ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN Production Note Project Unica Rare Book & Manuscript Library University of Illinois Library at Urbana-Champaign 2015 SPEECH OF MR. JOHN WEST, ONE OF THE CANDIDATES FOR THE BOaOtfGH OF STOCEPOBT, ON THE HAY OF nomination, FRIDAY, JULY 30th, 1847. MANCHESTER: Printed by James Leach, 73, Rochdale RoadSPEECH OF MR. JOHN WEST One of the Candidates for the Borough of Stockport, on the day of Nominat ion, Friday, July JOtli, 1847. Mr Mayor, Electors, and Inhabitants of Stockport generally, it is with feelings of pride and gratification, that I present myself before you this day, to solicit at your hands the h gh and distinguished honor of being your representative, and l do so, with the greatest confidence ; because I beleive that the principles I advocate are in full accordance with those entertained by the great majority of the people of this truly important town. Gentlemen, Stockport has long been identified with the good old cause of Radical Reform, and it is as a Radical Reformer in its most extended sense, that I rest my claims upon your suffrages and support. Before, however. I enter into an exposition of my principles and opinions, I shall notice the views put forth, by my honorable opponents, and in doing so, 1 hope they will not consider me wanting in courtesy, as I consider that t|beir speeches here tp day, are public property ; and as euch, are fairly entitled to public criticism. Gentlemen, it would have aftord* d me the highest pleasure to have met Mr Cobden on these hqstings, in order that we might test the accuracy of his free-trade predictions, examine and analize many of what I consider, great and grievious errors, as wpll as to ascertain his opinions on those great questions which now agitate the public mind ; but, as he is not here to answer for himself, we inp^t be content with what his godfather and godmother, have this, day vouched in his name. Laughter). The worthy Baronet, Sir R. Peudlebury,3 167 who proposed the honerable gentleman, said nothing in his behalf, and Mr. Carrington, who seconded him, declaired that, if it were necessary to have anything said in his favour, some other person should be put forward, to do so, for he was not able. Gentlemen, this is rather ominous. (Loud laughter). Mr. Mark Philips, however, has appeared as the personal friend and the represent!re of Mr. Cobden, and as 1 have had the honor of meeting that gentleman before, I must confess that without he has made great advancement in political knowledge, he will hardly be able to satisfy yon as to Mr Cobden’s fithess and qualifications to represent your opinions in the legislature : gentlemen, Mr. Philips rests the whole of Mr. Cobden’s claims upon your suffrages that he is a free-trader, but much more is wanting •—what are his views on chnroh reform ?—what are his views on .the suffrage question ?—what are his views ou the laws of primogeniture and entail ? How is he prepared to deal with that giant evil, the so called, National Debt P—liow is he prepared to deal with the condition of Irelaud ? —what are his views in reference to our present curency ? On all these and many other important questions, we are left in happy ignorance; but, gentlemen, they are questions that must be answered and. dealt with in a manner commensurate with the wants and intelligence of the people. (Loud cheers). Mr. Philips has talked largely of free-trade and protection, and has amused you with stories of lands being badly cultivated and farms overg/owu with weeds, but I ask is that an honest way of dealing with a great question ? is a great principle to be sneered away by a ialse, and, ignorant application ? What is the great end of human legislation? Protection—protection to life and property, not to weeds and bad farming—but, to the labour of the working man equally with the property of the rich. Phis is the sense in which legislators must view it, and the sense in witch they must be compelled to act in refer-ance to it, before we can restore happiness and prosperity to our country. (Cheers). Mr. Philips has told you, that it is a legitimate principle to exchange our surplus4 nJ i „„ forth, .urolns produce of other countries. So produce, for t&e surplus p t0 spare »7 I,but wh«t» . people areprovided for ; that after the wantsofallOTp ^ lhe gentle- is my définition, ' “a 0 ,, , t tbey may have in their men with whom he acts • whether you waut any- warehosuses unsold without ignorant of the first principles thing or not; those gentleme 8 ^ t0 teach them their A. of political economy .and as it 13 J b tterthatl by the following B. 0. 1 cannot illustrate tins^ ^ weavers -“Well, Dick, heaw dialogue between two lanças1 0> it beink bad?"— is trader-“Vary bad. ™ y is there no wark ’’’-‘‘Because “Why,there s no wark. ^ Ai J .g there nobody to buy ? — there's nobody to buy. Ai ^ Y ifJ there nQ wages? — “Because there s no wages. . that the whole system is “Because there s no walk, &c- 0 0f laughter, in which in a round robin of cause and eftot’ . _ before him. But we as were held by his father and gra Lntell igence ; our motto live in an age of advanced mm an retrograde however now is “Onward;” we cannot stand sUllJs ^ ^ ^ valuable and suited to tlie ” foi-fathers might be, they are novr erected, the institutions o • pidce to better—civil antiquated and worn out—they n ^ ®niJeIlt8 n,ay for a time and religious liberty must pre\a , g . 8terndemand ;but resistor withhold ^.^“d andgJnerous enfranchisement are the interests of an enlightened ai g ü)fi a not only cries daily securing ^our and ju J info;matLou and enterprise for it—the peculiarities of ord , science, learning which that age uttfolds^emand, .leg« »■““ ^ (or llle implore its aid; tyranny knows that Its ,6 (ree, (Loud people have decreed that man shall . with the mighty cheers). ^ ms«». ^ r«“ - ^nS iD^KeJsZw'fo have perfect free-trade without carrying5 o». «11 o» .a.«™ *” free as air, means V»>fect tr“lo , i( ntevest of the ' q( debt? how will they provide o ist and the placemen and pensioners, - fatten the (lead weight men, and all those w^ ^ on the taxes ot the eo«“try ■ . . (1sc things, t they are de^nb their iey are prepared to cet electioneering ... eryof free-trade «¿7“^ a snare, I claptrap, a mockery, a ’and> therefore, I am prepared to deal \ it d st free-trader, stand before you as the o y support any (Cheers). Mr Healcl says 1- "^Sn«, that measure to rendei the ehuic ^ tbat the is a prooi from the lips • nt and justifies church has hitherto not ^ institution, my declarations, tha c ‘ utility» out of his it has ceased to be of Piaclical. . aL therefore, own mouth do I condemn i , (Cheers I leave him in the hands of hts patrol and laughter). Mr- K , anc\ condemns upon you that he is a j. ac^ go far the rate paying clausesid the^re and taxes so good, but it the bt be conaemned as tor the exercise of a ci\ n » vment of rent unjust in pricciple, how can the 11 rjght. be justified for the exercise ol the same b Mr. Kershaw saj s he has it oi five of a Cabinet Minister, ilia * { favour of be returned to the next Pa government will a repeal oi those clauses the govern ^ ior make it a cabinet qu returned in favour nothing ; if a majority of at ¿Uhstrv dare resist tX&* ^theorists rr-iT»”« people,their representatives to say who those ministers shall be, negatively as to persons, out positively as to principles. (Cheer). Mr. Kershaw is for an extension of the suffrages to eight pounds, bm if the change is*to be from ten to eight, why not to five four or one ? and if to one, why not to Universal ? The difference between Mr. Kershaw and me is, that what 1 demand for the people as right, he would, with certain qualifications, confer as a b on ; but 1 ask that gentleman bv what right he claims to exercise the privilege of a freeman, while he brands me as a slave ? Does he and his class possess more brains or mi..re intelligence ? Are they more useiul to society than me and my class ?if they are, let them prove it, it thev cannot do so, then I pronounce our proscript on a hateful and odious tryanny, that ought to be resisted ! (Loud cheers). Mr. Kershaw says he is for the seperation of Church and State; but how can he effect it ? Can t e do so with the present constituency? Emphatically 1 answer No! No man can work without toois, and L want to furnish him with the necessary implements, in order that there may be no bungling about the workmanship. (Cheers). Gentlemen. I now proceed to a developement of my own political ctee.d ; in it you will find no ambiguity, no mystery; ii is based upon principles of universal liberty and justice,—principles that arc not of yesterdays growth,but which are identified with the names o! Fox, Grey, Muir, Palmer and Gerald, and associated with the noblest portions ot our country’s history. Some persons may object that they are extreme, but I ask, does not extreme evils require extreme reme lies ? (Cheers). And if the Electors should be of that opinion, 1 have no doubt but they will return me triumphant ty to parliament, as the people of Nottingham have done Feargus O’Connor. (Loud and long continued cheering followed this announcement. The gentlemen on the platform making frequent inquiries if it could be true).Can any one doubt for a moment that the present anomalous state of society, in which (with our stupenduous and increasing powers for the produc-7 tion of all things necessary for the comfort and happiness of all) we daily see the poor becoming poorer, more numerous and oppressed,—the rich, richer, and power centralising itself in the hands of a few. Can any one doubt that such a state of things demand a change, and one too, that must be of an orgauic nature ? Will any gentleman be bold enough to assert that our bungling system of legislation is ever likely to produce such a change ? (No, no, and loud cheers). It is said that a “Knowledge o! a disease' is half its cureand afer the most deliberate reflection, I have traced this state of things, to au ignorant and selfish sys em of legislation ; the result of a defective system of representation. 1 there ore demand an efficient measure of parliamentary reform, on the broad basis laid down and embodied in the people's charter- (Loud cheers). I claim the suffrage for all as a matter of right, and not as a boon or privilege conceded, —as a natural right in virtue of man's existauce, as a social right; beeuse every member of the social compact is hound to obey the laws, and their lives and properties are more or less effected, as the laws enacted are either good or bad, as a political right, because all nre required to pay the taxes that the exig.ncies of the state may require, “And taxation wi’hout representation is tyranny, and ought to be resisted.” (Loud cheers). Some persons object, as a matter of prudence, that education should precede the franchise. 1 would make education as universal ¡is the human family ; but I ask the oljectors, what do they mean by education ? Where will they draw the line of demarcation ? where do they propose to commence their favourite system ? Enfranchise the man, and you elevate him iu the scale of social exist-ance ; invest him with the rights of a freeman, and you clothe him wi h self-respect,—self-respect will bend the mind to the study of the elements of education ; and »elf-culture and moral dignity will follow as a natural and inevitable consequence. (Cheers). I claim the ballot as a necessary protection to the honest voter in the honest discharge of his conscientious duties, for8 it cannot be denied that under the present system, the labour of the workingman (which is his Mi^entc s centered in the hands of the possessors of wealthy that threats, intimidation, bribery and corrup.ion, ar wea^ -1-t »re employed tocoerc-^ those that are invested with the elective franchise, objected that it i. un-English, 1». system that renders it necessary, un-English . ana shall hail with pleasure the day when it can be dispen-sed with ; and that Englishmen can meet then' empl } -pro and say-I am now a treeman: the existence o myself and children are no longer in your tads a d 1 can now fearlessly and openly vote tor the nan o mv choice' (Cheers) Until that day arrives, 1 claim the protection of the ballot. The next point n,: annua parliaments ; nothing can he more 1’ Von should have a proper control! over jour repre seutatives, to discharge them when thj are gntl gross dereliction of doty, or tnc-apahle of dischargmg , is such a manner,us the exigencies ol the limes m > „Hire • for myself, I shall deem it my duty to attend a imblic meeting when called upon to tender an accoun s” hip, and if found unworthy any longer nex.rpS is one to which i a,inch much importance No Property QbaUfi^.om —it strikes at the root of class legislation, for as long vonr representatives are tohe selected from the property class class interests will he upheld, and the glaring evSs we now complain of, can never be effectually removed ■ it must ever be borne in timid that this principle r„ot e'xelusive, that it places no banupon upon the poor, but asserts the justice that brain s n SS p&nd^thislhere is of opinion ; and, therefore, requires h fle me. The next is payment of member,, to this u9 iected that it would hold out inducements to demagogues to pension themselves upon the country. 1 contend for a “Fair day’s wage, for a fair day’s work,’’ and as we find the principle carried through social hie, that as a man’s abilities and aptitude for business gets him promoted from the workshop to the counting house, his salary is increased ; so the man possessing the necessary qualifications, and selected by the people, (though it be from the loom shop) has a right to such a remuneration as will enable him to take his station with proper dignity amongst the nobles & titled ot the lvnd (immence cheering): but its great and distmgish-ing feature is that it will place your representative in the position of being your servants and not your masters, as they assume to be at present. and when paid for tluir services, they will naturally feel, that when a fair day’s wage is given, a lair day a work will be required; they would perhaps, as at present, prefer paying themselves, but that would not be for your interests, as I will illustrate by the to -lowing anecdote “A gentleman required a servant to perform certain duties, when a Scotchman applied for the po3t; alter the necessary enquiries as to Ins fitness had been answered, then came the question ot wao-ts, ‘Aw dinna care about the wages,’ says Sandy, ‘aviT will list be content wi’ what aw can find aboot the boose. (Laughter). Things went on well tor a time, till at length the gentleman began to be suspicious, and meeting Sandy one day going out of the bouse rather' bulky in appearance, lie caused him to be brought back and on searching him, he found certain portions ot bis property in his possession, he upbraided him with his dishonesty, when Sandy exclaimed, ‘Na, na, aw have stolen noot, it’s only my wages aw have found about the boose!’ ” (Iloars ot laughter). Such is the position of our seli-denving representatives, and when there is nothing to be'found “aboot the boose.” they take good care that something is soon lost. These are the principles of the people’s charter, and I consider the keystone ot all practical legislation,and ail honest reformers must adopt10 them as tlie bulwarks of civil and religious liberty (Cheers). J' Gentlemen, I am for curtailing the unj ust and usurped privileges exercised by the aristocracy, by the abolition ot the laws of primogeniture and entail, laws as disgraceful to the age in which we live, as they are antiehristian and unnatural; 1 support then-abolition, because I believe it would have the eflect oi unlocking the land and making' it more open to the general occupancy of the people; [ would ask whether it is consistent with justice, that one man should hold in his possession in one part of this country, of eh ven hundred thous-' and acres o! land, whilst the population is being regularly decimated hv his unnatural and tyrant nical decrees : such is the Duke of Sutherland, tne pet oi aristocracy; 1 would support their abolition because they render it necessary that we should maintain a disgraceful number of useless places and sinecures, in the army, the navy, and the various departments ot the state, in order'that the younger branches of the aristocracy, whom these laws bastardise, and place beyond the pale of parental affection,may be provided for (Cheers’' by confering upon the people the franchise, we deprive the land of its electoral value, and by abolishing all sinecures, useless places,unmerited pensionsaiid grants,we throw the aristocracy upon tneir own rescources, and compel them of necessity to make the most of their land,by bringing it into the retail market. (Cheers). I would demand the restoration of the common lands to the people, of which they have been plundered by the aristocracy, i use the word ‘plundered’ advised-i.y, for though some gentlemen may deem the expression harsh, yet words were given for use, to express ideas of man and things.*’ if the application may seem severe the fault rests not with11 me, but with those who deserve it, to take from unothi-r that which belongs to him, and apply it to your use is a robbery—and its moral aspect can never b® changed though ten thousand acts of parliament were passed t» legalise and sanction it. The whole ol the common lands that are now enclosed, have been so through the sanction of acts of parliament, and through the agen y of those various acts of parliament which tlie'y themselves have enacted. I can trace the stolen property up to its present possessors. I, therefore, call upon the gentlemen who surround me as honest men, to assist me in bringing the spoilafors to justice, and compelling them to make restitution to the people. The next question is that of church reform, and I believa there can be no real church reform that does not sever the the connexion between the church and state. (Loud cheers) ’Tis but an act of simple justice to onr common Christianity, for all history proves that whatever denomination of religion has been allied to ths state, it has become impure and curruptea, and swallowed up in mammon and filthy lucre. (Cheers). That distinguished apologist for church establishments ; Bishop War burton says, “That the church of England exists as a national institution because it is the guardian of the public morals,” aye, and a pretty guardian it lias proved itself to be, when public documents have proved to the world this disgraceful fact, that between the hours of eight and.twelve o’clock at night, no less than eighty thousand females walk the streets of London in a state of public pros titution ! (sen sation). When the Kev. Baptist Noel, has proclaimed that in the great Metropolis there are “Five hundred thousand living without God and without hope in this world !” The church is weighed in the balance and found wanting ! and I henceforth proclaim that as a national institution, she has ceased to be of any practical utility. (Cheers). 1 am opposed to all state endowments, as I consider it right and proper that all ministers of religion should be supported by the voluntary contributions of their people And that the tithes, whether lay or clerical, should be entered to their originally intended purposes, and then there will he no need for our unnatural and inhuman poor law; no necessity for our unsightly and accursed bastiles, where poverty is punished as a crime; where husband is seperated from wife, and children from parents, and all the finer feelings of our nature outraged by the most barbarous licentiousness, (beers). 1. demand the restoration of all church property to national purposes, and then we will be prepared to deal with thatmonster difficulty the national debt; some people say it is a question of too much magnitude to be dealt with; such should resign their pretentions to statesmen and legislators. The interest of the debt, swallows up the earnings «f a million of working men, so that with three to a family, there are three million of our population bound in a state of abject slavery to the fundholders, while this system is allowed tocoruinu* Can any man say that this great fact must not dealt with? Canany man pretend to aspire to the dignity of a legislator, who is not honestly prepared to meet this monster evil? It is my pride that I am associated with men who have honesty, talent and energy sufficient to grapple with it, not as our enemies would insinuate by spoliation and confiscation, but by an honest and equitable adjustment. (Loud cheers). I come here to denounce spoliation and robbery, and I would be the last man to sanction the plunder of the widow, the orphan, and the industrious tradesman who had deposited their little all in the funds, on the strength of the faith and security of the nation. (Cheers). The next question, and one of the most vital importance to all classes is the Currency. I ask is it just that we should be compelled to pay a high and increasing taxation in a gold standard at the rate of ¿'3 17s. 10^d. per ounce, whilst the wages of labour are yearly depreciated ? I ask the trading classes whether they can ever expect to enjoy prosperity, whilst the working class is compelled to give alarge portion of their labour for a small amount of gold, the greater portion of which, is extracted from them in taxation, leaving a miserable pittance to purchase the necessaries of life, which their families may require? The whole system demands revision, and I am prepared to support a system that will place our currency on a secure and national footing. Mr. West entered at great length into the question, and produ-eed such a sensation as will not soon be forgotten by the people of Stockport. Mr. West entered at great length into the question •f Ireland, and Irish grievances, and eloquently proved the necessity for a repeal of the legislative union. After adverting to several questions of a local nature, Mr. West said he had the most perfect confidence in the truth and justice of his principles, and in their wisdom and discrimination, and thanking them for the attention with which they had listened to him, he most cheerfully left his case in their hands. Mr. West then retired amidst the most enthusiastic and long continued cheering.