theatre. It was a large court, sur- went on till Hadrian abolished them
rounded by a cloister supported by rows altogether, Spartian. Hadr. 18 ergastula
of columns. It was also called the servorum et liberorum tulit. For the
Hecatostylon, and is so named on the enormous number of these plantations
of slaves (often criminal or treated as
marble Plan. The court was adorned
with rows of sycamore trees, fountains, criminal) throughout Italy, see Lucan
7, 402 ; Tacit. Ann. 4, 27; Iuv. 8, 180;
and statues...Pompei dona nemusque duplex, Mart. 2, T4, ro. tu modo Pompeia 14, 24; Seneca de Tr. 3, 32; Pliny
lentus spatiare sub umbra, Ov. A. A. H. N. 18, §§ 21 and 36; Plutarch Tib.
Gr. 8; Appian B. civ. J, 7; Floras 2,
1, 67 ; cp. Cic. de Fat. c. 4.
marmoreo Iano, * a marble arch' or 7, 3. Mommsen [R. H. 3, p. 79, E. T.
lesser ed.] regards the system of slave
rather double arch with four ways...
plantations as having been brought by
lanus quadrifrons.
the Carthaginians into Sicily; and, con32. grassatorum, 'foot-pads,' are
necting the word ergastulum with epydthus defined in the Dig. 48, 19, 28, § 15
frfAat, considers that its mongrel formagrassatores quipraedae causa idfaciunt
tion shows that it originated somewhere
proximi latronibus habentur. Cp. c.
where Greek influence was felt but
43Greek civilisation was imperfect.
succincti ferro. This was additional
supprimere conveys the notion of
aggravation, Dig. 1. c. et si cum ferro
'putting out of the way,' causing to disaggredi instituerunt, capite puniuntur.
appear, Dig. 48, 8, 3, § 4 qui naufragum
ergastulis... supprimefoantur, ' were
suppresserit.
kept shut up in the slave prisons.' The
per opportuna loca. Cp. Tib. 37
ergastula were primarily prisons for rein p?i7)iis tuendae pads a grassaturis et
fractory slaves, who worked in the fields
latrociniis seditionumque licentia curam
in chains and were shut up during the
night in separate cells, often under- habuit. Stallones militum solito frequentiores disposuit. Thus Iuvenal [3,
ground, Livy 2, 2 3 ; 7,4; Columella 1,
6 § 3. The abuse here mentioned, of 307] speaks of the Pomp tine marshes
and the Gallinaria pinus being so
confining free men in these places, caused
Tiberius later on to hold a visitation of guarded. Cp. id. 10, 22. Augustus
had begun these precautions as early as
ergastula throughout Italy, Tib. 8 quorum domini in invidiam venerant quasi B.C. 36, see App. B. civ. 5, 132.
collegia...dissolvit. Dio 54, 2 r(av
exceptos supprimerent non solwti viatores
sed et quos sacramenti metus ad eius re (TVVGITLWV ra /Jiev wavreXus KartXvoe
modi latebras compulisset. Cp. Colum. ra 8e Trpbs TO (T(o<ppouicrT€pop avviareiXev
(B.C. 22). The law by which this was
1, 8 and 16 ut ergastuli mancipia recognoscani, ut explorent.. .num villicus done {lex Julia de collegiis) was not
otherwise mentioned in any extant docuaut alligaverit quemquam domino nesci'enle aut revinxerit. But the scandal ment until the discovery of an inscrip-

74

SUETONI

[32

vel praecipuam calumniandi materiam, exussit; loca in urbe
publica iuris ambigui possessoribus adiudicavit;
delftorsf6 diuturnorum reorum et ex quorum sordibus nihil
aliud quam voluptas inimicis quaereretur nomina
abolevit, condicione proposita, ut si quern quis repetere vellet,
tion by Mommsen in 1847.

C. I. L. 6,

2193, W i l m a n n s 1344 D I S » M A N I B V S «
COLLEGIO • SYMPHONIACORVM • QVI • SACRIS • PVBLICIS • PRAESTV • SVNT • QVI-

BVS • SENATVS • c • c • c • (coire convocari
COgi) PERMISIT • F • LEGE • IVLIA • EX •
AVCTORITATE • D • AVG • LVDORVM •
CAVSA. T h e collegia were very numerous, embracing almost every branch of
industry or art, b u t those which were
considered dangerous were the collegia
opiftcum and the collegia sodalicia, organised for political purposes at elections.
T h e difficulty no doubt was to distinguish between the innocent and the
mischievous. T h e SCtum of B.C. 64
attempted to distinguish between those
that were lawful a n d those that were not,
Ascon. ad Cic. in Pi son. p . 6 L. Iulio C.
Marcio Coss. SCto collegia sublata stmt
quae adversus rem publicam
videbanhir
esse. But Clodius in B.C. 58 apparently
overrode this SCtum by a lex, and new
collegia immediately came into existence
[Cic. pro Sest. § 55]. Iulius again attempted the same distinction [Jul. 42],
citncta collegia, praeter antiquitus constituta distraxit:
and the lex Iulia of
Augustus seems to have effected the
object by requiring every collegium to
have a license from the Senate or the
Emperor,—thus the clause often appearing in R o m a n inscriptions ex s.c. coire
licet [see e.g. Wilmanns, 1737]» but the
rule does not seem to have applied to
other towns in Italy or the provinces.
T h e 'ancient colleges' may be those
mentioned by Plutarch as having been
established by Nuraa \Num. 17]. There
is a considerable literature on the subject,
Mommsen de Collegiis (1843), D r Cohn
zum romischen Vereinsrecht (1873), D r
H . Mane derpraefectusfabrmn
(188 7), W .
Liebermans/^r Geschichte und Organisation des romischen Vereins%vesens (1890),
with Mr E . G. H a r d y ' s review [Class.
Review, vol. 5, p . 420]. Marquardt
12, 1 6 7 ; Bruns, Fontes, p p . 315—325.
legitima does not seem to refer to any
law naming certain colleges, but to their
object, those whose objects were constitutional : this would exclude political
clubs, and perhaps associations con-

nected with foreign religions.
tabulas...debitorum. D i o 53, 2 [13,
1. 28] /cat rds eyYi/as ras 7rpbs TO 8r}/x6(riov
irpb rrjs irpbs r y 'A/crty fA&XW yevo/Jifras,
irXrjv TCOV TreplrcL ot/coSo/U/^uara airr}\\ai;ev,
T& re 7ra\cu& <rvfA(36\cua T<2V rep noivtp TL
dipeihbvTWv ZKavaev. T h e debts might
be from multae or confiscations, or even
from state loans [see c. 4 2 ] .
vel praecipuam.. .materiam, * far t h e
most frequent excuse for vexatious actions.' praecipuam
is qualified by vel
as though a superlative adjective. Cf.
////. 21 cuius velpraecipua opera... Bibulum impugnaverat.
F o r such calumniae
in favour of the treasury, see Nero 32 ;
Domit. 9.
iuris ambigui, i.e. when it could not
be clearly proved whether they were
public or private property, the presumption was allowed to go in favour of the
actual holder. There were regular commissioners, holding office for two years,
to decide such questions ('escheators'),
called curatores locorum publicorum, see
W i l m a n n s 8 5 4 T « Q V I N C T I V S « . . . C « CAL-

PETANVS•
CVRATORES • LOCOR •
PVBLICOR • IVDICAND • EX • S • C • CAVSA •
COGNITA • EX • PRIVATO • IN • PVBLIC •
RESTITVER. C p . id. I I 3 I .
sordibus, 'misery,' with a general
reference, however, to the custom of a
reus being sordidatus.
C p . Vtt. 8 reis
sordes, damnatis supplicia dempsit. Cic.
ad Att. 1, 16, 2 satins esse ilium in infamia relinqui ac sordibus quam inftrmo
iudicio committi.
nomina abolevit, h a d their names removed from the public tabulae of accused
persons. T h e tabulae publicae in such
revenue cases hung up in the treasury,
Domit. 9 reos, qui ante
quinquennium
proximum
apud aerarium
pependissent
universos discrimine liberavit, nee repeti
nisi intra annum eaque conditione permisit, ut accusatori qui causam non
teneret exilium poena esset.
repetere ... subiret.
See passage
quoted above. F o r the technical meaning of repetere, of a renewal of a charge,
see also Dom. 8
Corneliam...absolutam
olinif dein longo intetvallo
repetitam
atqtie convictam defodi imperavit.
The

32.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

7$

par periculum poenae subiret. Ne quod autem maleficium
negotiumve inpunitate vel mora elaberetur, triginta amplius
dies, qui honoraris ludis occupabantur, actui rerum accommodavit. Ad tris iudicum decurias quartam addidit
ex inferiore censu, quae ducenariorum vocaretur iu- itJiciam
dicaretque de levioribus summis. Iudices a vicensimo
[quinto] aetatis anno adlegit, id est quinquennio maturius quam
right however was usually confined to
Marquardt 12, p. 349.
those cases where the accuser had died
actui rerum, 'for the prosecution of
or for some reason had been prevented
legal business,' * term-time,' Pliny Ep. 9,
from proceeding; and moreover the
25, 3 nunc me rerum actus modice sed
new accusation must be within 30 days.
tamen distringit. Claud. 15; Nero 17.
Dig. 48, 2, 3, § 4.
ad tris iudicum decurias. The judices
up to B.C. 122 had all been Senators, from
par ... poenae.
The calumniator
B.C. T22 to 81 they were equites. In that
risked incurring the same punishment
year a law of Sulla reinstated the Senaas the accused would incur if cast in his
tors. It was the reaction after the death
suit. Cod. 9, 46, 10 quisquis crimen
of Sulla that introduced the three aecuintendit non impunitam fere noverit
riae. By the lex Aurelia (B.C. 70) the
licentiam mentiendi: cum cahtmniantis
ad vindictam poscat similitudo supplied; jury was to be composed of three decuriae, Senatores, equites and tribuni aerajust as in an action for property the
rii. The lex Iidia of B. c 46 did away
adsertor risked a fine of a third of its
with the decuria of the tribuni aerarii
value if convicted of cahwinia, Gaius
[lul. 41; Dio 43, 25]. Antony in B.C.
Instil. 4, 175.
44 made a third decuria of those who
maleficium negotiumve, 'action for
damages or on a disputed claim.' This had served as centurions, or in the
cavalry or in the legio Alatida in any
answers to the two great divisions of
rank [Cic. 1 Phil. § 20; 5, § 12; 13, § 3].
actiones of Iustinian [Inst. 4, 6], those
The lex Aurelia had, it appears, not
in personam and in rem. The former
barred centurions as long as they had a
would include (among other things)
certain censtis (raised perhaps by the
maleficium, where some wrong or fraud
lex Pompeia in B.C. 55), but Antony's
was alleged and a remedy sought; the
law abolished this qualification. What
latter would coincide with negotium, all
questions between two or more litigants exactly Augustus did is somewhat obscure. Mommsen {Staatsr. 3, p. 335,
who were at issue as to some right or
no. 2] holds that he composed the three
liability. For negotium in the sense of
lawsuit cp. Cal. 40 si quis composuisse decuriae of equites exclusively, adding a
4th decuria of men of a lower census.
vel donasse negotium convinceretur.
But the point of view as to the indicia
elaberetur, ' should be allowed to fall
was changed. It was no longer an
through,' 'should escape the hands of
object for one order or the other to
the law.' Cp. Tib. 33 et siquern reortim
elabi gratia rumor esset, subilus aderat. serve on them. The measure of Augustus was a relief to the Senators, and
triginta... accommodavit, that is he
his reform seems to have been a levelallowed actions to be brought on thirty
ling up, as by some means the majority
additional days, which had before been
of those on the albu??i iudictwi had
feriae. In the Dig. 48, 2, 3, § 4 it
come to be of a census lower than the
is laid down ubique triginta dies utiles
equestrian. Pliny N. H. 30, 131, § 30
observandi sunt. Now days on which
divo Augusto ordinante decurias maior
ludi were held were not utiles. Aupars iudictim in ferreo anmilo fuity
gustus did not interfere with the regular
iique non equites sed iudices vocabantur.
feriae, on which ludi stati or conceptivi
were held: but the days closed to law
ducenariorum, men whose census
business had a constant tendency to inreached HS 200,000 but was below the
crease, and he here withdraws from
equestrian (HS 400,000). See Claud.
them 30 days taken up by ludi hono24 procurato7'es ducenarii.
rarii, i.e. games given as an extra
a vicensimo [quinto]. The MSS.
indulgence by magistrates to the people,
have tricensimo. But the lex Servilia

76

SUETONI

[32—

solebant

Ac plerisque iudicandi munus detractantibus, vix
concessit ut singulis decuriis per vices annua vacatio
va<£tion. e s s e t > e t u t solitae agi Novembri ac Decembri mense
res omitterentur. Ipse ius dixit assidue et in noctem
nonnumquam, si parum corpore valeret, lectica pro tribunali
collocata vel etiam domi cubans. Dixit autem ius
non
iudee
diligentia modo summa sed et lenitate, siquidem
manifesti parricidii reum, ne culleo insueretur, quod
nonnisi confessi adficiuntur hac poena, ita fertur interrogasse:
certe patrem tunm non occidisti ? Et cum de falso testamento
(B.C. 104) fixed the lowest age at thirty,
and if Augustus anticipated that by 5
years he must have fixed it at twentyfive (xxx and xxv may easily have been
confused).
munus detractantibus. The work
was now, as observed above, a burden
rather than a privilege. See passages
cited by Mayor on Iuv. 7, 116. It was
to relieve this burden that Caligula
added a 5th decuria [ut levior labor
iudicantibus foret ad quattuor prioris
quint am decuriam addidit, Cat. 16].
solitae agi...Decembri. The months
of November and December were
already much occupied with ludi and
other celebrations, December especially,
with the Saturnalia, was a general holiday. [See Iuv. 7, 98; infr. 71.] The
total suspension of indicia public a during
them therefore was perhaps no great
innovation.
33. ipse ius dixit. The criminal
jurisdiction of the Emperors was unlimited, though they frequently named
a consilium of Senators and equites to
assist them. [See Tac. Ami. 3, 10;
14, 62; Pliny Ep. 4, 22; 6, 22.] Some
of the early Emperors were remiss in this
duty, and accordingly Suetonius generally notices their habit in this respect,
see Claud. 14 [cp. Dio 60, 4]; Nero 14
—15; Dom. 8. This power (ius dicendi) was in strict accordance with precedent in the case of the dictators,
triumvirs, and other extraordinary
magistrates, see Mommsen Staatsr. 4,
p. 461. Willems, Droitpublique, p. 458.
in noctem, 'up to night-fall. The
Roman business day ended commonly
at noon or an hour later, Mart. 4, 8, 4
sexla quies lassis septima finis erit, and
law business began from 8 to 9 A.M....
exercetraucostertiacausidicos. After dark
the business of the courts could not pro-

perly be continued [Pliny Ep. 4, 9, § 9
actionem meam, utproelia solet, nox diremit], just as a meeting of the Senate by
ancient custom was suspended by nightfall, the legality of a decree passed after
it being disputed, Gell. 14, 7, § 8 post
haec deinceps dicit (Varro) senatus consultum ante exortum aut post occasum
solem factum ratum nonfuisse.
domi. Thus Iulius heard the case of
Deiotarus at his own house.
lenitate, see infr. c. 5T. Dio [55, 7]
attributes much in this way to the
influence of Maecenas.
parricidii. Whether the word is
derived from pater caedo or not, two
things are plain: (1) that it once applied
to any murder, cp. Festus s. v. parricid.
of a law of Numa, si qui hominem
liberum dolo sciens morti duit paricidas esto; (2) that in later times it was
regarded as so derived and used for
' parricide.'
culleo, the punishment of the parricide. See Ner. 45; Dio 61, 16;
Iustin. Inst. 4, 18 § 6 poena parricidii
punietur.. dnsutus culeo cum cane et
gallo gallinaceo et vipera et simia et inter
eius ferales angustias comprehensus,
secundum quod regionis qualitas tulerit,
vel in vicinum mare, vel in amnem
proiicietur, tit onmi elementorum usu
vivus carere incipiat, ut ei caehwi superstiti, terra mortuo auferatur. See also
passages collected by Mayor on Iuv. 8,
214. Cic. pro Ros. Am. § 70.
nonnisi confessi. This must have
been a provision of the lex Pompeia
(B.C. 55), for the punishment existed
before, see Livy Ep. 68 (B.C. 102); Val.
Max. 1, 1, 13; Oros. 1, 16, 23. The
alternative to confession was to stand a
trial and receive a perhaps lighter sentence, cp. Capitolin. Anton. Pius 8. 10
usque adeo sub eo nullus percussus est

33.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

77

ageretur omnesque signatures lege Cornelia tenerentur, non
tantum duas tabellas, damnatoriam et absolutoriam, simul
cognoscentibus dedit, sed tertiam quoque, qua ignosceretur
lis, quos fraude ad signandum vel errore inductos constitisset.
s Appellationes quot annis urbanorum quidem litigatorum praetori delegabat urbano, ac provincialium consularibus viris, quos
singulos cuiusque provinciae negotiis praeposuisset.
senator ut etiam parricida confessus in
sine sui appellatione concessit. Neio
insula deserta poneretur, quia vivere illi gave an appeal from the iudices to the
naturae legibus non licebat.
Senate \Ner. 17 tit omnes appellationes
signatures...tenerentur. The Lex
a iudicibus ad senatum fierent\. But
Cornelia de falsis or testamentaria of
this seems either only to refer to private
Cornelius Sulla related to all kinds of
suits, Tac.Ann. 14, 28, or not to exclude
frauds connected with wills. The witthe appeal to the Emperor which still
nesses to a forged will (of which seven
existed side by side with it. Again by
were required) were liable to the same
a constitution of Hadrian there was no
penalty as the actual forger,—the preappeal from the Senate to the Emperor.
sumption being that all engaged were
But these arrangements appear to have
acting in concert. Iustin. Inst. 4, 18, 7
only applied to Rome or Italy, not to
item lex Cornelia de falsis, quae etiam
the provinces, from which the appeals
testamentaria vocatttr, poenam irrogat ei,
to the Emperor continued to be made.
qui testamenhim vel aliud instrumentum
This appellatio was a natural result of
scripserit, signaverit, recitaverit, subiethe old provocatio ad popuhim, which
cerit, quive signum adidterinum fecerit,
ceased to be practically used when
sculp ser it, expresserit sciens do to malo. trials were before quaestiones as comDig. 48, 10, 2. What Augustus seems to
mittees of the populus. The last recordhave done is to give a generous intered case was that of Rabirius in B.C.
pretation to the saving clause sciens dolo 63,—but the provocatio in that case
malo, enabling a witness to prove that
was not against the verdict of iudices,
he had not been aware of the nature of
but against the sentence of duoviri
the deed when he signed it. The precapitales on a charge of perduellio, an
sumption would still be against him till
antiquated procedure which had been
he had proved this.
practically superseded by a quaestio de
maiestate. Against an irresponsible
cognoscentibus, 'the jury,' but also
sentence of duoviri there was of course
of magistrates hearing a case, Jul. 38;
still a right of provocatio [Jul. n ] .
Claud. 15 and 33; Nero 15.
Now that the comitia had lost all signitertiam. quoque. This is not the
ficance, the appellatio to the Princeps
tablet with N.L. on it, the custom of
naturally took the place of the old
giving a non liquet verdict having fallen
into desuetude [see Cicero/;^ Cluent. provocatio adpopulum.
§ 76]; it appears to have been a tablet
delegabat. In later times this bespecially prepared for this occasion,
came a regular system. The Emperor
but how marked we do not know.
either judged an appeal himself or reappellationes. Though the exact
ferred it to a iudex datus or index delejuridical foundation of the appellate gatus, who as representing him gave a
jurisdiction of Augustus is not clear,
decision which, like his own, might be
it grew naturally from his tribunicia
without appeal if so stated in his compotestas, as well as his proconsulare
mission. Cod. Th. 11, 30,16; Willems,
imperium in the provinces. Among the
Droit publique, pp. 459, 462 ; Dig. 49,
powers voted to Augustus in B.C. 30—
2, 1, § 42o[Dio5i, 19] were that ^KKXTJTOJ/ re
consularibus viris... praeposuisset.
[sc. dUrjv, cp. 52, 22] diK&£eii> /cat -tyrifybv
Officials called legati iuridici, or simply
Tiva atJTOu Iv iracri rots diKaarypioLSiuridici, are found in the provinces in
wairep 'Adqvas <p£pe<r6ai. For some the next century [Marquardt 9, p. 576;
time however there seems to have been
Mommsen Staats. 1, p. 262]: whether
a variety of practice. Caligula [c. 16] they are to be connected with this
magistratibus liberam mrisdictionem et
arrangement of Augustus is uncertain.

78

SUETON

I

[34—

Leges retractavit et quasdam ex integro sanxit, ut sumptuariam et de adulteriis et de pudicitia, de ambitu,
tion!S a
^e m u t a n d i s ordinibus. Hanc cum aliquanto severius quam ceteras emendasset, prae tumultu recusantium perferre non potuit, nisi adempta demum lenitave parte 5
poenarum et vacatione trienni data auctisque praemiis. Sic
quoque abolitionem eius publico spectaculo pertinaciter postulante equite, accitos Germanici liberos receptosque partim
ad se partim in patris gremium ostentavit, manu vultuque
significans ne gravarentur imitari iuvenis exemplum. Cumque x
Iosephus Quirinus, who was legatus Au- Q. Poppaeus Secundus (A.D. 9) and
gusts in Syria [Rushforth 23], says that hence called the lex Papia Poppaea
he was virb Kaioupos 5t/cato56r^s rod '46vovs [Dio 54, 16; 56, 1 ; Tac. Ann. 3, 25;
airecrTaXfjLtvos, and the same title is given 15, 19; Ulp. tit. 14].
prae tumultu.. .potuit. The hardships
in inscriptions to other men who were
of the law most felt were (1) the tax on
legati of provinces, and is therefore
coelibes and their inability to inherit by
apparently only a somewhat inaccurate
will, (2) the disabilities inflicted on orbi,
version of the ordinary legattts [Wilwho between certain ages could only take
manns 1159, cp. CL G. 4238].
34. leges...sanxit, 'he revised the half an hereditas or legatum, the remainder going to the treasury: it was in fact a
laws and in some cases enacted new.'
' death duty' of 50 p.c. on childless or
Augustus refers in general terms to his
legislation and restoration of old customs unmarried men and women. Attempts
before mentioned [c. 31] in the M. A. were often made to modify it, cp. Tac.
c. 2 legibus novis latis complura exempla Ann. 3, 25 relatum deindede moderanda
maiomm exolescentia iam ex nostro usti Papia Poppaea, quam senior Augustus
reduxi et ipse multarum rerum exempla post Itilias rogationes incitandis coelibum
imitanda posteris tradidi. During his poenis et augendo aera?'io sanxerat. Dio
56, 6. Plut. de Am. prol. 2 'Pw/xatW
principate the forms of the comitia for
legislation were generally maintained iroWol ya/uLovcn Kai yevvCoGLV, o$x '^va
K\r)pov6fxovs 'ixoxriVi dXX' tva K\7)povo/jLeLv
[Dio 53, 21], though a SCtum of B.C. 19
dtivwvrdi.
gave him the right of making laws to be
called leges Atigustae. Of those carried
poena Fest. uxorium pependisse diby him we hear of de collegiis B.C. 22 citur qui quod tixorem non habuerit
[Dio 54, 2]; de eqtdtibus B.C. 15 [Dio aes populo dedit. This was a tax of
54, 30]; de Senattt B.C. 9 [Dio 53, 3]; great antiquity, see Val. Max. 2, 9, 1,
de ambitu B.C. 8 [Tac. Ann. 15, 20] ; de who says that it was levied by the
emancipation A.D. 3 [Dio 55, 13]; de Censors of B.C. 404. Augustus revived
Vestalibus A.D. 5 [Dio 55, 13]; de and increased it.
vicesima hereditatum A.D. 6 [Dio 55,
vacatione trienni, ' a three years'
25 ; 56, 28]. Also some which we canfreedom from the obligation to marry
not date,—leges sumptuariae [Gell. 2, after the death of a husband or wife.'
24, 14]; leges iudiciariae [Macrob. 1,
Ulp. tit. 14 feminis lex lulia a morte
10, 4]; de peculatu [Dig. 48, tit. 13]. viri anni tribuit vacationem, a divortio
The laws on marriage, and the relation sex mensium : lex autem Papia a morte
of the sexes generally, consisted of a viri biennii, a repudio anni et sex menseries of enactments to be regarded per- sium.
haps as separate chapters of the same
accitos Germanici...exemplum. As
law: (1) B.C. 18—17 de adtdteriis coer- Germanicus was born B.C. 15 he was
cendis; (2) de pudicitia [Dig. 48, tit. 5 ; still iuvenis [Gell. 10, 25] at the time of
Ulp. tit. 13—14; Hor. Od. 3, 24]; (3)
the passing of the law (A.D. 9), but he
de maritandis ordinibus [Dio 54, 16; had already been Quaestor (A.D. 7) and
55, 2; Hor. C. Saec. 20]; (4) an
had served in Pannonia under his uncle
amplification of the above passed in the
Tiberius, returning in A.D. 10 to anconsulship of M. Papius Mutilus and
nounce the success of the expedition

35-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

79

etiam inmaturitate sponsarum et matrimoniorum crebra
mutatione vim legis eludi sentiret, tempus sponsas habendi
coartavit, divortiis modum imposuit.
Senatorum affluentem numerum deformi et incondita turba
5 (erant enim super mille, et quidam indignissimi et R f
post necem Caesaris per gratiam et praemium adlecti, of the
quos orcinos vulgus vocabat) ad modum pristinum
et splendorem redegit duabus lectionibus: prima ipsorum
normal number of the Senate up to the
[Dio 55, 31]. T h e date of his marriage
time of Sulla was 300 [Livy ep. 60],
with Agrippina (b. B.C. 12), daughter of
though that number was not strictly
Agrippa and lulia, is not known, but
adhered to, being sometimes in excess
she seems already to have had several of
[1 Maccabees, 8, 15], and sometimes
the nine children which she eventually
somewhat short [ A p p . B. civ. 1, 35].
bore to her husband [Cal. 7].
Sulla raised it to about 600, though this
inmaturitate sponsarum, i.e. by
number does not appear to have been adcontracting a nominal marriage or behered to strictly [Willems le Senat 1, p.
trothal with a child, in order to evade the
4 0 5 ] ; and the. actual attendance of 200
law. Such betrothals were not othermembers was looked upon as fairly satiswise uncommon : Augustus himself was
factory in Cicero's time [ad Q.fr. 2, 1,
married to a daughter of Fulvia, while
1]. Iulius Caesar largely recruited its
she was quite a child, and never lived with
ranks, not it would seem from any reh e r ; and he caused Tiberius to betroth
gard to its dignity, rather the reverse,
himself to Vipsania, daughter of Agrippa,
—putting men of all sorts into it, even
when she wTas only a year old, Nepos
peregrini.
[Suet. Caes. 41 senatum supAll.ig. But as a mode of evading the law
plevit. id. %operegrinis in senatum adlectis
Augustus attempted to suppress it by the
libellus propositus est: l bonum factum ;
regulation that no sponsalia were to b e
ne quis senatori novo curiam
monstrare
taken account of that were not followed
velit.1'] It was done by a lex Cassia,
by marriage in two years...TOUT' 'iariv
deK^TLV iravrws iyyvaadai rbv yk TL d,7r' T a c . Ann. 11, 25. At his death the
members seem to have reached 900,
airrjs airoKwuaavra' dwdeKa yhp
rats
Kopcus is T7]V rod ydfiov Spav err] irXrjpr}, Dio 43, 47 TrafJLirXrjdeis ewl TTJV yepovaiav,
KaBdirep elirov, pojULiferaL, Dio 54, 16. firjdev diaKpivwv fvfjr9 el' rts crpartcor^s
IATJT' d TLS aire\evdipov irals r\v, icreOther ways, however, were found of
ypa\pev, ooare evaicovLovs rb Ke<f>d\aiov
accomplishing this evasion and obtaining
avrcou yevecrdcu.
the rights reserved to the parent of three
children, so that rewards for information
orcinos, a name applied to men freed
were offered under the lex PapiaPoppaea
in virtue of a will. lust. Inst. 2, 24, 2
[ T a c . Ann. 3, 2 8 ; Suet. Ner. 10].
qui directo testamenti liber esse iubetttr,
ipsius testatoris fit libertus, qui etiam
divortiis...imposuit, principally by
orcinus
appellattir.
the regulation that the dos was to be forduabus lectionibus. In
theMonumenfeited by the party in fault. This was no
tum, c. 8, Augustus says Senatum T E R
new principle, see Cic. Top. § 19 siviri
legi. T h e occasions were (1) I n B.C. 29,
culpa factum est divortium etsi mulier
when, finding the number had risen to
nuntium remisit, tamen pro liberis ma1000,he induced 50 to resign, and expelled
nere nihil oportet. But Augustus seems
140 others, acting with Agrippa [Dio 52,
to have increased the stringency of the
42]. (2) I n B.C. 18, when he tried an
regulation in regard to capricious dielaborate system of selection by nomivorces where no distinct crime was
nating a certain number, who were to
chargeable on either side. Moreover the
name others, who again were to name
observance of certain forms of divorce
more, up to about 3 0 0 ; but the system
was enforced. Dig. 38, 11, r, § 1 Lex
breaking down h e made u p the list himlulia de adulteriis, nisi certo modo divorself to 600 [Dio 54, 13]. Suetonius,
tium factum
sit, pro infecto sit.
See
however, seems to reverse the order of
Marquardt 14, p p . 91—95.
35. Senatorum ... numerum. The these lectiones. (3) I n B.C. n [Dio 54,

8o

SUETONI

[35

arbitratu, quo vir virum legit, secunda suo et Agrippae; quo
tempore existimatur lorica sub veste munitus ferroque cinctus
praesedisse, decern valentissimis senatorii ordinis amicis sellam
suam circumstantibus. Cordus Cremutius scribit, ne admissum
quidem tunc quemquam senatorum nisi solum et praetemptato s
sinu. Quosdam ad excusandi se verecundiam compulit
servavitque etiam excusatis insigne vestis et spectandi in
orchestra epulandique publice ius. ^ Quo autem lecti probatique et religiosius et minore molestia senatoria munera
fungerentur, sanxit, ut prius quam consideret quisque ture ac 1
mero supplicaret apud aram eius dei, in cuius templo coiretur,
et ne plus quam bis in mense legitimus senatus ageretur,
Kal. et Idibus, neve Septembri Octobrive mense ullos adesse
the toga. C p . Seneca de Clem. 1, 9, 1
35]. Dio also mentions a fourth, in
(of Augustus' plot against Antony) cum
A . D . 3, b u t that was done through comhoc aetatis esset quod tu nunc
es..jam
missioners {tres viri), see c. 37 [Dio 55,
abscon13]. Mommsen, res g. p . 35, rejects the pugiones in sinum amicorum
derat.
third of them.
ad excusandi se verecundiam i.e. 'to
lorica sub veste, 'under his tunic,' as
resign.' I n the lectio of B.C. 29 he induced
in the case of Cicero, Plut. Cic. 14 rod
5e diopaKOS eTrtrrjdes VTr£<paive TL irapa- certain senators to resign, and for those
who did so he reserved certain honorary
XTLKTCLS €K TWV OJ/JLCJV rod %irwj'os...I)io
Senatorial distinctions, Dio 52, 42 TO ixh>
[54, 12] refers to the wearing of the
irpQrov irevrifiKovTa wov gireurev edekovras
lorica by Augustus, as owing to the dis/cat avT&v yrlturbed state of the times, in B.C. 19— iK<TT7)vou rod (Twedpiov
18 rbv dwpaica ov virb rfj aro\rj TTOWCLKLS
/jLCocre jjih
otibha.
ev
Kal is aiuTO rb avvidptov iffLtop elx '
senatoria munera fungerentur.
Roby § 1223. T h e later writers imiCordus Cremutius [for similar inversion of names see Sail. lug. 2 7 ; T a c . tated the construction of the praeCiceronians.
C p . T a c . Ann. 3, 1
Agric. 2]. Cremutius Cordus offended
magistrates Campani suprema erga meSejanus by saying of the decree for
moriam Germanici
munerafungebantttr.
putting u p his statue in the restored
theatre of Pompey, tunc veYe theatrum
in cuius templo, Aul. Gell. 14, 7, 7
perire, Seneca ad Marciam (d. of Cre(Varro) confirmavit,
nisi in loco per
mutius) 22, 4. T h e pretext for his
augurem constitutor quod templum approsecution was that in his history of
pellaretur,
senatus consultum
factum
the civil war and the life and times of
esset, iustum id non fuisse.
Propterea
Augustus (irepl TUJV TQ AbyoibcrTip irpa%- et in Curia Hostilia et in Pompeia et
BevTwv) h e had praised Brutus and
post in Itdia^ cum pro/ana ea loca fuisCassius and spoken of them as ' the last
sent, templa esse per augures
constituta,
of the Romans. 5 H e ended his life b y
ut in its senatus consulta more maiorum
starvation. D i o 57, 24 ; T a c . Ann. 34 iustafieri
possent.
— 3 5 ; Suet. Tib. 6 1 . According to
Kal. et Idibus. Suetonius does not
Suetonius and Tacitus this compliment
mean that a meeting of the Senate could
referred to Cassius alone, and is attrionly be held on these days, but that on
buted by Plutarch to Antony [Plut.
these days alone were meetings to b e
Brut. 44]. T h e Senate ordered his
positively required by law,—legitimus
works to be destroyed, but they were
senatus [for this meaning of legitimus
nevertheless secretly circulated, and were
cp. Cicero Verr. 2, 2, 128 mensis legitisubsequently licensed again b y Caligula
mus {ad comitia habenda)~\. I t was to
[Suet. Cat. 16].
secure a minimum, not to limit the number of meetings. This h a d become
praetemptato sinu, lest a dagger
necessary because the tendency to shirk
should be concealed under the folds of

35-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS,

81

alios necesse esset quam sorte ductos, per quorum numerum
decreta confici possent; sibique instituit consilia sortiri
semenstria, cum quibus de negotiis ad frequentem senatum
referendis ante tractaret. Sententias de maiore negotio non
more atque ordine sed prout libuisset perrogabat, ut perinde
public duties was growing, Dio 55, 3 dispensing any one from the laws [Asconius in Cic. Corn. p. 58]. These
TCLS TT)S yepovaias edpas h> prjrcus Tjftipais
ytypecrOac e/fAewej',—iireidr] y&p ot/dh numbers represent roughly a third of
irpbrepov fapiflios irepl CLVT&P iriraKro the whole. It seems also from many
passages in Cicero's letters that a defiKCLL ripes did rovro TTOXX&KLS vvripi^op Stfo
nite
fiovkds Karen fXTJva KvploLS diride^ep, dxiTG number were required for a SCtum
is atiras iwdpayKes, otis ye Kal 6 PS/HOS for the designation of provinces [Att.
eiaiXei, <rv{ji<f)OLTai>. [See also for 5» 2; 5, 4; /am. 8, 5; 8, 8; 8, 9], and
the
in other matters, though the number reslack attendance Cic. Q. Fr. 2, 12; 3,
2; ad Att. 12, 40.] The regulation quired in all cases is not known, a
was maintained with some slight varia- member might at any time demand a
tion as to the days in some of the count (might say numera). See Cic.
months to the 4th century, see Momm- /am. 7, 1; 8, 11; Att. 5, 4. Festus,...
'numera senatum'' ait quivis senator
sen, C. I. L. 1, 371. Originally it
seems that the Senate often met daily consuli cum impedimento vult esse quominus faciat senatus consu/tum...Si tot
or on any day on which the chief
magistrate desired to consult it, with no non sint quo numero licet perscribi senaregard to the distinction of dies fasti and tus consultum. If no such motion were
ne/asti. Gradually, however, certain made it seems that the smallness of the
days became closed to it,—such as days number did not hinder the passing of a
of public mourning or .days devoted to SCttcm. [Willems,/*?Senat, 2,p. 167—9.]
comitial business (though all dies comiconsilia sortiri semenstria. This
tiales were not so excluded),—and these
'privy council' or 'cabinet' was no part
days seem first to have been formally of the constitution, but was a measure of
defined by the lex Papia (?B.c. 71) convenience adopted only by Augustus
and the lex Gabinia (B.C. 67). See and Tiberius. It was first established
Caes. B. civ. 1, 5; Aul. Gell. 14, 7; B.C. 27, consisting of the two consuls,
Willems, le Senate 2, pp. 149—151.
one praetor, aedile, tribune and quaestor
Septembri Octoforive. The unwhole- and 15 other senators, Dio 53, 21. In
some autumn, when the deadly auster A.D. 13, when the Emperor's age made
prevailed, no doubt made it difficult to attendance in the Curia painful, a similar
secure the presence of Senators. Horace, council representing the Senate was emEpist. 1, 7, 5; 16, 6; Sat. 2, 6, 18; powered to meet at his house, consisting
Iuv. 4, 56; 6, 517; 14? 130. October of 20 Senators, with Tiberius, the consuls
of the year, the Emperor's sons or grandalso, as the time of vintage, was inconsons by nature or adoption, and such
venient.
per quorum.. .possent. The lex Iulia others as he might himself select. Dio
55, 28.
(B.C. 9) named the minimum number of
Senators necessary for passing senatus
sententias...perrogabat, ' on busiconsulta of various kinds. Dio 55, 3 ness of greater importance he passed
T6P re dpiOfxbp rbp is TTJP Ktipwcriv T&V question round, not according to
the
doyfJLdrcjp avayKcuov Ka8y'iKaaroveWos
precedent and in order of seniority, but
avTu>p...Si€vofjLodiT7)(r€. The earliest in- he pleased.' The old order had been
as
dication of such a minimum which we {i) consulares, (2) praetorii, (3) aedilicii,
have is in the SCtum de Bacchanalibus (4) tribunicii, (5) quaestorii. Of the
(B.C. 186) where 100 members are consulares those who had been dictators
named as necessary for a decree of dis- or censors took precedence of all except
pensation. In B.C. 172 the number the princeps Senatus, and the consuls
required for a SCtum on the games designate (when there) came before all
vowed to Jupiter is mentioned as 150 other consulares [Cic. 5 Phil. § 35].
[Livy 42, 28]. In B.C. 67 (or 70) a
But in the last century several innovaplebiscitum of Cornelius required the tions had crept in. In the first place
presence of 200 senators for a SCttim the precedence of the censorii seems

S.

6

82

SUETONI

[35—

quisque animum intenderet ac si censendum magis quam
adsentiendum esset.
Auctor et aliarum rerum fuit, in quis: ne acta senatus
Adminis publicarentur, ne magistratus deposito honore statim
trative
in provincias mitterentur, ut proconsulibus ad mulos
reorms. e j . tabernacula quae publice locari solebant certa
pecunia constitueretur, ut cura aerari a quaestoribus urbanis
ad praetorios praetoresve transiret, ut centumviralem hastam
quam quaesturam functi consuerant cogere decemviri cogerent.
not to have been preserved, for Cicero is
asked for his vote before Catulus [ad
Alt. i, 13]; and the presiding magistrate
shewed his preference or dislike by calling on the consulares (provided always
that he began with them) in what order
he pleased, Gell. 14, 7, 9 novum morem
institutum refert (Varro)per ambitionem
gratiamque ut is primus rogaretur, quern
rogare vellet, dtim is tamen exgradu consular i esset. Thus Augustus in order to
put a slight on Lepidus called on him
last of the consulars [bardry r&v birarevabriav Dio 54, 15], but not after the other
orders. See Willems, le Senate 2, p. 180
sqq. For perrogare, see Pliny Ep. 6,
22 perrogari eo die sententiae non potuere.
adsentiendum, to assent, that is, to
his seniors.
36. ne acta...publicarentur, reversing the measure of Iulius, see on c. 6,

must have been lucrative. The mules
and vehicles formed part of the proconsul's vasarium in the ornatio provinciae,
see Suet. Caes. 18; Cic. de leg. agr. 2,
§ 32; in Pis. § 86.

ad praetorios praetoresve.

The

management of the aerarium Saturni
was first transferred by Augustus^ to
praetorians with the title oApraefecti in
B.C. 28 [Dio 53, 2 d6o /car' fros £K r&v
iffrparyyijKorojp aipetadai ^/cAeu<rej>,Tac.
Ann. 13, 29 Augustus senatuipermisit
deligerepraefectos\ In B.C. 23 two of
the praetors of the year were assigned
by lot to this office [Dio 53, 29; Tac.
/. c.]. Claudius gave it back to the
quaestors [Suet. Claud. 24; Tac. Ann.
13, 28]; but Nero once more appointed
praetorian praefecti [Tac. I.e.], Hence
in an inscription of about B.C. 15 we hear
of praetor aerarii [Wilmanns 1124],
but in the reign of Domitian and onp . 10.
wards, of praefectus aerarii Saturni
ne magistratus... mitterentur. This [Wilmanns 1150, 1152—3, 1162 etc.].
was part of the arrangements made for
quaestores uroani. The two quaesthe provinces in B.C. 27, Dio 53, 14
tors who remained in Rome. As manaKoiprj de 87) Tracriv airols airrjybpevffe gers of the aerarium they would give
fxrqd&a irpb irtvre ir&v fiera rb iv rfj out contracts for buildings in Rome,
irb\ei ap£ai K\r}pov<rdcu. It was a
Wilmanns 60 P • SERVILIO-L-ANTONIO«
restoration of the rule laid down in
COS • (B.C. 4 1 ) A • D • I I I K • SEXT • LOCAPompey's lex de iure magistratuum [B.C. V I T • Q • PEDIVS • Q • VRB • MVRVM •
52, Dio 40, 56], which had been either
IVNONI • LVCINAE.
repealed or ignored by Iulius.
centumviralem hastam, 'the cenad mulos... constitueretur. Dio 5 3, tumviral court,' Mart. 7, 63, 7 hunc
15 TO fxev yap ir&Xai epyohafiovvrts rives miratur adhuc centum gravis hasta
irapa rod drj/utocriov ir&vra orcplffL ra irpbs
viro7'um. Gaius, Instit. 4, 16 festuca
rrjv CLPXW <t>£povra Trapei%ov' eiri de drj utebatur quasi hastae locot signo
autem
rov Kai<rapos irp&rov atiroi eKeivoi ratcrbv
quodam iusti domini, quod maxime sua
ri Xafxp&veiv ijp^avro. Thus we hear esse credebanl, quae ex hostibus cepissent;
of Ventidius Bassus (afterwards consul unde in centumviralibus iudiciis hasta
suffectus for B.C. 43) victum sese aegre praeponitur.
quaesisse eumque sordide invenisse comquaesturam functi, for this conparandis mulis ab vehiculis quae magisstruction see on c. 35, p. 80.
tratibus, qui sortiti provincias forent,
decemviri, s c stlitibus iudicandis,
praebenda publice conduxisset, Aul. Gell. Dio 54, 26 ol dtfca ol ewl rdv dLKao'rrjpiojj/
15, 4. This business however brought
r&v is rovs enarbv avdpas kXijpovfJLivwv
Bassus into the notice of Caesar, and
airodeLKutjjuL€voL. This arrangement was

37-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

83

Quoque plures partem administrandae rei publicae caperent,
nova officia excogitavit: curam operum publicorum, viarum,
aquarum, alvei Tiberis, frumenti populo dividundi, praefecturam urbis, triumviratum legendi senatus, et alterum recogm a d e in B.C. 13. Later on t h e Praetor
summoned and presided over the court
[Pliny Ep. 5, 9], and their numbers were
increased to 180, w h o sat in three or
four divisions [ib. 6, 33]. A list of the
chief cases coming before t h e centumviri is given by Cicero de Or. 1, § 173.
37.
curam...alvei Tiberis. These
things had been formerly the business
of the Censors, Cic. de Leg. 3, § 7 censores urbis templa vias aquas
aerarium
vectigalia tuento.
T h e roads were first
restored by rich Senators, Augustus
himself undertaking the Flaminia [Dio
53, 22]. Regular curatores however
were afterwards appointed. T h e cura
is a res ab imperatore delegata [Frontin.
de aquis init.]. T h e new curae here
mentioned, established in virtue of
Augustus' censorial powers, w e r e :
(r) T h e curator operum publicorum.
H e first appears in existing inscriptions as
CVRATOR • AEDIVM • SACRARVM • MONVMENTORVM • QVE • PVBLICORVM T V E N D O R V M [C. I. L. 9, 3306], and

afterwards under various modifications
curator aedium sacrarum
et operum
publicorum
[Wilm. 1219a], operum
locorumquepublicorum
[id. 636], operum
publicorum [id. 1163, 1186].
(2) viarum [id. 1124 VIAR» CVR •
E X T R A • v • R• (about B.C. 11): id. 1137

CVRATOR • VIAR • STERNENDAR • (about
A . D . 31)], see Dio 54, 8, 26.

(3) aquarum. T h e first measures
of restoration or extension of the water
supply of R o m e were those of Agrippa,
w h o erected t h e A q u a Iulia in B.C. 33
and t h e Virgo in B.C. 19. But in B.C.
11 a Senatus Consultum was passed for
further restoration of rivi,
specus,fornices...quos Augustus
Caesar se refecturum impensa sua senatui
pollicitus
est, F r o n t . d e a q . i i ^ . Cp. M. A. c. 4 rivos
aquarum compluribus locis vetustate labentes refeci. I n this year the permanent
cura aquarum was established, which
often occurs in later inscriptions [see
Wilm. 1218, 1220, 1230 c].
(4) alvei Tiberis, see on c. 30. Augustus carried out the terminatio of B.C.
8 himself, which h a d been begun b y
the consuls of that year [C. I. L. 6,
1235 f.; Rushf. p p . 26—29]. T h e

regular appointment of curatores seems
however to date from A.D. 15 after a
great flood. Dio 57, 14 irfore aelftovXevTCLS KA77pwroi5s, c p . T^c. Ann.

1, 76. T h e

office of curator alvei et riparum
Tiberis
continued to b e of great importance
and is frequently found among t h e
honours of consulars in inscriptions
[Wilm. 848, 1147], a n d mostly with t h e
addition of cloacarum urbis, as in t h e
inscription in honour of t h e younger
Pliny [Wilm. 1162, see also id. 850,
1165, 1172].
(5) frumenti dividundi. T h e office
of curator frumenti is found in an inscription in honour of C . Memmius, son of t h e
consul for B.C. 34 [Wilm. 1113]. T h e
usual title in the succeeding period is
praefectus frumenti
dandi ex s. c.
[Wilm. 1123, 1132, 1139 etc.]. D i o
54, 1 (B.C. 22) €K£\€V<T€ dtio avdpas rQ>v
irpb irevre irov del irCov i&TpaTTjyrjKdTCJV
irpbs T7}i> rod crirov diavofxyv KCLT' ZTOS
alpetadai. Augustus at a season of dearth
himself undertook t h e curatio annonae,
M. A . 5 (B.C. 22), which was a wider
office than that of merely distributing
corn (frumentatio),
which he also did
in B.C. 23. M . A . c. 15.
praefecturam urbis. Another instance of the use of old names in t h e
new scheme of government. "We hear
of a praefectus urbis from regal times and
in t h e early republic, appointed to perform the urban duties of king or consul
in his absence,—holding elections [Livy
1, 6 0 ; b u t vid. Dionys. 4, 84], summoning t h e Senate [Livy 3, 2 9 ; cp. Gell.
14, 7, 4], administering justice [Livy 3,
24].
"With t h e appointment of a praetor, w h o stayed at R o m e (B.C. 367)
this became unnecessary, yet it was
still kept u p in t h e almost honorary
appointment of some pontifex or young
noble while the consuls were holding
the Feriae Latinae [see Nicol. D a m .
vit. Aug. 5 ; Suet. Ner. 7 ; D i o 4 1 , 14;
49, 42]. T h e essential feature was that
the imperium
of t h e praefectus was
equal to that of the magistrate of whom
h e was a deputy.
Iulius appointed
several [Suet. Caes. 76 praefecti pro
praetoribus, M o m m s . Staatsr. 2, p . 351
sq.]. Augustus, in virtue of his consular

6—2

84

SUETONI

[37—

noscendi turmas equitum, quotiensque opus esset. Censores
~
creari desitos longo intervallo creavit. Numerum
Censors

&

appointed praetorum auxit. Exegit etiam, ut quotiens consuB.C. 22.
i a t u s sibi daretur, binos pro singulis collegas haberet,
nee optinuit, reelamantibus cunetis satis maiestatem eius 5
imminui, quod honorem eum non solus sed cum altero gereret.
or other imperium availed himself of
the now antiquated custom at irregular intervals: (i) Maecenas, whether
formally holding the title or no, performed the duties in B.C. 36—35 [Dio
51, 16; cp. 52, 21]. (2) M. Valerius
Messala Corvinus was appointed (in B.C.
25 according to Eusebius Chron.), but
only held it for 6 days [cp. T a c . Ann.
6, n ] . (3) in B.C. 21 Agrippa for a
time performed the duties of the office
if h e did not take the title [Dio 54, 6,
11]. (4) in B.C. 16 Statilius Taurus was
appointed (Maecenas being out of
favour, and Agrippa in Syria, Dio 54,
19). But it was not apparently till the
reign of Tiberius that a permanent
arrangement was m a d e , — L . Calpurnius
Piso holding the office from A.D. 17 to
A.D. 32 [Suet. Tib. 4 2 ; T a c . Ann. 6,
10—11]. T h e office thus established
remained at any rate till the 4th century
[Wilm. 6 4 1 ; 1223].
triumviratum... e q u i t u m . (1) F o r
the special revisions of the Senate, see
c. 35. From B.C. 9 it seems that the
list was annually revised and put up on
an album [Dio 55, 3], but in A.D. 4 at a
lectio extraordinaria
Augustus was assisted by a board of three* Senators
selected by lot from 10 whom he named.
Dio 55, 13 d£t<a /SouXeuras oOs //.dXicrTa.
erifxa irpofiakbixevos rpels a7r' afirCbv
eiferaoT&s awtdeii-ev ods 6 K\r)po$ el'Xero,
cp. id. 52, 7. See Mommsen, res g. p .
35- x
(2) T h e equttes, divided for political purposes into 18 centuries, were for
ceremonial occasions organised in six
squadrons or turmae, T a c . Ann. 2, 8 3 ;
Pliny, N. H. 15, § 19. T h e
triumviri
employed by Augustus in the recognitio
equitum [see below, c. 38, p. 86] are not
mentioned elsewhere, and Suetonius
seems to mean that they were not employed except on special occasions
(quotiensque opus esset).
censores...creavit. F r o m the dictatorship of Iulius there had been only
one appointment of Censors ( B . C . 42)
and they had not acted [C. I. L. 1, p .

466].
Under Augustus the various
censorial functions, the lectio senatus,
the recognitio equitum, iudicatio et terminatio locorum publicorum,
were exercised either by himself, now as consul,
now as having consulare
imperium,
or by the consuls. This might be defended on constitutional grounds by the
fact that the censorial powers had originally belonged to the consulship; if no
Censors were appointed the old powers
of the consuls revived. Augustus refused to accept a life-censorship, and even
allowed two Censors to be elected in B.C.
22, who however did not exercise their
functions [Dio 53, 1 /cat rore 5r) 6 Atfyov<rros, Kalirep 4K€LPCOP aXpedtvrwv, iroWa
TQV d$ a#roi)s dv7]K6vT(au &r/>a£e]. These
were the last private citizens to hold
even nominally the office; Claudius and
Vitellius both took the title and exercised the office [Suet. Claud. 16; T a c .
Ann. 11, 4 8 ; 12, 4] as also did Vespasian and Titus [Suet. Vesp. 8 ; Tit.
6 ] ; but Domitian adopted the title of
censor perpetuus, and from that time
the office, with its complete control
over the Senate, became part of the
imperial power [Dio 67, 4].
numerum praetorum. T h e regular
number of praetors up to the time of
Iulius h a d been e i g h t ; he raised them to
ten, fourteen, and sixteen [Dio 42, 5 1 ;
43, 4 7 ; 49, 51]. Augustus apparently,
finding the normal number eight, raised
it to ten, but would not go beyond that.
Dio 53, 32 (TTpa.T7}yotis diKa, <bs otidtv
%TI irXadvcap bebjxevos, cp. Veil. 2, 89.
As the legati of the provinces were pro
praetore by virtue of their appointment
a large number of praetorii were no
longer needed. T h e two additional
praetors were appointed to preside over
the treasury. See on c. 36. H e however afterwards raised the number, or
allowed it to be raised for once, to
sixteen [Dio 56, 2 5 ; dig. 1, 2 § 32].
binos. This would in fact have been
to lower the consulship; for he would
have wielded the real power, his colleagues would have been ornamental.

38.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

85

Nee parcior in bellica virtute honoranda, super triginta
ducibus iustos triumphos et aliquanto pluribus trium- 5 ° ™ ^
phalia ornamenta decernenda curavit.
Liberis senatorum, quo celerius rei publicae assuescerent,
5 protinus a virili toga latum clavum induere et curiae
interesse permisit, militiamque auspicantibus non l^ators
tribunatum modo legionum, sed et praefecturas
alarum dedit; ac ne qui expers castrorum esset, binos plerumque laticlavios praeposuit singulis alis.
38. iustos triumphos ... curavit.
This account is not consistent with
what Suetonius himself says of the
habits of Augustus as to military rewards [c. 25], nor with his statement
that the ornamenta triumphalia were
first granted to Tiberius for his German
victories B.C. 15—9 [Suet. Tib. 9]. Nor
again are anything like thirty triumphs
recorded in the Fasti, even if all are
counted after the death of Iulius. After
B.C. 30 in fact only seven triumphs are
there recorded: M. Licinius Crassus
ex Thraecis et Getis (B.C. 28); M. Valerius Messala Corvinus ex Gallia (B.C.
27); Sex. Appuleius ex Hispania (B.C.
26); L. Sempronius Atratinus ex Afris
(B.C. 21); L. Cornelius Balbus ex Afris
(B.C. 19); and two of Tiberius ex Germanis (B.C. 7; A.D. 12). To these may
be added the triumph of C. Cassius de
Morinis [Dio 51,21]. In fact Augustus
seems to have been very chary of this
honour, and interfered with triumphs
voted to Tiberius in B.C. 12 [Dio 54, 31]
and Drusus in B.C. 11 [Dio 54, 35];
and Agrippa, who knew his master's
sentiments, persistently declined to accept a triumph or even the ornamenta
triumphalia [Dio 54, 11, 24]. But
others were less scrupulous, and this last
honour was somewhat easily bestowed

Macrob. 1, 6, 18]. It appears, however, that they accompanied their
parents, but remained at the open doors
as the plebeian tribunes had originally
done [Valer. Max. 2, 1, 9; Willems,
le Senat, 2, p. 163].
It is to be observed in regard to this
privilege granted by Augustus to the sons
of Senators that, though they were not
senators, they now belonged (as far as the
3rd degree) to the ordo senatorms: dig. 1,
9, 10 liberos senatorum accipere debemus
non tantum senatorum filios^ verum
omnes qui geniti ex ipsis exve liberis
eorum dicantur. Thus we hear henceforth of inventus utriusque ordinis
[Suet. Tib. 3 5 ], of a man senatorii ordinis qui nondum honorem capessisset
[Tac. Ann. 13, 25], whereas in the
mouth of Cicero hie ordo [2 Phil. § 2]
is only another expression for the
Senate, and ordo senatorius [pro Place.
§ 43] is the 'rank of Senator.'
a virili toga, see on c. 8.
latum clavum...alis. According to
this arrangement of Augustus there were
two courses open to a man wishing
to arrive at the Quaestorship and so
to Senatorial rank. (1) Civil,—by serving one of the offices included in the
vigintivirate, i.e. iiiviri capitales, xviri
stlitibus iudicandis, iiiviri monetales^
...TG>V d£ aWuv rives ovx OTL r a aura
ivviri viis in urbe purgandis [Dio 54,
atrip 7rpd<T(roj/T€s} dXX' ol fiev \yo-ras 26; Tac. Ann. 11, 29; Ovid, TV. 4, TO,
<rv\\afJL(3dvovT€S ol de iroXets o~Ta<na^oi- 29—36]. (2) Military,—in which the
aas KaTaWdo-o-ovres, /cat exrwpiyovro T&V
steps were (1) praefectus or tribunus
vtKTjTTjpiojv /cat (-irepLirov aura. 6 yap cohortis, (2) praefectus alae or tribunus
AtiyovcrTos /cat TCLVTCL a^Oovws TKTI r-qv legionis [Suet. Claud. 25]. But a memye Trp<j)T7}V exap^ero KaX drj/JLoalcus r a 0 a tber of the senatorms ordo began where
s
ir\el<TTovs oaovs iTifia. T h e ornamenta
the eques left off, i.e. as tribunus legioare enumerated in Livy 30, 15.
nis laticlavius. This was what Suetonius means by militiam auspicantibus,
liberis senatorum. The tradition that
'serving in the army for the first time,'
Senators brought their sons with them
with a view to obtaining office and
into the curia is ridiculed by Polybius
admission to the Senate: cp. Seneca i£/.
3, 20; referring it seems to the story of
47 § 10 Variana clade multos splendidisPapirius Praetextatus, said to have been
sime natos, senatorium per militiam
narrated by the elder Cato [Gell. 1, 23;

86

SUETONI

[38—

Equitum turmas frequenter recognovit, post longam intercapedinem reducto more travectionis. Sed neque
Ittuites detrahi quemquam in travehendo ab accusatore passus
est, quod fieri solebat, et senio vel aliqua corporis
labe insignibus permisit, praemisso in ordine equo, ad respondendum quotiens citarentur pedibus venire; mox\ reddendi
equi gratiam fecit eis, qui maiores annorum quinque et triginta
retinere eum nollent; impetratisque a senatu decern adiuauspicantes gradum, fortuna
depressit;
D i o 6 7 , L I vewUricos'IotiXiosKakoticurTpos
KGX^iapxnKtas is j3ovXelas iXirida. Some
confusion however is caused by these
laticlavii being spoken of loosely as
e q u i t e s until they had attained the
Senate, which was not their official
designation, see Dio 55, 2 virb T&V
itririoiv rCov re is TT)V lirir&ba d/cptj3cos
reXotivriav KOX T&V etc rod povXevriKov
yivovs '6vT(av. [For the laticlavii
tribuni, see Suet. Dom. 10; Wilmanns
1176, 1181, 1186 etc.,—from which it
appears that the laticlavii usually served
the civil as well as the military office
before attaining the Quaestorship, as
according to Dio [54, 26] was obligatory
on equites from B.C. 13. T h e opposite
of laticlavius was angusticlavius,
Suet.
Oth. 10.]
equitum...travectionis. T h e r e were
two ceremonies connected with the
equites in ancient times: (1) the travectio, held annually on the Ides of July
[Livy 9, 4 6 ; Valer. Max. 2, 2, 9 ;
Dionys. 6, 13]; (2) T h e recognitio
equittcm, held periodically by the Censors [Livy 38, 2 8 ; 39, 44]. T h e latter
had fallen into neglect with the decay
of the Censorship, and Augustus in
reviving it combined it with the travectio,
establishing an annual probatio
equitum
[i&rao-is Dio 55, 31]. This applied,
not to all who possessed the census
equester, but to those of that order who
had the equus publictis,—granted
now
and henceforth by the Emperor in virtue
of his censorial powers. See Ovid, Tr.
2, 89 (cp. 241)
At memini vitamque
meant mores que
probabas
Mo, quern dederas, praetereuntis equo.
But though the Emperors retained this
right [Dio 53, 17], their exercise of it
was fitful and intermittent, see Suet.
Tib.\i;
Claud. 16; Calig. 16; Lamprid.
Alex.
Sev. 15. These eqicites equo
publico) still divided into 18 centuriae for
political duties, were for ceremonial

purposes organised in six turtnae, commanded by seviri [Tac. Ann. 2, 8 3 ;
Wilmanns 1220, 1619 etc.].
ab accusatore, as in the old censorial reviews.
et senio...permisit. I n the republican reviews each knight passed the
censor leading his horse by the bridle
[Plut. Pomp. 2 2 ; Valer. Max. 4, 1, 10];
but in these imperial reviews the knights
apparently rode past, and it was therefore a special act of grace to allow one
incapable of riding from age or corpulence to approach on foot, whilst sending his horse on by some attendant.
Such a man had formerly been allowed
to give u p his horse, which, though
properly a relief and not an ignominia
[Aul. Gell. 6, 22], was yet at times
treated as such, as for example by Cato
[Festus s.v. staid].
mox reddendi...nollent 'later on to
those who, being over 35 years of
age, did not wish to retain their horse,
he granted a dispensation from formally surrendering it, 1 i.e. he allowed
them to remain equites, without appearing at the ceremonial procession, and
without apparently being liable to be
elected into the Senate if they had the
requisite senatorial census. T h e measure seems to be that referred to by
Dio 54, 26 r&v virkp irevre /cat Tpi&KovTCX, £ri) yeyovoTOJP OVK eiroKvirpayfxbvricre,
robs 5e evrbs re rrjs ifXiKtas ratfr^s ovras
KCLI TO rifx^fxa e'xoJ/Tas PovXevaat, KCLTT}p&yKCLcre, %w/)ts rj e'i ris av&irripos rjv (in
the year B.C. 13), cp. id. c. 30. I t was difficult to get enough men willing to serve in
the Senate, and equites rather than do
so would abjure their equestrian rank
(equum reddere). Accordingly Augustus
granted an exemption after 35, but
compelled those under that age to be
ready to serve as senators (if properly
qualified), and, as it seems, to appear in
the yearly procession as a sign of their
eligibility. It is apparently this dispensation of which Ovid availed himself

40.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

87

toribus, unum quemque equitum rationem vitae reddere coegit
atque ex inprobatis alios poena, alios ignominia notavit, plures
admonitione, sed varia. Lenissimum genus admonitionis fuit
traditio coram pugillarium, quos taciti et ibidem statim legerent; notavitque aliquos, quod pecunias levioribus usuris
mutuati graviore foenore collocassent. Ac comitiis
tribuniciis si deessent candidati senatores, ex equitibus
R. creavit, ita ut potestate transacta, in utro vellent ordine
manerent. Cum autem plerique equitum attrito bellis civilibus
patrimonio spectare ludos e quattuordecim non auderent metu
poenae theatralis, pronuntiavit non teneri ea, quibus ipsis
parentibusve equester census umquam fuisset.
to avoid the Senate [Tr. 4, 10, 35 curia
restabat;
clavi mensura
coacta est;
mains erat nostris viribus illud onus].
But Claudius [c. 24] senatoriam
dignitatem rectisantibus equestrem quoque
ademit. For facere gratiam see on ch.
17. M o m m s e n [ S t a a t s r . v i 2 p . 8 8 n o t e ( i ) ]
points out that it must mean ' e x e m p t '
and not ' p e r m i t , ' and that therefore
nollent must be changed to mallent, or
retinere be taken to refer only to the
retaining of the horse in the procession,
not to the equestrian rank.
39. rationem vitae reddere. T h e
investigation by these senatorial xviri
preceded the procession. T h e public
stigma of rejection at the review was
thus avoided except in special cases.
See Cat. 16 palam ade?npto equo quibus
aut probri atiquid aut ignominiae
inessety eorum qui minore cidpa tenerentur
nominibus modo in recitatione praeteritis. F o r such an enquiry see Macr. Sat.
3> 4» 25.
sed varia, ' a n d that too of different
degrees of severity.' F o r sed = /cat
Tavra (nearly) see c. 74.
pugillares (or adj. pugillares cerae),
small waxed tablets or memorandum
books, used especially for noting down
first thoughts or ideas. Suet. Ner. 5 2 ;
Plin. Ep. 1, 6, 1. Made of wood
[Mart. 10, 4, 3], of ivory [id. 5], of parchment [id. 7]. They might perhaps be
given without exciting particular remark.
quod pecunias...collocassent.
This
mode of making profit (though at the
root of the modern system of banking)
seems to have been regarded as specially discreditable. Cf. Vesp. 16 negotiations
quoque vel privato
pudendas
propalam exercuit^ coemendo quaedam,

tantum utpluris postea distraheret.
For
collocare of investing money cp. Tib.
48 cum sanxisset ut foeneratores
duas
partes patrimonii
in solo collocarent.
Tac. Ann. 6, 23.
40. si deessent...senatores. See on
ch. 10, p. 20. ita ut...manerent, ' w i t h
the privilege of remaining either senator
or eques at the expiration of their office.'
If a man was not already a Senator,
the Tribuneship made him a lifemember. But for various reasons men
avoided such membership. Dio 54, 26
obx oaov ovx avTewoiovvTO rod ftovkevTLKOV d£tc6/Aaros, dXXd /cat irpocfKaTeCkey/aepoL jjdrj QWIAVVVTO. T h e perpetual tribuniciapotestas of the Emperor rendered
the tribunate no longer an object of
desire, and it was necessary to force the
ex-quaestors to draw lots as to who
should undertake the duty, Dio I.e. exj/y](picrdr) IVa, iireidr) fjLrjdels £TL pydlws TT]V
5r)fjt,apxfav f/ret> KXtfpq) Tives e/c TQV reraIMevKbTW...KadL<TTO)VTat'y then to allow
those of senatorial fortune who took it
not to remain in the Senate [id. 54, 30],
and finally to allow all equites to hold
it without previous office [id. 56, 27].
e quattuordecim. T h e lex Roscia
theatralis [B.C. 68, Livy ep. 9 9 ; H o r .
Ep. 1, 1, 6 2 ; Iuv. 3, 155] had a special
clause referring to those equites who
had become bankrupt [Cic. 2 Phil.
§ 44]. T h e lex Iulia theatralis [Plin.
N.H. 33, § 32], while defining apparently
more strictly the qualification admitting
to the seats, abolished the clause as to
bankrupts. Domitian, finding the law
evaded, made still more stringent regulations on the subject. See Suet. Dom.
8 ; Martial 5, 8, 14, 24; 8, 5.
ipsis parentibusve. Under Tiberius

88

SUETONI

[40

Populi recensum vicatim egit, ac ne plebs frumentationum
causa frequentius ab negotiis avocaretur, ter in
frumen- annum quaternum mensum tesseras dare destinavit;
a t0i
sed desideranti consuetudinem veterem concessit
rursus, ut sui cuiusque mensis acciperet. Comitiorum quoque
pristinum ius reduxit ac multiplici poena coercito
ambitu, Fabianis et Scaptiensibus tribulibus suis die
c

in A.D. 21 the ius anuli (the distinctive
mark of the ordo equester) was confined to one qui ingenuus ipse, patre,
avo patemo HScccc census fuisset et lege
Julia theatrali in x i v ordinibus sedisset, Pliny I. c, a tightening up of
the regulation in the opposite direction
to the measure of Augustus.
teneri ea, sc. poena, cp. Cic. Q. F. 2,
3, 5 ut ea poena quae est de vi tenerentur.
populi recensum.. . e g i t , ' he drew up a
revised list of the people by vici,' or perhaps 'street by street.' This was for the
purpose of making out a list of the citizens actually residing in R o m e entitled
to share in the frumentatio, and must not
be confounded with the census of all citizens (see c. 27). Cp. Suet. Iul. 41 recensum populi nee more nee loco solito, sed
vicatim per dominos insularum egit atque ex viginti trecentisque milibus accipientium frumentum
e publico ad centum
quinquaginta retraxit.
Yet, if we may
trust his epitomator, Livy seems to have
confused this review of Iulius with a regular census [ep. 115], though the number
given (150,000) is manifestly absurd as
referring to all cives at that time. T h e
wordpopulus in this connexion has its old
meaning of the ' people of R o m e ' strictly
speaking, cp. p. 94. T h e lex Iulia municipalis imposed a penalty on the giving
of corn to any whose names were on
the property-returns lists. See Bruns,
fontes, p . 102.
tesseras. T h e tickets or tallies entitling the holders to their portion of
the corn. Pers. 5. 73 libertate opus est
non hac qua, ut quisque Velina Publicis emeruit, scabiosum tesserula far possidet. T h e tally was apparently sometimes transferred to another for a price
[Iuv. 7, 174], which was possible because the tessera bore no name of
recipient, but only a number, see specimen in Orelli 3360 Ant. Aug. Lib. II
(on one side), Fru. I\f. L X I (on the
other), i.e. Antonini Aug. liberalitas 11,
Frumentum
numero L X I .

comitiorum...pristinum ius.
The
restoration of the regular forms of the
comitia refers to innovations introduced
by Iulius, who nominated the consuls
and half the other magistrates himself,
Iul. 4 1 , though the form of election
seems to have been gone through, the
dictator issuing recommendatory notices
... Caesar dictator illi tribui.
Commendo
vobis ilium et ilium, ut vestro suffragio
suam dignitatem teneant.
But though
Augustus professed to leave the comitia
free, and really did so in some cases,
his nominations were still all-powerful.
Dio 53, 21 0 re dij/xos is ras apxcupecrlas
Kal TO TTXTJOOS ad crvveXiyero ' ov fxivrot
KOX iirpdrrerd n 5 fi7) /cat e/cetixp ijpecrKev.
robs yovv &p!-ovras rods ptev avrbs ik\eyofievos irpoej3a\\€TO, robs 5£ eiri rep drj/JLip
rep re 6fJii\(p Kara rb apxcuov iroio^fxeuos
iirepLeXeiro owcos /x^r' aveirir^eioL psqr* e/c
irapaKe\e{)crews 7} /cat deKacfxov airobeiKvijwvrai. One of the first acts' of Tiberius
was to put an end to the farce and
transfer the elections to the Senate.
T a c . Ann. 1, 15 turn primum e campo
comitia ad patres translata stmt;
nam
ad earn diem, etsi potissima
arbitrio
principis,
quaedam tamen stitdiis tribuum fiebant. Caligula made a vain
attempt to restore them [Cal. 16].
coercito ambitu. Penalties for bribery were already enforced by numerous
laws. T h e lex Iulia (B.C. 18) seems to
have really been less severe, for it only
excluded the guilty party from office for
five years. Dio 54, 16 6 5' Avyovaros
dXka re evop.odirr}(ie Kal rods beKao~avras
rivas eiri rats apxais es irhre grrj avrCov
etp^ev. Augustus avoided prosecutions
for bribery, but in B.C. 8 made a regulation whereby candidates for office deposited a sum of money, to be forfeited
in case they were found guilty of ambitus. Dio 55, 5.
tribulibus.
I n spite of all laws a
certain payment to the members of a
man's own tribe seems to have been a
matter of course. See Iul. 19. For
other favours to tribesmen more or less

40.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

89

comitiorum, ne quid a quoquam candidato desiderarent, singula
milia nummum a se dividebat.
Magni praeterea existimans sincerum atque ab omni
colluvione peregrini ac servilis sanguinis incorruptum
Restric"

5 servare populum, et civitatem Romanam parcissime tions on
dedit et manumittendi modum terminavit. Tiberio m p u _
mission.

pro cliente Graeco petenti rescripsit, non aliter se
daturum, quam si praesens sibi persuasisset, quam iustas
petendi causas haberet; et Liviae pro quodam tributario
3 Gallo roganti civitatem negavit, immunitatem optulit affirmans, facilius se passurum fisco detrahi aliquid, quam civitatis
Romanae vulgari honorem. Servos non contentus multis
difficultatibus a libertate et multo pluribus professors of fine arts
a libertate iusta
within the law, see Horace Ep. i ,
medical men and
i3> J5> Cicero pro Plane. § 4 7 ; pro
Mtir. § 73.
Fabianis et Scaptiensibus. Augustus
belonged to the Fabian tribe as an
adopted member of t\ie gens Iulia. T h e
tribus Fabia was one of the 17 most
ancient rural tribes, and named, as all the
earliest were, from some man or hero,
not from a locality [Hor. Ep. 1, 6, 5 2 ;
C. I. L. 3, 4029, 4511]. T h e trtbus
Scaptia (to which Augustus had apparently belonged as an Octavius) was added in
B.C. 332, and named from a Latin town
of uncertain site [Livy 8, 17; Pliny
N. H. 3 § 6 8 ; Dionys. H a l . 5, 4].
nummum, c. 46 fin. a se=de suo,
Iul. c. 1 9 ; Cic. Att. 5, 21, 11 homines
non modo non recusare sed etiam hoc
dicere, se a me solvere ; quod mini praetori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non
acceperam, se a me quodam modo dare.
So a me dedi Plaut. Tr. 1, 2, 145; but
de suo offerebat c. 4 5 ; de vostro vivite
Plaut. True. 5, 6 1 ; de mea pecunia id.
Men. 2, 2, 1 7 ; de suo datur Sen. Ben.
7> 4f iab...incorruptum. ¥ox ab, indicating
that from which a thing is preserved or
protected, cp. Cxc.fam. 13, 50 Curitim
ab omni incommodo detrimento
molestia
sincerum integrumque conservare.
The
foreign elements in Rome are frequently
commented o n ; cp. Luc. 7, 404 nulloque frequentem \ cive suo Pomam,
sed
mundi faece repletam.
I u v . 3, 6 1 — 3 .
Augustus in restricting the extension of
the civitas was reversing the policy of
his uncle, who granted it to the whole
legion Alauda [Suet. Iul. 24], to all

[ib. 42], as well as to many individual
Gauls [ib. 76]. Antony appears to have
carried on the policy still more liberally
[Cic. 2 Phil. § 92], nor did Augustus
himself refuse the extension of the civitas in certain cases [ch. 47]. H e however became alarmed at the mixed state
of the population, and left it among the
posthumous charges to his successor to
be sparing in such grants, Dio 56, 33,
pAyr^ av is rr\v TroXirelav avx^ods icrypd(fxxHTi, IV a TTokti TOfa&cpopovat'Tois wpbs
TOUS vwrfKoovs y.
fisco. Suetonius here uses the word
to mean the Emperor's treasury as opposed to the aerariitm, though it seems
probable that the word was not used in
that sense as early as the time of Augustus. T h e distinction however was begun
in practice, and into the Jiscus went the
tributum from imperial provinces, and
it accordingly suffered by a provincial
becoming a civis, and thereby escaping the tributum.
T h e two treasuries
were both practically under the control
of the Emperor (though the aerarium
was nominally under the Senate), and
Dio professes that he is unable to
distinguish clearly between them, see
55, 16 A6yy fxev yap ra drj/JbdvLa airb r&v
enelvov a-rreK^KpiTO, fyyty 5£ KCLL ravra
TTpbs

T7)V yv<J)/A7)V CLVTOV dV7]\i(TK€T0,

Cp.

ib. 22. vSee p . 31.
servos... a d i p i s c e r e t u r . T h e regulations of Augustus as to manumission
were contained in the lex Aelia Sentia,
A . D . 4 ; and the lex Furia
Caninia
A . D . 8. By the first, among other things,
if the manumittor was under 20 or the

90

SUETON/

[40—

removisse, cum et de numero et de conditione ac differentia
eorum qui manumitterentur curiose cavisset, hoc quoque
adiecit, ne vinctus umquam tortusve quis ullo libertatis genere
civitatem adipisceretur.
Etiam habitum vestitumque pristinum reducere s
dress?n
studuit, ac visa quondam pro contione pullatorum
turba, indignabundus et clamitans: En Romanos,
rerum dominos, gentemque togatam! negotium aedilibus dedit,
ne quern posthac paterentur in foro circove nisi positis
lacernis togatum consistere.
1
Liberalitatem omnibus ordinibus per occasiones frequenter
manumitted under 30, or if the slave
had been punished for a crime, full
rights {libertas iustd) could not be obtained. By the second a testator was
prevented from manumitting by will
more than a fixed proportion of his slaves.
See Dio 55, 1 3 ; Gaius Inst. 1; 6,
18; 7 , 2 7 . vinctus tortusve. Such men
occupied the position of iheperegrini dediticii, —* pessima libertas eorum... nee
tilla lege ant senattis consulto Hits ad
Romanam
civitatem datur"1 lust. Inst.
1, 5, 3. T h e difference between any libertas and a iusta libertas generally
arose from the mode of manumission.
T h e regular method was that per vindictam before the praetor; less formal
were inter amicos, per mensam, per
epistolam, and in these cases the position
of the emancipated was dubious, and
his patronus had at least a lien on his
earnings.
pullatorum, i.e. wearing the lacerna
(orpallium} which was dark, infr. c. 4 4 ;
cp. Mart. 4, 2, 1 :
spectabat modo solus inter omnes
nigris munus Horatius
lacernis,
ctim plebs et minor ordo
maximusque
sancto cum duce candidus seder et:
toto nix cecidit repente coelo,
albis spec tat Horatius
lacernis.
T h e knights, as a m a r k of respect to
Claudius in the theatre, lacemas depommt, Suet. Claud. 6. T o wear the
toga in a law court marked the civis
from the peregrinus,
id. Claud. 15;
Pliny Ep. 4, 11. And to appear in
public places without the toga had long
been thought indecorous for a man of
rank. Thus it was objected to Africanus
in Sicily, cum pallio crepidisque
in
gymnasio
inambulare
[Livy 29, 19];
and to Antony by Cicero that he went

through the coloniae of Gallia Cisalpina
cum Gallicis et lacernis [2 Phil. § 76].
Augustus looked on the habit of shirking the toga as a sign of the decadence
of Roman feeling and dignity. But the
tendency was too strong for him. W e
constantly hear of its disuse,—Iuv. 1,
119; 3, 172; 11, 204; Martial 1, 49,
3 1 ; 12, 18, 1 7 ; and Hadrian had to
renew the same order, Spart. Hadr. 22
senatores et equites semper in publico
togatos esse itissit, nisi si cena reverterenttir.

Romanos...togatam. Verg. Aen. 1,
286.
in foro circove.. .consistere, * to stand
about in forum or circus.' T h e prohibition apparently did not apply to
those who passed through either one or
the other elsewhere. But they were not
to appear there for business or to lounge
about with the lacerna.
Cp. H o r . S. 1,
6, w^fallacem
circum
vespertinumque
per err0 Saepe forum.
F o r consistere
cp. Sen. de vit. beat. 214 istd quae spectantur, ad quae consistitur.
R o t h formerly read circave, but restored circove
(which has good MS. authority) from Lydus de mag. It. 1, 12 Iddvra ydp (pyjat
TOP Atiyovcrrov iv i7nrodpofjLi(p rivas TGJV
*¥wimL(dv iiri TO fiapfiapiKov ia-raX/xiuovs
ayavcLKTrjcrai, K.T.X.
41. liberalitatem... exhibuit.
The
author of the appendix to the Monumentum reckons the. benefactions of
Augustus as in round numbers H S
2,400,000,000, about equivalent to twenty
millions sterling. I n cc. 15—17 of the
Monumentum
Augustus gives the details, but as he also states only the minimum number of recipients in some cases,
we only get a rough total after all. They
were:

4i.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

91

exhibuit. Nam et invecta urbi Alexandrino triumpho regia
gaza tantam copiam nummariae rei effecit, ut foenore
deminuto plurimum agrorum pretiis accesserit, et j^tions6"
postea quotiens ex damnatorum bonis pecunia super5 flueret, usum eius gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent
ad certum tempus indulsit. Senatorum censum ampliavit ac
pro octingentorum milium summa duodecies H S taxavit,
(1) Distributed to at least 250,000 citizens:
(a) B.C. 43, ex testamento
patris, 300 H S apiece ... 75,000,000
(b) B.C. 29, ex
manibiis,
400 H S apiece
100,000,000
{c) B.C. 24,
congiarium,
400 H S apiece
100,000,000
(d) B.C. 12,
congiarium,
400 H S apiece
100,000,000
(2) B.C. 5 to 320,000 citizens, 240 H S apiece ... 76,000,000
(3) B.C. 2 to 200,000 citizens, 240 H S apiece ... 48,000,000
(4) B.C. 29 to military colonies, ex manibiis ....
120,000,000
(5) B.C. 30 and 15 to Italians for lands for soldiers 600,000,000
(6) B.C. 30 and 15 to Provincials for lands for
soldiers
260,000,000
(7) allowances to disbanded
soldiers, B.C. 7—2
400,000,000
(8) four subventions to the
aerarium publicum
150,000,000
(9) to the aerarium
militare
170,000,000
2,199,000,000
T h e first four items give a
minimum.
Besides this he provided in B.C. 23 for
the 12 monthly distributions of corn
(frumentationes);
and after B.C. 18 he
at different times gave relief to numbers
of provincials (sometimes 100,000, sometimes more), by distributing tesserae,
entitling them to corn or exemption
from tribute in times of distress, the value
of which tesserae he made good to the
t r e a s u r y : M.A. 17 (this passage of the
Monumentum
is defective, especially in
the Latin). F o r instance in B.C. 12
the province of Asia was visited by
serious earthquakes, and Dio [54, 30]
says that he paid the whole year's tribute into the treasury, which is reckoned
at 96,000,000 H S (4000 talents).
gaza, the royal treasure of the Ptolemies in gold, silver and jewels. T h e

immediate effect of this enormous influx
of gold is described by Dio [51, 21]...
iravTa a re avrbs to^eiAe" TKTIV diredtoKe
/cat a &W01 iirib<pei\ov OVK iaeirpa^ev...
Toffovro yap TO TTXTJOOS rCov xpypwruv 5ta
ira<rqs 6/JLOIOJS ri]S TTOXCOJS e'x(*,P7l(jr€l' wore
rd fiev KTTjfxara 4wLTLix7]d7]vaL,Ta 8e
dapeicrfiCLTa ayaivqrCos iirl
dpaXflV
irpbrepov
6vra Tore iwl r $
rpirofjiopii{3 avTTJs yeveaQai.
Money was
so plentiful that prices went up and
interest sank from 12 to 4 p.c.
in duplum. T h e usual terms on
which a gratuitous State loan was made,
see T a c . Ann. 6, 23 donee tulit opem
Caesar...facta
mutuandi copia sine usuris per triennium, si debitis populo in
duplum praediis cavisset. T h e usus or
usufructus of money, like that of property, is opposed to ownership.
senatorum censum...taxavit. Willems [le Senat 1, 189—192] has satisfactorily shown that there was hitherto
no legal Senatorial census, although in
the later period of the Republic, a certain
amount of property was looked upon as
necessary for a Senator [Cic. adfam. 13,
5 § 2]. Augustus first made a certain
census legally necessary for eligibility to
office, and therefore to the Senate. Suetonius here puts the minimum at 800,000
sesterces, i.e. double the ordinary equestrian census, and says that he afterwards
raised it to 1,200,000, or the census of
three knights. This is perhaps partly
confirmed by Iuv. 14, 326 sume duos
equites, fac tertia quadringenta.
But
Dio says that the first arrangement was
an equestrian census, 400,000, afterwards raised to 1,000,000. See 54, 17
rds re dpxds cMraax rots 6V/ca fjt,vpiddcov
oixiiav ^xov<TL Kai &PX€LV ^K T&v ^ofxoiv
dvvafjLfrois iwayy£k\eiv eir^rpe^ev. TQGOVTOV yap

TO (3OV\€VTIKOI> ri/JLrjjULa TT}V

irpcorrjif etvai £ra£«/, ^Tretra /cat & ir&re
/cat el'/coct /xvpiddas irpoifjyaye, cp. id* 26.
(The money in Dio is reckoned in denarii, and must be multiplied by 4 to
state it in sestertii.) Mommsen [Staatsr.

92

SUETONI

[41—

supplevitque non habentibus. Congiaria populo frequenter
dedit, sed diversae fere summae: modo quadringenos, modo
trecenos, nonnumquam ducenos quinquagenosque nummos;
ac ne minores quidem pueros praeteriit, quamvis nonnisi ab
undecimo aetatis anno accipere consuessent. Frumentum
quoque in annonae difficultatibus saepe levissimo, interdum
nullo pretio viritim admensus est tesserasque nummarias
duplicavit. Sed ut salubrem magis quam ambitiosum principem scires, querentem de inopia et caritate vini populum
severissima coercuit voce, satis provisum a genero suo Agrippa
perdtcctis phtribus aquis, ne hommes sitirent. Eidem populo
promissum quidem congiarium reposcenti, bonae se fidei esse
respondit; non promissum autem flagitanti turpitudinem et
impudentiam edicto exprobravit affirmavitque, non daturum
2, p . 148] prefers the statement of Dio,
(1) because of another passage [54, 30]
in which he says that tribunes were
elected from equites with senatorial
census \£K TCOP lirirecov r&v pist) ^Xarrov
irfrre /cat e'Uoffi fivptddas KeKrrjfxevtov], (2)
because of the frequent instances of imperial donations of 1,000,000 H S to enable a man to be a Senator, see T&c. Ann.
1, 7 5 ; Mart. 1, 103 ; (3) because of the
custom of fixing the dowers of ladies of
high rank at the same sum, witli a view
of securing the husband the Senatorial
census, T a c . Ann. 2, 3 7 ; Iuv. 6, 137;
IO
> 335 » Mart. 2, 65 ; Seneca Consol.
12, 6. Still we must note that as a
minimum only had to be made up, and
as these persons were not likely to have
nothing of their own, this last argument
is not decisive.
duodecies HS. T h e reading sestertio
is probably a wrong representation of
the symbol H S . It often occurs in
classical texts to suit the construction,
as N e p . Att. 14 in centies sestertio.
It
is more probable that we ought to write
sestertium in all cases, the whole expression standing as an indeclinable substantive. See Ramsay R.A. p . 472.
supplevit. See Suet. Nero 10; Vesp.
17; Spart. Hadr. 7 Senatoribus
qui
non vitio suo decoxerant.
patrimonium
pro liberorum modo Senatoriae possessions
explevit.
congiaria...nummos. See note above
on liberalitatem.
nummos, sc. sestertios: when nummus
stands for any other coin it has some

qualifying adjective, Ramsay R.A. p .
468.
minores pueros. This was meant as
a means of providing for and encouraging large families, but was not a special
provision for boys and girls like the
benefactions of Trajan and H a d r i a n
[P\m. paneg. 26; Spart. Hadr. 7].
frumentum. See note above. Besides his benefaction of corn in B.C. 23
there mentioned, we have other indications of the care bestowed on this matter.
See Dio 53, 2 (B.C. 28) ri} irX^dei Terpctir\do~iov TOP (TLTOV gj>€ifjL€. Veil. Pat. 2,
94 (B.C. 23) Tin Claudius Nero quaestor
maximam
difficultatem annonae ac rei
frumentariae
inopiam Ostiae atque in
urbe mandatis vitrici moderatus est. I n
B.C. 22 the people begged him to undertake the curatio annonae on the same
terms as Pompey, icai 6 TOVTO /ULEV dvayKaicos ideijaro ical i/ceXevcre dtio tivdpas TWI>
wpb irevTe irov del GTQV iarpaTrjyrjKdTOJV
irpbs TT)V rod GITOV dtavo/JLrjv /car' £ros
alpelffdai, Dio 54, 1.
tesseras...duplicavit.
Dio 55, 26
(A. D. 6) €7rid(OK€ yap KOL irpdiKa 6 Avyovaros TOis airodoTovjjiivoLs roaovrou erepov
ocrov del iXd/x^avov.
T h e tesserae nummariae appear to have been given when
corn was sold cheap, when it was distributed gratis tesserae frumentariae
were
given.
42. Agrippa...aquis. See c. 29, fin.
pp. 65—6.
congiarium {congius, the 8th of an
amphora) was properly applied to donations of wine or oil, but came to mean

42.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

93

se quamvis dare destinaret.
Nee minore gravitate atque
constantia, cum proposito congiario multos manumis- C o l o u r a b l e
sos insertosque civium numero comperisset, negavit manu.,

.

.

,

missions.

accepturos quibus promissum non esset, cetensque
5 minus quam promiserat dedit, ut destinata summa sufficeret.
Magna vero quondam sterilitate ac difficili remedio, cum
venalicias et lanistarum familias peregrinosque omnes, exceptis
medicis et praeceptoribus, partimque servitiorum urbe expulisset; ut tandem annona convaluit, impetum se cepisse scribit
ofrumentationes publicas in perpetuum abolendi, quod eamm
fiducia cultura agrorum cessaret: neque tamen perseverasse,
quia certum haberet post se per ambitionem quandoque restitui.
Atque ita posthac rem temperavit, ut non minorem aratorum
ac negotiantium quam populi rationem deduceret
them the civitas; Suet. Jul. 42. But
any public donative whether in kind
that measure must have only applied to
or money.
the existing professors, as they are now
multos manumissos. This transacreckoned among peregrini, whom it was
tion, fraudulent because the recipients
always possible to expel from R o m e
bargained to carry the presents to
though they were generally excepted,
their emancipators, is enumerated aPlin. JVM. 29, § 16; A p p . B. civ. 1, 2 3 ;
mong t h e abuses of emancipation by
Cic.de off. 3, § 4 7 ; Plut. C. Gracch. 12.
Dionys. H . 4 1 , 24 ol 5' (TTJP tXevdepiav
<t>6povT<u) IVa rbv dqfjiocrLa dtdo/xepov GLTOV servitiorum — servorum^ hd. 47.
XafAfiavovres /card, /JLTJVCL /cat e'i rts dXXrj
quod earum fiducia... cessaret. T h e
irapa r(av riyovfi&uv yiyvotro ro?s diropots
mischief of these interferences in t h e
rtov TTOXLTCOV (piXavdpwiria (frepwcri rois 5e- c o m market had been long understood,
dioKoat TT)V tXevdepiav.
C p . Pers. 5, 73. see Cic. pro Sest. § 103
frumentariam
legem C. Gracchus ferebat.
lucunda
quibus promissum non esset, because
res plebi Romanae: virtus enim suppewhen the promise was made they were
ditabatur
sine labore.
Repugnabant
not citizens and therefore h a d no claim.
boni, quod et ab industria plebem ad
C p . Plin. paneg. 25 datum est his qui
desidiam avocari putabant et aerarium
post edictum tamen in locum erasorum
exhauriri videbatur.
A p p . B. civ. 2,
subditi fuerant;
aequatique sunt ceteris
120 rb r e GLT7ip£(jLov, rois iriv7}(n X0/M7illi etiam quibus non erat promissum.
yotifjLevov ev ixbvrjt 'Pw/Afl, rbv dpybv Kal
m a g n a . . . e x p u l i s s e t , in A . D . 6 XI/JLOS
iTTWX^ovra Kal raxvepybv TTJS ' IraXlas
icrxvp6s {yjv)i dxrd1 bir' avrov TOIJS r e
fjLOVojJiaxodpras Kal ra avdpairoda TCL <aviaXewv is T7]y ' VwfjLiqv iir&yeTai. Livy [6,
virkp TrevT7)KovTOL Kal eirraKoo-lovs <rradiovs121 alludes to the desertion of districts
ii-wffdrivai £K r e ryjs Be.paireias Kal rbv in Italy in his day, loca quae nunci vix
Atiyov&TOV Kal roi/s aXXovs rb irXeiov
seminario exiguo militum relicto, serairoir£fJL\l/a<T0ai...~Dio 55, 26.
vitia Romana ab solitttdine
vindicant.
lanistarum familias. Cic. pro Sulla
certum haberet...restitui, 'because
§ 54 5 Suet. Julius 26 Tirones neque in
he felt certain about its being restored,'
%
ludo neque per lanistas sed in domibus
or ' h e held its restoration certain.' F o r
per equites Romanos...erudiebat.
For
the present infinitive used as the object
familias see C. I. L. 4, 1189 A • S V E T T I •
of a verb of saying or thinking, even
CERTI • AEDILIS • FAMILIA • GLADIAwhen t h e action is in the future, c p .
TORIA • PVGNAB • POMPEIS • P R • K •
Plautus Aul. TO8 dividere argenti numIVNIAS • VENATIO • E T • VELA • ERVNT.
mos dixit in viros, ' h e spoke about
medicis e t praeceptoribus. These
dividing,' ' h e said h e was going to
were generally Greeks, but were natudivide.' Roby L. G. 1346.
rally regarded as occupying a special
atque ita...deduceret, ' a n d accordposition, and Iulius indeed h a d given
ingly h e thenceforth so arranged t h e

94

SUE TON I

[43

Spectaculorum et assiduitate et varietate et magnificentia
omnes antecessit Fecisse se ludos ait suo nomine
and games. ^ua^
Pro a^s fnagistratibus, qui aut abessent aut
non sufficerent, ter et vicies. Fecitque nonnumquam
vicatim ac pluribus scaenis per omnium linguarum histriones 5
business as to take account of the
interests of farmers and merchants no
less than those of the city populace.'
rationem ducere alicuius is fairly common in Cicero, see pro Rose. Am. 1 2 8 ;
pro Sest. 2 3 ; Verr. 1, 126 etc. I t
probably in the first instance belongs to
calculation or accounts, Verr. i , 129
qui non tarn caeli quam caelati argenti
rationem duceret. But deducere seems
to mean (1) ' t o sum u p , ' ' t o arrive at a
total,' Manil. 3, 354 sic erit ad summam
ratio deducta prior em; (2) ' t o bring
into the account,' Iustin. instit. 4, 6, § 23
in qua aciione earum etiam
rerum,
quae fugiendo servus abstulit,
aestimatio
deducetur.
aratorum, * farmers,' or, in a more
restricted sense, the cultivators of public
lands for a 10th of the produce [decuma].
T h e r e were none such in Italy now, and
aratores in its technical sense seems to
have been confined to the holders of
public lands in Sicily, or those who
farmed the tithes from it. [Marquardt,
10, p . 238. Cic. Verr. 2, §§ 32, 63,
147 etc.]
populi, of the urban populace, cp. c.
40, p . 88.
43. fecisse...ait, in the M . A. c. 22
from which these words are quoted.
T h e first games were in B.C. 44 (Sept.
24) in celebration of the victories of
Iulius, which the Dictator had intended
to celebrate himself on the completion
of the temple of Venus
Genetrix.
Appian B. civ. 3, 2 8 ; Dio 45, 6 ; Cic.
/am. i r , 27, 2 8 ; C. I. L. 1, p . 397.
Another occasion was that of the ludi
martiales in B.C. 2, see M. A. 1. c.
T h e other two are not recorded. Ovid
alludes to his exhibitions as splendid,
Tr. 2, 509 inspice ludorum
sumplus,
Auguste,
tuorttm.
The
exhibiting
magistrate is said ludos facere, see Cic.
Brut. § 78 hoc praetore ludos
Apollini
faciente.
qui abessent. If the praetor, or other
magistrate to whom it fell to exhibit the
games, was for any reason away from
Rome, they were still held in his n a m e :
see the case of M. Brutus, Cic. 2 Phil.
§3i-

fecitque...histriones, cp. ltd. 39
ludos etiam regionati??t urbe tola et quidem per omnium linguarum
histriones.
T h e substitution of vicatim for regionatim follows the new arrangement of
vici mentioned in c. 30, cp. c. 40. F o r
histrio see Livy 7, 2
Vernaculis
artificibtts, quia hister Tusco verbo ludio
vocatur, nomen histrionibus
inditum.
pluribus scaenis, ' i n several theatres,'
that is, in which tragedies, comedies or
satiric dramas were exhibited. Vitruv.
5, 8. T h e question of the meaning of
omnium linguarum is difficult. If we
are to believe Strabo [5, 3, 6] r&y
"OaKtw eK\e\oLir6TO}v 1 5id\e/cros /x^vei
7
irapa rots 'Pa>;ua/ois, ware KOI iroLrjixara
(TKTjvopaTeiadcu KCLT& TLVOL dycova wdrpiov
Kai fu/JLoKoye?(T0ai, we might interpret it
to mean Greek, Latin and Oscan, comparing Cicero [/am. 7, 1] who, congratulating a friend on his absence from
Rome during the games, says—no7i
enim te puto Graecos aut Oscos ludos
desiderasse, praesertim cum Oscos vel in
Senatu vestro spectarepossis. A n d though
it is generally held to be untrue that
Atellanae or Mimi were produced in
Rome in Oscan [Tac. Ann. 4, 14], still
these passages m a k e it probable that
either Oscan or rustic Latin Cantica
may have occasionally been introduced
as well as Greek [Nero 39]. T h e gra/
fiti at Pompei show that the dialect
survived in central Italy. See however
Mommsen R. H. 3, p . 455 note.
After histriones something is lost,
referring to gladiatorial exhibitions.
M . A . c. 22 ter gladiatorium dedi meo
nomine et quinquiens
filiorum
meorum
aut nepotum noniine; quibus
muneribus
depugnavemntcirciterdecern
millia. A n d
later on in recording his venationes he
says that they were in circo aut in for0
aut in amphitheatris,
omitting the
Septa, in which they at this time took
place. Dio 55, 10 \tovres i^TjKovra KOLI
dicLKdcriOL ip rip iiriroBpbfup ecrfiayricrav,
dirXofJLaxla re iv rote (T^TTTOLS, cp. Suet.
Claud. 2 1 .
Accordingly Perizonius
proposed to read \munera~\ non in /oro
etc.
Roth would insert
circensibus
gladiatoribusque
muneribus
/requentis-

43-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

95

* * * non in foro modo, nee in amphitheatro, sed et in circo
et in Septis, et aliquando nihil praeter venationem edidit;
athletas quoque, extructis in campo Martio sedilibus ligneis;
item navale proelium, circa Tiberim cavato solo, in quo nunc
s Caesarum nemus est. Quibus diebus custodes in urbe disposuit, ne raritate remanentium grassatoribus obnoxia esset.
In circo aurigas cursoresque et confectores ferarum, et nonnumquam ex nobilissima iuventute, produxit. Sed et Troiae
lusum edidit frequentissime maiorum minorumque
.
io puerorum, prisci decorique moris existimans, clarae
stirpis indolem sic notescere. In hoc ludicro Nonium Aspresime editis
interiecitplerumqtiebestiarum
Africanarum
venationes, and this is
approved by Mommsen, res g. p . 94.
amphitheatro, of Statilius Taurus,
see c. 29. Dio 51, 23 diarpbv ri KVVTJyeruebv.
venationem. W e have the records
of several of these wild-beast slaughters.
(1) In B.C. 12, at the dedication of the
theatre of Marcellus, 600 African beasts
were killed, and a tiger for the first time
exhibited [Dio 54, 2 6 ; Plin. JV. H. 17,
65].
(2) I n B.C. 2 there were killed
260 lions and 36 crocodiles [Dio 55, 10].
(3) I n A.D. 11, in games presided over
by Germanicus, 200 lions perished [Dio
56, 27]. (4) Pliny [JV. H. 8, 64] says that
on one occasion Augustus exhibited 420
wild animals from Africa, but does not
mention the year. F o r what Cicero
thought of such butcheries, see ad fam.
athletas. F o r the athletic contests
in the- ludi Circenses, see Festus s. v.
Quinquertium.
But though such exercises were constantly practised on the
Campus Martius [ H o r . Od. 1, 8 ; Ovid
Tr. 3, 12, 19—24] the shows of athletes
in the Campus, with specially erected
wooden seats, were probably rarer, and
as the name indicates, were Greek rather
than Roman, Iul. 39. I n B.C. 188 M.
Fulvius gave games to celebrate his
./Etolian victory: mtdti artifices ex
Graecia venerant honoris eius causa.
Athletaru7?i quoque certamen turn primo
Romanis spectaculo fuit, et venatio data
leo7ium etpantherarum,
Livy 39, 22.
navale proelium. M . A. 23 navalis
proeli spectacidum populo dedi
trans
Tiberim, in quo loco nunc nemus est
Caesarum,
cavato
in
longitudinem
mille et octingentos pedes; in latitudinem mille et ducentos. Iulius [c. 39] had

a naval battle with Tyrian and ^Egyptian ships. In the spectacle of Augustus
(B.C. 2) the combat of the Athenians
and Persians was represented. Dio 55,
10 /cat vavfxaxioL ev rip x&pi$ ev $ Kcd vvv
'in (rrjixeld riva deUvvrai llepawv KCLL 'Adrjvaiiav €7rouf)dr}. C p . Claud. 21 ; Ner.
12, 27 ; Tit. 7 ; Domit. 5 ; Mart, de Sped.
38. T h e pond was called
naiwiachia
as well as the show. Some traces of it
have been recently discovered.
T h e nemus Caesarum was in the
transtiberine region, Tac. Ann. 12, 56
tit quondam Augustus s true to trans Tiberim stagno.
It is called by Dio [66,
25] rb akaos rod Tatov rod re AOVKIOV.
T h e place seems before to have been
called Caudeta (caudex).
T h e term
nemus Caesarum was subsequent to
the death of Lucius ( A . D . 2) and
Gaius ( A . D . 4), therefore in the Monu??ientum he says in quo loco nunc nemus
est Caesarum, words which Suetonius
has copied.
raritate remanentium. On the vast
numbers attending the games, see Mayor
on Iuv. 11, 1 9 7 ; Suet. Iul. 39 fin.
ex nobilissima iuventute. Dio 48,
33 iv re r<$ irpb ro&rov fret (B.C. 41)
drjpia re eV rrj rCov ' AiroWtaveiiov lirirodpoixicL dvdpes 4s rty 'nrirdda re\ovvres
KartpaXov.
F o r similar conduct on the
part of Iulitis and Caligula, see Suet.
Iul. 3 9 ; Cat. 27.
Troiae lusum. T h e game of Troja
has been described by Vergil \_Aen. 5,
574 sq.]. One occasion on which it
was held was at the dedication of the
theatrum Marcelli (B.C. 13), Dio 54, 26.
See also Claud. 2 1 . Of the two divisions of minores and maiores, see Iul.
3 9 ; Tib. 6.
NoniumAsprenatem. c.56. TheNonii
Asprenates are often mentioned as a

96

SUETONI

[43—

natem lapsu debilitatum aureo torque donavit passusque est
ipsum posterosque Torquati ferre cognomen. Mox finem
fecit talia edendi, Asinio Pollione oratore graviter invidioseque
in curia questo Aesernini nepotis sui casum, qui et ipse crus
fregerat.
Ad scenicas quoque et gladiatorias operas et equitibus
Romanis aliquando usus est, verum prius quam
Stations" s e n a t u s consulto interdiceretur. , Postea nihil sane
praeterquam adulescentulum L. Icium honeste natum
exhibuit, tantum ut ostenderet; quod erat bipedali minor,
librarum septemdecim ac vocis immensae. Quodam autem
muneris die Parthorum obsides, tunc primum missos, per
mediam arenam ad spectaculum induxit superque se subsellio secundo collocavit. Solebat etiam citra spectaculorum
dies, si quando quid invisitatum dignumque cognitu advectum esset, id extra ordinem quolibet loco publicare: ut
rhinocerotem apud Septa, tigrim in scaena, anguem quinquaginta cubitorum pro comitio.
consular family under the early empire.
See Dio 56, 2 2 ; Velleius Pat. 2, 120;
T a c . Ann. 1, 53.
torque, generally a military reward,
see c. 25. But it was also given in
games. See Capitolin. Maximin.
2
and 3.
Asinio Pollione. See c. 29.
ad scenicas.:.interdiceretur. (1) at
the games celebrated by Marcellus as
aedile, B.C. 23 opxW'W TLJ/a Iviria yvVCUK& re €7TL(pav7j is rr\v bpx^Tpav icrayayeTv. Dio 53, 3 1 . (2) A.D. 11, rots
iTrirevcrip, 8 Kal davjidaeLev d'v ris, fjiovofxax&v iirerpdirr}. Id. 56, 25. H e goes
on to explain that these equites preferred
the risk of the arena to the certainty of
a punishment which they had incurred.
(3) T h e SCtum seems to have been
made at his own suggestion in B.C. 22,
Dio 54, 2 iireidy) re Kal lirirete Kal yvvalK€S iiTL(f)aveis iv rrj bpxh^rpq. Kal rhre ye
airedei^avro, dir^ybpevcev ot>x 6'ri rots
iraLffl rCov (Hovkevr&v, tiirep irov Kal irplv
iK€K(J)\vTO, dXXa KCLI TOLS iyyovois, rois
de iv rrj linrddL dijXov 8TL it-erafofjLivocs,
/jLijdev ZTI roiovro 8pav. Vitellius repeated the prohibition, T a c . H. 2, 62.
librarum septemdecim.
F o r instances of such marvels, see Athenae.
12, 552 b . For the fashion of keeping
dwarfs and other monstrosities, c. 8 1 ;

Tib. 61; Domit. 4 ; Mart. 14, 212; and
Mayor on Iuv. 8, 3 2 ; Marq. 14, p . 177.
Parthorum obsides.
I n B.C. 30
Phraates sent his son as a hostage to
R o m e , vlov ri riva rod Qpadrov iv etiepyeaias /Jiipei Trap* avrov \a(3<bv & re rijv
'J?d>fjL7}v dvtfyaye Kal iv bfJirjpela eVot^craro,
Dio 51, 18. Strabo 16, 1, 28 says that
there were four sons so sent.
ad spectaculum ( = ut
spectarentur),
'for a show,' ' b y way of affording a
show.' Cp. ad ludibrium regem eum
consalutari iussit, Livy 36, 14. Roby
L. G. § 1828.
citra...dies, ' t h o u g h not during the
days fixed for a spectacle.' F o r citra
see c. 24. Roby § 1875.
publicare, ' t o throw open to the
public,' c. 29, p . 63.
tigrim. I n B.C. 20 Kal ol 'Ivdol irpoK7)pVK€V(TdfJL€V0l

TTpOTCpOV

(piklcLV

TOTC

ieirelaavro, d&pa irefxxpavres aX\a re Kal
riypeis, irp&rov rore rots 'Pw/xatois, vofiifa 5' on Kal roh "EWyaiv, bcpdelcras.
T h a t the tiger was first seen there by
Romans or Greeks is probably true of
the Indian tiger. T h e tiger so often
mentioned in the poets [e.g. Vergil Eel.
5, 2 9 ; G. 2, 151 etc.] was some variety
of panther, which had before been
brought to Rome for venationes, see
Livy 39, 2 2 ; Cic. fam. 8, 3 ; 8, 4. This

44j

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

97

Accidit votivis Circensibus, ut correptus valitudine lectica
Cubans tensas deduceret; rursus commissione ludorum, quibus theatrum Marcelli dedicabat, evenit ut laxatis sellae
curulis compagibus caderet supinus.
Nepotum quoque
suorum munere cum consternatum ruinae metu populum
retinere et confirmare nullo modo posset, transiit e loco suo
atque in ea parte consedit, quae suspecta maxime erat^
Spectandi confusissimum ac solutissimum morem correxit
ordinavitque, motus iniuria senatoris, quern Puteolis
•1 1

•

1 1

-

.

Regula-

per celebernmos ludos consessu frequenti nemo re- tionsas
ceperat. Facto igitur decreto patrum ut, quotiens ^ h t h l e
quid spectaculi usquam publice ederetur, primus
siibselliorum ordo vacaret senatoribus, Romae legatos liberarum sociarumque gentium vetuit in orchestra sedere,
cum quosdam etiam libertini generis mitti deprendisset.
rum dedi meo nomine et quinquiens
filiorum meorum aut nepotum nomine.
44. Puteolis {Pozzuoli) being near
Baiae, and the villas of so many nobles
and of the Emperor, was naturally a place
in which games attracted more attention
than in other country towns.
Thus
Nero gave an exhibition of gladiators
there, Dio 63, 3.
XeovTcav K.T.X.
primus...senatoribus. T h e r e seems
tensas deduceret, ' h e was conductto have been a doubt whether the lex
ing the sacred cars,* i.e. in the proRoscia was applicable outside Rome.
cession of the gods into the circus, with
Dio 53, 25 Ka! TTpoedpla rote (3ov\evTcus
which the ludi circenses were opened. See
iv iraxrri rrj dpxv afiTOv is iravra ra
Jul. 76. A m o n g the honours decreed to
64arpa 46607) (B.C. 26). This regulaIulius were tensam et ferculum
circensi
tion applied to exhibitions away from
pompa.
Dio 43, 45 icai 'dpixa 6\ov ev
roTs lirirodpo/j,loLS fiera rQ>v Oetcjv dya\- Rome. But the privilege enjoyed by
Senators in the theatre since B.C. 194
fxdrtav Trt/xireffdai
'iyvuvav.
Vesp. 5
had not extended to the circus even
nunciabatur...Neronem
diebus
ultimis
at Rome.
This was regulated first
monitum per quietem, ut tensam Iovis
in A . D . 5. Dio 55, 22 fcal T $ a u r y
O. M. e sacrario in domum
Vespasiani
,
TotiTip € T€l...TCLS LITTrodpOfxiaS ^Wpis fJLCP
et inde in circum deduceret.
C p . Cic.
ad Att. 13, 4 4 ; Dionys. H a l . 7, 72.
ol (HovXevrai x w j°k ^ ol lirweTs dirb TOV
Xoiirov TTXTJOOVS etdov, 6 Kai vvv yiycommissione ludorum/ at the opening
verai.
I n the circus however the
of the games,' Cic. Att. 15, 26 ab ipsa
regulation of Augustus seems to have
commissione ad vie...omnia
reliquorum
been neglected and required renewing.
in dies singulos persequare.
T h e word
See Suet. Claud. 21
circo...exculto,
committere properly applies to gladiators
or other combatants, see infr. c. 4 5 ; propria senatoribus constituit loca, promis cue sped are sotitis.
Nero 11 circenIul. 4 0 ; de Gramm. 1 7 ; but also to the
sibus loca equiti secreta a ceteris tribuit.
formal opening of any games, see Claud.
legatos...gentium. As, for instance,
21.
the envoys of Marseilles [Iustin. 43, 5,
quibus theatrum Marcelli. See on
10]. T o Hyrcanus, his children, and
c. 29, p. 64.
envoys was accorded fierd r&v <rvyK\r)nepotum. Germanicus son of the
TIK&V dewpeiv [Ios. Antiq. 14, 17]. T h e
elder Drusus, and Drusus son of T i practice was afterwards renewed as a
berius, M. A . 22 ter munus
gladiatois perhaps true also of the ' t i g e r ' said
to have been sent to Athens by Seleucus
[Athenae. 13, 590 a.], though his envoy,
the historian Megasthenes, had seen a
head of the Bengal tiger, Strabo 15, 1,
37 (circa B.C. 288) iced rlypeis 5' ev TOIS
TLpaaiois <pr)<rlv 6 M.eyaffde'vrjs fieyiarovs
yiyveorOai ax^dbv di TL K<d 8nr\a<rlovs

S.

7

98

SUETONI

[44—

Militem secrevit a populo. Maritis e plebe proprios ordines
assignavit, praetextatis cuneum suum, et proximum paedagogis, sanxitque ne quis pullatorum media cavea sederet.
Feminis ne gladiatores quidem, quos promiscue spectari
sollemne olim erat, nisi ex superiore loco spectare concessit, s
Solis virginibus Vestalibus locum in theatre», separatim et
contra praetoris tribunal, dedit. Athletarum vero spectaculo
muliebre secus omnes adeo summovit, ut pontificalibus ludis
special mark of honour, see Tac. Ann.
i3> 545 Suet. Claud. 25; Dio 68, 15.
militem secrevit. In A.D. 32 Iunius
Gallio proposed farther that praetorians
who had served their time should be
admitted to the XIV ordines, but was
rebuked by Tiberius, who said that he
repperisse prorsus quod divus Augustus
non providerit. Tac. Ann. 6, 9.
maritis, ' married men.' This privilege (apparently from the lex Iulia de
marit. ordin.) is referred to in Mart. 5,
41, 8: it applied to theatre and circus
alike, Dio 54, 30. e plebe: Suetonius
uses plebs of citizens below the equestrian
census, cp. Hor. Ep. 1, 1, 58 quadringentis sex septem milia desunt, Plebs
eris.
praetextatis. For the praetexta of
boyhood see Cic. 2 Phil. 44; Iuv. 1,
78; 2, 140; 11, 155; Suet. Cal. 24;
Sen, de brev. vit. 6 § 1 pupillus adhtic
et praetextatus. The paedagogi accompanied their charges to all public places,
such as lecture rooms [Hor. S. 1, 6, 81],
but especially to the theatres, as among
the Greeks, Theophr. Char. 9. In later
times it was thought best for praetextati not to go at all. Iulian's paedagogtis would not take him [Misopog.
351 Bj.
pullatorum, see c. 40. It would
include allperegrini, who were forbidden
to wear the toga, media cavea. The
whole auditorium is called the cavea,
divided by p'raecinctiones into blocks.
The lowest (nearest the stage) called
ima or prima cavea, the next higher
media cavea, the next summa or ultima
cavea. Cic. de Sen. § 48 ut Turpione
Ambivio magis delectatur qui in prima
cavea, delectatur tamen qui in ultima.
Suet. Claud. 21, Claudius descends from
the shrine of Venus at the top into the
orchestra per mediant caveam.
ne gladiatores quidem. In the case
of the theatre and other shows in the
amphitheatre and circus the women's

places had been in the high seats, cp.
Ov. am. 2, 73 sive ego marmorei respexi
summa theatri, eligis e multis unde dolere velis. Prop. 5, 8, 77 colla cave
inflectas ad summum obliqua theatri.
But at gladiatorial shows the women
and men sat together, Plutarch Sull.
c. 35. It was this exception that
Augustus abolished. For the reason
of separating men and women see Ovid
A. A. 1, 89; Tr. 2, 81 sq.: R. A. 751.
Cp. Iuv. n , 202; 6, 00—81, 352—
356Vestalibus, see on c. 31. sedes vestalium Tac. Ann. 4, 16. They had a
special place assigned them also at
gladiatorial shows, Cic. pro Mur. § 73.
contra praetoris tribunal. The praetor
as editor ludorum occupied a seat of
honour on the left of the scena, and it
was still called by that name though
some other magistrate was editor, Suet.
Ner. 12. The other magistrates who
were not editores had also their fixed
places [Dio 44, 43; 53, 27; Tac. Ann.
16, 12], Marq. 13, p. 312.
athletarum ... summovit.
Because
the athletes were practically naked,
Gymnasium, thermae, stadium est hac
parte: recede. Exuimur; nudos parce
videre viros, Mart. 3, 68. Nero however invited the Vestals, quia Olympiae
quoque Cereris sacerdotibus spectare conceditur \Nero 12]. Li via said of nudi
otidh apdpi&VTWP reus cruMppovoticrais 01
TOLOVTOL duacpipovaiv, Dio 58, 2.

muliebre secus omnes, 'all of feminine sex.' The accus. of reference,
which seems the almost constant construction of this word. The nom. is rare,
Tac. Ann. 4, 62; Roby § 1104. R ° t n
however reads omne. Old editors muliebrem sexum 07?inem.
pontificalibus ludis. Casaubon supposed that these were games given on
his becoming Pontifex Maximus (B.C.
12). There is no other trace of them,
or of such games being given elsewhere,

45-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

99

pugilum par postulatum distulerit in insequentis diei matutinum tempus, edixeritque, mulieres ante horam quintam
venire in tkeatrunt, non placere. Ipse circenses ex amicorum
fere libertorumque cenaculis spectabat, interdum
ex pulvinari, et quidem cum coiiiuge ac liberis personal
sedens. Spectaculo plurimas horas, aliquando totos attend dies aberat, petita venia commendatisque qui suam
vicem praesidendo fungerentur. Verum quotiens adesset,
nihil praeterea agebat, seu vitandi rumoris causa, quo patrem
Caesarem vulgo reprehensum commemorabat, quod inter
spectandum epistolis libellisque legendis aut rescribendis
vacaret, seu studio spectandi ac voluptate, qua teneri se
neque dissimulavit umquam et saepe ingenue professus est.
Itaque corollaria et praemia in alienis quoque muneribus ac
ludis et crebra et grandia de suo offerebat, nullique Graeco
certamini interfuit, quo non pro merito quemque certantium
except Plin. ep. 7, 24, 6 proximis sacer- sedit nonnunquam spectaculis in Gai
dotalibus ludis,
vicem. It may be said that vicem with
matutinum...ante horam quintam. gen. forms an adverbial expression which
The venationes took place early in the was constructively treated as an indemorning. See Ovid Met. 11, 25 strucclinable noun. Cp. Ter. Hautont. 749
ioque utrimque theatro Ceu matutina
Menedemi vicem miseret me.
cervus periturus arena Praeda canum
lioellis, 'petitions,' c.53; Jul. 81 h'belest. Hence the school in which bestiarii lum insidiarum indicem,ab obvioquodam
were trained was called ludus matutinus. porrectum, libellis ceteris, quos sinistra
Wilmanns 1273, 1741, 2611. There manu tenebat quasi mox lecturus, comwas a break for the prandium in all miscuit. rescribendis, 'in answering.'
games etc. about this hour, Claud. These 'rescripts' in after times, when
34 bestiariis meridianisque adeo delecta- dealing with questions of jurisprudence,
batur, ut et prima luce ad spectacuhtm came gradually to form part of a body
descenderet, et meridie dismisso ad pran- of law or constitutiones principum.
dium populo, persederet. Marq. 13, p.
vacaret. See on c. 4, p. 16.
288—9 note.
corollaria [corollarium formed from
45. cenaculis, ' from the upper part diminutive corolla] like the Greek crre"of the house' [so-called according to <pavos meant a prize or additional preVarro L. L. 5, 162 from the habit of sent of money. Cic. Verr. 3 § 118 ut
having the dining-room upstairs]. Cp. esset unde Apronio ad illos fructus
Dio 57, 11 of Tiberius, ical rots ye T&V arationum hoc corollarium numorum
tinruv dyuivas e£ oliclas /cat avrbs TCOV cbr- adderetur, ib. § 184 de scenicorum coroleXevdipw TWOS TTOWCLKLS e&pa. Though lariis.
some have explained cenacula to mean
de suo. See on c. 40, p. 89.
* boxes' in the circus.
Graeco certamini, games on the
Greek model, including athletics, chariot
pulvinari. The imperial box in the
racing, and musical contests. They were
circus erected by Augustus. The exact
not as popular as the Roman games,
position of it is uncertain, but it was in
apparently. Cic. Att. 16, 5 sed tamen
full view of the spectators, Claud. 4.
venia: because the absence of the rumoris nescio quid adflaverat commissione Graecorum frequentiam non
Emperor was unpopular, Tac. Ann.
fuisse, quod quidem me minime fefellit.
1, 76.
Scis enim quid ego de Graecis ludis
suam vicem...fungerentur, see note
c
- 35> P* 80. Claudius [Claud. j]prae- existimem.

7—2

IOO

SUETONI

[45-

honorarit. Spectavit autem studiosissime pugiles et maxime
Latinos, non legitimos atque ordinarios modo, quos etiam
committere cum Graecis solebat, sed et catervarios oppidanos, inter angustias vicorum pugnantis temere ac sine arte.
Universum denique genus operas aliquas publico spectaculo 5
praebentium etiam cura sua dignatus est: athletis
discipline et conservavit privilegia et ampliavit; gladiatores
of the
s j n e m i S S ione edi prohibuit; coercitionem in histrioplayers.

x

•

nes magistratibus, omni tempore et loco lege vetere
permissam, ademit praeterquam ludis et scena. Nee tamen 10
eo minus aut xysticorum certationes aut gladiatorum pugnas
suae; id. 12, 29, 7 nuper cum
Myrino
honorarit, 'bestowed a present upon.'
peteretur missio
laeso.
Vellei. 2, T29 populum congiariis honocoercitionem... scena. But Tacitus
ravit.
Macrob. Sat. 2, 3, 10 Laberius
does not confine the immunity from
in fine ludorum anulo aureo honoratus
flogging to the outside of the theatre.
a Caesare.
Ann.
1, 77 divus Augustus
immunes
legitimos atque ordinarios, 'recogverberum histriones quondam
respondnised and classed as such,' of whom,
erat. Marquardt [13, p . 318] prefers the
apparently, a regular list was kept,
statement of Suetonius, omni tempore
marking them off as professionals. This
et locp. C p . Plaut. Cislell. epil. 4
was so in Greece, see Polyb. 6, 47, 8
Ctawep yhp o$5£ TCOV rexvir&v rj TCOV qui deliquit vapulabit; id. Amph. prol.
81—5.
Lucian Pise. 33 ol aOXodtrat,
ad\7)Tioif rots ye fity veveiir)fxhovs rj ceaujfiao-Tiyovp eldo6a<nv r\v ns biroKpirty
fjt,a<rK7)K6Ta$ irapiefiev els roi)s adXrjTiKotis
i
A$'qj>ap...v7ro5e5vK<bs jui} KaXws viroKpiaywvas, oVrio K.T.X.
Thus we hear of
voLTo firjde /car' a^lav rujp de&v. id.
an album of professional musicians,
Apol. 5 rots rpayiKois tiiroKpiraTs ehdNero 11.
aovaiv ol 2£tt...IIw\os rj 'ApurTddrjfAos...
catervarios, ordinary and inferior,
ylyvovTai...K(d fiaamyotifjievoL rives avmen selected at hazard and untrained.
rdv ws av r<£ Oe&rptp 8oKrj.
Cp. gregatim, ' i n an inferior manner,'
ludis, ' a t the games,' abl. of time.
Cat. 30.
So gladiatoribus,
Cic. Att. 2, 19, 3 ;
operas...praebentium. Such as the
ludis et gladiatoribus ib. 1, 16.
designatores [Plaut. Poen. prol. 19] who
xysticorum. T h e xystus was a portishowed people to their places. See
cus, in which athletes practised during
Wilmanns 986, Mart. 5, 8, 1 4 ; 5, 2 3 ,
winter. Galb. 15 si quid aut
xystici
27. Other persons employed in theatres
donatum
olim vendidissent;
Tertull.
and circus are enumerated in Dig. 3, 2 , 4
Sped. 30 tunc xystici contemplandi
non
thymelici, xystici, agitatores, qui aquam
in gymnasio sed in igne iaculati, id. 20
equis spargunt, ceteraque eorum
miniatrocitas arenae vanitas xysti; Vitruv.
steria qui certaminibus sacris deservi5, 11 %v<jrbs Graed appellatione est
unt.
porticus ampla latitudine in qua athletae
privilegia, sc. civilium
munerum
per hiberna tempora exercebantur.
For
vacationem, Codex 19, 53 and also freexysti in private houses and gardens see
dom from the infamia, which attached
infr. c. 72.
to actors and gladiators. Marq. 13, p .
pugnas ... exegit.
Gladiators who
349showed timidity or seemed to avoid
sine missione, i.e. without the right
fighting were urged on by blows and hot
of appealing to the editor (or, as beirons. See Quint. Declam. 9,6fremebant
came the custom, to the people), to be
ubiqueomnia adparatumortis,
hieferrum
allowed to leave the arena alive if conacuebat, Me incendebat ignibus
laminas,
quered. Domitian limited the number
huic virgae, inde flagella adferebantur;
of such permissions; Mart. Spectac. 29,
Sen. Ep. 7, 5 occide, verbera, ure! quare
3 Missio
saepe viris magno c/amore
tam timide incurrit in ferrum?
quare
petita est; sed Caesar legi paruit ipse

46.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

101

severissime semper exegit. Nam histrionum licentiam adeo
compescuit, ut Stephanionem togatarium, cui in puerilem
habitum circumtonsam matronam ministrasse compererat,
per trina theatra virgis caesum relegaverit, Hylan panto5 mimum, querente praetore, in atrio domus suae nemine
excluso flagellis verberarit, et Pyladen urbe atque Italia
summoverit, quod spectatorem, a quo exsibilabatur, demonstrasset digito conspicuumque fecisset.
Ad hunc modum urbe urbanisque rebus administratis,
o Italiam duodetriginta coloniarum numero, deductarum ab se, frequentavit operibusque ac vectigali- ^0j°aiyS
bus publicis plurifariam instruxit, etiam iure ac
parum audacter occidit? quare parum li- numerum aut si versus pronunciatur
benter morilur? plagis agitur in volnera. syllaba una brevior aut longior exsibilhistrionum licentiam.
Cp.tti.tf; atur et exploditur. Pylades was afterwards recalled, Dio 54, 17 ILvXadrjif
Ner. 16; Dom. 7.
TLVCL 6pxwi';hv $L& VT&aiv e$-e\7J\aiA&ov
togatarium, 'an actor in a fabula
Kar^yayeu. He was a Cilician, see
togata.' See Nero 11; Pliny N. H. 7
Suidas.
§49; Iuv. 1, 3. The word does not
digito, 'the middle finger/ in/amis
appear to be elsewhere used, and some
digitus', Pers. 2, 33 ; mediumque ostendeeditors have proposed togatarum.
ret unguem Iuv. 10, 53; Mart. 2, 28;
in puerilem habitum circumton6, 70. It implied a charge of obscenity,
sam, 'with the hair cut short to look
like a boy.' Plutarch, de inst. mulierum, see Cal. 56. Other ways of expressing
tells a story of Aristodemus, tyrant of contempt were to bend the fingers in
shape of a stork's bill, or to hold them
Cumae, 6TL rods p,ev dppevas 7rat5as TJCKGL
Kbfxcus Kal x/w0"o0o/)eij', Tas §£ 6r}\eias up to look like long ears. Pers. 1, 58
7)v&yica& 7reptrp6xaXa
KeipevOai. O lane, a tergo quern nulla ciconia
The offence of this actor was of produc- pinsit, nee manus auriculas imitari moing (ministrasse, Tibull. 2, 2, 22) a ma- bilis albas.
trona,—a Roman married lady.
46. duodetriginta coloniarum. M.A.
per trina theatra. The theatres of
28 Italia autem [XXVIII] colonias, quae
Pompey, Balbus, and Marcellus. Ovid
vivo me celeberrimae et freqtientissimae
A:A. 3, 394 visite conspicuis terna fuerunti meis auspiciis deductas habet.
theatra locis. See c. 29.
For a list of these coloniae, see MommHylan pantomimum. According to sen resg. p. 123. What was now meant
Suidas (s.v. opxv<ns) Augustus first in- by 'colonies' was different from what
troduced this form of dramatic repre- the word had meant in former times. It
sentation, which consisted in some was now practically the settlement of so
dramatic scene presented by one actor many veterans, and often where a colony
with the help of dances and gestures.
had already been settled, the illegality
See Lucian Salt. § 67 otnc d7ret/c6ro>s 8e involved in this being got over by rer
Kal ol TraXtcorat rbv 6pxv°" W vavrd- garding the new settlers as a supplementum [Cic. 2 Phil. §§ 100—102].
jMfJLOV KOkoVVLV <Xir6 TOU dpb)fJL&QV
<TX€§°V'
Thus, of the twenty-nine Julian colonies
The first pantomimi were Pylades and
Bathyllus [Dio 54, 17]. Hylas was the in Mommsen's list, thirteen were old
pupil of Pylades, and Macro bius records colonies—Ariminum, Beneventum, Bononia, Capua, Castrum Novum, Dertona,
that when he had to represent the words
rbv fityav 'Ayap,4fii>oj/a he stretched Minturnae,Parma,Pisae,Pisaurum,Sora,
himself to look his part, but Pylades Suessa, Sutrium. Since B.C. 89 there was
exclaimed <ri> jxaKpbv oi> jxtyav iroieh no question of political status involved,
as all had the civitas, but there was still,
[Sat. 2, 7, 13]; Marq. 13, p. 330.
exsibilabatur. Cp. Cic. Farad. 3 § it appears, some difference of internal
26 histrio si paullum se movit extra government between a colonia and other

102

SUETONI

[46—

dignatione urbi quodam modo pro parte aliqua adaequavit,
excogitato genere suffragiorum, quae de magistratibus urbicis
decuriones colonic! in sua quisque colonia ferrent et sub die
comitiorum obsignata Romam mitterent. Ac necubi aut
honestorum deficeret copia aut multitudinis suboles, equestrem 5
militiam petentis etiam ex commendatione publica cuiusque
oppidi ordinabat; at iis, qui e plebe regiones sibi revisenti
filios filiasve approbarent, singula nummorum milia pro singulis dividebat.
Provincias validiores et quas annuis magistratuum im-1
municipia, and the rank of a colonia
was desired, though loss of lands to
existing coloni involved often led to
riots. Observe that Italia now includes
Gallia Cisalpina and Istria. Of the
new colonies only one seems to have
the distinctly military object of coercing natives, Augusta Praetoria (Aosta),
but some others were in places of
military importance in regard to the
roads or the coast, such as Atesta
(Este), Brixia (Brescia), Iulia Augusta
Taurinorum (Turin). But his selection
of places for the most part must have
depended principally on the facilities they
presented for getting lands for the new
coloni either by confiscation or purchase.
pro parte aliqua, 'to some degree,'
because he could not put all the coloni
on equal terms with the urban voters,
seeing that the journey to Rome practically made their suffrage inoperative,
and it was only the decuriones (colonial
senators) who had the privilege of thus
having their votes taken at home and
forwarded to Rome. For ius signandi
in voting, see an instance in the Concilium at Narbo C. I. L. x n 6038 /. 15,
Rushf. p. 44.
urbicis, sc. Roman, decuriones,
Pompon, de verb. sign. 1, i$q...quod in
initio colonis, cum deducerentur, decima
pars eorum qui deducerentur consilii
publici gratia conscribi solita sit.
equestrem militiam. The equestris
militia included service as tribunus cohortiSf tribtcnus legionis, praefectus alae.
An order which Claudius varied, Suet.
Claud. 25, equestres militias ita ordinavit ut post cohortem alam, post alam
iribunatum daret. When a man had
served these (tribus miliiiis perfunctus)
he was eligible for the quaestorship or
other office (a ??iilitiis). The officer
wore the gold ring of an eques. Wil-

manns 1226. 1633-4. Marq. 11, 63-4,
78. For petentis cp. Galba 14 smmnae
equestris gradus candidatus. Wilmanns
1602 Tiber. Claudio Claudiano eq.Rom.
mil. petit, petentis...ordinabat' he promoted those who sought the rank of officers.' For ordinabat see C. I. L. v 7866
leg. ill Italicae ordinatus ex eq. Rom.
e plebe. See on c. 44. approbarent,
'established their worthiness to, his
satisfaction.'
nummorum 'sesterces.' See c. 40.
47. provincias...permisit. For the
principle of this division see Dio 53, 12
\6yip fjL& 6VWS 7) /nev yepovcta ddecos ra
/cdXXtcrra TTJS apxys Kapirwrdt, afirbs 8e
rotjs re irdvovs Kal robs KWMVOVS §XV Ka^
crrparnbras rp£<py. Cp. Strab. 17, 3,
25 eavr<£ ftev oa-rj trrpartwriK^s <f>povpas
^XeL XP€^ap'"TlP fyfMp de T7)v &\\r]P 8o"q
elprjVLKi] Kal %wpis 6ir\(av #/>xe<r0at padia.
The first division in B.C. 27 was modified more than once. Augustus first
took Hispania Tarraconensis and Lusitania, all the Gauls (including Germania), Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia,
Cyprus (Egypt was on a special footing,
see c. 18, p. 42). But in B.C. 24 Cyprus
and Narbonensis were given to the Senate
cos firjdev T&V 8TT\(JJP deoftfras [Dio 54,
14]; in B.C. 21 Dalmatia was transferred to the Emperor ws 8ir\(av TLVQV
del Kal di' eavrqv Kal dia r\\v rwv Hav~
voviiav yeirovlav beofihrtj [Dio 54, 34];
in B.C. 6 disturbances in Sardinia caused
that province to be put under military
government for three years [Dio 54, 28].
All provinces subsequently added were
imperial [Dio 53, 12 fin.]. During the
reign of Augustus this occurred in the
case of the provinces of Galatia and
Lycaonia in B.C. 25 [Dio 53, 26; Marq.
9, p. 276 sq.], and Moesia [Dio 55,
29; Ov. Tr. 2, 197]. annuis...imperils. In the senatorial provinces

47-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

103

perils regi nee facile nee tutum erat, ipse suscepit, ceteras
proconsulibus sortito permisit; et tamen nonnullas Division
commutavit interdum atque ex utroque genere pleras- of the
Provinces.
que saepius adiit. Urbium quasdam, foederatas sed
5 ad exitium licentia praecipites, libertate privavit,
alias aut aere alieno laborantis levavit, aut terrae f^fef^tsae
motu subversas denuo condidit, aut merita erga
populum Romanum adlegantes Latinitate vel civitate donavit. Nee est, ut opinor, provincia, excepta
IO dumtaxat Africa et Sardinia, quam non adierit. visits.
consulares and praetorii drew lots for
meruerant. Cp. Suet. Tib. 57. I t theretheir year of office, as in the republic,
fore seems that they had not forgiven
the law of B.C. 52, enacting a five
the memory of Augustus. T h e freedom
years' interval between the consulship
of Tyre and Sidon had been reserved
or praetorship and the provincial govby Antony, when he handed over Phoeernment, being maintained: but even
nicia to Cleopatra [Ios. Ant. 15, 4, 1].
in these the Emperor intervened in case
Latinitate. T h e imperfect citizenship
of maladministration, l<rapL6/j.ovs yap
thus designated derived its name and
Toh 'tQveci Kal ovs dv ideX^crrj KXrjpovadcu much of its nature from the old status
KeAetfet [Dio 53, 14]. In the Imperial
of the Latin cities. Since the civil war
provinces the legati pro praetore held
[B.C. 90] it had ceased to apply to any
office during pleasure [STTOL T£ riva Kal
cities in Italy south of the Po, and since
birbre ijdeXev eVreAXe*' Dio I.e.]. A m o n g
B.C. 49 to those north of the P o ; but
the Senatorial provinces Africa and
it still existed in colonies and certain
Asia were to have consulares as governstates in the provinces; and the Emors, the rest praetorii, but in the properor had the power of indefinitely
vinces themselves both alike have proextending i t ; Vespasian, for instance,
consular e imperium
and are therefore
gave Latinitas
to all Spain. Pliny,
often called proconsuls.
N.H. 3 § 30. Later on there was a
distinction laid down between maius
foederatas. A comparatively small
and minus Latium:
in virtue of the
number of States in the provinces which,
former all decuriones and office-holders
though debarred from making foreign
in their states obtained full civitas, in
alliances or wars, enjoyed internal authe latter only magistrates [Gaius 1,
tonomy, could coin money and receive
95—6].
exiles. T h e terms on which they held
excepta.. .Africa. If we may believe
this freedom varied according to the
Nicolaus Dam. T I — 1 2 , Augustus visited
particular foedus, one copy of which
Africa with his uncle Iulius in B.C. 45.
was kept at Rome, the others in the
After the defeat of Sextus (B.C. 36) LepiState concerned. Marq. 7, 100-104.
dus, who had come from Africa to Sicily
libertate privavit.
Instances renominally to help Augustus but had
corded are Cyzicus, Tyre, and Sidon.
Dio 54, 7 rotfs re Kvfrict)i/oi>s on 'Pw- raised an opposition to him, was deprived of his province, and Augustus
fxatovs Ttvas h (TT&<rei fjLacmydxTapTes
might have thought it necessary to go
dir^KTetvav idovKdjcaro' Kal TOVTO roi)s
there. H e , however, contented himIvptovs roM re Htdwviovs did ras crdo-eis
6TroLr](rei>, iv rrj HvpLayevdfievos (B.C. 20). self with appointing a new governor,
with a division of his troops [App. B,
T h e decree concerning Cyzicus was reciv. 5, 129].
voked in B.C. 15 [Dio 54, 23], and therefore Strabo [12, 8, 11] speaks of it as
Sardinia. Corsica and Sardinia were
free; but Tiberius inflicted the same
long held by Sextus Pompeius, but his
punishment on it in A.D. 25 obiecta pubships and forces there were betrayed to
lice Cyzicenis incuria
caerimoniarum
Augustus by his freedman Menodorus in
divi Augusti, additis violentiae c?-imiB.C. 38. A p p . B. civ. 5, 78—80. For
nibus adversum cives Romanos, et amithe storms after the defeat of Sextus, see
sere libertatem quam bello Mithridatico
Dio 49, 34 eweidT) 6 re Se'ijros d7ro\c6Xet

IO4

SUETONI

[47—

In has fugato Sex. Pompeio traicere ex Sicilia apparantem
continuae et immodicae tempestates inhibuerunt, nee mox
occasio aut causa traiciendi fuit.
Regnorum quibus belli iure potitus est, praeter pauca,
aut isdem quibus ademerat reddidit, aut alienigenis
kings*
contribuit. Reges socios etiam inter semet ipsos
necessitudinibus mutuis iunxit, promptissimus affinitatis cuiusque atque amicitiae conciliator et fautor; nee aliter
universos quam membra partisque imperii curae habuit, rectorem quoque solitus apponere aetate parvis aut mente lapsis,
donee adolescerent aut resipiscerent; ac plurimorum liberos
et educavit simui cum suis et instituit.
E x militaribus copiis legiones et auxilia provinciatim
point of the antithesis, or what substantive is to be understood with universos.
Perhaps it is safest to understand socios
or populos. Augustus 'took as much
48. regnorum. M.A. c. 27 Armeniam thought for the general interests of
maiorem interfecto rege eius Artaxe, the empire as for individual members
cum possem facere provinciam, malui of it.' But the words which follow do
maiorum nostrum exemplo regnum id not seem to illustrate his remark very
Tigrani regis Artavasdis filio > nepoti au- aptly.
rectorem...resipiscerent. On the
tem Tigranis regisy per Ti. Neronem tradere, qui turn mihi privignus erat. Et analogy of the tutela of Roman law in
eandem gentem posted desciscentem et the case of minors and insane or imberebellantem domitam per Gaium filium cile persons, see Cicero de Sen. § 22;
meum regi Artobarzani regis Medorum Hor. Sat. 2, 3, 218 ad sanos abeat tutela
Artabazi filio regendam tradidi et post propinquos. id. Ep. 1,1, 102 curatoris
eius mortem filio eius Artavasdi. Quo egere a praetore dati, lust. Inst. 1, 23
interfecto Tigrane, qui erat ex regio furiosi et prodigi, licet maiores xxv
genere Armeniorum oriundus, in id annis sint, tamen in curatione agnaregnum misi.
Other instances are torum sint ex lege x n tabularum.
Herod in Iudaea [Ios. B. Iud. 15, 10];
liberos .., educavit. So Iuba was
Iuba in Mauretania [Dio 53, 26]. Au- Tpa<peis iv 'IraX^, Dio 51, 15; and so
gustus in the Monumentum c. 33 says
Agrippa, son of Aristobulus was brought
also that he made Vonones king of the up at Rome with Drusus, son of TiParthians, and Ariobarzanes king of the berius [Ios. Ant. 18, 6, 1]. Compare
Medes, on the request or with the con- a similar policy of Agricola in Britain,
sent of the chief men of those nations. Tac. Agr. 21.
contribuit. A word technically used of
49. auxilia. Under the republic
bringing a people into political con- auxilia meant all non-citizen troops
nexion with another or under a ruler,
levied in provinces or furnished by kings
Ambracia ...turn contribuerat se Aeor allied nations. In the military
tolis, Livy 38, 3 ; Uxiorum gentem.., system as reformed by Augustus it
Susianorum Satrapiae contribuit Curt.
meant all bodies of troops in the provinces other than the legions, however
necessitudinibus ... amnitatis. Ex- composed. Marq.u, 183. Of what such
amples are again found in the dealings auxilia consisted will be seen in Veil.
of Augustus and Livia with the Herods 2, 113 contractis in una castra X legi[Ios. Ant. 16, 7, 8; 17, 1, 2—9]. He onibus, LXX amplius cohortibus, xiv
was said even to have offered his own alis, et pluribus decern veteranorum
daughter Iulia to Cotiso king of the milibus, ad hoc magno voluntariorum
numero,frequentique equite regio...
Getae, see c. 66.
universos. It is difficult to see the
provinciatim. At the time of the
KCLL ret kv rrj Ai^y
Karacrrdcreajs ideiro
7j\0e fih es St/ceAfaj/ ws KOLI iiceio-e 7r\evo-o^fievos, iyxpoviffas d£ ipravda biro rod
X^ifioiivos OVK£TL eirepai&dr].

49]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

105

distribute, classem Miseni et alteram Ravennae ad tutelam
Superi et Inferi maris conlocavit, ceterum numerum Legions in
partim in urbis partim in sui custodiam adlegit, ifnd^heeS
Fleet.
vennamproximum Galliae litus rostratae
naves praesidebant, quas Actiaca victoria
capias in oppidum Forumiuliense miserat
valido cum remige. The station at
Forum Iulii seems not to have been
maintained long after the time of Augustus [Strab. 4, 1, 9 ] ; but those at
Ravenna and Misenum existed up to
the 5th century; the fleets are called
in inscriptions classis praetoria Misenensis.. .Ravennas [ C. / . L. 10,317—350].
Ravenna, like the modern Venice, was
built amidst tidal ^lagunes, three miles
from the sea. Augustus not only constructed a port {Classis) connected by
a causeway with the old city, but also a
23 or 25 [Dio 55, 23 rpta 8e drj rdre Kal
canal [fossa Augusta) from the Po to
GIKOGL (Trpardiredaj rj ws ye Zrepoi Xtyov&L this port [Pliny N. H. 3 § 20]. By
7T4VT€ Kal el'/co<rt, TTOXITLKCL eTpitpero], and the middle of the 6th century this harTacitus [Ann. 4, 5] tells us of their bour was already silted up [Iordan. Get.
distribution in A.D. 23, which seems
29], and the lagunes of the ancient city
not to have been changed since the have long shared the same fate. Suedeath of Augustus:—the Gauls and tonius joins the fleet with his mention
Germany 8; Spain 3 ; Africa 2; Egypt 2; of the army, for those serving on board
Syria 4; Pannonia 2; Moesia 2; Dal- were reckoned as soldiers and shared in
matia 2. Thus they were all in frontier the privileges of soldiers: see the diploprovinces, the rest being provinciae mata granting civitas to those remiges
inertness in which the governor had only who had served their time in the fleet
a detachment as body guard and for [C. I. L. 3, p. 844 sq.; Wilmanns 2862
police, or depended on local militia —3]. The importance of the naval
[Marq. 11, 272 sq.]. The telling off of stations of Misenum and Ravenna will
certain legions for permanent service in be seen by reference to Tacitus Ann.
particular provinces proved afterwards
14, 62; 15, 5 1 ; Hist. 2, 9, JOO; 3, 6,
a fertile source of disruption.
40, 50, 56, 60; Pliny Ep. 6, 16 and 20;
Plut. Ant. 32; Dio 48, 36; Veil. 2, 77;
classem...Ravennae. The war fleet
of Rome had never been continuously Mommsen Inscrip. Regn. Neapol. pp.
145—154.
maintained in efficiency since the Punic
and Macedonian wars. Pompey, in B.C.
ceterum numerum: that is, all men
67, causeda largefleet of 500 vessels to be under arms other than those in the
built for the war with the pirates, which legions, auxiliaries or fleet.
he maintained also during the civil war.
partim in urbis...adlegit. Tac.
After the death of Caesar, the com- Ann. 4, 5 quamquam insider et urbem
mand of the fleet was transferred to Sext. proprius miles, Ires urbanae, novem
Pompeius [p. 31], and with it he main- praetoriae cohortes. The number of
tained himself till B.C. 36. To combat
cohortes urbanae was however subsehim Augustus commissioned Agrippa to quently raised to four [Ta^c. H. 2, 93;
build a fleet in B.C. 37 [p. 32]. The fall of
C. I. L. 3,853 (a diploma of VesSextus Pompeius put Augustus in pos- pasian) item militum qui in cohortisession of a large number of vessels, bus novem praetoriis et quatuor urbanis
which he employed at Actium, where militaverunt\
As to the strength of
his victory added still more. He then the cohortes also there is variation of
organized the fleet on the same principle testimony, Tacitus /. c. says that each
as the army, i.e. by fixing on two or had a thousand men, Dio 55, 24 says
more places as permanent stations,—
1500,—olrijs irdXeois (ppovpal e£a/«(rx/Xio£
Ravenna, Misenum, Forum Iulii {Fre- re ovres Kal TeTpaxfi vwewfJLfroi. See
Jus)> Tac. Ann. 4, 5 Misenum apudet Ra- for a new discussion on the question
battle of Actium there were at least
50 legions enrolled, all of which passed
under the power of Augustus, who,
making it a chief point in his policy to
reduce the strength and expense of the
army, partly by disbanding and partly
by draughting off veterans to colonies,
brought down the number to 18 or 23.
[For the question between these two
numbers, see Mommsen res g. pp. 67—
69; Marq. 11, 159—162; E. G. Hardy,
Journal of Philology 23, 45 p. 29 and
the authorities there quoted.] Whatever the original number may have been
it seems that after the Pannonian rising
and the fall of Varus, the number was

io6

SUETONI

[49—

dimissa Calagurritanorum manu, quam usque ad devictum
Antonium item Germanorum, quam usque ad cladem Varianam inter armigeros eirca se habuerat. Neque tamen
umquam plures quam tres cohortes in urbe esse
The
urban
passus est easque sine castris, reliquas in hiberna 5
et aestiva circa finitima oppida dimittere assuerat.
Quidquid autem ubique militum esset, ad certam stipendiorum
praemiorumque formulam adstrinxit, definitis pro gradu
cuiusque et temporibus militiae et commodis missionum, ne
aut aetate aut inopia post missionem sollicitari ad res novas 1
Aerarium possent. Utque perpetuo ac sine difficultate sumptus
mihtare. a ( j tuendos eos prosequendosque suppeteret, aerarium
militare cum vectigalibus novis constituit.
Mommsen in Hermes 14, 25—35, 160;
16, 643—647; Ephem. Epig. 5, 118
—120.
partim in sui. T h e ten cohortes praetoriae [ D i o / . c. ol re aw/j,aTO(f>ti\aK€s fit/piot.
ovTes KOX dcKaxfi reraypivot] were an
extension of the cohors praetoria of
republican times attending each commander-in-chief [Polyb. 6, 40]. As
Augustus was commander-in-chief of
the whole R o m a n army, and had his
principal residence at Rome, the praetorian guard naturally had its headquarters there also. But it was not
until the administration of Sejanus that
they were all stationed in a permanent
camp near the porta Viminalis [ Tib. 37;
Dio 57, 19; T a c . Ann. 4, 2].
Calagurritanorum. Calagurris Nassica or Iulia (Calahorra) in Hispania
Tarraconensis was a municipium enjoying the R o m a n civitas [Plin. N. H. 3
§ 4]. Germanorum. These appear to
have been Batavians, Dio 55, 24 %tvoi
re t7T7r€?s eV£\e/croi, ols rb r&v Baraotiow
airb TTJs Bctraotfas rrjs ev T<£ ' P ^ y vr)(rov
flvo/xa, OTL 8TJ KpaTHTTOt, liriretieiv efol,
Keirai. T h e Batavian body-guard was
also employed by Nero, Wilmanns 1518
NOBILIS • MILES • IMPERA • NERONIS •
AVG • CORP • CVST • DEC • RABVTI •
NAT • BATAVS • MILIT • AN • II • VIX •
AN • x x • H • s • E. A body-guard of
foreigners had been employed before,
as the Ityreans by Antony, Cic. 2 Phil.
§§ 19 and 112.
Varianam, see on c. 23.
plures quam tres... sine castris. This
refers to the praetorian cohorts, for the
urban cohorts had already barracks in

R o m e near the forum Suarium.
The
three praetorian cohorts thus billeted in
R o m e in turn performed the duties of
guard at the imperial palace, T a c . Ann.
I
> 7 > 2i 34« After the praetorian camp
was formed one cohort at a time mounted
guard at the palace, T a c . Ann. 12, 6 9 ;
Hist. 1, 24, and wore the toga, id. Hist.
1, 38 nee una cohors togata
defendit
nunc Galbam sed detinet.
Mart. 6, 76
llle sacri lateris custos Martisque togati.
ad certam...adstrinxit, ' h e confined
strictly to a fixed scale of service-time
and allowances.' Dio 54, 25 (E.C. 13)
KOX 5I£TCLJ-€ TCL 'irt] oaa ol TroXirat <rrpaTetiiToivTO Kal ra xpV^T^ o(ra iravadfAeVOL TTJs GTparelas, avrl rrjs x ^ P a s Vv ^
wore rJTOW, \rj\J/oiPTO. H e goes on to
say that the time of service fixed was
12 years for praetorians and 16 for
others. But either this was again altered
or this number of years' service did not
entitle a man to his retiring allowance,
for it is stated in 55, 23 (A.D. 6) to be
16 for praetorians and 20 for the legionaries, c p . T a c . Ann. 1, 17 and 78;
M. A. c. 17. Mommsen thinks the
change accounted for by the costly wars
in Pannonia and Germany B.C. 12—8.
T h e r e was a farther variation in other
branches of the service. T h e cohortes
urbanae served 20,. the auxilia 25, the
classici 26 years. Marq. n , p . 282.
commodis missionum. See c. 24
note, p . 53.
aerarium militare. M. A . c. 17 M.
Lepido et L. Auruntio
cos. (A.D. 6) in
aerarium militare^ quod ex consilio meo
constitutum est, ex quoprae?nia darentur
militibus, qui vicena aut plura emeru»

Sa]

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107

Et quo celerius ac sub manum adnuntiari cognoscique
posset, quid in provincia quaque gereretur, iuvenes postal
primo modicis intervallis per militaris vias, dehinc servlce vehicula disposuit. Commodius id visum est, ut qui a loco
5 perferunt litteras, interrogari quoque, si quid res exigant,
possint. In diplomatibus libellisque et epistulis
50
H i s seal.
signandis initio sphinge usus est, mox imagine
[Cic. ad Att. 5, 15, 3 ; de Prov. § 15].
issent HS milliens et septingentiens ex
Poorer men had to take advantage of
patrimonio meo detuli. Dio 55, 25 eirei
these. For the public post now orgafi7}8els Trdpos dp£<TK<tii> TKTXV evplffKero,
nised by Augustus, see Marq. 9, p p . 587
dXXct Kai iravv irdvres tin Kai ifyreTTo
epapfoovTO, effTJveyKev 6 Atiyovffros xP'h" —592 who gives a long list of the literature of the subject. T h e Emperor had
fi,ara Kai birkp eavrou Kai virep Tipeptou
is rb TCLfJueLov, 6 Kai cTpaTUtirucbv eirojvb" a certain number of speculatores attached
to his staff for this service [c. 74].
fiaa-e. T h e establishment of this military
exchequer was therefore connected with
vehicula, the light carriages or cisia
the change and settlement as to the
used in the postal service, cp. Cal. 44
years of service and retiring allowances.
magnificas litteras Romam misit, moniIt was replenished from time to time
tis speculatoribus, ut vehiculo ad forum
by his own contributions [see c. 41], by
usque et curiam
pertenderent.
voluntary subventions from subject or
50. diplomatibus, documents issued
allied princes and towns, and by a death
by the Emperor or provincial governor
duty of 5 p . c . on estates and legacies
conferring privileges, immunities or the
[Dio /. c. TT]V 5' etKOCTTriv TQ>V re K\ripu)v like. Cal. 3 8 ; Ner. 12. T h e term is also
Kai T03V bwpeoov, as dv oi TeXeuntW^s TLOL applied to bronze diptycha, such as the
7r\7jv TG>V iravb avyyep&v rj Kai irevrjTtav diplomata fixing the privilegia
militum.
/caraXe^7TW(rt Karearyiaaro], and the
See Wilmanns 2861; C. I. L. 3, p . 843.
1 p.c. excise on res venales seems also
libellis, 'petitions.' T h e Emperor is
to have been paid to this account, T a c .
said signare libellos when he answers
Ann. 1, 78. T w o praetorii were put
them, Pliny Ep. 1, 10, 9 sedeopro tribttin charge of it.
nali, subnoto libellos.
vectigalious novis. T h e legacy duepistulis. Gaius Inst. 1, 5 constitutio
ties he maintained to be only a revival
principis est quod imperator decreto vel
of an old tax, Dio /. c.
edicto vel epistula constituit.
Though
sub manum, ' p r o m p t l y ' \hirb xe</?a
this definition was hardly recognised in
Arist. Meteor. 2, 9, 13], cp. Seneca
the time of Augustus.
Ep. 71 § 1 res nostrae feruntur,
immo
initio sphinge...sua. Pliny [N. H.
volvuntur; ergo consilium nasci sub diem
37 § 10] says that Augustus found two
debet: et hoc quoque nimis tardum est;
rings of his mother's with sphinxes that
sub manu, quodaiunt, nascatur; Plancus
were exactly alike, and that while he
a p . Cic. /am.
10, 23 § 2
adiunxi...
used one he lent the other to his agents
l
Vocontii sub manu ut essent, at hand,'
during the civil war [i. e. to Maecenas,
' h a n d y ' : but Caes. B. Afr. 36 sub
see Dio 51, 3]. T h e three seals, whether
manum [with v. 1. manu],
designedly or not, seem to have a reference to three stages in his life,—to the
iuvenes...vehicula. Along the great
self-suppression and dark policy of his
military roads of Italy and the proearly manhood; the world-wide empire
vinces there seem to have been for
gained after 31 B.C.; and finally to the
some time posting houses where relays of
originality of the policy in his later
horses and carriages could be obtained
years in which he represented in his
[Cic. pro Ros. Am. 7 ; Suet. Jul. 5 7 ;
own person all the popular powers
Mart. 10, 104], but there was no prowhich he pretended to maintain. T h e
vision for postal service. Rich men
emblem of the sphinx seems to have
kept tabellarii for the transmission of
given rise to unfavourable remark,
letters [see Mayor on Plin. Ep. 3, 17
postea ad evitanda convicia
sphingis
§ 2]; the magistrates sent statores [Cic.
Alexandri Magni imagine signavit Plin.
ad /am. 2, 17, 1 ] ; and the companies
l.c. T h e Sphinx is found on coins of
of publicani had their regular couriers

io8

SUETONI

[50—

Magni Alexandri, novissime sua, Dioscuridis rnanu sculpta,
qua signare insecuti quoque principes perseverarunt. Ad
epistulas omnis horarum quoque momenta nee diei modo sed
et noctis, quibus datae significarentur, addebat.
Clementiae civilitatisque eius multa et magna documenta
sunt. Ne enumerem, quot et quos diversarum parHis

.

.

.

1

.

1

.

tolerance tium venia et incolumitate donatos pnncipem etiam
of personal j n c i v jtate locum tenere passus sit: Iunium Novatum
et Cassium Patavinum e plebe homines alterum pecunia, alterum levi exilio punire satis habuit, cum ille Agrippae
iuvenis nomine asperrimam de se epistulam in vulgus edidisset,
hie convivio pleno proclamasset, neque votum sibi neque
animum deesse confodiendi eum. Quadam vero cognitione,
Chios and Alexandria [Head Hist.
Num. pp. 513, 720], but there is also
a Cistophorus in the B. Museum with
a head of Augustus and a Sphinx on
the reverse.
Dioscuridis. There are some gems
extant attributed to Dioscurides (AioaKovpldrjs), see King's Horace Odes 1,
2. Pliny N. H. 37 § % post eum Apollonides et Cronius in gloria fuere, quique Augusti imaginem simillime expressit, qua postea principes signant, Dioscurides.
insecuti... principes except Galba
[Dio 51, 3]. An example of its use by
Hadrian is given in the records of the
Arval Brethren [Henzen p. 65; Wilmanns 2871] L. lulium Catium ex litterislmp. Caesaris TraianiHadriani Augusti frairem Arvalem cooptaverunt et
ad sacra vocaverunt ibique tabulae apertae signo signatae quod exprimit Kaput
Augusti...(A.D. 118). For the general
use of portraits in rings, see Ovid Tr.
i, J, 6 in digito qui me fersque refersque tuo, effigiemque meam fulvo complexus in auro, cara relegati quae potes
ora vides.
horarum.. .momenta,' the exact time,'
Iustin. 2, 14, 9 tarn brevi horarum
momento\ Pliny N. H. 7 § 172 nullo
horae momento.
quibus...significarentur, 'noting at
what hour they had been despatched';
equivalent to quo significant quibus momentis datae essent. It is a case of the
loose use of the subjunctive common
with words of saying, rediit paulo post
quod se oblitum nescio quid diceret Cic.

Off 1, 13; Roby L. G. 1746. datae,
Cic. Att. 4, 17 § 3 a Quinto fratre et a
Caesare accepi a. d. xiKal. Nov. litteras
datas a littoribus Britanniae a. d. xi
Kal. Oct.
51. clementiae. See on c. 13, p. 26.
Seneca [de Clem. 9 —11] discusses
the claim of Augustus to this praise,
contrasting the early severities with the
mildness of the principate, and concludes ego vero clementem non voco lassam
crudelitatem. It was a subject on which
Augustus Valued himself; in M.A. 34 he
says that the golden shield was given
him clepientiae, iustitiae, pietatis causa,
and was so inscribed.
civilitatis, 'moderation,5 'constitutional conduct,' the proper dealing
of citizen with citizen on equal terms,
not acting as a monarch. Claud. 35
primis imperii diebus iactator civilitatis.
Iunium...Patavinum, otherwise unknown. The men might have been
convicted of maiestas. Cp. Tac. Ann.
1, 72 primus Augustus de famosis libellis specie eius legis (i.e. de maiestate)
tractavit. e plebe. See on c. 44.
Agrippae iuvenis, sc. Agrippa Postumus, see cc. 9 and 64.
confodiendi, ' he wanted neither the
wish nor the courage to stab him to
death/ Roby L. G. 1394. Suet. Jul. 82
tribus et viginti vulneribus confossus est.
cognitione. The hearing of a special
case by a magistrate or the Emperor.
Claud. 15 negantem cognitionis rem sed
ordinarii iuris esse. ib. 12 cognitionibus
magistratibus ut unus e consiliaribus in*

terfuit.

52.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

109

cum Aemilio Aeliano Cordubensi inter cetera crimina vel
maxime obiceretur quod male opinari de Caesare soleret,
conversus ad accusatorem commotoque similis Velimi inquit,
hoc mihi probes; faciam sciat Aelianus et me linguam habere,
splura enim de eo loquar; nee quicquam ultra aut postea inquisiit. Tiberio quoque de eadem re, sed violentius, apud se
per epistulam conquerenti ita rescripsit: Aetati tuaey mi
Tiberiy noli in hac re indulgere et nimium indignari quemquam esse, qui de me male loquatur; satis est enim, si hoc
0 habemus ne quis nobis male facere possit.
Templa, quamvis sciret etiam proconsulibus decerni
solere, in nulla tamen provincia nisi communi suo Temples
Romaeque nomine recepit (nam in urbe quidem to himself pertinacissime abstinuit hoc honore) atque etiam argenteas
5 statuas olim sibi positas conflavit omnis exque iis aureas
cortinas Apollini Palatino dedicavit.
Cordubensi. Corduba was the seat
of one of the four conventus iuridici of
Hispania Baetica, and was a R o m a n
colony (B.C. 132), in which it is said an
unusual number of patricians had settled,
of whom Aemilius Aelianus appears
from his name to have been one.
male opinari de, ' t o express a bad
opinion of,' ' t o abuse,' see c. 67 ; Cat.
27 male de munere suo opinatos; Iustin.
12, 5, 8 in unam cohorlem eos qui de
rege durius opinati fuerunt
contribuit.
So male existimare, Macrob. Sat. 2, 4,
18 Strabone male existimante de pervicacia Catonis.
aetati...indulgere, ' t o give way to
the impulses of our y o u t h ' (Horace's
calida iuventa).
Claud. 16 aetatulae
indulgere'. T a c . Germ. 19 midier, non
forma non aetate maritum
invenerit.
So indulgere animo, Ovid Met. 12, 598.
52.
etiam proconsulibus, as to
Flamininus at Chalcis [Plut. T. Flam.
16 ; see also Cic. ad Q. fr. 1, 1, 9 ] .
nisi.. .suo Romaeque nomine. Temples
to Rome had been known before, as at
Smyrna [Tac. Ann. 4,56. See Rushforth
p . 47—8]. T h e joining the names of
the Emperor with that of Rome was
therefore a natural step, which Augustus
himself had already taken in dedicating
the Iulian heroum rrj re "P&JUT} KOX rip
warpl r<£ Kafoapi Dio 5 1 , 20.
For
instances see C. I. £ . 3 5 2 4 (an Aeolic
inscription near Cyme) iirl tepe'ws rets
'Poj/aas nai atiroKp&Topos, 6eG> vlQ, dew

Se/SacrrcD, dpxiepe'ws fieylaria, nai irarpbs
r a s irarpidoS} Iio\ifjL(t)vos ra) Tnfjvojvos
Aaodticeos.
T h a t is, 'when Polemo,
son of Zeno of Laodicea, was priest
of R o m e and of the Emperor Augustus
e t c ' C p . ib. 3567; T a c . Ann. 4, 37.
in urbe. A s also in Italy, Dio 51,
20 rots de drj i-frois eavrtf fiev TLV£L...
T€fievl<rai eire'Tpe\J/€v...€V ydp TOL r $ aVrei
OVTQ Trj re d\\y TraMa OVK ^GTIV ocrns
TQ>V e 0 ' biroaovv \6yov rivbs a^loiv erb\fir)<T€ TovTo Trotrjffai. Yet that such worship did exist in Italy in his lifetime is
proved by inscriptions at Pompeii, see
Rushforth, pp. 54—57. After his death
such shrines were dedicated in Rome
and all over the empire. See c. 5 ; Tac.
Ann. 1, 1 0 ; Pliny N. H. 12 § 94.
argenteas statuas. Plin. N.H. 33
§ 1 5 1 argenti usum in statuas
primum
divi Augusti temporum adidatione transissefalso existimatur, iam enim triumpho
Magni
Pompei
reperimus
tralatam
Pharnacis qui primus regnavit in Ponto
argenteam statuam, item
Mithridatis,
et currus aureos argenteosque. Dio 53,
22 od ycbp Stfra/wu 8iaKplvaL...€i r a yu,dAtcrra 6 Atfyovo-ros KCLI dvdpidvras ru>as
eavrov apyvpovs irpbs re T&V (pi\wv KCLI
irpbs bi}fx(av TLVCOV yeyovbras, is vb/ULiajxa
Kar^Koyj/e. H e had himself forbidden
silver statues of men, Dio 54, 7.
exque iis, ' a n d with the money coined
from t h e m . '
Apollini Palatino. See c. 29. cortinas, Plin. N. H. 35 § 14 ex aerefacti-

no

SUETONI

[52—

Dictaturam magna vi offerente populo, genu nixus deiecta
ab umeris toga nudo pectore deprecatus est. Domini
The
Dictator- appellationem ut maledictum et obprobrium semper
s ip
*
exhorruit. Cum, spectante eo ludos, pronuntiatum
tavere et cortinas tripodum nomine ac
up to the end of the second Punic war,
Delphicas, quod eae maxime
Apollini
both in the method of appointment,
Delphico
dicabantur.
length of tenure, and the juridical basis
dictaturam.. .deprecatus est. M. A.
on which it rested [Mommsen Staatsr.
5 Dictaturam
et apsenti et praesenti
3, 194; 4, 427], nevertheless the name
mihi datam a populo et senatu
M.
was one known to the constitution, and
Marcello et L. Arruntio consulibus (B.C.
some show of following precedents was
22) non accept. [The Latin text is demade [App. B. civ. 1, 9 9 ; Cic. ad Att.
fective, but is restored from the Greek.]
9, 9 and 1 5 ; Caes. B. civ. 2, 22], while
T h e year B.C. 22 was one of distress,
Antony's law of B.C. 44 was generally
and the popular feeling called for the
understood to make any Dictatorship
help of Augustus (who in accordance
illegal \dictaturae nomen in perpetuum
with the arrangement of B.C. 23 was not
de republica sustulisti, Cic. 2 Phil. I.e.],
consul). T h e people besieged the senateI t does not therefore seem that it only
house, clamouring that the Dictatorreferred to the irregular dictatorship, as
ship and praefectura
annonae should
has been stated, Class. Review\ vol. 3,
be bestowed on Augustus. T h e latter
p. 77 (F. Haverfield).
he a c c e p t e d . . . r V de diKTaroplav ov
53. domini. C p . Tib. 27 dominus
irpoa"/jKCLTo, dWd KOX TTJV eVfl^ra irpoo~- appellatus a quodam denuntiavit ne se
Karepp^ifaro, eireidr) fiTjMva rpbirov dXKcos amplius contumeliae causa
nominaret.
<r<pas iiriffxelv.. .^dw/jdr)' TT]V re yap e£ov- Domitian on the other hand accepted
<rlav KaiTTjv TLJULTJP KCLI iireprovs ducrdropas title [Suet. Dom. 13], as had Calithe
IzXuv, opdCos T6 re eirifyBovov KOX rb (XLO"ryrbv
gula [Aurel. Vict. Caesares\
Dip 55,
T7js eVt/cX^cews OL-UTQV tyvXd^aro, Dio
12 decnrbTrjs de rbre (A.D. 2) 6 AtiyovaTos
54, 1. Cp. Veil. 2, 89. It was, in
iirb TOV drf/JLov ovofxacrdeh o$x oircos direTire
fact, diametrically opposed to Augustus'
firjd&a TO\5T<P irpbs eavrbv r<£ irpoo-pyj/jLaTi
policy of resting a practically absolute
XPWavQat» Tertull. Apol. 34 Augustus
power on a constitutional basis, as
imperii formator ne dominum se quidem
Tiberius said of his tribunicia potestas
appellari volebat. T h e position taken
[Tac. Ann. 3, 56] id summi fastigii voup by Augustus was that, though in
cabulum Augustus repperit, ne regis aut
rank he was first, his powers were only
dictatoris nomen adsumeret ac tamen
those of any other magistrate [M. A. 6
appellatione aliqua cetera imperia praepostidtempus
(B.C. 27)praestiti omnibus
mineret.
H e took the same course as
dignitatis potestatis autem nihilo amplius
to the perpetual censorship...dpxw otihabui quam quifuerunt
mihi quoque in
Befiiav irapci rd irdrpia '46T} dido/utvyv
magistratu conlegae].
It was natural,
dvede^dfJLrjv, M . A. 6. N o w the first
therefore, that he should avoid the title
measure of conciliation after the murder
dominus, associated (1) with the masterof Iulius had been (on the proposition
ship of slaves, (2) with political tyranny.
of Antony) to declare it illegal to proSee Cic. de Rep. 2, 26 videtisne
igitur
pose or accept a dictatorship, under the
ut de rege dominus exstiterit...hic
est
same penalties as the old constitution
enim dominuspopuli quern Graecityranimposed on the attempt to obtain kingly
num vocant. 2 Phil. 108 Cinnam nimis
power, 9 rbv eV roovdt TWOS virepidovra
7
potentem, Sullam postea
dominantem,
modo regnantem Caesarem
videramus.
PTjTTOLVel TTpbs
T&V
eVTVXbVTltiV
CLVaiTiberius ZXeyev 8TL decnrbTTjs fxev TLOV
peiadcu, A p p . B. civ. 3, 25 [cp. Plut.
dotiXwv, afiTOKpdrcop de rCov (TTpaTLtarup,
Popl. 12 Zypaxpe yap vbfxou dvev Kplvem
rCov de dy \OL7TWV irpbicpiros elfxi [Dio 57,
KTeivat, dtdbvra rbv fiovkbuevov rvpav8]. Brutus [Cic. Ep. ad Br. 1, 17, 6]
petv\. This is what Cicero calls the
sed dominum
ne parentem
quidem
abolition of the very name of the Dictamaiores nostri voluerunt esse.
Pliny
torship, as it was in fact. See Cic.
Panegyr. 45 sczo, ut sunt diversa natura
1 Phil § 3 ; 2 Phil. § 9 1 5 5 Phil. § 10 ;
dominatio et principatus,
ita non aliis
Dio 44, 5 1 . T h e Dictatorship as held
esse principem
gratiorem
quam
qui
by Sulla and Iulius had of course been
maxime dominum
graventur.
of a different nature from that known

53-3

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

in

esset in mimo: 0 dominum aequum et bonum ! et universi quasi
de ipso dictum exultantes comprobassent, et statim manu
vultuque indecoras adulationes repressit et inse- D i s l i k e
quenti die gravissimo corripuit edicto; dominumque of adulase posthac appellari ne a liberis quidem aut nepotibus
suis vel serio vel ioco passus est, atque eius modi blanditias
etiam inter ipsos prohibuit. Non temere urbe oppidove ullo
egressus aut quoquam ingressus est nisi vespera aut noctu,
ne quern officii causa inquietaret. In consulatu pedibus fere,
extra consulatum saepe adaperta sella per publicum incessit.
Promiscuis salutationibus admittebat et plebem, tanta
comitate adeuntium desideria excipiens, ut quendam
ioco corripuerit, quod sic sibi libellum porrigere dubitaret,
quasi elephanto stipem. Die senatus numquam patres nisi
in curia salutavit et quidem sedentis, ac nominatim singulos
non temere, see on c. 16, p. 34.
per publicum (subst. 'public place5)
nisi vespera... inquietaret. The fashion
Ner. 9 lectica per publicum vehi.
of meeting magistrates and commanders
promiscuis, * open to all' as opposed
on their return to Rome by a procession
to the practice of some subsequent
was an old one, see Livy 22, 6 1 ; Cic. ad
Emperors, as Domitian, Pliny paneg.
Att. 7, 5; 2 Phil. § 106. Among the
48} §§ 4—5 observabanturforibus {Domihonours voted to Augustus in B.C. 30 tiani) horror et minae et par metus adwas is rty ir6\tv evibvTi ai)r($ T&S re missis et exclusis.. .non adire quisquam
lepeias TCLS detirapdivovs /cat TT\V fiovkriv alloqui audebat tenebras secretumque
non
T6V re dijfjLOv fxerd re TQV yvvaiK&v Kal
captantem.
fieroL rCov T4KVOJV diravr^craL [Dio 51,salutationibus. The early morning
19]. When, however, a complimentary salutatio is profusely illustrated in all
procession was voted to him on his reliterature of the imperial period. Mart.
turn from Gaul in B.C. 13 he avoided
4, 8 prima salutantes atque altera conit, TTJV dirdvTrjcTiv rod 8^/xov /cat rbre terit hora. See the passages quoted by
€^<TT7)' VVKTbs ydp £s T7)V TToXlV iffCKO- Mayor on Iuv. 1, 128; 3, 127; 5, 19.
ylvQt) 6irep irov Kal del <bs elire'iv...iiroieLi sic.dubitaret. Macrob. Sat. 2, 4, 3
tva /JLTjdevl avrCov oxkypbs etr) [id. 54, 25]. Attgustus cum ei quida??i libellum
idem
As to officium for attentions of this chaofferret et modo proferret mantim modo
racter, see Iuv. 3,126 and Mayor's note.
retraheret iputas'> inquit ite assem eleinquietaret, only in Latin of silver phanto dareV Quint. 6, 3, 59; Gal.
age, see Ner. 34; Quint. 11, 3, 80; de usu part. 176 ekifyas eKelvip rip /xoploj
airavra fteraxeipifrerai.. .&xpi r&v <r/u/cpoPlin. Ep. 1, 9.
adaperta sella. Roth for adoperta. To rdrojv vofuo-fxdruv. Of elephants trained
ride with the curtains of the lectica closed to beg, see Mart. Sped. 17 quod prius
et supplex elephas te, Caesar, adorat.
was a sign of pride. Cp. Cic. 2 Phil.
§106 obviam ei processit.. .magna sane
nisi in curia. To cause the Senate
multitudo. At iste operta lectica latus
to wait on him at the palace would be
per oppidum est ut mortitus. Hence the looked on as treating it disrespectfully.
joke of the peasant at Venusia which
Thus on his return in B.C. 13 he greeted
cost him so dear, Gell. 10, 3, 5. Mart.
the people iv r<p irakarltp but summoned
11, 98, 12 nee vindicavit (from troublethe Senate to the Curia [Dio 54, 25];
some basiatores) sella saepius clusa. In and in his laudatio Tiberius said of him
the sella the rider sat, in the lectica re[Dio 56, 41] ev rats eoprals Kal rbv
clined. For a distinction between them
brjfjiov oUdde irpoabe^ajxivov ev de rats
see Suet. Claud. 25; Domit. 2; Seneca aWais Tjfx^pais Kal ri]v yepovalav ev atfr£
debrev. vit. 12,6; Mart. 10, 10; 11, 98. rip (3ov\evT7)pli>) dawaaafxivov.

ii2

SUETONI

[53—

nullo submonente; etiam discedens eodem modo sedentibus
valere dicebat. Officia cum multis mutuo exercuit, nee
and
prius dies cuiusque sollemnes frequentare desiit,
kindness. q u a m grandi iam natu et in turba quondam sponsaliorum die vexatus. Galium Terrinium senatorem minus
sibi familiarem, sed captum repente oculis et ob id inedia
mori destinantem praesens consolando revocavit ad vitam.
In senatu verba facienti dictum est: Non intellexi, et ab
B ha io a ^ ° : Contradicerem tibzy si locum haberem. Interin the
dum ob immodicas disceptantium altercationes e
curia per iram se proripienti quidam ingesserunt,
licere oportere senatoribus de re publica loqui. Antistius Labeo
senatus lectione, cum vir virum legeret, M. Lepidum hostem
et quidem sedentis * without their Augustus said non putabam me tibi tarn
rising,' whereas Iulius had received the familiarem,
Macr. Sat. 2, 4, 13.
Senate without rising himself, Suet. Iul.
54. in senatu. Macrobius [Sat. 2,
78, though the Senators were accus- 4, 19—25] gives instances of Augustus'
tomed to stand up when he entered, tolerance of repartees to himself.
Plut. Caes. 66 ela-iovros de Kalaapos rj si locum haberem. Casaubon explains
povXfy fikvfiirei-avi&TT)depairetiovaoL.
si tu omnia in republica loca non occunullo submonente, without any no- passes, cp. Livy 4, 57 omnia loca obtinumenclator. Macr. Sat. 2, 4, 15 nomen- ere ne cui plebeio aditus esset. But it
culatori suo, de cuius ohlivione quereba- may have a more general meaning of
* ground to stand on,' ' opportunity,' as
tur, dicenti ^numquid ad forum manin Cic. Att. 1, 18 nactus locum resedas?'' iaccipe'i inquit i'commendaticias
candae libidinis.
quia illic neminem nostV
officia, * social attentions/ * visits.'
de re publica, 'on the interests of
Nep. Att. 4 § 3 nihilo minus amicis the state.' Suet. Iul. 28 M. Claudius
tirbana officia praestitit.
Marcellus edicto praefatus de summa
grandi iam natu, for the more com- republica acturum rettulit ad senatum.
mon grandis natu, see c. 89 ; Ner. 34.
Antistius Labeo. (There is a doubt
sponsaliorum [for -ovum see Seneca whether his praenomen was Marcus or
de Ben. 1, 914]. The * betrothal' some- Quintus.) Aul. Gell. 13, 12 in quadam
times preceded the actual marriage epistula Atei Capitonis scriptum legimus,
by several years, see Aul. Gell. 4, 4, Labeonem Antistium legum atque morum
Marquardt 14, p. 50. For the entertain- populi Romani iurisque civilis docturn
ment given at the betrothal, cp. Pliny adprimefuisse. Tac. Ann. 1, 75 Labeo
Ep. 1, 9 nam si quern interroges l hodie incorrupta libertate. He wrote a comquid egisti V respondeat ' officio togae mentary on the laws of the xii tables
virilis interfui, sponsalia aut nuptias [Aul. Gell. 20, 1 § 13]; a work on
frequentavi.' Seneca de Bene/. 4, 39,
the Vestal Virgins [id. 1, 12]; and
3 surgam ad sponsalia quia promisi, other legal treatises [id. 4, 2], as well
quamvis non concoxerim; sed non si as works on grammar and philology [id.
febricitavero. It was accompanied by a
13, 10]. See also Pompon, in Dig. 1, 2,
banquet, Pliny N. H. 9 § 11 Lollia??i 2, 47. Horace is supposed to refer to
Paulinam...mediocrium etiam sponsa- him in Sat. 1, 3, 82 Labeone insanior, but
Hum cena vidi zmaragdis margaritisque this has with some reason been doubted.
opertam. Cic. ad Q. Fr. 2, 5 (6) a. d. See Palmer's note.
vii Idus Apr. sponsalia Crassipedi praecum vir virum, see on c. 35, p. 79
bui; huic conviviopuer optimus Quintus (note).
.. .defuit.
M. Lepidum, see on c. 16, p. 35.
minus...familiarem. To a man who exulantem: in c. 16 he used the more
entertained him with a shabby dinner accurate word relegavit. But exilium

56.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

113

olim eius et tunc exulantem legit, interrogatusque ab eo an
essent alii digniores, suum quemque indicium habere respondit.
Nee ideo libertas aut eontumaeia fraudi cuiquam fuit. Etiam
sparsos de se in curia famosos libellos nee expavit et magna
cura redarguit ac ne requisitis quidem auctoribus, id modo
censuit, cognoscendum posthac de iis, qui libellos aut carmina
ad infamiam cuiuspiam sub alieno nomine edant.
Iocis quoque quorundam invidiosis aut petulantibus
lacessitus, contradixit edicto. Et tamen ne de inhibenda
testamentorum licentia quicquam constitueretur, intercessit.
[Ann.
1, 72] says that Augustus first
was often used loosely to include the
established a cognitio de famosis libellis.
minor punishment of relegatio: thus
But Suetonius here adds the qualificaOvid often speaks of himself as exul
tion of anonymity,—sub alieno nomine.
[e.g. Tr. 3, 1, 1], but when he wishes
Dio 56, 27 (A.D. 12) Kai fiad<bv OTL
to be more accurate he says of the edict
/3i/3\t<x d r r a ecf> i)(3p€t TLVCOU G\ryyp<x<f)OiTO,
[Tr. 2, 135]
£T)TT}O~LV O&T&V eTroL7)o~aro Kai eKeivd r e . . .
quippe relegatus, non exul, dicor in illo
KaT^(p\e^€ Kai T<2V avvdkvTWv avTa CK6privaquefortunae
sunt data verba meae.
\a<re TLvas. T h e crime was one known
Lepidus' relegatio at Circeii also seems
to the law as far back as the XII tables,
t o , have been varied by summonses
see Cic. de Rep. 4, 10 si quis occentavisto Rome [Dio 54, 13].
set sive carmen condidisset quod infamisuum...habere.
Dio [54, 13] gives
am facer etjlagitiumve
alteri. C p . Hor.
the answer somewhat differently Kai TI
V
T(
beivbv TrewolrjKa KCLTCUTX& & ? crvvedplcp Sat. 2, 1, 82 si mala condiderit in quern
s
tivdpa b v <n> apxiepttov '4TL KCLI VVV irepi- quis carmina, ius est iudiciumque.
op$s 6vra;
56. iocis...edicto. Macrobius Sat.
55.
famosos libellos, see on c. 51.
2, 4, 19 soleo in Augusto magis
mirari
Cp. Dio 52, 31 (advice of Maecenas to
quos pertulit iocos quam ipse qttos proAugustus) TO yap ore ns eXoiddprjcri <re tulit.
H e then gives several instances.
i) Kai %repbv n ave7riT7)5eiov elire, yA\re
T o publish an edictum in answer to
aKOTLJcrjs irore Karrjyopovvros TWOS /jrfjTe lampoons is curious; but Augustus used
eirej-tXdrjs. But later on Aelius Saturthe edictum as a means of familiar comninus was executed for libellous verses
munication with the citizens on all sorts
on Tiberius in B.C. 23 [Dio 57, 22].
of subjects, some quite personal, see cc.
F o r a list of men punished by other
31 and 89. Claudius was the Emperor
Emperors for similar crimes, see Mayor
who carried this practice to the extreme
on Iuv. 1, 152.
length of absurdity, issuing as many as
20 in one day, and among them ut uberi
nec...et...ac, ' h e not .only did noj;
shrink from them but took great pains to"* vinearui?i proventu bene dolia picarentur,
and nihil aeque facere ad viperae morsum
refute them and, without searching for
quam taxi arboris sucum, Suet. Claud.
the authors, merely made-the following
16. See others ib. 32 and 38. Also
regulation.' If the reading stands,- et
Cal. 45.
magna cura must mean that he condescended to argument rather than retestamentorum licentia,' the freedom
pression ; but nee has been proposed for
of speech in wills.' T h u s Fulcinius Trio,
et, in which case it would mean that
driven to commit suicide by informers,
' h e neither feared them nor took any
supremis tabu lis multa et airocia in
pains to refute them.' However, for
Macronem ac praecipuos libertorujn Cae~
nee followed by affirmative see Varro
saris composuit, T a c . Ami. 6, 4 4 ; cp.
ap. A. Gell. 1, 22 in convivio legi nee
Dio 58, 25. See Lucian Nigrin. 69 OTL
omnia debe?it et ea potissimum quae si~
ixiav <p(dV7)v 01 t'Po)fxaiiov 7rcu5es CLXTJOTJ
mulsint fiio}(j)ekri et delectent. Cic. 2 Cat.
irap' b\ov T6V (3iov irpoievTai, TT)V ii/ TOLS
§ 28. Roby L. G. 2200 and 2241. MaddiadrjKais \tywv.
F o r Nero's dealing
vig L. G. § 458.
with the testamenta
ingratorum,
see
cognoscendum
edant.
Tacitus
Suet. Ner. 32.

S.

8

ii4

SUE TON I

[56—

Quotiens magistratum comitiis interesset, tribus cum candiat the
datis suis circuibat supplicabatque more sollemni.
Comitia, Ferebat et ipse suffragium in tribu, ut unus e populo.
Testem se in iudiciis et interrogari et refelli, aequissimo
animo patiebatur. Forum angustius fecit, non ausus extorquere possessoribus proximas domos. Numquam filios
suos populo commendavit ut non adiceret: si merebuntur.
Eisdem praetextatis adhuc assurrectum ab universis in
theatro et a stantibus plausum, gravissime questus est.
Amicos ita magnos et potentes in civitate esse voluit, ut
in the
tamen pari iure essent quo ceteri legibusque iudiIudicia.
ciariis aeque tenerentur. Cum Asprenas Nonius
artius ei iunctus causam veneficii, accusante Cassio Severo,
candidates suis, 'candidates recommended by himself,' thus Caesaris candidati was said of those who do not exert
themselves to win anything, as being
secure of their object. Quintil. 6, 3.
supplicabatque may refer to words
or respectful gestures, as in Ner. 13.
For the conduct of a candidate in republican times see Q. Gic. de pet.
cons. 42 opus est magno opere blanditia, quae, etiam si vitiosa est et turpis
in cetera vita, tamen in petitione est
necessaria.
in tribu, MSS. have tribubus. Erasmus
read tribu, rightly; for though Augustus
had belonged to two tribes, he would
vote only in one; see c. 40, p. 89; c.101.
forum angustius fecit. Middleton
{Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. 2, p. 9]
illustrates this by observing that the
symmetry of the plan of Unit forum Augusti, in existing remains, is spoilt 'by a
piece of it being as it were cut off in a
sloping direction' at the east corner.
For the forum see c. 29, p. 62.
numquam.. .ut non. For the limiting
ut see pp. 59, 126. For ut non Cicero
would have used quin. See Verr. 5,
§55Alios, his adopted sons Gaius and
Lucius, sons of Agrippa and Iulia. See
cc. 26, 64. praetextatis, see c. 44.
commendavit, i.e. for election. lul.
41 commendo vobis ilium et ilium.
assurrectum, ' the audience stood up
in their honour.' The Emperor was accustomed consulibus et assurgere et decedere via. Tib. 31. In the theatre the audience rose to show respect for one entering, see Cic. Att. 2, 19 inimici erant

equitibus qui Curioni stantes plauserunt; or sometimes in approval of the
scene, Cic. de Am. § 24 (of Pylades and
Orestes) stantes plaudebant in re ficta.
Augustus was eager that the two young
men should not be spoilt, Dio 54, 27
/cat T<} drjjuLip (iwLTifMyjcrep) on /cat icpoTOis
/cat eiraivots avrbv [V&LOP] €TifJLr)<rav. id.
55, 9 I8<hv 6 AvyOVCTTOS T6P re T&LOP KCLI

T6P Aotiictop avTotis re fij] TT&PV, ola eV
rjyefJLOPiq, rpetpofitvovs, r d eaurou ijdrj £17XOVPTCLS...KCLI wpbs wavTiavrCov ip r??7r6\ei,
TCL juh yp&lAXi r d 5e depaireiq, /coXa/ceuo/JL4POIS 7)yap&KT7)(re.

ita...ut tamen, 'to be powerful and
yet on no superior legal footing.' For
ita followed by restrictive clause, cp.
Cic. 2 Phil. § 85 ita eras Lupercus ut te
consulem esse meminisse deberes. Ter.
Haut. 783 ita tu istaec tua misceto, ne
me admisceas. Plaut. Aul. 4, 1, 5 ita
dormitet, servom se esse ut cogitet.
AsprenasNonius,seec.43. Quintilian
[ n , 1, 57] speaks of the charge against
him being without ground: it was alleged
that he had poisoned 130 guests [Plin.
7
A" ff' 35» § I( M]. For inversion of names
*
cp. c. 35 Codrus Cremutius.
Cassio Severo. This man was a distinguished orator though noted for the
bitterness of his style [Quint. 6, 1, 43;
6, 3, 27, 78—9; cp. 10, 1, 116 ingenii
phirimum est in eo et acerbitas mira;
12, io, 11 acerbitas Cassii]. [Tac] de
Oral. 36primus contempto ordine rerum,
omissa modestia etpudore verborum, ipsis
etiam quibus utitur armis incompositus
et studio feriendi plerumque deiectus,
non pugnat sed rixatur.
Plin. N.
H. 7, § 55 Cassio Severo...Armentarii

S7-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

115

diceret, consuluit senatum, quid officii sui ptitaret;
cunctari
enim se, ne si superesset, eripere legibus reum, sin deesset,
destituere ac praedamnare amicum existimaretur;
et consentientibus universis sedit in subselliis per aliquot horas,
verum tacitus et ne laudatione quidem iudiciali data. Affuit
et clientibus, sicut Scutario cuidam, evocato quondam suo,
qui postulabatur iniuriarum. Unum omnino e reorum numero, ac ne eum quidem nisi precibus eripuit, exorato coram
iudicibus accusatore, Castricium, per quern de coniuratione
Murenae cognoverat.
Pro quibus meritis quantopere dilectus sit, facile est
aestimare. Omitto senatus consulta, quia possunt H i s
videri vel necessitate expressa vel verecundia. Equi- popularity.
mirmillonis obiecta similitudo est. His abire coepit.
bitter libels at length caused him to be
affuit...clientibus. Dio 54, 3 kv §h 5f
-y
banished to Crete, and finally he was TOLS dXXoLS ijULerplafcp, oicrre Kai <pi\ois
punished (as he continued libelling) by TKTIP etidvvoix&ois irapaylyveoOai.
deportatio to Seriphus and deprivation
evocato...suo. The evocati (soldiers
of property [Tac. Ann. i, 72; 4, 21], who had served their time but remained
and his works were proscribed, though
under the standards as volunteers) had
readmitted by Caligula [Suet. Cat. 16].
long been known in the Roman army
, consuluit senatum. Dio 55, 4 <piX(p [Polyb. 6, 31 § 2]. But under the Em8i Tivi dLK7)vfetiyovriavve^rjrdcrdr} irpo- there was a special class of these
pire
eiriKOiv&<ras CLfirb TOVTO T'Q yepovaiq..called evocati Augusti [Marq. 11, 88 sq.]
superesset, technically used for one
who with the rank of centurion were
who appeared to support another in a
employed on special services [e.g. in
law-court. Gellius [1, 22] demurs to surveying frontiers, Wilmanns 895 evothe use of the word as applied to an cato Augusti mensore] or were promoted
advocate, yet he owns that it is in
to the rank of praefectus. They were
general use non in compitis tanium neusually taken from the praetorians
que in plebe vulgar ia, sed in foro, in
[Wilmanns 1567 DIS • MANIBVS • L •
comitio, apud iribunalia. The more
NAEVI...AVG • EVOC • MILITAVIT • IN •
common expression for an advocate
COH • P R . . . E Q V E S • OPTIO • EQVITVM •
however was adesse; see below, and Cic. CORNICVLAR • T R I B V N I • M I L I T A V I T •
IN • CALIGA • ANN • XVI • EVOCATVS •
2 Phil. § 95 semper adfui Deiotaro absenti. The word superesse probably at FVIT • ANN • i n . ] ; but also from the
first referred to that form of 'maintencohortes urbanae [Wilmanns 1584 M •
ance' whereby powerful men appeared
GARANTIVS ... COH • VRBANAE ... ITEM
by the side of accused persons to deliver
MINVCI R V F I . . . A V G • EVOCATVS].
laudationes,whichPompey endeavoured
iniuriarum. In legal language into suppress in B.C. 52, Plut. Pomp. 55
iuria is one of four ways of incurring
ir&Kiv odv rJKove /ca/ccus OTL Xticras v6[M$
obligatio ex delicto [Gaius Inst. 3, 182
robs yivojxhovs irepi rwv Kpivofxeviav iirai- si quis furtum fecerit, bona rapuerit,
vovs atfros eayjXOe ILX&yicov eiraive<jbiiedamnum dederit, iniuriam commiserit].
vos. Cp. Dio 40, 52.
An iniuria might be committed by
personal violence, by libellous words or
praedamnare, not used by Cicero or
writings, or other wrong doing [id. 3,
Caesar, and rarely by Livy [4, 41].
220]. Remedies^ for these (chiefly by
subselliis, movable seats ranged below the tribunal for all engaged in any talio) had been given in the x n tables.
But at this time the actio iniuriarum
way in the cause, advocates, witnesses,
was under the lex Cornelia de iniuriis.
etc. Cic. pro Place. § 22 testes una
Murenae, see on c. 19, p. 44.
sedent, ex accusato7'um subselliis surgunt. id. 2 Verr. 2, 73 Minucius (the
57. senatus consulta. Such as those
advocate for defence) simul a subselliis in (a) B.C. 30, Dio 51, 19; (b) B.C. 27,

8—2

n6

SUETONI

[57—

tes Romani natalem eius sponte atque consensu biduo semper
celebrarunt. Omnes ordines in lacum Curti quot annis ex
voto pro salute eius stipem iaciebant, item Kal. Ian. strenam
in Capitolio, etiam absenti, ex qua summa pretiosissima deorum simulacra mercatus, vicatim dedicabat, ut Apollinem
Sandaliarium et Iovem Tragoedum aliaque. In restitutionem
Kal. Ian. strenam, * a luck-penny on
Dio 53» i<5; W B.C. 23, Dio 53, 3 2 ;
N e w Year's day.' Strena (from which
{d) B.C. 22, Dio 54, 1 ; (e) B.C. 13, Dio
the French have taken etrennes) is
54, 25 and o t h e r s ; which gave or offered
properly something with a good omen,
him the various honours or titles which
cp. Plaut. Stick. 3, 2, 8 mustela murem
gradually built up the principate.
abstulit praeter pedes, cum strenad obnatalem eius. Dio 54, 34 Kal ra
scaevavit.
ib. 5, 2, 24 bona scaeva
yevidXia ra rod Avyoticrrov Kal iv rip
The
iTnrodpbjmip Kal iv TT? HXXr) irbXet, 7ro\\a- strenaque obviam occessit miki.
piece of money was for luck, see Ov.
Xbdi dypiiov ff(paya?s irijuL-fjdr}. id. 55, 6
F. 1, 189—192; and therefore the
is be 8rj ra yevidXia lirirobpofxiav albiov
Emperors accepted it, see Dio 59, 24
ZXafiev. But Suetonius is the only
Kal 'in Kal apytiptov /card rb iirl rod
authority for representing this as the
Avyotiarov 'idos lo~xvcrav, &s Kal aury
special action of the equites.
Another
eKeivip didovres Karideaav.
But the
such instance of the equites taking
gift of strenae became so much of a
corporate action is mentioned in the
tax that Tiberius limited them to the
Monumentum [c. 14], when they named
day [Tib. 34]. Caligula stood openly
Gaiusand Lucius successively principem
in the vestibule of his palace to receive
iuventutis.
biduo, that is, IX • E T • v i n •
them \Cal. 42], cp. Aug* 9 1 . T h e origin
K • OCTOBR. Wilmanns 884.
of the word is uncertain; the ancients
in lacum Curti...stipem. It is not
apparently connected it with a goddess
known precisely what was the form of
Strenia [strenuum
faciendo,
August.
the monument existing at this time to
civ. d. 4, 1 1 ] ; others with the fact that
mark the marsh in the forum called the
the original offering was a consecrated
lacus Curtins [Livy 7, 6, where the
bough from a lucus Strenuae.
Symm.
people are said to have thrown dona
Ep. 10, 35. In later times it became a
et fruges on Curtius; Dionys. 2, 4 1 ;
regular source of revenue. Cod. Theod.
Plut. Rom. 1 8 ; Varro L. L. 5, 149].
7,-24, 1; Marq. 14, 296. It was perhaps
Middleton supposes it to have been an
the non-Latin word which Tiberius
enclosure with an altar, quoting Ovid
used in an edict refusing such presents
F. 6, 403 Curtius Me lacus siccas qui
when Marcellus said St>, Kawap, avsustinet aras [Remains of Ancient Rome,
dp&irois u£v iroXirelav "PtojuLaiwp dvvaaaL
vol. 1, p . 233]; but it seems likely that
dovvai pr)fjLao~i d£ oii. Dio 57, 17«
there was also some well or fountain
into which the small coins (stips) were
ex qua...dedicabat. See C. I. L. 6,
cast,—a custom not unknown at Rome
456 laribus publicis sacrtim imp. Caesar
to this day, and illustrated from other
Augustus pontifex Maximus
tribunic.
places; as at Oropus, Pausanias 1, 34, 3
potest, x v m i ex stipe quam populus ei
vbcrov 5e aKe<jdel<T7}S avbpl fiavreljfjLaros contulit k. Ianuar. apsenti C. Calvisio
yevofxivov KadiarrjKev apyvpov acfreivai Kal Sabino L. Passieno Rufo cos. (B.C. 4).
Xpv<Tbv €7ri<rr}/j,oi> is rrjp irrjyrqv. Casaubon
vicatim, cc. 40 and 43.
also quotes Sozom. 2, 3 (of the well dug
Apollinem Sandaliarium. So called
by the oak of Mamre) irepl di rbv Kaipbv
it appears from the name of a vicus in
rijs wavrjyTLipecos otidels ivrevdev -udpetiero * Rome [Aul. Gell. 18, 4, 1 in Sandalario
pbpL(p yap 'JbWrjvLKt} ol fxhv XIL>XVOVS rjfJL- forte apud librarios fuimus\
or, as others
fxivovs ivd&de iridrjaav, ol 8£ olvov iirithink, the sandalled statue gave the
Xeov, 9 irbirava 'ippiirrov, aXXot 5£ VO/JLICT- name to the vicus in the 4th region.
7
fiara.
So cups were thrown into a hot
Casaubon quotes Galen Prognost. 14
spring at Vicarello by grateful invalids,
Kara^as els rb ZavddXiop, airfivryvi pLOt
Middleton, Remains, 2, p . 359. See
Kara rvxov. F r o m C. I. L. 6, 761 [WilTib. 14; H e r m a n n ' s
Gottesdienstliche
manns 1718] the vicus is shown to belong
Alterthiimer,
ed. Stark, § 25. 3 ; E . J .
to the 4th regio.
C N • P O M P E I V S • CN .
Guthrie, Old Scottish Customs•, p . 222,
L • NICEPHORVS • MAG • VICI • SANDA-

58.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

117

Palatinae domus incendio absumptae veterani, decuriae,
tribus, atque etiam singillatim e cetero genere hominum
libentes ac pro facultate quisque pecunias contulerunt, delibante tantum modo eo summarum acervos neque ex quoquam plus denario auferente. Revertentem ex provincia
non solum faustis ominibus, sed et modulatis carminibus
prosequebantur. Observatum etiam est, ne quotiens introiret
urbem, supplicium de quoquam sumeretur. P a t r i s p a t r i a e
LiARi • R E G • m i . Iovem Tragoedum,
faustis ominibus, * congratulations,'
only known from the notitia as belong* blessings.' Claud. 27
Britannicum...
ing to the fifth region,
Esquilina.
parvulum manibus suis gestans plebi commendabat faustisque ominibus eum adPalatinae domus incendio.
The
clamantium turba
prosequebatur.
fire was in A . D . 2, and the house, which
was that of Hortensius and not specially
modulatis carminibus. Such perconspicuous [see c. 72], was then rebuilt
haps as H o r . Od. 1, 37 nunc est bibenapparently with some splendour [Ov.
dum, nunc pede libero pulsanda
tellus.
?r» 3> x> 33—48]. Dio says that he
Suet. Nero 20 captus modulatis
Alexaccepted only one denarius from indiandrinorum laudationibus.
id. Cal. 16
viduals and one aureus (25 denaj-ii)
nobilibus pueris ac puellis carmine mofrom each state, irapa TWV BTJ/JLOJU XPV(T0^V dulate laudes virtutum
eius
canentium.
t/
irapa d£ rdv idMT&v 5paxf^V • • • 0 ^ H o r . Od. 4, 6, 35 Lesbium
servate
dvoiKodofJL7)(ras idrj/jLovLuxre Tracrav, Dio pedem meique Pollicis ictum.
55» 12.
ne...supplicium...sumeretur. I n B.C.
decuriae, tribus et decuriae are men30 the senate voted that he should be
tioned together in the same way in T a c .
met by a procession among whom were
Ann. 13, 2 ; Gellius 18, 7. W h e t h e r this
to be the Vestal Virgins [Dio 51, 19].
refers to groups often families making up
As a m a n being led to punishment was
the tribe is uncertain. Such a subdivision
saved if he met a Vestal, this regulation
is not known from any other source, and
may have seemed a natural arrangement.
some would explain decuriae in these
Farther, the day of his entry was to be
passages to refer to the decuriae scrisacred and given up to public sacribarum, utdicum, etc. Still the decuriatio
fices—TT)V re i)fx4pav ev rj dv is TT]V TT6\IV
tributium for election purposes seems to
iaiXdrj dvaiais re iravdij/xd dyaXdrjvai
point to the same division [Cic. pro
Kal iepav del yevtadai [Dio 51, 2 0 ] ; and
Plane. § 45]. See Mommsen, die romiin B.C. 13 the Senate voted among
schen Tribus', p . 12.
other honours TOIS re iKervb<jQ.Giv atirbv
revertentem ex provincia. C. I. L. euros rod irco/xrjplov opra ddeiav elvai
[Dio 54, 25].
10, 8375, Rushf. 38, x v i l l k. lanuar. eo
die ara Fortunae Reducis dedicata est
58. P a t r i s p a t r i a e . M. A . 35 tertium
quae Caesarem ex transmarinis
provinciis
decimu?n consulatum cum gerebam ( B . C .
reduxit, c p . M . A . c. 11. Augustus was
2), senatus et equester ordo populusque
absent for a considerable period from
Romanus
universus appellavit me paR o m e four times after he became sole
trem patriae.
Fast. Praenest. [C. / . L.
ruler, {a) from B.C. 31 to B.C. 29 in the
1, p . 314, 386; 2, 2107] N O N « P ' E B «
East, (b) B.C. 27 to B.C. 24 in Gaul and
FfiRIAE • EX • S • C • QVOD • EO • DIE •
Spain, (c) B.C. 22 to B.C. 19 (with one visit
IMPERATOR • CAESAR • AVGVSTVS •
to Rome) in the East and Sicily, {d) B.C.
PONT • MAX • TRIE • POTEST • XXI • COS •
16 to B.C. 13 in north Italy and Gaul,
XIII • A * SENATV • POPVLOQVE • ROMAwhile Drusus and Tiberius were engaged
NO • PATER • PATRIAE • APPELLATVS.
•
in their campaigns against the Vindelici,
This (5 F e b . B.C. 2) was the first offiAlpine tribes and Germans. H e howcial recognition of the title, which however avoided any reception by enterever had been commonly given him
ing the city at night [Dio 54, 25]. T h e
before; Dio 55, 10 Kal 7 iirwvv/jLia i)
7
feelings with which this last absence
rod ircLTpbs a/cpi/3ws 48607]' irporepov
yap
was regarded are shown in H o r a c e Odes
d\\wS
&V€V \J/7)<f>i<TfJI,aT0S 4lT€(pr)fJ,t^€T0.
4> 5T h e giving of this title by popular ac-

n8

SUETONI

[58—

cognomen universi repentino maximoque consensu detulerunt
ei: prima plebs, legatione Antium missa; dein, quia non
recipiebat, ineunti Romae spectacula frequens et laureata;
mox in curia senatus, neque decreto neque adclamatione,
sed per Valerium Messalam. Is mandantibus cunctis, Quod
bonum, inquit, faustumque sit tibi domuique tuae, Caesar
A uguste! sic enim nos perpetuam felicitatem rei publicae et
laeta huic urbi precari existimamus: senatus te consentiens
cum populo Romano consalutat patriae patrem. Cui lacrimans
respondit Augustus his verbis (ipsa enim, sicut Messalae,
posui): Compos /actus votorum meorum, Patres Conscripti,
quid habeo aliud deos immortales precari, quam ut hunc consensum vestrum ad ultimum finem vitae mihi perferre liceat?
Medico Antonio Musae, cuius opera ex ancipiti morbo
His illness convaluerat, statuam aere conlato iuxta signum
and cure Aesculapi statuerunt. Nonnulli patrum familiarum
by Musa.

B.c. 23.

r

\

.

testamento caverunt, ut ab heredibus suis praelato

clamation or compliment was old; thus dedit: hoc dedimus nos tibi nomen eques.
it is applied by Livy to Romulus [1, 16]
quid habeo...precari. Cic. fam. 1, 5
and to Camillus [5, 49]. It had been de Alexandrina re causaque regla tantum
applied to Cicero by Cato with popular habeo polliceri.
applause after the execution of the con59. Antonio Musae. Antonius Muspirators, App. B. civ. 2, 7; [a-iorrjpa sa was a freedman [Dio 53, 30]. He
Kal KTI(TTT)P, Plut. Cic. 22]; it was given treated Augustus by dieting and cold
with more formality to Iulius [Dio 44, baths when his physician, C. Aemilius,
3 iraTtpa re atirbv rrjs irarptdos eirwvb- had almost let him die from scrupulous
/JLCKTCLV /cat is TCL voixlafxara ixdpa^av,adherence to old methods [Dio I.e.,
cf. Cic. 2 Phil. § 31; 13 Phil. § 23].
Pliny N. H. 19, § 128 Divus certe
Dio points out that the title as assumed Augustus lactuca conservatur in aegriby the emperors eventually gave them tudine prudentia Musae medici cumprireal authority on the analogy of the oris C. Aemili religio nimia eum necaret.
patria potestas, but that originally it
25,. § 77 iidem fraires instituere a baliwas complimentary and meant to pro- neis frigida multa corpora adstringere].
mote the sense of duty and affection on
His brother Euphorbus was physician to
either side [53, 18]. Tiberius constantly king Iuba and seems to have been equally
declined the title. See Tac. Ann. 1, 72 ; enterprising and progressive. He beSuet. Tib. 26; Dio 57, 8; 58, 12; and
longed to the School of Themison, but
C.I. G. 2087, where both Augustus and had made innovations on his practices
Tiberius are commemorated, but this
[Pliny ib. 29, § 6; 30, § 117]. Musa
title is only given to the former. Sucprescribed cold. baths to Horace also
ceeding emperors (except perhaps Gal\Ep. 1, 15, 3—5]. He failed however
ba, Otho and Vitellius) seem all to
to save the life of Marcellus [Dio
have taken it [Pliny, panegyr. 21 tu I.e.I
patrispatriae titulum recusabas...nomen
Aesculapi. Pliny JV. If. 34, § 80
Mud quod alii primo statim principamentions a statue of Aesculapius in the
ls die, ut imperatoris ei Caesaris rece- temple of Concord; and another by
perunt, tu usque eo disiulisti, donee tu
Cephisodotus in the temple of Iuno [36,
quoque...te mereri fatereris'].
§ 24]. There were other statues however, and in 1890 a travertine pedestal
plebs, all below the Equites, see c.
was found in the excavations for the
44, p. 98. Ov. F. 2, 127 Sancte pater
Tiber embankment, with the inscrippatriae, tibi plebs, tibi curia nomen Hoc

6o.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

119

titulo victimae in Capitolium ducerentur votumque pro se
solveretur, quod superstitem Augustum reliquissent. Quaedam Italiae civitates diem, quo primum ad se venisset,
initium anni fecerunt. Provinciarum pleraeque super templa
5 et aras ludos quoque quinquennales paene oppidatim constituerunt. Reges amici atque socii et singuli in suo quisque
regno Caesareas urbes condiderunt et cuncti simul H o n
aedem Iovis Olympii Athenis, antiquitus incohatam, paid to him
r

'

.

1

.•

.

r*

abroad.

perncere communi sumptu destinaverunt Grenioque
o eius dedicare; ac saepe regnis relictis, non Romae modo sed
tion A I S C O L A P I O . See Middleton,
Remains of Ancient Rome, i, p . 149.
titulo. C p . Ovid, Met. 9, 792 dant
munera templis:
addunt et
titulum:
titulus breve carmen habebat: * Dona
puer solvit quaefemina voverat
Iphis.'
quod superstitem. Cp. Hor. Ep.
k
1, 16, 27 Tene magis salvum
populus
velit, an populum tu Servet in ambiguo
qui consulit et tibi et urbi
IuppiterJ—
Augusti laudes agnoscere possis.
Provinciarum... super templa et aras.
Dio [51, 20] mentions Pergamus, and
Nicomedeia in Bithynia, as places in
which temples were consecrated to Augustus. F r o m C. I. G. 3604 we learn
that there were games in his honour
'IXtets KOI at 7r6Xecs al KOLPUPOVO-CLL TT\S
OVGLCLS /cai TOU ay&vos /cai TT}S Travrjytipeus
AfiTOKp&Topa Kaicrapa deov VL6P} Bebv 2^(HaiTTov aVu7rep/3\^Tots irpd^eaiv K€XpW>£POP /cat evepyeaiais Tats eis airapTCLS avdpibirovs. Traces of such festivals will be found
in inscriptions also at Athens [C. I. G.
3831], at Ancyra in Galatia [C. I. G.
4031, 4 ° 3 9 ] ; i n Cilicia [C. I. G. 4 4 4 3 ] ;
at Lugdunum, see Livy Ep. 137, cp.
Mayor on Iuv. 1, 44. At Alexandria
[Strab. 27, 1, 9] and Paneas [Ios. Ant.
r
5i 10, 3] there were temples to Augustus, and at other places. F o r the
extension of this worship in the provinces, see Marquardt 13, p . 227 sq.
ludos...quinquennales, games on the
Greek model in his honour at Rome,
trw^yvplp ol irePTeTrjpLda ayeadcu Dio
51, 1 9 ; at Pergamus, id. 51, 20 fin.;
at Caesarea TOP ayQpa. KatVapt Kara
Tr€PTOL€T7]pi8a...dyetvi Ios. Ant. 16, 9 ;
at Jerusalem [id. 15, n ] ; at Naples
which preserved Greek habits beyond
any city in Italy [Dio 55, 10 ; Strabo 5,
4, 7 ; 5 , 1 , 2]. See infr. c. 9 8 ; Dio 56, 29.
60.
Caesareas urbes.
Caesarea
[Turris Stratonis) by Herod the Great

[Ios. Ant. 15, 10, 6 ] ; Caesarea Philippi
by Philip the Tetrarch \id. 18, 2, 1 ] ;
Caesarea Iol in Mauretania by Iuba
[Strabo 17, 3, 12; Eutrop. 7, 5]. There
was a Caesarea also in Cappadocia
[Steph. B y z . ] ; Pliny mentions others in
Armenia Minor [JV, H.6% 26], in Cilicia
[5 § 9 3 ] , in Pisidia [5 § 9 4 ] .
aedem Iovis...Athenis. This great
temple, said to have been begun by
Peisistratus [Arist. Pol. 5, 11], was not
completed till the age of Hadrian, whose
splendid constructions are described by
Pausanias, 1,18,2. See Spartian Hadr.
13. T h e earliest known contribution
towards its completion was by Antiochus Epiphanes (IV), Livy 4 1 , 20 magnificentiae vero in deos vel Iovis Olympii
templum Athenis, unum in terris incohatum pro magnitudine dei, potest testis
esse (circ. B.C. 175). Cp. Polyb. 26, 1.
Strabo 9, 1, 17 TO 'OXv/JLirinbp owep 7}/JLIre\te KCLTpkiTre reAeurwj/ 6 dvadels /3a(7tAetfs. W h a t was done by the princes
in honour of Augustus is not known.
Fifteen immense Corinthian columns
are all that now remain.
Genio. See note on p. 66. F o r the
worship of the Genius Augusti see Wilmanns 884 1. 12 et ut natalibus Aug. et
T. Caesarum priusquam
ad vescendum
decuriones irent, thure et vino
genii
eorum ad epulandutn ara numinis
Augusti invitarentur;
Marq. 13, p. 208.
A SCtum had in B.C. 30 made it an object of reverence, Dio 51, 19 /cat kv crvao-irlois oi>x OTL TOTS KOLPOIS dAAa /cat rots
Idiots irdpras ai)ry (nrfrdetp e/c^Xevcrap.
Cp. H o r . Od. 4, 5, 31 hinc ad vina
redit laetus et alteris Te mensis adhibet
deum.
T h e Genius of Augustus takes
the place of that of the State. See a coin
C. I. L. 1,1445 P. R. G(enio); id. 1555
genio opidi. So too the gods, id. 603
Genio Iovis.

i2o

SUETONI

[60—

et provincias peragranti cotidiana officia togati ac sine regio
insigni, more clientium praestiterunt.
61
Quoniam, qualis in imperis ac magistratibus regendaque
per terrarum orbem pace belloque re publica fuerit,
arBdrsStI° exposui: referam nunc interiorem ac familiarem eius s
vitam, quibusque moribus atque fortuna domi et
inter suos egerit a iuventa usque ad supremum vitae diem.
Matrem amisit in primo consulatu, sororem Octaviam quin,
quagensimum et quartum agens aetatis annum.
D
ofAtia,
Utrique cum praecipua officia vivae praestitisset, *°
B c 43
' ' '
etiam defunctae honores maximos tribuit.

cotidiana officia, c. 27, p . 60.
togati ac . . . i n s i g n i . Eutrop. 7, 5
multi autem reges ex regnis suis venerunl, et habitu Romano, togati scilicet,
ad vehiculum vel equum ipsius cucurrerunt.
M. A . 32 ad me supplices confugerunt
reges Parthorum
Tiridates et
postea Phrates,
regis Phratis
filius;
Medorum
Artavasdes;
Adiabenorum
Artaxares; Britannorum
Dumnobellannus. T o wear the toga was to acknowledge themselves Romans and subjects.
Thus long before (B.C. 175—164) Antiochus Epiphanes wore the toga and
imitated the Roman magistrates [Polyb.
26], and about B.C. 167 King Prusias
dressed himself as a Roman libertus to
meet the Roman envoys [Polyb. 30,
19].
61. matrem. Atia died soon after
he arrived in Rome from Mutina, in
August B.C. 43. She had been concealed for safety by the Vestals during
his absence [ A p p . B. civ. 3, 92]. H i s
first consulship extended from 19 Au-

gust in that year to the formation of the
triumvirate in November. H e r death
and public funeral about this time are
mentioned by Dio 47, 17.
Octaviam. See c. 4, pp. 6—7.
utrique...tribuit. T h e relations of
Augustus with his mother and sister are
the most pleasing part of his history.
T h e influence of the former is dwelt on
by Nicolas repeatedly. I t was fear for
their safety which hastened his march
to Rome in B.C. 43 [App. B. civ. 3, 92].
H i s sister's influence twice prevented a
breach between him and Antony [p.
7], and he commemorated her by some
of his most splendid public works
[see p p . 6, 7, 64]. Atia was honoured
by a public funeral [Dio 47, 17], and
over Octavia (who died in B.C. 11)
he himself pronounced the funeral oration [Dio 54, 35]. See Plut. Ant. 31
Zarepye 5' virep(pv&s TTJV a5e\<pr}v xPVt*0,
davfxaarbv, ws \tyerai,
yevopAvqv yvvaucds.

62.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

121

Sponsam habuerat adulescens P. Servili Isaurici filiam,
sed reconciliatus post primam discordiam Antonio,
.

. . .

.

H i s three

expostulantibus utriusque militibus ut et necessitu- marriages,
dine aliqua iungerentur, privignam eius Claudiam, W C1^u"
uia, B.C. 43'

5 Fulviae ex P. Clodio filiam, duxit uxorem vixdum (?) Scrinubilem, ac simultate cum Fulvia socru orta dimisit B°™*'0
intactam adhuc et virginem. Mox Scriboniam in (3) Livia>
.

,

,

B.C. 38.

matrimonium accepit, nuptam ante duobus consularibus, ex altero etiam matrem. Cum hac quoque divor0
tium sponsam, see on sponsalia c.scribit, morum perversitatem to eius,
62. fecit, pertaesus, ut
53.
left her at Sicyon, on their way
Italy,
Such a contract was dissolved by reand there she died [ A p p . B. civ. 5, 52
pudium.
Dig. 50, 16, 101 § r divortium
— 5 ; Dio 48, 28].
inter virum et uxorem fieri dicitur, resimultate.
T h e political quarrel
pudium vero sponsae remitti
videtur,
leading to the war of Perusia is enough
quod et in uxoris personam non absurde
to account for this [Dio 48, 5 sq.], but
cadit.
That is, you may say either
Martial quotes an epigram of Augustus
divo7'tium or repudium of a wife, but
which seems to hint that the spretae
only repudium of a sponsa.
iniuria formae entered into the question [ r r , 21].
P. Servili Isaurici. P . Servilius Vatia
inherited the cognomen Isauricus from
dimisit...virginem. Dio I.e. 6 y&p
r s
the conqueror of Cilicia and the Isaurian
Kcutrap rrjv xcL^€7r^T7)ra
V Treudepas /xh
pirates (B. C. 78—74). H e was colleague
(pipcoi/...rijj/ Ouyar^pa avrrjs ws KOX irapof Iulius as consul in B.C. 48, and had
devov ZTL odvav, 6 ical 8pK(jj iwLaTibcroiTO,
remained faithful to him throughout.
aireirifxxpaTO.
After his death he joined the senatorial
Scriboniam [Tac. Ann. 2, 2 7 ; Wilm.
party for a time against A n t o n y ; but
170]. This was a purely political marCicero complains that he was lukewarm
riage. Scribonia was aunt to the wife
[14 Phil. §§ 7, 1 1 ; Att. 4, 1 5 ; if, 5],
of Sext. Pompeius (a d. of L. Scribonius
and at any rate he soon reconciled himLibo), and Augustus was anxious to have
self to Antony, and in B.C. 41 was again
means of making peace with him in view
consul, it is supposed as a compensaof the hostility of Antony [App. 5, 53].
tion for the repudiation of his daughter.
As her son (P. Cornelius Scipio) by her
second husband was consul in B.C. 16, he
expostulantibus...militibus, B . c . 4 3 ;
must have been at least in his 17 th year
Dio 46, 56nhv rovrip olrod'Avrwvlov arpaTLCOTCLL rty dvyartpa rty TTJS <&ov\ovlas rrjsat the time of her marriage to Augustus
(B.C. 40, Dio 48, 16), and she must
yvvaucbs avrov, rjv €K TOV KXtodtou e?xe»
have been many years older than her
r<£ Kai(rapL KCLITOI krkpav
eyyeyvrj^v^
Trpoei;4v7)<rav, TOV 'AVTCOPLOV 5rj\ov 6'rt TOV- husband. T h e divorce took place on the
day of the birth of Iulia, B.C. 39, and
ro KdTao-Kev&o-avTos. Plut. Ant. 20.
Dio says that its real reason was that
Fulviae. See p p . 18, 4 1 . Fulvia
he was already in love with Livia [48,
married first P. Clodius, Cicero's enemy,
34]. She lived long enough to acwho was killed in Jan. B.C. 5 2 ; secondly,
company her daughter into exile in
Gaius Curio, who fell in Africa, B.C. 4 9 ;
B.C. 2 [Dio 55, 10; Veil. Pat. 2, 100].
thirdly, M. Antonius about B.C. 46
i n matrimonium, the first had been only
[Cic. 2 Phil. § 11]. She was a woman
sponsa, the second uxor only in name.
of a masculine spirit and violent temper,
F o r pertaesus with ace. see Jul. 7 ;
nihil muliebre praeter corpus gerens
Tib. 67. T h e simple taesus is not so
[Veil. Pat. 2, 7 4 ; cp. Plut. Ant. 11 ;
used, nor pertaesus in Augustan Latin.
A p p . B. civ. 4, 29, 32 ; Dio 47, 8].
Livy 3, 67, Xvirorum vospertaesum est.
After her escape from Perusia, she fled
to Athens, where her husband met her,
duobus consularibus...matrem. T h e
but treated her with so much disapprobaname of the first husband is not known
tion and roughness that she fell ill. H e
nor the consulship of the second.

122

SUE TON I

[62—

ac statim Liviam Drusillam matrimonio Tiberi Neronis et
quidem praegnantem abduxit, dilexitque et probavit unice
ac perseveranter.
E x Scribonia luliam, ex Livia nihil liberorum tulit, cum
m a x i m e cuperet. Infans, qui conceptus erat, imHi
daughter m a t u r u s est editus.
l u l i a m p r i m u m Marcello,
Ula
"
Octaviae sororis suae filio t a n t u m quod pueritiam
egresso, deinde, u t is obiit, M. A g r i p p a e n u p t u m dedit,
e x o r a t a sorore, u t sibi genero c e d e r e t ; n a m t u n c A g r i p p a
alteram Marcellarum h a b e b a t et e x ea liberos. H o c q u o q u e
defuncto, multis ac diu, etiam e x equestri ordine, circumLiviam Drusillam. Livia d. of Livius
Drusus Claudianus was descended from
Appius Claudius Caecus, her father
having been adopted by a Livius. Besides this illustrious descent she was
beautiful and young. Dio [58, 2] says
that she was 86 at her death in A.D. 29:
she was therefore born in B.C. 58—7
(28 September), and was only fifteen or
sixteen when her son Tiberius was born
(16 Nov. B.C. 42). It is therefore evident that Pliny [N. H. 14, 8] can hardly
be right in reducing her age to 82. Her
father had killed himself after the battle
of Philippi where he had fought against
the triumvirs. In B.C. 40, she had fled
with her husband Tib. Claudius Nero,
who had taken part with L. Antonius
[Dio 48, 15], and did not return to
Rome till after the peace of Misenum
early in B.C. 39 [Tac. Ann. 5, 1].
Though she was within three months of
the birth of her second son Drusus she
was divorced by her husband, apparently by mutual consent [before 16 Nov.
B.C. 38, for Tiberius was trimus at the
time of the marriage, Veil. Pat. 2, 94],
and he acted as a father in giving her to

Gaius and Lucius Caesar [Dio 55, 11]
rested on no foundation.
63. luliam... Mar cello. Vlut. Ant. S'j.
This is the young Marcellus of Vergil
Aen. 6, 860—885, b. B.C. 43. His death in
the autumn of B.C. 23 followed closely on
the Emperor's own serious illness of that
year [Dio 53, 30]. He was curule aedile
at the time of his death [Pliny N. H.
19 § 24]. His marriage with Iulia had
apparently taken place two years before
[Dio 53, 27]. tantum quod 'only just.'
Roby L. G. 1705.
Agrippa had before this been married
to Pomponia, a daughter of Atticus,
apparently in B.C. 41, by whom he had
a daughter Vipsania, betrothed to Tiberius when she was only a year old
[Corn. Nep. Alt. 12 and 19].
alteram Marcellarum, the younger of
the daughters of Octavia by her first
husband Marcellus, or as some have
maintained, the elder; but there is
nothing really to show which, nor is
anything known of children born to
Agrippa by Marcella. The name appears in two inscriptions [Wilmanns 160
and 351], the latter of which C»CLAVDIVS

Augustus [Dio 48, 44 ii;£8(»)K€V 5£ avrty MARCELLAE • MINORIS • L . s h o w s t h a t
afirbs 6 dvrjp uxnrep ris iraT7)p\. But
there were two. See also Eckhel 6, 160.

though the circumstances of the marriage
are revolting to us, she seems to have
been a high-minded virtuous and wise
woman, who retained a firm hold on
her husband's affections: see her praises
in Dio 57, 2. Tacitus indeed [Ann. 1,
10] speaks of her as gravis in rem publicam mater, gravis domui Caesarum
noverca, but he himself shows that her
influence was exercised on the side of
justice and mercy during the reign of
Tiberius [Ann. 5, 3], and the scandals
against her in regard to the deaths of
the young Marcellus [Dio 53, 33] and

On being divorced from Agrippa, upon
Octavia's own suggestion, Marcella was
married to Antonius, son of M. Antonius
and Fulvia. Plut. Ant. 87. The
other sister is supposed by Drumann [n,
403] to have been married to Sex. Appuleius consul in A. D. 14.
equestri ordine. Tac. Ann. 4, 39
Augustum in conlocanda Jilia non nihil
etiam de eqititibus Romanis consultavisse.
condicionibus, seelul. 27 Octaviam...
conditionem ei detulit. Cic. 2 Phil.
§ 99 filiam eius deiecisti alia conditione
quaesita.

64.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

123

spectis condicionibus, Tiberium privignum suum elegit coegitque praegnantem uxorem, et ex qua iam pater erat,
dimittere. M. Antonius scribit, primum eum Antonio filio suo
despondisse Iuliam, dein Cotisoni Getarum regi, quo tempore
s sibi quoque invicem filiam regis in matrimonium petisset.
Nepotes ex Agrippa et Iulia tres habuit C. et L. et
Agrippam, neptes duas Iuliam et Agrippinam.
Iuliam L. Paulo censoris filio, Agrippinam Ger- grandsons,
manico sororis suae nepoti collocavit. Gaium et L. *wo s rand "
r

daughters.

o adoptavit, domi per assem et libram emptos a patre
Agrippa, tenerosque adhuc ad curam rei publicae admovit et

autem cum a parente in cuius potestate
sunt, tertia mancipatione in iure ceduntur, atque ab eo qui adoptat, apud eum
TWOS yafjL€TTJs owav KOX T£KVOV rb (xkv apud que7n legis actio est, vindicanttcr.
ov<Tap
TJdr) rpitpovcrau rb d' ip yao-rpi ^x
emptos a patre 'bought from.'
rty 'lovklav ol i]yytir}<re (B.C. 12). Iulia Cicero would have written de patre,
(now 27 years old) was received by
see Att. 13, 31 is cc iugera de M. Pilio
Tiberius with profound unwillingness. emit, cp. Plaut. Cure. 2, 3, 64 de Mo
He was deeply attached to Vipsania emi virginem: but Rudens prol. 59
[Suet. Tib. 7; Tac. Ann. 1, 12], who quipuellam ab eo emerat.
died in A.D. 20 as the wife of Asinius
teneros...ad curam...admovit. M.A.
Gallus, the only one of Agrippa's childc. \\filios meos, quos iuvenes mihi eriren who met with a peaceful end [Tac. puit Fortuna, Gaium et Lucium Caesares
Ann. 3, 20].
honoris mei causa senatus populusque
pater erat of Drusus, see c. 100.
Romanus annum quintum et decimum
Cotisoni, see on c. 21, pp. 47—8, and
agentis consules designavit ut eum magisc 48. Antony's object was to retort tratum inirent post quinquennium.
Et
on Augustus the charge made against
ex eo die quo deductisunt in forum ut inhimself of marrying a foreigner.
teressent consiliis publicis decrevit sena64. Iuliam L. Paulo censoris f. The tus. Gaius was born in B.C. 20 [Dio
54, 8], Lucius in B.C. 17 [id. 54, 18].
last censors were in B.C. 22, L. MunaSee c. 26. Gaius was consul designate
tius Plancus and Paulus Aemilius
Lepidus (nephew of the triumvir). This in B.C. 5 [Dio 55, 9 puts it in B.C. 6,
but Zonar. 10, 35 in A.'s 12th consulPaulus was married to Cornelia d. of
Scribonia bya former husband. Propert. ship, i.e. B.C. 5], but not consul till
5, 11, 67 (to her daughter) filia, tu A. D. 1; Lucius was consul designate
B.C. 2, and to be consul A.D. 4, but died
specimen censurae nata paternae. The
20 August A.D. 2. Each was also named
son L. Paulus was consul A.D. 1. See
by the equites in turn, princeps iuvenc. 19, p. 45.
Germanico, son of the elder Drusus by tutis. M. A. I.e., Tac. Ann. 1,3. Gaius
Antonia, daughter ofAntony andOctavia. ceased to have this title when by holding
adoptavit. Tac. Ann, 1, 3 ; Dio the consulship he became a senator.
Thus in the cenotaphia Pisana [Wil54, 18. Both were adopted on the birth
manns 883], Gaius after his consulship
of Lucius [B.C. 17].
per assem et libram. In adopting is not called by this title, though he is
said to he princeps designatus, but Lucius
one in potestatepatris the form of mancipatio was gone through. The adopter is consul designatus augur.. .princeps iu(as a purchaser) touching the aenea libra ventutis, whereas in the titulus Sorianus
(quoted by Mommsen res g.-p. 53) Gaius
said hunc ego hominem ex iure Quiritium meum esse aio isque mihi emptus is COS • DESIGN • P R I N C I P I • IVVENT.,
est hoc aere aeneaque libra. Gaius i, while Lucius is only AVG. There could
119, cp. id. 19, 107.. The process had
be only one princeps of either sort at a
to be thrice repeated in the presence of
time, and as Augustus was princeps sethe praetor, Gell. 5, 19 adoptantur
natus and therefore first citizen, so one
Tiberium...coegit. Dio 54, 31 KOX
wpoairocnrdaas KCLI itceivov ry\v yvvaiica
teal rod re ' Ayplinrov dvyaripa e£ dWtjs

124

SUETONI

[64—

consules designates circum provincias exercitusque dimisit.
Filiam et neptes ita instituit, ut etiam lanificio assuefaceret,
vetaretque loqui aut agere quicquam nisi propalam et quod
in diurnos commentarios referretur; extraneorum quidem
coetu adeo prohibuit, ut L. Vinicio, claro decoroque iuveni,
scripserit quondam, parum modeste fecisse eum, quod filiam
suam Baias salutatum venisset. Nepotes et litteras et notare
aliaque rudimenta per se plerumque docuit ac nihil aeque
elaboravit quam ut imitarentur chirographum suum ; neque
caenavit una, nisi ut in imo lecto assiderent, neque iter fecit,
nisi ut vehiculo anteirent aut circa adequitarent. Sed laetum
eum atque fidentem et subole et disciplina domus
Hi
family
Fortuna destituit. Iulias, filiam et neptem, omnibus
osses.
probris contaminatas relegavit; C. et L. in duoof the young Caesars was princeps of the
next ordo, the equestrian.
circum provincias exercitusque.
Gaius went with Tiberius against the
Sigambri in B.C. 8, and was in Asia
from B.C. 1 to his death A.D. 4. Lucius
died at Marseilles on his way to Spain.
in diurnos commentarios, 'nothing
that might not be entered in the household register.' Thus we find a servus
a commentariis, C. I. L. 6, 8623.
L. Vinicio, see c. 71. The name
Vinicius occurs on coins [Eckhel 5, p.
343] and a L. Vinicius appears as Consul
suffectus for B.C. 33, and Trib. PL in
B.C. 51, Cic.fam. 8, 8, 6. We have also
the form Vinicianus attesting Vinicius
[Cic. fam. 8, 4 § 3 ; Wilmanns 205],
whereas Vicinius (the MS. reading) seems
an unknown name unless in Orelli 3309.
notare, 'to write in shorthand' or 'in
cypher,' cp. c. 88 quotiens per notas
scribit. Iulius c. 56 si qua occultius
perferenda erant per notas scripsit.
The use of shorthand was introduced
by Ennius and later by Cicero's freedman Tiro, see Commenlarii Not. Tiron.
Schmitz p. 10; or by Maecenas [Dio

9, 36. [Some read with the MSS. natare,
cp. ltd. 57; Plut. Cato ma. 20.]
per se, instead of by a tutor, usually
a slave or freedman, Plut. Cat. 1. c.
chirographum suum, see on c. 88.
neque...assiderent, 'whenever they
dined with him they sat at table on the
imus lectus.' Children sat instead of
reclining at table, and sometimes at a
separate table; Tac. Ann. 13, 16 mos
habebatur principum liberos cum ceteris
idem aetatis sedentes vesci in aspectu
propinquorumpropria etparciore mensa.
Suet. Claud. 32 adhibebat omni cenae et
liberos suos cum pueris puellisque nobilibus, qui more veteri adfulcra lectoru?n
sedentes vescerentur. But in the case of
these young princes they sit on the imus,
i.e. the couch on the right looking down,
the Emperor reclining summus in imo,
at the right hand corner, the regular
place for the host, nisi ut, p. 59.
circa adequitarent, 'riding close by
on either side of him.' Cat. 25 iuxta
adequitantem... ostenderit.
65. Iulias...relegavit. The elder Iulia
b. B.C. 40 was married at 15 to her
cousin Marcellus [Dio 53, 27]. On his
52, 7] irpioTos (TTj/xecd nva ypafjLfiaTCjy death (late in B.C. 23) after a year of
irpbs T&XOS e^evpe /cat avrd 8i' 'A/ctfXoi'
widowhood she was transferred to
airehevdtpov cvxvobs i^edida^ev.
EsAgrippa (B.C. 21) who was of the same
pecially used for taking down from a age as her father, and who divorced her
lecture or dictation, Quint. 1 prooem.
cousin Marcella to take her. Agrippa
§ 7 alterum (sermonem) pluribus sane died in B.C. 12, leaving her with two sons
diebus, quantum notando consequi potue- and two daughters, and on the point of
rant, interceptum ; cp. id. 1, 1, 28; 10,
producing another son. In the course
3, 19. Martial [10, 62] mentions among of the next year she was forced upon
the prizewinners in a school the notarius the unwilling Tiberius, whom she revelox, cp. id. 5, 51; 14, 208; Plin. Ep. garded as below her in rank, and who

6s.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

125

deviginti mensum spatio amisit ambos, Gaio in Lycia, Lucio
Massiliae defunctis. Tertium nepotem Agrippam Adoption
simulque privignum Tiberium adoptavit in foro lege of Tiberius,
had to divorce a wife to whom he was
passionately attached to take her. Yet
Suetonius [Tib. 7] asserts that at first
they lived happily together until after
the death of the only child of the union
at Aquileia. In B.C. 6 Tiberius retired
to Rhodes partly at any rate to avoid
her, and from Rhodes sent a message of
divorce [Dio 54, 6, 35;' 55, 9—10].
She was beautiful, but early in life became somewhat grey [Macrob. Sat. 2,
4, 7]. Her wit and the freedom of her
manners drew round her the young and
dissolute nobles, and when at length
(B.C. 2) Augustus was assured of her
misconduct, numerous men suffered for
real or supposed offences with her
[Macr./. c. § 6 ; Veil. Pat. 1, 100; Sen.
de Bene/. 6, 32]. Pliny asserts that she
had entered into a plot against her father's
life [N. H. 7 § 149]. See c. 19 and
Dio 54, 9 (of Iulius Antonius) m teal
€TL rrj fiovapx^

TovTo irpat-as.

After

five years at Pandataria, a small island
on the Campanian coast (mod. Vandotena), she was allowed to reside at
Rhegium; but on the accession of Tiberius the allowance made to her by her
father was cut off on the ground of no
provision having been made for it in his
will. She however survived Augustus
only a few weeks [Tac. Ann. 1, 35;
Suet. Tib. 50].
Of the younger lulia, daughter of
Agrippa and lulia, we know little except that she followed the example of
her mother. She was married to Aemilius Paulus Lepidus and had a son
[Suet. Cat. 24] and a daughter Lepida,
once betrothed to the future Emperor
Claudius, but never married to him
[Suet. Claud. 26]. Her lover D. Silanus was not formally banished, but was
obliged to leave Rome (A.D. 9) and not
allowed to return till A.D. 20, and even
then forbidden all state employment;
while lulia spent the rest of her life in
exile in the island of Tremerus (S.
Domenico) off the coast of Apulia, supported till her death in A.D. 29 by an
allowance from Livia [Tac. Ann. 3, 24;
4, 71]. It has been assumed, with little
reason, that Ovid's Corinna is a poetical
pseudonym for lulia; and the supposed
connexion of his banishment with her disgrace rests also on uncertain inferences.

duodeviginti ... mensum.
Lucius
died at Marseilles 20 August A.D. 2,
Gaius on 21 February A.D. 4 at Limyra
in Lycia [see the Cenotaphia Pisana,
Wilm. 883].
Agrippam. Agrippa Postumus, son
of lulia and Agrippa, born after his
father's death in B.C. 12. See c. 19.
Tacitus [Ann. 1, 3] regards him as a
victim to Livia's jealousy on behalf of
Tiberius, who procured his exile though
he was innocent of all crime (A.D. 7).
Augustus seems always to have felt a
certain compunction and to have been
inclined to recall him [Tac. Ann. 1, 5].
Pliny enumerates among the infelicities
of Augustus abdicatio Postumi Agrippae
post adoptionem, desiderium post relegationem [N. H. 7 § 148]. The panegyrist of Tiberius, Velleius, of course
decries him mira pravitate animi atque
ingenii'.. .mox crescentibus in dies vitiis
dignum furore suo habuit exitum [2,
112]. Dio [55, 32] however takes somewhat the same view, calling him dov\o7rp€7rr)S...Kal 7rXet(rra r)\<.eiJ€To...Trj re

opyrj irpoireret ^XP^T0> a n d says that he
annoyed Augustus by demanding his
father's property. He was banished to
Planasia, between Corsica and Elba.
His murder immediately after the death
of Augustus according to Tacitus was
primum facinus novi imperii [Ann. 1,
6], but Tiberius disclaimed any share
in it [Suet. Tib. 22].
simul...adoptavit, Veil. Pat. 2, 104
adoptatus eodem die etiam M. Agrippa^
quem post mortem Agrippae lulia enixa
erat, cp. Suet. Tib. 15. This took
place on the 26th of June A.D. 4 [see Fasti
Amert., C. I. L. 1, p. 323], Agrippa
not assuming the toga virilis until the
next year [Dio 55, 22]. The change in
the case of Tiberius is marked in inscriptions, see Wilmanns 882 (between
B.C. 2 and A.D. 3) TI • CLAVDIVS • Ti •

F • NERO; but in the list of the Imperial
family at Pa via (A.D. 7) we have T i .
CAESARI • AVGVSTI • F • DIVI • NEPOT •

[id. 880; Rushf. 34]. For the addition of Caesar to the name of Agrippa
Postumus, see Wilmanns 880 1.
lege curiata. As both Agrippa and
Tiberius were sui iuris the regular form
of adoption necessary was adrogatio. A
meeting of the old comitia curiata in

126

SUETONI

[6s—

curiata; ex quibus Agrippam brevi ob ingenium sordidum
ac ferox abdicavit seposuitque Surrentum.
Aliquanto autem patientius mortem quam dedecora suorum tulit. Nam C. Lucique casu non adeo fractus, de filia
absens ac libello per quaestorem recitato notum senatui fecit
abstinuitque congressu hominum diu prae pudore, etiam de
necanda deliberavit Certe cum sub idem tempus una ex
Banishconsciis liberta Phoebe suspendio vitam finisset,
ment of maluisse se ait Phoebes patrem fuisse.
Relegatae
usum vinl omnemque delicatiorem cultum ademit
neque adiri a quopiam libero servove, nisi se consulto, permisit, et ita ut certior fieret, qua is aetate, qua statura, quo
colore esset, etiam quibus corporis notis vel cicatricibus.
per quaestorem. The quaestor seems
the forum (represented by 30 lictores) was
held by a pontifex and a formal rogatio to have regularly been the Emperor's
proposed, for the wording of which see mouthpiece in the Senate. See Dio
54, 25 rb (3i(3\lov ry rajjiig, avayv&vai
Gellius 5, 19. It was generally held
dovs. Cp. 60, 2. Suet. Ner. 15 orathat a puer could not be adopted by
this ceremony, and Dio may be wrong tiones ad senatum missas, praeterito
in putting Agrippa's deductio in foru??i quaestorum of fie io per consulem plein the next year; still there seems to rumque recilabat. Cp. id. Tit. 6; Tac.
have been a variety of practice in this Ann. 16, 27; Spart. Hadr. 3. As a
quaestor was attached to the consul, so
respect, Gaius 1, 102 item impuberem
one or more were quaestores Caesaris.
apud populum adoptari aliquando proWilmanns 1122 L • AQVILLIO...QVAEShibitum est, aliquando permissum est.
abdicavit (aireKTjpv^aro), 'disinhe- TOR • IMP • CAESARIS • AVG. Cp. PHh.
Ep. 7, 16 simul quaestores Caesaris
rited,' a formal undoing of the adoption. See Pliny N. H. 7 § 148; Suet. fuimus. Mommsen Staatsr. iv. p. 227
Tib. 15 Agrippa abdicaio et seposito. ' note, p. 272 sq.
The word is not used in earlier Latin,
Phoebe, Dio 55, 10 7) 5Z $oipy) e£eXeuperhaps because the thing was not
dipa re rijs 'IouAfas KCLI (rvvepybs odea
known: exheredare [Cic. 2 Phil. § 41]
irpoairtdavev eKovcria.
was to * disinherit' by will as was necesusum vini. The notion of wine
sary in the case of a suus heres, but
leading to unchastity in women is
did not mean any legal process in the
referred to in Euripides Bacch. 260
testator's lifetime; whereas in the case yvvaii-l yap \ oirov (36rpvos iv dairl ylyveof the abdicates it was a question
TCLI y&vos I ovx vyt£s otibkv £TL \£yu) rdv
whether he might not be restored by
dpyiuv. There was also a tradition that
his father's will [Quint. 3, 6, 98].
it was an ancient custom in Latium for
women to drink none but light raisin
Surrentum. This is previous to the
deportatio to Planasia: but the abdicatio wine, passum: see Athenae. 10, 440 E ;
Polyb. 6, 2; Aul. Gell. 10, 23 Marcus
seems to have been at the time of the
Cato non solum existimatas sed et mulfirst measure, as his name is not on the
tatas quoque a iudice refert non minus,
Pavian list, seposuit, a less formal
word than relegavit, cp. Oth. 3 seposittis si vinum in se, quam stprobrum et adulterium admisisset. As one of the charges
per causa??i legationis in Lusitaniam.
against Iulia was that of nocturnae conotum senatui fecit. Sen. de Bene/.
missationes, Augustus perhaps regarded
6, 32 Divus Augustus...Jlagitia principalis domus in publicum emisit.. .haec this as a proper occasion for going back,
as he was fond of doing, to ancient custarn vindicanda quam tacenda, quia
quarumdam rerum turpitudo etiam ad toms.
vindicantem redit, parum potens irae
et ita ut...fieret, 'and not without
publicaverat.
being informed,' see p. 59.

66.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

127

Post quinquennium demum ex insula in continentem lenioribusque paulo condicionibus transtulit earn.
Nam ut
omnino revocaret, exorari nullo modo potuit, deprecanti
saepe Populo Romano et pertinacius instanti tales filias
s talesque coniuges pro contione inprecatus. Ex nepte Iulia
post damnationem editum infantem adgnosci alique vetuit.
Agrippam nihilo tractabiliorem, immo in dies amentiorem,
in insulam transportavit sepsitque insuper custodia militum.
Cavit etiam Senatus consulto ut eodem loci in perpetuum
10 contineretur, atque ad omnem et eius et Iuliarum mentionem
ingemiscens, proclamare etiam solebat:
AX0" oef>e\ov aya/j,6<; r e/J,evat, dyovos T airoXeaBai!
nee aliter eos appellare, quam tris vomicas ac tria carcinomata sua.

,5

Amicitias neque facile admisit et constantissime retinuit, 66
non tantum virtutes ac merita cuiusque digne prosecutus, sed vitia quoque et delicta, dum taxat fronds,
modica, perpessus. Neque enim temere ex omni
numero in amicitia eius afflicti reperientur praeter
Rufus,
JO Salvidienum Rufum, quern ad consulatum usque, et
vomicam eius aperuit quam sanare
medici non potuerunt.
Plin. N. H. 20
§ 81 carcinomata quae nullis aliis medicament is sanari possint.
rov dt brjfxov crtpodpa eyKetfiivov T $ Ai/66. temere. See c. 16, p. 44.
yoioTip Xva Kwrayayrj r-qv Bvyaripa
Salvidienum Rufum.
Salvidienus
ai)ro0, 63.GGOV <=<pr} irvp iidan fxixB"qC€(yOa.f.
was one of the early and most devoted
T) i<elvi\v Ka.TOxfi'hc^nBa.L.
friends of Augustus [Cic. ep. ad Br.
in insulam, Planasia. custodia mill1, 17, 3]. He had been with him at
turn, it was a centurio of this guard that
Apollonia during the winter preceding
killed him [Tac. ^4««. i, 6).
his uncle's murder [see p. 46; Velleius
Ate* ««JKXOV, //. 3, 4 o .
Pat. 2, 59]; had commanded at Rhevomicas...carcinomata, 'boils and
gium against Sextus Pompeius in B.C.
cancers.' Cic. de N. D. 3 § 70 gladio
in continentem, to Rhegium, see note
above.
deprecanti saepe, Dio 55, 13 (A.D. 3)

128

SUETONI

[66—

Cornelium Galium, quern ad praefecturam Aegypti, ex infima
utrumque fortuna provexerat. Quorum alterum res
novas molientem damnandum senatui tradidit, alteri
ob ingratum et malivolum animum domo et provinciis
suis interdixit. Sed Gallo quoque et accusatorum denuntiationibus et senatus consultis ad necem conpulso. laudavit
quidem pietatem tantopere pro se indignantium, ceterum
et inlacrimavit et vicem suam conquestus est, quod sibi soli
42 and 41 [App. B. civ. 4, 8 5 ; 5, 2 7 ;
Dio 48, 18]. A t the end of 42 B.C. or
beginning of 41 he was sent to secure
Gaul and Spain, but was recalled on
the outbreak of the war of Perusia, and
had assisted at the sieges of Sentinum
and Perusia [Dio 48, 1 3 ; A p p . 5, 33,
35]. After the fall of Perusia (spring
of B.C. 40) he accompanied Augustus
to take over Gaul and Spain and the
army lately commanded by L. Antonius [App. 5, 51] and, on Augustus'
return to Rome, was left there in command, besides being designated consul
(Dio awodeixOyvat" H e was never consul). Dio and Velleius are both very
vague as to the nature of his treason;
but when Antony came to Italy in the
autumn of B.C. 40 and made terms with
Augustus at Brundisium, he seems to
have betrayed the fact that Salvidienus
had written to him proposing to cause
the Gauls to revolt from Augustus and
return to him. Augustus at once sent
for Salvidienus on some other pretext,
brought him before the Senate and got
him condemned for maiestas, that obsequious body even passing the SCtum
Ultimum, videant Illviri
ne quid res
publica deirimenti capiat, thus enabling
him to treat Salvidienus as a hostis
[App. 5, 66; Dio 48, 3 3 ; Veil. Pat. 2,
64].
Cornelium Galium. See S u e t . / r . [ap.
Hier. Chron. 11.7 2 7-8] Cornelius Gallus
Foroiuliensis poeta, a quoprimum
Aegyptum recta?n supra diximus,
quadragesimo
tertio aetatis suae anno propria se manu
interfecit (B.C. 26). H e was therefore
born in B.C. 68 or 69. H e is the Gallus
of Vergil Eel. 10 (though Servius there
says that his name was C. Asinius Gallus and that he was son of Pollio), and
his rank as an elegiac poet is recorded
by Ovid [Tr. 4, 10, 53]. But hardly a
line remains that is certainly his. W h e n
he came from Frejus to R o m e we do
not know, but he seems to have early

sided with Octavian against Antony,
for which personal reasons may perhaps
help to account, if the scandal be true
that makes him and Antony rivals for
the favours of Cytheris Volumnia [Cic.
2 Phil. §§ 58, 69, 7 7 ; Servius ad Verg.
1. c.]. H e was at Actium and followed
the defeated fleet to Egypt. T h e r e he
took Paraetonium and next spring (B.C.
30) thwarted Antony's attempt upon it
[Dio 31, 9], and was employed with
Proculeius to endeavour to take Cleopatra [Plut. Ant. 79]. O n the subsequent settlement of Egypt he was made
its first praefectus [Dio 5 1 , 1 7 ] . I n that
office he had successfully put down an
insurrection at Heroopolis (between the
Delta and the Red Sea) and in the
Thebaid [Strabo 17, 1]. His offences
there seem to have been mainly due to
ostentation and incautious talk, the Emperor, as has been remarked [p. 42],
being extremely jealous in regard to
Egypt. Ov. Tr. 2, 445
Nonfuil
opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida
Gallo,
Sed linguam
nimio non tenuisse
mero.
I d . Am. 2, 9, 63 temerati crimen amici.
Dio 53, 23 7roXXa fxev yap Kal /mraia is
rbv AiiyovcTTOv airekyipei, iroXkd 8e Kal
iiraina irapewpaTTev ' /cat yap Kal eUovas
eavTov iv 6\rj Cos elirelv rrj Alyvirr(i)
£<TT7)(re Kal rd gpya 6<ra iireiroL^KeL is rets
IlvpafJLldas iaiypaxf/ev.
provinciis suis, the Imperial provinces. Dio /. c. uicrre Kal iv TOLS 'itiveaiv
avrov KtoXvdfjvai 8iaira(T0ai.
accusatorum. T h e first accusation
of Valerius Largus was followed by
others, and the Senate passed decrees
declaring him to have been convicted
legally, and transferring his property to
Augustus. Largus was looked askance
on as a delator, and Proculeius on seeing
him affected to close his nose and lips
as though it were not safe to breathe in
his presence [Dio /. c.].

66.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

129

non liceret amicis, quatenus vellet, irasci. Reliqui potentia
atque opibus ad finem vitae sui quisque ordinis principes
floruerunt, quanquam et offensis intervenientibus. Desideravit enim nonnumquam, ne de pluribus referam,
5 et M. Agrippae patientiam et Maecenatis tacitur- MfeTenas.
nitatem, cum ille ex levi frigoris suspitione et quod
Marcellus sibi anteferretur, Mytilenas se relictis omnibus
contulisset, hie secretum de comperta Murenae coniuratione
uxori Terentiae prodidisset.
o
Exegit et ipse in vicem ab amicis benivolentiam mutuam,
tarn a defunctis quam a vivis. Nam quamvis
minime appeteret hereditates, ut qui numquam ex custom
ignoti testamento capere quicquam sustinuerit, ami- fst0.
legacies»

#

eorum tamen suprema iudicia morosissime pensidesideravit ' missed' what h e was
used to find in them. W h e n he had
rashly made public the crimes of his
daughter and repented of his haste,
he said horum mihi nihil accidisset si
attt Agrippa
aut Maecenas
vixisset
[Sen. de bene/. 6, 32].
frigoris 'coldness' on the part of Augustus. Seneca Ep. 122 § n
Montamis
Julius.. .amicilia Tiberiinotuset
frigore.
Veil. Pat. 2, 83
Planctis...refrigeratus
ab Antonio.
[The MSS. have rigoris.]
Mytilenas ... contulisset.
Agrippa
was sent to be governor of Syria in B.C.
23 after the recovery of Augustus from
his illness, during which h e h a d given
his signet ring to him, thus causing
jealousy to Marcellus. T h e death of
Marcellus followed a t the end of the year,
and Agrippa returned in B. c. 21. Dio 53,
32 oti fiivroi K(d is "Evplav a^Uero a W
Irt KOI /naXKop iierpiafav iKeicre fiev rods
biroGTpa.T'fiyovs ^ire^eVf
atirbs 5£ £v
Aicrftq Biirpi^ev.
Agrippa was sent on
another mission to Ionia and Syria in
B.C. 17, when he was accompanied by
Iulia, and did not return till B.C. 13 [Dio
54, 19; Ioseph. Ant. 2, 2 ; N i c . Dam.
de sua vita § 3].
relictis omnibus. C i c . F a t n . 2, 1 4 ;
12, 14, 1 ; Ter. Eun. 166; Haul. 840.
uxori Terentiae.
Dio 54, 19 ical
rives KCLI Hid Tepevrlav rh\v rod MaLK'/jvov
yvvcuica dirodr)fifjcrai avrbv tiireTbirTjcrav...
rbv r e yb,p 'Ayplinrav is rty livpiav civdis
i<TTa\K€i teal T<p Maucfiva did ry\v yvvaiKa
otinid' bfioiws e'xcuP€1''
For Murena
see p . 44. Perhaps the scandal as to
Terentia was malevolent gossip. T h e

S

absence of Agrippa naturally followed
the adoption of Gaius and Lucius B.C. 17,
as it had the open favour of Marcellus in
B. c. 23. T h e loss of favour of Maecenas
may have had connexion with the change
of policy in the direction of absolutism in
B.C. 23. T a c . Ann. 3, 30.
a defunctis. For the length to which
this was carried, see Nero 32 deinde
ut ingratorum inprincipe7n (i.e. who did
not name him in their wills) testamenta
ad fiscum pertinerent, cp. T a c . Ann. 3,
76 testamentum eius multo apud vulgum
rumore fuit;
quia in magnis opibus,
cumferme
cunctosproceres cum honore
nominavisset,
Caesar em omisit.
The
motive of leaving the Emperor heir
was often no doubt the hope of obtaining better treatment for a man's family,
Tac. Ann. 16, 11 nee defuere qui monerent magna ex parte heredem Caesarem nuncupare atque ita nepotibus de
reliquo consulere. id. Agf. 43 tarn caeca
et corrupta mens adsiduis
adulationibus
erat, ut nesciret a bono patre non scribi
heredem nisi malum
principem.
u t q u i . R o b y Z . G. 1714. ignoti, see
C i c 2 Phil. §§ 40—1 me nemo nisi
amicus fecit heredem...te is quern vidisti
nunquam.
iudicia, ' expression of
approval.'
Pompey was much hurt
by not being named in Sulla's will
[Plut. Pomp.
15]. Cicero expresses
disgust at being omitted by one Calva,
ad Att. 15, 3.
morosissime. morosus (connected with
mos mores) from the meaning of captious
[morosi senes Cic. de Sen. 65] came to
mean 'over-careful,' 'particular.'
Jul.

9

130

SUE TON I

[66—

tavit, neque dolore dissimulate-, si parcius aut citra horiorem
verborum, neque gaudio, si grate pieque quis se prosecutus
fuisset. Legata vel partes hereditatium, a quibuscumque
parentibus relicta sibi, aut statim liberis eorum concedere,
aut si pupillari aetate essent, die virilis togae vel nuptiarum
cum incremento restituere consuerat.
Patronus dominusque non minus severus quam facilis et
clemens, multos libertorum in honore et usu maximo
Ittberti habuit, ut Licinum et Celadum aliosque. Cosmum
servum gravissime de se opinantem non ultra quam
compedibus coercuit. Diomeden dispensatorem, a quo simul
ambulante incurrenti repente fero apro per metum obiectus
est, maluit timiditatis arguere quam noxae, remque non
minimi periculi, quia tamen fraus aberat, in iocum vertit.
Idem Polum ex acceptissimis libertis mori coegit compertum
adulterare matronas; Thallo a manu, quod pro epistola
prodita denarios quingentos accepisset, crura ei fregit; paedagogum ministrosque C. fili, per occasionem valitudinis
mortisque eius superbe avareque in provincia grassatos, oneratos gravi pondere cervicibus praecipitavit in flumen.
45 circa corporis curam
morosior...ut
non solum tonderetur...sed
velleretur.
Tib. 70 adfectatione et morositate nimia
obscurabat stilum.
citra, see p. 53.
prosecutus, ' mentioned,' with a general notion of paying honour or respect.
Cp. Nero 34 matrem hilare prosecuttis.
So of giving presents, Dom. 9 omnes
circa se largissime prosecuttis.
legata vel partes hereditatium.
Legacies of definite sums given with
the formula do lego. An hereditas was
the being constituted a heres either of
the whole or part, ex trienle, ex deunce,
with the formula haeres Titius esto
{primus,
secundus, tertius).
In the
latter case the heir had to accept the
inheritance within a fixed time with all
its encumbrances (cretio), see Gaius Inst.
2, 152—208.
67. opinantem, see c. 51, p. 109.
dispensator, ' s t e w a r d , ' 'holder of
the privy purse,' see Ner. 4 4 ; Vesp. 2 2 ;
Galb. 12.
a manu, 'secretary,' ' a m a n u e n s i s /
ltd. 7 4 ; also ad manum [C. I. L. 6,
4449]; a commentariis [ib. 8623]; librarius a manu [ib. 6314]; librarius
ad

manum [ib. 9523].
ei fregit, al. ecfregit, cp. c. 94 pran*
denti aquila panem ei e manu
rapuit.
grassatos, 'conducted themselves/
Livy 45, 23 assentando grassari.
Tac.
H. 4. 16 dolo grassari.
praecipitavit in flumen, ' h e ordered
them to be flung into a river,' i.e. in
the province. D e a d bodies of malefactors were thrown into the T i b e r ; but
this form of execution does not appear
to have been common at R o m e . Yet
Vedius Pollio ordered his slave who
had broken a valuable cup is ras pivpaivas..AfJL^\r}drivai Dio 54, 23. In the
East it was perhaps more common, see
Q. Curtius 10, 4 itaque rursus (Alexander)... 7/iergi in amnem sicut
vincti
erant iussit.
C p . S. Matt. 18, 6 (rv/j,(p£pei,..Li>a Kpefxaadfj /xtfXos OVLKOS iirl rbv
Tp&xvhov afirov teal KaTawovTio-drj: and in
mythology the king of Arcadia punishes
his wife Auge.. .ra^Ttjvirap^dojKe NavTrXicp
(piXcp KaOevTUTi /cat irpoairat-e Karairovrlcrai, Diodor. Sic. 4, 33. So pirates
treated their victims, Lysias 14 § 27.
Cp. also the mode of execution attributed to the Turks, by drowning in the
Bosphorus.

6 9 .]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

131

Prima iuventa variorum dedecorum infamiam subiit.
Sextus Pompeius ut effeminatum insectatus est;
M. Antonius adoptionem avunculi stupro meritum ; f^^"es
item L. Marci frater quasi pudicitiam, delibatam a
Caesare, Aulo etiam Hirtio in Hispania trecentis milibus
nummum substraverit, solitusque sit crura suburere nuce
ardenti, quo mollior pilus surgeret. Sed et populus quondam
universus ludorum die et accepit in contumeliam eius et
adsensu maximo conprobavit versum in scaena pronuntiatum
de gallo Matris deum tympanizante: Videsne, tit cinaedus
orbem digito temperat?
Adulteria quidem exercuisse ne
amici quidem negant, excusantes sane non libidine, sed ratione commissa, quo facilius consilia adversariorum per
cuiusque mulieres exquireret. M. Antonius super festinatas
Liviae nuptias obiecit et feminam consularem e triclinio viro
coram in cubicidum abductam, rursus in convivium rtibentibus
auriculis incomptiore capillo reductam; dimissam Scriboniam,
quia liberius doluisset nimiam potentiam pelicis; conditiones
68. prima iuventa.
If we may
believe Nicolas of Damascus, the youth
of Augustus was particularly well
guarded and pure. T h a t these incredible scandals emanate from his
bitter enemies Marcus and Lucius Antonius is enough to stamp them. They
are the measure of R o m a n coarseness
and unscrupulous invective rather than
deserving of serious notice. W e happen to know, for instance, that Hirtius
was not with Caesar when Octavius
joined him in Spain [Cic. Att. 12, 37
§ 4]. T h e invention of such lies makes
one glad that Antony had himself felt the
lash of the 2nd Philippic. See Cicero's
defence of him ^Phil. § 15 in Caesarem
maledicta congessit deprompta ex recordatione impudicitiae et stuprorum
suorum.
s u b u r e r e . . . p i l u s surgeret, Iuv. 9,
15 sed fruticante pilo neglecta et squalida
cura.
See also ib. 95 pumice
laevis;
Mart. 2, 3 6 ; 5, 6 1 ; Pers. 4, 3 9 ; Suet.
Jul. 45.
accepit...eius, 'interpreted it as a
reflexion on him.' They .took it as a
double entendre.
gallus, priest of Cybele. Polyb. 2 1 ,
6 (at Sestos), ^ . 2 1 , 3 7 (at Pessinus). For
the origin of the name see Ovid, Fast. 4,
261. T h e Megalesia in honour of the
' G r e a t M o t h e r ' were introduced in

B.C. 204 [Livy 29, 11—13]. For plays
acted at it,'see inscription to Terence,
Hautont.
tympanizante. See Apoll. Rhod.
Argon. 1, 1139 pbjJLfiy KCLI Tvrrdvip'Fetrjp
Qptiyes Lk&GKovrai. Plaut. Poen. 5, 5,
38 Cur non adhibuisti tympanum?
Nam
cinaedum esse arbitror.
Verg. Aen. 9,
619 Tympana vos buxttsque vocat Berecyntia matris Idaeae.
Eurip. Bacch.
124 fivpabTOVov K^fKXiojULa r65e...Ko/>tffiavres €Vpop...jnaTp6s r e 'Pe'as els x^Pa
BrjKav. Catull. 63 21 ubi
cymbalum
sonat vox, ubi tympana reboant.
orbem, with a play on the meanings
of the 'round d r u m ' and the ' w o r l d . '
digito, Catull. 2 , 1 0 quatiensque terga
tarn teneris cava digitis.
69. quo facilius...exctuireret, as he
was supposed to have done in the case
of the wife of Maecenas.
festinatas nuptias. diard^ovros odv
rod Kaicrapos icai irvdofxivov TWP TTOVTL(plKOJV d oi oaiov ev ycKTrpi'^xovaavCLVTTJV
dyaytadai ety, direKpivavro OTL et [xkv kv
ayU0tj86Xy TO KJurjfxa rjv, dvafSXydrivai rbv
yd/xov ^XPWi bjxo\oyov[xhov 5e airov
ovdev /cwXtfet 77697 avrbv yevtadcu.
Dio
48, 44.
rubentibus auriculis, Iuv. 11, 189.
coram, H o r . Od. 3, 6, 25—31.

9—2

132

SUETONI

[69—

quaesitas per amicos, qui matres familias et adultas aetate
virgines denudarent at que perspicerent, tamquam Thoranio
mangone vendente. Scribit etiam ad ipsum haec, familiariter
adhuc necdum plane inimicus aut hostis: Quid te mutavit,
quod reginam ineof uxor mea est. Nunc coepi, an abhinc
annos novem ? Ttt deinde solam Drusillam inis ? ita valeas,
uti tu, hanc epistolam cum leges, non inieris Tertullam aut
Terentillam aut Rufillam aut Salviam Titiseniam aut omnes.
An referty ubi et in qua arrigas f
Cena quoque eius secretior in fabulis fuit, quae vulgo
Cena
ScoSercdOeo^ vocabatur; in qua deorum dearumque
XII
habitu discubuisse convivas et ipsum pro Apolline
ornatum, non Antoni modo epistolae singulorum
mangone, 'slave-dealer,' Mart. 1, 59;
9, 7; 7, 80. Sen. Ep. 89 § 9 mangones
quicquid est quod displiceat aliquo lenocinio abscondunt: itaque ementibus ornamenta ipsa suspecta stint; sive crus adligatum sive brachium adspiceres, nudari
iuberes et ipsum tibi corpus ostendi.
abhinc annos novem. Antony first
fell under the influence of Cleopatra
at the end of B.C. 41. He could
hardly call her uxor till he had divorced
Octavia in B.C. 32 [Dio 50, 5], which
will explain the abhinc annos novem.
The marriage of a Roman citizen with
a foreigner could not hold good in
Roman law: Iustas autem nuptias inter
se cives Romani contrahunt, lust. Inst.
1, 10. For the disgust with which such
unions were regarded, see Hor. Od. 3,
5, 4 milesne Crassi coniuge barbara
turpis maritus vixit etc. See p 123.
Tertullam.
Antony adopts the
diminutives of these names, in sarcastic
imitation of loverlike language, for
Tertia, Rufa, Terentia etc. Terentia
is the wife of Maecenas; it is hardly
worth while Jo attempt identification of
the rest.
70. in fabulis, 'a subject of gossip,'
' a scandal,' cp. Dom. i^idqueei cenanti
...inter ceteras diei fabulas referretur.
Iuv. 1, 145 / / nova nee tristis per cunctas fabula cenas. Pliny Ep. 8, 18 § 11
hades omnes fabulas urbis. Seneca Epp.
122 § 14 m tarn occupata civitate fabulas
volgaris nequitia non invenit. Ov. Tr.
4, ro, 68 nomine sub nostro fabula nulla
fuit. Cp. Suet. Ner. 6 in sermonibus
esse.
SwScicdOcos. The worship of the

'twelve gods' was Greek. At Athens
there was an altar to them in the Agora
[Her. 6, 108; Thucyd. 6, 54, 6; Plut.
Nicias 13], and a picture in a Stoa [Pausan. 1, 3, 3]. The Argonauts founded an
altar to them in Bithynia [Apoll. Rhod.
Argon. 2,533]. In Italy they wereknown
among the Sabines [Festus s. v. Mamertini], and the Etruscans [Seneca N. Q.
2, 41, 1]. When the Greek theology
was assimilated at Rome twelve Di
consentes were acknowledged and are
enumerated by Ennius [Ann. 1 fr.]:
luno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana,
Venus: Mars,
Mercurius, Iovis, Neptunus, Volcanus, Apollo.
Varro [R. R. 1] gives a somewhat different list of twelve gods worshipped in
the country, but speaks of duodecim
deos consentes...urbanos, quorum imagines ad forum auratae sunt, sex mares
et feminae totidem. In another work
he reckoned sixteen [August, de civ. d.
6, 2]. As it was the figures of these
twelve gods that were placed in couples
on lecti in a lectisternium on occasions
of national importance [Livy 22, 10],
this buffoonery, if it did take place,
would have shocked religious feelings
at Rome somewhat in the same way as
the private performance of the mysteries
by Alcibiades did those of the Athenians
[Thucyd. 6, 28; Plut. Ale. 19]. See
Marq. 12, pp. 30 and 59. A plant
held to be a panacea was called dodecatheus by the physicians, omnium deorum
maiestatem commendantes Plin. N. H.
25 § 28.

pro Apolline. The worship of Apollo

70.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

133

nomina amarissime enumerantis exprobrant, sed et sine
auctore notissimi versus:
Cum primum istorum conduxit mensa choragum,
sexque deos vidit Mallia sexque deasj
impia dum Phoebi Caesar mendacia ludit,
dum nova divorum cenat adult eria:
omnia se a terris tunc numina declinarunt,
fugit et auratos Iuppiter ipse thronos.

Auxit cenae rumorem summa tunc in civitate penuria ac
fames, adclamatumque est postridie, omne frumentum deos
comedisse et Caesarem esse plane Apollinem, sed Tortorem:
quo cognomine is deus quadam in parte urbis colebatur.
Notatus est et ut pretiosae supellectilis Corinthiorumque
was first introduced among the Latins, choragum as a contraction of choragiumt
and though there was a temple to him at 'the equipment of a chorus,' or 'equipRome since B.C. 413, it did not become ment' generally, Pliny N. H. 36 § 115.
important there till the establishment Of Mallia no satisfactory explanation
of the ludi Apollinares in B.C. 212. has been given. It perhaps is the name
Augustus made the god an object of of the house where the banquet was said
special honour. His victory at Actium to have taken place. An old explanation
was commemorated by a temple of was that it meant the Arx, from Manlius
Apollo on the spot and quinquennial the defender of the Capitol, and so the
Florentine translator Rosso took it, eche
games [p. 43]. The palatine temple of
nella rocca Capitolina sei Iddii ed altretApollo was among the most splendid at
tante Dee si reppresentarono: but there
Rome [p. 63]; and at the celebration
of the ludi seculares Apollo and Diana is no likelihood of that being the scene
were the objects of special reverence. of the banquet. Casaubon thought that
He became in a manner the patron god it might be the name of the wife of the
of the Emperors, and Iulian, who in choragus, whoever he was.
cenat adulteria, 'represents novel
trying to restore the old religion looked
back to Augustus for imperial traditions, debaucheries in his banquet.' The
paid special devotion to him as the Sun accus. with cenare is common in
poetry and post-Augustan prose; but
God, calling him his 'Master' [Iul.
Conviv. 314 A], and the leader of Rome this is a bold extension of meaning;
T S
[apXVybs V 7r6\ecos Iul. Orat. 4, 153 D], cenabis hodie magnum malum [Plaut.
cum primum...sexque deas. The Asin. 5, 2, 86] quoted in illustration is
difficulty of these two lines caused hardly parallel.
thronos, Pliny \N. H. 35 § 63] speaks
Graevius to propose cum minium histrorum conduxit mensa choragi 'when of a picture by Zeuxis of Iuppiter in
the table of the choragus (Augustus) throno.
Tortor, cp. Apollo Sandaliarius in
had collected a company of actors' :
while Ernesti explained conduxit mensa c. 57. The statue of Apollo Tortor is
choragum as an hypallage for conduxit not mentioned elsewhere. It seems likely
that the epithet was given to it, not,
mensam choragus^ 'when the choragus
as some say, with any reference to
had hired a table.' Perhaps the simplest
Marsyas, but as being near either the
explanation is that of Bremi, who takes
mensa istorum to mean the * company of place of examining slave witnesses, or
those persons/ like our 'board,' and the quarter where tortores lived. To
this perhaps Seneca refers [Epp. 51 § 4]
explains it to mean 'when that company
had got a choragus' (Augustus). The quemadmodicm inter tortores habitare
objection is perhaps the meaning of noli?u, sic ne interpopinas quidem. Such
conducere 'to hire,' which could hardly men usually lived in Rome, see Suet.
Claud. 34.
by any stretch of satire apply to AuCorinthiorum. Seneca de brev. vit.
gustus. Lastly, some have regarded

134

SUE TON I

praecupidus, et aleae indulgens. Nam et
tempore ad statuam eius ascriptum est:
pater

argentarius,

ego

[70—
proscriptionis

Corinthiarius,

cum existimaretur quosdam propter vasa Corinthia inter
proscriptos curasse referendos; et deinde bello Siciliensi
epigramma vulgatum est:
postquam bis classe victus naves
perdidit,
aliquando ut vincat, ludit assidue aleam.

E x quibus sive criminibus sive maledictis infamiam impudicitiae facillime refutavit et praesentis et posterae
habits,
vitae castitate; item lautitiarum invidiam, cum et
Alexandria capta nihil sibi praeter unum murrinum
calicem ex instrumento regio retinuerit, et mox vasa aurea
assiduissimi usus conflaverit omnia. Circa libidines haesit;
postea quoque, ut ferunt, ad vitiandas virgines promptior,
12 § 2 ilium tu otiosum vocas qui
Corinthia, paucorum furore pretiosa,
anxia curiositate concinnat. id. de tranq.
9 § 6 bnpensas in Corinthia pictasque
tabulas effundere, Pliny Ep. 3, 6, 4
neque enim ullum adhuc Corinthium
domi habeo. ib. 1 § 9 stint in usu Corinthia quibus delectatur nee adficitur.
This passion for Corinthian bronze had
long been the vogue, see Cicero Verr. 4
§ 1 nego in Sicilia tota...ullum Corinthium aut Deliacum fuisse., .quin conquisierit et abstulerit. The particular
fusion of copper, gold, and silver which
was known by this name seems to have
been a lost art. Various accounts of its
origin were given, from the accidental
fusion of those metals at the burning of
Corinth in B.C. 146 [Pliny N. H. 34, 6],
or from the discovery of an individual
[Plutarch de Orac. Pyth. c. 2].
pater argentarius, see c. 2, p. 4.
Corinthiarius,' a keeper of the vases.'
Slaves in charge of the Corinthia were
called a Coi'inthiis C. I. L. 10, 692,
6638; or Corinthiarii C. I. L. 6,
8756.
inter proscriptos. This seems to
have been the case with Verres, but it
was .Antony not Octavian who did it.
Pliny 1. c. quippe cum tradatur non
alia de causa Verrem, quern M. Cicero
damnaverat, proscription cum eo ab
Antonio, quoniam Corinthiis cessurum
se ei negavisset. See p. 58.
bis classe. See c. 16, pp. 31—2,
note on Siculum bellum; Iuvenal 1, 91

talks of the proelia of the dice.
71. lautitiarum. Cp. Cic. 2 Phil.
§ 66 of Pompey's furniture, multa et
lauta supellex, non ilia quidem luxuriosi hominis sed tamen abundantis.
murrinum calicem. For this precious agate so much sought after at
Rome, see the passages quoted by
Mayor on Iuv. 7, 132 empturus pueros,
argentum, murrina, villas* It was first
brought to Rome by Pompeyin B.C. 61
from the spoils of Mithridates, and dedicated to Iuppiter Capitolinus [Pliny N.
H' 37 § x8]» The stone seems to have
been hardened by being baked in dung,
whence Propert. 5, 5, 16 murrina
coda. It was imitated in glass [Plin.
N. H. 36 § 198]. See Marq. 15, p.
430 sq. King's History of Precious
Stories, p. 239.
ex instrumento regio, from the
spoils of the palace at Alexandria, cp.
c. 41. Cic. pro dom. § 62 instrumentum ac ornamentum villae.
libidines, 'intrigues with women,'—
opposed to the impudicitia above. The
same distinction in ltd. 49 and 50.
haesit, * he could not refute them' as
easily as the other scandals, haerere,
'to be in a difficulty.' Cic. 2 Phil. § 74
haerebat nebido: quo se verteret non habebat. So especially of accusations that
cannot be refuted, Pliny Ep. 3, 9, 20
Classici filia quae et ipsa inter vos erat,
ne suspitionibus quidem haerebat. Tac.
Ann. 4, 19 nee dubie repetundarum criminibus haerebat.

7i.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

135

quae sibi undique etiam ab uxore conquirerentur. Aleae
rumorem nullo modo expavit, lusitque simpliciter
et palam oblectamenti causa etiam senex, ac,
praeterquam Decembri mense, aliis quoque festis et profestis
s diebus. Nee id dubium est. Autographa quadam
epistula Cenavi, ait, mi Tiberi, cum isdem; accesse- ^be^ius!
runt convivae Vinicius et Silius pater. Inter cenam
lusimus geronticos et heri et hodie> talis enim iactatis, ut quisque canem aut senionem miserat, in singulos talos singulos
recognised, see Macr. Sat. 1, 10, §§ 4,
23.
festis et profestis. Macrob. Sat. 1,
KaT€Kp&T7)0~€V,
OLTTeKplvaTO
OTl (XVTJ) T€
16, 2 festi dis dicati sunt, profesti homi&Kpi(B<x>$ (riO(f>povovora...Kal TCL a</)podL<nanibus ob administrandam
rem privatam
avrov &d6pfJLaTa (Jt/fyre 5tc6/coucra /jLirfre a t publicamque
concessit intercisi
deorum
vd&vevdcu
TTpocnroiovfA&T).
ho?ninumque communes
sunt.
palam. F o r the discredit of open
accesserunt were added to the usual
gambling see Cic. 2 Phil. § 57 hominem
family party.
For Silius see c. 101.
omnium nequissimum qui non dubitaret
For Vinicius see on c. 64.
vel in foro alea ludere, lege, quae est de
geronticos (yepovriKws).
Dice and
alea, co'ndemnatum....
Yet the tabulae
other games were regarded as peculiarly
lusoriae, still remaining scratched on the
an old man's amusement. Cic. de Sen.
marble pavement of the Basilica Iulia,
§ 58 nobis senibus ex lusionibus
multis
shew how common it was [Middleton
talos relinquant et tesseras. Iuv. 14, 4 si
in Encyclop. Brit. 20, p . 817J. T h e
damnosa senem iuvat alea, ludit et heres.
emperors Claudius [CI. c. 33] and D o talis. F o r fuller details of dicemitian [Dom. c. 21] were inveterate
playing see Marq. 15, p . 521 sqq.;
gamblers, the former having even written
Becker's Gallus, p . 499 sqq.; Ramsay,
a treatise on dice.
R. Ant. p . 497 sqq. T o explain the
praeterquam Decembri. T h e law
game as played by Augustus, it will be
forbidding gambling is not known, but
necessary first to notice that he plays
it was older than the time of Plautus,
with tali (cLo~Tpdya\ot,), i.e. dice with
see Mil. Glor. 2, 2, 9 atque adeo, ut ne
four sides smooth and marked with the
legifraudem faciant aleariae, \ sed curanumbers I, V I , I I I , IV, the other two
tote ut sine talis domi agitent
convivium.
sides being rounded so that the dice
See Cic. I.e. In the Digest 11, 5 an
would not rest on them (tesserae Ktifioi
edict of the praetor and a SCtum are
had six numbers like our own). Sequoted, but no lex. T h e aediles enforced
condly it is to be noticed that there were
the regulation in taverns, Mart. 5, 84
two opposite principles (with variations
et blando male proditus frit Mo, \ arcana
in detail) in reckoning the winning
modo raptus e popina, \ aedilem rogat
t h r o w : (i) when the highest numbeis,
udus aleator. \ Saturnalia transiere tola.
i.e. sixes, were the best, 7r\etoTo/3o\tz>da,
Marq. 15, p. 524. T h e exception during
cp. Pers. 3, 48 quid dexter Senio ferret
the Saturnalia (17—23 December) was
Scire erat in voto; damnosa
canicula
perhaps rather one of custom than law,
quantum Raderet. (2) W h e n the highest
but it was universally taken advantage
throw (Venus) consisted in the dice preof. Mart. 4, 14 dum blanda vagus aha
senting all different numbers, the lowest
Dicember \ incertis sonat hinc et hinc
(Canis) in all coming up aces. Mart.
fritillis.
id. 11, 6 unctis falciferi senis
14, 14 (tali eborei) Cum steterit null us
diebus, I regnator quibus imperat
frivultu tibi talus eodem, Munera me dices
tillus.
T h e Saturnalia
as a religious
magna dedisse tibi. Details seem to
festival belonged only to the 17 Dec.
have varied according to agreement.
But the holiday had long lasted the
In the game here described by Augustus
seven days, and Augustus seems to
th<;re were four tali, and if a player turned
have added three days of suspension
up sixes or aces (Canis) he paid a deof legal business not hitherto formally
narius for each of the dice into the pool.
ab uxore.

T a c . Ann.

5, 1

facilis.
D i o 5 8 , 2 irvQoixtvov
7rids KCLI H Troiovcra OUTCJ rod

uxor

56 TWOS
Avyoforov

136

SUETONI

[71—

denarios in medium conferebat, quos tollebat universos, qui
Venerem iecerat. Et rursus aliis litteris: Nos, mi Tiberi,
Quinquatrus satis iucunde egimus; lusimus enim per omnis
dies forumque aleatorium calfecimus.
Frater tuus magnis
clamoribus rem gessit; ad summam tamen perdidit non mul- s
turn, sed ex magnis detrimentis praeter spem paulatim retractus
est. Ego perdidi viginti milia nummum meo nomine, sed
cum effuse in lusu liberalis fuissem, ut soleo plerumque.
Nam
si quas manus remisi cuique exegissem, aut retinuissem quod
cuique donavi, vicissem vel quinquaginta milia. Sed hoc malo ; 1
benignitas enim mea me ad caelestem gloriam efferet. Scribit
ad filiam : Misi tibi denarios ducentos quinquaginta, quos
singulis convivis dederam, si vellent inter se inter cenam vel
talis vel par impar ludere.
In this case sixes was as bad a throw as
aces. The pool thus formed was swept
by the first player who threw a Vemis,
i.e. all different. Apparently if a player
threw four threes or fours, or any other of
the thirty-five possible combinations,
nothing happened, he neither gained
anything nor paid anything into the
pool.
Quinquatrus. Originally a feast of
Mars on the 19th March (5th day from
Ides), but afterwards extended to the
23rd, and including the feast of the
dedication of the temple of Minerva
Capta [O v. Fast. 3,811]. It was wrongly
derived from the five days, as by Ovid
Fast. 3, 809—830. It was a universal
holiday, especially for schools. See
Mayor on Iuv. TO, 115; Marq. 13, pp.
167 sq., 361.
forum aleatorium calfecimus, ' I
kept the gaming table well alive,' or
'hotly at work.' The forus is explained
to mean some tabula lusoria, but it is
not found elsewhere in that sense, the
usual terms being tabula [Iuv. 1, 90]
or alveus [Suet. Claud. 33], and I am
inclined to believe that Augustus wrote
forum aleatorium (n.) in a sort of playful allusion to other fora, such as the
forum olitorium, piscatorium, boarium,
etc. This was practically Casaubon's
view, calfecimus. So the forum is said
refrigescere when business is over, Cic.
Att. 1, 1 cum Romae a iudiciis forum
refrixerit. Caelius in Cic. fam. 8, 7 § 4
si Parthi vos nihil calfaciunt, nos hie
frigore rigescimus.
manus, 'stakes,' forfeited by a bad

throw, as B.-Crusius explains better
than Bremi, who thinks it means the
throw itself. It seems to refer to a
different game from that described in
the first letter, one in which the players
threw for money on each cast. The
meaning of manus is preserved in the
French and English main as a term in
dice. Shakespeare, Henry IV. 4,1,47
To set so rich a main on the nice hazard
of one doubtful hour.
ad caelestem gloriam. Cic. Att. 4,6
Caesar in caelum fertur. fam. 4, 14, 1
te summis laudibus ad caelum extulerunt.
par impar. The game was played
with nuts, and consisted it seems in
guessing whether the number held in
the hand was odd or even. Mart. 5,
30, 7 commodius nisi forte tibi potiusque
videtur Saturnalicias perdere, Varro,
nuces. id. 4, 66, 15 supposita est blando
nunquam tibi tessera talo: A lea sed
parcae sola fuere nuces. Ovicl Nux
85 est etiam par sit numerics qui dicat,
an impar, Ut divinatas auferat Augur
opes. It is classed among childish
amusements by Horace S. 2, 3, 248;
whence nucibus relictis for giving up
childish things, Mart. 5, 85 ; Cat. 61,
127. The Greek term was apTidfav,
see Arist. Plut. 816 (rrarrjpo-L 5' ot OepdirovTes dpTLCi^ofiev xpuo-ois. Also with
astragali, Pollux 9, 101 rb 5' dpri&fav
kv d<T7payaX(av irXijdei KetcpvfA/Aevwv virb
raw x€P°w fJ-avreiav elxe rcov dpricov 7)
Kal irepLTT&v. Cp. Plato Lys. 499 B
Tjprlafrp d<TTpayd\oi$ ira/MirdXKoLS.

72.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

137

In ceteris partibus vitae continentissimum fuisse constat
ac sine suspicione ullius vitii. Habitavit primo
iuxta Romanum forum, supra scalas anularias, in houses
domo quae Calvi oratoris fuerat; postea in Palatio, (1) near
sed nihilo minus aedibus modicis Hortensianis, et , f °™m'
,

,

.

.

.

.

.

(2) on the

neque laxitate neque cultu conspicuis, ut in quibus Palatine.
porticus breves essent Albanarum columnarum, et
sine marmore ullo aut insigni pavimento conclavia.
Ac
per annos amplius quadraginta eodem cubiculo hieme et
72. supra scalas anularias. Midthe Aventine opposite' (Middleton).
dleton identifies these scalae (though
Of its laurelled door-posts and gilded
somewhat doubtfully) with a flight of
shield and the inscription ob servatos
steps from the nova via on the Palatine
cives, see Ov. Tr. 3, 1, 33—48, M. A.
to the Forum. But in that case could
c. 34.
the house of Calvus be both iuxta forum
Hortensius. Q. Hortensius, the great
and supra scalas? I t seems to me more
orator, friend and rival of Cicero, died
probable that the house had along the
in B.C. 50 [Cic. fam.
8, 13]. T h e
front some 'jewellers' shops.'
Such
splendour of his villas was notorious,
shops seem often to have been attached
but the town house does not seem to
to town houses [Cic. Att. 14, 9 ; Marq.
have been unusually large or magnificent.
14, p . 291]. T h e y were called scalae
T h e Palace of Augustus, at any rate
from having an outside staircase which
after the rebuilding, included the concould be closed. Cic. Pro Mil. § 40
tiguous house of Catiline. Suet, de
in scalarum tenebras, id. 2 Phil. § 21 in
Gramm. 17.
scalas tabernae librariae, cp. Hor. Ep.
Albanarum columnarum. A volca2, 2, 14. Sometimes the upper part of
nic stone from the quarries of the Alban
the house was approached by these
hills, a conglomerate of ashes, gravel,
scalae, Livy 39, 13 cenactilum
super
and stone fragments; ' harder than the
aedem datum est, scalis ferentibus in pubhardest kinds of tufa' (Middleton); yet
licum obseratis, aditu in aedes verso.
Vitruvius [ n , 7] classes it among the
Calvi. C. Licinius Calvus, the emimolles. Its nearness to the city made it
nent orator, b . B.C. 82, ob. B.C. 47.
cheap.
See Pliny N. H. 34 § 166; Cic. Brut.
insigni pavimento. T h e floors, whe§ 283: id./am. 15, 21. Of his influence
ther tessellated or made up of various
with indices, see Seneca Controv. 3, 19.
slabs, were often of the richest marbles
in Palatio. Dio 53, 16 KaXelrai dk
[pavimentufn
super bum H o r . Od. 2, 14,
TO, (3a<rl\eia Tnxh&Tiov, ovx on /cat £5o£e 27]. See Hor. Ep. r, 10, 19 Libyci
7rore oiircas atfrct, dvo/jLdfccrdcu, AW 6'rt lapilli.
Lacedaemonius orbis Iuv. 11,
'4v re r<£ IlaXarty 6 Katcap ipKei KOLI c/cet 173; Sen. Ep. 86 eo deliciarum
venimus
rb (TTparrjyLov elx€...Kal diet, TOVTO KCLP tit nisi gemmas calcare nolimus.
See
dWodt irov 6 avTOKp&TOjp KaraXtir), TTJV Becker's Gallus p . 270 sq. Marquardt
TOV HaXarlov eiriKkfjcnv i) Karaycoyi]
15, p. 274 sqq.
avTov i(Txu. This house was assigned
conclavia, a room or suite of rooms
him by a vote of the Senate in B.C. 36,
locked with a k e y : a bed-room, Ter.
when he had already purchased a site
Haut. 9 0 2 ; a dining-room, H o r . Sat,
for building one. Thereupon he dedi2, 6, 113.
cated his purchase to the public, buildeodem... hieme et aestate.
The
ing the temple of Apollo etc. on it [Dio
luxurious had cubicula aestiva and ki49, 15], and refused any other afterwards
berna, as Lucullus [Plut. Luc. c. 39]. So
[id. 54, 27]. After the fire in B.C. 2
also dining-rooms (triclinia), see Varro
the whole building was made public
L. L. 7, 14 itaque et hiberna
triclinia
property [id. 55, 12]. ' I t stood in a
et aestiva facimus.
id. R. R. 1, 13 ut
noble position near the edge of the cliff
spectent sua aestiva tricliniaria
adfrigus
towards the Vallis Murcia and the
orient is, hiberna ad solem occidentem.
Circus Maximus, with a fine view of
See Pliny Ep. 2, 17 § 10 cubiculum

138

SUETONI

[72—

aestate mansit, quamvis parum salubrem valitudini suae
urbem hieme experiretur assidueque in urbe hiemaret.
Si quando quid secreto aut sine interpellatione agere proposuisset, erat illi locus in edito singularis, quern Syracusas
et T€xv6<j)vov vocabat: hue transibat, aut in alicuius
villas
libertorum suburbanum: aeger autem in domo
Maecenatis cubabat E x secessibus praecipue frequentavit maritima insulasque Campaniae, aut proxima urbi
oppida, Lanuvium, Praeneste, Tibur, ubi etiam in porticibus
Herculis templi persaepe ius dixit. Ampla et operosa praetoria gravabatur. Et neptis quidem suae Iuliae, profuse ab ea
extructa, etiam diruit ad solum, sua vero quamvis
The
ornaments modica non tarn statuarum tabularumque pictarum
cum procoetone altitudine aestivum, munimentis
hibernnm.
assidueque...hiemaret.
A s these
words stand they can only be explained as depending on
quamvis,
'though he found the city far from suiting his health in winter, and though he
persistently wintered in town,'—-in view
of which one would have expected him
to try a change of bedchamber. Graevius took hiemaret as impersonal, 'although it was bad w e a t h e r ' ; Erasmus
explained 'though he suffered from the
winter.' Baumg.-Crusius proposes assidue in urbe hiemavit (?hiemabat).
For
experiretur cp. Horace Odes 4, 4, 3 expertus fidelem.
in edito, 'at the top of the house 5 ;
in conclavi edito Corn. N e p . Dion 9.
singularis, ' t o himself,' 'separate.'
Syracusas. N o satisfactory explanation has been given of why Augustus
called his lofty study 'Syracuse.' H e
was at Syracuse in B.C. 21, which was
then ruinous and deserted [Cat. 21],
and he may have found it so quiet
and retired (perhaps too living on the
high ground of Achradina) as to suggest a suitable name. Such fanciful
names were often given to parts of a
house, so 'AfxaXdetou of a room or gymnasium in the house of Atticus, Cic. Att.
1, 16.
T€\vo<|>vov [al. reyvbtyiov dim. of
rexvVi C P- rexytibpiov Suidas, and Plato
Rep. 475 E ] , ' w o r k - s h o p ' or ' s t u d y . '
in domo Maecenatis, on the Esquiline, which was regarded as healthy,
Hor. S. 1, 18, 4 Esquiliis
salubribus,
cp. 2, 6, 33. Suet. Tib. 15 statim e

Carinis ac Pompeiana domo in hortos
Maecenatianos transmigrant
totumque
se ad quietem contulit.
Nevertheless
Maecenas himself is said never to have
slept for a whole hour in the last three
years of his life, Plin. N. H. 7 § 172.
Maecenas left Augustus his heir at his
death in B.C. 8 [Dio 54, 7].
ex secessibus, Iuv. 3, 4 ianua Baiarum est et gratum litus amoeni Secessus.
Donatus vit. Verg. 6 § 4 secessu Campaniae Siciliaeque plurimum
uteretur.
Suet. Cal. 45 circum et theatra et amoenos secessus. Tib. 11 Capriensi secessu.
Ner. 34 in secessu quiescere. id. 39
secessum Campaniae petit.
insulas Campaniae: Capreae [taken
by Augustus in exchange for Aenaria
Dio 52, 43], Aenaria, Prochyta,
Pandataria, Megaris and Leucothea: c. 92.
Lanuvium, Praeneste. Strabo 5, 3,
11 h 6\j/eL 5' elal TOIS ev 'Pet;/*?; Tlftovpa
re /cat Upa,Lve<TTos...TLpovpa ixh rj TO
'HpanXeiov. T h e two towns are classed
together as places for coolness and
retirement by Horace, Od. 3, 4, 23 seu
mihi frigidum
Praeneste seu
Tibur
supinum Seu liquidae placuere
Baiae.
Praeneste was renowned for coolness and
healthiness, Flor. 1, 11, 7 Tibur nunc
suburbanum et aestivae Praeneste deliciae.
Tiberius recovered from a serious illness there [Aul. Gell. 16, 13, 5].
Herculis, Mart. 1, 12, 1 itur ad Herculeas gelidi qua Tiburis arces Canaque
sulphureis Albulafumat
aquis.
praetoria, 'palaces in the country,'
Iuv. 1, 75 criminibus
debent hortos
praetoria mensas.
Stat. Silv. 1, 3, 25
alternas servant praetoria ripas.

73-3

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

139

ornatu, quam xystis et nemoribus excoluit rebus- o f h i s
que vetustate ac raritate notabilibus: qualia sunt
Capreis immanium beluarum ferarumque membra praegrandia, quae dicuntur Gigantum ossa et arma Heroum.
Instrumenti eius et supellectilis parsimonia apparet etiam
nunc residuis lectis atque mensis, quorum pleraque vix
privatae elegantiae sint. Ne toro quidem cubuisse aiunt nisi
humili et modice instrato. Veste non temere alia quam
domestica usus est, ab sorore et uxore et filia neptibusque
confecta; togis neque restrictis neque fusis, clavo nee lato
nee angusto, calciamentis altiusculis, ut procerior quam erat
xystis, ' t e r r a c e s ' or 'open walks,'
Pliny Ep. 2, 17, 7 ante
cryptoporticum
xystus violis odoratus.
id. 5, 6, 16
ante porticum xystus inplurimas
species
distinctus concisusque buxo. See p. 100.
nemoribus.
T h e nemora may be
either plantations in the gardens or
within the courtyard of the house. H o r .
Od. 3, 10, 5 Audis quo strepitu
ianua,
quo nemus Inter pulcra situm tecta remugiat.
beluarum, * whales ' or ' sharks.'
Bones of whales might have been
brought to Italy from the coasts of the
N o r t h S e a ; H o r . Od. 4, 14, 47 beluosus
qui remotis Obstrepit Oceanus
Britannis.
Iuv. 10, 14 quanto delphinis
ballaena
Britannica
maior; but there is also
evidence that one or the other of these
sea-monsters was known in the Mediterranean, as at Tyre [Q. Curt. 4, 4],
off Mt Athos [Herod. 6, 44], on the
coast of Attica [Schol. on Aeschines in
Ctes. 1 3 0 ; Plut. Phoc. 28]. See also
Pliny N. H. 9 § 12 balaenae et in nostra
maria
penetrant,
73. instrumenti...supellectilis. T h e
former refers rather to all things needed
for daily household use, such as plate,
vestes stragulae, and utensils of all sorts,
the latter to the furniture of the rooms.
Columell. R.K.12,
3 praeparatis idoneis
locis instrumentum
et supellectilem distribuere coepimus.
non temere. See c. 16, p. 34.
veste...domestica, ' c o m m o n clothes
for the house,' as opposed to the toga,
the military, or the dinner dress, cp. Suet.
Vit. 8 at iam vespere, subito a militibus e
cubiculo raptus, ita ut erat, in veste domestica imperator est consalutatus.
ab sorore...confecta. S e e c . §\filiam
•et neptes ita instituit ut etiam lanificio

assuefaceret.
T h e commonest indoor
dress was the tunica,
see Becker's
Gallus, p. 476 sq. Of the cenatoria or
synthesis, the ' dinner dress,' see Mart.
10, 87, 1 2 ; 14, 135. Septenaria
synthesis Sagunti, id. 4, 46, 15. Suet. Ner.
51 circa cultum habituinque adeo pudendus tit plerumque synthesinam
indutus
ligato circum collum sudario
prodierit
in publicum sine cinctu et discalceatus.
restrictis... fusis, ' neither wrapped
closely round his body, nor allowed to
hang loose.' H o r . Ep. 1, 1, 96 si toga
dissidet impar.
id. Sat. 1, 3, 31 rideri
possit eo quod Rusticius tonso toga defluit.
T h e wearing the toga closely wrapped
was a sign of modesty in youth, Cic.
pro Cael. § 1 1 nobis quidem olim annus
erat unus ad cohibendum brachium toga
constitutits.
clavo...angusto. T h e broad purple
stripe down the front of the tunica,
worn by Senators and certain of the
equites [p. 85], was either woven in
the material [Plin. N. H. 8 § 193 nam
tunica lati clavi in modum
gausapae
texi nunc primum incipit], or sewed on
{.Dig. 34, 2, 23 clavique qui vestibus
insuuntur].
T h e ostentatious wore it
as broad as possible, Lucian Demon.
§ 41 Idcoi/ 8e nva T&V ev7rap6(pcjv £irl rep
7rXaret TT)S irop(p6pas fxeya (ppovovvra....
O n the other hand some affected almost
to conceal it, Spart. Sever. 19 § 7 hie
tarn exiguis vestibus usus est ut vix et
tunica eius aliquid pur purae
haberet....
Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 33 purpurea
non
magna ad usum revocavit suum.
Marquardt [15, p. 186] holds that the clavus
consisted of two stripes in front of the
tunic, which perhaps also went down
the back.
calciamentis here — calceis. Calcia*

i.40

SUE TON I

[73—

videretur. Et forensia autem et calceos numquam non intra
cubiculum habuit ad subitos repentinosque casus parata.
Convivabatur assidue nee umquam nisi recta, non sine
magno ordinum hominumque dilectu. Valerius MesH
dinner
sala tradit, neminem umquam libertinorum adhibipar les.
t u m ^fa e o c a e n a e excepto Mena, sed asserto in
ingenuitatem post proditam Sexti Pompei classem. Ipse
scribit, invitasse se quendam, in cuius villa maneret, qui
speculator suus olim fuisset. Convivia nonnumquam et serius
inibat et maturius relinquebat, cum convivae et cenare inmentumAs properly any covering to the publicae cenae ad sportulas
redactae
[Suet. Ner. 16]; Mart. 8, 50, lopromissa
foot, even including slippers and sandals.
est nobis sportula, recta data est. It was
Cic. 5 Tusc. § 90 mihi amictus est Scyalso applied to private parties [Mart. 2,
thicum tegmen, calciamentum
solorum
69, 7 ; 7, 20, 2] as opposed to one at
callum, cubile terra, altiusculis. Xen.
which refreshments were served round, a
Cyrop. 8,1 § 41 /cat yap ra virob^ixara TOLovcrLV
cena ambulans [Mart. 7, 58, 5].
avra ^x
& °fr naXujra Xadetu 'icrri
/cat viroTide/jLevovs TL dicrre 8OK€?V /JLCL^OVS Valerius Messala.
M. Valerius
Messala, c. 58. Besides his work on the
elvcLL fy elai. Augustus was short, see
civil war, Pliny refers to de Romanis
c. 79. F o r the form (from comparaJV. H. 34 § 137; 35 § 8 .
tive alitor, -ius) not in prose before familiis,
Mena. Menas [whom Appian always
Pliny, see Roby L. G. 364.
calls Mrjvddwpos, but Dio, M ^ a s ] , a
forensia, opposed to the domestica
freedman of Pompey the Great [App.
above. T h e toga (with perhaps the
B. civ. 5, 79], served under Sextus
penula and lacemd) worn out of doors
Pompeius. In B.C. 38, being in comin the forum or city. Caligula made
mand of the fleet at Corsica and at
presents of forensia to men [Cal. 17].
Sardinia, he deserted to Augustus [Dio
Alexander Severus [Lamprid. c. 42]
48, 4 5 ; A p p . B. civ 5, 78]. I n B.C. 36
among the outfit of a provincial praeses
he went back to Sext. Pompeius, but
gave vestes forenses binas.
later in the same year deserted once
calceos. In the house soleae, slippers,
more to Augustus [Dio 48, 5 4 ; 49, 1
would be w o r n ; though they were
Kaiffap 5e irpoa-'/jKaTO (xh atirbv /cat rbre
taken off by the slaves while the guests
dcT/Gcep&rrara, ov fxevroi /cat £irL(TTev(re re
reclined at table [Horace Sat. 2, 8, 7 5 ;
eV ai)r<£. A p p . B. civ. 5, 96," 100—
Ep. 1, 13, 15; Pliny Ep. 9, 1 7 ; Mart.
101]. H e fell in B.C. 35 in the Pannonian
3> 5°> 3]« a d subitos...casus. While
expedition [Dio 49, 37],
Iulius was lying at table and the desperate state of the young Octavian was
sed asserto in ingenuitatem. App.
announced to him, he eKTrydrjaas avwirb- B. civ. 5, 80 M.7jv6d(ap6v re iXddvra
8T)TOS rjKtv '4v6a evoarrjXevero, Nic. D a m . eXevdepov evdvs aire(p7)vev ii; direXevOepov. H e declared him freeborn, not
9 ; cp. Dio 43, 22 eTreidi) ix rod SeLirvov
merely a freedman. Iustin. inst. 1 tit. 4
eyhovTo £$ re rriv eavrov ayopav iarjXde
cum autem ingenuus aliquis natus sit,
|8\atfras virodedefxevos.
non officii illi in servitute fuisse.
id.
74. convivabatur, ' h e dined in comnovell. 78, 1 ex hac lege, qui libertatem
pany,' ' h e gave dinner parties.' Cp.
acceperit, habebit subsequens mox et
Suet. Claud. 32 convivia agitavit et
aureorum
anulorum
et
regenerationis
ampla et assidua ac fere
patentissintis
ins.
locis ut plerumque sesceni simul discumipse scribit, in his memoir, see c.
berent. nisi recta, ' a t a regular cena?
101. speculator, see c. 27, p. 5 9 ; and
at which the guests lay at the tables,
for the speculators of the cohortes praeopposed to the sportula, Suet. Domit. 7
toriae see Wihnanns, 2866 nomina specusportnlas publicas sustutit, revocata rectlatorum qui in praetorio meo militavearum cenarum consuetudine: a reversal
runt (Vespasian).
of Nero's arrangement, under whom

75-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

141

ciperent prius quam ille discumberet, et permanerent digresso
eo. Cenam ternis ferculis, aut cum abundantissime senis
praebebat, ut non nimio sumptu, ita summa comitate. Nam
et ad communionem sermonis tacentis vel summissim fabulantis provocabat, et aut acroamata et histriones aut etiam
triviales ex circo ludios interponebat ac frequentius aretalogos.
Festos et sollemnes dies profusissime, nonnumquam £antum ioculariter celebrabat.
Saturnalibus, et si H> ,
quando alias libuisset, modo munera dividebat, ingof
vestem et aurum et argentum, modo nummos omnis notae, etiam veteres regios ac peregrinos, interdum nihil
ternis ferculis...senis, ' c o u r s e s ' (lit.
' w a i t e r s ' or ' t r a y s , ' fero).
Iuv. i, 94
Quis totidem erexit villas, quis fercula
septem Secreto cenavit avus?
For the
courses in order see H o r . Sat. 2, 8 ; and
passages quoted by Mayor on Iuv. I.e.
T h e three courses were (1) the gustatio,
(2) cena, (3) secunda mensa (dessert).
W h e n there were to be six or more
courses this was secured by multiplying
(2) as prima, altera, tertia cena, and so
on [Marq. 14, p. 378 sq.].
acroama.
T h e practise of having
a reader {anagnostes) at meals is fully
illustrated by Mayor on Iuv. n , 180.
See especially Nepos Att. 14 nemo in
convivio eius aliud acroama
audivit
quam anagnosten; quod nos qtddem iucundissimum arbitramur;
nequeunqua??i
sine aliqua lectione apud eum cenatum
est.
Pliny Ep. 6, 31
adhibebamur
quotidie cenae ; erat modica si principem
cogites; interdum aKpoafxara audiebamus,
interdum iucundissimis
sermonibus nox
ducebatur.
Other ac?'oamata were the
strains of tibicines and other musicians;
see Macrob. 2, 4, 28 (of Augustus)
delectatus inter cenam symphoniacis Toronii Flacci mangonis.
Marq. 14, p .
394 sqhistriones. Plutarch [Sympos. 7, 4]
speaks of fju/xoL at banquets. Their
introduction was not always liked, Pliny
Ep. 9, 17 quam multi, cum lector aut
lyristes aut comoedus inductus est, calceos
poscunt, aut non minore cum taedio
recubant, quam tu ista prodigia perpessus es? triviales ex circo ludios,
'street performers from the circus.'
T h e circus was the haunt of idlers,
mountebanks and jugglers, astrologers
and the like. Horace [*W. 1, 6, 113]

speaks of the fallacem circmn.
Cic. de
Div. 1 § 132 de circo astro logos. Among
ludios may be included dancers, Ov. A.
A. 1, 112 ludius aequatam
terpedepulsat
humum.
Macrobius [Sat. 2, 1,9] speaks
of laetitia et docta cavillatio
vice?nplanipedis et sabulonis impudica et praetextata
verba iacentis at supper.
aretalogos, 'disputers,' inferior followers of Stoic and Cynic philosophy,
who made a kind of profession of conducting arguments on virtue or the like.
Iuvenal [15, 16] speaks contemptuously
of the mendax aretalogus.
Cp. Aero
on H o r . S. 1, 1, 120 philosophi
cuiusdam loquacissimi nomen qui aperaXoyos
dictus est.
75. Saturnalibus, see on c. 7 1 .
m u n e r a : for the presents given at
the Saturnalia see Mart. 5, 18
Quod tibi Decembri mense, quo volant
mappae
gracilesque ligulae cereique chartaeque
et acuta senibus testa cum
Damascenis,
praeter libellos vernulas nihil
misi,
fortasse
avarus
videar aut
inhumanus.
Tiberius sent Claudius at the Saturnalia
quadraginta
aureos in Saturnalia
et
Sigillaria [Suet. Claud. 5]. Vespasian
dabat sicut Satumalibtis
virisapophoreta,
ita per Kal. Mart, feminis [Suet. Vesp.
19]. Iulius Bassus, charged with takingbribes, affirmed sola se mtmuscula dumtaxat natali suo aut Satumalibtis
accepisse et plerisque misisse [Pliny Ep. 4,
9> § 7].
regios. Servius Tullius was credited
with the introduction of coined money,
and the earliest coins were said to have

142

SUETONI

[75—

praeter cilicia et spongias et rutabula et forpices atque alia
id genus, titulis obscuris et ambiguis. Solebat et inaequalissimarum rerum sortes et aversas tabularum picturas m
auctions.
convivio venditare incertoque casu spem
mercantium vel frustrari vel explere, ita ut per 5
singulos lectos licitatio fieret et seu iactura seu lucrum communicaretur. Cibi (nam ne haec quidem omiserim) minimi
erat atque vulgaris fere. Secundarium panem et pisciculos
minutos et caseum bubulum manu pressum et ficos virides
biferas maxime appetebat: vescebaturque et ante cenam i
quocumque tempore et loco, quo stomachus desiderasset
Verba ipsius ex epistolis sunt: Nos in essedo panem et palhad the figure of an ox, sheep or swine
impressed on them [Plut. Poplic. 11;
Quaest. R. 41]. If any such existed in
the time of Augustus they would be
reckoned as belonging to the regal
period. The earliest as of the republic
has the prow of a ship on the reverse,
and the head of a god on the other side.
Ramsay Rom. Ant. p. 465.
cilicia, rough cloth or tenting, made
of goat's hair [Verg. G 3, 311]. Pliny
N. H. 6 § 143 Chaldaeorum Scenitae...
a tabernaadis cognominati quae ciliciis
metantur. For its use in the camp
see Livy 38, 7, the Ambracians block
up the mine nunc ciliciis praetentis
nunc foribus raptim obiectis. Veget. 4, 6
saga ciliciaque tenduntur quae impetum
excipiant sagiltarum.
spongias, used for cleaning the tables,
Mart. T4, 144 haec tibi forte datur
tergendis spongia mensis. See also c.
85.
rutabula et forpices {/or/ex), 'pokers
and tongs.' Commentators perceive an
obscene meaning in all these presents:
see Festus s.v. rutabulmn.
inaectualissimarum... sortes: a lottery at which the guests bid without
knowing what they were buying. Lamprid. Heliogob. 22 sortes sane convivales
scriptas in coclearibus habuit tales ut
alius exierit'decent camelos,' alius 'decern
muscas? alius 'decent libras aurij alius
'decernplumbi? alius 'decern strutiones,'
alius 'decern ova pullina? ut vere sortes
essent etfata temptareniur.
76. , secundarium panem, 'inferior
bread,' not of the finest meal (siligo).
Our millers still speak of * seconds ' in
this sense. Cp. Hor. Ep. 2, T vivit

siliquis et pane secundo. Iuv. 5, 70 sed
tener et niveus mollique siligine /actus
servatus domino. Such inferior bread
was called panis cibarius [Cic. Tusc. 5
§ 97]; sordidus [Suet. Ner. 48]; Plaut,
As. 142]; rusticus [Plin. N. H. 19 § 168].
Marq. 15, p. 41.
pisciculos minutos. Ter. Andr. 369
holera et pisciculos minutos ferre obolo
in cenam seni. Small and common
fish in opposition to the costly fish
which were so much the rage at Rome,
see Marq. 15, p. 56 sq.
caseum bubulum.. .pressum. Colum.
7, 12 ilia vero notissima est ratio faci'
undicasei, quern dicimus manu pressum.
Namque is paullum gelatus in mulctra
dum est tepefactus, rescindilur, et fervente aqua perfusus vel manu jiguratus
vel buxeis formis exprimitur.
Verg.
Eel. 1,81 pressi copia laclis. It appears
to mean fresh cream cheese as opposed
to cheese brought e.g. from the Graian
Alps [Vatusicus, Plin. N. H. 11 § 240],
or the smoked cheese caseus fumosus.
Mart. 13, 32. It was eaten at the
ientaculum, Mart. 13, 31 si sine carne
voles ientacula sumere frugii Haec tibi
Vestino de grege massa venit.
biferas, 'fresh late figs,' or 'figs of
the second crop.' Plin. N. H. 16 § 113
ficus et praecoces habet quas Athenis prodromos vocant. In Laconico genere
maxume sunt et biferae in iisdem.
Otuocumque. Claud. 33 cibi vinique
qtiocumque et tempo?'e et loco appetentissimus.
essedo. The essedum, originally a
Gaulish war chariot [esseda Belgica
Verg. G. 3, 204], was the name for a
travelling carriage, especially of officials,

77-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

143

rnulas gustavimus,
Et iterum : Dum lectica ex regia
domum redeo> panis unciam cum paucis acinis uvae xirSiJ 0
duracinae comedi. Et rursus: Ne Iudaeus quidem, mi
Tiberi, tarn diligenter sabbatis ieiunium servat quant ego hodie
5 servavi, qui in balineo dentum post horam primam noctis dtias
bucceas manducavi prius quam itngui inciperem. E x hac inobservantia nonnumquam vel ante initum vel post R .
dimissum convivium solus cenitabat, cum pleno abstemiconvivio nihil tangeret. Vini quoque natura par- ousness o cissimus erat. Non amplius ter bibere eum solitum super
cenam in castris apud Mutinam, Cornelius Nepos tradit.
while the reda was a large coach or
Ep. 3, 1, 8 tibi hora balnei nuntiata
brake for baggage and family. Cic. est,—est autem hienie nona, aestate oc2 Phil. § 58 vehebatur in essedo tribunus tava. Cic. ad Att. 13, 32 inde ambuplebis etc. id. Att. 6, i § 25 hie Vedius
lavit in litore. Post horam VIII in
venit mihi obviam cum duobus essedis et balneum. Spart. Hadr. 22 ante octavam
reda equis iitncla et lectica et familia
horam in pziblico neminem nisi aegrutft
magna.
lavari passus est. But from noon to
ex regia. See c. 31, p. 70.
evening many went at various hours.
cum...acinis uvae duracinae, 'with
Vitruv. 5, 10, 1 maxime tempus lavandi
a few dried raisins' ('berries of hard- a meridiano ad vesperum est constitutum.
berried grape'). Mart. 13, 22 non
Cp. Iuv. 11, 204 iam nunc in balnea
habilis cyathis et inutilis uva Lyaeo, salva Fronte licet vadas, quamquam
Sed non potanti me tibi nectar ero. solida hora supersit Ad sextam. Busy
Cato R. R. 7 § 2 quas suspendas dura- people would go late, Mart. 3, 36 lassus
cinas...pro passis eae recte servantur. ut in thermas decima vel serius hora
Augustus was taking his ientaculwn,
Te sequar. Cp. 10, 70, 13. Togo to
cp. Vopisc. Tac. 11 panem nisi siccum the bath after the cena, in search of a
nunquam comedit.
second appetite, was considered an excess
sabbatis ieiunium. The mistaken and unhealthy. Iuv. 1, 143; Persius
notion of the Jewish sabbath as a fast is
3, 97 sq.; Cic. pro Dei. § 2 1 ; Petronius
referred to. See Schiirer History of
72 quare non vivamus?...coniciamus nos
Israel, vol. 1, p. 322 (Engl. Tr.). Petron. in balneum.
fr. 37 Iudaeus...exeifiptuspopulo Graias
bucceas, 'mouthfuls,' seems to be a
migrabit ad urbes, Et non ieiuna sabbata word coined by Augustus.
lege tremet. Iustin. 36, 2, 14. Moyses...
ungui. The unctorium was a regular
septimum diem more gentis Sabbata apadjunct to the bath [Pliny Ep. 2, 17, 11
pellation in omne aevum ieiunio sacravit. adiacet unctorium, hypocaziston...], and
It was supposed that, as all business was a slave as unctor is often mentioned,
omitted on the seventh day [Hor. S. 1,
C. I. L. 6, 4336, 4479 etc., see Marq.
9, 69; Iuv. 14, 106], it was observed
14, p. 171. The unctorium was also
also as a fast; or, as the Jews were
sometimes a place of exercise or paknown to keep certain fasts, sabbata
laestra. The anointing preceded the
was applied to them and to festivals hot bath [Hor. S. 1, 6, 123].
indifferently, as the word most familiar
inobservantia, 'carelessness' about
in connexion with Jews. Thus recutita his food. It is not in prae-Augustan
sabbata [Pers. 5, 184] stands for the prose. Cp. Quint. 4, 2, 10 quae ne
whole Jewish superstition, servat. Iuv. fecisse inobservantia quadam videatttr
14, 10 r Iudaiciwi ediscunt et servant ...in Partitionibuspraecipit.
et metuunt ius, where see Mayor's
77. Cornelius Nepos tradit. To
note.
which of the writings of Nepos he refers
post horam...noctis, 'after six in the does not appear. We hear of Chronica
evening.' The usual hour for the bath [Ausonius Epist. 16; Catull. 1, 5—7];
was theikh or 9th (2 to 3 p.m.). Pliny Exempt a [Gell. 6, 18, 11]; de viris it-

144

SUETONI

[77—

Postea quotiens largissime se invitaret, senos sextantes non
excessit, aut si excessisset, reiciebat. Et maxime delectatus
est Raetico, neque temere interdiu bibit. Pro potione sumebat
perfusum aqua frigida panem, aut cucumeris frustum vel lactuculae thyrsum, aut recens aridumve pomum suci vinosioris.
Post cibum meridianum, ita ut vestitus calciatusque erat,
retectis pedibus paulisper conquiescebat, opposita
ac
suidy
* o c u l ° s rnanu. A cena in lecticulam se lucubratoriam recipiebat; ibi, donee residua diurni actus
lustribus fGell. 11, 8, i ] ; and besides the
biographies which we possess, lives of M.
Cato [Nep. Cat. 3, 5], of Cicero [Gell.
15, 28, 1]; a work on geography [Plin.
N.H. 2 § 169]; poems [Plin. Ep. 5, 3,
6]; de historicis latinis [Nep. Dion 3,
2]. He was a friend of Cicero [Cic. Att.
16,14; Suet. Jul. 55] and was an auditor
of one at least of his speeches [i.e. pro
Cornelio; Hieronymus c. loan. Hierosolym. c. 12]. He died during the reign
of Augustus [Pliny N. H. 9 § 136].
se invitaret, 'indulged himself.'
Plautus Amph. 1, 1, 127 invitavitplusculum hie se in prandio. Sallust/r. ap.
Non. 219 [ed. Dietsch. Hist. 4, 4] et revorsi postero die mtdta, quae properantes
deseruerant in castris nacti, cu??i se ibi
cibo vinoque laeti invitarent.
senos sextantes. The sextarius (about
a pint) was divided like the as into 12
unciae or cyathi. Therefore the sextans
— 2 cyathi, and six of these would amount
to one pint.
reiciebat, 'he used to throw up,' i.e.
he took an emetic, a practice commonly
recommended by physicians of the time;
Celsus 2, 3. See Munro on Catullus,
p. 92. Cic. Att. 13, 52; pro Deiot. § 21
(where Caesar's vomiting after the cena
is mentioned as a natural thing); 2 Phil.
§ 7 5 ; Mart. 2, 89, 5. The consuetudo
vomitandi enabled Vitellius [c. 13] to
indulge in repeated banquets and potations, but this was the abuse of the
practice, see Pliny N. H. 29, 27, who
numbers it among the things which perdidere imperi mores.
Kaeticum, wine from the vineyards
near Verona. Pliny N. H. 14 § 67 in
Veroniensi item Raetica Falernis tantum postlata a Vergilio. Verg. G. 2,
96 et quo te carmine dieam, Raetica ?
nee eellis ideo contende Falernis. According to Pliny [JV. H. 14 § 61] the
favourite wine of Augustus was Setinum
(from vineyards near Forum Appii);

but this seems to have been on medicinal grounds. His habit, when dining
with strangers, was to drink whatever
was provided without making any observation, ib. § 72.
interdiu, that is, apparently, before
the cena.
thyrsus, 'the stalk' (i.e. not the outer
leaves). Servius ad Verg. Aen. 12, 413
caulem autem medium fruticae qui vulgo
dtipaos dicitur. Plin. N~. H. 13, 71 (of
the papyrus) in gracilitatem fastigatus
thyrsi modo cacumen includens. id. 19,
129 thyrsi vel folia lactucarum; id.
§ 146 (asparagus) viret thyrso primum
emicante.

78. post cibum meridianum, after
theprandium or lunch; the proper hour
for which was the sixth, Mart. 4, 8
sexta quies lassis. Cp. Suet. Claud. 34
meridie dimisso ad prandium populo.
It was usually a light meal, Seneca Ep.
8 panis deinde siccus et sine mensa prandium, post quod non sunt lavandce
manus. Cf. Hor. S. 1, 6, 127; but
dissipated persons drank freely at it. So
Tacitus [Ann. 14, 2] says of Nero medio
die cum id temporis per vinum et epulas
incalesceret. And some began even
earlier; Cicero says of Antony [2 Phil.
§ 104] ab hora tertia bibebattir, cp. in
Pis. § 13; Horace on his journey stops
at the fourth hour iox prandium [Sat. T,
5, 23]. Marq. r4, p. 314.
lecticula, properly a small sedan
(lectica), is here the day couch used
in the study, as opposed to the 'bed'
lectus below. The usual word however
is leciulus [Ov. Tr. 1, u , 37; Hor. -Satf.
lucubratoriam, for study by candlelight. Pliny Ep. 3, 5, 8 lucubrare Vulcanalibus incipiebat. Cic. par. proem.
5 opusculum lucubratum his iam contractidribus noclibus. id./am. 9, 2perire
lucubrfrtionem meant nolui. But the adjective does not seem to occur elsewhere.

7 8.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

145

aut omnia aut ex maxima parte conficeret, ad multam noctem permanebat. In lectum inde transgressus, non amplius
cum plurimum quam septem horas dormiebat, ac ne eas
quidem continuas, sed ut in illo temporis spatio ter aut
Si interruptum somnirai reciperare,
5 quater expergisceretur.
ut evenit, non posset, Iectoribus aut fabulatoribus arcessitis
resumebat, producebatque ultra primam saepe lucem." Nee
in tenebris vigilavit umquam nisi assidente aliquo. Matutina
vigilia offendebatur; ac si vel officii vel sacri causa maio turius evigilandum esset, ne id contra commodum facere't,
in proximo cuiuscumque domesticorum cenaculo manebat.
Sic quoque saepe indigens somni, et dum per vicos deportaretur et deposita lectica inter aliquas moras condormiebat.

residua diurni actus, ' what remained
over of the business of the day,' specially of a legal nature, see c. 32. conficeret, ' p u t together.' H e refers, it
seems, to making notes or memoranda,
—such business as could be done in the
study without the presence of parties concerned ; or to keeping up the rationarium
imperi mentioned in c. 28. For the
word cp. Jul. 20 institute ut tarn senatus
quam populi diurna acta confierent. F o r
donee in secondary clause with imp.
subj. c p . cc. 17, 4 8 . I n purely historical sense with indie, c. 16.
fabulatoribus, 'story-tellers,'such as
Sir W . T e m p l e tells of in Ireland: 'when
' h e was abroad in the mountains, and
' lay very ill a-nights so as he could not
'well sleep, they would bring him one
'of their Tale-tellers, that when he lay
' d o w n would begin a story...and con'tinue all night long in such an even
' t o n e that you heard it going on when'ever you waked, and he believed no' thing any physicians could give could
' h a v e so good and so innocent effect to
' make men sleep.' In a non-professional
sense of a graceful detailer of anecdotes,
see Sen. Ep. 122 Pedonem
Albinovanum
narrantem audieramus, ei'at
autemfabu-

S.

lator elegantissimus etc.
officii. Some public men began the
business of the day before daylight.
Thus Vespasian gave audiences and
made business arrangements at that
time. Pliny Ep. 3, 5 § 9 ante lucem
ibat ad Vespasianum imperatorem, nam
ille quoque noctibus utebatur, inde ad
delegatum qfficium.
C p . ib. 12 § 2
officia antelucana.
sacri. Not only were nocturnal visits
to the temples necessary in certain cases
[see c. 94, Nic. Dam. 5], but auspices
were taken immediately after midnight
by the magistrate who was to preside at
elections, or on the day that any public
business was to be begun, Cell. 3, 2, 10.
[Sacra sunt
enim Romana
partim
diurna, alia nocturna, Macrob. 1, 3, 6.]
condormiebat, 'used to fall fast
asleep.' Iuv. 3, 241 atque obiter leget,
aut scribet, vel dormiet intus;
Namque
facit somnum clausa lectica
fenestra.
T h e word is rare, cp. Capit. Virus 4
§ 8 in toro conviviali condormiens ita ut
levatus cum stromatibus in
cubkuhim
perferretttr.
Plautus has condormisco.
Cure. 2, 3, 8 1 , with perf. condormivi,
Most. 2, 7, 55.
IO

146
79

SUE TON I

[79—

Forma fuit eximia et per omnes aetatis gradus venustis, sima ; quamquam et omnis lenocinii neglegens et in
appearcapite comendo tam incuriosus, ut raptim compluribus
ance
'
simul tonsoribus operam daret, ac modo tonderet
modo raderet barbam, eoque ipso tempore aut legeret aliquid 5
aut etiam scriberet. Vultu erat vel in sermone vel tacitus
adeo tranquillo serenoque, ut quidam e primoribus Galliarum
confessus sit inter suos, eo se inhibitum ac remollitum, quo
minus, ut destinarat, in transitu Alpium per simulationem
conloquii propius admissus in praecipitium propelleret. «
Oculos habuit claros ac nitidos, quibus etiam existiHis
bright
mari volebat inesse quiddam divini vigoris, gaudebatque, si qui sibi acrius contuenti quasi ad fulgorem
solis vultum summitteret; sed in senecta sinistro minus vidit;
dentes raros et exiguos et scabros ; capillum leviter inflexum 7s
et subflavum ; supercilia coniuncta; mediocres aures; nasum
Pe

79. venustlssima, 'exceedinglygraceful.'
Nero [c. 51] was vtiltu pulchro
magis quam venusto.
modo tonderet.. .modo raderet. londere' to clip' as opposed to shaving. Verg.
Eel. i, 29. T h e fashion of shaving the
beard lasted from about B.C. 300 [Cell.
3, 4] till the time of H a d r i a n [Spart.
Hadr. 26], though certain young dandies
wore a small beard [hence barbaiuli in
Cic. ad Alt. 1, 14]. In spite of Dio 48,
34 coins shew that Augustus sometimes
wore a short beard till after B.C. 37.
Eckhel 6, 76. Mayor on Iuv. 16,
3it Pliny N. H. 7 § 211 In
Italiam
ex Sicilia (tonsores) venere p. u. e.
CCCCLIV atlducente P. Titinio Mena, til
auctor est Varro. primus omnium radi
cotidie institute Africanus sequens, divus
Augustus cultris semper usus est.
praecipitium, a late word. See Lactam, inst. div. 6, 17 aut per confragosa
vexabitur aid per praecipitia
labetur.
oculos.. .divini vigoris. lulian laughs

at this vanity ot Augustus,
Conviv.
Caes. 309 B, dvlero 5' avdis els 'A<ppodlTTjv Kal Xdpiras, elval re tfde\c r&s
f36Kd.s TUJC dfjL/J.&T(t}v diroidi kciiv 6 fdyas
"HXios* OUS^PCI ydp oi TUIV wavroiv avnfSKtirHv ijliov. Perhaps Vergil meant
his description of Aeneas to convey a
compliment to Augustus on the same
point [Aen. 1, 593] namque ipsa decora m Caesariem nato genetrix,
lumenque
iuventae Purpureum,
et laetos oculis
adflarat honores.
See Servius on Aen.
8, 689. Pliny gives a less complimentary
motive for his being anxious that people
should not look into his eyes. N. H. 11,
§ Hi divo Augusta equortim modo glauci
fuere (oculi) superque hominem
albicantis
magnitudinis : quam ob causam diligentius spectari eos iracunde ferebat.
See
also Aurel. Victor Epit. 1.
scabros, 'decayed,' or ' c o v e r e d with
tartar.' Ovid Met. 8, 802 scabri rubigine dentes (al. fauces).

8o.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

147

et a summo eminentiorem et ab imo deductiorem; colofem
inter aquilum candidumque; staturam brevem (quam
tamen Iulius Marathus, libertus et a memoria eius, he^Ut
quinque pedum et dodrantis fuisse tradit), sed quae
s commoditate et aequitate membrorum occuleretur, ut nonnisi ex comparatione astantis alicuius procerioris intellegi
posset. Corpore traditur maculoso, dispersis per pectus atque
alvum genetivis notis in modum et ordinem ac numerum stellarum caelestis ursae, sed et callis quibusdam, de ^cts° nal
o ex prurigine corporis adsiduoque et vehementi strigilis usu plurifariam concretis ad impetiginis formam. Coxendice et femore et crure sinistro non perinde valebat^ut saepe
etiam inclaudicaret; sed remedio harenarum atque harundinum
confirmabatur. Dextrae quoque manus digitum salutarem tarn
5 imbecillum interdum sentiebat, ut torpentem contractumque
frigore vix cornei circuli supplemento scripturae admoveret
aquilum, ' d a r k / Plaut. Poen. 5, 2,
152 statura haud magna corpore aquilo
est. H A . Ipsa ea est. M l . specie venusta, ore atque oculis pernigris.
Iulius Marathus, c. 94. Probably a
Greek-speaking Syrian,
a memoria,
'secretary,' ' k e e p e r of records,' like
a manu, a commentariis, a studiis, etc.
Augustus composed in honour of Drusus
vitae memoriam prosa oratione [Suet.
Claud. 1 ] ; Marathus may have served
him in this, [et a memoria is the emendation of Lipsius for etiam
memoriam.]
quinque pedum et dodrantis, 5 ft.
9 inches. But as the Roman foot was
slightly less than the English ('97 ft.
Eng.) Augustus would be rather under
five feet seven inches (5 ft. 6*93 in. Eng.).
80. strigilis. T h e slave accompanied his master to the bath with a
cista containing strigiles, ampulla (of
oil), alabastrum (box of unguents), and
other necessaries of the toilet.
The
curved strigil {stringo) made of metal,
bone or wood, was used for scraping the
body after the bath. Iuv. 3, 263. Many
have been preserved, see Rich, Compan.
to Diet, of Ant.
non perinde, ' n o t as well as with
the right,' or ' n o t very well' (the idea of
comparison almost vanishing). Cp. Suet.
Tib. 52 itaquene mortuo quidem perinde
adfectus est, sed tantum...
Gell. 13
quare adventus eius non perinde gratus

fuit. Tac. Agr. 10 ne ventis .quidem
perinde attolli (mare).
remedio harenarum atque harundinum. This is explained to mean an
application of ' warm sand and pounded
reeds,' used as a fomentation. Gell. 19,
8 cum liberatum esse se aquae intercutis
morbo diceret* quod arenis
calentibus
esset usus. Symmach. Ep. 8, 45 humor
noxius articulis illapsus etiam nunc me
tenet lectulo et vix litorali siccitate tenuatur.
Pliny N. H. 24 § 87 volgaris
harundo
extractoriam
vim habet et
recens tunsa...
medetur et luxatis
et
spinae doloribus radix in ace to inlita...
It is true that Gellius /. c. gives it as the
rule of Antonius Iulianus and Caesar
that harena could not correctly be used
in the p l u r a l ; but the discussion shows
that the rule was often broken, especially in medical language. However
Baumg.-Crusius reads habenarum atque
artmdinum,
and explains it to mean a
kind of medical bandage or truss. Of
wounds received by Augustus which
might have caused this weakness, see
c. 20.
digitum salutarem, ' t h e first,' or
' index finger.' Various explanations
have been given of the term, such as,
that it was used to indicate silence and
caution. But the most probable seems
that which connects it with saluto, as
used in salutations.
10—3

148

SUE TO NT

[80—

Questus est et de vesica, cuius dolore calculis demum per
urinam eiectis levabatur.
81
Graves et periculosas valitudines per omnem vitam aliquot
expertus est; praecipue Cantabria domita, cum etiam
His
severe
distillationibus iocinere vitiato ^ ad desperationem 5
illnesses.
redactus contrariam et ancipitem rationem medendi
necessario subiit: quia calida fomenta non proderant, frigidis
curari coactus auctore Antonio Musa.
Quasdam et anniversarias ac tempore certo recurrentes
experiebatur; nam sub natalem suum plerumque languebat; 10
et initio veris praecordiorum inflatione temptabatur, austrinis
autem tempestatibus gravedine. Quare quassato corpore,
82 neque frigora neque aestus facile tolerabat. Hieme;quaternis
D.
d cum pingui toga tunicis et subucula et thorace laneo
mode of et feminalibus et tibialibus muniebatur, aestate aper- 15
trave ing. t j s cu j D j cu u foribus, ac saepe in peristylo saliente
aqua atque etiam ventilante aliquo cubabat. Solis vero ne
dolore...levabatur. C p . Tib. 72 languorepaullum
levatus.
81. valitudines. T h e illnesses of
Augustus have been already noticed.
See pp. 15, 20, 26, 6 1 . For Antonius
Musa and his treatment see c. 59.
cum subiit, ' t h e occasion on which
he submitted t o . ' T h e perf. ind. with
cum referring to a particular time, cp.
c. 28 cum rationarium imperi
tradidit.
sub natalem suum, 23 September.
See p. 9.
praecordiorum. Pliny N. H. \ 1 § 197
exta homini ab inferiore viscerum parte
separantur membrana,
quampraecordia
appellant, quia cordi praetenditur,
quod
Graeci appellaverunt fipevas, 'midriff.'
gravedine, ' a cold,' ' a catarrh.'
Catull. 44, 13 hie me gravedo frigida et
frequens tussis quassavit.
82. pingui toga, ' thick and coarse.'
Mart. 6, 11, 7 me pinguis Gallia vestit.
id. 4, 19; Iuv. 9, 28 pingues
lacemas,
munimenta
togae.
subucula, an inner tunic [tunica interior), is a shirt worn under the tunica.
Varro de vita P. R. ap. N o n . 542
postquam binas tunicas habere coepei'unt
instituerunt
vocare subuculam et intusium. Hor. Ep. 1, 1, 95 si forte subucula
pexae Trita subest tunicae. Plaut. Aul.
4, 4, 20 ne inter tunicas habeas. Becker's
Gallus, p . 416, Marq. 15, p. 192.
et thorace laneo. This is the emen-

dation of Beroaldus for subuculae thorace laneo.
T h e thorax as a separate
article of dress is mentioned in Iuv. 5,
feminalibus et tibialibus, woollen
wrappers {fasciae) for the thighs and
legs, generally only worn by invalids.
H o r . Sat. 2, 3, 254 ponas
insignia
morbi,fasciolas, cubital, focalia. Petron.
\ofasciis cruralibus alligatus.
Cic. Att.
2, 3 (of Pompey) caligae eius et fasciae
creiatae non placebant. Val. Max. 6, 2,
7 (Pompeio) Candida fascia crus alligatum habenti.
Quint. 1 1 , 3 palliolu?n
sicut fascias quibus crura
vestiuntur...
sola excusare potest valetudo.
in peristylo (collat. form with peristy lid). T h e bedrooms would open into
the peristylium. saliente aqua, a fountain in the garden of the atrium.
Cp.
Stat ius Silv. 1,3,36 anpicturata
Incentia
marmora vena Mirer, an emissas per
cuncta cubilia lymphas ? id. 1, 2, 154
excludunt radios silvis demissa vetustis
Frigora, perspicui vivunt in
marmore
fontes.
ventilante.
T h e use of fans was
ancient, though usually confined to women. T e r . Eun. 595 cape hoc Jlabellum
et ventulum huic sicfacito dum lava?nur.
Mart. 3, 82, 10 et aestuanti tenue ventilat frigus
Supina prasino
concubina
flabello.
Propert. 3, 18, 11 pavonis
caudae flabella superbi. Anthol. 11, 101

83.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

149

hiberni quidem patiens, domi quoque nonnisi petasatus sub
divo spatiabatur. Itinera lectica et noctibus fere, eaque lenta
ac minuta faciebat, ut Praeneste vel Tibur biduo procederet;
ac si quo pervenire mari posset, potius navigabat. Verum
5 tantam infirmitatem magna cura tuebatur, in primis lavandi
raritate (unguebatur enim saepius). Aut sudabat ad flammam, deinde perfundebatur egelida aqua vel sole multo
tepefacta; aut quotiens nervorum causa marinis albulisque
calidis utendum esset, contentus hoc erat ut insidens ligneo
Q solio, quod ipse Hispanico verbo duretam vocabat, manus
ac pedes alternis iactaret.
Exercitationes campestres equorum et armorum statim
ptirlfav ev Onrvois ArjfjLTfjrptos 'A/)re/u5c6paz> fjLeva pet tidara faxpa [? x^tepci] e/c iroWwu
TT]V XeirTr/Uf e/c TOV bibfiaros e£e/3a\ez>.
ir-qyQv irpbs iroadXas vdaovs KCLI TTLVOV<TL
p e t a s a t u s , ' wearing a broad-brimmed
/cat iyKaOr)fjL€vots byieiva : but in fact
hat.' Plaut. Amph. prol. 143—5; 1 , 1 ,
they are lukewarm, Pliny N. H. 3 § 10
290. It was used generally in travelling.
iuxta Romam Albulae aquae volneribus
T h e young man in Plautus [Pseud. 2, 4,
medentur egelidae. Thermae were built
45] who has to dress up to represent a
on them, and the waters are still used
new arrival says, etiam opust chlamyde
for medical purposes in the same way.
et machaera et petaso. Cicero [/am. 15,
T h e sulphurous lakes drain into the
17] says of the tabellarii, who come to
Anio by a small stream which is somehim ready to start, petasati
veniunt.
times called Albula, see Stat. Silv. 1,
3, 75 illic sulphureos cupit Albula merminuta, ' i n short stages.' Praeneste
gere crines.
vel Tibur. See c. 72. Tibur is about
18 miles, Praeneste about 21 miles from
solio, ' a bathing tub,' see Strabo /. c.
Rome.
eyKadq/JLevoLS. Pliny [JV. H. 33 § 152]
speaks of solia argentea among the
l a v a n d i raritate. T h e constant use
luxuries of some women. Festus s. v.
of hot baths was reckoned bad for the
solia : alvei quoque lavandi gratia inslihealth, especially to those subject to
tuti, quo singidi descendunt, solia dicunfever, and after eating, Pers. 3, 90—102.
tur, quae a sedendo potius dicta videntur,
Vopisc. Tac. 11 balneis raro usus est
qtiam a solio.
atqtie validior fuit in senectute.
alternis, 'alternately.' Common in
unguebatur. See c. 76.
poetry (especially Lucretius), and in
sudabat ad flammam, that is, approse from Livy onwards, but not so
parently, he did not go into the calused in Cicero.
dariumy but heated himself at an open
83. exercitationes campestres. The
fire, or stove in the tepidarium or elseexercises on the Campus Martius dewhere. T h e sudatorium
on the other
tailed by Horace Odes 1, 8. C p . Ovid
hand was heated by air, Sen. Ep. 51 § 6
Tr. 3, 12, 19
quid cum sudatoriis, in quae siccus vapor
corpora exhausurus includittir?
egelida,
usus equi nunc est, levibus nunc ludi' l u k e w a r m . ' Catull. 46, 1 iam ver egelitur armis,
dos refert tepores. In the p,4<ros OIKOS or
nunc pila, nunc celeri volvitur orbe
tepidarium even the oil was to be warm
trochus;
[TO 2\aioi> (-a-™ x^iapov Galen Meth.
nunc, ubi perfusa est oleo labentet
Med. 724].
iuventus
defessos artus Virgine tinguit aqua.
albulis calidis, ' warm sulphur baths,'
Strabo 5, 3, 8 KCLL yap TO [xiyedos TOV
at the sulphur springs (Albulae aquae)
irebiov davfxaaTbv dfjLa /ecu rets apfJLaTodpo~
between Rome and Tibur. Mart. 1, 12
fxias /cat TT\V dXKrjv iirirao-iav &K<JO\VTOP
Itur ad Herculeas gelidi qua
Tiburis
wapix01' T(? ToaobTcp irXrfdeL TWV acpaipq,
arces, Canaque sulphureis Albula
fumat
/cat Kpiicip /cat TraXaicrTpa yvixva^oixtvuiv.
aquis.
Strabo [5, 3, 11] talks of the
waters as ' cold,' /cat TO, "A\(3ov\a KaXob-

ISO

SUETONI

[83—

post civilia bella omisit et ad pilam primo folliculumque
transiit, mox nihil aliud quam vectabatur et deamLxercise

^-

and amuse- bulabat, ita ut in extremis spatiis subsultim decurments
'
reret, segestria vel lodicula involutus. Animi laxandi
causa modo piscabatur hamo, modo talis aut ocellatis nuci- 5
busque ludebat cum pueris minutis, quos facie et garrulitate
amabilis undique conquirebat, praecipue Mauros et Syros.
Nam pumilos atque distortos et omnis generis eiusdem, ut
ludibria naturae malique ominis abhorrebat.
Eloquentiam studiaque liberalia ab aetate prima et cupide 1
et laboriosissime exercuit. Mutinensi bello in tanta
e/oaition i 1 1 0 ^ r e r u m e t legisse et scripsisse et declamasse
cotidie traditur. Nam deinceps neque in senatu
pilam...folliculum. Mart. 14, 45—47.
Becker's Gallus, p. 398 sq. The large
inflated ball (follis) is said to have been
introduced by a gymnast for Pompey,
see Athenaeus 14 F. The word pila includes all sorts of balls, and the games
were played either (1) by simply throwing and catching the balls under various
conditions; or (2) by throwing the ball
against a wall and striking it back like
our Fives \expulsim htdere, Nonius p.
104]. The game of follis was like
football, only that the hand is used
instead of the foot, see Rich, Comp.
s. v. Marq. 15, p. 516.
deambulabat, 'he took walks.' The
compound verb is generally used when
the notion is not merely of walking as
opposed to sitting, running etc., but
of walking for exercise. See Terence,
Haut. 588 abi deambulatum. Cic. de
leg. 1 § 14 cum satis deambulatum erit
quiescemus, cp. de Or. 2 § 256. But
Pliny Ep. 3, 1 § 4 mane lectulo continetur, hora secunda calceos poscit, ambulat milia passuum tria.
segestria, a carriage rug, Varro L. L.
5 § 166 qui ledicam involvebanty quod
fere stramenta erant e segete, segestriam
appellarunt. lodicula is much the same.
It was made of wool [Mart. 14, 152]
and was used as a coverlet for a bed
[Iuv. 6, 195; 7, 66], or as a rug to lie
upon [Petron. 20].
talis, see on c. 71. ocellatis seem
to be some sort of marbles of variegated
stone or agate. Varro ap. Non. s. v.
margaritam: altera exorat patrem
libram oc'ellatorum...altera virum semodium margaritarum.
Some shells

picked up by Caligula on the shore
were called nympharum himina, from
similar marks I suppose, Aurel. Vict.
Caes. 3.
nucibuscLue. Some of the games
played by children with nuts are described in [Ov.] Nux 73—86, such as
splitting them with a blow of the hand,
guessing odd or even number, rolling
them down a sloping board into their
proper receptacles, and others. Thus
micibus relictis is an expression for
giving up childish things, Mart. 5, 81;
Pers. 1, 10. See p. 136.
Syros. On the number of Syrians in
Rome, see Iuv. 3, 62 iampridem Syrus
in Tiberim defluxit Orontes.
pumilos, see on c. 43, p. 96. distortos, often artificially, Longin. desublim.
44 § 5 oiairep odv...Ta yXcorrbKojULa ev oh
ol TTvyfJLcuoL, KaXoijfJLevoi d£ vdvoL TptyovTCLl, Ol) flbvOV

KO)\}J€L

TQ>V

iyK€K\€L(Jflh<J)V

rds afit-rf&eis, dXXa Kal vvvaipel diet, rbv
irpoKeifxevov rots abfiacn decrfxbv...quoted
by Mayor on Iuv. 8, 32. For the form
pumilus see Stat. Silv. 1,6, 64 casuraeque vagis grues rapinis
Mirantur
pu milos ferociores.
84. elociuentiam.. .exercuit, cp. Suet.
de Rhet. 1 declamandi consuetudinem...
Augustum ne Mutinensi quidem bello
omisisse. See also p. 16 notes. Augustus is recorded to have delivered laudationes on his grandmother Iulia in B.C.
51 [c. 8 ] ; on Marcellus B.C. 23 [Dio 53,
30]; on Agrippa B.C. 12 [Dio 54, 28];
on Octavia B.C. 11 [c. 61]; on Drusus
B.C. 8 [Suet. Claud. 1].
Mutinensi bello, c. 9, p. 18.

85.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

151

neque apud populum neque apud milites locutus est umquam
nisi meditata et composita oratione, quamvis non deficeretur
ad subita extemporali facultate. Ac ne periculum memoriae
adiret aut in ediscendo tempus absumeret, instituit
5 recitare omnia. Sermones quoque cum singulis atque d ]^J^e S
etiam cum Livia sua graviores nonnisi scriptos et e
libello habebat, ne plus minusve loqueretur ex tempore. Pronuntiabat dulci et proprio quodam oris sono, dabatque assidue
phonasco operam; sed nonnumquam, infirmatis faucibus, praeo conis voce ad populum concionatus est.
Multa varii generis prosa oratione composuit, ex quibus
nonnulla in coetu familiarium velut in auditorio recitavit, sicut Rescripta Bruto de Catone, quae volu- tk^p0S1"
mina cum iam senior ex magna parte legisset,
5 fatigatus Tiberio tradidit perlegenda; item Hortationes ad
nisi absens aut alio verba pronuntiante
non deficeretur...facultate, 'he was
appellaret [Suet. Ner. 24].
at no loss for ability.' For the meaning
of this passive or middle, cp. Cic.
85. in coetu familiarium, Hor. S.
Cluent. § 184 mulier abundat audacia,
1, 4, 73 non recito cuiquam nisi amicis,
consilio et ratione deficitur.
Ovid,
idqtie coactus.
Heroid. 5, 150 deficior prudens artis ab
auditorio, a room built or hired for
arte mea; id. P. 3, 873 quod sibi derecitations, Tac. Or. 9 domum mutuatur
fects ilia tulisset opem. Of the style of
et auditorium extruit et subsellia conAugustus, Tac. Ann. 13, 3 August0
ducit et libellos dispergit. Iuv. 1, 12; 7,
pro7npta et profluens quaeque deceret
40. Though more public places were
principem eloquentiafuit.
also used. See Mayor on Iuv. 3, 9.
sermones, ' discussions/ important
Rescripta Bruto de Catone. Though
discourses. Hence Dio may probably
Cato U ticensis never exercised a practical
have had some written authority both
influence equal to that of other leaders
for the elaborate report of his conversaat the end of the republic, his character
tions with Livia on the proper treatment
for probity and consistency was so high
of conspirators [55, 15—21], as well as
that the Caesarean party were exceedfor the discourses of Agrippa and Maeingly anxious to prove him to have been
cenas, which probably were presented
politically wrong and impracticable. A
in the form of state papers [lib. 52].
paper war therefore had long gone on
Tac. Ann. 4, 39 Seiauus..xomponit ad
over him. Cicero composed a laudatio
Caesarem codicillos; moris quippe turn
of him, which Iulius Caesar with the
erat quamquam praesentem scripto adire.
assistance of Hirtius answered [Cic.
Alt. 12, 4; 12, 4 0 ; 12, 4 4 — 5 ; 13,
phonasco, ' teacher of declamation,'
50—1; Topic. 25, 94; Pliny, Ep. 3,
' trainer of the voice.' Suet. Ner. 25
neque quicquam serio iocove egerit, nisi 12; Gell. 3, 16; 13, 19; Plut. Cic. 39;
Caes. 39, 54]. Another laudatio was
adstante phonasco qui moneret parceret
composed by M. Fadius Gallus, Cos.
arteriis ac sudarium ad os applicaret.
in B.C. 45 [Cic. ad /am. 7, 24], and
Quint, n , 3 § 22 communiter et phonascis et oratoribus necessaria exercitatio. another by Munatius [Plut. Cat. 37].
M. Brutus, who was his nephew, pubinfirmatis faucibus, 'from weakness
lished his in B.C. 45, which Cicero
of the throat.' Cic. 2 Phil. § 63 tu istis
criticises as giving an inexact account
faucibus istis lateribus. Dio 54, 25
of
<rvvaya'y<bi>...Tbfiovkevrripiovavrbs ov8ev the debate in the Senate as to the
Catilinarian conspirators [ad Alt. 12,
elirev virb (3pdyx<>v...
2 i ; cp. 13, 46].
praeconis voce. So Nero to preserve his voice neque milites unquam

152

SUETONI

[85—

philosophiam, et aliqua De vita sua, quam tredecim libris
Cantabrico tenus bello nee ultra exposuit. Poetica summatim attigit Unus liber extat, scriptus ab eo hexametris
versibus, cuius et argumentum et titulus est Sicilia; extat
alter aeque modicus Epigrammatum,
quae fere tempore 5
balinei meditabatur. Nam tragoediam magno impetu exorsus, non succedenti stilo, abolevit quaerentibusque amicis,
quidnam Aiax ageret, respondit, Aiacem suum in spongeam
incubuisse.
Genus eloquendi secutus est elegans et tempera- *
oratory. turn, vitatis sententiarum ineptiis atque concinde vita sua.
These unfinished
memoirs are quoted by Suetonius frequently, see Iul. 5 5 ; Atig. cc. 2, 7, 27,
42, 62, 74, 8 6 ; de Gramm. 16; Plutarch,
Brutus
27, 4 1 ; compar. Demosth. et
Cic. 3 iv rots irpbs 'kyplinrav VTro/JLvrjfiaaiv\ Digest 48, 24, 1 [see p . 26]. Suidas
s. v. AvyovffTos Kaicap* ^ypaxf/e irepi rod
idiov /3/ou KOLI T&V irpat-ewv /3i/3\ta iy'
KOLL rpaywdlav Mavrbs re Kai 'A%tXX^ws.
Collections of his letters also once
existed. See Suet, vita Horatii;
Macrob. Sat. 2, 4, 12; Seneca, Dialog. 10,
4 § 3 ; Quintil. 1, 6, 19; supra cc. 7,
69, 71, 76, 86; Claud. 4 ; T a c . dial.
13; Servius ad Verg. Aen. 8, 530.
Tiberius [c. 61], Claudius [c. 41], H a drian [Spart. 16] and Severus [Spart.
18] all wrote memoirs of their lives;
and this had been prevalent in a previous generation. Q. Catulus, Sulla,
P. Rutilius Rufus had done so, and
Tacitus [Agric. 1] says: Ac plerique
suam ipsi vitam narrare fiduciam potius
morum, quam arrogantiam
arbitrati
sunt.
Cantabrico tenus bello, see c. 20,
p. 46.
poetica summatim, 'slightly, 5 'superficially.'
Tib.
61
commentario,
qtiem de vita sua summatim
breviterque
composuit.
One epigram is preserved
by Martial, 11, 20.
tragoediam. Suidas /. c. mentions
two tragedies, Ajax and Achilles, succedenti, cp. Cal. 53
solebat...accusationes defensionesque meditari ac, prout
stilus cesserat, etc.
quaerentibus amicis.
Macrobius
[Sat. 2, 4, 2] gives the name of the
friend, L . Varius, himself an author
of tragedies.
in spongeam, cp. Mart. 4, ro curre
sed instructus: comitetur Punica
librum

Spongea; muneribus convenit ilia meis.
Non possunt nostros multae,
Eaustine,
liturae
Emendare
iocos: ttna
litura
potest.
86. ineptiis...reconditorum. Of the
affectations of language and style which
were coming into fashion, see Sen. Ep.
i i 4 § 10 cum adsuerit
animusfastidire
quae ex more sunt et illi pro sordidis
solita sunt, etiam in oratione
quod
novum est quaerit et modo antiqua verba
et exoleta revocat ac profert,
modofingit
et ignota ac. deflectit, modo, id quod
nuper increbuit, pro cultu habetur audax
translatio etfrequens.
See also Persius
1, 80—106. Quintil. 2, 9 § 20 sermo
rectus et secundum naturam
enuntiatus
nihil habere ex ingenio videtur;
ilia
vero, quae ubicumque deflexa sunt, tamquam exquisitiora ?niramur. C p . Pliny,
Ep. 3, 18, 10.

sententiarum ineptiis atque concinnitate, a hendiadys for s. inepta
concinnitate, ' the vanity of an artificial
s t y l e ' (arrangement). Cicero uses concinnitas (1) of words in a good sense,
Orat. § 149 fo7'?iia ipsa
concinnitasque
verborum conficiat orbem suum. ib. § 81
collocata verba habent ornatum,si
aliquid
concinnitatis efficiunt, quod verbis mutatis non mdneat manente sententia.
In
a bad sense of affectation, Brut. § 287
at quid est tarn fractum tarn
minutum,
tarn in ipsa, quam tamen
consequitur,
concinnitate puerile ? id. Or at. § 84 ilia
quidem fugienda sunt... paria
paribus
relata et similiter conclusa et eodempacto
cadentia et it?imutatione literae
quasi
quaesitae venustates, tie elaborata concinnitas et quoddam aucttpium delectationis manifesto deprehensum
appareat.
(2) Of sententiae, Brut. § 325 sententiis
non tarn gravibus et severis quani concinnis et venustis.
de Clar. Or. § 271

86.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

153

nitate et reconditorum verborum> ut ipse dicit, fetoribus;
praecipuamque curam duxit, sensum animi quam apertissime exprimere. Quod quo facilius efficeret aut necubi
lectorem vel auditorem obturbaret ac moraretur, neque
5 praepositiones urbibus addere neque coniunctiones saepius
iterare dubitavit, quae detractae afferunt aliquid obscuritatis,
etsi gratiam augent. Cacozelos et antiquarios, ut diverso
genere vitiosos, pari fastidio sprevit, exagitabatque
UT

,

•

Dislike of

nonnumquam; in primis Maecenatem suum, cuius pedantic
10 myrobrechis, ut ait, cincinnos usque quaque perse- archaquitur et imitando per iocum irridet. Sed nee
Tiberio parcit et exoletas interdum et reconditas voces aucupanti. M. quidem Antonium ut insanum increpat, quasi
ea scribentem, quae mirentur potius homines quam intelle15 gant;. deinde ludens malum et inconstans in eligendo genere
dicendi ingenium eius, addit haec: Tuque dubitas, Cimberne
Annius an Veranius Flaccus imitandi sint tibi, ita ut verbis\
concinnae acutaeque sententiae. It may
refer therefore to (1) artificial arrangement, (2) elaborate selection of words,
(3) a sententious style.
reconditorum verborum fetoribus,
' the affectation of using far-fetched
words.' This metaphorical use of fetores is not elsewhere found. Augustus meant to use a strong term of the
style elsewhere indicated by the words
putidus and putide.
praecipuam...duxit, 'made it his
chief care,' cp. c. 41 rationem duxit.
praepositiones urbibus. Cicero [ad
Att. 6, 9 § 1] wrote in Piraea cu?n exissem. He was blamed for this, and acknowledged that he should have written
Piraeum, but maintained that in was
correct, non enim hoc ut oppido praeposui sed ut loco [ad Att. § 10J.
cacozelos, 'pedants,' 'affected writers,'
Quint. 8, 3 § 58 cacozelon vero est quod
dicitur ahter quam se natura habet et
quam oportet et quam sat est.
antiquarios, 'fond of archaic forms,'
Quintilian [/. c. §§ 24—30] approves of
this to a certain extent, sed utendum
modO) nee ex ultimis tenebris repetenda,
Sallust was the chief offender in this
respect [§ 29].
exagitabat, 'violentlyattacked.' Caesar,/?, civ. 1, 2 hio??mes convicio consults
correpti exagitabantur. Of criticism, Cic.
Oral. § 27 cum etiam Demosthenes ex-

agitetur ut putidus.
Maecenatem...myrobrechis ((Mvpofipe%e?s) cincinnos. The luxurious and effeminate habits of Maecenas were notorious. Seeluv. 1,66 (with Mayor's note);
12, 39: Veil. Pat. 2, 88 § 2 otto ac mollitiis paene ultra feminam Jluens. The
' scented curls' are used as an emblem
of his affected style, cp. Tac. Orat. 26
malim hercle Gai Gracchi impetum aut
Lucii Crassi maturitatem quam calamistros Maecenatis aut tinnitus Gallionis.
imitando. See Macr. Sat. 2, 4, 12
Augustus quia Maecenatem suum noverat stilo esse molli et dissoluto talem
se in epistulis quas ad eum scribebat saepius exhibebat... ' vale mi ebenu??i Medulliae, ebur ex Etruria, lasur Arretinuiti, adamas Supernas, Tiberinum
margaritufn,
Cilniortim
smaragde,
iaspi /guviorum, berulle Porsennae,
Carbuncule Hadriae?
Antonium...intellegant. Cicero frequently laughs at Antony's style. See
2 Phil. § 95 ; 3 § 95; 3 §§ 21—2 ; 13
§ 43 ; Plut. Ant. 2 expyTo 5£ r £ KCLXOVpefrep y&v 'Actccz^ tv^V T&v Xbyoov, &r~
0OUVTL IA&kl<JTa

KCLT* iKGLVOV T6U

XP^V0Vi

%XQVTl 5e TTOWTJV 6(j,o(.6T7)ra irpbs rbv ftlov
avroO KOfJLiribdf} /cat (ppvay/xartav ovra KOX
Kevov ycLvpiafACLTos icai (piXortjuias avwfi&Xov fiecrrov. See p. 154.
Cimberne Annius. C. Annius Cimber
was a partisan of Antony's in B.C. 44 —

[86-

SUE TON I

154

quae Crispus Sallustius excerpsit ex Originibus Catonis, utaris ?
an potius Asiaticorum oratorum inanis sententiis verborum
volubilitas in nostrum sermonem transferenda ? Et quadam
epistola Agrippinae neptis ingenium conlaudans, Sed opus est,
inquit, dare te operant, ne moleste scribas et loquaris.
s
87
Cotidiano sermone quaedam frequentius et notabiliter
usurpasse eum, litterae ipsius autographae ostentant,
- . , • • . , . ,

r

r

.

phrases.

in quibus identidem, cum aliquos numquam solu-

3, and as such is attacked by Cicero and
accused of having murdered his brother
[Phil, i i § 14 C. Annium
Cimbrum
Lysidiciftlium,
Lysidicum ipsum Graeco
verbo, quoniam omnia iura dissolvit :
nisi forte iure Germanum Cimber occidit.
Cp. id. 13 § 26 ; ad Att. 5, 13].
Quintilian [8, 3, 28] quotes an epigram
of Vergil, referring to this charge, and
his inflated style of oratory :
Corinthiorum amator iste verborum
Thucydides Britannus,
Atticae febres,
Tau Gallicum, min, al, spinae male
illi sit,
ita omnia ista verba miscuit
fratri.
Cimber hie fuit, a quo fratrem
necatum
hoe Ciceronis dieto notatum est, ' Germanum Cimber occiditS
Crispus Sallustius...ex Originibus.
Suetonius [de Gram. 10] quotes Pollio
as saying that Ateius antiqua verba et
figuras solitum esse colligere
Sallustio...
videtque maxime obscuritatem
Sallustii
et audaciam in translationibus.
ib. 15
Lenaeus calls SaMust priscorum
Catonisque verbo7'um ineruditissimum
fur em.
Quintil. [8, 3, 29] quotes an epigram:
Et verba antiqui multum furate Catonis,
Crispe, lugurthinae
conditor historiae.
Fronto calls him frequentlem
sectatorem
Catonis. Seneca Ep. i i 4 § 17 Sallustio
vigente amputatae
sententiae et verba
ante exspectattim cadentia et obscura brevitas fuere pro cultu.
F o r an able discussion of Sallust's archaisms, sometimes
perhaps derived from colloquial Latin
surviving from ancient writers, see Introduction to Sallust Cat. by A . M. Cook.
For the Origines of Cato see Fragments
in Jordan's edition, p p . 1—30. Cicero
[Brut. §§ 65—68] speaks of the undeserved neglect of Cato's Origines, but
owns antiquior est huius sermo et quaedam horridiora verba. Ita enim turn
loquebantur.
Corn. N e p . Cat. 3 senex
(Cato) historiasscribere instituit.
Earum

,.

&

Favourite

,

sunt libri septem. Primus continet res
gestas regum populi Romani,
secundus
et tertius unde quaeque civitas orta sit
Italica; ob qua?n rem omnes Origines
videtur appellasse.
In quarto autem
bellum Punicum est primum, in quinto
secundum...reliquaque
bella pari modo
persecutus est usque adpraeturam
Servii
Galbae (B.C. 151—150).
Asiaticorum. Of the distinction in
point of style between the Attici and
Asiani (orators in the Greek cities of Asia
Minor), see Quint. 12, 10 §§ 1, 16—20,
Attici limati quidam et emuncti
nihil
inane aut redtindans ferebant,
Asiana
gens tumidior alioqui atque iactantior
vaniore etiam dicendi gloria inflata est.
A kind of intermediate style was that of
the Rhodian School, id. § 18. Cicero
himself was accused by some of the
faults of the Asiatic School, id. § 12 ;
and had attended Rhetors both in Asia
and Rhodes, see Plut. Cic. 4 ; while
Antony adopted this style openly, see
p . 153. Cicero distinguishes two genera
Asiaticae dictionis, quortim unum sententiosumet argutum...:
the other had
admirabilis orationis cursus, ornata sententiarum concinnitas non erat,
Brut.
§ 325. But it had lost omnem
illam
salubritatem
Atticae dictionis.
Hinc
Asiaticior at ores non
contemnendiquidem
nee celeritate nee copia, sed parum pressi
et nimis redundantes.
id. § 5 1 . T h e y
also pitched their voices too high, id.
Orat. § 27 cum vero inclinata
ululantique voce more Asiatico canere coepisset,
quis eum ferret?
See Mayor on Iuv. 3,
73moleste, so as to offend against good
taste, ' w i t h affectation.' Catull. 42, 8
mimice et moleste ridentem, l with a
studied and affected smile.'
Agrippinae neptis, daughter of Iulia
and Agrippa, and wife of Germanicus.
c. 64.
87. autographae, autographs of Augustus may well have been preserved

%7-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS,

155

turos significare vult, ad Kal. Graecas soluturos ait; et
cum hortatur ferenda esse praesentia, qualiacumque sint,
contenti simus hoc Catone; et ad exprimendam festinatae rei
velocitatem, celerius quam asparagi cocuntur; ponit assidue
et pro stulto baceolum, et pro pullo pulleiaceum^ et pro cerrito
vacerrosum, et vapide se habere pro male, et betizare pro
languere, quod vulgo lachanizare dicitur; item simus pro
sumus, et domos genitivo casu singulari pro domus. Nee
umquam aliter haec duo, ne quis mendam magis quam consuetudinem putet.
Notavi et in chirographo eius ilia praecipue: non dividit
verba nee ab extrema parte versuum abundantis „
i-

-

i

litteras in alterum

r

1 .1 • 1

•

Penman-

transfert, sed ibidem statim ship.

in the Library of the Palatine, but
The word is generally derived from
Quintilian [i, 7, § 22] is more cautious,
cerebrum as though it were cerebritus.
in epistulis Augusti, quas sua manu
But it seems better to take it from Ceres,
scripsif aut em endav it.
comparing vvfx<j>6\riirros, as though conad Kal. Graecas. This expression
tracted from Cereritus.
for 'never,' though it has survived in
vacerrosus from vacerra=stipes 'a
common language, does not appear to
stock,' 'a dolt,' Liv. Andr. fr. 7 [Riboccur elsewhere. Interest was due on
beck] vecorde et malefica vacerra. See
the tristes Kalendae. [Hor. Sat. 1, 3, 8.] Festus s. v.
praesentia...Catone. In his graver
vapide, cp. Pers. 5, 117 vapido sub
years Augustus naturally came to look pectore, 'in your disordered breast.' It
on loyalty to the existing state of things is a metaphor from flat stale wine, id.
as the mark of a good citizen. Macrob. 6, 17 et signum in vapida naso tetigisse
Sat. 2, 4, 18 Strabone in adulationem lagena. Both betizare [beta 'a vegeCaesaris male existimante de pervicacia table'] and lachanizare [Xaxat/t^ecrdai,
Catonis, aitf ' quisquis praesentem sla'to gather vegetables'] are unknown to
tum civitatis commutari non volet et civis literature. We may assume from this paset vir bonus est.'' But here the point of sage that they were used colloquially.
the emperor's phrase seems to be 'don't
simus pro sumus. Other purists
expect too much,'—using Cato as the such as Messala, Brutus, Agrippa, used
synonym for the best attainable, as the same form, Mar. Victor. 9, 5k.
Valer. Max. 2, 10, 8 quae quidem effecit
C. I. L. 9, 3473, 14. Priscian 1, 6
ut quisquis sanctum et egregium civem i et u quando mediae sunt inter se
significare velit, sub nomine Catonis sonos videntur confundere, cp. el-fil,
definiat. See Iuv. 2, 40.
€i-7} si-em, Ital. siamo. See Lindsay's
oaceolum seems connected with /3d/c?7- Latin Language p. 29.
Xos, which Hesychius explains by
domos for domils may perhaps have
dvorjros, cf. Suidas /xtyas y&v dvorjTos d£.arisen from the ancient genitive in
Others have suggested blaceolum from
-uos [cp. senatuos, Sctum de Bacch.,
j8Xo£ 'stupid' or 'lazy,' Plato Gorg. 488 Bruns p. 151]. There was an old conA. But cp. the Italian baccellone and troversy as to the genitive and dative
baciocco 'dolt.'
of the fourth declension, see Aul. Gell.
et pro pullo pulleiaceum, 'and for
4, 16, Ramsay, Latin Language pp. 380
dark he wrote darkish(?).' No satis- and 384.
factory explanation of the last word can
versus, of a 'line' in writing, Cic.
be given. It looks like some local
Att. 4, 16 primus versus epistulae, id.
dialect form. The MSS. mostly have
de Or. 1 § 26 Demosthenes multos versus
baceolum apudpullum pulleiaceum; but uno spiritu pronunciabat. Plin. Ep. 3,
the change is not great between &£
5 decern amplius versus hac tua interpel*
[ = etpro] and aj) [=apud].
latione perdidimus.
cerrito, 'insane,' Hor. S. 2, 3, 78.

156

SUE TON I

[88—

88 subicit circumducitque. Orthographiam, id est formulam
rationemque scribendi a grammaticis institutam, non adeo
custodit ac videtur eorum potius sequi opinionem, qui •
perinde' scribendum ac loquamur existiment. Nam quod
;Saepe non litteras modo sed syllabas aut permutat s
Spelling.
aut praeterit, communis hominum error est. Nee
ego id notarem, nisi mihi mirum videretur tradidisse aliquos, legato eum consulari successorem dedisse ut rudi et
indocto, cuius manu ixi pro ipsi scriptum animadverterit.
Quotiens autem per notas scribit, B pro A, C pro B ac io
deinceps eadem ratione sequentis litteras ponit; pro X autem
duplex A.
89
Ne Graecarum quidem disciplinarum leviore studio tenebatur. In quibus et ipsis praestabat largiter, magisStudy of
Greek,
tro dicendi usus Apollodoro Pergameno, quern iam 1
5
which he
grandem natu Apolloniam quoque secum ab urbe
did not
write
iuvenis adhuc eduxerat, deinde eruditione etiam
easily.
varia repletus per Arei philosophi filiorumque eius
Dionysi et Nicanoris contubernium; non tamen ut aut
loqueretur expedite aut componere aliquid auderet; nam et 20
circumduct, ' d r a w s a loop round.'
4, 3 fioXiGTCL d£ ^VPe ™v 'AiroWddwpov 1}
88. per notas, ' i n cypher,' ltd.
rou Kataapos (piXia rod 2e/3acrro0, dida56, cp. Aul. Gell. 17, 9 §§ 1—5 libri
(TKOKOV TG>V Xoyojv yevd/ieuov.
Quint. '
sunt epistularum
C. Caesaris ad C.
3, 1, 17 Apollodorus Pergamenus
qui
Oppium et Balbum
Comelium,
qui
praeceptor Apolloniae Caesaris
Augusti
rebus eius absentis curabant.
In his
fuit...Sed
Apollodoripraecep.'a magis ex
epistulis quibus dam in locis
inveniuntur
discipulis cognoscas.. .nam ipsius sola
literae singulariae sine coagmentis syllavidetur Ars edita ad Mattium,
quia
barum, quas tu putes positas incondite ;
ceteras missa ad Domitium epistula non
7tam verba ex his Uteris confici nulla
agnoscit, cp. id. 2, 11 § 2; Tacitus de
possunt.
Erat aute??i conventum
inter
Orat. 19 calls the books of Hermagoras
eos clandestinum
de commutando
situ
and Apollodorus
aridissimi.
literarmn,
ut in scripto quidem alia
Apolloniam, see c. 8, p. 16.
aliae locum et nomen teneret, sed in
Arei. For Areius of Alexandria see
legendo locus cuique suits et potestas
Dio 51, 16. Augustus spares the Alexrestitueretur.
Dio 51, 3 tiriareXke 8£
andrians partly on account of "Apeiov '
/cat 4K€IPOLS /cat rots dWois 0t\ots, birbre
rbv TTOXITTJV $ TTov (friKoaocpodvTi re /cat
TL dioiTO 5i' diropprjTcop acfrLcri drjX&crai, vvvbvTL ol 4x9VTO' It w a s n e w n o adrb deurepov del GTOIX&OV rod r<£ prj/uari
vised against sparing Caesarion [Plut.
irpo<T7]KOVTos aVr' eicelvov dvreyypdcpew. Ant. 81]. H e is mentioned by QuintiThis should be distinguished from Stenolian with approval [2, 15, 3 6 ; 3, 1, 16];
graphy in which certain notae were used
and his grandson Catilius, s. of Nicanor,
for words. Cic. Att. 13, 3 2 ; Plut. Cat.
is identified by some with the author
Min. 3 ; supr. c. 64. Weichert, August,
of the epigram in praise of the Caesars,
fr. p p . 146—7.
C.I. G. 4923. H e wrote a consolatio
to Livia on-the death of Drusus [Senec.
89. Apollodoro Pergameno. ApolloDial. 6, 4—6]. Nicolas mentions also
dorus of Pergamus was the author of a sysanother teacher of Augustus, Alexander
tem of rhetoric and founder of a sect or
of Pergamus [c. 17]. Zonaras [10, 38]
school called after his name, opposed to
mentions Athenodorus of Tarsus.
that of Theodorus Gadareus, Strabo 13,

89.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

157

si quid res exigeret, Latine formabat vertendumque alii
dabat. Sed plane poematum quoque non imperitus, delectabatur etiam comoedia veteri et saepe earn exhibuit spectaculis
publicis. In evolvendis utriusque linguae auctoribus nihil
aeque sectabatur, quam praecepta et exempla publice vel
privatim salubria, eaque ad verbum excerpta aut „.
ad domesticos aut ad exercituum provinciarumque choice of
rectores aut ad urbis magistratus plerumque mitte- °° s*
bat, prout quique monitione indigerent. Etiam libros toto£
et senatui recitavit et populo notos per edictum saepe fecit,
ut orationes Q. Metelli de prole augenda et Rutili de modo
aedificiorum, quo magis persuaderet utramque rem non ab se
primo animadversam, sed antiquis iam tunc curae fuisse.
Ingenia saeculi sui omnibus modis fovit; recitantis et
vertendumque, 'to be translated into
Greek.' Yet Dio [51, 16] represents
him as addressing the Alexandrians
£\\7)VI<JTI 07rws otiviacnv airov.
poematum, i.e. Greek poetry.
comoedia veteri, Hor. S. 1, 4, 1
Eupolis atque Cratinus Aristophanesque
poetae. We do not hear elsewhere of
the representations of the old Greek
Comedy in the time of Augustus. But
the representation of Graeci ludi occasionally took place, Cicero ad Att. 16,
5, i;fam. 7, 1, 3.
excerpta. Making selections from
books read was a common practice.
Plin. Ep. 3, 5 § 10 liber legebatur,
adnotabat excerpebatque; nihil enim
legit quod non excerperet. Pliny himself did the same, e.g. with Livy, posco
librum Titi Livi et quasi per otium lego
atque etiam, ut coeperam, excerpo, Ep.
6, 20, 5. Thus Brutus the night before
the battle of Pharsalia was engaged in
his tent crvvraTroop iiriro^v HoXvfiiov
. [Plut. Brut. 4]. To this habit we owe
the collections of Photius and Porphyrogenitus.
orationes Q. Metelli. Livy Ep. 59
Q. Metellus censor censuit ut cogerentur
omnes ducere tixores liberorum creandorum causa. Extat oratio eius, quam
Augustus, cum de maritandis ordinibus
ageret, velut in haec tempora scriptam
in Senatu recitavit.
According to
Aulus Gellius [1, 6, 1—2] this was
Metellus Numidicus, Cos. B.C. 109,
Censor 102. But according to Livy it
was Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus,
Cos. B.C. 143, Censor B.C. 131. Gellius

preserves a few sentences of the speech...
quoniam ita natura tradidit, ut nee
cum illis satis commode, nee sine illis
tcllo modo vivi possit, saluti pe7-petuae
potiusqtiam brevi voluptati consulendum
est.
Rutili de modo aedificiorum. P.
Rutilius Rufus was Cons, in B.C. 105,
when this speech was probably delivered.
He was a man of great integrity, but
was ruined by a conspiracy of the
equestrian publicani, because as legatus
in Asia (B.C 95) he had resisted the
extortions of the tax-gatherers [Livy
Ep. 70; Veil. 2, 13]. For his style of
oratory, which was painstaking but not
brilliant, see Cicero Brut. § n o
(Scaurus et Rutilius) etiamsi maximi
ingenii non essent, probabiles tamen
industria. He left a biography of himself [Tac. Agric. 1]. The measure
seems to have concerned the height of
the houses, which was dangerous. See
Iuv. 3, 269; Cic. de leg. agr. 2 § 96
Romam...cenaculis stiblatam et suspensam non optimis viis, angustissimis
semitis, and other passages quoted by
Mayor. The regulation of Augustus
was that houses were not to exceed 7.9
feet, Strabo 5, 3, 7 7rpos de TCLS crv/Mfrit(X€LS TCL Hxf/TJ T&V

KCUVCJV

olKo5ofJLr)/JLCLT(x)P

KaOeXC&v, /cat KU)\iJ<ras i^aipetv irodQv
efidojArjKOVTa TO irpbs rats 68o?s reus
dTjfioo-iais. Nero repeated the regulation [Tac. Ann. 15, 43].
ingenia, for men of genius cp. Vesp.
\*l ingenia et artes vel maxime fovit.
Tac. Agr. 2 monumenta Clarissimorum
ingeniorum. Suetonius no doubt means

158

SUETONI

[89-

benigne et patienter audiit, nee tantum carmina et historias,
Patrona e sec* e ^ o r a ^ o n e s e t dialogos. Componi tamen
of literary aliquid de se nisi et serio et a praestantissimis,
men
*
offendebatur admonebatque praetores, ne paterentur
nomen suum commissionibus obsolefieri.
5
90
Circa religiones talem accepimus. Tonitrua et fulgura
Hisfeelin P a u ^° infir™ius expavescebat, ut semper et ubique
toward
pellem vituli marini circumferret pro remedio, atque
portents. ^ omnem maioris tempestatis suspicionem in abditum et concamaratum locum se reciperet, consternatus olim 10
per nocturnum iter transcursu fulguris, ut praediximus.
91
Somnia neque sua neque aliena de se neglegebat. Philippensi acie quamvis statuisset non egredi tabernaculo
Dreams.
propter valitudinem, egressus est tamen amici somnio
to compare the practice of Augustus
with that of Nero and Domitian.
recitantis. Of this practice the fullest illustration is given in Mayor's
monumental note to Iuv. 3, 9. All
the various kinds of recitation here mentioned,—orations, history, dramatic and
lyric poetry,—are enumerated by Pliny,
Ep. 7, 17.
n i s i . . . a praestantissimis. Hence no
doubt Horace's abstention from giving
possible offence [Od. 1, 6, 10] imbellisque lyrae Musa potens vetat
Laudes
egregii Caesaris et tuas Culpa deterere
ingeni.
commissionibus, ' d i s p l a y s , " speeches
for prizes' (e7rt5ei£eis). Caligula said of
Seneca [c. 53] commissiones meras componere.
T h e term, drawn from the
contests in the games, was applied to declamations made for display or for prizes,
and not for a practical object, like the
Greek \byoi ir avqy vpiKol. C p . Suet. vit.
luven., Et tamen diu ne modico quidem
auditorio quidquam committere est ausus.
Pliny Panegyr. 54 cum laudes Imperatorum ludis etiam etcommissionzbus celebrarentur, saltare7itur, et in omne ludibritim
effeminatis vocibus, modis, gestibus frangerentur.
For such contests of oratory
see the accounts of those at Lugdunum,
Calig. 20, Iuv. 1, 44.
obsolefieri, ' t o be discredited.' Cic.
1 Phil. § 105 in homine
turpissimo
obsolefiebant insignia
dignitatis.
90. circa: for this post-Augustan
use see R o b y Z , G. § 1867. religiones,
'superstitious feelings.'
tonitrua. This was perhaps physical

fear as well as superstition. Tiberius
(though holding the Epicurean view of
the gods) tonitrua tamen supra 'modum
expavescebat, et turbatiore caelo nunquam
non coronam lauream capitegestavit, quod
fulmine afflari negetur id genus
frondis
[c. 69]. Caligula [c. 5 [ ] is said ad minima tonitrua et fulgura conivere, caput
obvolvere, ad vero maiora proripere se e
strato sub lectumque condere.
pellem vituli marini. Pliny N. H.
2 § 146, among the ways of escaping
lightning, mentions tabernacula
pellibus
beluarum quas vitulos appellant, quoniam hoc solum animal ex marinis non
percutiat.
Cp. Plut. Sympos. 5, 9 r&v
yap T0L0TJT03V oi> doKov&iv kiriQiyydvziv 61
Kepavvol Kaddirep ovde rrjs (j>d)K7)s rod
dtpfxcLTos ovde rys valves.
Ioann. Lyd.
de Ost. § 45 7) be (pcSicr/ <bs air^fxavTos
€iri(3o\rj Kepavpov /xdpTvs rj ireipa dirodidcoKe' rwv ydp veCov rd icrWa, h ah
oi jSaciAeZs Trktovai, (pwKeiois eWiVTai
dirodupdepovo-Oai d^p/xaaLv.
in afoditum.. .reciperet. Seneca Nat.
Q. 6, 2 § 6 quid enim dementius
quam
ad tonitrua succidere et stib tef'ram correpere fulminum
metu ?
praediximus, c. 29. This is a curious
use of praedico, and some MSS. give a
variant supra
diximus.
91. Philippensi, c. 13, p . 26 n.
Velleius [2, 70] says that it was his
physician Artorius who urged him to
leave the camp. See also Orosius6, 18,
15. An inscription at Verona records
the respect of his fellow-countrymen of
Smyrna for Artorius. C. I. G. 3285
MdpKOP 'ApT&piov 'A<rK\7}irid5r}v, deov

92.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

159

monitus; cessitque res prospere, quando captis castris lectica
eius, quasi ibi Cubans remansisset, concursu hostium confossa atque lacerata est. Ipse per omne ver plurima et
formidulosissima et vana et irrita videbat, reliquo tempore
s rariora et minus vana. Cum dedicatam in Capitolio aedem
Tonanti Iovi assidue frequentaret, somniavit, queri Capitolinum Iovem cultores sibi abduci, seque respondisse, Tonantem pro ianitore ei appositum; ideoque mox tintinnabulis
fastigium aedis redimiit, quod ea fere ianuis dependebant.
o E x nocturno visu etiam stipem quot annis die certo emendicabat a populo, cavam manum asses porrigentibus praebens.
Auspicia et omina quaedam pro certissimis observabat:
si mane sibi calceus perperam ac sinister pro dextro Auspices
induceretur, ut dirum; si terra marive ingrediente and omens.
5 se longinquam profectionem forte rorasset, ut laetum maturique et prosperi reditus. Sed et ostentis praecipue movebatur.
Enatam inter iuncturas lapidum ante domum suam palmam
in compluvium deorum Penatium transtulit, utque coalesceret
magno opere curavit. Apud insulam Capreas veterrimae
o ilicis demissos iam ad terram languentisque ramos convaluisse adventu suo, adeo laetatus est, ut eas cum re publica
Kattrapos Se/3aaToO larpbv, 7 /3ou\?7 ^ai
7
6 drj/Aos T&V ljfjLvpvalo)v iriixyjaav ijpcoa
TroXvfxadias x&pw- H e was drowned
after Actium, Hieron. devir. ill. 3.72$.
Tonanti Iovi. See c. 29, p. 63.
tintinnafoula. Bells at Roman housedoors do not seem to have beeri common.
A porter (iamtor, ostiarius) was close at
hand, and the visitor knocked [pulsare,
see Livy 6, 34; Plaut. Asin. 382 ; Pliny
N. H. 7 § i i 2 etc.]. Marquardt [14,
p . 278] supposes that where there were
tintinnabula
they were rung by the
porter to inform his master of an important visitor. Seneca de ira 3, 35, 3
quid miser expavescis ad daviorem servi,
ad tinnitum aeris ant ianuae impulsion ?
Dio [54, 4] in his account of the dream
thinks of the K&BOJV carried round by
the night watchmen, ol yap ras evvoudas
vtiKTup (pvX&aaovres KOjdwvoQopovaiv OITOJS
(TrjfjLaivuv crtylaiv, oirSrau (3ov\7)6&<n,

a confusion with the habit of Caligula,
—edixit et strenas ineunte anno se
recepturum stetitque in vestibulo aedium
Kl. Ian. ad captandas stipes [Cal. 42].
It is very unlike the usual dignity and
reserve of Augustus, cavam manum,
bent to receive the coins, cp. Arist.
Equit. 1083 ^jSaXe KvXky.
92. calceus perperam. See Pliny
N. H. 2 § 24 divos Augustus prodidit laevom sibi calceum praepostei'e
inductum
quo die seditione militari prope adflictus
est.
rorasset, 'drizzled.' Varro Z . Z . 7,
58 rorarii dicti ab rore, qui bellum
co7?imittebant ante, ideo quod ante rorat
quam pluit.
palmam, an omen of victory. Pliny
N. H. 17 § 244 simiii modo Trallibus
palma in basi Caesaris dictatoris circa
bella civilia eius: nee non et Romae in
Capitolio in capite lovis bello Persei
Btiv(tiVT<U.
enata palma victoriam
triumphosque
stipem...emendicabat. Dio [54, 35] portendit. Cp. id. 15 §§ 136—7.
tells the same story, but does not seem
Capreas, see c. 22.
to believe it,—/cat TOVTO ixkv, d ye re?
permutaverit. Strabo 4, 5, 9 Neain<rT6i>, OUTU) 7rapadidorai.
It may be 7ro\irac de Kai ra^Trjv (Capreas) Kartcrxov,

i6o

SUETONI

[92—

Neapolitanorum permutaverit, Aenaria data. Observabat et
dies quosdam, ne aut postridie nundinas quoquam proficisceretur, aut Nonis quicquam rei seriae inchoaret; nihil in
hoc quidem aliud devitans, ut ad Tiberium scribit, quam
Bva<pr)/jitav nominis.
Peregrinarum caerimoniarum sicut veteres ac praeceptas
reverentissime coluit, ita ceteras contemptui habuit.
rehVions Namque Athenis initiatus, cum postea Romae pro
tribunali de privilegio sacerdotum Atticae Cereris
cognosceret et quaedam secretiora proponerentur, dimisso
consilio et corona circumstantium solus audiit disceptantes.
At contra non modo in peragranda Aegypto paulo deflectere
ad visendum Apin supersedit, sed et Gaium nepotem, quod
Iudaeam praetervehens apud Hierosolyma non supplicasset,
conlaudavit.
Et quoniam ad haec ventum est, non ab re
Portents

-

accom-

merit subtexere, quae ei pnus quam nasceretur et

.

.

.

TroXtfJLij), 5£ airopaXovTes rds Ili^/coiVcras Div. 2 § 84. And the unlucky Hostilius
awtXafiov T&\W, dovros avrois Kataapos
Mancinus who, on embarking for Spain,
rod 2e/3a<rrou, ras d£ Ka7rpeas 'tdtov
heard a voice calling mane,
mahe,
7roi7)(rafjifrov KTTj/xa /cat KaTOLKodojLiTjcravMancine [Valer. 1, 6, 7]. So Laodamia
TOS. T h e exchange took place in B.C. 29
is afraid to say anything as her husband
[Dio 52, 43].
starts [Ov. Ep. 13, 86], substitit auspicii
lingua timore mali.
Aenaria (Ischia), also called Pithecusae, opposite Misenum.
93. A t h e n i s i n i t i a t u s , i.e. at Eleusis,
p o s t r i d i e n u n d i n a s . T h e day after
in B.C. 3 1 . Dio 51, 4 rd re 4v rfj 'EXone of bad omen was avoided as well
Xddi dLtyKiyae /cat T&V TOLV deoiv /Jivarrjpicou
as the day itself, dies postridie Calendas
fieriXafiev.
F o r Augustus at Athens
Nonas Idus appellati atri, Varro L. L.
see C. I. G. 477.
6, 2 9 ; cp. Gell. 5, 17. W h y the nuna d v i s e n d u m Apin. Dio 51, 16 KOLK
dinae should be unlucky is not clear.
TTJS avTTjs raiJTrjs alrias ovd£ r y "ATTI8L
But Macrobius [Sat. 1, 13, ty] says
ivrvxew ijdfSrqae \eytav deovs- dXX' oi>xi>
that if they ever fell on the 1st day of the
(3ovs TrpoGKvvelv elOltrOai, F o r the sacred
year, that year was observed to be one
bull kept to represent the god, see
of disaster to the state. Perhaps, as
Herod. 2, 38, 1 5 3 ; 3, 28—29. Pliny
B.-Crusius suggests, its etymological
N. H. 8, 184 Bos in Aegypto etiam nuconnexion with novendiales, the feast
minis vice colitur: A pirn
vocant...non
of the dead, was held to give the word
est fas eum certos vitae ex cedere annos,
an ill-omened sound.
mersumque in sacerdotum fonte necant*
nonis. T h e Calends, Ides and Nones
quaesituri luctu alium quern substituting
were all days on which it was unlucky
et donee invenerint maerent derasis etiam
to begin any business [Plut. Q. R. 25],
capitibus.
But see Rawlinson's note,
but the Nones were particularly so.
Herod, vol. 2, p . 356, as to the burialOv. Fast. 1, 57 Nonarum
tutela deo
place of the Apis.
caret. See Becker's Gallus, p . 167.
supersedit, with infin., cp. Tit. 7
Sv<r<f>i]fj,£av n o m i n i s , the unlucky
spectare omnino in publico coetti supersound of the word Nonis (non is). Cp.
sedit. T h e conduct of Gaius may have
the story of the starting of Crassus from
been dictated by respect for the wellBrundisium, and the man selling rushes
known feelings of the Jews as to the
from Caunus and crying Cauneas (inentrance of Gentiles into the T e m p l e .
terpreted as cave ne eas), Cicero de
Orosius[7,3,5] attributes it to contempt.

94.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS,

161

ipso natali die ac deinceps evenerint, quibus futura panying
•, j

•

*

,

r T -4. •

•

•

j

his birth

rnagmtudo eius et perpetua fehcitas speran animad- and childhood
vertique posset.
Velitris antiquitus tacta de caelo parte muri, responsum est
eius oppidi civem quandoque rerum potiturum; qua fiducia
Veliterni et time statim et postea saepius paene ad exitium sui
cum populo Romano belligeraverant; sero tandem documentis
apparuit, ostentum illud Augusti potentiam portendisse.
Auctor est. Iulius MaratKus, ante paucos quam nasceretur
menses prodigium Romae factum publice, quo de- A n ex_
nuntiabatur, regem Populo Romano naturam par- peered
turire; senatum exterritum censuisse, ne quis illo lng*
anno genitus educaretur; eos qui gravidas uxores haberent,
quod ad se quisque spem traheret, curasse ne senatus consultum ad aerarium deferretur.
quibus adscriptis speciem antiquae fre~
94. Velitris. See c. i.
tacta...responsum est. An appeal quentiae Velitrae receperunt [8, 14].
to an aruspex would be the natural
Iulius Marathus. See c. 79.
sequel to such a disaster, Obsequens
regem ... parturire. That various
c. n 6 Piraeum Sulla cum oppugnaret prophecies as to a king at Rome were
units miles eius aggerem ferens exani- current seems certain. They had prematusfulmine, aruspex respondit... For ceded the birth of Iulius according to
the various prophecies founded on acci- Suetonius [Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 6, 799].
dents by lightning, see Seneca IV. Q. i, They do not however seem to have
49. Among other names given to fulgura made much stir as early as B.C. 63. In
is regalia, cum forum tangitur vel B.C. 45 it was reported that L. Aucomitium aut principalia urbis liberae relius Cotta (Cos. B.C. 65) intended to
loca, quorum significatio regnum civitati propose that the jtitle should be given
mindtur. Iohann. Lyd. de Ostentis 51 to Iulius [Cic. ad Att. 13, 44; de divin.
orav de <TKopiriipy4v7)TaL...€L /caret drjfioaiov54]. But as this was grounded on
2§
rdirov €i/<TK^xp€L K€paw6s, veavias aj>ai5i)S or supposed Sibylline verse, it
a real
TTjs (3a<Ti\elas iiri\d(3riTcu*
may have been common talk before.
It has been of course connected with
saepius...cum P. R. foelligeraverunt.
The rebellions of the Veliterni are re- the Messianic hopes of the Jews, and
corded by Livy, in B.C. 384 when they there is reason to believe that the
writings of. the Septuagint were known
assisted the Volscians [6, 13]; in B.C.
382 when they were joined by the to some at least of those who composed
Praenestines [6, 22], the city being or circulated such verses at Rome. But
stormed in B.C. 379 [6, 29]. But in how far this or the 4th Eclogue of
B.C. 375 we find them taking the of- Vergil can be thus connected is an unsolved problem.
fensive, invading the Roman ager [6,
36], assaulting Tusculum, and in consene...ad aerarium deferretur. The
quence being again besieged by the Senatus-consulta were from early limes
Romans [6, 37:—8, 42]. In B.C. 358 • in the custody of the Consuls. In B.C.
another incursion into Roman territory 446 Livy says these were ordered to be
is recorded [7, 15], till at last in B.C. deposited by the Aediles in the temple
337 by t n e Sctum de Latinis they were
of Ceres [Livy 3, 55]. Subsequently
severely dealt with, their walls thrown however they were deposited in the
down, their senators forced under penal- aerarium Saturni, and at some time (it
ties to live beyond the Tiber, and fresh ( is not ascertained exactly when) this
colonists sent to occupy the lands of
formality became necessary for their
which their Senators had been deprived,
validity. Livy 39, 4; Cicero 5 Phil.

S.

II

i62

SJJETONI

[94.

In Asclepiadis Mendetis QeoXoyovfiivcov libris lego, Atiam,
cum ad sollemne Apollinis sacrum media nocte venisset,
posita in templo lectica, dum ceterae matronae dormirent,
obdormisse; draconem repente irrepsisse ad earn pauloque
post egressum; illam expergefactam quasi a concubitu mariti
purificasse se; et statim in corpore eius extitisse maculam
velut picti draconis, nee potuisse unquam exigi, adeo ut mox
publicis balineis perpetuo abstinuerit; Augustum natum mense
decimo et ob hoc Apollinis filium existimatum. Eadem Atia
prius quam pareret somniavit, intestina sua ferri ad sidera
explicarique per omnem terrarum et caeli ambitum. Somniavit et pater Octavius, utero Atiae iubar solis exortum.
Quo natus est die, cum de Catilinae cbniuratione ageretur
in curia et Octavius ob uxoris puerperium serius affuisset,
nota ac vulgata res est P. Nigidium, comperta morae causa,
§ 1 2 ; 12 Phil. § 12; 13 Phil. § 1 9 ;
Plutus [653—734], and as still practised
Cat. 1 § 4 ; Ios. Ant. 14, 10 § 10 irepl
in various shrines in the Greek islands.
ujv doyfjidrwu crvyKX^rov Tdl'os Kaicap
q u o n a t u s . . . de Catilinae. W e have
bwkp 'lovdaloju Ztcpwe tcai els TO raynelov
no record of a debate on the Catiline
oi)K g<p0a<rev dvevexBrfvai.
Willems le conspiracy on the 23rd of S e p t e m b e r ;
Senat II, p. 216.
but there had been many rumours concerning Catiline's designs throughout
Asclepiadis... 0€o\o*yo\)|i€V<ov. Asclethe summer, and if, as there is some
piades of Mendes in Egypt is quoted by
reason to think (in spite of much that
Athenaeus [3, 83 c ] as the author of
has been said to the contrary), the
AlyvTTTiaKd, a history of Egypt. Suidas,
s.v. "ELpdiffKos, says that he also wrote elections were put off till about this
time, there would be good reason for
H y m n s and a regular treatise {irpay/xarda) rjv u)pfJL7]<re ypdcpeiv irepi^xovaavmeetings of the Senate. T h e first of the
well-known meetings (at which Cicero
TGJV deokoyi&v airav&v TTJV aviMpwvlav.
delivered the first Catilinarian speech)
T h e plan of this work, ' a harmony of
was not till the 7th of November. Dio
all religions,' would account for his
(45, 1) telling the story does not menquoting supposed marvels in Italy.
tion the occasion of the meeting.
For M e n d i s , ' of Mendes,' the capital of
a nome in the Delta, see Herod. 2, 42,
P. Nigidium. P . Nigidius Figulus
4 6 ; Strabo 17, I, 19 ftirov rbv Tlava
was, according to Aulus Gellius [4, 9],
TI/JLQXTL KCLI T&V £<£o)v rpdyov. T h e regu-the most learned R o m a n next to Varro,
lar adjectival form would be Mendaeus
with whom he classes him as chief
(St. Byz. Mevdatos). Suetonius has folprops of learning of the age, though the
lowed the analogy of such words as
obscurity of his subjects or style h a d
Magnes {Mdyvrjs).
caused him to fall into neglect [18, 14].
Gellius repeatedly quotes his works, the
A t i a m . See c. 4. Dio [45, 1] attitles of some of which have come down
tributes the story to Atia herself...decvoos
v
to us, de animalibus [Macr. Sat. 3, 16,
lcrx plfrTO €K rod 'AirdWwvos
avrbv
K€KV7)K€vcu 6TL KaTtxddpdov&ct K.T.X.
A 7], de dis [id. 3, 4, 6], de extis [Gell. 16,
6], commentarii grammatici [id. 19,14],
similar story was current as to the birth
de auguriis [id. 7, 6 § 10] and others.
of Scipio Africanus [Gell. 7 (6). 1].
H i s tonitruale survives in a Greek verm e d i a nocte. See on c. 78. But
sion by Ioannes Lydus, and the fragthis night visit of the matrons to the
ments of his works have been collected
temple would seem (if it did take place)
by J . Rutgers. H e was a Senator in
rather connected with the healing powers
B.C. 63, and one of those selected by
of Apollo, like the visits to the temple
Cicero to take the confessions of the
of Asclepius described in Aristophanes

94.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

163

ut horam quoque partus acceperit, affirmasse dominum terrarum orbi natum. Octavio postea, cum per secreta Thraciae
exercitum duceret, in Liberi patris luco barbara caerimonia
de filio consulenti, idem affirmatum est a sacerdotibus, quod
5 infuso super altaria mero tantum flammae emicuisset, ut
supergressa fastigium templi ad caelum usque ferretur, unique omnino Magno Alexandro apud easdem aras sacrificanti
simile provenisset ostentum. Atque etiam sequenti statim
nocte videre visus est filium mortali specie ampliorem, cum
D fulmine et sceptro exuviisque Iovis Optimi Maximi ac
radiata corona, super laureatum currum, bis senis equis candore eximio trahentibus. Infans adhuc, ut scriptum apud
C. Drusum extat, repositus vespere in cunas a nutricula
Catilinarian conspirators [Cic. pro Still.
§ 42; Plut. Cic. 20]. He was praetor
in B.C. 59, and afterwards a legatus in
Asia Minor [Cic. Tim. i\. His adherence to the aristocratic party procured his banishment, and though Cicero
in writing a consolatory letter to him
[/am. 4, 13] gave him reason to think
that Caesar would soon be induced to
recall him, he died shortly afterwards
in exile; Hieron. Chron. a. 709, 710
(B.C. 45—4) Nigidius Figulus Pythagoricus et magus in exilio moriiur.
horam. So as to cast his horoscope,
founded on the natalis hora [Hor. Od.
2, 17, 19].
per secreta Thraciae ' through remote
parts of Thrace.' As governor of Macedonia he had been engaged in war with
the Thracian Bessi. See c. 3, p. 5.
in Liberi patris luco. Herodotus
tells us of a temple and oracle of
Dionysos on Rhodope which, though in
the country of the Satrae, was under
the management of the Bessi, where the
answers were given by a girl as at
Delphi [7, i n ] . Macrobius Sat. 1, 18,
11 describes the round temple of Liber
or Sabazius. Some equivalent of Liber
Pater seems to have been common in
the East as far as India, Q. Curt. 8, 10.
tantum... emicuisset, a favourable
omen, Verg. G. 4, 385, Eel. 8, 105,
where Servius says hoc uxori Ciceronis
dicitur contigisse; cum perado sacrificio
libare vellet in cinerem ex ipso cinere
Jlamma surrexit, quae Jlamma eodem
anno consulem futurum ostendit eius
?naritum, sicut in suo testatur poemate.
Magno Alexandro. Alexander passed

through this district on his way to Asia,
but his visit to the oracle is not recorded
by Arrian.
exuviis Iovis 0. M. The sceptre,
tunica picta, and palmata, taken from
the Capitol for the use of magistrates
(consul or praetor) celebrating a triumph. See Iuv. ro,- 38. Livy 10, 7
Iovis optimi ornatu decoratus, curru
aurato per urbem vectus in Capitolium
ascendent. Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 40
praetextam et pictam togam nunquani
nisi consul accepit, et earn quidem quam
de Iovis templo sumptam alii quoque
accipiebant aut praetores aut consules.
radiata corona. See coin on p. 145;
cp. Verg. Aen. 12, 161
ingenti mole Latinus
quadriiugo vehitur curru> cui tempora
circum
aurati bis sex radii fulgentia cingunt*
The laurelled chariot and the white
horses are also prognostics of a triumph,
although some difficulty has been made
as to this decoration of the triumphal
chariot, which is usually confined to the
hands and heads of the victors, the
fasces of the lictors, or the despatch announcing the victory. Statius indeed
[Theb. 8, 128] has interea vittis lauruque insignis opima Currus, of the chariot
of Amphiaraus; and it seems probable
that the chariots were so decorated, even
though it is not otherwise mentioned.
apud C. Drusum. No writer of this
name is known. Some have supposed
the reference to be to the laudatio of
Drusus, son of Tiberius, at the funeral of
Augustus. See c. 100. But the praenomen of Gaius is nowhere else given
II—2

164

\SUETONI

[94.

loco piano, postera luce non comparuit, diuque quaesitus
tandem in altissima turri repertus est, iacens contra solis
exortum.
Cum primum fari coepisset, in avito suburbano obstrepentis forte ranas silere iussit, atque ex eo negantur
A .
A mira-

r

..

culous
ibi ranae coaxare. Ad quartum lapidem Campanae
Gn
*
viae in nemore prandenti ex inproviso aquila panem
ei e manu rapuit, et cum altissime evolasset, rursus ex
inproviso leniter delapsa reddidit.
Q. Catulus post dedicatum Capitolium duabus continuis
noctibus somniavit: prima, Iovem Optimum Maximum e
praetextatis corhpluribus circum aram ludentibus unum secrevisse, atque in eius sinum signum rei publicae quam manu
gestaret reposuisse; at insequenti, animadvertisse se in gremio
Capitolini lovis eundem puerum, quern cum detrahi iussisset,
prohibitum monitu dei, tanquarri is ad tutelam rei publicae
educaretur; ac die proximo obvium sibi Augustum, cum
incognitum alias haberet, non sine admiratione contuitus,
simillimum dixit puero, de quo somniasset. Quidam prius
somnium Catuli aliter exponunt, quasi Iuppiter compluribus
praetextatis tutorem a se poscentibus, unum ex eis demonstrasset ad quern omnia desideria sua referrent, eiusque
osculum delibatum digitis ad os suum retulisset.
him, and therefore it has been proposed * the ,6th of July B.C. 83. Quintus Lutato read Caesarem for C. There is no tius Catulus (Cos. B.C. 78) was at the
means of deciding the question. The head of the commission for its restorastory itself may be compared with the
tion, an office of which Iulius Caesar as
fanciful tale of Horace's childhood [Odes Praetor in B.C. 62 in vain tried to de3J 4> 9—20], and with such as that told prive him, Suet. Iul. 15. He had
of Sir Thomas More [see Life by his formally dedicated it in B.C. 68, but
great-grandson, p. 6].
was still engaged in the interior decoracoaxare, onomatopoeia from /c6a£.
tion [Cic. Verr. 4 §§ 69, 82]. He died
Spart. Geta 5 § 5 elephanti barriunt^
in B.C. 60 [pro Cael. § 59], when
ranae coaxanf, equi hinniunt, etc.
Augustus was not three years old. The
Campanae viae seems to be another story therefore does not hang together.
name for the via Appia, for it led by
rei publicae...gestaret. That is a
the temple of Feronia on the border
statuette of Rome. Dio [45, 2], who
of the Pomptine marshes [Hor. « * i, 5,
S.
translates the account of these marvels
23]. The name does not occur except from Suetonius, gives eUdva TLVOL rrjs
in an inscription, C.I.L., 1, i29i[Wil- 'PibjLLTjs. Such figures representing cities
manns, 2727] ITVS • ACTVSQVE • EST •
must have been common, just as the
conventional figures on coins. At
IN • HOCE • DELVBRVM • FERONIAI •
Rhodes we hear of a colossal statue of
EX • HOCE • LOCO • I N • VIA • POPLICAM •
the Roman people [Polyb. 31, 15].
CAMPANAM • QVA • PROXSIMVM • EST •
P CDCCX.
osculum=os. delibatum digitis,
lightly touched by his fingers.
Q. Catulus post dedicatum. The
temple of Capitoline Jove was burnt on

94-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

165

M. Cicero C. Caesarem in Capitolium prosecutus, somnium
pristinae noctis familiaribus forte narrabat: puerum
facie liberali, demissum e caelo catena aureaT, ad fores ^ ^ s
Capitoli constitisse eique Iovem flagellum tradidisse;
deinde repente Augusto viso, quem ignotum plerisque adhuc
avunculus Caesar ad sacrificandum acciverat, affirmavit ipsum
esse, cuius imago secundum quietem sibi obversata sit.
Sumenti virilem togam tunica lati clavi, resuta ex utraque
parte, ad pedes decidit. Fuerunt qui interpretarentur, non
aliud significare, quam ut is ordo ,cuius insigne id esset
quandoque ei subiceretur.
Apud Mundam Divus Iulius, castris locum capiens cum
silvam caederet, arborem palmae repertam conservari ut
omen victoriae iussit; ex ea continuo enata suboles adeo in
paucis diebus adolevit, ut non aequiperaret modo matricem,
verum et obtegeret frequentareturque columbarum nidis,
quamvis id avium genus duram et asperam frondem maxime
vitet. Illo et praecipue ostento motum Caesarem ferunt, ne
quem alium sibi succedere quam sororis nepotem vellet.
In secessu Apolloniae Theogenis mathematici pergulam
comite Agrippa ascenderat; cum Agrippae, qui prior conM. Cicero...prosecutus, that is, when
sition, as vox libertatis etc.
Iulius celebrated his triumphs in B.C.
in secessu Apolloniae, c. 8.
46, in which the young Octavius shared
Theogenis...pergulam, 'the studio
[see c. 8; Nic. Dam. 8].
of Theogenes the astrologer.' pergula
flagellum, cp. Iuv. 10, 109 ad sua qui
(pergo) is (1) anything jutting out from
domitos deduxit flagra Quirites, symbol
a house, as a balcony or verandah. (2)
of slavery, as citizens might not be flogged.
a booth or studio, see Mayor on Iuv.
sumenti virilem togam, see c. 8.
10. 137, (3) a school, Iuv. I.e. sed nee
tunica lati clavi, see c. 73. The structor erit, cui cedere debeat omnis
Pergula. Here it seems some loft at
wearing of this must have been granted
by special favour, as it was ordinarily the top of the house used ,by the asreserved for Senators; but certain equites trologer for taking observations of the
stars, such as used to be called a 'garret.'
were latielavii, as has been shown p. 85.
resuta. Dio 45, 2 6 xLT&v nepLeppayr) For mathematiei casting the horoscope,
eKartpwdev. It may have been a slit tunic see Iuv. 14, 248 nota mathematieis
such as that figured in Rich, Diet, of genesis tua. Cp. id. 3, 42; 7, 200; 9, 32.
Elsewhere called Chaldaei [Cato, R. R.
R. Antiq. p. 697.
5 § 4], and astrologi [Cic. divin. 1 § 132].
is ordo, i.e. the Senate.
See also Suet. Tib. \\de infante matkeapud Mundam, c. 8, p. 14. Dio 43,
/c
41 Katirep o$8ev o#x'--- a.Ta7rpdi;ei*> ^X7rt- maticus preelara spopondit. For the
<ras did re raXXa KCLI OI>X yJKKTTa number and influence of the astrologers
OTL
in
/3Xao"r6s TLS 4K <J>OIVLKOS ev ry TT)S H&X7!* Rome during the Early Empire, see
passages quoted by Mayor on Iuv. 14,
XUpLy &TOS etidbs iiri rrj VIKTJ 0;e<j>v.
248.
KOX OV X^yfcJ fxkv OTL 0$K £<p€p£ TTOL TOVTO,
dXX' O'UK iKeivip ye STI dXXci ry TTJS d5eX- Agrippa. Octavian was accompanied
cj}j)S a$Tov eyybvLp Tip '0/fraou/y.
to Apollonia by Maecenas, Agrippa, Q.
arborem palmae, a genitive in appoIuventius and others, Nic. Dam. c. 31.

i66

SUETONI

[94—

sulebat, magna et paene incredibilia praedicerentur, reticere
ipse genituram suam nee velle edere perseverabat, metu
ac pudore, ne minor inveniretur. Qua tamen post multas
adhortationes vix et cunctanter edita, exilivit Theogenes
adoravitque eum. Tantam mox fiduciam fati Augustus s
habuit, ut thema suum vulgaverit nummumque argenteum
nota sideris Capricorni, quo natus est, percusserit.
Post necem Caesaris reverso ab Apollonia et ingrediente
Portents e o u r k e r n > repente liquido ac puro sereno circulus
occurring ad speciem caelestis arcus orbem solis ambiit, ac *
subinde Iuliae Caesaris filiae monimentum fulmine
ictum est. Primo autem consulatu et augurium capienti
duodecim se voltures ut Romulo ostenderunt, et immolanti
omnium victimarum iocinera replicata intrinsecus ab ima fibra
paruerunt, nemine peritorum aliter coiectante quam laeta per 1
haec et magna portendi.
Quin et bellorum omnium eventus ante praesensit. Contractis ad Bononiam triumvirorum copiis, aquila tentorio eius
genituram. The hour and time of
his birth, by which Theogenes could
form his horoscope.
thema, technically used .for a 'horoscope,' the map or plan of the stars at
any given moment. Pitiscus quotes
Sidonius, Epist. 8, 11 quos {ut verbo
matheseos utar) climactericos esset habiturus, utpote quibus themate oblato quasi
sanguinariae geniiurae schema paruisset.
Augustus neglected his own rule as to
the astrologers wVre 4K irpoypacprjs Tract

95. ingrediente eo urbem, at the
beginning of May B.C. 44, see Cic. ad
Att. 14, 20.
Iuliae. Iulia the wife of Pompey
the Great who died in B.C. 54. Her
tomb was in the Campus Martius, see
Suet. Jul. 84.
augurium capienti, see on c. 78.
duodecim voltures, Livy 1, 7; replicata, 'double.' Dio relates this of the
war of Mutina, [46, 35] aXXws re. KOX
8TL BtjovTL at)r£ ore

TOP K6<JJJ*OV KCLI TTJV

TTJV r&v dar^pcov di&Tai-iv b<f> rjv kyeykv- et-ovaLav rod (rrparriyoG 2\a/3e, dirrd. rd
PTjro </>avepCj(raL Dio 56, 25.
rjirara 4v irctcn TOLS lepeiois dwdeica ovcriv

nummum...Capricorni. Hor. Od. 2,
1'J, 1'J seu me Scorpius aspicit Formidolosus, pars violentior Natalis horae, seu
tyrannus Ilesperiae Capricornus undae.
For coins of Augustus with the sign of
Capricornus, see Eckhel pt. 11 nos. 134,
198—9, 293. The sun enters Capricornus on the 21st December, and therefore it is impossible to reconcile this
statement with the birth of Augustus,
without allowing for the full error of 90
days in the old Calendar, which does not
seem to have been the case in B.C. 63,
see p. 9. Yet Manilius [2, 497] also says
contra Capricornus in ipsum
convertit visus, quid enim mirabittir ille
mams, in Augusti felix qui fulserit
ortum ?

€vpidr}. Pliny [N. H. n § 190] places
the occurrence at Spoletium, and adds
responsumque duplicahirum intra annupi imperium. The absence of one
lobe of the liver was a bad sign, Cic.
div. 2 cc. 15—17, while a lobe of unusual size was a good one, Valer. Max.
1, 6, 9 quae prima hostia ante foculum
decidit, eius iecur sine capite inventum
est; proxima caput iocinoris duplex
habuit. Quibus inspectis aruspex tristi
vultu non placere sibi exta, quia prima
tarn tristia, secunda nimis laeta apparuissent. paruerunt for apparuerunt
not used by Cicero.
96. contractis ad Bononiam. In
November of B.C. 43 when the triumvirate was formed, which took place

97-]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

167

supersedens duos corvos hinc et inde infestantis afflixit et ad
terram dedit; notante omni exercitu, futuram quandoque inter
collegas discordiam talem qualis secuta est, et exitum praesagiente. Philippis Thessalus quidam de futura victoria nuntiavit
5 auctore Divo Caesare, cuius sibi species itinere avio occurrisset.
Circa Perusiam, sacrificio non litanti cum augeri hostias
imperasset, ac subita eruptione hostes omnem rei divinae
apparatum abstulissent, constitit inter haruspices, quae periculosa et adversa sacrificanti denuntiata essent, cuncta in
o ipsos^recasura qui exta haberent; neque aliter evenit. Pridie
quam Siciliensem pugnam classe committeret, deambulanti in
litore piscis e mari exilivit et ad pedes iacuit. Apud Actium
descendenti in aciem asellus cum asinario occurrit, homini
Eutychus, bestiae Nicon erat nomen; utriusque simulacrum
5 aeneum victor posuit in templo, in quod castrorum suorum
locum vertit.
Mors quoque eius, de qua hinc dicam, divinitasque post
mortem evidentissimis ostent'is praecognita est. Cum
lustrum in campo Martio magna populi frequentia prophetic
0 conderet, aquila eum saepius circumvolavit trans- °fhl£
gressaque in vicinam aedem super nomen Agrippae
ad primam litteram sedit; quo animadverso vota, quae in
proximum lustrum suscipi mos est, collegam suum Tiberium
nuncupare iussit: nam se, quanquam conscriptis paratisque
£p v7)(TLdi(p rivi rod TTorajJiov rod irapk rtycp. saliere Verg. G. 2, 384.
JSOVOJVICLV irapapptovTos Dio 46, 54. T h e
asellus. The same story is told by

same tale of the eagle is told by Dio 47, 1.
Plutarch, Anton. 65.
templo, see c. 18.
cuius sibi species. See Dio 47, 41.
97. in vicinam aedem...Agrippae.
non litanti, dat.' not getting a favourThe Pantheon, see p. 65.
able omen.' litare, to get a favourable
omen from a sacrifice, is used (a) of the
collegam, that is in the censorial
sacrifices Plaut. Poen. 2. 41 ut semper
office for holding the census (though
sacrificem nee umquam litem, cp. Otho not as censors but with imperio consu8 victima Diti patri caesa litavit, cum lari). M. A. c. 8 tertium consulari
tali sacrificio contraria exta potiora stmt, cum imperio conlega Tiberio Caesare
(2) of the victim itself, Mart. 10, 73, 6. filio (A.D. 14). See p. 60.
In Greek the distinction is marked by
vota... nuncupare... soluturus. Cp.
the active and middle voices: the victims
Val. Max. 1, 1 Ext.y 8 solvere vota pro
are said KaWieptetv [Herod. 6, 76], the
incolumitate exercitus ab ipso nuncupata.
sacrificer KaXKteptecrOcu id. 82.
Cic. 3 Phil. § 11 neglectis sacrificiis solemnibus ante lucem vota ea quae numsubita eruptione. For the danger
of Augustus at Perusia see c. 14 ad fin. quam solveret nuncupavit. Livy 31, 9
pridie quam. Dio 49, 5, who says vovit in eadem verba Consul praeeunte
maximo pontifice, quibusantea quinquenthat it occurred after the defeat near
nalia vota suscipi solita erant. nuncuMessene, cp. Pliny N. H. 9 § 55.
pare {nomen capere) is 'to put into
exilivit for exiluit, a recurrence it
express words,' 'to solemnly name.'
seems to an ancient form. Fest. 206 M.;

•i68

SUETONI

[97—

iam tabulis, riegavit suscepturum quae non esset soluturus.
Sub idem tempus ictu fulminis ex inscriptione statuae eius
prima nominis littera effluxit; responsum est, centum solos
dies posthac victurum, quern numerum C littera notaret,
futurumque ut inter deos referretur, quod aesar, id est reliqua
pars e Caesaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur.
Tiberium igitur in Illyricum dimissurus et Beneventum
usque prosecuturus, cum interpellatores aliis atque
days.aSt a *" s c a u s * s m m r e dicendo detinerent, exclamavit,
quod et ipsum mox inter omina relatum est, non, si
omnia morarentur, amplius se posthac Romae futurum ; atque
itinere incohato Asturam perrexit, et inde, praeter consuetudinem de nocte, ad occasionem aurae evectus, causam valitudinis contraxit ex profluvio alvi. Tunc Campaniae ora
proximisque insulis circuitis, Caprearum quoque secessui
quadriduum impendit, remississimo ad otium et ad omnem
comitatem animo.
Forte Puteolanum sinum praetervehenti vectores nautaeque
de navi Alexandrina, quae tantum quod appulerat, candidati
coronatique et tura libantes fausta omina et eximias laudes
congesserant, per ilium se vivere, per ilium navigare, libertate
tabulis, in which the vows were
pacific one adfirmanda pace quae bello
recorded. See Festus s. v.
nuncupata
subegerat.
Tiberius had subdued Dal... Vota nuncupata dicuntur quae Conmatia in A . D . 9, and celebrated a triumph
sides Praetores, cum in
provinciam
over it in A . D . 12 [Dio 55, 29—32; 56,
proficiscuntur, faciunt.
Ea in tabulas
11 — 1 7 ; Veil. 2, n o — 1 1 5 ] .
praesentibus multis
referuntur.
Asturam. Augustus goes by sea and
aesar. Dio 56, 29 KOX TO \OLTTOV rests at Astura, a small islet between
irav 6i>oficL debv iraph rots Tvpcrrjvois voei. Antium and Circeii, on which he, as
Hesych. afoot' 0eoL, virb Tvpprjvwv. See many others, seems to have had a villa,
Buck Vocalismus der Oskischen Sprache
cp. Tib. 72 rediens ergo propere Camp. 146, who holds that the Etruscans
paniam Asturae in languor em incidit,
borrowed aisar from other Italian
quo paulum levatus Circeios pertendit.
dialects,—Oscan aia ' sacrum,' aisusis
de nocte, 'before daybreak,' for the
'sacrificiis'; Umbrian esono 'sacrificisake of coolness (it was late July or
um,' eesona ' d i v i n a s ' ; Marrucinianaisos
early August). Vespas. 21 in principatu
' d i s ' ; Volscian esaristrom 'sacrificium.'
maturius semper ac de nocte evigilabat.
Cic. Att. 4, 3 in comitium Milo de
i n Illyricum, T a c . Ann. 1, 5 vixdum
nocte venit, Metellus cum prima luce in
ingressus\Illyricum
Tiberius properis piacampum currebat.
tris Uteris accitur; neque satis compertum est spirantem ad hue Augustum
apud
98. Caprearum, see c. 92. Camtirbem Nolam an exanimem
reppererit.
paniae ora, a favourite yachting voyage,
Dio 56, 31 ov [xhroi ijJL<t>ayr]S eddbs 6 see Nero c. 27.
d&vcLTOs atirov iyfrero' i) yap AiovLa <f>ofiy)- tantum quod, 'only just,' see c. 63.
deiffa /XT] rod T^eplov h rrj AeXfiaria £r'
per ilium navigare, H o r . Od. 4, 5,
oVros veojTepLcrdfj n, avvtKpvxJsev avrbv 19 pacatum volitant per mare navitae.
LS
p.tXP °$ ^Keivos acpUeTo. H i s mission,
Prop. 3, 9, 71 At tu sive petes portus
according to Paterculus [2, 123], was a
seu navita linques Caesaris in toto sis

98.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

169

atque fortunis per ilium frui.
Qua re admodum exhilaratus,
quadragenos aureos comitibus divisit iusque iurandum et
cautionem exegit a singulis, non alio datam summam quam
in emptionem Alexandrinarum mercium absumpturos. Sed
et ceteros continuos dies inter varia munuscula togas insuper
ac pallia distribuit, lege proposita ut Romani Graeco, Graeci
Romano habitu et sermone utereiitur. Spectavit assidue
exercentes ephebos, quorum aliqua adhuc copia ex vetere
instituto Capreis erat; isdem etiam epulum in conspectu
suo praebuit, permissa, immo exacta iocandi licentia diripiendique pomorum et obsoniorum rerumque missilia. Nullo
denique genere hilaritatis abstinuit.
Vicinam Capreis insulam Apragopolim appellabat, a dememor Ionio. M. A . c. 25 mare pacavi
a praedonibus.
aureos. T h e denarius aureus, said
to have been introduced by Iulius in
B.C. 48, was equal to 25 silver denarii
or 100 sesterces (about f ol £\).
Alexandrinarum
mercium.
The
commerce of E g y p t had greatly revived
under the Imperial government. T h e r e
was a large trade with Italy in corn
and salt fish, but also in articles of
luxury. Aurel. Vict. Epit. 1 § 2 hunts
tempore ex Aegypto tirbi annua ducenties
centena millia frumenti
inferebantur.
Puteoli was the regular port for the
ships from Alexandria. Seneca [Epp.
77 §§ 1—21 speaks of the tabellariae,
' d e s p a t c h boats,' that regularly precede
the arrival of the Alexandrine fleet.
Augustus laid up in the docks at
Puteoli the ship that had brought the
Egyptian obelisks [Pliny N. H. 36 §
7 0 ] ; nine days' sail from Alexandria to
Puteoli was an extraordinarily good
voyage, id. 19 § 3.
togas...pallia, the distinctive R o m a n
and Greek dresses, see c. 40.
sermone. F o r the wide knowledge and
use of the Greek language by educated
Romans, see passages quoted by Mayor
on Iuv. 15, n o ; cp. supr. c. 89.
ephebos. ...vetere instituto. Capreae
had, till its interchange with Augustus,
been a part of the domain of Neapolis
[c. 92], where Greek customs survived
longer than anywhere in Magna Graecia,
Strabo 5, 4, 7 irXeTara 5' txvV TTJS
'T&XKTJVLKTJS dyojjTJs ivravda,
crc6fcrat,
yvjuvdcrid re %al ifiypeta /cat tpparplai

/cat ovdjULaTO' ' EXX^t/ca.... T h e Greek
ephebi were youths between the end of
boyhood (18) and the age of full citizenship, a period expressed in ' A t h e n s
by iirl dieris icpypav Pollux 8, 105,
part of which was regularly devoted
to physical training in gymnastics.
'kdrjv. 7roX. 42 xeLP0T0VeL dc 7raidoTpl(3as
avrols dtio KCLI didao-K&Xovs otTLves 6w\ofxax^f
Kal To&tieiv KCLI aKOvrLfeiv /cat
KaTaTr€h.T7}v a<pUvat. didderKOVGIV.
missilia. Nero 11 sparsa et missilia
omnium rerum per omnes dies. Macrob.
Sat. 2, 4 § 2 2 ' Curtius eques Romamis
deliciis diffluens, cu7n macrum
turdum
sumpsisset in convivio Caesaris, interrogavit an * mittere liceret.'
Responderat
princeps 'quidni lie eat V ille per fenestram misit.
T h e scenes in which this
strange custom of throwing things at
table sometimes ended are described by
Iuv. 5, 25 sq. Cp. H o r a c e Odes 1, 27.
vicinam Capreis insulam, ' t h e neighbouring island Capreae,' lit.' at Capreae. 5
Casaubon seems right in regarding Capreis as a locative; there is no island
' n e a r Capreae.' Cp. Cassius in •oppido
Antiochiae Cic. ad Att. 5, 18.
Albae
constitertint in urbe opportuna 4 Phil. § 6.
I t may be compared to the manner of
naming towns and islands in later Greek
by adding is TTJP ('in') before the name,
thus is TCLV Kw became S t a n k o , is rav
TT6\LV Stamboul. T h e expression here
used shows the writer to be regarding
Augustus at Naples, from which the
members of his family slip off for a
holiday at Capreae. A n old commentator on Iuv. 10, 93 read Capreas; but

170

SUETONI

[98—

sidia secedentium illuc e comitatu suo. Sed ex dilectis
unum, Masgaban nomine, quasi conditorem insulae KTICTTTJV
vocare consuerat. Huius Masgabae ante annum defuncti
tumulum cum e triclinio animadvertisset magna turba multisque luminibus frequentari, versum compositum ex tempore
clare pronuntiavit:
K.TIO-T0V Se TVfifiov el<rop(o irvpovfievov'

conversusque ad Thrasylum Tiberi comitem, contra accubantem et ignarum rei, interrogavit cuiusnam poetae putaret
esse; quo haesitante, subiecit alium:
e

Opa$ <f>a€<T(TL Macrydfiav

TLfKOfievov;

ac de hoc quoque consuluit. Cum ille nihil aliud responderet
quam, cuiuscumque essent optimos esse, cachinnum sustulit
atque in iocos effusus est. Mox Neapolim traiecit, quanquam
etiam turn infirmis intestinis morbo variante; tamen
senior? e t quinquennale certamen gymnicum honori suo
institutum perspectavit et cum Tiberio ad destinatum locum contendit. Sed in redeundo adgravata valitudine,
tandem Nolae succubuit revocatumque ex itinere Tiberium
diu secreto sermone detinuit, neque post ulli maiori negotio
animum accommodavit.
Supremo die identidem exquirens, an iam de se tumultus
foris esset, petito speculo, capillum sibi comi ac
words.
malas labantes corrigi praecepit, et admissos amicos
an xith century catalogue of Papal
estates has insulam Capris cum Monasterio S. Stephani. Gregorovius H.
of Rome in the Middle Ages II. p. 247
(Engl. Tr.).
Masgaban, probably a freedman of
African race employed by Augustus to
superintend the improvements on the
island. He calls him 'founder' in jest:
there was no 'colony' in the technical
sense on Capri.
frequentari, apparently on the anniversary of his death. For the custom
of these torches in commemorating the
dead see Ov. F. 2, 561.
Thrasylus was one of Tiberius'
favourite mathematici, see Suet. Tib.
cc. 14, 62; Cal. 19.
consuluit...responderet: the words
show that Augustus was making a playful trial of the prophetic powers of

Thrasylus.
quinquennale... gymnicum. S tr abo
5, 4, 7 vvvl hk irevrerripLKhs iepbs dyCjv
avvTehuTcu irap aureus, pLOWiicbs re KCLI
yvp,vLKbs iirl trXeiovs rjjx^pas iv&fuWos
rots eiwpavevT&TOis TLOV icard, TT]V 'B\Xdda. honori suo, see on c. 59, Veil.
Pat. 2, 123 interfuturus certamini ludicro, quod eius honori sacratum a
Neapolitanis est.
ad destinatum locum, 'to the place
to which he had resolved to accompany
him,' i.e. to Beneventum, on his way to
Brundisium to embark for Illyricum.
Veil. Pat. 2, 123 tamen obnitente prosecutus filium digressusque ab eo Beneventi ipse No/am petiit, et ingravescente
in dies valetudine^ cum sciretf quis volenti omnia post se salva remanere
accersendus foret, festinanter revocavit
filium. See also Tib. 21. Velleius /. c.

iod.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

171

percontatus, ecquid iis videretur mimum vitae commode transegisse, adiecit et clausulam:
el he Ti
e%0L fcaXcos TO iraiyviov, /cporov Sore
teal iravres rjfias jxera %apa<$ TTpoirefJu^are.

5

Omnibus deinde dimissis, dum advenientes ab urbe de Drusi
filia aegra interrogat, repente in osculis Liviae et in hac
voce defecit: Livia, nostri coniugi memor vive, ac vale I
sortitus exitum facilem et qualem semper optaverat. Nam
0
fere quotiens audisset cito ac nullo cruciatu defunctum
quempiam, sibi et suis evOavaaiav similem (hoc enim et
verbo uti solebat) precabatur. Unum omnino ante efflatam
animam signum alienatae mentis ostendit, quod subito pavefactus a quadraginta se iuvenibus abripi questus est. Id
5 quoque magis praesagium quam mentis deminutio fuit, siquidem totidem milites praetoriani extulerunt eum in publicum.
also affirms that Tiberius arrived in time
to be with him at his death. Tacitus
[Amt. 1, 5] says that there was a doubt
on the subject, neque satis compertum
spirantem adhuc Augustum apud urbem
Nolam an exanimem reppererit. And
Dio [56, 30] says that Livia was suspected of hastening his end by means
of a poisoned fig; a slander repeated
by Aur. Vict. ep. i, 27.
99. mimum. The mime or farce had
been long known at Rome, but had not
perhaps taken its place as literature till
towards the end of the Republic. See
Suet. Iul. 39. The comparison of life
to a drama is a common one, see Cic.
de Sen. §§ 4, 50, 64, 70, 86. Sen. Ep.
80 nee enim ullo efficacius exprimitur
hie humanae vitae mimus, qui nobis
partes has quas male agamus assignat.
It may have some pathetic appropriateness to the career of Augustus, but it
can hardly have been meant cynically
by him, as Dio supposes, [56, 30] tepbrov

dicat. The word clausula (claudd) was
the technical expression for it. Cic.
Cael. § 75 in quo mimo cum clausula
non invenitur.
el 84 TI. The restoration of these
Greek lines is due to Roth.
Drusi filia, Livilla, daughter of
Drusus and Antonia, and sister of Germanicus and Claudius, see Suet. CI. 1 fin.
She afterwards married Drusus, son of
Tiberius. For her tragic fate see Dio
58,1 r; Tac. Ann. 2, 43, 84; 4, 40; 6, 2.
defecit, 'died,' Quint. 5, 10, 79 deficit
omne quod nascitur.
memor vive ac vale. Cf. Iuv. 3,
318 vale nostri memor. Hor. Od. 3,
27, \\et memor nostri', Galatea, vivas.
€v0ava<rCav.

Cic. ad Att.

16, 7 § 3

illud admirari satis non potui, quod
scripsisti his verbis: * veni igitur tu, qui
evdavafflav. veni. relinquespatriam' ?
The word is rare and late (see L. and
Sc). Polybius (5, 38) uses evdavarelv of
a noble death. A sudden and painless
death was desired by Iulius, Plut. Caes.

dl (M] Tiva irap abr&v d/toLas rots yeXo)TOTcoiote lbs teal tirl [ilfAov rivbs reXevTrj 63 ifiireaoPTos \6yov iroios dpa T&V davdaiTrjffas ical ird/xwapv irdvra rbv TGJV
TO)P &pi<rTos, diravras <p6d(ras i^orja-ev 6
dvdpdjTTOJV

filoV

8U(TK(a\f/€U.

clausulam, the usual appeal at the
end of the play for applause. Cic. de
Sen. § 70 neque enim histrioni utplaceat
peragenda fabula est...nee sapienti usque ad "plaudile" veniendum est. Hor.
A. P. 155 donee cantor *vos plaudite"1

dTTpOffddKTJTOS.

praetoriani, see pp. 52, 106. quo
pater Octavius. Tac. Ann. 1, 9 multus hinc ipse de Augusio sermo...quo
Nolae in domo et cubiculo, in quo pater
eius Octavius', vitamfinivisset.

172

SUE TO NT

[100.

Obiit in cubiculo eodem, quo pater Octavius, duobus
atNola
Sextis, Pompeio et Appuleio, cons. X I I I I . Kal. Sep19 August temb. hora diei nona, septuagesimo et sexto aetatis
anno, diebus V. et XXX. minus.
Corpus decuriones municipiorum et coloniarum a Nola 5
Bovillas usque deportarunt, noctibus propter anni
honour?3, t e m P u s > c u m interdiu in basilica cuiusque oppidi
vel in aedium sacrarum maxima reponeretur. A
Bovillis equester ordo suscepit, urbique intulit atque in vestibulo domus conlocavit. Senatus et in funere ornando et in *
memoria honoranda eo studio certatim progressus est, ut inter
alia complura censuerint quidam, funus triumphali porta ducendum, praecedente Victoria quae est in curia, canentibus
neniam principum liberis utriusque sexus; alii, exequiarum
die ponendos anulos aureos ferreosque sumendos; nonnulli, 1
ossa legenda per sacerdotes summorum collegiorum. Fuit et
100. duobus Sext....cons. A . D . 14,
1,8. T h e porta triumphalis is mentioned
Dio 56, 2 9 ; T a c . Ann. 1, 7. XIIII. Kal.
by Cicero in Pis. § 55.
Sept. 19 August. T h e calculation as
Victoria quae est in curia.
The
to the length of Augustus' life is based
figure which Augustus had himself
on the supposition that his birthday (23
placed in the curia Julia.
Dio 5 1 , 22
September) was according to the rectiT6 fiovkevT-qpiov T6 ,Iov\ieiov...KaBi4p(afied Iulian Calendar, A. W . Zumpt Com<T€V ep4<XT7j(T€ 5k is ccirrd T6 dyd\/xa rd
mentatio Chronologica de Imp. Aug. die
T7JS VLK7)S TO KCLL VVV 6v.
natali, p . 547. decuriones, seec. 2, p. 3.
ponendos...aureos. This would aa Bovillis equester ordo. T h e equites
mount to a pretty general mourning.
demanded this as a privilege from the
T h e gold ring was not a special m a r k
consuls, commissioning the future E m of the Senators. Originally it was given
peror Claudius to m a k e the request
at the public expense to those Senators
[Suet. CI. 6]. Bovillae was 12 miles
who were going on a foreign mission
down the via Appia. Dio 56, 31 TO 5'
[Isid. orig. 19, 32 annidi de publico
odv «rw/xa TO TOV AvyotiffTov e/c fxhv TT}S
dabantur\
I t was then adopted by all
NibXTjs ol irpcoTOL /cad' eKCLcrTTjv irb\iv 4K
the nobililas, but was not obligatory,
dtadoxv* £(3&<TT<x(rai>' irpbs dt br] TYJ "Pibfiy Marius retained they*?rraAr till his
for
yevdjAevov ol iinreis irapaXapovTes VVKT6S
2nd consulship [Pliny N. H. 33 §§ 11
4s T6 &O~TV eo-eKO/xicav.
—12]. Before the 2nd Punic war it
triumphali porta. T h e funeral prohad become the special mark of the
cession was to leave by the gate through
ordo equester, and later on under the
which triumphal processions entered.
Empire was allowed to all
ingenui.
Its exact position is uncertain. Prof.
Willems, le Senat, 1, p . 147. For the
Lanciani [Ramsay's Antiq. p . 10] says
laying aside of annuli aurei in public
that it spanned the modern via della
mourning see Livy 9, 7 lati clavi, anbocca della Verita,
which, running
nuli aurei positi.
Cp. ib. c. 47.
between the Palatine and the river,
ossa legenda. T h a t is, from the
enters the Campus near the Theatrum
funeral pyre, the office generally of near
Marcelli.
This would suit Josephus'
relatives, and in most cases of women,
description of the triumph of Vespasian
Tib. 3, 2, 16
who entered from the Campus, first
ossa
riding 8ia TG>V de&Tpw [B. Iud. 7, 5, 4 ] .
incinctae nigra Candida veste legant.
See also Suet. Ner. 25 (Nero entered
through the Velabrum and Forum on
summorum collegiorum. Sc. pontihis way to the Palatine). Tac. Ann. jices, augures,sefitemviri, Epulones, quin*

ioo.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

173

qui suaderet, appellationem mensis Augusti in Septembrem
transferendarri, quod hoc genitus Augustus, illo defunctus
esset; alius, ut omne tempus a primb die natali ad exitum
eius saeculum Augustum appellaretur et ita in fastos referretur. Verum adhibito honoribus modo, bifariam laudatus
est: pro aede Divi I'uli a Tiberio et pro rostris Laudaveteribus a Druso Tiberi filio, ac senatorum umeris tionesdelatus in Campum crematusque. Nee defuit vir praetorius,
decimviru
Dio 53, 1 KCLL aiirr) p,ev •
(iravfjyvpis) Stct, rckvre del ercov p>£xPL wov
eyiyvero reus rfoffaptn iepuaivaLS iic ireptrpowTJs fi4\ov(ra' Xtyw de rots re irbvri(pLKas teal rods oiwviards, rots re eirrd
teal rtitis TtevreKalSeKa tiivdpas KOKOV(xtyovs. M. A. 9 quattuor
amplissima
collegia.
mensis Augusti. See c. 31.
adhibito...modo, i.e. by Tiberius,
who refused extravagant funeral honours,
see T a c . Ann. 8. T h u s Tiberius' panegyrist Velleius [2,124] says post redditum
caelo patrem, et corpus eius
humanis
honoribus, nomen divinis
honoratum.
bifariam laudatus.
The
laudatio
preceded the burning.
T h e cortege
was stopped opposite the place at which
the oration was to be delivered, the
wax figures of the ancestors carried in
it were arrayed on curule seats round,
and then some relation of the deceased
mounted the rostra to deliver the speech.
Polyb. 6, 53, 9. I n case of public
funerals the duty of delivering the
speech was frequently entrusted by the
Senate to some magistrate [Quint. 3, 7
§ 2]. It was in fact a contio, an address
to the citizens at large, Cic. de leg. 2 §
61 reliqua stmt in more: funus ut indicatur,...honor'atorum
virorum laudes in
contione memorentur.
Originally it was
an honour reserved for magistrates for
some special services, and even when
the patriciate at large assumed the right
for each of its members, it seems to
have required some authorisation of the
Senate or the Emperor. Marq. 14, p .
420, see T a c . Ann. 3, 76.
pro rostris veteribus. T h e Rostra
standing between the Forum and the
Comitium had been removed by Iulius
when he was restoring the Curia (B.C.
44). Dio 43, 49 rb (3qjuLa rb ev /A&ry
rov irpbrepov rijs dyopds 6v is rbv vvv
rbirov dvex^p^V'
D r Middleton [Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. 1. p. 252]
holds that the Rostra thus rebuilt were

still called Vetera as opposed to the
Rostra Iulia, a podium of the Heroon
lulium,
built by Augustus, to which
were affixed the beaks of the ships taken
at Actium [Dio 51, 19 r-qv re Kp7)ir28a
rod 'lovXieiov rjpyov rols run> alx^oXtartdo)v viiav Kocrjj,7}d7jvai...'4yv(acrav'].T h e
rostra as made by Caesar were not quite
a reproduction of the older rostra, for
some of the statues were removed. See
Cic. 9 Phil. § 4. (An old emendation
was a Tiberio pro rostris; sub veteribus
a Druso.
T h e expression sub veteribus,
sc. tabernis, was the designation of a
street along one side of the Forum.)
in Campum, as being outside the
pomoerium, Cic. de leg, 2 § 58 hominem
mortuum in urbe ne sepelito neve tirito.
T h e burning of the bodies of Clodius
and Iulius Caesar in the forum was
illegal and done in a popular riot. T h e
exceptions were the Vestal virgins and
certain families (virtutis causa) such as
the Valerii and Fabricii, who however
soon ceased to avail themselves of the
privilege.
Even on the Campus it
was only allowed on special occasions.
Again, to have a monument on the
Campus or elsewhere in the city was an
honour rarely granted and required a
SCtum or a lex. See C. I. L. 1, p . 186.
C • POPLICIO • L • F • BIBVLO • AED • PL •
HONORIS • VIRTVTISQVE CAVSA • SENATVS • IVSSV • LOCVS • MONVMENTO •
QVO • IPSE POSTEREIQVE • EIVS • INF E R R E N T V R • PVBLICE • DATVS • EST.

Cic. 9 Phil. § 4 maiores nostri staUias
multis
decfeverunt,
sepulcra
paucis.
ib. § 17 utique locum sepulcro in campo
Esquilino C. Pansa cos. sett quo in loco
videbitur pedes xxx quoquo versus adsignet, quo Ser* Sulpicius
inferatur,
quod sepulcrum ipsius liberorum posterorumque eius esset, uti quod Optimo iure
publice sepulcrum datum esset.
The
reason was that * public' land could not
be alienated without a law. T h e Vestals and the Emperors however were

174

SUETONI

[ioo—

qui se effigiem cremati euntem in caelum vidisse iuraret
Reliquias legerunt primores equestris ordinis, tunicati et
The Mau- discincti pedibusque nudis, ac Mausoleo condidesoleum.
runt. Id opus inter Flaminiam viam ripamque
Tiberis sexto suo consulatu extruxerat circumiectasque
silvas et ambulationes in usum populi iam turn publicarat.
Testamentum, L. Planco C. Silio cons. III. Non. Apriles,
ante annum et quattuor menses quam decederet,
signed^ factum ab eo ac duobus codicibus, partim ipsius
2 April
partim libertorum Polybi et Hilarionis manu, scripA.D. 13.

,

,

.

.

TT

i

turn depositumque apud se virgines Vestales cum
tribus signatis aeque voluminibus protulerunt. Quae omnia
in senatu aperta atque recitata sunt. Heredes instituit primos :
Tiberium ex parte dimidia et sextante, Liviam ex parte tertia,
above the law, Servius ad Verg. Aen. erected by his wife Artemisia supplied
n , 206 Lmperatores et virgines Vestae% this word, see Dem. de lib. Rhod. 191.
Diodor. 15, 36. He died in B.C. 353.
qui legibus non tenentur, in civitate haPlin. N. H. 36 § 47.
bent sepulcra. Marq. 14, p. 422.
sexto suo consulatu. B.C. 28.
vir praetorius, Numerius Atticus;
see Dio 56, 46, who says that Livia
publicarat, see on c. 29, p. 63.
presented him with 25000 denarii for
101. L. Planco, C. Silio cons., i.e.
his report. Cp. Seneca, de Mori. Claud. Bre. 13. •
§ 2 Appiae viae curator est qua scis et
virgines Vestales, who frequently
divum Augustum et Tiberium Caesar em were intrusted with wills. See Iul.
ad deos isse. Cp. Dio 56, 42 aerbs 8£ 83; Tac. Ann. 1, 8; Plut. Anton. 58.
TLS e£ atirTJs (Trvpds) a<p€0ei$ aviirraro So also with other important documents,
cos
Kal dfy TT)P ypvxty airov is TOP otipavbv see Dio 48, 12 (the agreement between
ava<f)£p(x)v.
Antony and Augustus in B.C. 41): App.
reliquias legerunt. Dio I.e. ij de 81) B. Civ. 5, 48 (the treaty of Misenum in
ap
B.C. 39). Marq. 13, p. 27.
Aiovla Kara x^P
vhre rj^pats /uera
in senatu, Tac. Ann. r, 8 nihilprimo
T&V irpihruv hrir£(av ixelvaca rd re oard
senatus die agipassus est nisi de supremis
atirov crvveX^aro Kal es rb /JLvq/JLeLou KartBero. Vergil Aen. 6, 227 reliquias vino August'i, cuius testamentwn inlatum per
et bibulam lavere favillam Ossaque lecta Virgines Vestae Tiberium et Liviam
heredes habuit. The Senate had been
cado texit Corynaeus aeno. Cp. c. 97.
tunicati... nudis, * without their saga, summoned by Tiberius iure tribuniciae
ungirt, and with bare feet.' These potestatis, Tib. c. 23.
seem special marks of mourning on the
recitata, per libertum, see Tib. I.e.
part of soldiers, see c. 24. They are
Dio [56, 32] says that the freedman
not mentioned elsewhere as ordinarily
Polybius read it, that being an office
used at funerals.
looked on as unbecoming a Senator.
Mausoleo. The Mausoleum Augusti
atque. The two rolls were signed
was a great mound of earth [tumulus and sealed in the same formal manner
Verg. Aen. 6, 874: Tac. Ann. 3, 9] on
as the will.
a base of white marble 220 feet in
Tiberium. In the life of Tiberius I.e.
diameter, surmounted with a colossal he quotes the opening sentence Quoniam
bronze statue of Augustus. Strabo 5,
atrox fortuna Gaium et Lucium filios
3, 8. It now forms the Teatro Correa, mihi eripuit, Tiberius Caesar mihi ex
used as a kind of circus. Suetonius parte dimidia et sextante heres esto.
Cat. 15; Nero 46; Vesp. 23. It was
primos...secundos. The primi are
filled by the time of Hadrian's death,
the real heirs. The secundi only sucDio 69, 23 (A.D. 138). For Mausolus,
ceed in case the primi (a) refuse the inthe Carian Prince, whose monument
heritance, or (b) die before coming of

IOI.]

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS.

175

quos et ferre nomen suum iussit, secundos: Drusum Tiberi
filium ex triente, ex partibus reliquis Germanicum liberosque
eius tres sexus virilis, tertio gradu : propinquos amicosque
compluris. Legavit populo Romano quadringenties, tribubus
5 tricies quinquies sestertium, praetorianis militibus Public
singula milia nummorum, cohortibus urbanis quin- le S acies genos, legionaris trecenos nummos: quam summam repraesentari iussit, nam et confiscatam semper repositamque
habuerat. Reliqua legata varie dedit produxitque quaedam
0 ad vicies sestertium, quibus solvendis annuum diem finiit, excusata rei familiaris mediocritate, nee plus perventurum ad
heredes suos quam milies et quingenties professus, quamvis
viginti proximis annis quaterdecies milies ex testamentis
amicorum percepisset, quod paene omne cum duobus paternis
5 patrimoniis ceterisque hereditatibus in rem publicam absumsisset. Iulias filiam neptemque, si quid iis accidisset, vetuit
age. The being entered as secundi or
T I • CAESARIS • D I V I • AVG • F •
tertii was therefore often merely comAVGVSTI • P O N T I F I C I S • MAXIMI •
plimentary, with the off chance of being T R I B • POT • X X X I I X • I M P • V I I I •
valuable. In this case the secundi are
cos • v • The will made no difference
the natural successors of the primi. to him in this respect, and Tacitus only
Hor. S. 2, 5, 47 leniter in spent Adrepe refers to Livia, [Ann. 1, 8] Liviam in
officiosus ut et scribare secundus Haeres. /amiliam Iuliam nomenque Augustum
Cic. /am. 13, 61 qui me cum tutorem adsumebat. Henceforth she is Julia
turn etiam secundum haeredem constitu- August'a, whereas before she was Livia
ent. The haeredes took the residue (in Drusi /. uxor Caesaris (compare Wilthe assigned proportions) when the
manns 880 b and 906).
legacies had been paid. Tiberius §
Drusum. Drusus the son of Tiberius
( | + $•), Li via \. A woman could take
died in A.D. 23. The three sons of
a legacy up to a half, but was still preGermanicus were Nero, Drusus and
vented by the Voconian plebiscitum
Gaius (Caligula).
(B.C. 169) from being an heres [Gaius
tribubus. For the two tribes with
2, 274; Plin. panegyr. 42], but Gellius which Augustus had been connected, cp.
[20,1 § 23] says that the law was obsolete
c. 40, p. 89. See also Kubitschek de
and neglected. It had always been
trib. Roman, origine, p. 118. Tacitus
evaded by means of trusts or legacies.
[Ann. 1, 8] seems to mean these tributes
Augustus is said to have asked for a
by the term plebs: populo et plebi quadspecial exemption for Livia, Dio 56, 32 ringentiens triciens quinquiens.
irapcL rrjs (3ov\r}s rjTfooLTO TOGOVTOP a$Trj
praetorianis. See pp. 52, 106. coKCLI 7rapa rbv V6/JLOV KaTotknrelv dvvrjdrjvai. hortibus urbanis, p. 105.
quos et ferre nomen. Tiberius alconfiscatam, ^kept under the head
ready bore the name of Caesar from
of his private property.' See c. 15,
adoption [A.D. 4], and is described in
p. 31.
monuments as Tiberius Caesar Aug./
cum duobus paternis hereditatibus,
[Wilmanns 886, 887, 880 b], whereas
one from his father Octavius, which
before his adoption he is Ti. Claudius had been badly or dishonestly managed
TL/. Nero [Wilmanns 882]. He did by his guardian [see p. 58]; and that of
not adopt the name * Augustus' until so his adoptive father Iulius, who left him
called by the Senate [Dio 57, 2—3].
heres ex dodrante (fths). Suet. Jul.
The inscription over him in the Mauso83, supr. c. 7.
leum gives him his full titles: OSSA»
Iulias. See on c. 64. si quid iis

i76

SUETONI

DIVUS

AUGUSTUS

[101.

sepulcro suo inferri. Tribus voluminibus, uno mandata de
funere suo complexus est, altera indicem rerum a se gesResgestae tarum, quern vellet incidi in aeneis tabulis, quae ante
Augusti. Mausoleum statuerentur, tertio breviarium t'otius imperii, quantum militum sub signis ubique esset, quantum?
pecuniae in aerario et fiscis et vectigaliorum residuis. Adiecit et libertorum servorumque nomina, a quibus ratio exigi
posset.
accidisset, ' o n their d e a t h , ' a common
euphemism, see Cic. Tusc. i § 104.
tribus voluminibus. Dio [56, 33]
adds a fourth, containing certain maxims
and principles of state which Augustus
thought it important to b e observed, TO
riraprov
ivroXas Kal imffidifais T(fi
tifieplip Kal r$ Koiv$, SWas re Kal 6Vws
liifr' aTrc\evffepuxri iroXXoi/s, Xva p.ri iravTodairov 6xKov Tip/ w6\u> 'jr'Krjpdjawo'i'
fiij7* av ffvx*oto £yypd<p(txrtv 'if a Tro\£r rb
Sidtpopor airrois irpos robs inrriKbovs 5.
ra re KOIVO. iraai rbis dvvafUvois Kal
eldivai Kal Tpdrreiv ewirpfireiv xal Is
liijiiva avaprav avra irapyptat a<pioiv,
.oVdis UTire TvpavvlSos TIS iTidv/ifori frfr'
av lrTaiaavTos iKelvov TO SrfpJxriov trtpaXrj'
yvihfxijv re avrois £5wKe rots re irapovffiv
apeirBrjvai Kal ar/ia/ubs iirl irkeiov TJJK
apxtjv iTavgqaai i$e~Kii<7ai' bvc<pb\aKTbv
re yap avrty> EtreaOai Kal KwSvvebffctv CK
rotirov Kal ra ovra diroktaai tyy.
index rerum, that which, with its
official Greek translation, has been preserved for us in the temple at Ancyra,
and to a small extent at Apollonia.
See Appendix A.
breviarium. Tacitus [Ann. 1, 11]
seems not to distinguish clearly between
the two rolls any more than Suetonius:

(Portrait

opes publicae continebantur,
quantum
civium sociorumque
in armis,
quot
classes, regno, provincial,
tributa out
vectigalia et necessitates ac largitiones,
quae cuncta sua manu prescripserat Augustus, addideratque consilium coercendi
intra terminos imperii, incertum metu
an per invidiam.
Seneca Ep. 6 9 objects
to the word breviarium, saying that t h e
true Latin word is summarium.
For
breviarium for an abstract of accounts
see Galb. 12.
v e c t i g a l i o r u m residuis, 'arrears of
taxes,' 'balances still in the h a n d s of
t h e receivers,' as is shown by t h e definition in the Dig. 48, 13, 2 (L. and Sh.)
lege Iulia de residuis tenetur qui publicum pecuniam delegatam in usum aliquem retinuit neque in eum consumpsit.
F o r the form vectigaliorum cf. c. 53
sponsaliorum.
See Macrob. Sat. 1, 4
§ 12 Asinius Pollio vectigaliorum
frequenter usurpet, quod vectigal
non
minus dicatur quam vectigalia, by which
Macrobius seems to mean that vectigal
(a shortened form for vectigale) follows
the rule of such adjectives used subs t a n t i a l l y , many of which have the
gen. plur. in -orum, e.g. baccanalia,
compitalia etc. Roby L. G. § 425.

of

Livia.)

APPENDIX A.
I.

MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM.

OF the three volumina left by Augustus the second was an index
rerum a se gestarum (c. 101; Dio 56, 33) which he wished to be
engraved on bronze tablets to be affixed to the front of the Mausoleum.
This was no doubt done, but these tablets have long disappeared.
Fortunately a copy was also it seems commonly engraved on temples
of ' Augustus and Rome' in the provinces with a Greek version as
the Koivrj SiaAe/cros. Of these copies one remains fairly complete
on the walls of a temple at Ancyra in Galatia [Angora], and some
fragments at Apollonia in Pisidia. The first partial copy of the Latin
version was made by a Dutchman, Augerius Busbequius, when on a
mission to Soliman in 1555, and was printed by Andrew Schott in
an edition of Aurelius Victor (1577). This however was a mere
fragment of the whole; and since that time various attempts have
been made to obtain a complete copy, as by Daniel Gosson, Dutch
Vice-consul at Smyrna (in the 17th century), and the Frenchman
Paul Lucas by the order of Louis XIV. At length in 1861 Napoleon
III. obtained a complete transcript by the exertions of G. Perrot
and E. Guillaume. Finally, in 1882, C. Humann obtained a plaster
cast of the whole, both Greek and Latin, in a series of plates which
were safely deposited in the Museum at Berlin. This is the foundation of the text as restored and revised by Mommsen in 1883.
S.

12

178

APPENDIX

A,

Kirum gestarum divi Augusti, quibus orbem terra,[rum] imperio
populi Rom. subiecit,
et inpensarum, quas in rem publicam
populumque Ro[#z#]num fecit, incisarum in duabus aheneis pilis,
quae su[^]t Romae positae, exemplar sub[z]ectum.
Ann6s undeviginti natus exercitum privato consilio et privata impensa 1
comparavi,
per quern rem publicam [afojminatione factionis
oppressam in libertatem vindica[z/z. Ob quae i ^ a t u s decretis
honor[//£]cis in ordinem suum m[e adlegit C. Pansa A. Hirti]o
consulibu[^, c]on[sula]Yem locum s[imul dans sententiae ferendae,
et z#z]perium mihi dedit.
Res publica n[e quid detrimenti
caperet) me] pro praetore simul cum consulibus pro[videre iussit.
Populus] autem e6dem anno me consulem, cum [cos. uterque hello
ceci]dis$et, et trium virum rei publicae constituend[a<? creavit].

B.C. 44
(First
policy)
B.C. 43

Qui parentem meum [interfecer]xm[t, eo]s in exilium expuli iudiciis 2
legitimis ultus e6rum [ya]cin[#.r, e]t postea bellum inferentis rei
publicae vici b[zs a]cie.
[i?]ella terra et mari c[ivilia exter]na,qvLe toto in orbe terrarum 3
(Wars)
s[uscepi] victorque omnibus [superstitious civibus peperci.
Exte[mas] gentes, quibus ttito [ignosci pot]u[[t, ^]nservare quam
excidere m[alui]. Millia civium 'R6ma[norum adacta] sacramento
meo fuerunt circiter [quingen]ta.
Ex quibus dedii[#/ in
(Veterans)
colonics aut remisi in municipia sua stipend's emeri]ds millia
aliquant[#^ plura qu]&m trecenta et iis omnibus agr6s a [me
emptos~\ aut pecuniam pr6 ip[raediis a] me dedi.
Naves cepi
sescen[taspraeter] eas, si quae min6re[^ quam /n>]emes fuerunt.
(lex Pedid)

(Honours)

[Bis] ovans triumpha[W, tris egi <:]urulis triumph6s et appella[/&.r sum 4
viciens se]mt\ imperator. [Cum deinde pM]r{§ triumphos mihi
se[nalus decrevisset, eis j^/Jpersedi . I[tem saepe laur]us deposui,
in CsL])i[tolw votis, quae] qu6que bello n\mcu[paveram solu]tis.
Ob res a [me aut per legatos] me6s auspicis meis terra
m[ariqu]e pr[#]spere gestas qu[inquagiens et ^«/«Jquiens decrevit
senatus supp[//#z]ndum esse dis \mmo[rtalibus.
Dies autem^ pe]r
quos ex senatus consulto [V]upplicatum est, fuere T>C[CCLXXXX.
In triumphis meis] ducti sunt ante currum m[Y]um reges aut
r[^]um lib[m novem. Consul fuerjam terdeciens, c[V|m [scribeb-]

I. MONUMENTUM

ANCYRANUM.

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7
12—2

i8o

{Offices
refused)

B.C. 19
B.C. 18

APPENDIX

A.

a[m] haee, [et agebam se\^\timum et trigensimum annum tribu]niciae potestatis.
[P>ictatura]m et apsent[z et praesenti mihi datam
a populo et 5
senatu M. Marce]\\o e[/] L. hx[runtio consulibus non accepi. Non
recusavi in summa frumenti /]enuri[# r]uratio[W]m an[nonae,
qu]a,m ita ad[mimstravi, ut
paucis diebu]s metu et per[/]c[/t?
quo erat populu\m umv[ersum meis impensis liberarem\
Con[sulatum turn dat]um annuum e[tperpetuum non accepi\
[Consulibus M. Vinucio et Q. Lucretio et postea P.] et Cn. \\entulis et 6
tertium Paullo Fabio Maximo et Q. Tuberone senatu populoq]u[e
Romano consentientibus]

(Morum
regimen)

(Offices
held)

[Princeps senaius fui usque ad eum diem, quo scrips]eram [haec, per annos quadraginta. Pontifex maximus, augur,
quindecimviru]m sacris [faciundis, septemvirum epulonum, frater
arvalis, sodalis Titius,fetiali~\$ fui.

Patrici6rum numerum auxi consul quintum iussii populi et senatils. 8
Senatum ter legi. Et in consulate sexto censum populi conlega
M. Agrippa 6gi.
Liistrum post annum alterum et quadragensimum fec[/].
Qu6 histro civium Roman6rum censa sunt
capita quadragiens centum millia et sexag[z]nta tria millia.
B.C. 8
[fteru]m consulari cum imperio liistrum (V|61us feci C. Censoring
et C ] Asinio cos.
Qu6 liistro censa sunt civium Roman6ru[^
capita] quadragiens centum millia et ducenta triginta tria m[illia.
Tertiu]m consulari cum imperio ldstrum conlega Tib. Cae[w<?
A.D. 14
filiofeci\ Sex. Pompeio et Sex. Appuleio cos. Qu6 liistro ce[nsa
sunt civium ifo]man6rum capitum quadragiens centum mill[7# et
nonge?ita /^]iginta et septem millia.
Legibus no\i[s latis
complura <?]xempla maiorum exolescentia iam ex nost(V<2 usu
reduxi et ipse] multarum rer[um 6#<?]mpla imitanda ipos[teris
tradidi\

B.C. 29
B.C. 28
[The
census)
A.D. 14

[Vota pro vaktudine mea suscipiper

consoles et sacerdotes qu[into 9

/.

MONUMENTUM

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182

APPENDIX

A.

qu[oque anno senatus decrevit. Ex iis] votis s[#/]pe fecerunt vivo
[me ludos aliquotiens sacerdotu]m quattuor amplisshru, co\\€[gia,
aliquotiens consules. Privatum etiam et mitnicipatim iiniver[.«
cives sacrificaverunt sempe1^. apud omnia pulvinaria pr6 va\e[ludine
mea].
[JVomen meum senatus consulto inc]lusum est in saliare carmen et 10
{Sacred
sacrosan[/7to ut essem
et ut ^]uoa[^] viverem, tribiinicia
offices)
potestas mihi [esset, lege sanctum est. Poniif]Qx maximus ne
fierem in vivi [c]on\e[gae locum, populo id ^^Jrdotium deferente
mihi, quod pater meu[\f habuit, recusavi. Cepi id] sacerdotium
aliquot post ann6s e6 mor[^^ qui civilis motus <?]ccasione
occupaverat,
cuncta ex Italia [ad comitia mea . . . . tanta
/^&]ltitudine, quanta Romae nun[^]uam [antea fuisse fertur, coeunte]
P. Sulpicio C. Valgio consulibujV] .
[Aram Fortunae reduci iuxta ? ae]&€s Honoris et Virtutis ad portam 11
{Sacred
[Capenampro reditu meo senatus consacravit, in qua ponti[yto et
honours)
virgines Vestales #;z/zz]versarium sacrificium facere [iussit, die quo
consulibus Q. Luc]rQt\o et [M. Vinuci]o in urbem ex [Syria redi,
et diem Augustali]a ex [c]o[gnomine nost]xo appellavit.
B.C. 19

B.C. 13

[Senatus consulto eodem tempor]e pars [praetorum et /r/Jbunorum [plebi 12
cum consule Q. Zucret]io et princi[//]bus [viris <?^]viam mihi
mis[V]a e[st in Campan]ia[m, qui] honos [ad hoc tempus] nemini
praeter [m]e es[t decretus. Cu]m ex H[z^#]nia Ga\[liaque, rebus
in his /Jrovincis prosp[V]re [g£r/]i|V], R[omam redi] Ti. Ne[r]one
P. Qm[ntilzo consulibu]s , aram [Pads ^ J u ^ j u s t f ^ senatus pro]
redij/jii meo co[nsacrari censuit] ad c a m [ / z ^ Martium, in qua
#z#]gistratiis et s&c[erdotes et virgines] V[est]i[les anniversarium
sacri/ic]ium facer[<? iussit].

[lanum] Quirin[z^, quem <r/]aussum ess[> maiores nostri voluer]\mt, 13
[cum P]QT totum i[mperium /#]puli Roma[^/ terra marique ^]set
parta vic[torii]s pax, cum pr[ius, quam] nascerer, [a conditd] u[r^]e
25, 2
bis omnino clausum [/]uisse prodatur m[emori]&e, ter me
princi[/<? senat]us claudendum esse censui[/].
[Pil]ios meos, qu6s iuv[enes mi]hi eripuit for[tuna], Gaium et Lucium 14
(Gains and
Caesares honoris mei caussa senatus populusque Romanus annum
Lucius)
B.C. 5, 2
quintum et decimum agentis consule's designavit, ut [e]\im magistratum inirent post quinquennium. Et ex e6 die, quo deducti
|Y)unt in forum, ut interessent consiliis publicis decrevit sena[/]us.
Equites [#]utem Romani universi principem iuventutis utrumque edrum parm[w] et hastis argenteis donatum appellaverunt.

{Peace)
B.C. 29,

/.

MONUMENTUM

ANCYRANUM.

183

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184
(Benefactions)
B.C. 29
B.C. 23
B.C. II

B.C. 5

B.C. 29

B.C. 30
B.C. 14

(The
Veterans)

B.C. 7, 6,
4> 3> 2

(Aerarium)
A.D.

6

B.c. 8

APPENDIX

A.

Plebei Romanae viritim «s trecenos numeravi ex testamento patris 15
mei, et nomine meo « s quadringenos ex bell6rum manibifs
consul quintum dedi, iterum autem in consulate decimo ex [p]a.trimonio meo « s quadringenos congiari viritim pernumer[#]vi, et
consul undecimum duodecim fnimentati6nes friimento pr[z]vatim
coempto emensus sum,
et tribunicia potestate duodecimum
quadringen6s nummos tertium viritim dedi. Quae mea congiaria
p[Y]rvenerunt ad \homl]rmm. millia nunquam minus quinquaginta
et ducenta.
Tribu[/zzV]iae potestatis duodevicensimum consul
xii trecentis et vigintjV] millibus plebis urbanae sexagends
denarids viritim dedi.
In colon[/]s militum me6rum consul
quintum ex manibifs viritim millia nummum singula dedi;
acceperunt id triumphale congiarium in colo[/z]is hominum
circiter centum et viginti millia.
Consul tertium deep]mum
sexagends denari6s plebei, quae turn fnimentum publicum accipieba[/], dedi; ea millia hominum paullo phira quam ducenta
fuerunt.
Pecuniam [pro] agris, qu6s in consulate me6 quarto et posted con- 16
sulibus M. Cr[asso e]t Cn. Lentulo augure adsignavi militibus,
solvi miinicipis. Ea [s]u[mma sest]ertium circiter sexsiens milliens
fuit, quam [p]r6 Italicis praedjYs] numeravi, et ci[V]citer bis
mill[/<?]ns et sescentiens, quod pro agris pr6vin[7]ialibus solvi.
Id primus et [Vjolus omnium, qui [aTjedtfxerunt colonias
militum in Italia aut in provincis, ad memor[/]am aetatis meae
feci. Et postea Ti. Nerone et Cn. Pisone cohsulibus, item[^]ue
C. Antistio et D. Laelio cos., et C. Calvisio et L. Pasieno consulibus, et L. L,e[ntulo et] M. Messalla consulibus, et L. Caninio
et Q. Fabricio CO[J\] mftitfy&us, qu]6s emeriteis stipendis in sua
municipi[# remis]i, praempV* #]umerato persolvi,
quam in rem
seste[rtium] q[uater ^]illien[j ii]b[ente]r impendi.
Quater [jtejeunia mea iuvi aerarium, ita ut sestertium millienjV) et 17
quing[^]t[/(?«]s ad eos qui praeerant aerario detulerim. Et M.
Lep[z]do et L. Ar[r]unt[/]o cos. i[«] aerarium militare, quod ex
consilio m[eo] co\nstitut]\im est, ex [^]uo praemia darentur
militibus, qui vicena [aut plu]xdi sti[pendi]a emeruissent,
as
milliens et septing[^]nti[^j ex pa]t[rim]onio [m]eo detuli.
[Inde ab eo anno, ^]uo Cn. et P. Lentuli c[<?«j]ules fuerunt, cum 18
d[/]flcerent [vectz]g[a/ia9 turn] centum millibus h[/?/;zz]num tu[m
//]uribus i[«/]ato fm[mento vel ad ^]umma[w]s t\ributus ex agro]
et ip2Lt[rifnonio] m[Y]o [opem tuli\

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TT/S ep-^S virdp$eu)S e8o)Ka.

186

APPENDIX

A.

Ciiriam et continens ei chalcidicum, templumque Apollinis in Palatio 19
cum porticibus, aedem divi Iuli, Lupercal, porticum ad circum
Flaminium, quam sum appellari passus ex nomine eius qui pri6rem eddem in solo fecerat Octaviam, pulvinar ad circum maximum, aedes in Capitolio Iovis feretri et Iovis tonantis,
aedem
Quirini, aedes Minervae et Iilnonis reginae et Iovis Libertatis
in Aventino, aedem Larum in summa sacra via, aedem deurn
Penatium in Velia, aedem Iuventatis, aedem Matris Magnae
in Palatio feci.
Capitolium et Pompeium theatrum utrumque opus impensa grand! 20
refeci sine ulla inscriptione nominis mei.
Rivos aquarum
compluribus locis vetustate labentes refeci,
et aquam quae
Marcia appellator duplicavi fonte novo in rivum eius inmisso.
Forum Iulium et basilicam, quae fuit inter aedem Castoris et
aedem Saturni,
coepta profligataque opera a patre me6 perfeci
et eandem basilicam consumptam incendio ampliato eius solo
sub titulo nominis filiorum m[eorum /]ncohavi
et, si vivus n6n
perfecissem, perfici ab heredib[&j* iussi].
Duo et octoginta
templa deum in urbe consul sext[uni ex decreto] senatus refeci,
B.C. 28
nullo praetermisso quod e[o] temp[ore refici debebat]. Con[Y)ul
septimum viam Flaminiam &[b urbe] Axi\minu?n feci et pontes]
B.C. 27
omnes praeter Mulvium et Minucium.
(Via Fla{Buildings)

minid)

In privato solo Martis Ultoris templum forumque Augustum [ex 21
mani]biis feci. Theatrum ad aede[^] Apollinis in solo magna ex
parte a p[>]i[V]atis empto feci, quod sub nomine M. Marcellp]
generi mei esset.
Don[a e]x manibiis in Capitolio et in aede
divi Iu[/]i et in aede Apollinis et in aede Vestae et in templo
Martis Ultoris consacravi,
quae mihi constiterunt HS- circiter
milliens.
Auri coronarf pondo triginta et quinque millia
niunicipiis et colonis Italiae conferentibus ad triumph6[Y] me6s
quintum consul remisi, et posted, quotienscumque imperator
B.C. 29
a[/^]llatus sum, aurum coronarium n6n accepi decernentibus
municipii[/] et coloni[V] aequ[Y] beni[^]ne adque antea decreverant.
T[V]r munus gladiatorium dedi meo nomine et quinquiens fili6rum 22
(Spectacles) me[V]rum aut n[^]p6tum nomine; quibus muneribus depugnaverunt hominu[;^] ci[;r]iter decern millia.
Bis [a/jhletarum
undique accitorum spec[ta]c[lum J>o]pulo pm[ebui meo] n6mine
et tertium nepof/zV) mei nomme.
L[V]dos feci m[eo no]m[ine]

(Buildings)

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188
(Ludi)

B.C.

17

B.C. 2

APPENDIX

A.

quater
, aliorum autem m[agist]mtu[um] vicem ter et vicie[^]
. [jPr]o conlegio xv virorum magis[/^ conl]e[gi]i colleg(V)
M. Agrippa
l u d [ ^ /jaeclj/zrejs C. Furnio C. [£]ilano cos.
[feci. C]on[sul xui\ ludos Mar[#df|les pr[imus feci\ q u [ ^ ] \}[ost
i]d tempus deincep[V] ins[equen]ti[^us ann]is
\Jecerunt
^]n[^«]les.
[ Ven]a,ti[o]n[es] best[/#]rum Africanarum meo
nomine aut filio[>&]m meorum et nepotum in ci[r]co aut [z]n foro
aut in amphitheatris popul[# d]edi sexiens et viciens, quibus
confecta sunt bestiarum circiter tria m[///]ia et quingentae.

Navalis proeli spectaculum populo de[//z /r]ans Tiberim, in quo loco 23
nunc nanus' est Caesarum, cavato [solo] in longitudinem mille et
octingent6s pedes,
in latitudine[^ mille] e|7] ducenti. In quo
triginta rostratae naves triremes d\ut h'rem]6s,
plures autem
mindres inter se conflixe'runt. Q[uidus in] classibus pugnaverunt
praeter remiges miliia \\o[minum tr]m circiter.
In templis omnium civitatium TJY[OV incite Asiae victor ornamenta 24
(Statues,
reposui, quae spoliatis tem[plis is] cum qu6 bellum gesseram
offerings)
privatim possederat . Statuae [mea]e pedestres et equestres et
in quadrigeis argenteae steterunt in urbe x x c circiter, quas ipse
sustuli
exque ea pecunia dona aurea in aede Apol[/z]nis me6
nomine et illdrum, qui mihi statuarum hon6rem habuerunt,
posui.
Mare pacavi a praedonib[^]s. E6 bello serv6rum, qui fugerant a 25
(Pirates,
dominis suis et arma contra rem publicam ceperant, triginta fere
slaves)
miliia capta dominis ad supplicium sumendum tradidi.
Iuravit in mea verba t6ta Italia sponte sua et me be[///], qu6 vici ad
Actium, ducem depoposcit.
Iuraverunt in eadem ver[&z
(Actium)
provi]nciae Galliae Hispaniae Africa Sicilia Sardinia.
Qui sub
[signis meis turn] militaverint, fuerunt senat6res pliires quam DCC,
in ii[.y qui vel antea vel pos]te& consules facti sunt ad eum diem
qu6 scripta su[nt haec, LXXXIII, sacerdo]t€s ci[?r]iter CLXX.
Omnium \x6v[inciarum populi Romani], quibus finitimae fuerunt 26
gentes quae n[on parerent imperio nos]tr&, fines auxi. Gallias et
(Frontiers
secured)
Hispanias prdvincia [s et Germaniam qua inclu]dit 6ceanus a Gadibus ad 6stium Albis Mm[inis pacavi. Alpes a ^]gi6ne ea, quae
proxima est Hadrian6 mari, [ad Tuscum pacari fec]i null! genti
bello per iniiiriam inlato.
C\&[ssis mea per Oceanum] ab 6stio
Rheni ad s61is orientis regionem usque ad t\[nes Cimdroru]m
navigavit,
qu6 neque terra neque mari quisquam Romanus

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ANCYRANUM.

189

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190

APPENDIX

A.

ante id tempus adit, Cimbrique et Charydes et Semnones et
eiusdem tractils alii German6rum popu[/]i per legat6s amicitiam
meam et populi Romani petierunt.
Meo iussii et auspicio
B.c. 22, 24
ducti sunt [duo] exercitiis e6dem fere tempore in Aethiopiam et in
(Foreign
Ar[a]biam, quae enppel[latur] eudaem6n, [maxim]sLeque hos[/]ium
wars
)
gentis utr[/^]sque cop[iae] caesae sunt in acie et [c]om[plitr]&
oppida capta. In Aethiopiam usque ad oppidum Nabata pervent[um] est, cui proxima est Meroe. In Arabiam usque in fines
Sabaeorum ipro[cess]it exerc[//]us ad oppidum Mariba.
Aegyptum imperio populi [ifo]mani adieci.
Armeniam maiorem 27
[Africa
interfecto rege eius Artaxe
c[V|m possem facere provinciam,
and Asia)
m alui maiorum nostrdrum exemplo regn[&]m id Tigrani regis
B.C 20
Artavasdis filio, nepoti autem Tigranis regis, per T[/. iV^Jronem
trad[^r]e, qui turn mihi priv[^]nus erat. Et eandem gentem
A.D. 1
posted d[Vir]iscentem et rebellantem domit[«]m per Gaium filium
meum regi Ario[&wjs]ani regis Medorum Artabafsz] filio regendam tradidi - et post e[ius] mortem filio eius Artavasdi.
Quo
[mte]t£ecto [Tigra]ne, qui erat ex regi6 genere Armeniorum
oriundus, in id ie[gm/m] mfsi.
Provincias omnis, quae trans
Hadrianum mare vergun[/ a]d orien[&]m, Cyrenasque, iam ex
parte magna regi bus eas possidentibus, t[t ante]& Siciliam et
Sardiniam occu[^0/]as bello servili reciperavi.
Colonias in Afri[ca Sicilia J/Jacedonia utraque Hispania Achai[#] 28
(Colonies)
Asia S[jy]ria Gallia Narbonensi Pi(\fz]dia militum dediixi . Italia
autem x x v m [rt?/#]nias, quae vivo me celeberrimae et frequentissimae fuerunt, m[eis auspicis] deductas. habet.
, .
Signa militaria c o m p l u r [ a / ^ ] alids d[V]ces a r n i c a ] devicti[.f hostibu]§ 29
Standards)
re[ape]ra,vi ex Hispania et [Gallia et a Dalm]&teis.
Parthos
B.C. 20
trium exercitum RomanjV]rum spolia et signa re[ddere] mihi supplicesque amicitiam populi Romani petere coegi.
Ea autem
si[£7z]a in penetrali, quod e[s]t in templo Martis Ultoris, reposui.

(Illyricum)
B.C.

(The
Daci)

India)

II

Vaxmomo[rum gentes, quas a:]nte me principem populi Romani 30
exercitus nunquam ad[z]t, devictas per Ti. [A^]ronem, qui turn
erat privignus et legatus meus, imperio populi Romani s[ufo'e]ci
protulique fines Illyrici ad r[^]am flilminis Dan[V|i. Citr|V)
quod [Z>]&[cor]u[m *V]an[y|gressus exercitus meis a[^]sp[/^> 7n'ct]us
profligatusque [£>/, et] pos[tea lran]s Dan[V]vium ductus ex[era'tus
me]u[s] Da[<w]um gentes im[peria populi Romaniperferre coegit].
Ad me ex In[dia regum legationes saepe missae sunt, numquam antea 31
visae] apud qu[em]q[tmm] R[omanorum du]cem.
Nostram

/

MONUMENTUM

ANCYRANUM.

191

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TT)I/ rjixeri-

APPENDIX

192
(Client
kings)

A.

am[icitiam petierunt] per legat[^] B[#]starn[#£ Scytnae]que et
Sarmatarum q[ui sunt citra fu]men Tan aim [et] ultra reg[es,
A/da]norumque rex et H\b6x[orum et Medorum],
Ad me supplices o.ox\ixxg\erunf\ reges Parthorum T i r i d a [ ^ et postea] 32
Phrat[£f] regis Phrati[i" filius]; Medorum [Artavasdes; Adiabenorum ^4]rtaxares ; Britann[^r]um Dumnobellau[/^j'] et Tim
; [Sugambr]omm Maelo; Mar[7]oman6rum Sueboru[z#
rus\
[Ad me rex] Parthorum Phrates Orod[/]s filius
fili6s su6s neipot[esque omnes misii\ in Italiam, non bello superatu[j], sed amicitiam nostram per [liberorum] suorum pignora
petens.
Pliirimaeque aliae gentes exper[to sunt p. R.] fldem
me principe, quibus an tea cum populo Roman [0 nullum extitera]t
legationum et amicitiae [^Jommercium.
A me gentes Parth6rum et Med6ru[^ per legatos] principes earum 33
gentium reges pet[z]t6s acceperunt Par[M/ Vononem regis Phr]it\s
filium, regis Or6dis nepotem;
Medi Ax[iobarzanem] regis Artavazdis filium, regis Ariobarzanis nep[otem\.

in consulate sexto et septimo, b[ella urbi ciw'l]ia, exstinxeram per 34
consensum iinivers6rum [potitus rerum omn]ium, rem publicam ex
mea potestate
in senat[us populique Romani #]rbitrium trans{Augustus)
tuli. Quo pro merito meo senatu^ consulto Aug. appe]llaXus sum
et laurels poste's aedium mearum v[estiti pub lice coronaq]\xe civica
super ianuam meam fixa est
[clupeusque aureu]s in [V]iiria Iulia
positus, quern mihi senatum \_populumque Romanu]m dare virtutis
c\em[entia]Q iustitia[> pietatis causa testatum] est pe[> <?]ius cliipei
[inscription]em.
Post id tem[pus praestiti omnibus dignitate,
{Principotest]a,tis a,u[tem ^Jihilo ampliu[i" hdbui quam qui fuerunt #z]ihi
quoque in ma[^//]tra[7]u conlegae.
B.C 2 Tertium dec[/]mum ^onsulatu[^ cum gerebam, senatus etequ]ester ordo 35
(Pater
populusq[z^] Romanus ilniversus [appellavit me patrem p a t r i a e
pa riae)
idque in vestibu[/<? «Jedium mearum i n s c r i b e n [ ^ ^ esse et in curia
e]t in foro Aug. sub quadrig[z]s, quae mihi [ex] s. c. pos[itae sunt,
decrevit.
Cum scri]psi Jiaec, a n n u m agebam septuagensu[^&#z
AD J
-» 3
sexlum].
B.c. 28, 27

Summary

added after

the death of

Augustus.

Summa peciin[7]ae, quam ded[it in aerarium vel plebei Romanae vel 36
dVjmissis militibus : denarium se[^/]e[^^ milliens].
Opera fecit nova aedem Martis, [Iovis tonantis et feretri, Apollinis,]
divi Iiili, Quirini, Minervae, [Iunonis reginae, Iovis Libertalis,]

1.

MONUMENTUM

pav (fiiXtav ^toocrai/ Sta, irp4o-/3eu)v

ANCYRANUM.

193

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13

194

APPENDIX

A.

Larum, deum Penatium,
Im[entatis, Matris deum, Lupercal,
pulvina)f ad circum,
ciiriam cum ch[a/a'dico, forum Augustum,
bastlica\m Iuliam, theatrum Marcelli,
[p\or[ticus
,
nemus trans 7]iberim Caesarum.
Refecit Capito[//&#z sacrd]squQ aeafes [nu]m[ero octoginta] duas,
thea[7]rum Pompei, aqu[arum rivos, w]am Flam in [/aw],
Impensa p
[in spect]diCu\[a scaenica et munerd] gladiatorum
aX[que athletas et venationes et naum]sich[iam] et donata petunia
a(?)
[ter]ra.e motu incendioque
consumptjY/] d\ut viritim] d\micis i^tf/joribusque, qu6rum census
expldvit, fn[#]umera[&7/]s.

I. MONUMENTUM
7]pw\wv, Otiov 7r\aTpL<i)v

ANCYRANUM.
, NCOTT/TOS,

195

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13—2

196

APPENDIX

II.

A.

DATES IN THE LIFE OF AUGUSTUS.
C I L. x. 8375 (at Cumae). Rushforth 38.

Aug. 19. [XIIIIK. Septembr. eo die Caesar/n']mum consulatum in[«V
]
Sept. 3. [JJJ ^y^. Septembr. eo die exer\o\X&% Lepidi tradidit se Caesari.
Suppli[c]a[//^?. .]
Sept. 23. [ Villi K. Octobr. «Jatalis Caesaris. Immolatio Caesari hostia. Supplicatio . . .
Oct. 7. Nonis Octobr. Drusi Caesaris natalis. Supplicatio Vestae.
Oct. 18. XV K. Novembr. eo die Caesar togam virilem sumpsit. Supplicatio
Spei et Iuve[ntuti].
Nov. 16. XVI K. Decernbr. natalis Ti. Caesaris. Supplicatio Vestae.
Dec 15. XVIII K. lanuar. eo die a[V]a Fortunae Reducis dedicatast quae
Caesarem [ex transmari-]
nis provincis red[uxit]. Supplicatio Fortunae Reduci.
Jan. 7. VII Idus lanuar. t[o die Caesar] primum fasces sumpsit. Supplicatio
Iovi sempi[terno].
Jan. 16. [XV]II1 K. Febr. eo di|> Caesar Augustu~\$ appellatus est. Supplicatio Augusto.
Jan. 30. [Ill K. Febr. eo die ara Pads Aug(ustae) dedicatd\ est. Supplicatio
imperio Caesaris Augusti cust[odis]
[civium Romanorum totiusque orbis terrar]\im.
Mar. 6. [Prid. Non. Mart, eo die Caesar pontifex #za]ximus creatus est.
Supplicatio Vestae, dis pub(licis) P(enatibus) p(opuli) R(omani)
Q(uiritium).
Apr. 14. [XVIII K. Mai eo die Caesar primum vicit. Supp/i]c&tio Victoriae
Augustae.
Apr. 15. XVIIK. Mai. eo die Caesar primum imperator app]ella.t\is est. Supplicatio Felicitati Imperi.
May 12. [IIII Id. Mai. eo die aedes Martis dedicatast. Supp/ica]tio Molibus
Martis.
May 24. [ Villi K. Iun. natalis Germanici Caesaris. *S&//]licatio Vestae.
July 12. [IIII

Id. Iul. natalis divi Iuli.
Veneri [Genetrici].
^////Jcatiq Iovi

Supplicatio Iov]it Marti Ultori,

APPENDIX B.
T H E ASSASSINS O F I U L I U S .
T o avenge his great-uncle's murder was the first object of Octavian
[c. io, M. A. i ] . The revenge took gradually a wider sweep, but it
was in the first place to be exacted from those who had taken actual
part in the murder. Of these men Suetonius [Caesar 80] says that
scarcely any survived their victim more than three years, or died a
natural death. All were condemned under the lex Pedia, and were
either executed, or perished by shipwreck, or fell in battle, or killed
themselves. Dio [48, 1] says that all but a few met with the fate
which the murder of a benefactor deserved. Plutarch [Caes. 69]
declares that the Fortune which attended Caesar in his lifetime
became an avenging spirit after his death, pursuing and tracking his
murderers over land and sea till none were left. It is scarcely
possible to test this statement completely, for the number privy to
the conspiracy was large,—60 according to Suetonius [Caes. 80],
'some obscure and some young' [Cic. 2 Phil. § 26], and accordingly
many of their names are unknown to us; but with some exceptions
it is confirmed by what we learn of those whose names have been
preserved.
The most extensive list of names is that given by Appian P. civ.
2, ii.i-r-113, but some are learnt from other sources. They are :
M. Iunius Brutus Caepio.
Killed himself at PhilippiB.C. 42.

App. 4, 131; Dio 47, 49.

Dec. Iunius Brutus Albinus.
Killed in Gaul B.C. 43. App. 4, 98; Dio 46, 53.
C. Servilius Casca.
P. Servilius Casca.
Cic. 2 Phil. § 27. Publius was tribune in B.C. 43, and was condemned under the lex Pedia [Dio 46, 4 9 ; Cic. adfam. 16, 15; 13 Phil.
§ 3 1 ] , but escaped from Rome and fought at Philippi [B.C. 42. P l u t

198

APPENDIX

B.

Brut. 45]. He either fell there or perished soon afterwards, but it is
not known which. Gaius seems to have been Tribune in B.C. 44 and
to have tried to disclaim any share in the murder [Dio 44, 52], but
Cicero [2 Phil. 27] and Appian [B. civ. 2, 113] speak of both brothers
being among the assassins, and Plutarch [Caes. 66] represents Casca
(he gives no praenomen or nomen) exclaiming aScA^e, fiorjOei. His subsequent fate is unknown.
Caecilius and Bucilianus.
Appian, I.e. Nothing is known of these two brothers. Bucilianus
accompanied M. Brutus and presumably shared his fate [Cic. ad Att.
15, 17, § 2 ; 16, 4 § 4 ] .
C. Cassius.
Killed himself at Philippi, App. B. civ. 4, 113; Dio 47, 46.
Cassius Parmensis.
Put to death in B.C. 31 or 30, see note on p. 8.
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus.
It has been questioned whether he was among the assassins.
He was however condemned under the lex Pedia and was in the
proscription list. Cocceius, the legate of Antony in B.C. 40, denied that
he was an assassin [App. B. civ. 5, 62]; but Cicero [2 Phil. §§27, 30]
names him emphatically, and Appian, though he does not mention him in
his account of the murder, speaks of him elsewhere [B. civ. 5, 59]
as a o-Qayevs Ta'tov KatVapos, as also does Dio [48, 7 and 54]. He
was in command of ships at the time of the battle of Philippi, and after
that joined Sext. Pompeius ; but after the treaty of Tarentum [B.C. 37]
became reconciled with Antony, by whose influence he secured the Consulship in B.C. 32. Though on the rupture between Augustus and Antony
in that year he left Rome and joined the latter, he quarrelled with
Cleopatra and joined Augustus before Actium, but died shortly afterwards, prior it seems to the actual battle [Dio 50, 13]. See p. 38.
Q. Antistius Labeo.
Father of the jurist [see c. 54]. He caused a slave to kill him
in his tent after Philippi [App. B. civ. 4, 135]. See Cic. Ep. ad
Brut. 1, 18; 2, 27.
Q. Ligarius.
Plutarch [Brut. 11] calls him Gaius. Cicero had defended him on
a charge of vis. With his two brothers he perished in the proscription of
B.c. 43—2. App. B. civ. 4, 22 [Cic. pro Lig. 12; fam. 6, 13, 14;
Att. 13, 12, 19, 20, 44].

THE ASSASSINS

OF

IVLIUS.

199

Minucius Basilus
was murdered by his own slaves in retaliation for a barbarous
act on his part early in B.C. 43 [App. B. civ. 3, 98]. In the assassination he wounded Rubrius by mistake [Nic. Dam. c. 24]. He was a
friend of Cicero's [Att. 11, 5], who wrote congratulating him on the
murder [adfam. 6, 15].
Sextius Naso
perished in the proscription of B.C. 43—2 [Appian B. civ. 4, 24].
Petronius.
Otherwise unknown. He was put to death by Antony
Ephesus after Philippi B.C. 42 [App. B. civ. 5, 4].

at

L. Pontius Aquila.
He was legatus to Decimus Brutus in B.C. 43 [Dio 46, 3 8 ;
Cic. 11 Phil. § 14; 13 Phil. 27], and was killed in the battle at
Forum Gallorum, near Mutina, 15 April B.C 43 [Dio 46, 40].
Rubrius Ruga.
App. B. civ. 2, 113; Nic. Dam. c. 24. His fate is not recorded.
Ser. Sulpicius Galba.
Great-grandfather of the Emperor Galba [Suet. Galb. 3]. He
wrote the well-known account of the battle at Forum Gallorum on the
i$th of April [Cic. fam. 10, 30]. Appian1 s assertion that he was
among the assassins is confirmed by a sentence in Antony's letter to
the Senate, 'Cic. 13 Phil. 33. He probably fell in the course of the
campaign, as his name is not mentioned among the proscribed.
M. Spurius.
Nothing is known of him or his fate.
Statilius.
Perhaps L. Statilius, an augur [Cic. Att. 12, 13 § 2 ; 14, 3].
He was killed at Philippi, Plut. Brut. 51.
C. Toranius.
See p. 58. He perished in the proscription, App. B. civ.
4, 12, 18; Orosius 6, 18, 9. He was betrayed to the emissaries of
the triumvirs by his son. [Valer. Max. 9, 11, 5.]
L. Tillius Cimber.
Though a great friend of Iulius [Cic. fam. 12, 13, 3 ; 2 Phil.
§ 27], he struck the first blow [lul. 82]. He brought a fleet from his
province of Bithynia to aid Brutus and Cassius in Macedonia B.C. 42
[App. B. civ. 4,102, 105]. He either perished in the course of the war
or immediately after it. He would meet with no mercy as being con-

200

APPENDIX

B.

demned by the lex Pedia. We find the governorship of Bithynia
in B.C. 41—o [App. B. civ. 5, 63 fin.].

vacant

C. Trebonius.
Killed by Dolabella in Asia B.C. 44—3, C i c 11 Phil. §§ 1—8,
13 Phil. § 22 ; fani.

12, 12, 14, 15.

P. Turullius
commanded a ship in the fleet of Cassius B.C. 44—3 [Cic. fatn.
12, 13; App. B. civ. 5, 2]. He afterwards joined Antony\ but was
given up to Octavian with the hope of conciliating him in B.C. 30, and
was by him put to death. Dio 5 1 , 8 ; Valer. Max. 1, 1, 19.
Besides these, who seem to have taken an active part in the
assassination, Plutarch says that Gaius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther
joined them on their way up to the Capitol, feigning to have been
in the plot [Plut. Caes. 67, cp. Cic. 2 Phil. § 25]. Appian \B. civ.
2, 119] adds to this category Favonius, Aquinius, Dolabella, Murcus
and Patiscus.
Of these Gaius Octavius is unknown to us. P. Cornelius
Lentulus Spinther, though he thus openly joined the conspirators
[Cic. Att. 13, 10; fam. 12, 14], and served at Philippi, managed to
escape, and was alive at least up to B.C. 27 [Eckhel 5, p. 185]. M.
Favonius was executed after Philippi [Dio 47, 49: see note on p. 27].
Aquinius may be the M. Aquinius pardoned by Iulius in B.C. 47
[bell. Afric. 57, 89], but we have no account of him after that.
Dolabella took advantage of the murder of Iulius to assume the
consulship, but he soon showed by his execution of Trebonius in
Asia that he was not at one with the assassins. H e was driven to
suicide in Syria by Cassius, B.C. 43. How far he did at first openly
connect himself with the assassins is not clear, but for some time
Cicero was thoroughly satisfied with his speeches and actions [Cic.
Att. 14, 20—21; 15, 13; 16, 11]. L. Statius Murcus (once a legatus
of Iulius) had been praetor in the year before the assassination, and
if he was in Rome at the time must have been on the point of starting for his province (Syria). He afterwards did good service to the
cause of Brutus and Cassius with his fleet; but joining Sextus
Pompeius after Philippi he was assassinated, owing to the jealousy of
Menodorus [Dio 48, 19]. Patiscus was with Cassius as pro-quaestor
in command of a ship, B.C. 43 [Cic, fam. 12, 13, 15].

APPENDIX C
FAMILY AND CONNEXIONS OF AUGUSTUS.

L
G. Iulius Caesar = Aurelia
ob. B.C. 84 I ob. B.c. 54
Iulia
mother or grandmother of
Q. Pedius (ob. B.C. 43)
and L. Pinarius

Cornelia-C. IULIUS CAESAR

Dictator
B.C. I O I — 4 4

Iulia (p) = M. Atius Balbus
ob.
B.C. 51

Aria 1 ==C. Octavius = Ancharia
obr I ob. B.C. 59
B.C. 43 1
Octavia ma.

Iulia=Pompeius Magnus
b. B.C. 83, ob. B.C. 54

Octavia
see I I I .

C Octavius (Augustus)
see I I .

P Atia married secondly L. Marcius Philippus, see p. 17. The statement of Ovid {F. 6, 809) that Philippus married an aunt of
Augustus may be accounted for perhaps if he married an elder sister of Atia first, though we have no account of such a person.
However, we find he had a daughter Marcia called * cousin' to Augustus. C. I. G. 1619, Mapiciq. ^I\IT7TOV dvyarpl, aveipia. Kaiaapos Beov
2e(3a<rTov, ywaiid UavXov ^»a/3tou M a ^ o v , Se/Sao-riJs Ud<pov i] (HovXrj /cat 6 dy/uos. Ovid's third wife was connected with Fabius Maximus,
and was thus brought into connexion with certain relatives of the Emperor. Ep. ex P. 1, 2, 138.]

II.
Scribonia=C. lulius Caesar Octavianus Augustus= Livia = Tib. Claudius Nero
B.C. 63—A.D. 14
ob. B.C. 33
B.C. 57—
A.D. 29
Vipsania = TIBERIUS
Drusus (i) = Antonia
I (Emperor A.D. 14—37)
see I I I .
Iulia (2) = M. Agrippa
Drusus (2) = Livilla
B.C. 39— Ob. B.C. 12
ob. A.D. 23 I
A.D. T4
Nero (1)=iulia (4) = Rubellius Blandus
occis. A.D. 59
I
Rubellius Plautus occ. A.D. 62
C. Caesar
b. B.C. 20,
adopted by Augustus B.C. 17,
ob. A.D. 4

L. Caesar
b. B.C. 17,
adopted by Augustus B.C. 17,
ob. A.D. 2

Iulia (3) = Aemilius Paulus
ob.
A.D. 2 8

M. Aemilius Lepidus
occis. A.D. 39
M. Iunius Silanus
ob. A . D . 54

AGRIPPINA ( I )

ob. A.D. 30
see I I I .

Agrippa Postumus
occis. A.D. 14

Aemilia Lepida=Appius Iunius Silanus
I
occis. A.D. 48

L. Iunius Silanus
occis. A.D. 48

lunia Calvina

D. Torquatus Silanus
occis. A.D. 64

L. Iunius Torquatus Silanus
occis. A.D. 65

The last of this branch to survive was perhaps lunia Calvina, who is mentioned as living in the time of Vespasian
[see Suet. Vesp. 23]. The family of Augustus is carried on by Agrippina (1). See III.

III.
C. Claudius Marcellus= Octavia
ob. B.C. 27 ob. B.C. IT
M. Claudius Marcellus
ob. B.C. 23

Marcella
m. (1) M. Agrippa
ob. B.C. 12
(2) L. Antonius
ob. B.C. 2
(3) Sext. Appuleius •

M. Antonius
ob. B.C. 30

Marcella mi.

Appuleia Varilla 1
L. Domitius Ahenobarbus=Antonia ma.
ob. A.D. 25
Agrippina (2)
Cn. Domitius
d. of Germanicus ob. A.D. 40
occis. A.D. 60 j
NERO (2)

{Emperor)
A.D. 54—68

Antonia mi. = Drusus (1)
ob. A.D. 37-8 2nd s. of Livia
ob. B.C. 9

Domitia Lepida=M.Valerius
ob. B.C. 54 I
Messalina
(wife of Emperor Claudius)
occis. A.D. 48

Nero (1)
occis. A.D. 29

Drusus (3)
occis. A.D. 30

AGRIPPINA ( I )

see I I .

Germanicus
adopted by
Tiberius
A.D. 4,
Ob. A.D. 19

Livilla
wife of Drusus (2)
occis. A.D. 31

Britannicus
occis. A.D. 55

CLAUDIUS

{Emperor)
A.D. 41—54

Antonia
occis. A.D. 66

Octavia
occis. A.D. 61

C. CAESAR (CALIGULA)
Agrippina (2)
Drusilla
Iulia Livilla
{Emperor)
(mother of Nero)
ob. A.D. 38
b. A.D. 18
A.D. 37—41
OCcis. A.D. 60
OCCis. A.D. 41
[* There is considerable difficulty as to this part of the pedigree. The two Marcellae are mentioned in inscriptions (Wilm. 351. 160), but the
third marriage to Appuleius is not recorded. Tacitus {Ann. 2, 50) calls Appuleia Varilla *a granddaughter of the sister of Augustus': but he also
mentions (ib. 4, 52) a certain Claudia Pulchra as ' a cousin of Agrippina,' who must, it seems, be the daughter of one of the Marcellae.]

APPENDIX

204

C.

Thus on Nero's death, in A.D. 68, all those who could trace their
descent from Augustus or his sister had passed away, with the one
exception of lunia Calvina. In A.D. 7 the expected succession in the
Imperial family as far as Claudius is shown by an inscription on an
arch at Pavia, which includes Gaius and Lucius, who had died a few
years before, Wilmanns 880 :
IMP • CAESARI I DIVI • F . AVGVSTO | PONTIFIC • MAXIMO | PATRI •
PATRIAE • AVG • XV • VIR • S • F • VII • VIR • EPVLON | COS •
XIII • IMP . XVII • TRIBVNIC • POTEST • XXX
LIVIAE I DRVSI • F | VXORI • CAESARIS • AVG
TI • CAESARI I AVGVSTI • F | DIVI • NEPOT • PONT | AVGVRIQVE | COS •
/TER • IMP • T E R • TRIBVNICIAE • POT • VIII2
GERMANICO | IVLIO • / I • F | AVGVSTI • NEPOT | DIVI • PRON • CAESARI

Druso iulio ti. F | AVGVSTI • NEPOTI | DIVI • PRON • CAESARI | PONTIFICI
NERONI • IVLIO I GERMANIC! • /

| AVG • PRONEPOT | CAESARI

C. CAESARI I AVGVSTI • F | DIVI • NEPOT | PONTIFIC • COS | IMPERATORI
/. CAESARI J AVGVSTI • F | DIVI • NEPOT | AVGVRI * COS • DESIGN |
PRINCIPI • IVVENTVTIS
DRVSO • IVLIO I GERMANICI • F | AVG • PRONEPOT J GERMANICO
TI' • CLAVDIO I DRVSI • GERMANICI • F | NERONI • GERMANICO

Tiberius is called AVGVSTI F. since his adoption in A.D. 4 ; of
those named none but the last, Claudius, survived Tiberius (A.D. 37).
Gaius died in A.D. 4 ; Lucius A.D. 3 ; Drusus, son of Tiberius, in
A.D. 23; and Drusus, son of Germanicus, was starved to death in
A.D. 33 [Tac. Ann. 6, 23—4], having been born it seems in A.D. 7
or the year previous [Tac. Ann. 4, 4]. It seems strange that his elder
brother Nero b. A.D. I , and afterwards (A.D. 20) married to Iulia
daughter of Drusus s. of Tiberius, should be omitted [Tac. Ann. 3, 29];
he was starved to death in A.D. 29 [Suet. Tib. 54]. Nero and Drusus,
as sons of Germanicus (adopted by Tiberius), would naturally come
before their uncle Claudius. Gaius (Caligula) was not born till five
years later (A.D. 12).

INDEX I.
PROPER NAMES IN THE TEXT.
[Numbers refer to Chapters."]
Actium 17, 18, 96; war of 9; triumph
of 22; victory of 18
Aegyptus 17, 18, 66, 93
Aemilius Aelianus 51
M.AemiliusLepidus8,i2,i3,i6,27,3i,54
Aemilius Papus 2
Aemilius Paulus 16, 19, 64
Aemilius, son of the triumvir 19
Aenaria 92
Aesculapius 59
Aeserninus Marcellinus 43
Aetolia 17
Africa 16, 47 ; Afer 4 ; triumphus Africanus 8
Agrippa 16, 25, 29, 35, 42, 63, 64, 66,
9*> T97„
£
c
Agrippa Postumus 19, 51, 64, 05
Agrippina 64, cp. 73
Ahenobarbus, v. Domitius
Ajax 85
Albanae columnae 72
Albis 21
albulae aquae 82
Alexander the Great 18, 50, 94
Alexandria 17, 71
Alexandrinae merces et navis 98
Alexandrine triumph 22, 41
Alpes 79
Ancharia 4
Annius Cimber 86
Antistius Labeo 54
Antium 58
Antonii 17
C. Antonius 5
L. Antonius 9, 14, 15, 68
M. Antonius 8, 9, 10, u , 12» 13, 17,
20, 21, 28, 49, 62, 69; letters of 7;
to Augustus 69; on Augustus 1, 4,
jo, 16, 28, 63, 68, 69

Antonius, s. of Marcus 17, 63
Antonius Musa 59, 81
Apis 93
Apollo 70, 94; temples of, at Actium
18; on the Palatine 29, 52 .
Apollo Sandaliarius 57, Tortor 70
Apollodorus of Pergamum 89
Apollonia 8, 10, 89, 94
Apollophanes 16
Appuleius, Sextus, 100
Apragopolis 98
Aquileia 20
Aquitania 21
Areus 89
Aricia 4, Aricinus ib.
Armenia 21
Asclepiades Mendes 94
Asia 3, 17, 26
Asiatici oratores 86
Asinius Epicadus 19
Asinius Pollio 29, 43
Astura 97
Athenae 93
Atia 4, (8), (61), 94
M. Atius Balbus 4
Attica Ceres 93
L. Audasius 19
Avernus lacus 16
Augustus, see Index I I .
Augustus, derivation of the name 7
Augustus mensis 31, 100
Augustum saeculum 100
Baiae 16, 64
Beneventum 97
Bessi 3
Bononia 17, 96
Bovillae 100
Brundisium 17

206

INDEX

D. Brutus 10
M. Brutus 10, 13
Q. Caecilius Metellus 89
Caesar, v. Iulia gens
Caesareae urbes 60
Caesarion 17
Caesarum nemus 43
Calagurritani 49
Campana via 94
Campania 72, 98
Cantabria 21, 81
Cantabrian war 20, 29, 85
Capita bubula 5
Capitolium 94, v. Iuppiter
Capreae 72, 92, -eis 98
Capricornus 94
C. Cassius 9, 10
Cassius of Parma 4
Cassius of Patavium 51
Cassius Severus 56
Castricius 56
Catilina 3, 94
Cato (Uticensis) 13, 87
Q. Catulus Capitolinus 94
Celadus 67
Ceraunii montes 17
Ceres, see Attica
Cimbricum bellum 23
Circeii 16
Cleopatra 17, (69)
Claudia 62
P. Clodius 62
Cordubensis 51
Corinthia vasa 70
Corinthiarius 70
lex Cornelia 33
Cornelius, a centurion 26
Cornelius Balbus 29
Cornelius Gallus 66
L. Cornificius 29
Cosmus 67
Cremutius Cordus 24
Cotiso 63
Curtii lacus 57
Daci 8, 21
December 32, 71
Delmatia 2 1 ; Delmatian war 20;
triumph 22
Demochares 16
Diale flaminium 31
Diana 29
Diomedes 67
Dionysius 89
Dioscurides 50
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus 17; Append, p. 198
Drusus s. of Livia (71), 99
Drusus s. of Tiberius 100, JOI
M. Egnatius 19

I.
Q. Ennius 7
Etrusca lingua 97
Eutychus 96

Fabiani tribules 40
Fannius Caepio 19
M. Favonius 13
Flaminia via 30, 100
Fortuna 65
Fulvia 17, 62
Gallia 21
Galliae 79
Gallus 40
Q. Gallus 27
gallus (Matris deum) 68
Gallus, v. Cornelius
Genius Augusti 60
Germani 21, 49
Germania 23
Germanicus, s. of Drusus 34, 64, 101
Getae 63
Gigantes 72
Glyco n
Graeca bibliotheca 29; Graecus cliens
40; Graeci pugiles 45
Hadrianus (7)
Herculis Musarum aedes 29; Hercules
Tiburi 72
Heroes 72
Hierosolyma 93
Hilarion 101
A. Hirtius 10, 11, 68
Hispania 68 ; Hispaniae 8
Homer quoted {II. 3, 40) 65
Hortensius' house 72
Hylas 45
L. Icius 43
Illyricum 21, 25, 97 ; Illyrican army 19
Inalpinae gentes 27
Indi 21
Inferum mare 49
Italia 13, 17, 45, 59
Ianus Quirinus 22 ; marmoreus 31
Iudaea 93 ; Iudaeus 76
IULIA G E N S :

C. Caesar, grandson of Augustus
26, 29, (43), (56), 64, 65, 67, 93
L. Caesar, grandson of Augustus
26, 29, (56), 64, 65
Iulia, sister of the Dictator 4, 8
Iulia, d. of the Dictator 95
Iulia, d. of Augustus 19,63, 65, (73)
Iulia, granddaughter of Augustus
64, 65, 72, (73)
Iuliae 65 (bis)
C. Iulius Caesar 4, 8, ip, 17, 31,
35» 45» 68, 94; Divus 96
Divus Iulius 1, 15, 17, 31, 94, loo

PROPER
Iulius Marathus 79, 94
Iulius portus 16
Iunius Novatus 51
Iunius Saturninus 27
Iuppiter, O. M. 23, 94; Capitolinus 26,
30, 91, 94; Olympius 60; Tonans 29,
9 1 ; Tragoedus 57
C. Laetorius 5
Lanuvium 72
Lares Cubiculi 7; Compitales 31
Latina bibliotheca 29; Latine 89
Latinitas 47
Lepidus, v. Aemilius
Liber pater 94
liburnica 17
M. Licinius Crassus 21
Licinus 6*j
Locri 16
Lolliana clades 23
Lucrinus lacus 16
lupercale and -ia 31
Lycia 65
Macedonia 3
Maecenas 66, 72, 86
Mallia 70
Marcellae 63
Marcelli theatrum 29
M. Marcellus, s. of Octavia 63, 66
Marcius Philippus 8, 29
Mars 1,18; Ultor 21,29; templum (96);
Martius Campus 43, (100)
Masgabas 98
Massilia 65
Mater Deum 68
Mauri 83
Mausoleum 100, 101
medici 42
Mediolanium 20
Menas 74
Mendes 94
Misenum 49
L. Munatius Plancus 7, 29 [another,
c. 101]
Mundus 94
Musarum Herculis templum 29
Mutina 10, 12, 77; war of 9, 84
Mylae 16
Mytilene 66
Naulochus 16
Neapolis 98; Neapolitans 92
Neptunus 16, 18, (96)
Nerulonensis 4
Nicanor 89
Nicon 96
Nicopolis 18
P. Nigidius 94
Nilus 18
Nola 98, 100
Nonius Asprenas Torquatus 43, 56

NAMES.

207

November 32
Nursini 12
OCTAVIA GENS:

Octavia, the elder sister of Augustus
4
Octavia, the younger sister of Augustus 4, 29,61, 63, 73; Octaviae
porticus 29
Octavii proavus et avus Augusti 2
Octaviorum duplex familia 2
C. Octavius Div. Augusti pater 3,
7, 8, 27, 70, 94, 100
Octavius dux Veliternorum 1
C. Octavius Rufus 2
Octavius vicus 1—2
Orcini senatores 35
Oriens 13
Palatium 29, 72 ; Palatina domus ib.
Pannonia 21; Pannonica bella ib.
Pansa 10, n
Parthi 8, 21, 43
Parthina gens 19
Patavinus 51
patricii 2, 10
Peloponnesus 17
Penates 92
Perusia 14, 96
Perusinum bellum 9, 14
Philippi 96; battle of 9 1 ; war of 9, 13,
22, 29

Phoebe 65
Phoebus 70
phonascus 84
Pinarius 27
Plautius Rufus 19
Pollio, v. Asinius
Polus 67
Polybius 101

Pompeius (Magnus) 31; statua Pompeii
ib.; theatrum ib.; liberi 8
Sext. Pomp. 9, 16, 47, 74; attacks
Augustus 68
Sext. Pompeius cos. A.D. 14, 100
Praeneste 72, 82
Ptolemaeus (?) 18
Puteoli 44
Pylades 45
quinquatrus 71
Quirinus Ianus 22
Raetia 21
Raeticum vinum 77
Ravenna 20, 49
Regium 16
Rhenus 21, 25
Romae et Augusti templum 52
Romani equites 40; Romana civitas ib.
Romanum forum 72
Romulus 7, 95

208

INDEX

Rufilla 6g
Sabbata 76
Saeculares ludi 31
Saepta 43
Salassi 21
C. Sallustius Crispus 86
Salutis augurium 31
Salvidienus Rufus 66
Samus 17, 16
Sardinia 47
Saturnalia 75
Scaptienses tribules 40
Scribonia 62, 63, 69
Scutarius 56
Scythae 21
Septa, the 43
P. Servilius Isauricus 62
Sextilis mensis 31
Sibyl lini libri 31
Sicilia 2, 16, 25, 47; Sicilian war 9,
16, 22, 70, 96
Sigambri 21
C. Silius 71, 101

C. Sosius 17
Spartacus 3
Sphinx 50
Statilius Taurus 29
Stephanio 45
Suetonius (7)
Superum mare 49
Surrentum 65
Syracusae (Augusti) 72
Syria 17; Syri pueri 83
Tarquinius Priscus 2
Tarraco 26
Tedius Afer 27
Telephus 19
Terentia 66; Terentilla 69

I.

Tertulla 69
Thallus 67
tfceatrum Balbi 29; Marcelli 29, 4 3 ;
Pompeii 3 1 ; theatra trina 45 ; theatralis poena 40
Theogenes 94
Thessalus quidam 96
Thraces 3
Thracia 94
Thrasyllus 98
Thurinus ager and pagus 2—3 ; regio 7
Thurinus Augustus 7
Tiberis 30, 37, 43, 100
Tiberius 40, 51, 63, 65, 71, 76, 85, 86,
97, 98, 100, 101
Tibur 72, 82
C. Toranius 27
triumphalis porta 100
Troiae lusus 43
Sen. Tullius 2
M. Tullius Cicero 5, 94
Q. Tullius Cicero 3
Valerius Messala 74
Valerius Messala Corvinus 58
Varro Murena 19, 56, 66
Quintilius Varus 23; Variana clades
id., 49
Velitrae 1, 6, 94; Veliterni 94
Venus (iactus) 71
Vergilius, quoted (Aen* 1, 282) 40
Vestales virgines 31, 44, 101
Victoria, figure oC 100
Vindelici 21
L. Vinicius 64, 71
T. Vinius Philopoemen 27
xysti 72
xystici 45

INDEX TO THE NOTES.
[ The numbers refer to the pages of this edition. ]

A manu 130; a matre 7
abdicare 126
accommodare 75
acina 143
acroama 141
acta of the Senate 10, 82
actus rerum 75 ; actus diurnus 145
ad spectaculum 96
adesse clientibus 115
adlectio 2
adoption, forms of 123, 125; adoption
of Agrippa Postumus and Tiberius
125
aedes and templum, difference between
68
aedes Apollinis 64
,, Dianae 65
,, Herculis Musarum 64
,, Iovis Olympii 119
,, Martis Ultoris 62
,, Satumi 65
,, Tonantis 63
aedituus 10
aerarium Saturni 84, 161; militare 106
aesar 168
aetati indulgere 109
amnitates 104
age, quaestorian 56
Agrippa, public works of 65—66
albulae 149
alternis 149
alveus Tiberis 67, 83
ambitio 55
ambitus, repression of 88
amphitheatrum Tauri 65, 95
angustus clavus 139
annuus 57
antiquarii 153
anuli ius 88; anulos aureos ponere 172
appellatio 77
aquae, charge of the 83
aquilus 147

S.

ara of the Octavii 1; of Julius at
Perusia 29—30; in provinces to
Augustus 119
aratores 94
aretalogi 141
argentarius 134
army, changes in 52, 106
C. Asinius Pollio joins Antony 24
assem et libram, per 123
assertus in ingenuitatem 140
aspis 40
da<pa\r]s (TrpaTrjX&Trjs 55

athletae 95, 98; athletarum privilegia
100

atrium Libertatis 65
auditorium 151
augurium Salutis 71
August, month of 69
Augustus, biographers of \, Introd. § 1;
father of 9; birthday of 9; names
borne by 12; assumes the toga virilis
2, 14; raised to the Patriciate 2;
made Pontifex 2; in Spain with
Julius 15; at Apollonia 15; hears
of the death of Julius 16; his early
policy, his connexion with the optimates and Cicero 21, 22; his attempted assassination of Antony 22;
his first imperium 22; at Mutina,
Philippi and Perusia 23—30; wars
with Sextus Pompeius 31—35; -celebration of his Sicilian victory 36;
breach with Antony and victory at
Actium 36—39; victory at Alexandria and settlement of Egypt 39—
43 ; conspiracies against 44—46 ; his
foreign tvars 46—52; his military
discipline 52—55; offices held by 56
—60; meditates restoring the republic
61—62; his works on the Palatine
63 ; undertakes care of via Flaminia
67 ; his restoration of sacred buildings

14

2IO

INDEX

TO THE

68; his reforms 69—76, 86, 98; his
legislation 78; his dealings with the
Senate 79—85; his avoidance of public
receptions m ; his illnesses 15, 26,
61 } 118, 148; his absences from Italy.
117; his benefactions 90—94; his
colonies 101—102; ^z.r management
of the provinces 102—103; of the
fleet 104—105 ; his moderation, his
marriages 121; his bright eyes 146;
his relations with mother and sister
120; his handwriting 124, [55; his
me??ioirs 152; his letters Intr. p. xxxi.
note 58 ; temples and altars to, in the
provinces 119; his death 172; his
will 174
aureo hamo piscari 55
auspicantes militiam 85
auspicia 47
autographae of Augustus 154
auxilia 104
avunculus maior 13
Baceolus 155
basilica Iulia 64
bath, hour of the 143 ; hot baths 148
beard, wearing of the 146
bella civilia 18; externa 46
belua 139
biferae ficus 142
birthday of Augustus .9, 116
breviarium Imperii 176
buccea 143
business, hours of J 6
Cacozeli 153
calci amen turn 139
Calendar, correction of the 69
calfacere 136
caligati 55
calumnia 74 ; calumniator 75
calumniari 25
campestres operae 4; exercitationes 149
Campus, burials in the 173
candidati Caesaris 114
capita bubula, ad 10
Gapreis (loc.) 169
carcinoma 127
caseus bubulus 142
caste 11
cater varii 100
cavea media 98
celeber 1
cella penuaria 11
cena recta 140
cenacula 99
cenare adulteria 133
censores 84
censoria potestas 60
census held by Augustus 60—61
centumviralis hasta 82
cerritus 155

NOTES.

certamen Graecum 99
certum habere 93
Cestius Macedonicus of Perusia 29
children at the imperial table 124
chirographus 124, 155
cibus meridianus 144
Cilicia 142
circa 158
circuitus 39
circumtonsus 101
circus 90
citra 53, 96
civilitas 108
clades Variana 51
Classis, the port of Ravenna 105
classis, stations of the 104
clausula 171
clavus 139
dementia of Augustus 108
Cleopatra, schemes of 37; death of 40
clientela 39
coelibes and orbi, disabilities of 78
cognitio 107
cognoscere 77
cohortes urbanae 105, 175; praetoriae
106, 175
collegia 73; collegia summa 172
collocare pecuniam 37
coloniae in Italy 101—102
comitia, the 88
commentarii diurni 124
commilitones 54
commissio ludorum 97; commissiones
(iindd&is) 158
commoda sacerdotum 70; praemiorum
53; missionum 53, 106
comoedia vetus 157
competere 70
compitalicii 72
concinnitas 152
conclavia 137
condicio 122
conditorium Alexandri 41
condormio 145
confiscare 31, 175
congiarium 92
coniurationes 44
consaucio 46
consilia semenstria 81
consistere 90
consulares as judges in the provinces 77
consulships of Augustus 56—57
contribuere 104
convivari 140
corn trade of Egypt 43
corollarium 99
corona radiata 163
cubicula aestiva 137
cubiculi Lares 12
culleus (see parricidium) 76
cum with indicative 148
cura and curator 83

INDEX

TO THE NOTES.

curia u r
curiosus 59
Decemviri stlitibus iudicandis 82
decimatio 93
decurias recognoscere 64; decuriae iudicum 75 ; tribus et decuriae 117
decuriones 102
deducere 63
deficior 151
deification of Iulius 30
delator 128
delegatus iudex 77
desiderare 129
desideria 39
designatores 100
despiciens 53
Diale flaminium 71
dictatorship n o
digitus infamis 101; salutaris 147
diplomata 107
discincti 53
discruciare 29
dispensator 130
distorti 150
divisores 4
divorce, restrictions on 79
dwdeic&deos 132
dominus n o
domos [gen.) 155
dona militaria 15
donari 11
ducenarii 75
ductu 47
dvo-(f>7)fjLla 1 6 0

dwarfs 96, 150
Edicta 113
in edito 138
egelidus 148
elephants i n
eloquentia 150
empire, division of between the triumvirs 17—18, 28
emptos a patre 123
ephebi 169
epistula 107
equestris militia 102
equites on stage and arena 96
equitum travectio 86
equum reddere 86
ergastula, inspection of 73
essedum 142
etidavaaia 171
evocati 115
exauctorare 53
excerpta 157
excitare 29
excubiae 52
exerceo 8, 29
exsibilo 101
exuviae Iovis 163

211

Fabulatores 145
in fabulis 132
facultas 31
falsae tabulae 45
fans 148
fatidica 69
faustis ominibus 117
feminalia 148
fercula 141
ferreae litterae 12
fetor 153
fingo 9
fire-brigades 54, 66
fiscus 31, 89
fleet, construction of a 32; stations of
104

focillare 36
foederatae civitates 103
follicula 150
forensia 140
foruli 69
forum, loitering in the 9 1 ; exhibitions
in 94—95; forum aleatorium 136;
forum Augusti 62
Forum Gallorum, battle at 23
frigus 129
frumentum, distribution of 83, 92 ;
mischief of 93
fungor, construction of So, 82, 99
fustuarium 53
Gallia Cisalpina 22
gallus 131
gambling 135
gaza 91
genius 66, 119
geronticos {yepovriK&s) 135
gestu gustuve 14
gladiatores 98, 100
grassatores, suppression of 73
gratiam facere 38, 87
gravedo 148
Haerere 134
harenae atque harundines 147
hastae auctio 53; hasta centumviralis
82
heredes primi secundi etc. 174—175
hereditas, laws of 130
Herod 104
hiemare 138
histriones omnium linguarum 94; histrionum coercitio 100; licentia 101;
histriones at parties 141
honorare 100
hordeo pascere 53
hostiarum more 30
hostis iudicatus 37
houses, height of 157
Ignominia 53
imagines 7

INDEX

TO THE

immaturitas sponsarum 79
imperator 49
imperium of Augustus
5 6 ; imperium
augendum 49, 176
incendia 54, 62, 66; of the palace 117
index rerum 176 (see monumentum
Ancyranum)
indicti 54
infinitive present of future action 93
ingenia 157
initiati 160
iniuria 115
inobservantia 143
insane princes, treatment of 104
instrumentum regium 134
insulae Campaniae 138
inundations
62, 67
invitare se 144
ita...ut 87, 9 3 , 114, 126
Jewels dedicated in temples 68
iuris ambigui 74
ius dicere (of the Emperors) 76
Kalendae Graecae 155
king at Rome, prophecies of 161
kings set up by Augustus 104
Lanistae 93
Lares compitales 72
laticlavii 165
Latinitas 103
latus clavus 85, 139, 165
laudationes 14, 150, 173; in a court of
law 115
lecticula lucubratoria 144
lectus imus 124
legati, places of in theatres 9 7 ; legati
of Augustus 46
leges Augustae 78
legio decima 5 3 ; alauda 7 5 ; quarta
and Martia 17
legions, number of 36, 52
legitima collegia 74; legitimus senatus
8 0 ; legitimi pugiles 100
lex ''condition'' 49
lex Cornelia de iniuriis 115
de falsis 45, 77
„ curiata 125—126
,, Furia Caninia 89
„ Gabinia 81
,, Iulia de adulteriis 12—13
,,
,, de ambitu 88
„
„ de collegiis 73
,,
„ de iudicibus 75
„
,, de provinciis 8
,,
,, de sociis 3
„
,, theatralis 87
„ Papia 81
,, Pappia Poppaea 78
,, Pedia 20, 31
,, Pompeia 7^5

NOTES.

lex Roscia 87, 97
,, Rufrena 31
,, Servilia [PIcilia] 75
,, Voconia 175
libelli 9 9 ; famosi libelli 113
liberalitates of Augustus
90—91
libertas iusta 90
libertinus miles 54
liburnicae 39
lightning, places struck by, 6 3 , 161
litare 167
locum habere 112
lorica sub veste 80
ludi, editors ofg^, 98
ludi compitalicii 72
,, honorarii 75
„ magni 52
,, pontificates 98
,, quinquennales 43, 119
,, saeculares 71
,, victoriae Caesaris 20
ludii 141
ludis (time) 100
lusus Troiae 95
Mactare 31
magisterium 3
magistratus of Augustus
56
magistri vicorum 66, 72
male 50
maleficium 75
mango 132
manubialis pecunia 67
manumission, regulations as to 89, 93
manus * stake* 136
mariti 98
marmoream (Romam) relinquere 62
marriage, laws of 78; marriage
with
foreigners
132
medici 93
micare 27
militare aerarium 106; militare opus 43
military service, length of 106
milites in theatres 98
mimus 171
missilia rerum 169
missio of gladiators 100; of soldiers 106
modulata carmina 117
momenta horarum 108
monumentum Ancyranum quoted 13,
2T, 22, 26, 47, 48, 50, 5 1 , 57,
58, 6 1 , 62, 64, 68, 72, 94, 101,
106, n o , 173
mora, Italian game of 1^
moriendum est 29
morosus 129
mortuum vidit 39
mos civilis 3 7 ; morum legumque regimen 60
muli 82
L . Munatius Plancusy<?z/w Antony 24
munera at the Saturnalia
141

INDEX

TO THE NOTES.

murales (coronae) 55
murrinus calix 134
Mutina, battles near 23
myrobrocrras 153
Name, assumed by Tiberius and Livia
1
75 5 °f Caesar taken by Augustus 17
natales 10
naufragium duplex 32
navale proelium 95
nec...et...ac 113
negotium (legal meaning) 75
nemus Caesarum 95; nemora 139
Neptuno invito 34
nomenculator 45, 112
nomina abolere 74
nones, \an unlucky day 160
notare 124; per notas scribere 156
nuces 150
numera 81
Numerius Atticus 174
nummularius 9
nummus (sestertius) 92; nummi regii
141; nummus aureus 169
nundinae 160
Oblimatae fossae 43
occurrere 29
ocellati 150
oculis reetis 33; oculi effossi 59
offices, extra-constitutional 56
official acts during the night 145
officium salutationis 59, 112; officia
cotidiana 120
opera publica 83
opinari de 109, 130
optimates 21
orations 51
orcini 79
ordinarii pugiles 100
Origines of Cato 154
ovatio 51
Pagani 59
pagus 4
palma 92
paludamentum 23
Pantheon, the 65
pantomimus 101
par impar 136
parricidium, punishment of 76
Parthians, intended expedition of Iulius
against 15
paruerunt 166
pater patriae 117—118
pavimentum 137
per aestatem 32; per publicum 111
peregrini, expulsion of 93
pergula 165
peristylus 148
perrogare 82
pertaesus 121

213

petasus 148
phalerae 55
phonascus 151
pila 150
pisciculi 142
plebs, meaning of 98, 102, 108
pontificatus maximus, election of Augustus to the 68
populus ' city populace* 88, 94
porticus Liviae et Octaviae 64
postal service 107
potentia 28
praeceptores 93
praecipitium 146
praecipuus 1
praedicere 158
praefectura urbis 83
praelucere 64
praetextati 98
praetores, number of 84
praetoria in the country 138
praetoriani 52, 106, 171
praetorii in the treasury 82
prandium, time of 99, 144
prepositions with names of towns 153
princeps iuventutis 123
pro contione 14; pro partibus 25 ; pro
praetore 22
processions, complimentary 111
proconsulare imperium 56
proconsulatus 6
proconsuls in Senatorial provinces 63,109
professio 6
prolatio 67
propagare 52
proscription, the 58; Verres in the lists
of 134
proseco 2
provinciae, division of 102
psylli 40
publica iudicia 63
publicare 63, 96
publice 38
pugillares 87
pullati 90, 98
pulleiaceus 155
pulvinar 99
Quaestores urbani 82; quaestor Caesaris 126
quasi 25, 34, 46
quattuordecim ordines 29, 87
et quidem 32
quinquennale certamen 170; see also
ludi
Rationarium 62
rationem vitae reddere 87 ; rationem
deducere 94
recensus populi 88
reddo 2
regia, the 72

214

INDEX

TO THE

regions of Rome 10, 66; of Italy 102,
see Introd. p. xxxiii. note 87
regna {surrounding the Empire) 104
relegatio in agros 53; relegatio and
exilium 1 \i—113
religio est 11
reliquias legere 174
repetere 74
replicata iocinera 166
republic, restoration of contemplated 6\
-—62; statuette of 164
rescripta of the Emperors 99; anszvers
to pamphlets 151
residua vectigalium 176
rivers, executions in 130
rostra Vetera 173
rudera 67
Sabbata 143
sacerdotes, addition to the 70
sacramentum 53
sacrarium 10
sacrum Lupercale 71
salutatio 59; salutationes promiscuae
in
scalae anulariae 137
a se 89; de suo 99
seal with head of Augustus 108
secessus 138
secta 10, 25
secundarius panis 142
secus muliebre 98
sed (/cat raura) 87, 140; sed et n
segestria 150
sella andlectica i n
senatores, places of in games 97; senatorum census 91—92; senatorum liberi
85
senatus, lechones of 79; places and day
of meeting 80; quorum in 8 1 ; acta
of 10, 82 ; respectful treatment of 111
—112

senatus consulta, custody of 161; conferring honours on Augustus 115
sententiae in the senate, order in
taking the 81—82; sententianim ineptiae 152
seponere 126
sermones 151
sestertium 92
sextantes 144
shaving, fashion of 146
shipwrecks 32, 34
signatores of a will 77
simus 155
societas {of the triumvirs) 25
soleae 140
solium 149
sordes 74
sors ultima 4 5 ; sors rerum inaequalissimarum 142
sortitiones iudicum 63

NOTES.

spectacula 94
speculator 59, 140
(nrevdefipadews55
sphinx in seal of Augustus 107
spongia 142, 152
sponsa et uxor 121
sponsalia 112
standards, restoration of the 50
statuae, of the emperors and kings 41 ;
ofviri triumphales 72 ; silver 109
stemma Octaviorum 3; Caesarum Append. C
stips thrown into lacus Curtius 116;
stipem mendicare 159
stratum i n
strenae 116
strigilis 147
style, extravagance of 152
sub manum 107
subjunctive, loose use of 108
subsellia 115
subucula 148
super 15
superesse 115
supersedere 160
supinus 33
supprimere 73
supra 137
Tabellae duplices 59; tabella tertia

11

tabulae debitorum 74 ; votorum nuncupatorum 168
talus 135
tanquam n
taxo 9
rexv6<pvov 138
temere 34, i n
temple for meeting of Senate 80
,, of Apollo in Palatio 62
„ of Bellona 63
,, of /anus, closing of 50
,, of Iuppiter Capitolinus 164.
„ of Rome and Augustus 109,
temples, night spent in 162
tensas deducere g*j
tesserae 80; (dice) 135
testamentum of Antony 37; testamenti
licentia 113; testamentum ingratorum
129
theatres, employes in 100
theatrum Marcelli 64, 96; Balbi 65 ;
theatra trina 101
deoKoyoifieva 162
thorax laneus 148
thronus 133
thyrsus 144
tibialia 148
tigris 96
tintinnabula 159
tirocinium fori 57

INDEX

TO THE NOTES.

215

titulus 119
toga, disuse of 90; worn by foreign
princes 120; toga pinguis 148; toga
virilis 14, 165
togatarius 101
tonitrua, fear of 158
torques 54, 96
torture of slaves 60
tralaticius 21
tribules, payments to 89
tribunal praetoris in the theatre 98
tribuneship, Augustus tries for in vain
20; its decline 87
tribunicia potestas 60, 87
tribus of Augustus 89, 114, 175
triumphales viri 67; triumphali effigie
72; triumphalis porta 172
triumphus 40, 51, 85
triumviratus 17, 57—58; triumviratus
legendi Senatus et equitum 84
triviales 141
tumultus 44
tunicati 53, 174
tutor 58
twelve gods, the 132
tympanizare 131

vacerrosus 155
valitudines 15, 20, 26, 61, 148
vallares (coronae) 55
vapide 155
vectigalia nova 107; vectigaliorum 176
vehicula 107
venatio 95, 99
vengeance on assassins 19, 59
versus 155
Vestals, the 70, 117
vestis domestica 139
veterani 22, 28, 31
vexillum 54; vexillum caeruleum 55
viae, charge of the 33, 67 ; via Campana
164
vicatim 94
vicem, construction of 99
vici (of the city) 66
victores exercitus 23
vigintivirate, the 85
vinctus tortusve 90
vitricus 17
vitulus marinus 158
volumina 176
vomica 127
vomitandi consuetudo 144

Unctorium 143
uva duracina 143

Whales in the Mediterranean 139
women hostages 49; wine forbidden to
women 126

Vacare 16
vacatio triennis 78
vacation, in November and December
76

CAMBRIDGE:

Xystus 139
xystici 100

P R I N T E D BY J. AND C. F . CLAY, AT T H E UNIVERSITY PRESS.