COL. DAVID FANNING'S
NARRATIVE
OF HIS

Exploits and Adventures as a loyalist of North Carolina in the
American Revolution, supplying important omissions in
the copy published in the United States.

With an Introduction and Notes by

A. W. SAVARY, M. A.
Member of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, and Corresponding
Member of the New York Genealogical and Biographical
Society; author of the Savary Genealogy
and the Calnek-Savary History
of the County of
Annapolis

Reprinted from

THE

CANADIAN MAGAZINE

Toronto, 1908

COL. DAVID FANNING'S
NARRATIVE
OF HIS

Exploits and Adventures as a loyalist of North Carolina in the
American Revolution, supplying important omissions in
the copy published in the United States.

With an Introduction and Notes by

A. W. SAVARY, M. A.
Member of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, and Corresponding
Member of the New York Genealogical and Biographical
Society; author of the Savary Genealogy
and the Calnek-Savary History
of the County of
Annapolis

%tial^0SSm%

Reprinted from

T H K CANADIAN MAGAZINE

Toronto, 1908

COPYRIGHT, CANADA, 1908, BY A. W . SAVARY.

INDEX
(From the manuscript, adapted to paging of this edition.)
PAGE

The Narrative of David Fanning
Major Robinson took the command
The first time my being t a k e n . . . . .
My going to the Indians
John York in East Florida
Colo. Mills taken
Gilliam took me
My wounds dressed
Treaty with the rebel, Colo. Williams
The reduction of Charleston
Colo. Innis' Engagement in South Carolina
Went to Deep River, North Carolina
Col. Hamilton's advertisement
A skirmish with Duck
Joined Lord Cornwallis
A skirmish with Capt. John Hinds
The Three Skirmishes
The Skirmish with Collier and Balfour
My appointment from J. H. Craigg
A copy of the commission, I gave.
The names of the different
Officers
Chatham taken
The Regulations of the Loyalists
The oath to the Loyalists
Engagement with Col. Alston
Copy of a parole
Major Cage's letter
Col. Slingsby wounded.
The Engagement with Wade
McDougald and McNeal join me
My advertisement
Hillsborough taken, (Gov. taken prisoner)
Colo. McNeal killed, and myself wounded
Skirmish with O Neal
J. H. Craigg's letter
Colo. Edmund Fanning's letter
Colo. McDougal's list of Officers
Colo. McNeal's
do
do
The Volunteers from Wilmington
Different skirmishes with Rutherford's men
Rebel proclamation
& Col. Isaacs from the monntains
Skirmishes with the Rebels
,
Golstons's House burnt and two Rebels killed

9
9
10
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12
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14
14
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..

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28

INDEX—Continued
PAGE

Terms required by me of t h e Rebels
Williams' answer
Ramsey's Letters
Williams, Burns, & Clarke's letter
Capt. Ivinley murdered, and two men hanged for it
Col. Alston came to me
My articles presented again
General Butler's letter
Walker, and Currie's skirmishes with the Rebels
Balfour killed
Bryan killed
Rebel Commisary hanged
Capt. Williams from Gov'r. to me
Griffith's Letter
Rosur and Goldston's letters
Capt. Dugin's and Guin's letter
T h e answer from t h e Assembly
Myself married, and Capt. Hooker killed
The forged letters
My answer in Major Rains' name
My riding Mare taken
H u n t e r ' s and Williams' letter
My arrival in Charleston
T h e names of the gentlemen Committee in Charleston
Rebel p r o c l a m a t i o n . . . . ,
....
E m b a r k e d for East Florida
Major Devoice's Articles
A certificate of my Services signed by officers in East Florida
An estimate of my property
K i n g ' s Speech
My speech to t h e inhabitants
Myself and others set out for East Florida
My arrival at New Providence
Col. Hamilton's Letter
My Memorial to the Commissioners
Lieut. Colo. McKay's letters
Commissioners' certificate
Memorial for half pay to Sir George Young
My letter to George Randal
The Rebel Act of oblivion
-

-

28
28
29
29
30
30
30
31
31
32
32
32
32
33
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34
35
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4^
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49
50

The Narrative of Col. Fanning
Introduction by A. W. SAVABY

pOLONEL DAVID FANNING, of
^ North Carolina, was one of the
most remarkable characters developed
by the American Revolution. His own
narrative of his sufferings, exploits, marvellous adventures and hairbreadth escapes during the war has for years past
been an object of quest by writers and
students of American and Colonial history, especially in the Maritime Provinces.
It was not until quite lately that I succeeded in tracing and getting temporary
possession of the manuscript, and to my
surprise afterwards discovered that it
had been printed—first at Richmond,
Virginia, in 1861, "in the first year of
the Independence of the Confederate
States of America," in an edition of fifty
copies "for private distribution only,"
with a preface signed "T.H.W." and an
introduction by John H. Wheeler, author
of a History of North Carolina, and
that it was reprinted in New York in
1864 in an edition of 200. The fact of
these publications is not generally known
to American, and still less known to
Canadian, readers of to-day. Neither
the first copy nor the reprint is entire
or quite faithful to the original, and
both are out of print, and a complete
and true copy will, I am sure, be valued
both in Canada and the United States.
Not only are the incidents related of
thrilling interest, but the narrative is a
self-vindication of one whom American
writers of every grade have agreed in
8

execrating as the very incarnation of
wickedness and ferocity. It was not
until about the middle of the last century
that the American public awoke to the
fact that there could have been any
patriotism or public or private virtue in
the breast of any one who espoused the
loyal side in the American Revolution.
It was the melancholy fate of a Loyalist
to be written down a villain before the
eyes of posterity; and it has been laborious and difficult to uncover and bring
to light the real characters of many worthy men from under the vast load of
obloquy with which American writers
had overwhelmed them. As an American
litUrateur of note once remarked to me,
Sabine's "American Loyalists" was a
"revelation" to the American people,
who had never before known that there
could possibly be two sides to the ques*
tion. "Here then rests a Tory, and you
say, judge, that he was a good man,"
exclaimed Sabine himself in surprise,
when the grave of the Rev. Roger Viets was
pointed out to him in Digby. Sabiiie,
no doubt, was as impartial as he dared
be in view of the public to which he was
catering, and he ventured to record and
condemn many of the violent excesses
of the Whigs, but often fails to connect
cause and effect in relating the reprisals
on the part of outraged Loyalists which
those excesses naturally provoked, and
he enters no extenuating plea for Fanning, while as to Moody, whose similar

4

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

narrative in full the reader will find in in subverting by force the government
the "History of Annapolis," and who de jure, were thus held guilty and made
was pursued in his own State by the pay the fatal penalty of treason against
same vindictive hatred that followed the usurped government de facto. Two
Fanning in his, he diffidently concludes instances unrecorded in history come
that "evidence is wanting to show that readily to my mind as I write: A brother
he violated to a serious extent the rules of the father of the Honourable James
of civilised warfare." Both these men W. Johnstone, the eminent Nova Scotian
desired to remain at peace, but like statesman and jurist, a mere boy, was
many and many another similarly in- so put to death in Georgia,* and one
clined were driven into the war by the Hutchinson, son of the second wife of
homicidal or predatory violence of their the Rev. John Wiswall, loyalist Rector
rebel neighbours. As the numerous of Aylesford and Wilmot, N.S., was
town histories of New England show, hanged by the rebels when attempting
it was the function of the "Committee to visit his parents.f These two cases
of Correspondence and Safety," organ- are not mentioned by Sabine, and his
ised as a sort of Inquisition in every book abounds in such. "Proscribed
township, to visit every man in the town- and banished" is the sentence he conship and compel him to sign or refuse tinually records, and the banishment
to sign a pledge to support the Contin- was usually on pain of death. J Imparental cause with his life and property. tial historians cannot but put down
Any who declined from conscientious these deeds as "cold-blooded murder,"
religious scruples, as a Quaker, might to use the exact term applied to Fanbe excused, and such was the number ning's acts in the preface before me.
who sought immunity under this plea
Nor does Sabine deal much more
that the Reverend Jacob Bailey* wrote justly with the memory of Col. Edmund
that he expected that at the close of the Fanning and Richard Lippincott, known
war, if the result should be favourable in this country after the Revolution as
to the British cause, the Society of Friends most worthy and estimable as well as
would be found to have very largely able men, and as late as 1879, o n t n e
increased.
Those, however, who re- occasion of the bi-centennial celebration
fused on any other ground were sub- of Rochester, Mass., one of the orators
jected to treatment in contrast to which of the day branded with shame the
the modern boycott were mercy itself. memory of General Timothy Ruggles,
The cases of Moody, Budd,f Fanning a native of the town, whose talents and
and Thomas Brown, are only examples virtues would probably have made him
of an immense number whose story President, perhaps the first President of
never has been and now never can be the United States, as he had been of
told. Tarring and feathering a neutral, the first Congress of the disaffected color a "Tory," and carrying him astride onies, if his conscience and judgment
a fence-rail, was a favourite pastime of could have permitted him to espouse
"patriots" all over the country. Be- what proved to be the winning side.
sides, pending the achievement of He fell, politically, in a lost, although an
their independence, the various, State honourable and chivalrous, cause. But
governments assumed the prerogatives more recent American writers have been
of recognised nations in respect to the fairer than Sabine, and more couragcrimen lessee majestatis, and tried and eous, and many of them are now treatexecuted as rebels against the State those
who refused to be rebels against their
*Recollections of a Georgia Loyalist, edited
king. Men who were unwilling to join by Rev. A. W. H . Baton, New York, 1901.
•Manuscript letters of Rev. Jacob Bailey,
Loyalist Rector of Annapolis. See "A
Frontier Missionary." Boston: Ide & Dutton, 1853.
fHistory of Annapolis, p. 430.

fMS. Letters of Rev. Jacob Bailey.
{Three ladies of social distinction were
attainted of high treason by the Legislature
of New York, and banished on pain of death
the only instance where women were so
treated in the history of the English people

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

5

declares that the narrative "from its
minuteness of detail and accuracy of
dates (which have been compared with
reliable authorities) may be depended
on as a truthful record," and quotes the
testimony of the historian Bancroft to
its "authenticity, fidelity and value."
But the author of the preface starts
with an error as to Fanning's birth-place,
which he says was in Johnston County,
North Carolina, whereas Fanning declares in his will that he was the son of
David Fanning, and was born at Beech
Swamp," in Amelia County, Virginia,
where his father left a considerable
estate of which he was "the rightful
heir," and which he still hoped at that
date (1825) that his family might recover, although he had evidently given
up, as irretrievably lost, his former possessions in North Carolina. The hope
of recovering his Virginia property, it
is clear, led him to refuse* to allow his
narrative to be published, lest it should
weaken his claim in that regard. Other
statements of the writer of the preface
respecting Fanning's boyhood and physical idiosyncrasies, given as "principally traditionary," such as his being
afflicted with "scald head," and unfit
to sit at table with his fellows or to sleep
in a bed, and designed to stigmatise him
as a degraded character, belonging to
the dregs of society, are evidently unreliable, and of doubtful good faith.
He speaks of the "self-satisfaction"
with which, after relating his "coldblooded murder of his neighbours and
fellow-citizens," he applies to himself at
the close of his "Address to the Reader,"
the words of the Psalmist: "Mark the
perfect man and behold the upright, for
the end of that man is peace." But
this text is not in Fanning's handwriting,
and was no doubt written there after
his death by his widow or son. As to
the alleged "cold-blooded murder" it
will be seen that in every case Fanning
specifically mentions the offence which
the victim was condemned to expiate,
always the cold-blooded murder by the
*For instance: The word pursue and all its victim himself, singly or with others,

ing the events of the American Revolution, and the characters and motives
of its actors, in a judicial spirit. Doctor
Hosmer, in his life of Governor Hutchinson, does full justice to his worthy and
distinguished subject, but we are surprised that he justifies the expulsion
oi the Loyalists, not apprehending that
the same spirit of chivalrous and religious fidelity that marked their dutiful
allegiance to the old government would
have been transferred to the new, once
the terrible struggle in which they had
fought and lost was over; and that the
ability and patriotism of their leaders
would have been of immense value in
helping to overcome, instead of, as he
suggests, promoting or accentuating the
initial difficulties and troubles that unavoidably beset the new republic. Sydney George Fisher, with obvious propriety, entitles his most valuable book,
which has been very recently published,
"A true History of the American Revolution," He faithfully exposes and accounts for the suppression and distortions of the truth by the earlier writers,
but entirely misunderstands the modern
colonial policy of England, and traduces
her conduct of the Boer war. A perusal
of his book is absolutely necessary to
a fair understanding of the facts of the
revolutionary period.
In Fanning's original manuscript the
chirography is excellent, but there is
little or no punctuation, and the orthography and too free use of initial capitals
is perhaps a little more irregular than
was common in those days, and these
errors are aggravated and a distorted
punctuation introduced in the printed
edition. In fact, there is reason to suspect that the Richmond editor tried to
make Fanning appear a more illiterate
man than he really was.* It is better,
I think, that all these eccentricities
should be rectified in the present reprint, as manuscripts of that period are
usually so dealt with in these days. It
is satisfactory to note that Mr. Wheeler

derivatives are always spelled correctly in
the manuscript, and always persue in the
printed copy, but I have changed was to were
in many place .

*A letter from him, dated in 1822, printed
in Mr. Wheeler's introduction, points to this
conclusion.

6

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

of one of Fanning's men or some other
Loyalist. For instance, we find in his
index: "Col. Lindley murdered and
two men hanged for it." I will italicise this and several other instances in
the narrative. I refer also to Fanning's
account of the barbarous treatment by
the insurgents of his companion, Thomas
Brown, whose terrible reprisals on his
persecutors are fully related by Sabine.
Mr. Wheeler has not a word of condemnation for these atrocities; they do not
shock him in the least; while the deeds
of their avenger excite in him the most
intense horror. He, says in his copious
and doubtless locally valuable biographical notes that Col. Balfour was
"cruelly murdered" by Fanning, although he had read in the narrative
that in a previous negotiation as to the
terms of a proposed peace between
the contending factions, Balfour had
laid it down that there was " n o resting
place for a Tory's foot on the earth,"
showing that a cessation of hostilities could
only be secured by Fanning's surrender
and execution. The conflict, therefore,
was renewed with more desperate and
fatal fury, and seeing that certain death
awaited him at Balfour's hands in the
event of his capture, it is hardly to be
wondered at that at their next encounter
Fanning should try to get in the first
shot, or should seek the first opportunity
of slaying his intended slayer.
I conclude that Fanning has been
grievously maligned by American writers, who have been unable to view his
career with other than the jaundiced
eyes of the partisan. If he had done
just what he did in the American instead of the loyal cause, he would have
been acclaimed as one of the bravest and
best of their heroes. Mr. Wheeler says:
" H a d the daring, desperate temper of
Fanning been elevated by education,
chastened by religious influences, and
directed in proper and patriotic channels,
his name might have been associated
with that of the Marions and Waynes
of the eventful epoch in which he was
notorious." To this I would say that
if he had fought on the revolutionary
instead of on the loyal side, Mr. Wheeler
and every other American writer would

have described him as a man whose
"daring, desperate temper" was eminently "elevated by education," and
"chastened by religious influences," as
well as "directed in proper and patriotic
channels," and truly illustrious among
the Waynes and Marions of that eventful epoch. His enemies' reports of his
character and conduct probably influenced the British government, by whom
he was not treated with the same generosity as others who had done and suffered
less. Mob violence and outrages on
person and property began* with the
insurgents; wrong begets wrong, and
Fanning, resolute, daring and resourceful, fought his enemies with their own
methods, the only methods available
to him in a war that set family against
family, and neighbour against neighbour,
and was waged by small, irresponsible
bands all through the Province, over
which a reign of terror, appalling to contemplate, made wreck of the humane
sentiments that cast a glamour over the
operations of regular warfare between
Christian nations. As each petty leader,
fired with party rage or thirsting for revenge, gained a temporary advantage
over his opponents,
Hope withering fled and mercy
farewell.

sighed

He was animated by a chivalrous loyalty
to his lawful sovereign, and the idea of a
"united Empire," at least as disinterested
and quite as commendable as the similar
sentiments which fired the breast of the
most faithful soldier of the Union who
fought in the great American Civil War,
and he was patriotically devoted to the
interests of his country as he saw them.
The author of the preface asserts that
the people of the Southern States, "ere
the actors in the old struggle had all
passed away, were obliged to again draw
*It was not till after this paper was written
t hat I found a complete confirmation of these
conclusions in another fair and impartial
American book recently published. Van
Tyne, in his "Loyalists of the American
Revolution," p. 184, says that the hanging of
five Loyalist prisoners of war by the rebels,
in North Carolina, led to reprisals which were
continued in t h a t region through the war,
clearly referring to the events recorded by
Fanning.

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING
the sword to protect their homes and
firesides from an oppressor (the North),
who attempted to impose on them burdens
more odious than those they refused to
bear from that nation to which they
owed their existence as a people"; that
the "mad efforts" of the North to subdue
the South had "brought about the reenacting of scenes such as disclosed by
our veracious chronicler"; scenes, "at
the recital of which decency revolts, and
before the perpetrators of them even the
Tories of thefirstrevolutionary war might
'hide their diminished heads'." Americans of the present day will consider him
as wrong in these extravagant pronouncements as we consider him in his estimate
of Fanning.
Sabine, who, strange to say, knew
nothing of this narrative, says that Fanning's correspondence (although where
and how he got access to it is hard to
conjecture, and he could have seen but
little of it) affords "ample evidence" that
he was "often involved in quarrels with
his neighbours," which is scarcely compatible with the fact that he was chosen
three times to represent them in the
Provincial Parliament, in which he sat as
member for Queens County from 1791
to January 27th, 1801. His will, however, dated at Digby, March 10th, 1825,
four days before his death, shows him to
have had at that time some difference with
Elkanah Morton, the Judge of Probate,
a widely known and esteemed* but somewhat punctilious and stern magistrate
and official, for he expresses a wish that
he should have nothing to do with the
probating of the will, but that some
other judge should deal with it.
A sad and most extraordinary episode
put an untimely end to his career in the
legislature, by calling for the vacation of
his seat, he being the only member of a
British colonial legislature ever so
affected. A black woman of bad repute,
known as Sail London, charged him with
an offence for which at that day there was
no alternative but the death penalty. To
the astonishment of the public he was
convicted on her unsupported evidence,
but the judgment was promptly nullified
by the Governor of the Province, who was
*See History of Annapolis, page 426.

.

7

convinced that he had been falsely accused
and wrongly convicted, and did all he
could in such a case by exercising the
"royal prerogative" in his favour. After
this he* removed to Digby, Nova Scotia,
near which he lived on a farm at the base
of the picturesque mountain that lifts its
lofty head between the town and the
strait on the old road to Point Prim
Lighthouse. Here still nestles cosily the
old farmhouse in which he restfully passed
the declining years of his chequered life,
and here lived his son, Ross Currie Carr
Fanning, when the writer knew him from
the early sixties of the last century till
his death.
In New Brunswick his name is perpetuated in a stream known as Farming's
Brook, forming part of the boundary line
between Kings and Queens Counties on
the west side of the River St. John. On
this stream he built a mill, part of the
dam of which still exists, and the cellar
of his house can be seen about half a
mile distant.j* In his will, besides the
mention of his inheritance in Georgia,
he spoke of the claim his family had on
the generosity of the British Government,
but although that Government granted a
pension to Moody's widow, nothing was
ever done for the widow or children of
Fanning.
In the cemetery of Holy Trinity Church,
Digby, is a stone with the following inscription:
In memory of
Col. David Fanning,
who departed this life
March 14th, 1825,
in the
seventieth year of his age
Humane,.affable, gentle and kind;
A plain, honest, open, moral mind;
He lived to die, in God he put his trust,
To rise triumphant with the just.
On another stone near by, evidently
erected by himself, is the following
epitaph, curious for its a minuteness of
detail": In memory of David William,
son of David and Sarah Fanning, who
*Not in 1790, as Wilson in his History of
Digby says, nor in 1799, as stated by Sabine.
fFor the facts mentioned in the preceding
paragraph the writer is indebted to Dr.
Hannay, the able historian and archaeologist
of New Brunswick.

8

THE NAKRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

died July 15, 1810, aged 16 years, 11 Churches is there such an office as
months, and 1 day, and 11 hours and 37 Ruling Elder*
minutes.
I propose to omit the "Address to the
He left a daughter, Ferebee, who mar- Reader" and the instructions to the
ried first Simeon Smalle, of Maine; printer at the end, and to insert all that
second, Peter Hanselpiker of a New was omitted by Mr. Wheeler, including
York Dutch Loyalist family, and left the adventurous escape to Florida and
issue. His only surviving son, Ross C. the West Indies, and the proclamation of
C. Fanning, lived and died on the paternal amnesty or "Act of Pardon and Oblivion
homestead, where he conducted the farm of the State of North Carolina," the latter
and operated a carding mill. He it was to show how limited and illiberal was its
who permitted Mr. Porter C. Bliss, on scope.
behalf of the Massachusetts Historical
*The Rev. A. M. Hill,
Society, to copy the manuscript, probably "Chapters in the History of in a little book,
Digby," professes
not long after his father's death. It is to be in a humorous vein to give the reason for
hoped he never saw the printed version this change of religion. Under the heading,
with its "Introduction" and "Preface." " H o w Ross Currie became a Methodist/' he
t h a t Mr. Currie was
He was a burly looking man with a some- says prosperous, contented " a perfect picture
of a
farmer," but " n o t
what austere aspect, and long a much the gentlest of mortals or the meekest of men,
respected and efficient Justice of the for the law of heredity had made him obstinPeace. In the General Sessions of the ate, dogmatic and strong-willed." He was
a
It
Peace, which formerly regulated municipal the owner of thatpew in Trinity Church. t h a t
came to pass
the ladies '' considered
affairs, he was recognised as a man of more of the Earth's surface should be covered
good judgment but of very determined b y them," and adopted hoop skirts. They
will. He was born May 30, 1791, mar- got along with them tolerably well in the
detours,
ried Sarah Woodman of Digby, and died streets by " i na extreme cases making in meetor describing series of semi-circles"
Sept. 8, 1871, leaving an estate of ing each other. The projection of some of
about $20,000 to be divided among five the pews into the aisles, among them Mr.
"affected
carriage of
daughters. Mr. Wheeler states that Rev. Currie's, dames," andthe graceful the crushing
the fair
threatened
E. W. Carruthers, D.D., in a work and destruction of the cherished garment.
entitled "Incidents and Sketches of Appealed to to allow a part of his capacious
Character, Chiefly in the Old North State," and comfortable pew to be cut away, Mr.
refused,
1854, has devoted more than 150 pages Currie indignantly probably and when "some
of the Wardens,
henpecked husto the life and character of Fanning, and bands, armed with a saw, accomplished the
quotes Dr. Carruthers as saying that this work of demolition," Mr. Currie "renounced
son was a Ruling Elder in the Church. all connection with the Episcopal Church,
consigned the thirty-nine articles to oblivion,
But he was a member of the Church of forgot in his wrath Apostolic Succession, and
England until about ten years before he became an ardent disciple of Wesley. Styles,
died, when he united himself to the fashions, hoops and skirts had carried the
Methodist Society, in neither of which day in Trinity."
ANNAPOLIS ROYAL,

J u n e 10, 1908

N.S.

The Narrative
nOL. THOMAS FLETCHALL, of
^ Fairforest, ordered the different Captains to call musters, and present two
papers for the inhabitants to sign. One
was to see who were friends to the King
and Government, and the other was to see
who would join the rebellion.
The first day of May, Capt. James
Lindley, of Raebern's Creek, sent to me,
as I was a Sergeant of the said company,
to have his company warned to meet at
his house 15th of said month. I did
accordingly, and he presenting the two
papers there were 118 men signed in
favour of the King, also declared to defend the same, at the risk of lives and
property.
In July, 1775, there were several
advertisements set up in every part
of the said district, that there was a
very good Presbyterian minister to call at
the different places to preach and baptise
children.
But at the time appointed, instead of
meeting a minister we all went to meet
two Jews by name of Siivedoor and
Rapely, who, after making many speeches
in favour of the rebellion, and using all
their endeavours to delude the people
away, at last presented revolution papers
to see who would sign them; they were
severely reprimanded by Henry O'Neal
and many others. It came so high, that
they had much ado to get off with their
lives. The rebels then found that we
were fully determined to oppose them.
They began to embody in the last of said
month; to compel all to join them, or to
take away our arms. Our officers got
word of their intentions. I then got
orders from the Captain to warn the
militia to assemble themselves at Hugh
O'Neal's mill; which was done by several

Col. Fanning
Captains' companies, and continued for,
several days under arms, and then both
parties were determined on this condition,
that neither party should intercept each
other. This continued for some time,
until the rebels had taken Thomas Brown,
who after that had the honour to be
Colonel of the regiment of the East
Florida Rangers, at Augusta, burnt his
feet, tarred and feathered him} and cut off
his hair. After he got so he was able to
sit on horseback, he came to our post, and
the rebels then began to embody again.
Col. Fletchall found a large camp, and
marched from Liberty Springs to Mill
Creek on our way towards Ninety-Six.
Twelve miles from Ninety-Six the rebels
found that they were not strong enough
for us, and sent an express to Col. Fletchall
to come and treat with them, which said
Fletchall did. But the terms of their
treatment I don't know. We were all
dismissed until further orders. In a
short time after, the rebels took Capt.
Robert Cunningham and carried him off
to Charlestown. Our party was then
informed of his being taken off in the
night time, and by making inquiry after
him, we got information of a large quantity
of ammunition that was there, on its way
to the Cherochee Nation, for Capt.
Richard Paris to bring the Indians down
into the settlement, where the friends of
the Government lived, to murder all they
could. We intercepted the ammunition
and took Capt. R. Paris, who swore to
these facts. We then formed a large
camp, and Col. Fletchall, being so heavy,
he gave up the command to Major Joseph
Robinson.
In the month of November, 1775, the
South Carolina Militia, of which I was
at that time Sergeant, under the com-

10

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

mand of Major Joseph Robinson, laid
siege to a fort, erected by the rebels
at Ninety-Six, commanded by Col. Mason;
which continued for the space of three
days and three nights—at the expiration
of which time the rebels were forced to
surrender, and give up the fort and
artillery. Major Robinson then ordered
the militia to the north side of Saluda
River, and discharged them for eighteen
days. Afterwards orders were issued for
all Captains to collect their respective
companies at Hendrick's Mill, about
twenty miles from Ninety-Six; the rebels
having received intelligence of our intended motion, they immediately marched
before us and took possession of the
ground, which prevented our assembling
there. But about 300 of our men met at
Little River and marched thence to Reedy
River, and encamped at the Big Cane
Break for several days. The rebels being
informed of our situation, marched unexpectedly upon us, and made prisoners
of 130 of our men; the remainder fled into
the woods and continued there with the
Cherochee Indians until the 18th January,
1776, when I was made a prisoner by a
party of rebels commanded by a Capt.
John Burns, who after detaining me four
days and repeatedly urging me to take
the oath of allegiance to the United States,
stripped me of everything, and made me
give security for my future good behaviour,
by which means I got clear. On the 10th
of May, 1776, hearing the rebels had
issued a proclamation to all the friends of
Government, offering them pardon and
protection provided they would return to
their respective habitations and remain
neutral, induced me to return to my home,
where I arrived on the 15th of June.
On the 20th, the rebels being apprehensive of the Cherochee Indians breaking
out, dispatched several of their emissaries
among the Loyalists to discover their
intentions, one of which was Capt. Ritchie,
who came to me and told me he was a
friend to Government, and some time
before left the Indian Nation, and then
wanted a pilot to conduct him to the
Indian Nation again. I agreed to conduct him to any part of the country he
wanted to go to, provided he would keep

it secret. This he promised to do. But
immediately he went and lodged information against me, and swore that I then had
a company of men ready, in order to join
the Indians. In consequence of this^ I
was made prisoner again, on the 25 th,
by a Capt. John Rogers, and thrown into
close confinement with three sentinels
over me. On the 1st of July, the Indians
came down into the back country of South
Carolina and killed several families, at
which time, the rebel camp being in great
confusion, I made my escape, and went to
my own house at Raebern's Creek; but
finding a number of my friends had
already gone to the Indians, and more
disposed so for to do, I got twenty-five
men to join me, and on our arrival at
Parisher's plantation, on Reedy River,
in the Indian land, we formed a junction
with the Indians. On the 15th inst., in the
evening, the militia and the Cherochees
to amount of 260 surrounded the fort
built with logs, containing 450 of the
rebels, and after a smart fire on both sides
for two hours and a half, we retreated
without any injury except one of the
Indian Chiefs being shot through the
hand. I then left the Indians and pursued my way to North Carolina, where
on my arrival, I was taken up again and
close confined, but was rescued by my
friends three different times, after which I
made my escape good. I then endeavoured to go home again, and after experiencing numberless hardships in the woods,
I arrived the 10th of March, 1777, at
Raebern's Creek, South Carolina.
I was made prisoner again on the n t h ,
by a Capt. Smith, bound hand and foot,
and carried under guard towards NinetySix gaol; after marching twelve miles,
the company halted for the evening, and
watching an opportunity I cut the ropes
I was bound with and stripped myself
when the guard was asleep; I threw
myself out of the window and returned
back to Raebern's Creek by a different
way from that which they had carried me
prisoner. I was obliged now to secrete
myself in the woods, and was supplied
with provisions by some Quakers and
other Loyalists in the neighbourhood.
A company of Loyalists, of which I was

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
one, was then raised by a Richard Parish,
and it was determined to go to Mobile
and join the British army, but one of the
company proving treacherous, gave information to the rebels, who raised a body
©f troops to suppress us. They took me,
with five more prisoners, and carried us
to Ninety-Six gaol on the 5 th August,
1777. Captain Parish escaped with some
Loyalists belonging to the company, and
made his way good to the British army at
Mobile, in West Florida. Myself, with
five others who were taken, remained
in close confinement until November
f ollowing, and we were tried ior our lives
on a charge of high treason for rising in
arms against the United States of America,
but were acquitted and went home. The
fees and expenses of my confinement
amounted to £300, Virginia money,
allowing dollars at six shillings each,
which I paid, and was then ordered back
to the gaol for the rent of the room.
On the 1st of March, 1778, Capt. John
York, of East Florida, received orders
from the Commander-in-Chief for the
Loyal Militia of Georgia and South
Carolina to assemble themselves. Accordingly, they were embodied. The
majority of the people chose me their
commanding officer. We took a number
of prisoners, furnished ourselves with
horses, and marched to Savannah River
on the borders of Georgia (two miles
above Augusta). Capt. York, who was
our pilot, then got discouraged, and would
not suffer any of the militia to proceed
with him back to East Florida except
three men; we were then under the
necessity of returning home, upwards
of one hundred miles, through the rebel
country, and betake ourselves to the
woods as formerly. During our retreat
we were pursued by three hundred of the
rebels, but we got back home to Raebern's
Creek safe. When the rebels found we
were returned, they raised a body of men
to take us, and for the space of three
months kept so constant a look-out that
we were obliged to stay in the woods; six
weeks of which time I never saw a man,
except Samuel Brown (who was afterwards killed at Tigo River), who shared
my sufferings, and we lived entirely,

11

without either bread or salt, upon what
we killed in the wilderness. We determined, let the consequences be what they
would, to proceed to the settlement of
Green River, North Carolina, where we
rested ourselves at a friend's house about
a week. Here we parted. I then proceeded to Tigo River, where I arrived
safe on the 1st of June, 1778. Myself and
one Samuel Smith now associated and
were taken by a company of rebels, commanded by a Capt. Going. We made our
escape the second night by bribing the
sentinel, and parted company. I met
with one of the horses belonging to the
rebels, about a mile from the house I had
escaped from, and mounted him. They
pursued me through the woods by the
horse's tracks upwards of seventy miles,
and came to Raebern's Creek where I
lived. They were anxious to recover their
horse from me, and promised to return one
of four they had taken from me if I would
deliver up the said horse. This being
agreed upon, I went with them to receive
my own horse back again; when we had
advanced thirty miles we came near to
where a rebel fort was. I desired them to
go a little out of the way and avoid it,
which they had promised to do before we
proceeded on our journey. One of them
laid hold of my horse's bridle and told me
to surrender myself a prisoner, for they
were determined to confine me in the fort
or carry me to Ninety-Six gaol, about
eighty miles off. They said I was not
in that damned tory country at that
time. I therefore, after some conversation, concluded to submit to be disarmed
at the time, as they threatened blowing a
ball through me every instant if I did not
surrender, which I did. On my arrival
at the fort I was stripped of my clothes
and confined close till morning, when they
tied my legs under a horse's belly and took
me before a magistrate to commit me to
gaol. However, I was admitted to bail
for my good behaviour. On my return
to the people who took my horse and
clothes, upon asking for them I was
retaken before another magistrate, and
committed to gaol under a strong guard.
On my proceeding towards the gaol the
guard was particularly careful about

12

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

securing me; and in order to do it the
more effectually, tied me with a rope to a
stout fellow who was one of them. When
I found him asleep I took the opportunity
to cut myself loose with a knife (or rather
with a pair of horse fleames) which was
accidentally left lying in the road, and
throwing myself out of the window made
my escape, and took to the mountains for
shelter. I continued there for some time,
when Col. Mills of the Loyal Militia, on
knowing where I was, proposed at several
meetings we had, to raise a company,
which we did, of 500 men, for the purpose
of going to St. Augustine. One of the
company proved faithless and gave information to the rebels, who immediately
embodied themselves and took Col. Mills
prisoner with sixteen of the company, and
carried them off to Salisbury gaol. Myself, with fourteen more, pursued about
twenty miles with an intention of rescuing
them, until we were in sight of Gilbert
town where the rebels had a guard; and
rinding we could not effect our purpose
at that time, our numbers being so small
and theirs increasing, we returned back.
The rebels pursued us all night, and in
the morning we perceived them within shot
of us. We fired upon them, which they
returned, and continued skirmishing with
them in the woods about an hour, when
they retreated. What injury we did
them we could not tell; on our part we
suffered no loss. Here our party separated, and I made way for Holsten River,
about 140 miles through the woods. I
had proceeded about forty miles on my
way when I was met by three men, one of
whom knew me. He came to me with
seeming friendship, and on taking my
hand called his companions to assist him
in securing me, which they did, and made
me a prisoner. They tied my hands
behind my back, and feet to each other
under the horse's belly, and took me
to Ninety-Six gaol again, where I was
closely confined for seventeen days. During my confinement I got acquainted with
a friend to Government, who lived there,
by talking to him through the gates; he
furnished me with two files and a knife,
by which means I cut through the iron bars
and escaped. I returned again to Rae-

bern's Creek, and after remaining some
time in the woods there I was advised by
friends to make peace with Capt. Gillian,
who commanded a company of rebels on
the Indian lines. As I durst not be seen
by any of the rebel party, I got one of my
friends to go to him, desiring him to meet
me alone at a particular place, and give
him my word I would not injure him.
We met accordingly, and passed our
words not to disturb or injure each other.
We continued our meetings in the woods,
generally every day or two for the space
of a month, until we were discovered by
some of his company, who threatened to
have him punished for treating with me.
However, he still met me, now and then,
and introduced a friend of his to me,
who, he told me, I might depend upon.
One day I observed an alteration in their
behaviour, and asked them, when at some
distance, if he meant to keep his word
with me; he replied, "by all means."
We were all on horseback, and I had my
rifle across my saddle. When we were
going to part, as I expected, he suddenly
seized my rifle, and the man who was
with him laid hold of my horse's bridle.
He presented his rifle to my breast and
told me I was his prisoner or a dead man.
I was under the necessity to surrender, and
they carried me again to my old quarters
at Ninety-Six, where we arrived on the
n t h of October, 1778. I was stripped
entirely naked, thrown into irons and
chained to the floor, and remained in that
situation until the 20th of December
following, when I again made shift to get
my irons off, and having sawed one of the
grates some time before, I again escaped
by means of a fellow-prisoner, who supplied me with some old clothes, of which
I made a rope to let me down. I received a fall in getting down, but luckily
did not hurt myself. The gaoler heard
me fall and presented a musket at me out
of a window, but I avoided him. He
alarmed the guard and they pursued me;
but, however, I got clear off. I found
myself much hurt by a fall I got in their
chasing me. I got back to Raebern's
Creek, but was taken in three days, and
again introduced at Ninety-Six. I was
chained and ironed as before, in the

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

13

centre of a room thirty feet square, days, having no support but herbs, except
forty-five from the ground, the snow beat- three eggs, my wounds at this time being
ing in through the roof, with four grates very troublesome and offensive for the
open night ancj day. I remained in this want of dressing. I got my horse again
state eleven days. I got my chains off in and moved about twelve miles to a friend's
the night of the twelfth. The gaoler did house, where on my arrival I made a
not chain me down again, but I had signal, which they knew, to acquaint them
still part of them remaining on one of my of my being alive, and a young girl of
legs, which weighed seven pounds and fourteen years old came to me; but when
three-quarters. I continued loose in gaol she came near enough to see me she was
until the 13th of February, 1779, when I frightened so at the sight she ran off. I
took a bar out of the window in the night, pursued after her on horseback, telling
and pried one of the planks out of the floor her who I was. She said she knew it was
of the room and thence went down stairs. me, but I was dead; that I was then a
I found the door fast secured, but I went spirit. I was a long time before I could
to a breach I had formerly made in the get her to come to me, I looked so much
back of the chimney, and got out, and like a rack of nothing but skin and bones,
one of my fellow-prisoners escaped with and my wounds had never been dressed
me, and we kept together for some time and my clothes all bloody. My misery
after. We found a number of horses and situation was beyond explanation, and
grazing in a field belonging to a company no friend in the world that I could depend
of rebels, under the command of Capt. upon. However, these people seeing me
Farr, who had that night come into town. in that distressed situation, took the
We mounted each of us one and rode greatest care of me, and dressed my
off to Raebern's Creek. On our way, we wounds. I then got assistance and supstopped at a house, and furnished our- port, and my wounds dressed and taken
selves with a rifle and a pair of pistols; good care of. My horse having been seen
we also supplied ourselves with clothing. by some of the rebel party, they concluded
By this time the neighbourhood was I was not killed, and wrote several letters,
alarmed, and the rebel militia sent in which they gave one of my friends, offerpursuit of us. They laid several ambus- ing to treat with me, and advising me to
cades, but without effect, and continued surrender, threatening at the same time,
embodied for six months. But, however, in case I did not, to banish eight families
I was so fortunate as to escape; but my of my friends out of South Carolina. A
companion was taken. The day after he limited time was given for my answer, but
was taken I was riding through a piece of . it had expired before I received the letters;
timbered woods, when I discovered a - in consequence of which their threats were
party of men-^-they discovered me, and put in execution, and the people's properpursued on full speed for seven miles, but ties were taken from them, and themselves
I was lucky enough to escape them, but confined. On the receipt of my letters
my horse falling, threw me, and I unfor- the people were liberated, but their propertunately lost my rifle. An advertisement ties were still detained.
was then made public for apprehending
The second day after, I treated with the
me, and a reward of seventy silver dollars Colonel of the rebel militia, and had an
and 300 paper ones was offered as a express sent off to Gov. Rutledge at
reward to take me. This made me very Charlestown. About a week after his
cautious, notwithstanding which I was answer came back with a conditional
betrayed and fired upon by a party of pardon, that which I had done should
rebels, in number sixteen; I received two be forgotten, and that I should live quietly
bullets in my back, one of which is not and peaceably at home, and be obliged to
extracted. I luckily kept my seat in the pilot parties through the woods as occasaddle and rode off. After proceeding sion might require.
about twelve miles I turned my horse
Before I accepted of these conditions
into the woods, and remained there eight I advised with my friends and company,

14

T H E N A R R A T I V E OF COL

who all approved of it, as it conduced
both to their ease and safety.
I remained at home a year and twelve
days, and was repeatedly urged to accept
of a company in the Continental service,
which I always refused.
After the reduction of Charlestowi \t
one William Cunningham and I concluded to embody a party of men, which
we effected.
We determined to take Col. Williams
of the rebel militia prisoner, and then to
join Capt. Parish, who was to raise a
company and assist us. Col. Williams
got notice of it and pushed off, and though
we got sight of him he escaped us.
We now found ourselves growing
strong, and numbers flocking daily to us.
I then took the King's proclamations and
distributed them through the country for
upwards of a hundred miles.
Capt. Parish had the command of the
party and marched up to Ninety-Six,
which he took possession of without
firing a shot; where I found him again.
The day after, we marched about twelve
miles to Gen. Williamson's at Whitehall,
who commanded a fort with fourteen
swivels and two companies of provincial
troops. On our approach he met us
about three miles from the fort, attended
by several officers, requesting that he
might discharge the troops and have
protection for himself and them.
We granted him what he requested,
and took possession of the fort and their
arms which they piled up; after that they
marched out of the garrison.
Three days after that, Col. Pickins,
with 300 men, marched in and laid down
their arms.
General Robert Cunningham of the
Loyal Militia now took the command,
and formed a camp.
We kept scouting parties through the
country and had many skirmishes, but
none of consequence.
After the British-American troops had
taken possession of Ninety-Six, I continued scouting on the Indian lines until
Col. Innis forwarded his march up to
Musgrove's Mill, on the Innoree River.
I then joined them with a party of fourteen men.
: •*;, •; •• §Ri f ^ l H H
:

FANNING

The morning following the pickets were
attacked by a party of rebels. Col. Innis
ordered us to advance and support them,
which we did, and followed them until
we arrived where the main body lay in
ambush, under the command of Col.
Williams. Col. Innis was unfortunately
wounded, with several other officers.
We engaged them for some time, and
then retreated about a mile and a quarter,
where we encamped, and in the night
marched off towards Ninety-Six, under
the command of Capt. DePeyster, and
the next morning I and my small party
returned back to the Indian lines. We
continued scouting on the lines for some
time, until I met with Capt. Parish of the
British-American South Carolina Regiment, who gave me a list of several
soldiers that had permission to visit their
friends in the country. On the return
from Florida to Ninety-Six, I was desired
by him to go to give them notice to join
their regiments; and on this expedition I
fell in with Major Furgesson's party,
which was defeated five days afterwards.
The rebels after that began to be numerous and troublesome; and little or no
regulation amongst us, I made the best of
my way to Deep River, North Carolina,
where I remained until the month of
February, 1781.
I was, during this time, discovering the
disposition of the people. Being informed
that Lord Cornwallis was marching that
way, I kept my intentions secret until I
received certain accounts. I then caused
this advertisement to be published, and
used all my influence to get all the Loyalists to join me and defend ourselves when
occasion might require. A true copy
is here set forth:
ADVERTISEMENT
Any of his Majesty's loyal and faithful
subjects, able and willing to serve in the
Royal North Carolina Regiment commanded
by Col. Hamilton, are hereby requested to
repair to his encampment. The Bounty
allowed for each man is three Guineas; and
the terms of the engagement are that he shall
serve during the rebellion and within the
Provinces of North and South Carolina and
Virginia only; that during his service he
shall be entitled to clothing, pay, provisions,
and all the advantages of his Majesty's
Regular and Provincial Troops, and at the

T H E N A R R A T I V E OF COL. F A N N I N G
end of the rebellion, when he becomes discharged, of course, he is to receive as a reward
for his services during the war a free grant of
land agreeable to his Majesty's proclamation.

Of his pursuing Gen. Greene as far as
Hillsboro, this struck such a terror on the
rebels and was so pleasing to us, that we
immediately disarmed the disaffected,
and embodied about 300 men under the
command of Col. Pyles. He fell in with
a party of rebels (Col. Lee's dragoons),
and lost twenty men killed, besides the
wounded that died afterwards. At this
time I was with a small party at Deep
River, where I took two rebel officers
prisoners and several soldiers. I then
directed my march to the place where I
left Col. Pyles and came within a little
distance of the dragoons that had cut him
up, when I was informed of his misfortune by some of his party that had fled;
wejthen separated into small parties and
took to the woods for some time.
The day Lord Cornwallis defeated Gen.
Greene at Guildford, I was surprised by a
Captain Duck, with a company of rebels,
where I sustained the loss of all our horses,
and arms; we had one man killed on
each side.
The day following, myself and three
more of the company furnished ourselves
with arms, and pursued the rebels, who
we discovered had parted and gone to
their respective homes with their plunder.
We visited one of the houses and found
fourteen horses which had been taken
from the friends of the Government;
and discovering one of the said party in an
outhouse, I fired at him and wounded him
in the neck with buckshot, but he escaped.
We then mounted ourselves and turning
the other horses into the woods we returned back to Deep River. We kept
concealed in the woods and collected
twenty-five men, having scouts out continually until we proceeded to Dixon's
Mills, Cane Creek, where Lord Cornwallis
was then encamped. On our arrival
there his Lordship met us, and asked me
several questions respecting the situation
of the country and disposition of the people.
I gave him all the information in my
power, and leaving the company with his
Lordship, I returned back to Deep River

15

in order to conduct more men to the protection of the British arms.
Two days following I returned to the
army at Chatham Court House, after
being surprised and dispersed by the rebel
dragoons, on my bringing in seventy Loyalists. I joined my company again and
went with his Lordship to Cross Creek,
and as we had lost most of our horses, we
determined to return to Deep River and
join his Lordship when on his way to
Hillsboro. General Greene followed
his Lordship as far as Little River, and
then returned to Ramsey's Mills on his
way to Camden; his men marched in
small parties and distressed the friends to
Government through the Deep River
settlement. I took eighteen of them at
different times, and paroled them, and
after that we were not distressed by them
for some little time. After a little while
some of us had assembled at a friend's
house, where we were surrounded by a
party of eleven rebels under the command of Capt. John Hinds. We perceived their approach and prepared to receive them. When they had got quite near
us, we ran out of the doors of the house,
fired upon them, and killed one of them;
on which we took three of their horses
and some firelocks. We then took to the
woods and unfortunately had two of our
little company taken, one of which the
rebels shot in cold blood, and the other they
hanged on the spot where we had killed
the man a few days before. We were so
exasperated at this that we determined
to have satisfaction, and in a few days I
collected seventeen men, well armed, and
formed an ambuscade on Deep River at
Coxe's Mills, and sent out spies. In the
course of two hours one of my spies gave
me information of a party of rebels
plundering his house, which was about
three miles off. I instantly marched to
the place and discovered them in a field
near the house. I attacked them immedi-*
ately, and kept up a smart fire for half an
hour, during which time we killed their
Captain and one private on the spot,
wounded three of them, and took two
prisoners besides eight of their horses,
well appointed, and several swords. This
happened on the n t h May, 1781. The

16

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

same day, we pursued another party of
rebels and came up with them the morning
following; we attacked them smartly and
killed four of them on the spot, wounded
three dangerously and took one prisoner
with all their horses and appointments.
In about an hour after that, we took two
men of the same party, and killed one
more of them. The same evening we had
intelligence of another party of rebels,
which were assembling about thirty miles
off in order to attack us. As I thought
it best to surprise them where they were
collecting, I marched all night and about
ten o'clock next morning we came up
with them. We commenced „a fire upon
each other which continued for about ten
minutes, when they retreated. We killed
two of them, wounded seven, and took
eighteen horses well appointed. We then
returned to Deep River again. I still
kept the company together and* waited
for another opportunity, during which time
I took two rebel soldiers and paroled
them, who gave me information of a Col.
Dudley coming from Gen. Greene's camp
at Camden, with baggage.
I mounted my men and set forward in
search of them. I concealed my men by
the side of the road; and I thought the
time long according to information I had
from the soldiers. I took one man with
me, and went to see if I could make any
discovery. I rode a mile and a half when
I saw Col. Dudley with his baggage. I
then wheeled my horse and returned to
my men. When I came within a hundred
yards of them, Dudley and his dragoons
were nose and tail, and snapped their
pistols several times. I then ordered a
march after them, and after marching
two and a half miles I discovered them,
and immediately took three prisoners,
with all the baggage and nine horses.
The baggage I divided among my men,
which according to Col. Dudley's report
was valued at £1,000 sterling. I returned
to Coxe's Mill and remained there till the
8th June, when the rebels embodied 160
men to attack me, under the command of
Cols. Collyer and Balfour. I determined
to get the advantage of attacking them,
which I did with forty-nine men in the
night, after marching ten miles to their

encampment. They took one of my
guides, which gave them notice of my
approach; I proceeded to within thirty
steps of them; but being unacquainted
with the ground advanced very cautiously.
The sentinel, however, discovered my
party, and firing upon us retreated in,
where they secured themselves under
cover of the houses, and fences. T h e
firing then began, and continued on both
sides for the space of four hours, being very
cloudy and dark, during which time I
had one man killed and six wounded,
and the guide, before mentioned, taken
prisoner, whom they killed next morning
in cold blood. What injury they suffered
I could not learn; as the morning appeared
we retreated, and returned again to Deep
River, leaving our wounded men at a
friend's house, privately.
The rebels then kept a constant scouting, and their number was so great that
we had to lie still for some time; and
when Collier and Balfour left the settlement, the said Col. Dudley, before mentioned, took the place with 300 men from
Virginia. He took a negro man from me
and sold him at public auction among
themselves for £110; the said negro was
sent over the mountains, and I never saw
him since. At length they all began to
scatter, and we to embody. William
Elwood being jealous of my taking too
much command of the men, in my
absence, one day persuaded them that I
was going to make them regular soldiers,
and cause them to be attached to Col.
John Hamilton's Regiment, and vindicated it by an advertisement that 1 had
handed to several of the Loyalists that I
thought had the greatest influence with
the Loyalists. He so prevailed with the
common sort, that when I came to camp
I found most of my men gone; I then
declared I never would go on another
scout until there was a field officer. T h e
majority chose me; they then drew up a
petition to the commanding officer of the
King's troops.
A general meeting of the Loyalists was
now called, in order to appoint a commanding officer of the militia; it was still
determined that I should be the person. I
accordingly set off for Wilmington, 160

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
miles, with a petition of the people to the
officer commanding at that post for his
approbation. On my arrival there, Major
Craigg, who was commander, treated me
with every respect in his power, and approved of said petition and gave me a
commission as Colonel of the Randolph
and Chatham Militia—a copy of which
is hereunto annexed:
By James Henry Craigg, Esqr.; Major in his
Majesty's 82d Reg., commanding a detachment of the King's Troops in North
Carolina, & c , &c.
To David Fanning, Ksqr.
*
These are to appoint you to be Colonel of
the Loyal Militia in Randolph and Chatham
Counties, who are directed to obey you, as
such, in all lawful commands whatsoever,
and you are authorised to grant commissions
to the necessary persons of known attachment to his Majesty's person and Government, to act as Captains and subalterns to the
different companies of militia aforesaid. As
Colonel, you are hereby fully empowered to
assemble the militia, and lead them against
any parties of rebels or others the King's
enemies, as often as necessary—to compel all
persons whatsoever to join you, to seize and
disarm, and when necessary to detain in confinement all rebels or others, acting against
his Majesty's Gov't; and to do all other
acts becoming a King's officer and good
subject.
Given at Wilmington, this 5th July, 1781.
J.

H.

Major Commanding

CRAIGG,

the King's

Troops.

O n the 12th J u l y I r e t u r n e d from Wilmington a n d ordered a general m u s t e r ,
a n d then gave t h e following commission
to t h e gentlemen hereinafter n a m e d , of
their respective c o m p a n i e s :
By David Fanning, Esq.
Colonel of the Loyal Militia of No. Ca.
To
Greeting
Having received sufficient testimony of
your loyalty and zeal for his Majesty's service, and relying on your courage and good
conduct, I do hereby appoint you to be
of a company in the district of
.
You are, therefore, diligently and carefully
to discharge the duty of such; obeying all
orders and directions which you may receive
from time to time from any superior officers
in his Majesty's service, and all others; the
inferior officers of his Majesty's subjects of
that and every other company are directed
and requested to obey you as
of
said company.
Given under my hand at Coxe's Mill this
,

1781
DAVID FANNING,

Col. Com'g his Majesties Loyal Militia,

&c.

17

The names of the Officers of Randolph
County, as they were commissioned in
their different companies:
i. John Rains, Capt., 16 July, promoted Major 13 Oct., 1781.
William Rains, Lieut, (in N.C.), promoted Capt. 13 Oct., 1781.
Thomas Donnelly, Ensign, died in
Charleston, Lieut. 13 Oct., 1781.
John Spinks, Ser.-Maj., promoted
Ensign.
2. Geo. Rains, Capt. In Charleston at
the peace.
Ebenezer Wollaston, Lieut.
In
Charleston at the peace.
Robt. Rains, Ensign. In N.C.
3. Wm. Fincannon, Capt., 2nd Aug.,
1781. In N.C. now.
Richard Bird, Lieut., 2nd August,
1781. In N.C. now.
Cornelius Latham, Ensign, 2nd Aug.,
1781. In N.C. now.
4. Michael Robens, Capt., last account
in N.C.
William Hillis, Lieut. Went to East
Florida at the peace.
Daniel Brown, Ensign. Killed in
N.C. by the rebels.
5. Robert Turner, Capt. Last accounts in N.C.
Absolem Autrey, Lieut. In East
Florida.
Wm. King, Ensign. Joined the
rebels.
6. Stephen Walker, Capt., 17 Sept.,
1781; shot, caught wounded, and
murdered.
Frederick Smith, Lieut. Hanged at
Hillsboro for his loyalty.
Wm. Hunsucker, Ensign. Hanged
at Hillsboro for his loyalty.
7. Jos. Currie, Capt. In Florida at the
peace.
Benj. Shields, Lieut. In N.C.
Jas. Rains, Ensign. In S.C.
The names of the Officers of the different
Companies in Chatham County:
8. Thomas Dark, Capt., 16 July, 1781.
Hanged at Hillsboro for his loyalty.
Wm. Hoocker, Lieut. Murdered by
the rebels, after promoted Capt.
Henry Ramsour, Ensign. In Charleston, S.C, at the peace.

18

THE NARRATIVE OF COL FANNING

9. Wm. Lindley, Capt. Murdered by
the rebels after evacuation.
Wm. Piles, Lieut. Went to Penns.
Wm. McPherson, Ensign. In Charleston at the evacuation.
10. Samuel Dark, Capt. At last account in N.C.
James Ellett, I^ieut. Drowned in
East Florida.
Thos. Ellett, Lieut., ist Sept., 1781.
In East Florida.
11. Benj. Underwood, Capt. Late in
New Brunswick.
Fred. Smith, Lieut. In N.C.
Adam Smith, Ensign. In N.C.
12. Wm. Deaton, Capt. Killed in
battle on the day after the rebel Gov.
Burke was taken.
Wm. Carr, Lieut. Promoted Capt.
In New Passadena, West Indies.
John Ervin, Ensign. In Florida.
13. Martin Kendrick, Capt. In N.C.
Thos. McDowell. Now (1789) rebel
Capt.
' Wm. Brown. Joined the rebels.
Names of Officers in Orange County:
14. Richard Edwards, Capt., 16th July,
1781. Killed in battle.
Edward Edwards, Lieut. Promoted
Capt. Killed 13th Sept.
Thos. Estrich, Ensign. Promoted
Capt.
15. Stephen Holloway, Capt. Killed
in battle.
John Hastings, Lieut. Now in N.C.
Ab'm Nelson, Ensign, Wounded,
and now in N.C.
The names of the Officers in the different
Companies in Cumberland County:
16. John Cagle, Capt. Hanged by the
rebels at P.D.
Jacob Mauness, Lieut. In N.C.
Wm. Dunn, Ensign. In N.C.
17. Meriday Edwards, Capt., ist Sept.,
1781. In East Florida.
Reuben Shields, Lieut. Iii N.C.
Wm. Hancock, Ensign. In N.C.
18. Alex. Mclver, Capt., 2nd of Aug.,
1781. In N.C.
Murdock Martin, Lieut., 2nd of Aug.,
1781. Went to England.
19. Wm. McLoud, Capt., 2nd of Aug.,
1781. Went to Europe.

Alex. McLoud, Lieut. Went to
Europe.
The names of the Officers in Anson County:
20. Wm. Price, Capt. Killed by the
rebels.
Wm. Fanning, Lieut. Hanged by
the rebels.
21. Wm. McKnight, Capt., 16th July,
1781. Murdered by the rebels.
Stephen Phillips, Lieut. In S,C.
22. Abner Smally, Capt. In Burke
County, N.C.
J as. Hodge, Lieut. Murdered by the
rebels
These gentlemen had their appointments from Major Ferguson in South
Carolina in July, 1780, but joined all
according to the dates opposite their
names.
On my return to Deep River I immediately caused a general muster of the
loyalists, which I collected to the amount
of 150 men, but finding them deficient in
arms I discharged .all of them except fiftythree, which I appointed fully; out of
which I collected from the whole, and
ordered the rest to be ready to join me
when I called for them. I also gave the
foregoing commissions to the different
officers set forth* who rendered many services to the British Government during
the late war, who signalised themselves
with me in the interior parts of that rebellious country, and subdued the greatest
part of the province; so far that the worst
of rebels came to me, begging protection for themselves and property. The
exertions of myself and the other officers
had the whole country under the protection of the British Government until long
after the surrender of Lord Cornwallis
and the evacuation of Wilmington; and
after all the British troops were called to
their different posts on the seashore I
continued acting in the interior parts of
North Carolina, and was like to obtain a
truce with the rebels in the heart of the
country. Those people have been induced to brave every danger and difficulty
during the late war rather than render
any service to the rebels, had their properties real and personal taken to support
their enemies, the fatherless and widows
stripped, and every manner of support

T H E N A R R A T I V E OF COL. F A N N I N G
taken from them, their houses and lands
and all personal property taken, and no
resting place could be found for them. As
to placing them in their former possessions, it is impossible—stripped of their
property, driven from their homes, deprived of their wives and children, robbed
of a free and mild government, betrayed
and deserted by their friends, what can
repay them for the misery? Dragging
out a wretched life of obscurity and want,
Heaven, only, which smooths the rugged
paths, can reconcile them to misfortune.
Numbers of them left their wives and
children in North Carolina, not being able
to send for them owing to the distresses,
and now in the West Indies and other
parts of the world for refuge, and not
returned to their families yet. Some of
them, that returned under the Act of
Oblivion passed in 1783, were taken to
Hillsboro and hanged for their past services that they rendered the Government
whilst under my command. I am fully
sensible of the good designs that Government intends for the loyalists in so repeatedly renewing the Act. If the inability
and distressed situation of those people,
who have suffered and experienced everything but death to support British Government, cannot reap the fruits of their
labours, and now join under every species
of mortification, I can solemnly declare
that I think Major John Rains and Capt.
George Rains two of the most deserving
officers that ever acted in America during
the late war, either in the provincial or
militia; and to my certain knowledge
John Rains had two mills burnt, three
dwelling houses, and besides a barn and
property totally taken away.
I have
given as direct account of the officers opposite their names as I possibly can; also
their promotions and deaths. What I
have set forth, I will forever vindicate.
Besides other officers of other counties
that joined me at different times and
places, as I shall refer to in other parts of
my journal, in particular Col. Arch.
McDougald and Samuel Andrews, who
joined me several times.

19

eral muster at Chatham Court House,
about twenty-five miles from where I had
assembled, and the day following were to
call a Court Martial for the trial of several
loyalists who had refused to bear arms in
opposition to Government. Upon receiving this intelligence I proceeded towards
the Court House, 17 miles, that night,
with the men I had armed, and the morning following, by seven o'clock, I arrived
there. I surrounded the place, where I
expected to find members of the Court
Martial, but they had dispersed the evening before, and were to meet at 8 o 'clock.
I then posted pickets on every road, and
within the space of two hours took fiftythree prisoners—among them the Colonel,
Major, and all the militia officers of the
county, except two, who had not attended
and also one Continental Captain, with
three of the delegates of their General
Assembly. I immediately marched them
to Coxe's Mill, and paroled all except
fourteen, who I knew were violent against
the Government. Those I conducted to
Wilmington and delivered to Major
Craig.
I then represented to Major
Craig that with his approbation I would
establish certain regulations for the conduct of the militia, which he approved of;
and he was obliging enough, on my giving
them to him, to correct and confirm the
following rules, which were printed and
distributed in the country:
RULES and REGULATIONS
for the
well governing of the Loyal Militia of
the Province of North Carolina:
1 st. No person to be admitted a militia
man until he takes the oath of allegiance
to His Majesty, which is always to be done
before the senior officer of the Regiment
on the spot.
2nd. All persons once enrolled in a
militia company, and having taken the
oath above mentioned, will be considered
as entitled to every privilege and protection of a British subject; and will, on
being detected joining the rebels, be treated as a deserter and traitor.
3rd. Every militia man is to repair,
without fail or excuse, except sickness, at
Given at King's County, New Bruns- the time appointed, to the place assigned
by his Colonel or Captain with his arms
wick, Nov. 29th, 1789.
The rebels on the same day held a gen- and accoutrements, and is not to quit his

20

THE NARRATIVE OF COL. FANNING

company on any pretence whatever, without the knowledge and permission of his
Captain or Commanding Officer.
4th. The Colonel of every county has
full power to call his Regiment together,
and march them when necessary for his
Majesty's service; the Captain of each
company has also power to assemble his
company when any sudden emergency
renders it necessary, and which he is to
report as soon as possible to his Colonel.
5th. Mutual assistance is to be given *
on all occasions, but as it is impossible to
give positive directions on this subject, it
is left to the discretion of the Colonels of
Regiments, who must be answerable that
their reasons for not affording assistance
when required, are sufficient.
6th. When the militia of different counties are embodied, the senior officer is to
command; Colonels of Regiments are
immediately to determine the present rank
of their Captains, in which regard is to
be had to seniority of commission or service. In cases of vacancies the Colonels
may grant temporary commissions, till
recourse can be had to the Commanding
Officer of the King's troops.
7th. The men are to understand, that
in what relates to the service they are
bound to obey all officers, though not immediately belonging to their own companies.
8th. Courts Martial may sit by the appointment of the Colonel or Commanding
Officer; and must consist for the trial of
an officer, of all the officers of the Regiment he belongs to, except the Colonel or
Commanding Officer; and for the trial of
a non-commissioned Officer or Private,
of two Captains, two Subalterns and three
Privates—the latter to belong to the same
company as the person to be tried; the
eldest Captain to preside; and the sentence of the Court to be determined by
plurality of votes, and approved by the
Commanding Officer.
9th. No Colonel is to supersede an
officer without trial; but he may suspend
him till he can be tried.
10th. Quitting camp without permission, disobedience of orders, neglect of
duty, plundering, and all irregularities
and disorder to be punished at the discre-

tion of a Court Martial constituted as
above mentioned; and by the approbation of the Colonel or Commanding Officer, who has power to pardon or remit any
part of a punishment, but not to increase
or alter it.
n t h . Every man must take the greatest
care of his arms and ammunition; and
have them always ready for service.
12th. When the militia is not embodied
they are at all times to be attentive to the
motions of the rebels; and immediately
to acquaint the nearest officer of anything
he may discover, who is to communicate
it to his Colonel or other officers, as may
be requisite.
13th. It is the duty of every person
professing allegiance to His Majesty to
communicate to the Commanding Officer
of the nearest British post any intelligence
he can procure of the assembling or moving of any bodies of rebels. Persons employed on this occasion shall always be
paid.
14th. Colonels of Regiments may assemble any number of their men they
think necessary, to be posted in particular
spots of their districts—their time of
service on these occasions is to be limited
and they are at the expiration of it to be
relieved by others. Great care is to be
taken that no partiality is shown, but that
each take an equal proportion of duty;
for which purpose alphabetical rolls are
to be kept, by which the men are to be
warned. Every Captain is to keep an
account of the number of days each man
of his company serves.
The strict observance of the above
regulations is strongly recommended as
the best means of giving to the Kind's
faithful subjects a manifest superiority
over the rebel militia; and to insure them
that success their zeal and spirit in the
cause of their country entitle them to
expect.
Head Quarters, Wilmington, 2$th Sept.,
1781.

I then thought prudent to administer
the following oath of allegiance unto those
people I was dubious of: "I—A B—do
swear on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty
God to bear true allegiance to our Sov

THE NARRATIVE OF OOL. FANNING

21

ereign Lord, King George the Third, and to proceed immediately to my plantation
to uphold the same. I do voluntarily on Dunham's Creek, Cumberland County
promise to serve as militia, under any (or elsewhere), in North Carolina, there
of the officers appointed over me; and to remain, or within five miles thereof—
that I will, when lawfully warned by our and that I shall not in the meantime do,
said officers, assemble at any place by or cause anything to be done, prejudicial
them directed in case of danger, in the to the success of His Majesty's arms;
space of eight hours. I will go, with my nor have intercourse or hold correspondarms and accoutrements in good order, ence with the enemies of His Majesty, and
to suppress any rebels or others, the King's that upon a summons from His Excelenemies; that I will not at any time do, lency, or other persons having authority
or cause to be done, anything prejudicial ^thereto, I will surrender myself up to him
to His Majesty's Government; or suffer or them, at such time and place as shall
any intercourse or correspondence with hereafter be required.
the enemies thereof; that I will make
P H I L I P ALSTINE,
known any plot or plots, anywise .inimical Cumberland County,
Colonel.
to His Majesty's forces or loyal subjects,
Deep River, July 2gth, 1781.
by me discovered, to His Majesty's officers Witness: DAVID FANNING, Colonel Comcontiguous, and it shall not exceed six
manding Loyal Militia."
hours before the same is discovered, if
health and distance permit. This I do
In the course of this affair we had two
solemnly swear and promise to defend in men killed and four wounded, who afterall cases whatsoever. So help me, God!" wards recovered. A party of rebels apI then returned to the head of Little peared in sight a little time after the firing
River, on my way to Coxe's Mill, where began, but they did not approach to afford
I was met by two men who informed me Col. Alstine any support. When the acthat the rebels had separated into two tion was over they ran off, and our horses
small parties, thinking I should never being quite fatigued, rendered it imposreturn from Wilmington. I passed on sible for me to pursue them, and I then
and got intelligence of Col. Alstine lying pursued my route to Coxe's Mill, where,
on the banks of Deep River with a party on my arrival, I gave twelve hours' leave
of twenty-five men. We marched all that to the men (after detaining a sufficient
day and night following, and just as the number for the necessary guard) to go
day dawned we advanced in three divi- to their respective homes. Immediately
sions up to a house they had thrown them- after that I heard that a waggon loaded
selves into. On our approach we fired with salt for the use of the rebel army had
upon the house, as I was determined to passed about twelve hours before. I took
make examples of them, for behaving in eight men with me, and after a chase of
the manner they had done to one of my sixteen miles I overtook it and conducted
pilots, by name Kenneth Black. They it back to Coxe's Mill. On my return I
returned our fire, and the action continued found that Major Rains had been atupwards of three hours, when after kill- tacked by a party of 150 rebels, who had
ing four of them and wounding all the attempted to secure the fort of Deep
rest, except three, they sent out a flag to River, at Coxe's Mill; however, it was
surrender, Col. Alstine's lady begging without success. He had one man
their lives; and on her solicitation I con- wounded and several horses in the attack,
cluded to grant her request. After the and on my approach (hey retreated.
capitulation I gave the following paroles to They then sent a flag with offers of peace.
I returned for answer, " I was determined
Col. Philip Alstine and his men:
" I do hereby acknowledge myself a to make peace with the sword—or otherprisoner of war upon my parole to His wise they should become subjects of
Excellency Sir Henry Clinton, and that I Great Britain." My men now being colam hereby engaged till I shall be ex- lected to the amount of 140, who by this
changed, or otherwise released therefrom, time were well armed, and hearing noth-

22

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

ing further from them the next morning,
we marched to the place where I had been
informed they were, but found them gone
off. I discovered some of their scouts,
but on firing on them they took to the
woods. I heard that they had marched
and joined another party of 250 men,
commanded by Cols. Paisley and Balfour,
upon which I returned to Coxe's Mill; I
sent out spies that night, who returned
before morning and informed me that the
two rebel parties had joined, being about
400 in number, and encamped at Brown's
plantation, about two miles up the river
on the opposite side. I dispatched a flag
to them, acquainting them, as before, of
my determination in support of Government, and proposed a meeting of both
parties to determine the matter by force
of arms; at the same time acquainting
them that the ill-treatment of some prisoners
they had taken a little time before had determined me to retaliate in case an end was
not put to it, should any in future have cause
to complain. I directed the flag to Major
Cage, who commanded at the time before,
and I received the following answer:
" S I R , — I received yours by a flag, and
can assure you that I should be as sorry
as any person living to misuse a prisoner;
but at the same time I think it is my duty
to oppose my enemies, and if any of your
men should fall into my hands I shall
endeavour to use what influence I can to
have them treated as prisoners; and I
hope you will do the same. I must also
inform you that I am not the commanding officer; if I was, I should immediately
return you an answer, and as your letter
was not directed to the commanding
officer, he will not undertake it without
you will direct to him. Col. O'Neal is
Commander at present.
I am yours, & c , & c ,

they had marched off. From intelligence I had procured, I had reason Xo
suppose they had gone to Salisbury to
be reinforced by General Rutherford.
I then concluded to go to Wilmington
for a supply of ammunition, finding my
stock began to grow low. I got to Cross
Creek on the n t h of August; and early
in the morning following crossed Cape
Fear River, when Maj. Samuel Andrews
joined me with his company and scouted
through all the rebel settlements on the
north side of the river, and took a number
of prisoners, arms and horses. I also discovered where twenty-five barrels of
salt were concealed, designed for the
rebel army. I destroyed it, and then
marched down the side of the river and
came to a plantation belonging to a
Capt. Robertson, which I burned. Thence
I marched to his brother's, Col. Robertson, which I served in the same manner. On my march I took several prisoners, whom I paroled, except twenty;
those I delivered to Capt. Legett, then
commanding at Wilmington, where I
arrived on the 24th. Having got supplied with ammunition, I proceeded up
the country on the 26th on my march to
Elizabethtown, where on my arrival I
found Col. Slingsbee, of the Loyal Militia,
of Bladen County, with a number of
paroled rebels in his camp. I disapproved of keeping them there, and
told him I thought it imprudent and
unsafe. The event proved so; for that
night, they having arms concealed, fired
upon his camp and wounded him mortally. Five captains also were wounded,
some of whom died afterwards of their
wounds. The day following I arrived
at McFall's Mills, about sixty miles,
where I dispatched ninety of my men
back to render assistance, on receiving
the unfortunate account of Col. SlingsW M . CAGE.
bee's misfortune; but it was too late, as
Aug. 2nd, 1781.
the rebels had taken to the woods and got
To Col. David Fanning."
I also received a message from Col. off.
I here had information that the rebel
O'Neal that wherever they met me they
would fight me, ,but not by an immediate Col. Wade with 450 militia was then
appointment. I directly ordered a march on his march to attack Col. McNeal,
and proceeded to the place where I was who had assembled seventy of the Loyal
informed by the bearer of the flag they Militia of Bladen, and then lay on the
lay encamped; but on my arrival there, side of Drowning Creek. I instantly

23

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
despatched an express to know his situation, and offering assistance; in three
hours I received for answer he would be
glad to see me and my party. I marched
direct, and by daylight arrived there
with 155 men. Our pickets were fired
upon, and retreated into camp, having
exchanged several shots with those of
the rebels. We had information they
were crossing a bridge on Drowning
Creek, about three miles off, when the
pickets fired on them, and retreated to
the camp, who informed me that 420
men crossed that bridge. I immediately
ordered all my men to arms, and counted them; which in number was 225,
horse and foot. I then marched immediately to attack them. When I formed
my little party I left great vacancies in
order to appear as numerous as possible,
and to prevent their turning my flanks.
We attacked them at 11 o'clock, and engaged them an hour and a half, when on
my ordering a charge, they retreated. We
pursued them seven miles, and took
fifty-four prisoners, four of whom died
that night. On our return we found
nineteen dead, and the next day several
came in and surrendered, all of whom
were wounded, and we had reason to
suppose that several died in the swamps,
by accounts we received from those who
came in afterwards. Our loss was only
five men wounded, one of whom died,
and five horses killed, beside a few
wounded. We took 250 horses, most
of which were loaded with effects they
had plundered from the friends of Government; and as I had formerly ordered
that whoever found concealed goods of
any kind should hold them, I also now
ordered that every man should keep that
he had taken that day, after mounting
and equipping those fifty who were not
mounted in the action. I then paroled
the prisoners, except thirty of them, whom
I sent to Wilmington under a guard of
Col. McNeaPs men. Then, with my
party, I marched that evening to little
River, sixteen miles from McFalPs Mill,
where the party returned who had gone

to Col. Slingsbee's assistance. The day
following I arrived at Coxe's Mill, thirty
miles, where I issued the following advertisement, and circulated it through
the country:
"ADVERTISEMENT
" T h i s is to let all persons know that
do not make ready and repair immediately to camp, that their property shall
be seized and caused to be sold at public sale; and if they are taken and brought
into camp, they shall be sent to Wilmington as prisoners, and there remain
as such in the provost and be considered as rebels; also, if any rebel is willing
to surrender and come in he shall reap
the benefit of a subject.
DAVID

FANNING,

Camp Coxe's Mill ) Col. Com'g Loyal
6th Sept., 1781. J
Militia."
On the 9th of Sept., I was joined by
Col. McDougald of the Loyal Militia of
Cumberland County, with 200 men;
and Col. Hector McNeal*, with his party
from Bladen of seventy men; and in
consequence of my advertisement I had
also 435, who came in; and many joined
me afterwards.
I had previously determined within
myself to take the rebel Governor Burke
of North Carolina, and I had a conversation with Maj. Craig on the subject.
I now thought it a favourable opportunity,
as I found myself at the head of 950
men of my own Regiment, exclusive of
McDougald and McNeaPs regiments.
I acquainted Maj. Rains of my resolution, who approved of it. The rebel
General John Butler, and Col. Robert
Maybin, of the Continental line, lay
within forty miles of our encampment
on the Cape Fear River, with 400 Continental soldiers and Butler's militia.
It was supposed by my officers that I
intended to attack them. After marching sixteen miles to Rocky River, I went
a little distance out of my road to a
friend's house, for intelligence of the
situation of the rebels; during which
time the guide led my little army about

* It is evident that there were two Colonels of this name, one on each side. A third, Captain Daniel
McNeill, of North Carolina, was the maternal grandfather of the late able physician and public man of Nova
Scotia, Hon. D. McNeill Parker, M.L.C. No doubt the latter is the correct spelling.

24

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

two miles out of the way, towards General Butler. On my return above to them
I was under the above necessity of making
my intentions known; and immediately
directed my march for Hillsboro. I
pushed on all that day and the following
night; at seven o'clock on the morning
of the 12 th we entered the town in three
divisions, and received several shots
from different houses. However, we
lost none and suffered no damage, except one man wounded. We killed
fifteen of the rebels, wounded twenty,
and took upwards of two hundred prisoners; amongst whom were the Governor,
his Council, and part of the Continental
Colonels, several captains and subalterns, and seventy-one Continental soldiers out of a church. We proceeded
to the gaol and released thirty loyalists
and British soldiers, one of which was to
have been hanged that day. About 12
o'clock I left Hillsboro, and proceeded
eighteen miles that night towards Coxe's
Mill; in the morning I pursued my march
about eight miles further, to Lindsey's
Mill on Cane Creek, where General
Butler and a party of rebels had concealed themselves. Col. McNeal, who
had the advance guard, had neglected
to take the necessary precautions for our
safety; and by information of Capt.
McLean, Cumberland County, Little
River, as soon as I had discovered the
situation we were in, and having so great
a number of prisoners, I left my station
and pushed for the advanced guard; on
my coming up with Col. McNeal, I inquired the reason of his neglect, and before he could answer we were fired upon
by the rebels. They killed eight men,
among whom was Col. McNeal, who
received three balls through him, and
five through his horse. I then ordered
a retreat back to where I left the prisoners,
and after securing them, I made the
necessary preparations to attack the
enemy, which we did; and after engaging them four hours, they retreated. I
lost twenty-seven men killed, and sixty
so badly wounded that they could not be
moved, besides thirty slightly, but so
that they could keep up with our main
body. At the conclusion of this action

I received a shot in my left arm, which
broke the bone in several pieces, and
the loss of blood was so great that I was
taken off my horse and led to a secret
place in the woods. I then sent Lieut.
Woleston to my little army for Col. Arch.
McDougald and Major John Rains and
Lieut.-Col. Arch. McKay to take command; to send an express to Wilmington
for assistance, as I was not able to take
any command. I also desired that
Major Rains should return as soon as
he could leave Col. McDougald, as I
thought he might be the means of saving me from the hand of my enemies.
These gentlemen conducted themselves
in such a manner that I think they deserve the applause of every loyal subject
both for their valour and good conduct,
as Col. Maybin and General Butler
pursued them all the way until they
met Major Craig coming to their assistance. They made their march good
for 160 miles, and never lost one prisoner,
but introduced Thos. Burke, their Governor, and his regiment of rebels to
Major Craig, who very well accepted
them; and Major Craig introduced His
Excellency and regiment to the Provost
Master. I am informed by letters from
Col. Arch. McDougald, dated 6th Aug.,
1789, that no provision has been made
for him yet. Also Major Rains the 2nd
of October, 1789. But I am in hopes
when the Government comes to be informed of the many services that they
have done, they will consider them, and
make some allowance for them. I am
personally acquainted with their services. Major John Rains was the first
man that ever took up arms with me in
North Carolina, and the last man with
me in that country, and took an active
part in command in six and thirty skirmishes in N.C., (also Capt. George
Rains).
At the departure of my little army I
was left with three men; and in four days
seventeen more came to my assistance.
I made enquiry respecting the loss of the
rebels in the late action, 'and found that
the inhabitants had buried twenty-four
and that the wounded they had left behind were ninety, besides those that went

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
off, and that my party had taken ten
prisoners. Of the number of the killed
was Col. Guttrell and Major Knowles,
who were inveterate enemies to the
loyalists.
The party we had engaged I found
to have consisted of 400 Continentals
under the command of Col. Maybin
and General Butler's militia. In twentyfour days I found myself able to sit up,
and then dispatched four of my captains,
Hooker, Rains, Knight, and Lindly, to
Wilmington for a supply of ammunition;
and before their return I had sent out
and embodied 140 men, during which
time I heard of a quantity of leather
which was preparing for the use of the
rebel army, and was ordered for General
Green's quarters at Camden. I went
to the place, and finding the leather
agreeable to my information, I took
enough thereof to equip the company
completely, and ordered the rest to be
destroyed. On my return to Brush Creek,
near where I had been secreted during
my illness occasioned by my wounds, I
sent out spies for discovery. Two of
them returned in less than an hour with
information of six hundred rebels who
were advancing to attack me, but they
proved no more than 170. These accounts disheartened a number of my
men. From my being in so weak a
state, they apprehended I would not be
able to command them. However, they
lifted me on my horse, and I formed my
men then in two ranks and showed two
fronts, as they appeared both in my
front and rear. The fire continued for
near an hour. I lost three men killed,
and three badly wounded. The rebels
had one killed and several wounded.
Then they retreated, and rallied and
attacked again, after retreating about a
mile, which was so unexpected that I
concluded they had been reinforced. I
then retreated, but without loss, except
my baggage, which they made a prize of.
I then separated my men into small
parties, until the arrival of the four
officers I had dispatched for ammunition
to Wilmington, who brought the following letter from Major Craig, with 5,000
cartridges:

25

Wilmington, 13th Oct., 1871.
" D E A R SIR:

Your letter gave me infinite satisfaction from the favourable accounts it
contained of your health, and the probability of your soon being restored to
that service in which you have done so
much to your honour. I beg you to
accept for yourself, and convey to those
of your officers whom I have not yet
seen, my warmest thanks for their gallantry and good behaviour. I enclose
you the commission you desired for
Major Rains, who I am persuaded will
endeavour to answer your warm recommendations. I have been unfortunate
enough to lose the list of medicines you
sent for; however, I will desire the surgeon to send you such as he thinks most
likely to be serviceable to you; though
from his not being acquainted with your
case, is all by guess. I am much concerned to find the probabilities of so
many of your people suffering from want
of attendance or necessaries. Nothing
shall be wanting in my power either in
that respect or that of salt for their relief. I am not at liberty to explain myself in a letter, but I hope I shall very
soon have it in my power to assist you
with greater care than at present. The
moment I returned here, and was informed of the circumstances of the stallion you mention, I determined it in
your favour, and took him away from
Mr. Campbell, or rather from a gentleman whom he had sold him to. He has
been with my horses ever since, and
never rode. I now send him to you by
Capt. Liveley.
The long northerly winds has prevented any arrivals from Charleston, so
that we are totally without news.
I wish I had got Mr. Burke's papers.
I am, with much regard,
Your most ob't faithful servant,
J. H.

CRAIG."

The following is a copy of the letter
I received of Colonel Edmond Fanning,
of King's Americans:
{Blank in the manuscript)
The names of the Officers of Cumberland
County who acted under Col. McDougald, as they was commissioned in their

26

T H E N A K R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

different companies, who were with me
at the taking of Hillsboro:
Archibald McDougald, Col.
Archibald McKay, Lieut.-Col.
{Another blank)
The names of the Officers of Bladen Coiwfl
who acted under Lt.-Col. Hector Mc~
Neal:
Hector McNeal, Lt.-Col.
John Watson, Major.
(Another

blank)

The names of the Gentlemen Officers who
came as Volunteers from
Wilmington
for recreation and to explore the country,
and was at the taking of Hillsboro
with me:
Alexander McCraw, Capt. of Gov.
Martin's Regt.
Daniel McDonald, Lieut, of Gov.
Martin's Regt.
Malcolm McKay, Ensign of Gov.
Martin's Regt.
John McKenzie, Capt.
Hector McNeal.
Charles Campbell.
James Dawson.
Sometime after the receipt of the
foregoing letter from Col. Edmond
Fanning, I intercepted an express from
Virginia bound for Gen. Greene's camp,
which was at that time near the lines
not far from Charleston; amongst which
was Lord Cornwallis's capitulation, which
I have since lost. We continued in small
parties until Major Craig evacuated
Wilmington, when one day I took a man
with me to go for intelligence and to
provide oats for the party I kept with
me. When at a house I spied a party
of thirty rebels coming towards said
house where I was. We instantly mounted and rode off.
On my return to my
men, I ordered sixteen of them to mount,
and went back to the house we had left,
but found them gone off. I pursued
them about sixteen miles, when we came
up with them. We killed three of them
and wounded two, whom I took prisoners. I had no loss or accident on our
part.
I had now certain intelligence of Major

Craig's evacuating Wilmington; and that
the rebels in consequence of it had
separated into small parties, and were
returning toward their homes, and for
the space of fourteen or fifteen days I
fell in with and took more or less of
them every day, during which time I had
information of a Capt. Kennedy and his
party, who had taken a number of
horses and a quantity of household furniture. I followed him about five miles,
and after a smart firing, took him and
eight of his party, with the booty they
had plundered. He gave intelligence
that a Capt. Lopp with a party of sixty
men who had been discharged by Gen.
Rutherford were on their way home up
the country. The said Capt. Kennedy
(Cannady) all the time of our attacking
Lopp stood and looked on; and as he
declared that he would not make his
escape, neither would he let any of his
men, if we beat and drove off Capt. Lopp.
I left him in a house with only two men
to guard eleven, and found them all
there. The guard informed me that he
would not let any of his party make
their escape. He proved so much to
his honour that I gave him up one of
his horses, saddle and bridle; and paroled him with all his men. I at this
time had but thirteen men with me at a
house near the road not far from where
they were to pass. I mounted my men,
and placed them in concealment along
the road. On their coming up, I ordered them to fire and then to charge,
which we did, three times, through them;
they immediately dispersed through the
woods; it being nearly dark, we could
not tell what injury they suffered.
On the ioth of December Col. Isaacs
came down from the mountains with a
party of three hundred men, and formed
his camp at Coxe's Mill, in the settlement I had formerly ranged in, in order
to take me; where he continued nearly
three months, during which time the
following proclamation was issued:
" S T A T E OF N O R T H CAROLINA.

By the Hon. Alexander Martin, Esq.,
Speaker of the Senate, Captain General, Governor and Commander-in-Chief
in and over the said State.

T H E N A K R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
Whereas divers of citizens of this State
have been deluded by the wicked artifices of our enemies, and have revolted
and withdrawn themselves from the
faith and allegiance which, before God,
they plighted to owe their country, and
treacherously have taken up arms against
the same; being convinced that they
have been betrayed by false hopes, supported by deceit, and now find themselves deserted by our feeble and despairing enemy, and left unprotected to
the vengeance of the State, to inflict
those punishments due to their crimes,
in tender compassion to the feelings of
humanity to spare such who are willing
to return, and to stay the hand of execution in the unnecessary effusion of the
blood of citizens who may be reclaimed,
I have thought fit to issue this my proclamation of pardon of such of the above
persons who may surrender themselves
before the ioth day of March next, on
this express condition, that they immediately enlist in the Continental battalions, and there render a personal
service for twelve months after the time
of their rendezvous at headquarters,
and having faithfully performed the
same for the said term, it shall be deemed
as having expiated their offences, and be
entitled to, and be restored to the privileges of citizens. All officers finding men
of this class guilty of murder, robbery,
and housebreaking, to be precluded
from the above notwithstanding; and I
do hereby require the Honourable the
Judges of the Superior Courts of law,
of oyer and terminer, and general jail
delivery, and all officers, civil and military, within the State to take notice of
this my proclamation, and govern themselves accordingly. Given under my
hand and seal at arms at Halifax this
25th of December, 1781, and in the sixth
year of our Independence.
ALEXANDER M A R T I N .

By his Excellency's command,
J O H N HAWKINS, D. Sec'y.

"God save the State."
During Col. Isaac's stay at Coxe's
Mill he ravaged the whole settlement,
and burnt and destroyed a number of

27

houses belonging to the friends of Government. They frequently applied to
me privately for advice. I recommended
it to them, if possible, to remain neutral,
and make their peace; as it was entirely
out of my power to protect or relieve
them. A Capt. Stinson of this party
took one of my men named David, Jackson, and hung him up without ceremony.
A few days before Col. Isaac's departure
from Coxe's Mills, he sent out notice
for the friends of Government to meet
him, and he would give them protection
agreeable to proclamation; but on their
assembling, he made them prisoners of
war, and marched them under a strong
guard to Salisbury gaol. Not many
days after, they broke out and knocking
down the sentinels, made their escape
except one, who was shot in the attempt.
Two Captains in each county were
appointed by Col. Isaacs, on his leaving
Coxe's Mill, to keep the friends of Government down; and were going with
their own men continually through the
country.
During all this time I was in the woods,
and kept moving with a small party as
occasion required. One evening I had
assembled thirty men at a friend's house,
and sent out spies; they soon returned
with accounts of a party of rebels within
four miles of us, distressing and plundering our friends. We immediately set
forward to render our assistance, and got
within half a mile of them. I then sent
out to get information how they were
situated, and receiving intelligence by
break of day came upon them. We retook seven horses, which they had carried off, with a large quantity of baggage. We wounded two of them mortally and several slightly; we came off
without injury, except two horses wounded. The day following we pursued them
to Cumberland county, and on my way
I burnt Capt. Coxe's house, and his
father's. I had also two skirmishes and
killed two of the rebel party. On my
return to little River I heard of a Capt.
Golson who had been distressing the
loyalists, and went in search of him myself, but unfortunately I did not meet
him, but fell in with one of his men, who

28

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

had been very assiduous in assisting the
rebels. I killed him. I mounted a man
of my own on his horse and returned
back. I then took Capt. Currie and the
man of my own before mentioned, and
went with a design of burning Capt.
Golson's house, which I did; and also
two others. In my way I fell in with a
man who had been very anxious to have
some of my men executed. I sent him
word to moderate and he should have
nothing to fear, but if he persisted, I
would certainly kill him. He took no
notice of this, but persisted for several
months, and on observing me that day,
he attempted to escape; but I shot him.
Two days after Capt. Walker joined
me, which made four of us, and hearing
that one Thompson, a rebel magistrate,
had taken up a horse belonging to one
of my men, I went to claim him; he gave
him up without hesitation, and upon
examining what arms he had, he owned
to one rifle, which I took from him; he
also informed me that the rebels were
willing to make peace with me on my
own terms, and would allow me any
limited bounds I would require, provided I would not be troublesome to
them. I therefore concluded after consulting Capt. Walker and Currie, to
demand the following terms, which I
forwarded by a prisoner I had taken;
and in order to convince them that my
intentions were sincere, I released him
for that purpose, though he had been the
means of murdering several.
Terms required by Col. David Fanning from Gov. Burke, forwarded to
him by Lawyer Williams and Capt.
Ramsay, of ist battalion of North Carolina Continentals:
i. That every friend of the Government shall be allowed to return to their
respective homes unmolested.
2. That they shall be under no restrictions of doing, or causing to be done,
any thing prejudicial to his Majesty's
service.
3. That they shall not be under any
obligation to act in any public station,
or ever to take up arms, or be compelled to do anything injurious to his
Majesty's good government.

4. That they shall not pay, or cause to
be paid, any taxes or money so levied by
your laws during the continuance of the
present war, to support your army by
their industry. If these terms are granted, I request that they may be immediately conveyed to me at my quarters
by a flag of truce, appointed for that
purpose, and by such officers as I can
rely upon, from your hands and seals.
If these terms are not granted you
may depend upon my sword being continually unsheathed; as I am determined
I will not leave one of your old offenders
alive that has injured his Majesty's
Government, and friends who would
have been of service to your country in
a future day, and I do hereby recommend it to you to govern yourselves
accordingly.
Jan.

7th,

1782.

DAVID FANNING,

Colonel.
JOSEPH CURRIE,
STEPHEN WALKER,

Captains.
To Mr. James Williams and Capt. Matthew Ramsay.
To be forwarded by them to the Commander
in Chief for the time being, Hillsboro
district.
I received the following answer from
Lawyer Williams:
CHATHAM, Jan.

8th,

1782.

SIR,—I received yours by Mr. Riggin
at the Court House on Sunday last, and
immediately wrote to Gen. Butler on
the subject of your surrender, as mentioned in yours. His answer is that he
canndt receive you himself but will directly write to the Governor, and as soon
as he receives his answer, he will transmit
it to Maj. Griffith, who will send it to
Winsor Pearce's on Deep River. If I
obtain liberty, I will bring it myself. In
the meantime I would recommend a
moderate conduct as the best step to
bring matters to an accommodation.
The bearer, Mr. Riggin, has executed
the trust you reposed in him; I therefore
hope you will restore to him his property.
For your civility to me when I was a
prisoner, I will do anything I can in
honour. Concerning your surrender,
Col. Ray and Col. McDougald have

THE N A K R A T I V E OF COL. F A N N I N G
surrendered and gone to Charleston.
I am informed by Col. Thackston I am
exchanged with a number of other prisoners at Charleston under a cartel
which is renewed. You may depend as
soon as I get the Governor's answer,
you shall know it.
I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
JAMES WILLIAMS.
COL. DAVID FANNING.

I also received another letter from
Capt. Ramsay by another conveyance:
Jan. 8th, 1782.
SIR,-—I saw a letter to Mr. Williams
and observed what you say concerning
my case. As to breaking my parole,
that I am clear of; as Major Craig a few
days before he left Wilmington sent a
party of dragoons to where we were
paroled at the Sound and ordered us
under the main guard, whence I made
my escape; which I am certain you will
not blame me for, as you are well acquainted with my honour; when I was
taken prisoner, I had it in my power to
escape many a time, but as long as I
was treated like, a gentleman, or agreeably to the rules of war, I would rather
suffer death than forfeit my honour. I
observe what you say concerning your
parole; for the kind treatment I received
at your hands, you may rely on it, anything Mr. Williams or myself can do
for you in honour shall not be wanting.
Your letter I understand is transmitted
to the Governor, who I make no doubt
will comply with your request. For
my part I wish for nothing else but peace.
I am, Sir, your humble servant,
MATTHEW RAMSAY.

I lay neutral until I got further accounts and on the 15th Jan., 1782,
Messrs. Williams, Clark, and Burns,
were kind enough to wait on me at Mr.
Winsor Pearce's with respect to my
former proposals which I had requested
of them, with the letter as follows:
15th Jan., 1782.
SIR,—Agreeable to your request I
have received order to offer you a parole
on the terms you desired, thirty miles
east and west, fifteen miles north and
south. Hammond Coxe's mill to be the
centre of your bounds. Should you incline

29

to go to Charleston at a future day, let
me know it, and I will endeavour to get you
that liberty when I see the Governor.
You mentioned being waylaid; you
may be assured that I know nothing of it.
Mr. Williams, Mr. Clark and John Burns
are the gentlemen that are kind enough to
wait upon you with this flag, and a blank
parole for you to sign, and they will give
you a certificate for your security against
any of the American troops to remain as
prisoner of war in the bounds specified.
You may rely on it, nothing dishonourable
shall be done on my part; and I have the
greatest reason to believe that you will
act on the same principles. No inhabitants of this county shall be molested,
either in person or property, who have
not been guilty of wilful murder, or plundering; it is the duty of every honest man
to bring all such to justice in order to
restore harmony and peace once more to
our country.
I am your obedient humble servant,
MATTHEW RAMSAY.

To Col. David

Fanning
per flag.
Also the following letter was left at Mr.
Pearce's by the three gentlemen before
mentioned:
TUESDAY MORNING.

SIR,—Agreeable to Capt. Ramsay's letter left for you, we came up to Mr. Pearce's
when we made no doubt of seeing you. I
have seen his instructions to parole you,
and you may depend no trap is meant for
you, to any of our knowledge. Ray and
McDougald were received in the same
manner, and no man offered to molest
them. Our orders were to have returned
last night, and the Light Horse under the
command of Capt. Ramsay kept back
until our return; therefore we cannot
possibly stay any longer. If you incline
to accept the terms offered, which Capt,
Ramsay cannot alter, you will meet us at
Baalam Thompson's with as many of
your men as you please, such as can be
received according to trie terms you propose, and are your obedient servants.
JAMES WILLIAMS,
A, CLARK,
J N O . BURNS.
T o COL. DAVID FANNING.

30

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

In the course of this correspondence
endeavouring to make peace, I had reason
to believe they did not intend to be as good
as their words; as three of their people
followed Capt. Linley of mine, who had
moved to Wittoguar, and cut him to
pieces with their swords. I was immediately informed of it, and kept a look-out
for them. Five days after their return, I
took two of them and hung them, by way
of retaliation, both on a limb of one tree,
they being deserters from the British (Col
Hamilton's Regiment); the third made his
escape. After this Col. Alstine, who was
a prisoner of war at this time, came to
me at Gen. Butler's request, to know if
I was willing to come to any terms. I
asked the reason why the Governor had
not answered my letter, and what was the
cause of their behaviour to Capt. Linley. I
then, with a number of my officers, sat
down and wrote the following letter to
General Butler:
" S I R , — O n Friday, the 7th of January
last, I wrote to Mr. Williams the terms I
was willing to come under; he wrote for
answer that he could not comply with my
terms until he had the approbation of the
Governor.
On Wednesday, the n t h
January, a flag was to meet me at Winsor
Pearce's with a letter. But on its approach it was waylaid by Capt. Golston
with a party of men, which had more the
appearance of treachery than a wish for
peace, had not the gentleman (Mr. Baalam
Thompson) acted as honourable; for the
minute he arrived he let me know it, and
declared himself innocent. This gave me
reason to think he would act with honour.
Still on the 15th January, Messrs. Williams,
Clark, and Burns, the three gentlemen
that were kind enough to wait upon me,
with a blank parole, and letter from Capt.
Ramsay—who mentioned in his letter
that my request was granted by the Governor; in the meantime, the gentlemen
waiting on me at the place appointed,
there came around a company from the
Hawflelds, commanded by Capt. Scorely,
which plainly and evidently appeared to
me 4 there was nothing but treachery
meant." On Sunday, the 10th of February, I fell in the rear of Capt. Colestons
and Capt. Hinds, and following their trail,

came on them at dark. After some firing
that night I rode off, and came on them'
next morning, and we came upon terms
of peace till I could write to their
superior officer, for which I consulted
my officers, and we joined hand and
heart to comply with the terms hereunder written.
"We, the Subscribers, do acknowledge
ourselves subjects to his Britannic Majesty,
as you are well assured of our fidelity,
zeal, and loyalty to his Majesty's Government, as it has been daily the case that
we have been destroying one another's
property to support and uphold our opinions, and we are hereby willing to come to
a cession of arms, not under six months,
nor exceeding-twelve; conditions underwritten.
1. Our request is from Cumberland,
twenty miles N. & S., and thirty miles
E. & W., to be totally clear of your Light
Horse.
2nd. Request is for every man that has
been in actual arms, in a permanent manner, in order to establish a British Government (except those who have deserted
from a regular troop that has voluntarily
listed themselves), them we do obligate
to deliver up, and each and every man that
are at liberty, shall have a right to withdraw themselves in said district.
3rd. If any of our men should go out of
said district to plunder, or distress, or
murder any of the American party, we will,
by information made to me, Major Rains,
or any of the Captains, return their names
(if the request is granted); they shall immediately be apprehended and sent by
any officer appointed by you to be tried by
your own laws.
4th. If any of your party shall be caught
plundering, stealing or murdering, or
going private paths with arms, signifying
as if they were for mischief, these are to
be left to our pleasure to deal with as we
see cause agreeable to our laws. All
public roads to be travelled by any person
or company unmolested if he behave
himself as becomes an honest man, or any
army or company or waggons keeping the
public roads.
5th. Every person that has been in actual arms in manner aforesaid, in order to

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
support or establish a British Government, shall not be interrupted of their
arms, provisions, person or property. If
any one residing within the said district
who are subjects to the States that you
should want provisions or any other
article from, by sending to either of the
officers that I shall appoint for that purpose or use, we will send a sufficient
guard to see them safe in and out unmolested. Quakers excepted from anything whatever.
6th. That I will not in the meantime
disturb or distress any person or persons
abiding by your laws in said district. All
back plundering shall be void, as it is impossible to replace or restore all the plunder on either side.
7th. Our request is to have free trade
with any post with waggons, or on horseback without arms; with a pass from any
appointed officer for salt or any other
necessaries and use, except the two Coxe's
mills, to be free from any incumbrance of
all armies belonging to the Americans.
8th. Any of my men that has been returned a Continental without taking the
bounty, that has been in actual service as
above mentioned, shall return in said
district.
9th. If our request is granted as above
written I request it may be sent to me by
8th of March, as I may forward my
further determinations; if I cannot have
my request granted, I shall exact and
point out every feasible measure in
order to suppress every person in arms
against his Britannic Majesty. I am
your most obedient humble servant.
Given under my hand at arms as aforesaid.
DAVID FANNING, Col. Com. Loyal

Militia.

JOHN RAINS, Major Loyal

Militia.

WILLIAM RAINS, Captain.
J O H N CAGLE, Captain.

W M . PRICE,

Captain.

ABNER SMALLY, Captain.
JACOB MANNIES, Lieutenant.

To John Butler, GenH of Hillsboro District
Pr favour of Col. Philip Alstine.
A copy of a letter received from Gen.
Butler:
MOUNT PLEASANT, 5th March, 1782.

31

DEAR SIR:

Your letter of 26th of last month was
handed to me last night. I have observed
the contents. Had you proposed that
you and the men now in actual service
with you would have taken a parole to
some certain bounds, until you could have
been sent to Charleston to be exchanged,
I should have entered on that business.
But as your propositions are many, and
some of them uncustomary in like cases,
I conceive it out of my power. However,
his Excellency Governor Burke is now at
Halifax, and I will send him your letter
with the proposals to him by express.
This is now the 5th day of March; of
course, it must be several days after the
8th before his answer can come to hand;
in the meantime it may be as well to postpone the desperate measures you have in
contemplation.
I am your obedient servant,
J O H N BUTLER, B.G. for

Hillsboro District.
P.S.—If you would not choose to be
confined to bounds any length of time, it
might be contrived so that you might be
sent off immediately under an escort of
my appointing to General Greene. He
has promised me to have all such exchanged which I send to his quarters.
J O H N BUTLER, B.G.

About the 7th of March, 1782, Capt.
Walker and Currie of the Loyal Militia
fell in with a party of rebels and came to
an engagement, and fired for some time,
till the rebels had fired all their ammunition, and then wished to come to terms of
peace between each party; and no plundering, killing or murdering should be
committed by either party or side, which
was to be concluded upon by each Colonel
for such certain limited bounds which
were to be agreed upon by each Colonel;
and if they could not agree, each party
was to lie neutral until matters were made
known respecting the terms which they
wished to agree upon; soon after which
my men came to me and informed what
they had done; we received the rebel Col.
Balfour's answer, that "there was no
resting place for a Tory's foot upon the
earth." He also immediately sent out
his party, and on the 10th I saw the same

32

T H E N A R R A T I V E OF COL. F A N N I N G

company coming to a certain house where
we were fiddling and dancing. We immediately prepared ourselves in readiness
to receive them, their number being
twenty-seven and our number only seven;
we immediately mounted our horses, and
went some little distance from the house
and commenced a fire, for some considerable time; night coming on they retreated,
and left the ground.
On the 12 th of March my men being all
properly equipped, assembled together in
order to give them a small scourge, which
we set out for. On Balfour's plantation,
where we came upon him, he endeavoured
to make his escape; but we soon prevented him, having fired at him and
wounded him. The first ball he received
was through one of his arms, and ranged
through his body; the other through his
neck; which put an end to his committing any more ill deeds.
We also woundedfanother of his men.
We then proceeded to their Colonel's
(Collier), belonging to said county of
Randolph; on our way we burnt several
rebel houses and caught several prisoners,
the night coming on and the distance to
said Collier's was so far, that it was late
before we got there. He made his escape,
having received three balls through his
shirt, but I took care to destroy the whole
of his plantation. I then pursued our
route, and came to one Capt. John Bryan's,
another rebel officer. I told him if he
would come out of the house, I would give
him a parole, which he refused, saying
that he had taken a parole from Lord
Cornwallis, swearing by God, he had
broken that and that he would also break
our Tory parole. With that I immediately ordered the house to be set on fire,
which was instantly done, and as soon as
he saw the flames of the fire increasing,
he called out to me, and desired me to
spare his house for his wife's and children's sake, and he would walk out with
his arms in his hands. I immediately
answered him, that if he walked out his
house should be saved for his wife and
children. He came out, and when he
came out he said, " Here, damn you, here
I am." With that he received two balls,
one through his head and one through his

body; s he came out with his gun cocked,
and sword at the same time.
Next day I proceeded to one Major
Dugin's-house, or plantation, and I destroyed all his property, and all the rebel
officers' property in the settlement for the
distance of forty miles.
On our way I caught a commissary from
Salisbury who had some of my men
prisoners and almost perished them, and
wanted to hang some of them. I carried
him immediately to a certain tree, where
they had hung one of my men by the name
of Jackson, and delivered him up to some
of my men, whom he had treated ill when
prisoners; and they immediately hung
him. Afteer hanging fifteen minutes thy
cut him down. In the meantime there
was about 300 rebels who had embodied
themselves and came after us; on account
of the rainy weather our guns would not fire
on either side. We were obliged to retreat,
on account of their numbers being so much
superior. We had received no damage.
A b o u t the 8th of April, a certain
Capt. Williams came into the settlement and sent an old woman to me, to
inform me that he had arrived from Governor Burke that instant, and had come
in order to see me; by her description I
and my little party immediately met
him, and he informed me that he had
come to know if I was willing to come
upon those terms I had already presented; and requested to have from under
my own hand a true copy of them, and
that Governor Burke would do everything in his power to have the same
agreed upon by his Council and Assembly; for which purpose the said Williams was sent from the Governor. He
also told me that the Governor had said
that anything I should do, or cause to be
done, from the character he had heard
from the British at Charleston, that
he had not the least doubt they would
assent to any proceedings I should undertake to do; he wished to make peace
with me; and also saying if I was taken
prisoner and killed, that 100 would certainly lose their lives for it, and he looked
upon it much better to come upon terms
of peace—that he heard in Charleston
that I was killed, which occasioned him

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
to run away from Charleston; upon
which I gave him a copy of the articles
which I wished to comply to; with which
he ordered the Light Horse to depart to
their different stations till they had received orders from the Governor and
Council.
As I was obliged to lay neutral until
I received their answer, which was to
be upon terms of honour between both
sides, with which the different captains
commanding the Light Horse wrote to
me respecting the same; which appears
by the following letters:
SIR,—I received a few lines this day
from Capt. Edward Williams, informing me that you and he had come down
yesterday, and signified that you and
he are upon terms of compromising
matters, on condition that I will stop the
County Light Horse from pursuing you.
You may rest assured that it is my desire to be at peace with all men. Capt.
Riddle and his company are at the Court
House. I have ordered him to stand
there until further orders, and will send
after Capt. Golston and desire him in
also. I shall set off this morning to the
Assembly, and if it is in my power to
do or cause anything to be done that
shall cause peace and harmony over
the land, you may rest assured I will do
my best, and second Capt. Williams,
though he gave me no account of your
proposals; and am
With respect your humble servant,
ROGER G R I F F I T H , Major.

April 9th, 1782.
To Col. David

Fanning.

CAMP AT M R . CARR'S, Apr.

10,

1782.

S I R , — I received orders from Major
Griffith concerning some terms between
him and you and shall withdraw my
men and Capt. Golston's as we are both
together, and will not proceed any further after apprehending you or yours,
unless you come into our county doing
mischief, until further orders.
From your humble servant,
JOSEPH ROSUR.

To Col. David Fanning.
Hoping you nor yours will not inter-

33

rupt any of the inhabitants of Chatham
until matters are further settled.
WILLIAM GOLSTON.

SIR,—I received your letter, which
gives me great satisfaction to hear that
you and some of the officers have come
upon terms of peace, which is all I would
crave; but I should be glad with one of
the officers in company to meet you and
have some conversation together, and
be upon honour, and if we can come
upon terms agreeable to both, I should
immediately march my company home;
so I shall be at Mr. Mullins this evening
at two o'clock; and if you can meet
and converse across the river, or any
other place you will choose.
I am, sir, your obedient
THOMAS DOUGAN,

Captain of Light Horse.
April 12 th, 1782.
To Col David Fanning.
April 17th, 1782.
SIR,—I, as an officer in behalf of the
State of North Carolina, have turned
out in order to suppress any persons disturbing the peace of said State; but when
I arrived at Deep River, I understood
that you and Capts. Williams and Dougan
were about to make a treaty of peace
(which I approved of very well), and withdrew my troop towards home. But to
my surprise, on my way I understood
that your men were robbing the peaceful
and inoffensive people of Cane Creek
and Rocky River, which wicked conduct,
and the great desire I had for the welfare
of my country, induced me to stay a
little longer, and endeavour to stop such
robbery. I therefore wish to inform
you that I did not pretend with any view
of making you any way dishonourable,
but many persons not owing a true allegiance to the laws of this State are running at large and call you their officer.
As I hope you are a gentleman, and will
not protect any vagabond, I will thank
you to let me know every particular of
your treaty, or what bounds you have;
and upon the honour of a gentleman I
will not interrupt any person within
said bounds that is of good character
with you. I would recommend that
you order Joseph Currie and Blair to

34

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

return the widow Dixon's property,
which they robbed her of, and I will not
write to the Governor concerning it, as
you want peace. He would think very
little of your honour if he heard that
your men were robbing his people after
you had petitioned to him.
I am, sir, in behalf of the State,
EDWARD GUTN,

Captain.

To Col. David Fanning.
About the 18th of April Capt. Williams came to me again at Fort Creek,
and informed me that the original articles of treaty had been laid before the
Governor and Assembly, and they were
upon a conclusion of granting me the
terms I wanted; but were prevented by
a Colonel who came from over the mountains and was one of the Assembly, who
did everything against it. Their objections were the articles respecting the
Continental soldiers to be taken off,
and also that they could not think of
allowing any passports for any of the
friends of Government to have any correspondence or connections with the
British. Every other article they were
willing to grant. Their Assembly continued on the business for three days,
as Mr. Williams informed me. My
answer was that I would forfeit my life
before I would withdraw any one of the
articles that I had presented, as I still
wished to hold the same connection
with the British as formerly; I likewise
told him, that I understood that they
had picked out twenty-four of their best
horses and men from Virginia in order
to pursue me, and my answer to Mr.
Williams was that they might do their
best, and be damned, as I was fully determined to still support my integrity,
and to exert myself in behalf of the King
and country more severely than ever I
did. With this Mr. Williams departed.
I then set out for Chatham, where I
learned that a wedding was to be that
day. On my way I took one prisoner
before I came to the house. There being but five of us, we immediately surrounded the house in full charge. I
ordered them immediately out of the
house. Three of my men went into the
house and drove them all out one by

one. I caused them all to stand in a
row to examine them, to see if I knew
any of them that were bad men.*
I
found one, by the name of William
Doudy, concealed upstairs. One of my
men fired at him as he was running
from one house to the other; he received
the ball in his shoulder. I then having
my pistols in my hand, discharged them
both at his breast, with which he fell,
and that night expired. I then paroled
the rest on the 25th.
I concluded within myself that it was
better for me to try and settle myself,
being weary of the disagreeable mode
of living I had borne with for some considerable time; and for the many kindnesses and the civility of a gentleman
who lived in the settlement of Deep
River, I was induced to pay my addresses
to his daughter, a young lady of sixteen
years of age. The day of marriage being appointed, on making it known to
my "people, Capt. William Hooker and
Captain William Carr agreed to be married with me. They both left me to
make themselves and their intended
wives ready, and the day before we were
to be coupled, the rebels before mentioned, with those good horses, came upon
them. Capt. Hooker's horse being tied
so fast he could not get him loose, they
caught him and murdered him on the
spot. Myself and Capt. Carr were
married and kept two days' merriment.
The rebels thought they were sure of
me then; however, I took my wife and
concealed her in the woods with Capt.
Carr's; and caused an oration to be put
out that I was gone to Charleston.
In
order to be convinced, the rebels sent a
man in as a spy, with two letters from
Gen. Leslie with instructions for me to
enlist men for the service, which I knew
was forged, in order to betray me, and
from the person or commanding officer
of the rebel Light Horse. The following
is one of which I gave Gen. Leslie, that
had his name signed to it:
* This and the shooting of Capt. Bryan supra,
appear unjustifiable; b u t by " b a d m e n " F a n n i n g
evidently means meu who had murdered Loyalists,
and Bryan had broken his parole. Both occurred
after Balfour's pronouncement in the negotiation
for peace t h a t ''there was no resting- place for a
Tory's foot on e a r t h . ' ' See also note to pp. 17,18 inf.

35

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
CHARLESTON, 20th Jan,,
D E A R COLONEL,—

1782.

Although I have not as yet the happiness
of being acquainted with you, yet I can
but applaud you very much for your
spirited conduct and activity. The only
objection I have to your conduct is your
being too strenuous with those who
have been subjects to his Majesty, and
whom the rebels have overcome and
forced them to comply with their laws. If
you would let them alone, the severity
of the rebels would cause them to return
to their allegiance again. But, sir, since
you have made so brave a stand already,
pray stand steadfast to the end, and we
shall be well rewarded at the last. Try
to spirit up your men, and enlist, if possible, three hundred men this spring,
ready to join three hundred more; which
shall be put under your command, and
you be Brigadier-General of them, and as
many more as you can get. We shall,
I hope, in the month of May land 1,300
troops in North Carolina, 300 for you to
join your corps, 1,600 in the whole, to
act upon the defensive until you are
reinforced.
Keep good discipline among your
troops, and keep out fellows who will
do nothing but plunder from amongst
your people. They are but false dependence, and will not fight, but only
corrupt good men. Every man you enlist for twelve months shall receive ten
guineas and a full suit of clothes as soon
as we land our troops, and they appear
under your command ready for action.
I can assure you, 'tis your fame and
worthy actions has, through and by
Major Craig given, reached his Majesty's ears, and I expect perhaps by the
next packet boat you will get a genteel
present from our gracious Sovereign.
So hoping that you will be in the way
of your duty, I will take leave of you,
without mentioning your name, or subscribing mine, lest this might miscarry—
the man who is entrusted with the care
of this dares not at present be seen in it,
but a friend, and send it to the man it is
directed to.
Sir, yours,

To Col. Fanning in No. Ca.
A letter from the traitor who brought
these two letters from Gen. Leslie:
DEAR SIR,—

I would come to see you myself, but
am afraid of the rebel Light Horse. 1
have a great many things to acquaint
you with and a good deal of good news,
but dare not write for fear of miscarriage. If you have any desire of 'seeing
me you must come soon, nay, instantly.
Don't let the bearer know the contents
of the letters—the fewer trusted the better. In the meantime,
I am your friend and servant,
JOSEPH WILSON.

April 29th, 1782.
To Col. Fanning.
My answer was in Major Rains' name
as follows:
SIR,—I am very sorry to think that
there is so many damned foolish rebels
in the world, as to think Col. Fanning
would be ever deceived by such damned
infernal writing as I have received from
you. Col. Fanning is gone to Charleston, and is not to return here till he
comes with forces sufficient to defend
this part of the country, and I would
have you to disband, and be gone immediately; for if I ever hear of any of
your people coming with anything of
the sort, I will come and kill him myself.
I am in behalf of his Majesty's armies,
J O H N RAINS,

Major of the Loyal Militia.
To Jos. Wilson.
On the 1st of May, 1782, I heard a
waggon going in the road; I imagined
she was going down to market, as I
heard of a number of waggons which
were to proceed down with liquors to
the market. On the 2nd I mounted
and pursued the waggon which I heard
the day before, and as I was about setting out for Charleston I concluded to
have a frolic with my old friends before
we parted. After riding about ten miles
I overtook the said waggon, which belonged to a certain man who had been
taken prisoner and paroled by the British, and had broken his parole. In
the meantime, I was examining his
papers I set a sentinel over him. He,

36

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

knowing himself guilty, expected nothing
but death. He took an opportunity and
sprung upon my own riding mare, and
went off with my saddle, holsters, pistols, and all my papers of any consequence
to me. We fired two guns at him; he
received two balls through his body, but
it did not prevent him from sitting the
saddle, and he made his escape. I took
the other man and caused him to take
me to the man's plantation, where I
took his wife, and three negro boys, and
eight head of horses. I kept his wife
in the woods for three days, and sent the
other man to see if he would deliver up
my mare and property containing my
papers, for which he wrote me the following answer or letter:
SIR,—Col. Fanning, I hope that you
do not blame me for what I did. Hoping you will have mercy on me, as I am
wounded, and let my wife come to me.
Your mare shall be returned to you
without fail. Your mare I don't Crave,
and I hope you don't covet mine. I beg
that you will have pity on my wife and
children. The negroes and horses I am
willing you shall keep until you get your
mare. I have sent to a doctor. But
the mare will be back to-night. No
more, but you may depend upon my word.
ANDREW H U N T E R .

To Col. David Fanning.
I also received the following letter from
Edward Williams on the subject of
the mare;
SIR,—These few lines comes to let
you know that I have this day seen Mr.
Hunter, and he is badly wounded and
desires you would let his wife come to
him immediately. As to the rest of the
property, you are welcome to keep until
such time's you get your mare returned,
which will be as soon as possible, as she
has gone at this time after the doctor.
But she shall be returned to you with all
speed as soon as she returns. Mr. Hunter is also very ill.
I am your obedient humble servant,
EDWARD WILLIAMS.

Col. David Fanning.
On the 7th of May, finding I could see
no opportunity of getting my mare, notwithstanding she was one of my principal

creatures, and a mare I set great store by,
and gave one hundred and ten guineas for,
I was obliged to let loose all his horses
except one, as they were of no account to
me in the situation I was in; the negroes
I kept. I then proceeded on to Major
Gainer's truce land on Pedee in South
Carolina, where he had made a truce with
the rebels some time before, and I continued there until June, when I left my
wife, horses and negroes, and then, as I
was entirely a stranger to the situation of
the country and roads, I was obliged to
procure a pilot to proceed to Charleston;
I could not get one for less than twenty
guineas. After my departure I fell in
with the rebel dragoons commanded by
Col. Bailie, from Virginia. I was with
them for about an hour; and informed
them that we were some of the rebel party
then on our way to General Marion's headquarters. They never discovered us as
otherwise than such, it being in the dusk
of the evening. We fell into the rear, and
went into the woods and struck our camp
and promised them we would see them
next morning. However, we proceeded
on that night and arrived at Herald's point
on the 17th of June, and immediately
procured a passage to Charleston, where
I immediately applied for a flag to send
after Mrs. Fanning and property. The
flag had left Charleston two days, when
she came in, as Major Gainer had applied
to General Marion for a pass for her to
proceed to Charleston, but would not
let her have any of our property, or even
a negro to wait on her.
In a short time loyalists that had got
into Charleston from different parts of
the world, hearing that the Southern Colonies were to be evacuated by the British
forces, called a meeting to point out some
measures to try to hold some foothold in
the country, until we had got some part
payment for our property which we were
obliged to leave if we left the country.
Handbills were struck and stuck up
through the town for the loyalists to
choose their representatives to represent
our situation and the desire we had to support ourselves and property. It was proposed that twenty-five gentlemen should
be chosen a committee for that purpose.

T H E N A R K A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
T h e days were appointed to take votes.
I was chosen amongst others; and drew
up a petition and sent to Sir Guy Carleton,
Commander-in-Chief, praying the liberty
of keeping the town and artillery, as they
stood on the works, and despatched two
gentlemen off with our petition; our request was not granted. I have hereunto
set forth the names of the gentlemen representatives:
|? Col. Bailingall, Jas. Johnston, Esq.;
Robert" Williams, Esq.; Lt.-Col. Dupont,
Col. Robt. Wm. Powell, Col. Gray, John
Gailliard, Esq.; Col. Cassels, John Rose,
Col. Pearson, Maj. Wm. Greenwood, Col.
Philips, Maj. Gabriel Capers, Col. Hamilton, Lt.-Col. Thos. Inglis, Wm. Carson,
John Hopton, Esq.; Dr. Wm. Charles
Wells, Robt. Johnston, Esq.; Col. Thomas
Edgehill, John Champniss,Andrew Millar,
Esq.; Col. Samuel Bryan, Col. David
Fanning, Doctor Baron.
I remained in Charleston until the
5 th of September, and my horses having
got recruited, and one of my negroes having made his way good through the country, came down to me; I then set out for
the country again, on account of my misfortune of losing my mare, which was of
great value to me. I went up to the settlement again, to the man I sent to Hunter
before, and he informed me that Hunter
refused five negroes for the mare and
would not return her. He also went to
where I left one of the negroes and took
him and sent him over the mountains to
keep him out of my way. I continued
about in the settlement until the 22nd of
the month, trying to get her, but was disappointed in my hopes. Knowing that
Charleston was to be evacuated, I was
obliged to return; and as I was on my
way, I understood my mare was at a certain place, about 125 miles from Charleston, being about half the distance from
where I then was toward Charleston. I
instantly pursued on my journey to the
place where she then was. I came within
a mile of where I heard she was, and my
riding horse was so particularly known,
I sent a man up to the house and he was
known, and they directed us the wrong
way, and immediately sent word to where
my mare was. I found out we were

37

wrong; and took through the woods and
to a house within a half a mile, where
they had word of my coming and were
making ready to go to their assistance,
but seeing us come up, he immediately
left his horse, and was running off through
a field, and turned round and presented
his piece and snapped, but she missed fire;
with this, I ordered one of my men to fire
at him, who shot him through the body,
and despatched his presence from this
world. The other two men that was at
the house that did not run, informed me
that they had received word of my coming
a half an hour before I arrived, and also
that there were men lying in ambush
ready to attack me. With this, the man
who had my mare went off with her, and
having only two men and my negro that
set out with me from Charleston, also
two little negroes that I had for my mare,
I thought it was my best way to proceed
to Charleston, and on the 28th September I arrived at Charleston, where the
shipping was ready for me to embark for
St. Augustine.
The following is a Proclamation which
I got when I was out in the country,
nailed to Coxe's Mill:
STATE OF N O R T H CAROLINA:

By his Excellency Alexander Martin,
Esq., Governor, Captain-General and
Commander-in-Chief in and over the said
State.
A PROCLAMATION
Whereas divers citizens of this State
have withdrawn themselves from their
allegiance and joined the enemy of this
and the United States, seduced by their
wicked artifices, now find their hopes, supported by deceit, totally blasted and left
unprotected to the Justice of their country ready to inflict those just punishments
due to their crimes. But in compassion
to such who are truly penitent and to stop
the further effusion of the blood of citizens
who may be reclaimed, by and with the
advice and consent of the Council of
State I have thought proper to issue this
my proclamation of pardon to all such of
the above persons who shall within ten
days after the date hereof surrender themselves to any commanding officer of any
troops of the State or any of the United

88

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

States acting in conjunction with the same,
on this express condition that they renew
the oath of allegiance and enter into one
of the Continental battalions of this State
and there serve twelve months after the
time of their rendezvous, which service
being faithfully performed shall expiate
their offences and entitle them to the restoration of their property and every other
privilege of a citizen, precluding all those
guilty of murder, robbing, house-breaking and crimes not justifiable by the laws
of war from the above pardon, notwithstanding notifying all such persons that
unless they surrender at the time aforesaid, those taken prisoners shall be
deemed prisoners of war, and liable to
exchange except as above provided. The
enemy will exchange the same, otherwise
they shall be subjected to the penalties of
the said law which will be inflicted upon
them.
By Order of his Excellency ALEXANDER
M A R T I N , ESQ.,
BENNETT CROFTON,

Major,

States Legion.
June the 15th, 1782.
During my absence from Charleston,
the loyalists were signing to go under my
directions to East Florida, and as soon as
I came to town I ordered them all to get
on board, and on the 6th of November I
went on board the transport ship, the
New Blessing, commanded by Thomas
Craven, where I continued on board the
said transport for eight days before she
set out for St. Augustine. Arrived the
17th said month, where we came to
anchor, and there laid eight days more; at
the expiration of that time I went on shore
and three days after had my property
landed, about twenty-seven miles distance
from St. Augustine, upon the Matanzeys,
where I had some thought of settling. I
continued there for some time and from
thence proceeded to Halifax River, being
about fifty-five miles from St. Augustine.
There I undertook to settle myself and to
make a crop, thinking to begin the world
anew, being tolerably well provided for
with negroes. p
In the last of February I met Major Andrew Deavoce, who was beating up for
volunteers to go to take New Providence.

I also agreed to join him and took a copy
of the Articles and went home and raised
thirty young men for that expedition, and
had them in readiness to embark and
waited for Major Deavoce arrival at
the inlet of Halifax, until I heard he was
gone. A true copy of the original is hereunto set forth:
Articles of Agreement between Major
Deavoce and the Volunteers, for an expedition immediately against New Providence:
Article 1st. I do engage on my part
to furnish the men with provisions, arms
and ammunition for the expedition.
2nd. That the men shall be altogether
under my command and not to be transferred to any other after the expedition,
and that they rendezvous on the fifteenth
of this month in town, and be ready to go
on board on three hours* notice being
given them.
3rd. That all or any of the men who
shall desire to settle in that country after
the reduction of it shall be provided with
land.
4th. That all prizes taken by land or
sea shall be equally divided among the
officers and men according to their respective ranks, first deducting the expense of
the expedition.
5th. That in case of mutiny or disobedience of orders the man or party concerned shall forfeit the whole of their prize
money and be subject to confinement for
the offence according to the nature of the
crime.
6th. That a certain number of dead
shares shall be reserved for the support of
all wounded men, widows and orphans of
men that may unfortunately fall on this
expedition. Ten dead shares shall be
at the disposal of Capt. Wheeler and myself for deserving men.
7th. That the person who raises the
most men shall be second in command,
and I do engage if any person or persons
should not be willing to remain in the
Bahamas to furnish them with a passage
to Jamaica or back to St. Augustine.
ST. AUGUSTINE, 3rd of March, 1783.

We who have subscribed our names as
under, do hereby agree to go with Major
Andrew Deavoce on the within expedition

T H E N A R R A T I V E O P COL. F A N N I N G
as volunteers, complying with the within
rules and to hold ourselves in readiness
for embarking on said expedition on the
fifteenth of this inst. Either of us refusing to comply with the above and
within rules and articles shall forfeit to
Major Andrew Deavoce, his heirs or assigns,the sum of ten pounds sterling money
of Great Britain.
After this I began to notice my negroes
beginning to get sick and six of them died.
Some time after I went to St. Augustine
I was taken sick and lay at the point of
death for three weeks. I then began at
last to walk, and one day I went to my
field to where I had a young negro about
twenty years of age at work. I took my
rifle with me as usual; I set her down by a
tree. I felt very sick and weak; I laid
myself down on some grass and my negro
took up my rifle and came within ten yards
and set himself down and took aim at my
head, but luckily the ball missed my
head about one inch, but it split my hat.
I then got up and went towards him, when
he ran at me with the gun and struck at
my head. But I fended it of! with my
arms. He however broke the stock, forward of the lock. I knowing myself weak,
I turned and ran sixty yards, but found
myself not able to run. I got my feet
entangled in some vines and unfortunately
fell, and he came to me and with the barrel
of my rifle he struck at me many times.
I lay on my back and fended his strokes
with my heels until he had knocked all the
bottoms of my feet to blisters. His great
eagerness to kill me put him much out of
wind. I accidentally got hold of the gun
barrel and he tried to bite my hand for
some time. During the time of his trying
to bite me, I knocked all his fore teeth out.
At last he run for his hoe and made one
stroke at me and broke one of the bones
of my left arm. But I took the opportunity of giving him a stroke on his temple
with which I brought him down. I then
mended my blows until he appeared to be
dead. As I had got him down my wife
came in sight of me, and he lay for some
time to appearance dead, until two men
came to me as they had heard me hollowing. He at length come to and walked
home. I confined him to take him to

39

justice. He lived till the next day, and
at the same hour the next he was sitting,
eating, and all of a sudden he fell dead.
In a short time after I heard peace was
proclaimed and for the loyalists to send an
estimation of their losses and services;
also, that the Province of East Florida
was to be immediately evacuated, and the
ships came to take all the provincial
troops to Nova Scotia; the officers that
were acquainted with me insisted for me
to go with them, but I had not time to
get my family and property to town in
time, and as it was uncertain where I
should go to, some of the gentlemen
officers desired to give me a certificate to
let my services be known, let me go where
I would—a true copy of which is hereunto set forth:
EAST FLORIDA.

We whose names are hereunto subscribed, do hereby certify that Col. David
Fanning, late of the Province of No.
Ca., acted in the station of Colonel of
Militia of that Province, and was of the
greatest service to his Majesty in suppressing the rebels during the late rebellion in
North America, and that he is worthy of
every loyal subject both for his valour and
good conduct; that after he with his men
took the town of Hillsborough, dispersed
the rebel council, and took a great number of prisoners, he was on that day
wounded in the left arm—that finding the
town of Wilmington evacuated by the
British troops, and his wound not yet
well, he, for the safety of his people,
divided them into small parties, and continued a long time in the back woods; that
after many skirmishes in North Carolina,
in the month of June, 1782, he with the
utmost difficulty made his way through
many interruptions of the enemy to the
Province of South Carolina, where his
Majesty's troops then lay; and that he
was obliged to leave the province where he
lived, and his property, which we are informed was considerable; and that he is
now without the means of subsistence,
having lost his all for and on account of
his services and attachment to his Majesty's person and government.
J O H N HAMILTON,

LL-Cot. Com. R. N. C. RegL

40

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

JOHN LEGETT, Capt. R. N. C. Regt.
ALEX. CAMPBELL, Capt. S. C. Regt.

GEO. DAWKINS, Capt. S. C. Regt.
DANIEL M C N E I L , * Capt. R.N.C. Regt.
MOSES WHITLEY, Lieut. S. C. Regt.

St. Augustine, 20th September, 1783.
On the 25th November following, I
drew up an estimate of the loss I had sustained during the late war in America, a
true copy of which I hereto set forth:
Schedule of the property of Col. David
Fanning, late resident of the Province
of North Carolina, but now of the Province of East Florida, lost to him on account of his zeal and attachment to the
British Government, and never received
any part or parcel thereof, or any restoration of the same, viz:
550 acres of land in Amelia County
in the Province of Virginia, with
a dwelling house and other necessary buildings, a large apple
and peach orchard, and large £ s
enclosed improvements
687.10
550 acres of land near said plantation, as heir to the estate of my
father, and some improvement
with a dwelling house
412.00
3 saddle horses
41.00
12 plantation do., three unbroke do. 96.00
2 negro slaves
100.
Debts in notes, bonds, etc
289.
£1,625.10

Personally appeared before me, one of
his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, St.
Augustine and Province of East Florida,
the above-mentioned Col. David Fanning,
who, being duly sworn and maketh oath
on the Holy Evangelist of Almighty God,
that he lost all and every part of the abovementioned property on account of his
zeal and attachment to his Majesty's
cause during the late war against the revolted colonies in North America, and
that he has not let, sold, bargained, bartered or disposed or impowered any person
or persons to let, sell, bargain, barter or
dispose of any part or parcel of the same
in any manner whatsoever, nor received
any restitution for the same. Sworn at
* This was t h e grandfather of t h e recently deceased eminent physician and public man, Hon.
Daniel McNeill P a r k e r , M.D., of Nova Scotia.

St. Augustine, the 25th November, 1783,
before me.
JOH& MILLS, J.P.
DAVID

FANNING.

Personally appeared before me, one of
his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in St.
Augustine, Province of East Florida,
Lieutenant Charles Robertson, Neill Mc~
Innis, and Philip Whisenhunt, refugees,
of said East Florida, who being called
upon by the within mentioned Col. D.avid
Fanning to value the within mentioned
property, who being duly sworn, make
oath upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, that the within mentioned
properties are well worth the sums
affixed to each article, as near the value
as possible if the same was to be sold, to
their own knowledge and the best information they could get.
CHARLES ROBERTSON.
NEIL MCINNIS.
PHILIP WHISENHUNT

Sworn at St. Augustine, this 25th Novem-^
ber, 1783, before me.
J O H N M I L L S , J. P.

(Here follows notarial certificate by John
Mills)
After my many scenes and passages
through and during the late war, and
often hearing the Americans had got
their request, I never could put any faith
in it until I saw the King's speech, of
which I have hereunto set forth a true
copy for the better satisfaction of those
loyalists that perhaps have never seen it
yet.
New York, February 9th, 1783.
By the brigantine Peggy, Capt. McNiel,
in nineteen days from Tortola, we have '
received the following copy of his Majesty's most gracious speech to both houses
of Parliament on Thursday, December
5th, 1782—which was brought to Tortola
from Windward by Capt. Rodney, son of
Lord Rodney:
M Y LORDS AND GENTLEMEN:

Since the close of the last session, I
have employed my whole time in the care
and attention which the important and
critical conjuncture' of public affairs required of me.
I lost no time in giving the necessary
orders to prohibit the further prosecution

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
of offensive war upon the continent of
North America, adopting, as my inclination
will always lead me to do with decision and
effect, whatever I collect to be the sense of
my Parliament and my people. I have
pointed all my views and measures as well in
Europe as in North America to an entire
and cordial reconciliation with those colonies.
Finding it indispensable to the attainment of this object, I did not hesitate to
go the full length of the powers vested in
me and offered to declare them free and
independent States by an article to be inserted
in the treaty of peace. Provisional articles
are agreed upon to take effect whenever
terms of peace shall be finally settled with
the court of France. In thus admitting
their separation from the crown of these
kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own to the wishes and opinion
of my people. I make it my humour and
ever my prayers to Almighty God that Great
Britain may not feel the evils which might
result from so great a dismemberment of
the Empire, and that America may be free
from those calamities which have formerly
proved in. the mother country how essential
monarchy is to the enjoyment of constitutional liberty. Religion, language,^ interest,
affections, may and I hope will yet prove
a bond of permanent union between the
two countries—to this neither attention
nor disposition shall be wanting on my
part.
While I have carefully abstained from all
offensive operations against America, I
have directed my whole force by land and
sea against the other powers at war with
as much vigour as the situation of that force
at the commencement of the campaign
would permit. I trust that you must have
seen with pride and satisfaction the gallant
defence of the Governor and garrison of
Gibraltar, and my fleet after having effected
the object of their destination offering battle to the combined force of France and
Spain on their own coasts; those of my
kingdom have remained at the same time
perfectly secure, and your domestic tranquility uninterrupted.
This respectable
state under the blessing of God I attribute
to the entire confidence which subsists between me and my people, and to the readi-

41

ness which has been shewn by my subjects
in my city of London and in other parts
of my kingdoms to stand forth in the general defence. Some proofs have latelybeen given of public spirit in private men
which would do honour to any age and any
country—having manifested to the whole
world by the most lasting examples the signal spirit and bravery of my people. I
conceived it a moment not unbecoming my
dignity, and thought it a regard due to the
lives and fortunes of such brave and gallant subjects to shew myself ready on my
part to embrace fair and honourable terms
of accommodation with all the powers at war,
I have the satisfaction to acquaint you
that negotiations to this effect are considerably advanced, the result of which as soon
as they are brought to a conclusion shall
be immediately communicated to you. I
have every reason to hope and believe that
I shall have it in my power in a very short
time to acquaint you that they have ended
in terms of pacification which I trust you
will see just cause to approve. I rely, however, with perfect confidence on the wisdom of my Parliament and the spirit of my
people, that if any unforeseen change in
the disposition of the belligerent powers
should frustrate my confident expectations,
they will approve of the preparations I
have thought it advisable to make, and be
ready to second the most vigorous efforts
in the further prosecution of the war.
GENTLEMEN OE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS:

I have endeavoured by every measure in
my power to diminish the burthens of my
people. I lost no time taking the most
decided measures for introducing a better"
economy in the expenditure of the army.
I have carried into strict execution the
several reductions in my civil list expenses
directed by an act of the last session. I
have introduced a further reform into other
departments and suppressed several sinecure places in them. I have by this means
so regulated my establishments that my
expense shall not in future exceed my income.
I have ordered the estimate of the civil
list debt laid before you last session to be
completed. The debt proving somewhat
greater than could be then correctly stated
and the proposed reduction not immediately
taking place, I trust you will provide for

42

T H E N A E R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

deficiency, securing as before the repayment
out of my annual income.
I have ordered enquiry to be made into
the application of the sum voted in support
of the American sufferers, and I trust you
will agree with me that a due and generous
attention ought to be shown to those who
have relinquished their properties or professions from motives of loyalty to me and
attachment to the mother country.''
On the ioth of March I had some business to St. Augustine, the inhabitants of
Musqueto asked the favour of me to hand a
petition to his Excellency the Governor,
and knowing the situation of the petitioners
I spoke in their behalf; asked his Excellency
what answer he sent to the people, he said
he should send for none of them, and if
they were a mind to remove, they must get
to the shipping as they could, for he said
he had no vessels at that time in Government's services.
"To his Excellency Patrick Tonyn, Esq.,
Capt. General, Governor and Commander
and Chief in and over his Majesty's province of East Florida and vice-admiral of the
same: whereas your humble petitioners
showeth that they are rendered very poor
and unable to remove ourselves to be in
readiness to receive the opportunity offered
for our removement from his Majesty's province of this East Florida which is to be
evacuated; here is several poor widows as
well as poor men of his Majesty's loyal subjects; we pray his Excellency would send a
schooner to remove us to the vessels provided
for our passage when his Excellency sees that
this province will be given up; we would wish
to tarry here where we have good warm
houses till his Excellency sees the time
draws nigh; however, we would wish to
refer it to his Excellency's opinion upon the
matter, and in granting of your petitioners'
humble petition, your humble petitioners
ever will be in duty bound to pray.
At the Musqueto, this 26th of January,
1784.
THOMAS YOUNG, Capt. S. C.

Mil.

Abraham Floyd, Joseph Currie, Magee
Black, Agnes Wilson, Moses Barnes,
Jacob Barns, Joseph Rogers."
I left St. Augustine the 13th of said month
and returned to the Musqueto and made the
following speech to the inhabitants.

" M y good and worthy friends: I am now
going to make some remarks as to your
disagreeable situation. The distresses to
which the unfortunate loyalists in America
are now reduced are too poignant not to
command the pity and commiseration of
every friend to human nature. The man
that is steeled against such a forcible impression is a monster that should be drove from
the circle of cultivated society. In most
situations, when calamities and misfortunes
press upon our minds, hope buoys us up
and keeps us from sinking into the ocean
of despondency and despair, but the unfortunate loyalists have no hopes to cheer
up their spirits; even this last refuge of the
afflicted is denied us of enjoying peace and
happiness which our forefathers and ourselves were born under. During a seven
years' war we have been induced to brave
every danger and difficulty in support of the
Government under which we were born, in
hopes that we and our children would reap
the fruits of our labour in peace and serenity. Instead of that reasonable expectation, we find ourselves at the conclusion of
a war sacrificed to the indignation of our
enemies, expelled our native country, and
thrown on the wide world friendless and
unsupported. It is needless to repeat the
many promises of support and protection
held out to the public by the King and those
acting under his authority. These promises have been violated in every instance,
and that national faith which we had been
accustomed to look upon as sacred, basely
bartered for an inglorious peace, even to
this province which the loyalists from
the other colonies have fled to for shelter,
now denied us. The Spaniards are in a
short time to take possession of this province,
and whilst we are together we had better
draw up a decent petition to have protection, and throw ourselves on their mercy.
If they deny us we will have few to condemn
us, for what cruel and relenting necessity
may compel us to adopt. Innumerable are
the difficulties at present to encounter.
Stripped of our property, drove from our
homes, excluded from the company and
care of our dearest connections, robbed
of the blessing of a free and mild government, betrayed and deserted by our friends,
what is it can repay us for our misery,

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
dragging out a wretched life of obscurity
and want? Heaven only that smooths
the rugged paths of life can reconcile us to
our misfortunes. Also, my hopes of ever
receiving anything from Government for
losses or services are vanished, as I cannot
support any other opinion than whenever
Great Britain sees it her interest to withdraw her force and protection from us, let us
go where we will, we never can say we are
safe from such difficulties as we have been
induced to brave since the commencement
of the late war, and for the same reason I
shall in a few days get out in open boats
to West Florida to settle myself at or near
Fort Notches on the Mississippi River."
On the 20th of March myself and seven
other families set out, all in open boats.
We kept company for 160 miles. I then
left them and went forward to get to better
hunting ground, and proceeded until I
got to the Scibirsken, where I waited for
the rest of my company twelve days; but
not seeing them come, I concluded they
had passed me, and must have proceeded
on their journey. I hoisted sail and stood
on until I came to Key West, and seeing a
large schooner I stood for her. She hove
to, and when I came alongside she informed
me that I was then on the edge of the Gulf
of Mexico, and then I turned and stood for
that key. I got to the key at three o'clock,
and the wind blew a gale for fifteen days,
and whilst on board the before-mentioned
schooner, who belonged to the Spaniards.
They had some Creek Indians on board, and
then bound to Havana; the Spaniards I
could not understand, but they understood
the Creek language and my speaking to
the Indians and informing of the Indians
that I was going to Mississippi, he told me
that my boat was too small, and it would be
impossible for me to make the main land,
as it was three days' sail before I could make
land. The Spaniards understood all my
discourse, and upon finding where I was
bound, they spoke to me in Indian and told
me that there were six or seven families of
the English had left St. Augustine some
time before, and that they were all killed
except the negroes, and they thought we
would stand a poor chance to escape them,
as I should be obliged to keep the shore.
In an hour after I made the key there came

43

another Spanish schooner to anchor that
I had passed the day before. They could
not speak any English, but finding that the
others could speak Creek, I also spoke to
them in the same language, which they understood very well, and informed me as
the other schooner had done. They were
windbound for fifteen days, and treated
me with every civility. I had one white
lad of eighteen years of age, and by the
different accounts we had of the Spaniards
he got scared. I told him not to lose his
life on my account. He then went on board
of the schooner, and on the night the wind
abated, the Spaniards came on shore and
took the most of myself and wife's wearing
apparel and bedding.
They informed me before their departure
that they looked upon it that we could not
proceed with our small open boats, the distance of the bay where we had to cross being
about 36 leagues to a key called Sandy Key,
which is nine leagues from the main land,
which in case of our not hitting that key
the distance would be about 100 leagues
before we should make land again. Upon
which I turned and went back about twelve
leagues to Key Bockes, and steered due
north till we made the key, being about
eight hours out of sight of land. When we
made the key, being 19th of said month,
I got to said land the 20th. I saw a small
schooner standing for the land about four
leagues distance from us, and cast anchor
where the aforementioned Spaniards informed us that the Indians were very bad
in killing the English people that crossed
the Bay of Tompay, as the man that started
with me being much alarmed at the behaviour of the Indians, set off back again
with the Spaniards to the Havana.
I
then with my little family, consisting of my
wife, self and two little negroes, I perceiving it might be dangerous for me to proceed, went on board the little schooner that
lay at anchor about four leagues from me.
I immediately took my boats and went on
board of him, enquiring of one Baptist, who
commanded her. I found he was an Italian; asked him where he was from, he informed me from New Providence. I then
applied to him to get a passage with him.
He told me he could not tell me at that time
whether he could carry all my .property or

44

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

not, desired me to pay my boats off that
night. The next morning he told me he
could not give me a passage for less than
200 dollars. The next day he fell to 150
dollars. Then the wind blowing very fresh,
I went on board my boat, arid hoisted sail
and went off for the land again. In the
course of two or three hours he came round
a point with a schooner to the land in order
to mend some turtle nets which were much
broken. He, during the time of his laying
there, gave us liberty to come and sleep on
board, and on the 23rd of the month I asked
him if he would not take less than 150 dollars to carry me to Providence, as I told
him I could not afford to give him so much,
as it was more than I was able to give him,
as I was entirely robbed of what little I
had. He said he would not take less. The
next morning I set off in my boat and sent
my girl along shore to catch some fowls I
had on shore, where I was to come back
again to the place as soon as I got the distance of about three miles round a point.
When I got to the point I left my boat ashore,
and went back in order to meet the girl
where I expected to see her. I got about
half the distance, but did not meet her,
and coming there and not finding her I
went some little distance back to where
the schooner lay. As I expected, they were
going to use me in the same manner the
Spaniards had done before, when I saw
them take my negro girl and carry her on
board with them. I then sat down for the
space of a half hour, and considering within
myself what I had best do, and seeing the
said Baptist, commander of the said schooner,
and his man Thomas coming ashore again,
after carrying my negro girl off into the
woods and hid her. I then saw them coming out of the woods. Thinking within
myself that they intended to kill me,
with which I looked and examined my
gun and powder; finding I had only one
charge with me or nigher than my boats,
and considering the present distressed
situation I was in, obliged me to consider what was my best measure to pursue, and I immediately advanced towards them, they parting, one turned
back to where the girl was, the other
coming on a small distance, went from
the beach and turned off into the woods.

I immediately ran and called to him
and asked him concerning what he had
done with the girl, with which he denied
having seen her. I then told him he
need not deny it, for I had seen him with
her, and offered him four dollars if he
would inform me where she was, so that
I could get her. He immediately said
that Mr. Baptist had the command of
the schooner, and that I had better go
back and speak to him myself. I also
went back to where their boat lay, and
continued there for the space of fifteen
minutes, then I turned and walked back
from the place I started from. During
the course of my walking I looked behind and saw the said Baptist about
150 yards in my rear, his gun lying across
his left arm. I turned around and advanced to him, and when near him I
observed his gun cocked. I asked him
at first what he had his gun cocked for;
his answer was in order to fire at anything that came. With that I told him
that he had better uncock his gun as I
did not see anything to fire at there. I
told him several times; he replied he always carried his gun cocked, and kept
her cocked for the space of fifteen minutes. I asked if he had not seen my
girl come that way. He told me no.
I then told him that he need not deny it,
for I had seen her on board his boat, he
being in the boat at the same time,
carrying her off to the schooner, not mentioning to him that I saw him bring her
back. I then told him I could carry
him back and show him the gfcPs tracks
where he had carried her along and took
her on board. I then offered him four
dollars to give her up, as I told him my
present situations would not admit of
my giving him as much money as he asked
to carry me to Providence. He told me
I talked like a boy, as no person would
carry me to Providence under five hundred dollars, and he only asked one hundred and fifty, and also alluded to my
going off and not speaking to him any
more, and that if he had my girl he would
keep her as he had lost a boy that cost
him eight hundred dollars, and that he
must make something before he returned
to Providence. I asked him if he would

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
carry me for either the boy or girl, allowing me fifty dollars. He told me no.
I told him that it was but little less than
the half I was worth; he told me he
would carry me for one of them, or fifty
dollars. In my distressed situation, and
my wife being pregnant, I thought I
had best endeavour to get a passage
with him. I told him that I would
sooner than to lose my negro girl give
him one hundred and fifty dollars than
either the girl or the boy, as I was convinced I should have justice done me on
my arrival at New Providence, as I should
see some persons who were acquainted
with me in Providence; he told me he
would. I then told him I wanted him
to drop his schooner down to where my
boats were in order to get my property
out of the boats. He told me he could
not as he was going round the Key to
turtle. I then going back, I met with
the other man and wanted to hire him.
He told me he could not unless I had
got liberty from Baptist. With that I
went myself, and came to my boats and
told my wife the situation of matters,
and we immediately started with only
my boy's assistance and rowed back
against the wind blowing fresh for seven
miles; then coming very near the schooner
I threw out rny anchor and lay there all
night, and the next morning I called to
them several times and asked them if
they had seen my girl. After some time
they answered me, Ay, Ay! and told us
to come alongside. I told them I wanted
my girl to cpme and assist me in taking
out my property. They answered me
they would assist me in taking them out.
With that I weighed anchor and went
alongside of the schooner and told my
wife to go on board. When on board
she went and called the girl several
times. My wife then went down into
the hold with a' stick, and she said that
she found the girl hid among the sails,
being stripped of all her clothes she had
on the day when she left me. I had my
property put on board, and soon after
I set off to the shore and anchored my
large boat some little distance from the
shore, where I lay till some time in June,
round the point where I came from, as

45

the wind was blowing fresh. On the
15th of June he got his turtle and water
on board where he had his turtle in a
crawl in the Bay of Fundy, where he had
supplied himself with wood and water,
and all his turtle on board, where he then
drew a note of hand for me to sign for
two hundred pieces of eight for my
passage. I immediately answered him
I would sooner suffer death than to sign
any instrument of writing. He then
wished himself damned before I should
go with him, and ordered me to haul
up my boat and put what I could in her
and go on shore with my family. My
boat being so small would not carry onefourth part of my property off. As there
lay a large boat alongside that they had
brought off their turtle wood and water
on board in, I asked them for the loan of
her. They told me they could not as
they were going to get under way. With
that I brought my boat alongside, and
they in the meantime took their two
boats and went on shore.
My wife being in a bad situation, fell
a crying and begged of me to do anything to get away for fear we might meet
with others who might distress us of
everything. As I found that I should
lose the greatest part in case I went on
shore, as I had left my large boat at Cape
Sable on the mainland, and my little
boat not being large enough to contain
over the one-fourth of my property, for
which I told him to draw a note for one
hundred and fifty dollars, for which I
signed, the note being dated 15 th July,
and was to be paid after my arrival in
Providence, to have thirty-five days after
my landing there before payment was
to be made.
On the 30th of June, as we were laying at New Madamcumba after our
having several words, he told me that he
understood by my negroes that I intended
to have him hung after my arrival at
New Providence if he had turned my
wife on shore, and in case she had died
that I should do my endeavours to hang
him in Providence, and told me if it
had not been for killing my wife he would
be damned if he did not drown me overboard long ago, only on account of my

46

T H E N A R E A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

wife. On the 12th July a Capt. Bunch,
Capt. Clutsam, and Capt. Wm. Smith,
of New Providence, appeared, and Capt.
Bunch came on board the small schooner
commanded by the said Baptist. T h e
said Mr. Bunch asked me my reasons for
Staying so long on board that small
schooner, and why I gave the said Baptist my note of hand for one hundred
and fifty dollars, of which Mr. Bunch
informed me that it was contrary to the
laws of the Government of New Providence to make any agreement with
any person or persons found in distress,
but to render every assistance. With
this I found Mr. Bunch wished to render
me a service in my distressed situation,
and I opened to him all former proceedings respecting the ill treatment and behaviour of the said Baptist. On the same
account every gentleman of them offered
me any assistance I wanted, and Mr.
Bunch told me that in case I did not get
a passage with Capt. Clutsam, which he
did not doubt but what I should, he
would give me a passage himself. However, I procured a passage from Capt.
Clutsam for fifty dollars, during which
passage I was in every respect used and
treated like a gentleman by the said
Capt. Clutsam, and on my arrival at
New Providence the said Capt. Clutsam
behaved with so much honour that,
instead of taking fifty dollars of me, he
deducted twenty, and only charged me
thirty, and upon finding who I was
would not take but twenty dollars, and
he at the same ; time refused taking any
more of me. During the course of my
being on board of Capt. Clutsam he
found me in every necessary, and made
no charge for any provisions or anything
I received from him. His humanity
was so great, that if ever in my power to
render any service to him or any of
those gentlemen, nothing shall ever be
wanting on my part to do them service.
I continued in Nassau for twenty days,
and then took my passage with Capt.
Jacob Bell to New Brunswick, where
we cast anchor 23rd of Sept., 1784, and
continued until the 25th of October, and
then set out for Halifax to his Excellency
Governor Parr, to know how I should

get land, but as I got to Halifax his Excellency Governor Carlton arrived, and
I could do nothing, so I returned on
the 7th November, and in August I
received the following letter from CoL
John Hamilton in answer to mine in
regard to my claims:
D E A R S I R , — I received yours of the 9th

February, 1785, a few days ago and notice
the contents. I am sorry to inform you
that your claims are not yet given in, but
I expect the office for receiving claims will
be opened again by act of Parliament this
session, when you may depend proper
care shall be taken of yours. I am sorry
to hear of your losses. I hope you are now
agreeably settled, and making something
for your family. I think if you can leave
your business in proper hands, a trip to
this country would be of service to you,
though I don't think you would get halfpay. Government would settle an annuity on you for life; which cannot be
done without your coming here.
If you come you may depend on all my
interest in your favour, and I cannot help
thinking it worth your while to come home.
I am, dear sir, your humble servant,
J O H N HAMILTON.

London, May 10th, 1785.
In a short time after I heard that there
was another act of Parliament passed to
receive claims for losses and services, also
that the Commissioners had arrived at
Halifax, and on the 20th March, I set out
for Halifax, and presented a copy of my
claim from East Florida, with the Memorial as follows:
" T o the Honourable Commissioners,
appointed by act of Parliament, further to
enquire into the losses and services of the
American Loyalists.
The Memorial of David Fanning, late
Colonel of the North Carolina Militia,
humbly sheweth: That your Memorialist
is a loyalist from North Carolina, who
uniformly and religiously adhered to his
duty and loyalty to the best of Sovereigns,
for which he suffered persecution, and
many other inconveniences—that your
Memorialist, by a warrant from Major
Craig, of the 82nd Regiment, then commanding at Wilmington, was placed at the
head of the militia of that province; that

47

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
your Memorialist during the late war did
command from one to nine hundred and
fifty men, with whom he was engaged in
six and thirty skirmishes in North Carolina, and four in South Carolina; all of
which were of his own planning and in
which he had the honour to command;
that your Memorialist killed many of the
rebels and took many of them prisoners;
among the latter of whom were Governor
Burke, his council, and many officers of
distinction in the rebel army; that your
Memorialist, during that time, was twice
wounded, and fourteen times taken prisoner; that, on the conclusion of the late
peace, your Memorialist settled two hundred and fifty souls in East Florida; and
himself having taken refuge in several
parts of his Majesty's remaining possessions in America, finally settled in the
Province of New Brunswick, where he is
in great distress, with his family. That
your Memorialist, in consequence of his
said loyalty to his Sovereign, the many
services rendered him, and attachment to
the British Government, had his property,
real and personal, seized, confiscated, and
sold by rebel authority. Your Memorialist therefore prays that his case may be
taken into consideration, in order that he
may be enabled under your report to receive such aid or relief as his case may be
found to deserve."
DAVID FANNING.

St. John, March ist, 1786.
I also took the following oath before
Peter Hunter, Secretary to the Commissioners, in favour of my claim at Halifax:
Town of Halifax, ( ^ «
Nova Scotia. J
David Fanning, late of North Carolina,
Colonel of Militia, but now of Kings
County, in the Province of New Brunswick, maketh oath and saith that he
resided in East Florida and the Bahama
Islands from the 15 th day of July, 1783,
to the 25th of March, 1784, and this deponent further saith that he was utterly
incapable of preferring or delivering to the
Commissioners appointed by Act of Parliament passed in the twenty-third year of
his present Majesty, entitled an Act for
appointing Commissioners to enquire into
the losses and services of all such persons

who have suffered in their rights, properties and possessions, during the late unhappy dissensions in America in consequence of their loyalty to his Majesty and
attachment to the British Government, or
at this office any Memorial Claim or request for aid or relief on account of this
deponent's losses during the late unhappy
dissensions in America, within the limited
time by the said Act for the receiving of
such claims by the reason that this deponent
during all such time, viz., Between the
15th July, 1783, and the 25th March,
1784, lived or resided in East Florida and
the Bahama Islands; that this deponent
did, however, send a claim to Col. John
Hamilton, of the North Carolina Volunteers in England, of his losses, but that
by a letter that this deponent received
from said Hamilton, bearing date 10th
May, 1785, he is informed that his claims
were not then given to the Commissioners
in England, and that this deponent believes his said claim must have arrived in
London after the time appointed by the
late Act of Parliament for receiving such
claims had expired, or that the Colonel,
Hutchins, to whom I had entrusted the
delivery of the said claim had neglected
the trust reposed in him in giving In
my claim.
Sworn this
day of March, 1786,
before me—
DAVID FANNING.

When I presented my Memorial and
estimate of claim to Peter Hunter, Secretary to the Commissioners, he gave me no
manner of satisfaction, and on my asking
him if I Gould come under an examination, he told me to be gone, he did not
think the Commissioners would receive
my claim. When I found I could get no
hearing at Halifax at that time, I returned
home with a full resolution never to
trouble myself any more. At the time of
being in Halifax I met my old friend,
Capt. John Legett, of the Royal North
Carolina Regiment, who said he would
speak to the Commissioners in my favour.
He also gave me a copy of the following
letter from Lieut.-Col. Arch. McKay:
LONDON, NOV. 15th,
D E A R CAPTAIN,—

1785.

Ever mindful of your good-will and the

48

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

kindness you showed unto me since I had
the pleasure of being acquainted with
you, induces me to write you a few lines at
present informing you of my success since
I came to England, knowing you would
be glad to hear of the provision made for
me. When I came to England, I got a
hearing by the Commissioners of American Claims, and they granted me thirty
pounds yearly for temporary subsistence.
I then laid in a memorial to Sir George
Young for Captain's half-pay; but I
must confess I thought my chances for
that bad enough, as I was not acquainted
with any of the Generals who commanded
in America; but since it was only amusement to try, I got a certificate from Col.
Craig, and another from Col. Hamilton
and laid them in with the memorial. It
was, with a good many others, a long time
from office to office; at length they have
allowed me seventy pounds sterling,
yearly, for life, for my services in America,
exclusive of the other thirty pounds.
Upon the whole I do not repent coming to
London, as things have turned out.
I wrote to Capt. McNeill this morning,
not thinking I should have time to write
to you before the ship sailed, and I had
not time to write to him so fully as I could
wish, but I will mind better next time.
I intend to spend next summer in Scotland, if everything turns out here to my
expectations, and I would be glad to get
a long letter from you concerning your
new settlements. You will please to
write to me, under cover to Messrs. John
and Hector McKay, No. 5, Crown Court,
Westminster; and if I am in Britain I
shall be sure to get any letter that may
come for me. After my jaunt to Scotland
I hope to do myself the honour to call and
$ee you on my way to New Providence,
where Alexander and Malcom McKay
are gone. I am, sir, with due respect,
Your sincere friend and humble servant,
ARCHIBALD M C K A Y . "

To Capt. John Legett.
I returned home and continued until
the 27th June, 1787. When I was entering the suburbs of the city of St. John, I
accidentally met Ensign Henry Niss, with
a letter from the Commissioners, desiring
me to attend immediately for an examina-

tion. I still retained my opinion, but on
informing Col. Joseph Robinson, he prevailed with me, after a long persuasion, to
call and see the Commissioners, which I
did, in company with Col. Robinson,
where I was treated with every civility and
all attention paid to me. After my examination they gave me the following
certificate:
" O F F I C E OF AMERICAN CLAIMS,

St. John, 2nd February, 1787.
We do hereby certify that David Fanning has undergone an examination on
oath before us, as an American sufferer
from North Carolina. We are satisfied
by his own account, and by the evidence
he has produced, that his exertions in support of the British Government, as Colonel
of the Chatham and Randolph County
Militia, during the late troubles in America, have been very great and exemplary;
that he has been severely wounded in
several engagements and has in other
respects been a great sufferer; though,
from particular reasons, it will not be in
our power to make him any considerable
allowance under our report. We therefore recommend him as a proper person
to be put on the half-pay list as Captain,
and to have an annual allowance from
Government equal to that half-pay.
THOMAS DUNDAS.
J. PEMBERTON."

I then empowered George Randall,
Esq., Whitehall, London, to act for me.
I sent the original certificates and memorial in company with the letter.
To the Right Honourable Sir George
Younge, Baronet, Secretary at War, etc.,
etc.:
The Memorial of David Fanning, late
Colonel of the Chatham and Randolph
County Militia, in North Carolina, humbly sheweth:
That in the year 1781, tinder an appointment from Major Henry Craig, then
commanding the British troops in North
Carolina, your Memorialist embodied near
one thousand men of the loyal inhabitants
of that Province, and with them performed
singular service to the British Government; that he has been twice severely
wounded in the course of the war; he has

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
been fourteen times taken prisoner, and
has been tried for his life by the rebels,
and has ever exerted his utmost endeavours in support of the cause of Great
Britain; he is disabled by wounds he has
received and has no means of support.
For the truth of these allegations he begs
to refer to his appointment of Colonel, to
the certificates of several officers under
whom he served, and to the certificates of
the Commissioners of American Claims,
forwarded herewith.
Your Memorialist most humbly prays
that he may be put on the Provincial halfpay list as Captain, fully confident that
his past services and present necessitous
situation will be thought deserving of that
appointment, and your Memorialist, as in
duty bound, shall ever pray,
DAVID FANNING.

City of St. John, 2nd February, 1787.
Pursuant to the advice of Lieut.-Col.
Joseph Robinson, I have transmitted a
power of attorney to you in order to receive half-pay, with a certificate from the
Commissioners. Mr. I. Pemberton and
Colonel Dundas, Esq.; General Alexander
Leslie, Col. Nisbet Balfour, Lieut.-Col.
J. Henry Craig, of the 16th Regiment, and
Lieut.-Cbl. John Hamilton, of the North
Carolina Regiment, are witnesses of my
services. If you will be so good as to
accept the power and grant me your assistance in obtaining the same, you will
highly oblige,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
DAVID FANNING.

New Brunswick,
City of St. John, February fth, 1787.
GEORGE RANDALL, ESQ., WESTMINSTER,
WHITEHALL, LONDON.

Received July 20th, 1787, the following
from my agent:
WHITEHALL, 15th

May,

1787.

SIR,—On the 3rd inst., in a letter to
Lieut.-Col. Robinson, I desired he would
inform you of my having received your
Memorial, Certificate, etc., claiming the
half-pay of a Captain or a military pension
equal to the rank. Since then I have
received your letter with duplicates of the
above papers, and your bill of £260 is.
has been presented as you desired, and

49

as I was also much disposed to do. I
gave the holder a favourable answer and
the true one, that you had reason to expect that I should have effects in hand
sufficient to pay the bill when it became
due, but that a delay in settling your
business and which you could not foresee,
would for a time prevent my accepting
your bill.
I must now inform you that I took the
earliest opportunity of presenting your
memorial and the certificate of the Commissioners, being highly honourable to
you and recommending you for an allowance, or the half-pay of Captain. I
think there is no reason to doubt you will
have a sum equal to that rank allowed you
by Government. You had omitted to request that the grant might take place from
the 24th of October, 1783, but I added a
paragraph to the memorial for that purpose, but whether you will be allowed
from that period is doubtful. I am sorry
at the same time to acquaint you that it
may be some months before the determination of Government is known, but
you may be sure that I shall pay a particular attention to your business and give
you the earliest notice of the event. The
certificate you sent, though very regular
as to the periods, I think would not entitle
me to receive the money from the pay
office on your account, as I am inclined
to believe your allowance will be a military
allowance, and not half-pay, and for that
reason I send you a printed certificate,
which you can keep as a precedent, and
desire you will transmit to me a sett,
copied from it, for the same periods as
them you have already transmitted, taking particular care that there be no blot,
alteration or erasure in the dates. I will
be much obliged to you if you will acquaint Chillas that the answer of Government to his memorial is that he cannot be
placed on the half-pay establishment, the
commission he held being only in the
militia of the town of New York.
The packet you sent with the certificate
amounted to 12 shillings postage and your
single letter to one shilling.
I am, sir, your most obedient humble
servant,
GEORGE RANDALL.

50

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G

To David

Fanning.

20th year of my age, and my exertions
were very exemplary in support of the
SIR,—On the 15th May, I acknowl- British Government, I have lost my all,
edged the receipt of your letter and dupli- for and on account of my attachment to
cate containing memorials, certificates and the British Government—only £6o ; which
other papers relating to your claim of would not pay the expenses I have been at
half-pay, or a military pension, and ac- to obtain it.
quainted you that having presented those
I can prove what I have here wrote to be
papers, I thought you had a very fair facts, and the world will be able to judge
prospect of success. I am still of that after reading this narrative, and observe
opinion, but am sorry to acquaint you this Act of Oblivion passed in North
that the consideration of half-pay claims Carolina, in the year 1783, which is hereis again deferred and that it may be some with set forth—which is enlarged and immonths longer before I can acquaint you proved in the London Magazine, which
with the results. I conclude, therefore, will be found on page 607, Vol. 1, from
that the bill you drew on me for £260 i s . July 1 to Dec. 1, 1783.
must be returned.
An Act of Pardon and Oblivion, by the
I have received from the Treasury the State of North Carolina.
^
sum granted to you by Government on
Whereas, it is the policy of all wise
account of your losses, for which I gave a States, on the termination of all Civil
receipt in the annexed form and am Wars, to grant an Act of Pardon and Obready to accept your bill for £22 14s., as livion for past offences, and as divers of
after deducting agency and postage, etc., the citizens of this State and others, the
and abstract herewith sent.
inhabitants thereof in the course of the
Copy of a receipt:
late unhappy war, have become liable to
The 24th day of July, 1787, received of great pains and penalties for offences comMr. Thomas Coffin by order of the Lords mitted against the peace and government
of the Treasury and according to a dis- of this State, and the General Assembly,
tribution under the direction of the Com- out of an earnest desire to observe the
missioners of American Claims, appointed articles of peace on all occasions, disposed
by an Act of the 23 rd of his present Ma- to forgive offences rather than punish
jesty, the sum of £24, as a payment for where the necessity for an exemplary
present relief and on account of the losses punishment has ceased. Be it therefore
enacted by the General Assembly of the
during the late dissensions in America.
State of North Carolina, and it is hereby
Signed for David Fanning,
enacted by the authority of the same, that
£24 'os.
G. RANDALL, Attorney.
After this I received the letter from my all and all manner of treasons, misprisions
Agent and found I had lost property to the of treason, felony or misdemeanour, comamount of £1,625 10s. according to an mitted or done since the 4th day of July,
appraisement of three men acquainted 1776, by any persons whatsoever, be parwith the property. But, as it was not like doned, released and put in total oblivion.
a coat taken out of my hand, or gold taken
Provided always that this Act or anyout of my pocket, I could not get anything thing therein contained, shall not extend
for my losses, although I did not give in to pardon or discharge, or give any benefit
anything like the amount of my losses. I whatsoever to persons who have taken
lost twenty-four horses, and only reported commission or have been denominated
fifteen, one of which cost more than all officers, and acted as such to the King of
I ever got from Government, and six Great Britain, or to such as are named in
head of cattle, £289 for property sold at any of the laws commonly called confisthe commencement of the war, and the cation laws, or to such as have attached
land which I was heir to, and for which I themselves to the British and continued
refused, many times, £3,000 Virginia cur- without the limits of the State and not
rency. But because I turned out in returned within twelve months previous
the service of my King and country in the to the passing of this Act.
WHITEHALL, ist August, 1787.

T H E N A R R A T I V E O F COL. F A N N I N G
Provided further, that nothing herein
contained shall extend to pardon Peter
Mallet, David Fanning and Samuel
Andrews, or any person or persons guilty
of deliberate and wilful murder, robbery,
rape or house-breaking, or any of them,
anything herein contained to the contrary
notwithstanding. Provided, nevertheless,
that nothing in this Act shall be construed
to bar any citizen of this State from their
civil action for the recovery of debts or
damage. Provided, also, that nothing
herein contained shall entitle any person
by this law to be relieved to elect or be
elected to any office or trust in this State,
or to hold any office civil or military.
And whereas by an Act passed at Wake
Court House, all officers, civil and military,
who have taken parole were suspended
from the execution of their respective
offices, and required to appear at the next
General Assembly, to shew cause, if any
they could, why they should not be removed from the said office; and, whereas,
several of the officers aforesaid have
neglected to appear agreeably to the requisition of the Act of Assembly. Be it
enacted by the General Assembly of the
State of North Carolina, and it is hereby
enacted, by the authority of the same, that
all such officers, both civil and military, are
hereby declared to stand suspended from
the execution of their several offices until
they shall appear at some future Assembly
and be restored to the execution of their
respective offices or removed agreeable to
their merits or demerits. Provided that
nothin herein contained shall be construed
to exclude a Justice of the Peace from executing the duties of his office, who shall

a&

51

make it appear to the satisfaction of the
Court of his County by oath or otherwise;
that he was taken prisoner without his
consent and privily, and that after his capture he had not voluntarily stayed with
the enemy, nor taken an active part in any
manner by furnishing them willingly with
provisions, bearing arms, or accepting any
appointment in their civil regulations.
Read three times and ratified in General
Assembly, the 17 th May, 1783.
Ric. CASWELL, S. Senqte.
E. STARKEY, S. Commons.

Many people are fools enough to think,
because our three names are particularly
put in this Act, that we are all guilty of
the crimes set forth, but I defy the world
to charge me with rape, or anything more
than I have set forth in this Journal.
All his Majesty's subjects or others that
wish to know the truth of anything further
than I have set forth, let them make enquiry of those gentlemen whose names I
have struck in; examine the letters of the
rebels, and the recommendations of the
officers who have been acquainted with
me in person and with my services in the
time of the late war.
Although I have been prohibited from
receiving any benefit from the laws of the
State, all that I desire is to have the liberty
of commanding 30,000 men in favour of
the British Government. I flatter myself
that there would be no doubt of my putting many of them to swing by the neck
for their honesty, as John White did, after
stealing 150 horses in North Carolina.
Here follows a short address to the
printer, signed,

7*

f*r*

COL. MANNING'S SIGNATURE CONSIDERABLY REDUCED

NOTES
PAGE 1

In Sabin's "Dictionary of Books Belating to A m e r i c a / ' Vol. VI., a t page 352, it
is stated that the original manuscript belonged to a Mr. Deane, of Cambridge, who lent
it to a friend, who in turn re-lent it to a Southern gentleman, who printed it. This is a
mistake. The original manuscript has never yet left Digby, Nova Scotia. Mr. Sabin's
statement can be true only of the copy made by Mr. Bliss for the Massachusetts Historical
Society, of which Mr. Deane was some time Corresponding Secretary,, and which copy is
not in the Library of the Society.
PAGES 5 and

8

Mr. Wheeler gets his story of F a n n i n g ' s repulsive physical afflictions and early life
from Dr. Caruthers' book, who says he received various and differing accounts from several
sources, and selected those which seemed most likely to be t r u e ; by which he evidently
means those most damaging to Fanning. He says, " F a n n i n g seldom murdered any except
those who had proved treacherous to his cause and those who had excited his wrath by
uttering threats, or by resisting his progress." Tto kill those who resisted his progress,
in other words, opposed him on the field of battle, was murder in Dr. Caruthers' eyes, as
well as to shoot deserters, and he may have thought of Balfour in connection with uttering
threats. Nevertheless, he says later on t h a t Fanning ' ' pursued the same course of rapine,
murder and devastation." The murder of a woman, which he so pathetically relates on
page 254, is apocryphal on its face, for if it had taken place there could have been no one
but Fanning himself to tell the tale. I t is evidently a malicious fiction. How an intelligent
man like Dr. Caruthers could have been imposed on by such a story as he relates on pages
284 to 288„ it is difficult to conceive. Having heard of Fanning 'a trial in St. John, the
absurd details are filled up from imagination, while the facts could have been easily
obtained by writing for information to New Brunswick.
PAGE 9

THOMAS FLETCHALL was a man of considerable importance in South Carolina before
the Bevolution. Like his older and more famous contemporary patriot, General Buggies,
of Massachusetts, his sympathies were with the claims of the Colonists, but he refused to
be dragooned into rebellion. He was therefore imprisoned by order of the Provincial
Congress in 1776, and his property, which included " F a i r F o r e s t , " his home in Union
District, S.C., was confiscated in 1782.
Baeburn's Creek was a branch of Beedy Biver, and in Laurens Co., S.C. Bev. William
Tennent and W. H. Drayton travelled through the country together, the latter as an
emissary of the "Committee of Correspondence and S a f e t y " of South Carolina to stir
the people against the Government; the former to perform Christian rites as well. He
was probably a son of Bev. William Tennent, D.D., a colonial clergyman of some note,
born in Ireland.
SILVEDOOR. The American Editor says the name was Salvador, and attributes Fanning 's error to illiteracy, but it is no proof of illiteracy to misspell an unfamiliar foreign
surname.
PAGES 4 and

9

THOMAS BROWN was of Augusta, Georgia. The reader is referred to Sabine's account
of this man and his career. He is said to have been " o n e of the most malignant and
vindictive among the Southern Loyalists," and to have been made so " b y the illegal and
unjustifiable means employed by the JPatriots to make him otherwise." The five victims
who, ,the American Editor says, were taken from the jail and executed by his orders a t
Augusta, probably suffered in direct retaliation for the five Loyalists, whose murder Van
Tyne says led to reprisals through the whole war, and were probably deserters from the

NOTES—Continued

53

British forces. Many of the tales quoted against him by Sabine are evidently legendary
or fabulous, and he published an able vindication of his conduct. According to Sabine
the British Government gave him £30,000 as compensation for his losses. He died a t St.
Vincent, W.I.,, in 1825, the same year that Fanning died in Digby.
PAGES 9 and 14

ROBERT CUNNINGHAM was an Irishman of ability and influence, a s was also his brother
Patrick. He was commissioned a J u d g e and the latter Surveyor General before the war.
PAGE 12

COLONEL MILLS was one of the twelve barbarously p u t to death by the victorious
revolutionists after the battle of K i n g ' s Mountain—"cold-blooded m u r d e r s / ' Although
from his rank he must have been a man of position and, influence, he is not mentioned
by .Sabine.
PAGE 14
ABRAHAM D E P E Y S T E R and

his two brothers, J A M E S

and

FREDERIC, came t o

New

Brunswick, where Abraham died February, 1798, aged 45. All three held high offices in
the new Province. Portraits of Abraham a n d Frederic, with extensive notices of them,
appear in Lawrence's " F o o t p r i n t s of St. J o h n " (St. J o h n : J . & A. McMillan, 1883).
See also Sabine. They were, like many other of the best families of New York, descended
from a French Protestant who fled to Holland in the days of persecution. The descendants of these men are now for the most part in New York. Some of them rendered good
service to the Union during the Civil War, professing to act on the same principles as their
ancestors did in the Revolution. Colonel Johnston DePeyster, April 3, 1865, hoisted the
first Union flag on the Capitol in Richmond. General George W a t t s DePeyster, of New
York, a grandson of Frederic, delivered a notable address before the Historical Society
of New Brunswick July 4, 1883, the centenary year of t h e landing of the Loyalists, in
which he shows the analogy between the position of the Loyalists in t h e American Revolution, who fought for a United Empire, and the Union Loyalists of t h e Civil War. The
address, which is of much historic value, was published i n New York by Charles H .
Ludwig, 10 a n d 12 Read Street, 1883. Although the production of an American officer
of high rank, i t glows with the spirit of his Loyalist ancestors.
PAGES 14 and 18

Major PATRICK FERGUSON, a promising British officer killed at the battle of K i n g ' s
Mountain,, October 7, 1780, was a native of Scotland, son of James Ferguson, t h e eminent
Jurist, and nephew of Lord Elibank. Fanning was with him on his retreat from Gilberttown to K i n g ' s Mountain. Colonel Williams, who fell in this battle, was a native of
Granville, N.C.
PAGE 15

The American Editor corrects Dr. Caruthers' statement that Fanning was with Pyles
when the latter was defeated by Lee. According to his own statement, he was then a t
Deep River. B u t to correct all the statements of Caruthers in detail were a n idle task.
For real historical purposes his book is of little value, b u t it served to help keep alive in
the minds of American people that unrele'nting hostility to Great Britain which was so
long the settled policy of t h e United States statesmen and publicists. See page 333 of
his book. To make the memory of the Loyalists odious was his unworthy aim. Ilf a band
of Loyalists made a gallant and successful attack, it was a diabolical massacre; if a body
of «' Whigs' 7 did the same thing, it was a splendid feat of arms which entitled its heroes
to immortality. H i s book was just such as the Americans used to love.
PAGE 1 6

J O H N HAMILTON, a native of Scotland, a n d after the war British Consul a t Norfolk,
Virginia, was a man of great ability and culture, and very highly esteemed. H e died
in England in 1817.
GUILFORD DUDLEY married a niece of John Randolph, of Roanoke, whose biography
was published by Dr. J . B . Dudley, a son of Guilford. The American Editor refers to
the Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. 2, p p . 144, 257, 281-370.
PAGES 17 and 18

We gather from the American Editor, who gets 6 it from Caruthers, that Major J O H N
RAINS was a miller in Tennessee, and very poor in 1819. RICHARD EDWARDS was killed

NOTES—Continued

54

at K i r k ' s Farm a week before t h e battle of Cane Creek, and his brother EDWARD, who
succeeded him in command, was 'killed the next week at Lindley 's Mills; MEREDITH EDWARDS,
THOMAS DARK,

THOMAS

EASTRIDGE a n d

THOMAS E I C H E T T S were all executed

for

their

loyalty under a conviction for alleged treason against their " S t a t e ' ' in January,, 1782.
J O H N B A I N S , Sr., was killed a t Lindley's Mills, and J O H N CAGLE and J A M E S B I C E were

hanged at Pee Dee, and DAVID JACKSON met the same fate in Bandolph; STEPHEN WALKER

was shot in April, 1782, by Colonel Gholson, on Deep Biver, and J A M E S and SIMON LINDLEY
were shot " i n the mountains.'' THOMAS BLAIR settled a t New Biver, built iron works,
and prospered, and J O H N MCLEAN, who had charge of Governor Burke when a prisoner,
was, through favor of a Wpbig friend,, allowed to settle on the Lower Deep Biver. ALEXANDER M C K A Y died rich in the West Indies, a n d Col. DUNCAN BAY went to Nova Scotia.
He also> says that PETER MALLET, excluded with Fanning and Andrews in the " A c t of
P a r d o n , " was the victim of prejudice. H e might have said t h a t most of the others killed
otherwise than in battle were the victims of diabolical malice, a n d the barbarous methods
of waging war employed by their enemies, who hanged for treason against their country
men who loved their country as well as they themselves did, and conscientiously sought to
promote its highest interests as they saw them, and, moreover, had law on their side.
Doctor Caruthers publishes, pages 244-5, the report of John Williams, the Judge of
the Court, to the Governor, in which he says: " M e r e d i t h Edwards a n d Thomas Eastridge
were also indicted for treason. They a r e both men who appeared to be equally popular
among the Tories, .and very active, and men of Fanning ; s gang, though generally kind
and humane to prisoners while in their custody.
* * * As t o the general moral
character of these men, i t seemed to be pretty good, only great Tories*'' Then he publishes
y
Fanning s letter of February 26th, 1782, to the Governor, threatening reprisals if any
more were hung. " I understand you have hung three of my men—one Captain a n d two
privates—and have a Captain and six men under sentence of death. I f the requisitions
of my articles do not arrive to satisfaction, and the effusion of blood stopped, and the
lives of these men saved, I will retaliate blood for blood, and tenfold for one, and there
shall never a n officer or private of the Bebel party escape that falls into my hand hereafter. 7 7
Alas, they were hanged! an atrocity which after his caution naturally exasperated Fanning to the highest pitch of fury,, and the killing of Balfour, Doudy and
Bryan, a n d the destruction of a number of plantations, followed in quick _ and ghastly
succession. As quaint old Thomas Fuller, in his " W o r t h i e s of England," says. " A soldier's most proper bemoaning of a friendp& death in war is in revenging i t . "
Colonel ARCHIBALD MCDOUGALL was in Nova Scotia some years, then in England,
where he obtained a pension, and finally settled in North Carolina, where he was a popular
and useful citizen, as the Loyalists generally would have been, and were in the British
Provinces to which they were exiled.
PAGE 22

Capt. J O H N LEGGATT, in Colonel Hamilton's North Carolina Begiment, was one of
those with Fanning a t St. Augustine in 1783, b u t finally returned to North Carolina.
PAGES 4 and 25

EDMUND FANNING was b o m on Long Island, N.Y. Much abused by some American
writers quoted with apparent approval by Sabine, he was a man of much ability, excellent
character and high ideals. H e was Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia and assumed the
duties of Governor of Prince Edward Island in 1786, and was an able, energetic and patriotic administrator, a n d managed peculiar difficulties with tact and firmness, leaving a
lasting impress for good on the history of the Province. See Warburton's "Historical
Sketch of Prince Edward Island, 7 ' pp. 35 et seq. H e attained the rank of General in
the British Army, and died in London in 1818. A large and beautiful lake in Yarmouth
County, N.S., is named " L a k e F a n n i n g / ' in his honor.
PAGE 31

" G i v e n under myj hand at arms."
The " a t " is perfectly plain; i t certainly is not
f
' and arm, y 7 as the American Editor prints and ridicules it.
PAGES 31 and 32

ANDREW BALFOUR, like Hamilton, who espoused with equal zeal t h e other side of t h e
unhappy controversy, was a Scotsman,, born in Edinburgh, and came to America in 1772.
His remark to Fanning, that there was " n o resting place for a Tory*B foot on t h e earth,''
which led to his own death March 10, 1782, as related in the narrative, proves him to have
been among the more intolerant and uncompromising spirits who in the beginning of t h e

NOTES—Continued

55

war were so largely responsible for the excesses on both sides, and which reached their
climax as the struggle was drawing to a close. Nothing is recorded against him except
this utterance and F a n n i n g ' s reference to his " i l l d e e d s . " His posterity are numerous
and respectable. His killing was simply an example of the way the war was carried on
by both parties, beginning with the hanging of five " T o r i e s " mentioned by Van Tyne,
and the tarring and feathering of Brown. I t followed close upon the execution of a
number of Fanning's officers and men. His brother, John Balfour, was a Loyalist.
PAGES 2 3 , 24, 40

See footnote to page 40. Colonel HECTOR MCNEILL, who commanded a regiment of
Cape Fear Scots, was an uncle of Capt. DANIEL MCNEILL. Colonel HECTOR MCNEILL, who
succeeded to the command, was a brother of Daniel. Daniel was a son of Archibald
and Janet McNeill, and was born in 1752 at Lower Little River, Cumberland Co., N.C.
He espoused the Loyal cause on the outbreak of hostilities, and for a time served as
Lieutenant in a regiment of the line, and was afterwards appointed Captain in a North
Carolina regiment of Loyalists by Lord Cornwallis June 24, 1780, but his commission
in the North Carolina Volunteers, commanded by Lieut.-Col. John Hamilton, bears date
August 20, 1781. He served bravely and honorably throughout the war, and was wounded
at least once. A bullet consisting of a rough slug of rolled lead was embedded in his
thighbone. Capt. McNeill was in Halifax, N.S., in November, 1783, in connection with an
application for grants of land to Loyalists of the two Carolinas, and on May 13th following a grant was made to about 400 officers and men from those States at Country
Harbor, now a p a r t of the County of Gruysborough, Nova„>8eotia. They called the settlement Stormont, by which a district in that County is still known. He married in Nova
Scotia Mary, daughter of Capt. John Nutting, of the Royal Engineers in the British
Army, of Massachusetts Loyalist ancestry. Her mother was Mary Walton, who was born
of Loyalist parents a t South Reading, Mass. From her father the village of Walton,
in Hants Co., N.S., was named. Capt. McNeill finally removed to a place called " L o y a l
H i l l , " on the Avon River, about eight miles below Windsor, N.S., and died -of apoplexy
May 5, 1818. His only son, Archibald John, died young. His daughter, Mary Janet,
married a t Windsor about 1817 Francis Parker, a grandson of a native of Yorkshire,
who with three brothers had migrated to Nova Scotia in 1775, and was the mother of
Hon. Daniel McNeill Parker, M.D., who as a physician of great learning and skill, a
member of the Legislative Council of Nova Scotia, a holder of many important honorary
offices, and a religious leader in the Baptist Church, was rightly esteemed as an example
of all that is just, true and honorable in professional, political, social and private life.
I t appears that Capt. MeNeill's father was not exiled, nor was his property confiscated, as he left the Captain considerable property by his will, to realise which he visited
North Carolina in 1811. He met with difficulties, resorting to litigation, which he was
obliged to compromise by accepting a number of slaves. These, to his great loss, nearly
all deserted him on his arrival in Nova Scotia, encouraged by public sentiment in the
Province. Two plantations devised to him and his heirs, one in Chatham County, near
the mouth of New Hope, the other on McKay's Creek, Cumberland Co., N . C , were never
recovered bjy him or his daughters', to whom he devised them. Even the daughters could not
be forgiven for their father's loyalty.