ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPA1GN PRODUCTION NOTE University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign library Battle Books Project, 2014.COPYRIGHT NOTIFICATION In Public Domain. Published prior to 1923. This digital copy was made from the printed version held by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. It was made in compliance with copyright law. Prepared for the Brittle Books Project, Main Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign by Northern Micrographics Brookhaven Bindery La Crosse, Wisconsin 2014THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY From the library of Charles Melville Moss Professor of Classics Fresented by MogfsJ UNIVERSITY OF , ILLINOIS LIBRARY At URBANA-CHAMPAIGN STACKSTHE HISTORY OF ROME BY TITUS LIVIUS. Vol. II. BOOKS XXI.-XXX. literally translated, with notes and illustrations, IiY D. SPILL AN and CYRUS EDMONDS. NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE. 1879.HARPER'S NEW CLASSICAL LIBRARY. comprising literal translations of CLESAR. VIRGIL. SALLUST. HORACE. TERENCE. TACITUS. 2 Vols. LIVY. 2 Vols. CICERO'S ORATIONS. CICERO'S OFFICES, L.ELIUS, CATO MAJOR, PARADOXES, ^CIPIO'S DREAM, LETTER TO QUINTUS. CICERO ON ORATORY AND ORATORS. PLATO (9E CICERO'S TUSCULAN DISPUTA. TIONS, THE NATURE OF THE GODS, AND THE COMMON. WEALTH. JUVENAL. XENOPHON. HOMER'S ILIAD. HOMER'S ODYSSEY. HERODOTUS. DEMOSTHENES. 2 Vols. THUCYDIDES. ^SCHYLUS. SOPHOCLES. EURIPIDES. 2 Vols. DIALOGUES). 12mo, Cloth, $1 50 per Volume. tw Harpbr & Brothers will send either of the above work* by mail, postage prepaid, to any pari of the United States or Canada, on receipt of the price..27/ LS.^-s .. A -/ *2-" f$7ld? while 1 Thucydides seems to be specially referred to8 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 2. he boyishly coaxed his father Hamilcar that he might be taken to Spain (at the time when the African war was completed, and he was employed in sacrificing previously to transporting his army thither), was conducted to the altar, and, having laid his hand on the offerings, was bound by an oath to prove himself, as soon as he could, an enemy to the Roman people. The loss of Sicily and Sardinia grieved the high spirit of Hamilcar: for he deemed that Sicily had been given up through a premature despair of their affairs, and that Sardinia, during the disturbances in Africa, had been treacherously taken by the Romans, while, in addition, the payment of a tribute had been im- posed. 2. Being disturbed with these anxieties, he so conducted himself for five years in the African war, which com- menced shortly after the peace with Rome, and then through nine years employed in augmenting the Carthagin- ian empire in Spain, that it was obvious that he was revolv- ing in his mind a greater war than he was then engaged in; and that if he had lived longer, the Carthaginians under Hamilcar would have carried the war into Italy, which, un- der the command of Hannibal, they afterwards did. The timely death of Hamilcar and the youth of Hannibal occa- sioned its delay. Hasdrubal, intervening between the fa- ther and the son, held the command for about eight years. He was first endeared to Hamilcar, as they say, on account of his youthful beauty, and then adopted by him, when ad- vanced in age, as his son-in-law, on account of his eminent abilities; and, because he was his son-in-law, he obtained the supreme authority, against the wishes of the nobles, by the influence of the Barcine faction,1 which was very pow- erful with the military and the populace. Prosecuting his designs rather by stratagem than force, by entertaining the princes, and by means of the friendship of their lead- ers gaining the favor of unknown nations, he aggrandized the Cartha^kiian power more than by arms and battles. Yet peace proved no greater security to himself. A bar- barian, in resentment of his master's having be^en put to 1 The B&rcine faction derived its name from Hamilcar, who was sur- named Barca. Hanno appears to have been at the head of the opposite party.THE HISTORY OF ROME. 9 death by him, publicly murdered him; and, having been seized by the by-standers, he exhibited the same counte- nance as if he had escaped; nay, even when he was lacer- ated by tortures, he preserved-such an expression of face that lie presented the appearance of one who smiled, his joy getting the better of his pains. With this Hasdrubal, because he possessed such wonderful skill in gaining over the nations and adding them to his empire, the Roman people had renewed the treaty,1 on the terms that the River Iberus should be the boundary of both empires, and that to the Saguntines, who lay between the territories of the two states, their liberty should be preserved. 3. There was no doubt that in appointing a successor to Hasdrubal, the approbation of the commons would fol- low the military prerogative, by which the young Hanni- bal had been immediately carried to the prsetorium, and hailed as general, amidst the loud shouts and acquiescence of all. Hasdrubal had sent for him by letter when scarce yet arrived at manhood; and the matter had even been dis- cussed in the Senate, the Barcine faction using all their efforts; that Hannibal might be trained to military service and succeed to his father's command. Hanno, the leader of the opposite faction, said," Hasdrubal seems indeed to ask what is reasonable, but I, nevertheless, do not think his request ought to be granted." When he had attracted to himself the attention of all, through surprise at this ambig- uous Opinion, he proceeded : " Hasdrubal thinks that the flower of youth which he gave to the enjoyment of Han- nibal's father mdy justly be expected by himself in return from the son : but it* would little become lis to accustom ^>ur youth, in place of a military education, to the lustful ambition of the generals. Are vve afraid that the son of Hamilcar should be too late in seeing the immoderate power and splendor of hin father's sovereignty ? or that 1 A.U.C. 526, thirteen years after the conclusion of the first Punic war, being the sixth treaty between the Carthaginians and Romans. The first was a commercial agreement made daring the first consulate, in the year that the Tarquins were expelled from Rome; but it is not mentioned by Livy. The second is noted by him, lib. vii. 27; and the third, lib. ix. 43. The fourth was concluded dining the war with Pyr- rhus and the Tarentines, Polyb. V. iii. 25; and the fifth was the memo- rable treaty at the close of the first war. 1*10 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxi., ciiap. 4. we shall not soon enough become slaves to the son of him to whose son-in-law our armies were bequeathed as an hereditary right ? I am of opinion that this youth should be kept at home, and taught, under the restraint of the laws and the authority of magistrates, to live on an equal footing with the rest of the citizens, lest at some time or other this small fire should kindle a vast conflagration." 4. A few, and nearly every one of the highest merit, con- curred with Hanno; but, as usually happens, the more nu- merous party prevailed over the better. Hannibal, having been sent into Spain, from his very first arrival drew the eyes of the whole army upon him. The veteran soldiers imagined that Hamilcar, in his youth, was restored to them ; they remarked the same vigor in his looks and ani- mation in his eye, the same features and expression of countenance; and then, in a short time, he took care that his father should be of the least powerful consideration in conciliating their esteem. There never was a genius more fitted for the two most opposite duties of obeying and commanding; so that you could not easily decide whether he were dearer to the general or the army: and neither did Hasdrubal prefer giving the command to any other, when any thing was to be done with courage and activity; nor did the soldiers feel more confidence and boldness un- der any other leader. His fearlessness in encountering dangers, and his prudence when in the midst of them, were extreme. His body could not be exhausted, nor his' mind subdued, by any toil. He could alike endure either heat or cold. The quantity of his food and drink was de- termined by the wants of nature, and not by pleasure. The seasons of his sleeping and waking were distinguished neither by day nor night. The time that remained after the transaction of business was given to repose; but that repose was neither invited by a soft bed nor by quiet. Many have seen him, wrapped in a military cloak, lying on the ground%mid the watches and outposts of the soldiers. His dress was not at all superior to that of his equals: his arms and his horses were conspicuous. He was at once by far the first of the cavalry and infantry ; and, foremost to advance to the charge, was last to leave the engage- ment. Excessive vices counterbalanced these high virtuesTHE HISTORY OF ROME. 11 of the hero; inhuman cruelty, more than Punic perfidy, no truth, no reverence for things sacred, no fear of the gods, no respect for oaths, no sense of religion. With a charac- ter thus made up of virtue and vices, he served for three years under the command of Hasdrubal, without neglecting any thing which ought to be done or seen by one who was to become a great general. 5. But from the day on which he was declared general, as if Italy had been decreed to him as his province, and the war with Rome committed to him, thinking there should be no delay^ lest, while he procrastinated, some unexpected accident might defeat him, as had happened to his father, Hamilcar, and afterwards to Hasdrubal, he resolved to make war on the Sagunfcines. As there could be no doubt that by attacking them the Romans would be excited to arms, he first led his army into the territory of the Olcades, a people beyond the Iberus, rather within the boundaries than under the dominion of the Carthaginians, so that he might not seem to have had the Saguntines for his object, but to have been drawn on to the war by the course of events ; after the adjoining nations had been subdued, and by the progressive annexation of conquered territory. He storms and plunders Carteia, a wealthy city, the capital of that nation; at which the smaller states, being dismayed, submitted to his commands and to the imposition of a trib- ute. His army, triumphant and enriched with booty, was led into winter-quarters to New Carthage. Having there confirmed the attachment of all his countrymen and allies by a liberal division of the plunder, and by faithfully dis- charging the arrears of pay, the war was extended, in the beginning of spring, to the Yaccaei. The cities Hermandi- ca and Arbocala were taken by storm. Arbocala was de- fended for a long time by the valor and number of its in- habitants. Those who escaped from Hermandica joining themselves to the exiles of the Olcades, a nation subdued the preceding summer, excite the Carpetani tp arms; and having attacked Hannibal near the river T^gus, on his re- turn from the Yaccsei, they threw into disorder his army encumbered with spoil. Hannibal avoided an engage- ment, and having pitched his camp on the bank, as soon as quiet and silence prevailed among the enemy, forded the12 THE HISTORY OF HOME. [B. XXI., ciiap. 6. river; and having removed his rampart so far that the en- emy, might have room to pass over, resolved to attack them in their passage. . He commanded the cavalry to charge as soon as they should see them advanced into the water. He drew up the line of his infantry on the bank with forty elephants in front. The Carpetani, with the addi- tion of the Olcades and Vaccsei, amounted to a hundred thousand, an invincible army, were the fight to take place in the open plain. Being therefore both naturally fero- cious and confiding in their numbers; and since they be- lieved that the enemy had retired through fear, thinking that victory was only delayed by the intervention of the river, they raised a shout, and in every direction, without the command of any one, dash into the stream, each where it was nearest to him. At the same time, a heavy force of cavalry poured into the river from its opposite bank, and the engagement commenced in the middle of the channel on very unequal terms ; for there the foot-soldier, having no secure footing, and scarcely trusting to the ford, could be borae down even by an unarmed horseman, by the mere shock of his horse urged at random ; while the horseman, with the command of his body and his weapons, his horse moving steadily even through the middle of the eddies, could maintain the fight either at close quarters or at a dis- tance^/ A great number were swallowed up by the cur- rent; some, being carried by the whirlpools of the stream to the side of the enemy, were trodden down by the ele- phants ; and while the last, for whom it was more safe to retreat to their own bank, were collecting together after' their various alarms, Hannibal, before they could regain courage after such excessive consternation, having entered the river with his army in a close square, forced them to fly from the bank. Having then laid waste their territory, he received the submission of the Carpetani also within a few days. And now all the country beyond the Iberus, excepting that of the Saguntines, was under the power of the Carthaginians. 6. As yet there was no war with the Saguntines, but al- ready,^ order, to a war, the seeds of dissension were sown between them and their neighbors, particularly the Turde- tani, with whom when the same person sided who hady.r. 534. J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 13 originated the quarrel, and it was evident, not that a trial of the question of right, but violence, was his object, am- bassadors were sent by the Saguntines to Rome to implore assistance in the war which now evidently threatened them. The consuls then at Rome were Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius Longus, who, after the ambassa- dors were introduced into the Senate, having made a mo- tion on the state of public affairs, it was resolved that en- voys should be sent into Spain to inspect the circumstances of the allies; and if they saw good reason, both to warn Hannibal that he should refrain from the Saguntines, the allies of the Roman people, and to pass over into Africa to Carthager and report the complaints of the allies of the Roman people. This embassy having been decreed but not yet dispatched, the news arrived, more quickly than any one expected, that Saguntum was besieged. The busi- ness was then referred anew to the Senate. And some, decreeing Spain and Africa as provinces for the consuls, thought the war should be maintained both by sea and land, while others wished to direct the whole hostilities against Spain and Hannibal. There were others again who thought that an affair of such importance should not be entered on rashly; and that the return of the ambassa- dors from Spain ought to be awaited. This opinion, which seemed the safest, prevailed; and Publius Valerius Flac- cus, and Quintus Baebius Tamphilus, were, on that account, the more quickly dispatched as ambassadors to Hannibal at Saguntum, and from thence to Carthage, if he did not desist from the war, to demand the general himself in atonement for the violation of the treaty. 7. While the Romans thus prepare and deliberate, Sagun- tum was already besieged with the utmost vigor. That city, situated about a mile from the sea, was by far the most opulent beyond the Iberus. Its inhabitants are said to have been sprung from the island Zacynthus, and some of the Rutulian race from Ardea to have bee# also mixed with them; but they had risen in a short time to great wealth, either by their gains from the sea or the land, or by the increase of their numbers, or the integrity of their principles, by which they maintained their faith with their allies, even to their own destruction. Hannibal having en-14 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxi., chap. 8. tered their territory with a hostile army, and laid waste the country in every direction, attacks the city in three different quarters. There was an angle of the wall sloping down into a more level and open valley than the other space around; against this he resolved to move the vinese, by means of which the battering-ram might be brought up to the wall. But though the ground at a distance from the wall was sufficiently level for working the vinese, yet their undertakings by no means favorably succeeded, when they came to effect their object. Both a huge tower overlook- ed it, and the wall, as in a suspected place, was raised high- er than in any other part; and a chosen band of youths presented a more vigorous resistance, where the greatest danger and labor were indicated. At first they repelled the enemy with missile weapons, and suffered no place to be sufficiently secure for those engaged in the works; af- terwards, not only did they brandish their weapons in de- fense of the walls and tower, but they had courage to make sallies on the posts and works of the enemy; in which tumultuary engagements scarcely more Saguntines than Carthaginians were slain. But when Hannibal himself, while he too incautiously approached the wall, fell severely wounded in the thigh by a javelin, such flight and dismay spread around, that the works and vinese had nearly been abandoned. 8. For a few days after, while the general's wound was being cured, there was rather a blockade than a siege: during which time, though there was a respite from fight- ing, yet there was no intermission in the preparation of works and fortifications. Hostilities, therefore, broke out afresh writh greater fury, and in more places, in some even where the ground scarcely admitted of the works, the vineae began to be moved forward, and the battering-ram to be advanced to the walls. The Carthaginian abounded in the numbers of his troops ; for there is sufficient reason to believe that he had as many as a hundred and fifty thousand in arms. The townsmen began to be embarrass- ed, by having their attention multifariously divided, in or- der to maintain their several defenses, and look to every thing; nor were they equal to the task,for the walls were now battered by the rams, and many parts of them werey.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 15 shattered. One part by continuous ruins left the city ex- posed ; three successive towers and all the wall between them had fallen down with an immense crash, and the Carthaginians believed the town taken by that breach; through which, as if the wall had alike protected both, there was a rush from each side to the battle. There was nothing resembling the disorderly fighting which, in the storming of towns, is wont to be engaged in, on the oppor- tunities of either party; but regular lines, as in an open plain, stood arrayed between the ruins of the walls and the buildings of the city, which lay but a slight distance from the walls. On the one side hope, 011 the other de- spair, inflamed their courage; the Carthaginian believing that, if a little additional effort were used, the city was his; the Saguntines opposing their bodies in defense of their native city deprived of its walls, and not a man retiring a step, lest he might admit the enemy into the place he de- serted. The more keenly and closely, therefore, they fought on both sides, the more, on that account, were wounded, no weapon falling without effect amidst their arms and persons. There was used by the Saguntines a missile weapon, called falarica, with the shaft of fir, and round in other parts except towards the point, whence the iron projected: this part, which was square, as in the pi- lum, they bound around with tow, and besmeared with pitch. It had an iron head three feet in length, so that it could pierce through the body with the armor. But what caused the greatest fear was, that this weapon, even though it stuck in the shield and did not penetrate into the body, when it was discharged with the middle part on fire, and bore along a much greater flame, produced by the mere motion, obliged the armor to be thrown down, and exposed the soldier to succeeding blows. 9. When the contest had for a long time continued doubtful, and the courage of the Saguntines had increased, because they had succeeded in their resistance beyond their hopes, while the Carthaginian, because he had not conquered, felt as vanquished, the townsmen suddenly set up a shout, and drive their enemies to the ruins of the wall ; thence they force them, while embarrassed and dis- ordered ; and lastly, drove them back, routed and put to16 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 10. flight, to their camp. In the mean time it was announced that ambassadors had arrived from Rome; to meet whom messengers were sent to the sea-side by Hannibal, to tell them that they could not safely come to him through so many armed bands of savage tribes, and that Hannibal at such an important conjuncture had not leisure to listen to embassies. It was obvious that, if not admitted, they w^ould immediately repair to Carthage: he therefore sends letters and messengers beforehand to the leaders of the Barcine faction, to prepare the minds of their partisans, so that the other party might not be able in any thing to give an advantage to the Romans. 10. That embassy, therefore, excepting that the ambas- sadors were admitted and heard, proved likewise vain and fruitless. Hanno alone, in opposition to the rest of the Senate, pleaded the cause of the treaty, amidst deep silence on account of his authority, and not from the approbation of the audience. He said: that he had admonished and forewarned them by the gods, the arbiters and witnesses of treaties, that they should not send the son of Hamilcar to the army; that the manes, that the offspring of that man could not rest in peace, nor ever, while any one of the Barcine name and blood survived, would the Roman treaties continue undisturbed. "You, supplying as it were fuel to the flame, have sent to your armies a youth burning with the desire of sovereign power, and seeing but one road to his object, if by exciting war after war, he may live surrounded by arms and legions. You have therefore fostered this fire, in which you now burn. Your armies invest Saguntum, whence they are forbidden by the treaty: ere long the Roman legions will invest Carthage, under the guidance of those gods through whose aid they revenged in the former war the infraction of the treaty. Are you unacquainted with the enemy, or with yourselves, or with the fortune of either nation? Your good, general refused to admit into his camp ambassadors coming from allies and in behalf of allies, and set at nought the law of nations. They, however, after being there repulsed, where not even the ambassadors of enemies are prohibited admittance, come to you : they require res- titution according to the treaty; let not guilt attach toy.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 17 the state, they demand to have delivered up to them the author of the transgression, the person who is chargeable with this offense. The more gently they proceed—the slower they are to begin, the more unrelentingly, I fear, when they have once commenced, will they indulge resent- ment. Set before your eyes the islands ^Egates and Eryx, all that for twenty-four years ye have suffered by land and sea. Nor was this boy the leader, but his father Hamilcar himself, a second Mars, as these people would have it: but we had not refrained from Tarentum, that is, from Italy, according to the treaty; as now we do not refrain from Saguntum. The gods and men have, therefore, prevailed over us; and as* to that about which there was a dispute in words, whether of the two nations had infringed the treaty, the issue of war, like an equitable judge, hath awarded the victory to the party on whose side justice stood. It is against Carthage that Hannibal is now mov- ing his vinese and towers: it is the wall of Carthage that he is shaking with his battering-ram. The ruins of Sagun- tum (oh that I may prove a false prophet!) will fall on our heads: and the war commenced against the Saguntines must be continued against the Romans. Shall we, there- fore, some one will say, deliver up Hannibal ? In what re- lates to him I am aware that my authority is of little weight, on account of my enmity with his father. But I both rejoice that Hamilcar perished, for this reason, that, had he lived, we should have now been engaged in a war with the Romans ; and this youth, as the fury and fire- brand of this war,I hate and detest. Nor ought he only to be given up in atonement for the violated treaty; but even though no one demanded him, he ought to be transported to the extremest shores of earth or sea, and banished to a distance whence neither his name nor any tidings of him can reach us, and he be unable to disturb the peace of a tranquil state. I therefore give my opinion, that ambas- sadors be sent immediately to Rome to satisfy the Senate; others to tell Hannibal to lead away his army from Sagun- tum, and to deliver up Hannibal himself, according to the treaty to the Romans; and I propose a third embassy, to make restitution to the Saguntines." 11. When Hanno had concluded, there was no occa-18 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 11. sion for any one to contend with him in debate, to such a degree were almost all the Senators devoted to Hanni- bal ; and they accused Hanno of having spoken with more malignity than Flaccus Valerius, the Roman ambassador. It was then said, in answer to the Roman ambassadors, " that the war had been commenced by the Saguntines, not by Hannibal; and that the Roman people acted un- justly if they preferred the Saguntines to the most ancient1 alliance of the Carthaginians." While the Romans waste time in sending embassies, Hannibal, because his soldiers were fatigued with the battles and the works, allowed them rest for a few days, parties being stationed to guard the vineae and other works, In the mean time he inflames their minds, now by inciting their anger against the ene- my, now with the hope of reward. But when he declared before the assembled army, that the plunder of the cap- tured city should be given to the soldiers, to such a degree wrere they all excited, that if the signal had been immedi- ately given, it appeared that they could not have been re- sisted by any force. The Saguntines, as they had a res- pite from fighting, neither for some days attacking nor attacked, so they had not, by night or day, ever ceased from toiling, that they might repair anew the wall in the quarter where the town had been exposed by the breach. A still more desperate storming than the former then as- sailed them; nor, while all quarters resounded with vari- ous clamors, could they satisfactorily know wrhere first or principally they should lend assistance. Hannibal, as an encouragement, was present in person, where a movable tower, exceeding in height all the fortifications of the city, was urged forward. When, being brought up, it had cleared the walls of their defenders by means of the cata- pultse and ballistae ranged through all its stories, then Hannibal, thinking it a favorable opportunity, sends about five hundred Africans with pickaxes to undermine the wall: nor was the work difficult,since the unhewn stones were not fastened with lime, but filled in their interstices with clay, after the manner of ancient building. It fell, therefore, more extensively than it was struck, and through 1 Alluding to the first treaty made in the year that the kings were ex- pelled from Rome.Y.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. Id the open spaces of the rains troops of armed men 1-a shed into the city. They also obtain possession of a rising ground, and, having collected thither catapultse and ballis- tic, so that they might have a fort in the city itself, com- manding it like a citadel, they surround it with a wall; and the Saguntines raise an inner wall before the part of the city which was not yet taken. On both sides they ex- ert the utmost vigor in fortifying and fighting; but the Saguntines, by erecting these inner defenses, diminish daily the size of their city. • At the same time, the want of all supplies increased through the length of the siege, and the expectation of foreign aid diminished, since the Ro- mans, their only hope, were at such a distance, and all the country round was in the power of the enemy. The sud- den departure of Hannibal against the Oretani and Carpe- tani1 revived for a little their drooping spirits ; which two nations, though, exasperated by the severity of the levy, they had occasioned, by detaining the commissaries, the fear of a revolt, having been suddenly checked by the quick- ness of Hannibal, laid down the arms they had taken up. 12. Nor was the siege of Saguntum, in the mean time, less vigorously maintained; Maharbal, the son of Himilco, whom Hannibal had set over the army, carrying on opera- tions so actively that neither the townsmen nor their ene- mies perceived that the general was away. He both en- gaged in several successful battles, and with three batter- ing-rams overthrew a portion of the wall; and showed to Hannibal, on his arrival, the ground all covered with fresh ruins. The army was therefore immediately led against the citadel itself, and a desperate combat was commenced with much slaughter on both sides, and part of the citadel wras taken. The slight chance of a peace was then tried by two persons—Alcon a Saguntine, and Alorcus a Span- iard. Alcon, thinking he could effect something by en- treaties, having passed over, without the knowledge of the 1 The Carpetani have already been mentioned, chap. v. The Oretani, their neighbors, occupied the country lyiijg between the sources of the Baetis and the Anas, or what are now called the Guadalquiver and Gua- diana. In a part of Orospeda they deduced their name from a city called Oretum, the site of which has been brought to light in a paltry village to which the name of Oreto still remains.—UAnville.20 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 13. Saguntines, to Hannibal by niglit, when his tears pro- duced no effect, and harsh conditions were offered as from an exasperated conqueror, becoming a deserter in- stead of an advocate, remained with the enemy, affirming that the man would be put to death who shoulcl treat for peace on such terms. For it was required that they should make restitution to the Turdetani; and, aftei4 de- livering up all their gold and silver, departing from the city each with a single garment, should take up their dwelling where the Carthaginian should direct. Alcon having denied that the Saguntines would accept such terms of peace, Alorcus, asserting that when all else is subdued, the mind becomes subdued, offers himself as the proposer of that peace. Now at that time he was a sol- dier of Hannibal's, but publicly the friend and host of the Saguntines. Having openly delivered his weapon to the guards of the enemy and passed the fortifications, he was conducted, as he had himself requested, to the Saguntine praetor; whither, when there was immediately a general rush of every description of people, the rest of the multi- tude being removed, an audience of the Senate is given to Alorcus, whose speech was to the following effect: 13. "If your citizen Alcon, as he came to implore a peace from Hannibal, had in like manner brought back to you the terms of peace proposed by Hannibal, this jour- ney of mine would have been unnecessary; by which cir- cumstance I should not have had to come to you as the legate of Hannibal, nor as a deserter. Since he has re- mained with your enemies, either through your fault or his own (through his own, if he counterfeited fear; through yours, if among you there be danger to those who tell the truth), that you may not be ignorant that there are some terms of safety and peace for you, I have come to you in consideration of the ancient ties of hospitality which subsist between us. But that I speak what I ad- dress to you for your sake and that of no other, let even this be the proof: that neither while you resisted with your own strength, nor while you expected assistance from the Romans, did I ever make any mention of peace to you. But now, after you have neither any hope from the Romans, nor your own arms nor walls sufficiently de-y.r. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME, 21 fend you, I bring to you a peace rather, necessary than just: of effecting which there is thus some hope, if, as Hannibal offers it in the spirit of a conqueror, you listen to it as vanquished; if you will consider not what is taken from you as loss (since all belongs to the conquer- or), but whatever is left as a gift. He takes away from you your city, which, already for the greater part in ruins, he has almost wholly in his possession; he leaves you your territory, intending to mark out a place in which you may.build a new town; he commands that all gold and silver, both public and private, shall be brougBt to him; he preserves inviolate your persons and those of your wives and children, provided you are willing to de- part from Saguntum, unarmed, each with two garments. These terms a victorious enemy dictates. These, though harsh and grievous, your condition commends to you. Indeed I do not despair, when the power of every thing is given him, that he will remit something from these terms. But even these I think you ought rather to en- dure, than suffer, by the, rights of war, yourselves to be* slaughtered, your wives, and children to be ravished and dragged into captivity before your faces." 14. When an as&embly of the people, by the gradual crowding round of the multitude, had mingled with the Senate to hear these proposals, the chief men suddenly withdrawing before an answer was returned, and throw- ing all the gold and silver collected, both from public and private stores, into a fire hastily kindled for that purpose, the greater part flung themselves also into it. When the dismay and agitation produced by this deed had pervaded the whole city, another noise was heard, in addition from the citadel. A tower, long battered, had fallen down; and when a Carthaginian cohort, rushing through the breach, had made a signal to the general that the city was destitute of • the, usual outposts and guards, Hannibal, thinking that there ought to be no delay at such an op- portunity, having attacked the city with his whole forces, took it in a moment, command being given that all the adults should be put to death; which command, though cruel, was proved in the issue to have been almost neces- sary. For to whom of those men could mercy have been22 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi.,ciiap.16,16. shown, who either, shut up with their wives and children, burned their houses over their own heads, or abroad in arms made no end of fighting, except in death. 15. The town was taken, with immense spoil. Though the greater part of the goods had been purposely damaged by their owners, and resentment had made scarce any dis- tinction of age in the massacre, and the captives were the booty of the soldiers, still it appears that some money was raised from the price of the effects that were sold, and that much costly furniture and garments were sent to Carthage. Some have written that Saguntum was taken in the eighth month after it began to be besieged; that Hannibal then retired to New Carthage, into winter- quarters; and that in the fifth month after he had set out from Carthage he arrived in Italy. If this be so, it was impossible that Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Semproni- us could have been consuls, to whom both at the begin- ning of the siege the Saguntine ambassadors were dis- patched, and who, during their office, fought with Hanni- bal ; the one at the river Ticinus, and both some time af- ter at the Trebia. Either all these events took place in a somewhat shorter period, or Saguntum was not begun to be besieged, but taken at the beginning of the year in which Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius were consuls. For the battle at Trebia could not have been so late as the year of Cneius Servilius and Caius Flaminius, since Flaminius entered on the office at Arirninum, hav- ing been created by the consul Tiberius Sempronius; who, having repaired to Rome after the battle at Trebia for the purpose of creating consuls, returned when the election was finished to the army into winter-quarters. 16. Nearly about the same time, both the ambassadors who had returned from Carthage brought intelligence to Rome that all appearances were hostile, and the destruc- tion of Saguntum was announced. Then such grief, and pity for allies so undeservingly destroyed, and shame that aid was withheld, and rage against the Carthaginians, and fear for the issue of events, as if the enemy were already at the gates, took at once possession of the Senators, that their minds, disturbed by so many simultaneous emotions, trembled with fear rather than deliberated. For they con-y.r. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 23 sidered that neither had a more spirited or warlike enemy ever encountered them, nor had the Roman state been ever so sunk in sloth and unfit for war; that the Sardin- ians, the Corsicans, the Istrians, and the Ulyrians, had rath- er kept in a state of excitement than exercised the Ro- man arms; and with the Gauls it had been more proper- ly a tumult than a war. That the Carthaginian, a veter- an enemy, ever victorious during the hardest service for twenty-three years among the tribes of Spain, first trained to war under Hamilcar, then Hasdrubal, now Hannibal, a most active leader, and fresh from the destruction of a most opulent city, was passing the Iberus; that along with them he was bringing the numerous tribes of Spain al- ready aroused, and was about to excite the nations of Gaul, ever desirous of war; and that a war against the world was to be maintained in Italy and before the walls of Rome. 17. The provinces had already been previously named for the consuls ; and having been now ordered to cast lots for them, Spain fell to Cornelius, and Africa with Sicily to Sempronius. Six legions were decreed for that year, and as many of the allies as should seem good to the consuls, and as great a fleet as could be equipped. Twenty-four thousand Roman infantry were levied, and one thousand eight hundred horse: forty thousand infantry of the allies, and four thousand four hundred horse: two hundred and twenty ships of five banks of oars, and twenty light gal- leys, were launched. It was then proposed to the people v whether they willed and commanded that war should be declared against the people of Carthageand for the sake of that war a supplication was made through the city, and the gods were implored that the war which the Roman people had decreed might have a prosperous and fortunate issue. The forces were thus divided between the consuls. To Sempronius two legions were given (each of these consisted of four thousand infantry and three hundred horse), and sixteeti thousand of the infantry of the allies, and one thousand eight hundred horse : one hundred and sixty ships of war, and twelve light galleys. With these land and sea forces Tiberius Sempronius was dispatched to Sicily, in order to transport his army to Af-24 THE HISTORY OF HOME. [b. xxi., chap. 18. rica if the other consul should be able to prevent the Car- thaginian from invading Italy. Fewer troops were given to Cornelius, because Lucius Manlius, the praetor, also had been sent with no weak force into Gaul. The number of ships, in particular, was reduced to Cornelius. Sixty of five banks of oars were assigned to him (for they did not believe that the enemy would come by sea, or would fight after that mode of warfare), and two Roman legions with their regular cavalry, and fourteen thousand of the infan- try of the allies, with one thousand six hundred horse. The province of Gaul being not as yet exposed to the Car- thaginian invasion, had, in the same year, two Roman le- gions, ten thousand allied infantry, one thousand allied cavalry, and six hundred Roman. 18. These preparations having been thus made, in order that every thing that was proper might be done before they commenced war, they send Quintus Fabius, Marcus Livius, Lucius ^Emilius, Caius Licinius, and Quintus Rse- bius, men of advanced years, as ambassadors into Africa, to inquire of the Carthaginians if Hannibal had laid siege to Saguntum by public authority ; and if they should con- fess it, as it seemed probable they would, and defend it as done by,public authority, to declare war against the peo- ple of Carthage. After the Romans arrived at Carthage, when an audience of the Senate was given them* and Quin- tus Fabius had addressed no further inquiry than the one with which they had been charged^then one of the Car- thaginians replied: " Even your former embassy, O Ro- mans, was precipitate, when you denpanded Hannibal to ba given up, as attacking Saguntum ©n his own authority; but your present embassy, though so far milder in words, is in fact more severe. For then ^Hannibal was both ac- cused, and required to be delivered up; now both a con- fession of wrong is exacted from us§ and, as though we had confessed, restitution is immediately demanded. But I think that the question is not whether Saguntum was at- tacked by private or public authority, but whether it was with right or wrong. For in the case of our citizen, the right of inquiry, whether he has ac^ed by his own pleasure or ours, and the punishment also, ^elpngs to us. The-only dispute with you is, whether it\?as allowed to be done byr.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 25 the treaty. Since, therefore, it pleases you that a distinc- tion should be made between what commanders do by pub- lic authority, and what on their own suggestion, there was a treaty between us made by the consul Lutatius; in which, though provision was made for the allies of both, there is no provision made for the Saguntines, for they were not as yet your allies. But in that treaty which was made with Hasdrubal, the Saguntines are excepted ; against which I am going to say nothing but what I have learned from you. For you denied that you were bound by tb$ treaty which Caius Lutatius, the consul, first made with us, because that it had neither been made by the authority of the Senate nor the command of the people; and anoth- er treaty was therefore concluded anew by public authori- ty. If your treaties do not bind you unless they are made by your authority and your commands, neither can the treaty of Hasdrubal, which he made without our knowl- edge, be binding on us. Cease, therefore, to make men- tion of Saguntum and the Iberus, and let your mind at length bring forth that with which it has long been in la- bor." Then the Roman, having formed a fold in his robe, said, "Here we bring to you peace and war; take which you please." Gn this speech they exclaimed no less fierce- ly, in reply : " He might give which he chose;" and when he again, unfolding his robe, said " he gave war," they all answered that "they accepted it, and would maintain it with the same spirit with which they accepted it." 19. This direct inquiry and denunciation of war seemed more consistent with the dignity of the Roman people, both before and now, especially when Saguntum was de- stroyed, than to cavil in words about the obligation of treat- ies; for if it was a subject for a controversy of words, in what was the treaty of Hasdrubal to be compared with the former treaty of Lutatius, which was altered ? Since, in the treaty of Lutatius, it was expressly added," that it should only be held good if the people sanctioned it;" but in the treaty of Hasdrubal, neither was there any such exception; and that treaty during his life had been so established by the silence of so many years, that not even after the death of its author was any change made in it. Although even were they to abide by the former treaty, there had'been Vol.-II.—226 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 20. sufficient provision made for the Saguntines by excepting the allies of both states ; for neither was it added," those who then were," nor " those who should afterwards be ad- mitted and since it is allowable to admit new allies, who could think it proper, either that no people should be re- ceived for any services into friendship ? or that, being re- ceived under protection, they should not be defended ? It was only stipulated that the allies of the Carthaginians should not be excited to revolt, nor, revolting of their own accord, be received. The Roman ambassadors, according as they had been commanded at Home, passed over from Carthage into Spain, in order to visit the nations, and ei- ther to allure them into an alliance or dissuade them from joining the Carthaginians. They came first to the Bar- gusii, by whom having been received with welcome, because they were weary of the Carthaginian government, they ex- cited many of the states beyond the Iberus to the desire of a revolution. Thence they came to the Yolciani, whose reply being celebrated through Spain, dissuaded the other states from an alliance with the Romans ; for thus the old- est member in their council made answer: " What sense of shame have ye, Romans, to ask of us that we should prefer your friendship to that of the Carthaginians, when you, their allies, betrayed the Saguntines with greater cruelty than that with which the Carthaginians, their ene- mies, destroyed them ? There, methinks, you should look for allies, where the massacre of Saguntum is unknown. The ruins of Saguntum will remain a warning as melan- choly as memorable to the states of Spain, that 110 one should confide in the faith or alliance of Rome." Having been then commanded to depart immediately from the ter- ritory of the Volciani, they afterwards received no kinder words from any of the councils of Spain: they therefore pass into Gaul, after having gone about through Spain to 110 purpose. 1 20. Among the Gauls a new and alarming spectacle was seen, by reason of their coming (such is the custom of the nation) in arms to the assembly. When, extolling in their discourse the renown and valor of the Roman people, and the wide extent of their empire, they had requested that they would refuse a passage through their territory andY.B. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 27 cities to the Carthaginian invading Italy, such laughter and yelling is said to have arisen that the youths were with difficulty composed to order by the magistrates and old men. So absurd and shameless did the request seem, to propose that the Gauls, rather than suffer the war to pass on to Italy, should turn it upon themselves and expose their own lands to be laid waste iustead of those of others. When the tumult was at length allayed, answer was re- turned to the ambassadors, " that they had neither experi- enced good from the Romans, nor wrong from the Cartha- ginians, on account of which they should either take up arms in behalf of the Romans, or against the Carthagini- ans* On the contrary, they had heard that men of their nation hadj)een driven from the lands and confines of Italy by the Roman people, that they had to pay a tribute, and suffered other indignities." Nearly the same was said and heard in the other assemblies of Gaul; nor did they hear any thing friendly or pacific before they came to Mar- seilles. There, every thing found out by the care and fidelity of the allies was made known to them—" that the minds of the Gauls had been already prepossessed by Han- nibal, but that not even by him would that nation be found very tractable (so fierce and untamable are their disposi- tions), unless the affections of the chiefs should every now and then be conciliated with gold, of which that people am most covetous." Having thus gone round through the tribes of Spain and Gaul, the ambassadors return to Rome not long after the consuls had set out for their provinces. They found the whole city on tiptoe in expectation of war, the report being sufficiently confirmed that the Carthagin ians had already passed the Iberus. 21. Hannibal, after the taking of Saguntum,had retired to New Carthage into winter-quarters; and there,having heard what had been done and decreed at Rome and Car- thage, and that he was not only the leader, but also the cause of the war, after having divided and sold the remains of the plunder, thinking there ought to be bo longer delay, he calls together and thus addresses his soldiers of the Spanish race: " I believe, allies, that even you yourselves perceive that, all the tribes of Spain having been reduced to peace, we must either conclude our campaigns and dis-28 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 21. band our armies, or transfer the war into other regions: for thus these nations will flourish amidst the blessings not only of peace, but also of victory, if we seek from other countries spoils and renown. Since, therefore, a campaign far from home soon awaits you, and it is uncertain when you shall again see your homes, and all that is there dear to you, if any one of you wishes to visit his friends, I grant him leave of absence. I give you orders to be here at the beginning of spring, that, with the good assistance of the gods, we may enter on a war which will prove one of great glory and spoil." This power of visiting their homes, vol- untarily offered, was acceptable to almost all, already long- ing to see their friends, and foreseeing in future a still longer absence. Repose through the whole season of win- ter, between toils already undergone and those that were soon to be endured, repaired the vigor of their bodies and minds to encounter ail difficulties afresh. At the begin- ning of spring they assembled according to command. Hannibal, when he had reviewed the auxiliaries of all the nations, having gone to Gades, performs his vows to Her- Gules; and binds himself by new vows, provided his other projects should have a prosperous issue. Then dividing his eare at the same time between the offensive and de- fensive operations of the war, lest while he was advancing on Italy by a land journey through Spain and Gaul, Africa should be unprotected and exposed to the. Romans from Sicily, he resolved to strengthen it with a powerful force. For this purpose he requested a reinforcement from Afri- ca, chiefly of light-armed spearmen, in order that the Afri- cans might serve in Spain, and the Spaniards in Africa, each likely to be a better soldier at a distance from home, as if bound by mutual pledges. He sent into Africa thirteen thousand eight hundred and fifty targeteers, eight hun- dred and seventy Balearic slingers, and one thousand two hundred horsemen, composed of various nations. He or- ders these forces partly to be used as a garrison for Car- thage, and partly to be distributed through Africa: at the same time having sent commissaries into the different states, he orders four thousand chosen youth whom they had levied to be conducted to Carthage, both as a garrison and as hostages.JT.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 529 22. Thinking also that Spain ought not to be neglected (and the less because he was aware that it had been trav- ersed by the Roman ambassadors, to influence the minds of the chiefs), he assigns that province to his brother Has- drubal, a man of active spirit, and strengthens him chiefly with African troops: eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty African infantry, three hundred Ligurians, and five hundred Balearians. To these forces of infantry were add- ed four hundred horsemen of the Libyphoenicians, a mixed race of Carthaginians and Africans; of the Numidians and Moors, who border on the ocean, to the number of one thousand eight hundred, and a small band of Ilergetes from Spain, amounting'to two hundred horse; and, that no description of land force might be wanting, fourteen elephants. A fleet was given him besides to defend the sea-coast (because it might be supposed that the Romans would then fight in the same mode of warfare by which they had formerly prevailed), fifty quinqueremes, two quadriremes, five triremes; but only thirty-two quinque- remes and five triremes were properly fitted out and man- ned with rowers. From Gades he returned to the wiiiter- quarters of the army at Carthage; and thence setting out, he ted his forces by the city Etovissa to the Iberus and the sea-coast. There, it is reported, a youth of divine aspect was seen by him in his sleep, who said, " that he was sent by Jupiter as the guide of Hannibal into Italy, and that he should, therefore, follow him, nor in any direction turn his eyes away from him." At first he followed in terror, look- ing nowhere, either around or behind: afterwards, through the curiosity of the human mind, when he revolved in his mind what that could be on which he was forbidden to look back, he could not restrain his eyes; then he beheld behind him a serpent of wonderful size moving along with an immense destruction of trees and bushes, and after it a cloud following with ihunderings from the skies; and that then inquiring " what was that great commotion, and what the cause of the prodigy;" he heard in reply: " That it was the devastation of Italy: that he should continue to advance forward, nor inquire further, but suffer the fates to remain in obscurity." 23. Cheered by this vision, he transported his forces in30 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [a. xxr., chap. 24. three divisions across the Iberus, having sent emissaries before him to conciliate by gifts the minds of the Gauls, in the quarter through which his army was to be led, and to examine the passes of the Alps. He led ninety thou- sand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry across the Ibe- rus. He then subdued the Ilergetes, the Bargusii, the Ausetani, and that part of Lacetania which lies at the foot of the Pyrenaean mountains; and he placed Hanno in command over all this district, that the narrow gorges which connect Spain with Gaul might be under his power. Ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry were given to Hanno for the defense of the country he was to occupy. After the army began to march through the passes of the Pyrenees, and a more certain rumor of the Roman war spread through the barbarians, three thousand of the Car- petanian infantry turned back: it clearly appeared that they were not so much swayed by the prospect of the war as by the length of the journey and the insuperable pas- sage of the Alps. Hannibal, because it was hazardous to recall or detain them by force, lest the fierce minds of the rest might also be irritated, sent home above seven thou- sand men, whom also he had observed to be annoyed with the service, pretending that the Carpetani had also been dismissed by him. 24. Then, lest delay and ease might unsettle their minds, he crosses the Pyrenees with the rest of his forces, and pitches his camp at the town Illiberis. The Gauls, though they had heard that the war was directed against Italy, yet because there was a report that the Spaniards on the other side of the Pyrenees had been reduced by force, and that strong forces had been imposed on them, being roused to arms through the fear of slavery, assem- bled certain tribes at Ruscino. When this was an- nounced to Hannibal, he, having more fear of the delay than of the war, sent envoys to say to tneir princes, " that lie wished to confer with them; and that they should ei- ther come nearer to Illiberis, or that he would proceed to Ruscino, that their meeting might be facilitated by vicin- ity; for that he would either be happy to receive them into his camp, or wottld himself without hesitation come to them; since he had entered Gaul as a friend, and noty.r. 534.] THE* HISTORY OF HOME. 31 as an enemy, and would not draw the sword, if the Gauls did not force him, before he came to Italy." These pro- posals, indeed, were made by his messengers. But when the princes of the Gauls, having immediately moved their camp to Illiberis, came without reluctance to the Cartha- ginian, being won by his presents, they suffered his army to pass through their territories, by the town of Ruscino, without any molestation. 25. In the mean time no further intelligence had been brought into Italy to Rome by the ambassadors of Mar- seilles than that Hannibal had passed the Iberus; when the Boii, as if he had already passed the Alps, revolted af- ter instigating the Insubrians ; not so much through their ancient resentment towards the Roman people as on ac- count of their having felt aggrieved that the colonies of Placentia and Cremona had been lately planted in the Gallic territory about the Po. Having, therefore, sudden- ly taken up arms, and made an attack on that very terri- tory, they created so much of terror and tumult, that not only the rustic population, but even the Roman triumvirs, Caius Lutatius, Caius Servilius, and Titus Anmus, who had come to assign the lands, distrusting the walls of Pla- centia, fled to Mutina. About the name of Lutatius there is no doubt: in place of Caius Servilius and Titus Annius some annals have Quintus Acilius and Caius Herennius; others Publius Cornelius Asina and Caius Papirius Maso. This point is also uncertain, whether the ambassadors sent to expostulate to the Boii suffered violence, or wheth- er an attack was made on the triumvirs while measuring out the lands. While they were shut up in Mutina, and a people unskilled in the arts of besieging towns, and, at the same time, most sluggish at military operations, lay inactive before the walls, which they had not touched, pretended proposals for a peace were set on foot; and the ambassadors, beiag invited out to a conference by the chiefs of the Gauls, are seized, not only contrary to the law of nations, but in violation of the faith which was pledged on that very occasion—the Gauls denying that they would set them free unless their hostages were re- stored to them. When this intelligence respecting the ambassadors was announced, and that Mutina and its32 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 26. garrison were in danger, Lucius Manlius, the praetor* in- flamed with rage, led his army in haste to Mutina... There were then woods on both sides of the road, most of the country being uncultivated. There, having advanced without previously exploring his route, he fell suddenly into an ambuscade; and after much slaughter of his men, with difficulty made his way into the open plains. Here a camp was fortified, and because confidence was wanting to the Gauls to attack it, the spirit of the soldiers revived, although it was sufficiently evident that their strength was much clipped. The journey was then commenced anew; nor while the army was led in march through the open tracts did the enemy appear; but when the woods were again entered, then attacking the rear, amidst great confusion and alarm of all, they slew eight hundred sol- diers, and took six standards. There was an end to the Gauls of creating, and to the Romans of experiencing ter- ror, when they escaped from the pathless and entangled thicket; then easily defending their march through the open ground, the Romans directed their course to Tane- tura, a village near the Po; where, by a temporary fortifi - cation, and the supplies conveyed by the river, and also by the aid of the Brixian Gauls, they defended themselves against the daily increasing multitude of their enemies. 26. When the account of this sudden disturbance :was brought to Rome, and the Senators heard that the Punic had also been increased by a Gallic war, they order Caius Atilius, the praetor, to carry assistance to Manlius with one Roman legion and five thousand of the allies, en- rolled in the late levy by the consul, who without any con- test, for the enemy had retired through fear, arrived at Tanetum. At the same time Publius Cornelius, a new le- gion having been levied in the room of that which was sent with the praetor, setting out from the city with sixty ships of war,by the coast of Etruria an#Liguria, and then the mountains of the Salves, arrived at Marseilles, and pitched his camp at the nearest mouth of the Rhone (for the stream flows down to the sea divided into several channels), scarcely as yet well believing that Hannibal had crossed the Pyrenaean mountains; whom, when he ascer- tained to be also meditating the passage of the Rhone, uu«y.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 33 certain in what place he might meet him, his soldiers not yet being sufficiently recovered from the tossing of the sea, he sends forward in the mean time three hundred chosen horses, with Massilian guides and Gallic auxiliaries, to explore all the country, and observe the enemy from a safe distance. Hannibal, the other states being pacified by fear or bribes, had now come into the-territory of the Yolcae, a powerful nation. They, indeed, dwell on both sides of the Rhone; but doubting that the Carthaginian could be driven from the hither bank, in order that they might have the river as a defense, having transported al- most all their effects across the Rhone, occupied in arms the farther bank of the river. Hannibal, by means of pres- ents, persuades the other inhabitants of the river-side, and some even of the Volcse themselves, whom their homes had detained, to collect from every quarter and build ships; and they at the same time themselves desired that the army should be transported, and their country relieved, as soon as possible, from the vast multitude of men that burdened it. A great number, therefore, of ships and boats, rudely formed for the neighboring passages, were collected together; and the Gauls, first beginning the plan, hollowed out some new ones from single trees; and then the soldiers themselves, at once induced by the plenty of materials and the easiness of the work, hastily formed shapeless hulks, in which they could transport themselves and their baggage, caring about nothing else, provided they could float and contain their burden. 27. And now, when all things were sufficiently prepared for crossing, the enemy over against them occupying the whole bank, horse and foot, deterred them. In order to dislodge them, Hannibal orders Hanno, the son of Bomil- car, at the first watch of the night, to proceed with a part of the forces, principally Spanish, one day's journey up the river; and having crossed it where he might first be able, as secretly as possible, to lead round his forces, that when the occasion required he might attack the enemy in the rear. The Gauls, given him as guides for the purpose, inform him that about twenty^five hiiles from thence, the river, spreading round a small island, broader where it was divided, and'therefore with a shallower channel,, presented 2*34 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 28. a passage. At this place timber was quickly cut down and rafts formed, on which men, horses, and other burdens might be conveyed over. The Spaniards, without making any difficulty, having put their clothes in bags of leather, and themselves leaning on their bucklers, placed beneath them, swam across the river. And the rest of the army, after passing on the rafts joined together, and pitching their camp near the river, being fatigued by the journey of the night and the labor of the work, are refreshed by the rest of one day, their leader being anxious to execute his design at a proper season. Setting out next day from this place, they signify by raising a smoke that they had crossed, and were not far distant; which when Hannibal understood, that he might not be wanting on the opportu- nity, he gives the signal for passing. The infantry al- ready had the boats prepared and fitted; a line of ships higher up transporting the horsemen for the most part near their horses swimming beside them, in order to break the force of the current, rendered the water smooth to the boats crossing below. A great part of the horses were led across swimming, held by bridles from the stern, except those which they put on board saddled and bridled, in order that they might be ready to be used by the rider the moment he disembarked on the strand. 28. The Gauls run down to the bank to meet them with various whoopings and songs, according to their custom, shaking their shields above their heads, and brandishing their weapons in their right hands, although such a multi- tude of ships in front of them alarmed them, together with the loud roaring of the river, and the mingled clam- ors of the sailors and soldiers, both those who were striv- ing to break through the force of the current and those who from the other bank were encouraging their com- rades on their passage. While sufficiently dismayed by this tumult in front, more terrifying shouts from behind assailed them, their camp having been taken by Hanno; presently he himself came up, and a twofold terror encbm- passed them, both such a multitude of armed men landing from the ships, and this unexpected army pressing on their rear. When the Gauls, having made a prompt and bold effort to force the enemy, were themselves repulsed,y.r. 534.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 35 they break through where a way seemed most open, and fly in consternation to their villages around. Hannibal, now despising these tumultuary onsets of the Gauls, hav- ing transported the rest of his forces at leisure, pitches his camp. I believe that there were various plans for trans- porting the elephants; at least there are various accounts of the way in which it was done. Some relate that, af- ter the elephants were assembled together on the bank, the fiercest of them? being provoked by his keeper, pur- sued him as he swam across the water, to which he had run for refuge, and drew after him the rest of the herd ; the mere force of the stream hurrying them to the other bank, when the bottom had failed each, fearful of the depth. But there is more reason to believe that they were conveyed across on rafts; which plan, as it must have appeared the safer before execution, is after it the more entitled to credit. They extended from the bank into the river one raft two hundred feet long and fifty broad, which, fastened higher up by several strong cables to the bank, that it might not be carried down by the stream, they covered, like a bridge, with earth thrown upon it, so that the beasts might tread upon it without fear, as over solid ground. Another raft equally broad, and a hundred feet long, fit for crossing the river, was joined to this first; and when the elephants, driven along the stationary raft as along a road, had passed, the females leading the way, on to the smaller raft which was joined to it, the lashings, by which it was slightly fastened, being immediately let go, it was drawn by some light boats to the opposite side. The first having been thus landed, the rest were then returned for and carried across. They gave no signs of alarm whatever while they were driven along, as it were, on a continuous bridge. The first fear was when, the raft being loosed from the rest, they were hurried into the deep. Then pressing together, as those at the edges drew back from the water, they produced some disorder, till mere terror, when they saw water all around, produced quiet. Some, indeed, becoming infuria- ted, fell into the river; but, steadied by their own weight, having thrown off their riders, and seeking step by step the shallows, they escaped to the shore.36 THE HISTORY OE ROME. [b.xxi.,chap.29,3(X 29. While the elephants were conveyed over, Hannibal, in the mean time, had sent five hundred Numidian horse- men towards the camp of the Romans, to observe where and how numerous their forces were, and what they were designing. The three hundred Roman horsemen sent, as was before said, from the mouth of the Rhone, meet this band of cavalry; and a more furious engagement than could be expected from the number of the combatants takes place. For, besides many wounds, the loss on both sides was also nearly equal; and the flight and dismay of the Numidians gave victory to the Romans, now exceed- ingly fatigued. There fell of the conquerors one hundred and sixty, not all Romans, but partly Gauls: of the van- quished more than two hundred. This commencement, and at the same time omen of the war, as it portended to the Romans a prosperous issue of the whole, so did it also the success of a doubtful and by no means bloodless con- test. When, after the action had thus occurred, his own men returned to each general, Scipio could adopt no fixed plan of proceeding, except that he should form his meas- ures from the plans and undertakings of the enemy; and Hannibal, uncertain whether he should pursue the march he had commenced into Italy, or fight with the Roman army which had first presented itself, the arrival of ambas- sadors from the Boii, and of a petty prince called Maga- lus, diverted from an immediate engagement, who, declar- ing that they would be the guides of his journey and the companions of his dangers, gave it as their opinion that Italy ought to be attacked with the entire force of the war, his strength having been nowhere previously impair- ed. The troops indeed feared the enemy, the remem- brance of the former war not being yet obliterated; but much more did they dread the immense journey and the Alps, a thing formidable by report, particularly to the in- experienced. j 30. Hannibal, therefore, when his own resolution was fix^d to proceed in his course and advance on Italy, hav- ing summoned an assembly, works upon the minds of the soldiers in various ways, by reproof and exhortation. He said that " he wondered what sudden fear had seized breasts ever before undismayed; that through so manyy.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 37 years they had made their campaigns with conquest; nor had departed from Spain before all the nations and coun- tries which two opposite seas embrace were subjected to the Carthaginians. That then, indignant that the Romans demanded those, whosoever had besieged Saguntum, to be delivered up to them, as on account of a crime, they had passed the Iberus to blot out the name of the Romans, and to emancipate the world. That then the way seemed long to no one, though they were pursuing it from the setting to the rising of the sun. That now, when they saw by far the greater part of their journey accomplished, the passes of the Pyrenees surmounted, amidst the most ferocious na- tions, the Rhone, that mighty river, crossed, in spite of the opposition of so many thousand Gauls, the fury of the riv- er itself having been overcome, when they had the Alps in sight, the other side of which was Italy, should they halt through weariness at the very gates of the enemy, imagin- ing the Alps to be—what else than lofty mountains ? That supposing them to be higher than the summits of the Pyrenees, assuredly no part of the earth reached the sky, nor was insurmountable by mankind. The Alps, in fact, were.inhabited and cultivated—produced and supported living beings. Were they passable by a few men and im- passable to armies ? That those very ambassadors whom they saw before them had not crossed the Alps borne aloft through the air on wings; neither were their ances- tors indeed natives of the soil, but settling in Italy front foreign countries, had often as emigrants safely crossed these very Alps in immense bodies, with their wives and children. To the armed soldier, carrying nothing with him but the instruments of war, what in reality was im- pervious or insurmountable? That Saguntum might be taken, what dangers, what toils were for eight months un- dergone ! Now, when their aim was Rome, the capital of the world, could any thing appear so dangerous or difficult as to delay their undertaking ? That the Gauls had former- ly gained possession of that very country which the Car- thaginian despairs of being able to approach. That they must, therefore, either yield in spirit and valor to that na- tion which they had so often during those times overcome; or look forward, as the end of their journey, to the plain38 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 31. which spreads between the Tiber and the walls of Rome." 31. He orders them, roused by these exhortations, to re- fresh themselves and prepare for the journey. Next day, proceeding upward along the bank of the Rhone, he makes for the inland part of Gaul: not because it was the more direct route to the Alps, but believing that the farther he retired from the sea, the Romans would be less in his way; with whom, before he arrived in Italy, he had no intention of engaging. After four days' march he came to the Isl- and : there the streams of the Arar and the Rhone, flowing down from different branches of the Alps, after embracing a pretty large tract of country, flow into one. The name of the Island is given to the plains that lie between them. The Allobroges dwell near, a nation even in those days in- ferior to none in Gaul in power and fame. They were at that time at variance. Two brothers were contending for the sovereignty. The elder, named Brancus, who had be- fore been king, was driven out by his younger brother and a party of the younger men, who, inferior in right, had more of power. When the decision of this quarrel was most opportunely referred to Hannibal, being appointed arbitra- tor of the kingdom, he restored the sovereignty to the eld- er, because such had been the opinion of the Senate and the chief men. In return for this service, he was assisted with a supply of provisions, and plenty of all necessaries, particularly clothing, which the Alps, notorious for ex- treme cold, rendered necessary to be prepared. ; After composing the dissensions of the Allobroges, when he now was proceeding to the Alps, he directed his course thither, not by the straight road, but turned to the left into the country of the Tricastini; thence, by the extreme bounda- ry of the territory of the Vocontii, he proceeded to the Tricorii, his way not being anywhere obstructed till he came to the river Druentia. This stream, also arising amidst the Alps, is by far the most difficult to pass of all the rivers in Gaul; for though it rolls down an immense body of water, yet it does not admit of ships; because, being restrained by no banks, and flowing in several and not always the same channels, and continually forming new shallows and new whirlpools (on which account thet.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 39 passage is also uncertain to a person on foot), and rolling down besides gravelly stones, it affords no firm or safe passage to those who enter it; and having been at.that time swollen by showers, it created great disorder among the soldiers as they crossed, when, in addition to other difficulties, they were of themselves confused by their own liurry and uncertain shouts. 32. Publius Cornelius the consul, about three days after Hannibal moved from the bank of the Rhone, had come to the camp of the enemy, with his army drawn up in square, intending to make no delay in fighting; but when he saw the fortifications deserted, and that he could not easily come up with them so far in advance before him, he return- ed to the sea and his fleet, in order more easily and safely to encounter Hannibal when descending from the Alps. But that Spain, the province which he had obtained by lot, might not be destitute of Roman auxiliaries, he sent his brother Cneius Scipio, with the principal part of his forces, against Hasdrubal, not only to defend the old allies and conciliate new, but also to drive Hasdrubal out of Spain. He himself, with a very small force, returned to Genoa, intending to defend Italy with the army which was around the Po. From the Druentia, by a road that lay principal- ly through plains, Hannibal arrived at the Alps without molestation from the Gauls that inhabit those regions. Then, though the scene had been previously anticipated from report (by which uncertainties are wont to be. exag- gerated), yet the height of the mountains when viewed so near, and the snows almost mingling with the sky, the shapeless huts situated on the cliffs, the cattle and beasts 'vf burden withered by the cold, the men unshorn and wildly dressed, all things, animate and inanimate, stiffened with frost, and other objects more terrible to be seen than described, renewed their alarm. To them, marching up the first acclivities, the mountaineers appeared occupying the heights overhead; who, if they had occupied the more concealed valleys, might, by rushing out suddenly to the attack, have occasioned great flight and havoc. Hannibal orders them to halt, and having sent forward Gauls to view the ground, when he found there was no passage that way, he pitches his camp in the widest valley he could find,AO THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi.r chap. 33. among places all rugged and precipitous. Then, having learned from the same Gauls, when they had mixed in con- versation with the mountaineers, from whom they differed little in language and manners, that the pass was only be- set during the day, and that at night each withdrew to his own dwelling, he advanced at the dawn to the heights, as if designing openly and by day to force his way through the defile. The day then being passed in feigning a dif- ferent attempt from that which was in preparation, when they had fortified the camp in the same place where they- had halted, as soon as he perceived that the mountaineei s had descended from the heights, and that the guards were withdrawn, having lighted for show a greater number of fires than was proportioned to the number that remained, and having left the baggage in the camp, with the cavalry and the principal part of the infantry, he himself with a party of light-armed, consisting of all the most courageous of his troops, rapidly cleared the defile, and took post on those very heights which the enemy had occupied. 33. At dawn of light the next day the camp broke up, and the rest of the army began to move forward. The mountaineers, on a signal being given, were now assem- bling from their forts to their usual station, when they suddenly behold part of the enemy overhanging them from above, in possession of their former position, and the others passing along the road. Both these objects, pre- sented at the same time to the eye and the mind, made them stand motionless for a little while; but when they aftevwards saw the confusion in the pass, and that the marching body was thrown into disorder by the tumult which itself created, principally from the horses being ter- rified, thinking that whatever* terror they added would suf- fice for the destruction of the enemy, they scramble along the dangerous rocks, as being accustomed alike to pathless and circuitous ways. Then indeed the Carthaginians were opposed at once by the enemy and by the difficulties of the ground ; and each striving to escape first from* the dan- ger, there was more fighting among themselves than with their opponents. The horses, in particular, created danger in the lines, which, being terrified by the discordant clam- ors which the groves and re-echoing, valleys augmented,Y.it. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 41 fell into confusion; and if by chance struck or wounded, they were so dismayed that they occasioned a great loss both of men and baggage of every description : and as the pass on both sides was broken and precipitous, this tumult threw many down to an immense depth, some even of the armed men; but the beasts of burden, with their loads, were rolled down like the fall of some vast fabric. Though these disasters were shocking to view, Hannibal, however, kept his place for a little, and kept his men together, lest he might augment the tumult and disorder; but afterwards, when he saw the line broken, and that there "was danger that he should bring over his army preserved to no pur- pose if deprived of their baggage, he hastened down from the higher ground ; and though he had routed the enemy by the first onset alone, he at the same time increased the disorder in his own army : but that tumult was composed in a moment, after the roads were cleared by the flight of the mountaineers; and presently the whole army was con- ducted through, not only without being disturbed, but al- most in silence. He then took a fortified place, which was the capital of that district, and the little villages that lay around it, and fed his army for three days with the corn and cattle he had taken; and during these three days, as the soldiers were neither obstructed by the mountaineers, who had been daunted by the first engagement, nor yet much by the ground, he made considerable way. 34. He then came to another state, abounding, for a mountainous country, with inhabitants; where he was nearly overcome, not by open war, but by his own arts of treachery and ambuscade. Some old men, governors of forts, came as deputies to the Carthaginian, professing, " that having been warned by the useful example of the calamities of others, they wished rather to experience the friendship than the hostilities of the Carthaginians: they would, therefore, obediently execute his commands, and begged that he would accept of a supply of provisions, guides of his march, and hostages for the sincerity of their promises." Hannibal, when he had answered them in a friendly manner, thinking that they should neither be rash- ly trusted nor yet rejected, lest if repulsed they might openly become enemies, having received the hostages42 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 35. whom they proffered, and made use of the provisions which they of their own accord brought down to the road, follows their guides, by no means as among a people with whom he was at peace, but with his line of march in close order. The elephants and cavalry formed the van of the marching body ; he himself, examining every thing around, and intent on every circumstance, followed with the choic- est of the infantry. When they came into a narrower pass, lying on one side beneath an overhanging eminence, the barbarians, rising at once on all sides from their ambush, assail them in front and rear, both at close quarters and from a distance, and roll down huge stones on the army. The most numerous body of men pressed on the rear; against whom the infantry facing about and directing their attack made it very obvious that, had not the rear of the army been well supported, a great loss must have been sustained in that pass. Even as it was, they came to the extremity of danger, and almost to destruction; for while Hannibal hesitates to lead down his division into the defile, because, though he himself was a protection to the cavalry, he had not in the same way left any aid to the in- fantry in the rear; the mountaineers, charging obliquely, and on having broken through the middle of the army, took possession of the road ; and one night was spent by Hannibal without his cavalry and baggage. .. 35. Next day, the barbarians running in to the attack between (the two divisions) less vigorously, the forces were reunited, and the defile passed, not without loss, but yet with a greater destruction of beasts of burden than of men. From that time the mountaineers fell upon them in ^mailer parties, more like an attack of robbers than war, sometimes on the van, sometimes on the rear, according as the ground afforded them advantage, or stragglers ad- vancing or loitering gave them an opportunity. Though the elephants were driven through «teep and narrow roads with great loss of time, yet wherever they went they ren- dered the army safe from the enemy, because men unac- quainted with such animals were afraid of approaching too nearly. On the ninth day they came to a summit of the Alps, chiefly through places trackless; and after many mistakes of their way, which were caused either by they.K.534.] , ^ THE HISTORY OF ROME. 43 treachery of the guides, or, when they were not trusted, by entering valleys at random on their own conjectures of the route. For two days they remained encamped on the summit; and rest was given to the soldiers, exhausted with toil and fighting; and several beasts of burden, which had fallen down among the rocks, by following the track of the army arrived at the camp. A fall of snow, it being now the season of the setting of the constellation of the Pleiades, caused great fear to the soldiers, already worn out with weariness of so many hardships. On the standards being moved forward at day-break, when the army proceeded slowly over all places entirely blocked up with snow, and languor and despair strongly appeared in the countenances of all, Hannibal, having advanced before the standards, and ordered the soldiers to halt on a cer- tain eminence, whence there was a prospect far and wide, points out to them Italy and the plains of the Po, extend- ing themselves beneath the Alpine mountains; and said " that they were now surmounting not only the ramparts of Italy, but also of the city of Rome; that the rest of the journey would be smooth and down-hill; that after one, or, at most, a second battle, they would have the citadel and capital of Italy in their power and possession." The army then began to advance, the enemy now making no attempts beyond petty thefts, as opportunity offered. But the journey proved much more difficult than it had been in the ascent, as the declivity of the Alps, being generally shorter on the side of Italy, is consequently steeper; for nearly all the road was precipitous, narrow, and slippery, so that neither those who made the least stumble could fire vent themselves from falling, nor, when fallen, remain in the same place, but rolled, both men and beasts of bur- den, one upon another. 36. They then came to a rock much more narrow, and formed of such perpendicular ledges that a light-armed soldier, carefully making the attempt, and clinging with his hands to the bushes and roots around, could with diffi- culty lower himself down;- The ground, even before very steep by nature, had been broken by a recent falling away of the earth into a precipice of nearly a thousand feet in depth. Here when the cavalry had halted, as if at the44 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 37; end of their journey, it is announced to Haiinibal, wonder- ing what obstructed the march, that the rock was impass- able. Having then gone himself to view the place, it seemed clear to him that he must lead his army round it, by however great a circuit, through the pathless and un- trodden regions around. But this route also proved im- practicable; for while the new snow of a moderate depth remained on the old, which had not been removed, their footsteps were planted with ease as they walked upon the new snow, which was soft and not too deep; but when it was dissolved by the trampling of so many men and beasts of burden, they then walked on the bare ice belowj and through the dirty fluid formed by the melting snow. Here there was a wretched struggle, both on account of the slippery ice not affording any hold to the step, and giving way beneath the foot more readily by reason of the slope; and whether they assisted themselves in rising by their hands or their knees, their supports themselves giving way, they would tumble again ; nor were there any stumps or roots near by pressing against which one might with hand or foot support himself; so that they only floundered on the smooth ice and amidst the melted snow. The beasts of burden sometimes also cut into this lower ice by merely treading upon it, at others they broke it completely through, by the violence with which they struck in their hoofs in their struggling, so that most of them, as if taken in a trap, stuck in the hardened and deeply frozen ice. 37. At length, after the men and beasts of burden had been fatigued to no purpose, the camp was pitched on the sumrtiit, the ground being cleared for that purpose with great difficulty, so much sn6w was there to be dug out and carried away. The soldiers being then set to make a way down the cliff, by which alone a passage could be ef- fected, and it being necessary that they should cut through the rocks, having felled and lopped a number of large trees which grew around, they make a huge pile of tim- ber; and as soon as a strong wind fit for exciting the flames arose, they set fire to it, and, pouring vinegar on the heated stones, they render them soft and crumbling. They then open a way with iron instruments throughy.r. »534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 45 the rock thus heated by the fire, and soften its declivities by gentle windings, so that not only the beasts of burden, but also the elephants, could be led down it. Four days were spent about this rock, the beasts nearly perishing through hunger; for the summits of the mountains are for the most part bare, and if there is any pasture the snows bury it. The lower parts contain valleys, and some sunny hills, and rivulets flowing beside woods, and scenes more worthy of the abode of man. There the beasts of burden were sent out to pasture, and rest given for three days to the men, fatigued with forming the passage: they then descended into the plains, the country and the dispositions of the inhabitants being now less rugged. 38. In this manner chiefly they came to Italy, in the fifth month (as some authors relate) after leaving New Carthage, having crossed the Alps in fifteen days. What number of forces Hannibal had when he had passed into Italy is by no means agreed upon by authors. Those who state them at the highest, make mention of a hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse; those who state them at the lowest, of twenty thousand foot and six thousand horse. Lucius Cincius Alimentus, who relates that he was made prisoner by Hannibal, would influence me most as an Authority, did he not confound the number by adding the Gauls and Ligurians. Including these (who, it is more probable, flocked to him afterwards, and so some authors assert), he says that eighty thousand foot and ten thousand horse wTere brought into Italy; and that he had heard from Hannibal himself that, after crossing the Rhone, he had lost thirty-six thousand men, and an im- mense number of horses and other beasts of burden, among the Taurini, the next nation to the Gauls, as he de- scended into Italy. As this circumstance is agreed on by all, I &iti the more surprised that it should be doubtful by what road he crossed the Alps; and that it should com- monly be believed that he passed over the Pennine mount- ain, and that thence1 the name was given to that ridge of the Alps. Ccelius says that he passed over the top of Mount Cremo; both which passes would have brought him, not to the Taurini, but through tfce Salassian mount- 1 From Pcenus, Carthaginian.46 THE HISTORY OF IiOME. [b. xxi., chap. 39. aineers to the Libuan Gauls. Neither is it probable that these roads into Gaul were then open, especially since those which lead to the Pennine mountain would have been blocked up by nations half German; nor by Hercules (if this argument has weight with any one) do the Vera- gri, the inhabitants of this ridge, know of the name being given to these mountains from the passage of the Cartha- ginians, but from the divinity, whom the mountaineers style Penninus, worshipped on the highest summit. 39. Very opportunely for the commencement of his op- erations, a war had broken out with the Taurini, the near- est nation, against the Insubrians ; but Hannibal could not put his troops under arms to assist either party, as they now chiefly felt the disorders they had before contracted in remedying them; for ease after toil, plenty after want, and attention to their persons after dirt and filth, had vari- ously affected their squalid and almost savage-looking bodies. This was the reason that Publius Cornelius, the consul, when he had arrived at Pisa with his fleet, hasten- ed to the Po, though the troops he received from Manlius and Atilius were raw and disheartened by their late dis- graces, in order that he might engage the enemy when not yet recruited. But when the consul came to Placentia, Hannibal had already moved from his quarters, and had taken by storm one city of the Taurini, the capital of the nation, because they did not come willingly into his alli- ance ; and he would have gained over to him, not only from fear, but also from inclination, the Gauls who dwell beside the Po, had not the arrival of the consul suddenly checked them while watching for an opportunity of revolt* Hannibal at the same time moved from the Taurini, think- ing that the Gauls, uncertain which side to choose, would follow him if present among them. The armies were now almost in sight of each other, and their leaders, though not at present sufficiently acquainted, yet met each, other with a certain feeling of mutual admiration. For the name of Hannibal, even before the destruction of Sagun- tum, was very celebrated among the Romans ; and Han- nibal believed Scipio to be a superior man, from the very circumstance of hia having been especially chosen to act as commander against himself. They had increased, too,Y.B. 534.] THE HISTORY OF KOME. 47 their estimation of each other; Scipio, because, being left behind in Gaul, he had met Hannibal when he had cross- ed into Italy; Hannibal, by his daring attempt of passing the Alps and by its accomplishment. Scipio, however, was the first to cross the Po, and having pitched his camp at the river Ticinus he delivered the following oration for the sake of encouraging his soldiers before he led them out to form for battle : 40. " If, soldiers, I were leading out that army to bat- tle which I had with me in Gaul, I should have thought it superfluous to address you; for of what use would it be to exhort either those horsemen who so gloriously van- quished the cavalry of the enemy at the river Rhone or those legions with whom, pursuing this very enemy flying before us, I obtained, in lieu of victory, a confession of superiority, shown by his retreat and refusal to fight ? Now, because that army, levied for the province of Spain, maintains the war under my auspices,1 and the command of my brother Cneius Scipio, in the country where the Senate and people of Rome wished him to serve; and since I, that you might have a consul for your leader against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, have offered my- self voluntarily for this contest, few words are required to be addressed from a new commander to soldiers unac- quainted with him. That you may not be ignorant of the nature of the war nor of the enemy, you have to fight, sol- diers, with those whom in the former war you conquered both by land and sea; from whom you have exacted trib* ute for twenty years ; from whom you hold Sicily and Sar- dinia, taken as the prizes of victory. In the present con- test, therefore, you and they will have those feelings which are wont to belong to the victors and the vanquished. Nor are they now about to fight because they are daring, but because it is unavoidable ; except you can believe that they who declined the engagement when their forces were entire should have now gained more confidence when two- thirds of their infantry and cavalry have been lost in the passage of the Alps, and when almost greater numbers have perished than survive* Yes, they are few indeed (some may say), but they are vigorous in mind and body, 1 Because Spain was his proper province as consul.48 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [a. xxi., chap. 41. men whose strength and power scarce any force may with- stand. On the contrary, they are but the resemblances, nay, are rather the shadows of men; being worn out with hunger, cold, dirt, and filth, and bruised and enfeebled among stones and rocks. Besides all this, their joints are frost-bitten, their sinews stiffened with the snow, their limbs withered up by the frost, their armor battered and shivered, their horses lame and powerless. With such cavalry, with such infantry, you have to fight: you will not have enemies in reality, but rather their last remains. And-I fear nothing more than that when you have fought Hannibal, the Alps may appear to have conquered him. But perhaps it was fitting that the gods themselves should, without any human aid, commence and carry forward a war with a leader and a people that violate the faith of treaties ; and that we, who next to the gods have been in- jured, should finish the contest thus commenced and near- ly completed. 41. " I do not fear lest any one should think that I say this ostentatiously for the sake of encouraging you, while in my own mind I am differently affected. I was at liber- ty to g° with my army into Spain, my own province, whither I had already set out; where I should have had a brother as the sharer of my councils and my dangers, and Hasdrubal instead of Hannibal for my antagonist, and without question a less laborious war: nevertheless, as I sailed along the coast of Gaul, having landed on hearing of this enemy, and having sent forward the cavalry, I moved my camp to the Rhone. In a battle of cavalry, 'with which part of my forces the opportunity of engaging vas afforded, I routed the enemy; and because I could not overtake by land his army of infantry, which was rap- idly hurried away, as if in flight, having returned to the ships with all the speed I could, after compassing such an extent of sea and land, I have met him at the foot of the Alps. Whether do I appear, while declining the c6ntest, to have fallen in unexpectedly with this dreaded foe, or to encounter him in his track? to challenge him, and drag him out to decide the contest? I am anxious to try whether the earth has suddenly, in these twenty years, sent forth a new race of Carthaginians, or whether thesey.r. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 49 are the same who fought at the islands iEgates, and whom you permitted to depart from Eryx, valued ateight- een denarii a head; and whether this Hannibal be, as he himself gives out, the rival of the expeditions of Hercules, or one left by his father the tributary, and taxed subject and slave of the Roman people; who, did not his guilt at Saguntum drive him to frenzy, would certainly reflect, if not upon his conquered country, at least on his family, and his father, and the treaties written by the hand of Hamilcar; who, at the command of our consul, withdrew the garrison from Eryx; who, indignant and grieving, submitted to the harsh conditions imposed on the conquer- ed Carthaginians; who agreed to depart from Sicily, and pay tribute to the Roman people. I would, therefore, have you light, soldiers, not only with that spirit with which you are wont to encounter other enemies, but with a certain indignation and resentment, as if you saw your slaves suddenly taking up arms against you. We might have killed them when shut up in Eryx by hunger, the most dreadful of human tortures ; we might have carried over our victorious fleet to Africa, and in a few days have destroyed Carthage without any opposition. We granted pardon to their prayers ; we released them from the block- ade ; we made peace with them when conquered ; and we afterwards considered them under our protection when they were oppressed by the African war. In return for these benefits, they come under the conduct of a furious youth to attack our country. And I wish that the contest on your side was for glory, and not for safety: it is not about the possession of Sicily and Sardinia, concerning which the dispute was formerly, but for Italy, that you must fight: nor is there another army behind, which, if we should not conquer, can resist the enemy; nor are there other Alps, during the passage of which fresh forces may be procured: here, soldiers, we must make our stand, as if we fought before the walls of Rome. Let every one consider that he defends with his arms not only his own person, but his wife and young children: nor let him only entertain domestic cares and anxieties, but at the same time let him revolve in his mind that the Senate and people of Rome now anxiously regard our efforts; and Vol. II.—350 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi.,chap.42,43. that according as our strength and valor shall be, such henceforward will be the fortune of that city and of the Roman empire." 42. Thus the consul addressed the Romans. Hannibal, thinking that his soldiers ought to be roused by deeds rather than by words, having drawn his army around for the spectacle, placed in their midst the captive mountain- eers in fetters; and after Gallic arms had been thrown at their feet, he ordered the interpreter to ask "whether any among them, on condition of being released from chains, and receiving, if victorious, armor and a horse, was willing to combat with the sword ?" When they all, to a man, demanded the combat and the sword, and lots were cast into the urn for that purpose, each wished himself the per- son whom fortune might select for the contest. As the lot of each man came out, eager and exulting with joy amidst the congratulations of his comrades, and dancing, after the national custom, he hastily snatched up the arms; but when they fought, such was the state of feel- ing, not only among their companions in the same circum- stances, but among the spectators in general, that the for- tune of those who conquered was not praised more than that olthose who died bravely. 43. When he had dismissed the soldiers thus affected, after viewing several pairs of combatants, having then summoned an assembly, he is said to have addressed them in these terms: " If, soldiers, you shall, by-and-by, in judg- ing of your own fortune, preserve the same feelings which you experienced a little before in the example of the fate of others, we have already conquered; for neither was that merely a spectacle, but, as it were, a certain representation of your condition. And I know not whether fortune has not thrown around you still stronger chains and more ur- gent necessities than around your captives. On the right and left two seas inclose you, .without your possessing a single .ship even for escape. The river Po around you, the Po larger and more impetuous than the Rhone, the Alps behind, scarcely passed by you when fresh and vigor- ous, hem you in. Here, soldiers, w7here you have first met the enemy, you must conquer or die; and the same for- tune which has imposed the necessity of fighting holdsy.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME 51 out to you, if victorious, rewards, than which men are not wont to desire greater, even from the immortal gods. If we were only about to recover by our valor Sicily and Sardinia, wrested from our fathers, the recompense would be sufficiently ample; but whatever, acquired and amassed by so many triumphs, the Romans possess, all, with its masters themselves, will become yours. To gain this rich reward, hasten, then, and seize your arms with the favor of the gods. Long enough in pursuing cattle among the des- ert mountains of Lusitania1 and Celtiberia, you have seen no emolument from so many toils and dangers: it is time to make rich and profitable campaigns, and to gain the great reward of your labors, after having accomplished such a length of journey over so many mountains and riv- ers, and so many nations in arms. Here Fortune has grant- ed you the termination of your labors; here she will be- stow a reward worthy of the service you have undergone. Nor, in proportion as the war is great in name, ought you to consider that the victory will be difficult. A despised enemy has often maintained a sanguinary contest, and re- nowned states and kings been conquered by a very slight effort. For, setting aside only the splendor of the Roman name, what remains in which they can be compared to you? To pass over in silence your service for twenty years, distinguished by such valor and success, you have made your way to this place from the pillars of Hercules,2 from the ocean, and the remotest limits of the world, advancing victorious through so many of the fiercest nations of Gaul and Spain: you will fight with a raw armyj which this very summer was beaten, conquered, and surrounded by the Gauls, as yet unknown to its general and ignorant of him. Shall I compare myself, almost born, and certainly bred in the tent of my father, that most illustrious commander, myself the subjugator of Spain and Gaul, the conqueror, too, not only of the Alpine nations, but what is much more, of the Alps themselves, with this six months' general, the deserter of his army ? To whom, if 1 The ancient name of Portugal. 2 Calpe, a mountain or rather rock in Spain, and Abyla in Africa, fabled to have been placed by Hercules as marks of his most distant voy- age, are now well known as Gibraltar and Ceuta.52 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi.,chap. 44. any one, having taken away their standards, should show to-day the Carthaginians and Romans, I am sure that he would not know of which army he was consul. I do not regard it, soldiers, as of small account, that there is not a man among you before whose eyes I have not often achieved some military exploit; and to whom, in like man- ner, I, the spectator and witness of his valor, could not re- count his own gallant deeds, particularized by time and place. With soldiers who have a thousand times received my praises and gifts, I, who was the pupil of you all before I became your commander, will march out in battle-array against those who are unknown to and ignorant of each other. 44. "On whatever side I turn my eyes, I see nothing but what is full of courage and energy; a veteran infan- try ; cavalry, both those with and those without the bridle, composed of the most gallant nations, you our most faith- ful and valiant allies, you Carthaginians, who are about to fight as well for the sake of your country as from the justest resentment. We are the assailants in the war, and descend into Italy with hostile standards, about to engage so much more boldly and bravely than the foe, as the con- fidence and courage of the assailant are greater than those of him who is defensive. Besides suffering, injury and in- dignity inflame and excite our minds: they first deifc&nd- ed me, your leader, for punishment, and then all of you who had laid siege to Saguntum; and had we been giveti%J> they would have -visited us with the severest tortures. That most cruel and haughty nation considers every thing its own, and at its own disposal; it thinks it right that it should regulate with whom we are to have war, with whom peaoe : it circumscribes and shuts us up by the boundaries of mountains and rivers, which we must not pass, and then does not adhere to those boundaries which it appointed. Pass not the Iberus; have nothing to do with the Sagun- tines. Saguntum is on the Iberus; you must not move a step in any direction. Is it a small thing that you take away my most ancient provinces, Sicily and Sardinia ? will you take Spain also ? and should I withdraw thence, you will cross over into Africa—will cross, did I say ? they have sent the two consuls of this year one to Africa, they.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 53 other to Spain: there is nothing left to us in any quarter, except what we can assert to ourselves by arms. Those may be cowards and dastards who have something to look back upon; whom, flying through safe and unmolested roads, their own lands and their own country will receive > there is a necessity for you to be brave; and since all be- tween victory and death is broken off from you by inevi- table despair, either to conquer, or, if fortune should waver, to meet death rather in battle than flight. If this be well fixed and determined in the minds of you all, I will repeat, you have already conquered : no stronger incentive to vic- tory has been given to man by the immortal gods." 45. When the minds of the soldiers on both sides had been animated to the contest by these exhortations, the Romans throw a bridge over the Ticinus, and, for the sake of defending the bridge, erect a fort on it. The Cartha- ginian, while the Romans were engaged in this work, sends Maharbal with a squadron of five hundred Numidian horse* to lay waste the territories of the allies of the Ro- man people. He orders that the Gauls should be spared as much as possible, and the minds of their chiefs Jbe insti- gated to a revolt. When the bridge was finished, the Ro- man army being led across into the territory of the Insu- brians, took up its station five miles from Yictumvise. At this place Hannibal lay encamped; and having quickly re- called Maharbal and the cavalry, when he perceived that a battle was approaching, thinking that in exhorting the soldiers enough could never be spoken or addressed by way of admonition, he announces to them, when summon- ed to an assembly, stated rewards, in expectation of which they might fight. He promised " that he would give them land in Italy, Africa, Spain, where each man might choose, exempt from all burdens to the person who re- ceived it, and to his children: if any one preferred money to land, he would satisfy him in silver; if any of the allies wished to become citizens of Carthage, he would grant them permission; if others chose rather to return home, he would lend his endeavors that they should not wish the situation of any one of their countrymen exchanged for their own." To the slaves, also, who followed their masters he promised freedom, and that he would give54 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 46. two slaves in place of each of them to their masters. And that they might know that these promises were cer- tain, holding in his left hand a lamb, and in his right a flint, having prayed to Jupiter and the other gods that, if he was false to his word, they would thus slay him as he slew the lamb; after the prayer he broke the skull of the sheep with a stone. Then in truth all, receiving as it were the gods as sureties, each for the fulfillment of his own hopes, and thinking that the only delay in obtaining the object of their wishes arose from their not yet being en- gaged, with one mind and one voice demanded the battle. 46. By no means so great an alacrity prevailed among the Romans, who, in addition to other causes, were also alarmed by recent prodigies; for both a wolf had entered the camp, and, having torn those who met him, had escaped unhurt; and a swarm of bees had settled on a tree over- hanging the general's tent. After these prodigies were expiated, Scipio, having set out with his cavalry and light- armed spearmen towards the camp of the enemy, to o!> serve from a near point their forces, how numerous, and of what description they were, falls in with Hannibal, who had himself also advanced with his cavalry to explore the circumjacent country: neither at first perceived the other, but the dust arising from the trampling of so many men and horses soon gave the signal of approaching enemies. Both armies halted, and were preparing themselveS for battle. Scipio places his spearmen and Gallic cavalry in front; the Romans and what force of allies he had with him in reserve. Hannibal receives the horsemen who rode with the rein in the centre, and strengthens his wings with Numidians. When the shout was scarcely raised, the spearmen fled among the reserve to the second line: there was then a contest of the cavalry, for some time doubtful; but afterwards, on account of the foot-soldiers, who were intermingled, causing confusion among the horses, many of the riders falling off from their horses, or leaping down where they saw their friends surrounded and hard pressed, the battle for the most part came to be fought on foot; until the Numidians, who were in the wings, having made a small circuit, showed themselves on the rear. That alarm dismayed the Romans, and the wound of the consul,y.r.534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 55 and the danger to his life, warded off by the interposition of his son, then just arriving at the age of puberty, aug- mented their fears. This youth will be found to be the same to whom the glory of finishing this war belongs, and to whom the name of Africanus was given, on account of his splendid victory over Hannibal and the Carthaginians. The flight, however, of the spearmen, whom the ifumidi- ans attacked first, was the most disorderly. The rest of the cavalry, in a close body, protecting, not only with their arms, but also with their bodies, the consul, whom they had received into the midst of them, brought him back to the camp without anywhere giving way in disorder or pre- cipitation. Coelius attributes the honor of saving the con- sul to a slave, by nation a Ligurian. I indeed should rath- er wish that the account about the son was true, which also most authors have transmitted, and the report of which has generally obtained credit. 47. This was the first battle with Hannibal; from which it clearly appeared that the Carthaginian was supe- rior in cavalry; and on that account, that open plains, such as lie between the Po and the Alps, were not suited to the Romans for carrying on the war. On the following night, therefore, the soldiers being ordered to prepare their bag- gage in silence, the camp broke up from the Ticinus, and they hastened to the Po, in order that the rafts by which the consul had formed a bridge over the river, being not yet loosened, he might lead his forces across without dis- turbance or pursuit of the enemy. They arrived at Pla- centia before Hannibal had ascertained that they had set out from the Ticinus. He took, however, six hundred of those who loitered on the farther bank, who were slowly unfastening the raft; but he was not able to pass the bridge, as the whole raft floated down the stream as soon as the ends were unfastened. Coelius relates that Mago, with the cavalry and Spanish infantry, immediately swam the river; and that Hannibal himself led the army across by fords higher up the Po, the elephants being opposed to the stream in a line to break the force of the current. These accounts can scarcely gain credit with those who are acquainted with that river; for it is neither probable that the cavalry could bear up against the great violence56 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 48. of the stream, without losing their arms or horses, even supposing that inflated bags of leather had transported all the Spaniards; and the fords of the Po, by which an army encumbered with baggage could pass, must have been sought by a circuit of many days' march. Those authors are more credited by me, who relate that in the course of two days a place was with difficulty found fit for forming a bridge of rafts across the river, and that by this way the light-armed Spanish cavalry was sent forward with Mago. While Hannibal, delaying beside the river to give audi- ence to the embassies of the Gauls, conveys over the heavy-armed forces of infantry, in the mean time Mago and the cavalry proceed towards the enemy at Placentia one day's journey after crossing the river. Hannibal, a few days after, fortified his camp six miles from Placentia, and 011 the following day, having drawn up his line of bat- tle in sight of the enemy, gave them an opportunity of fighting. 48. On the following night a slaughter was made in the Roman camp by the auxiliary Gauls, which appeared greater from the tumult than it proved in reality. Two thousand infantry and two hundred horse, having killed the guards at the gates, desert to Hannibal; whom the Carthaginians having addressed kindly, and excited by the hope of great rewards, sent each to several states to gain over the minds of their countrymen. Scipio, thinking that that slaughter was a signal for the revolt of all the Gauls, and that, contaminated with the guilt of that affair, they would rush to arms as if a frenzy had been sent among them, though he was still suffering severely from his wound, yet setting out for the river Trebia at the fourth watch of the following night with his army in silence, he removes his camp to higher ground, and hills more embarrassing to the cavalry. He escaped observa- tion less than at the Ticinus; and Hannibal, having dis- patched first the Numidians and then all the cavalry, would have thrown the rear at least into great confusion, had not the Numidians, through anxiety for booty, turned aside into the deserted Roman camp. There while, close- ly examining every part of the camp, they waste time, with no sufficient reward for the delay, the enemy escapedy.r. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 5* out of their hands; and when they saw the Romans al- ready across the Trebia, and measuring out their camp, they kill a few of the loiterers intercepted on that side of the river. Scipio, being unable to endure any longer the irritation of his wound, caused by the roughness of the road, and thinking that he ought to wait for his colleague (for he had now heard that he was recalled from Sicily), fortified a space of chosen ground, which, adjoining the river, seemed safest for a stationary camp. When Hanni- bal had encamped not far from thence, being as much elated with the victory of his eavalry as anxious on ac- count of the scarcity which eveiy day assailed him more severely, marching as he did through the territory of the enemy, and supplies being nowhere provided, he sends to the village of Clastidium, where the Romans had collected a great stock of corn. There, while they were preparing for an assault, a hope of the town being betrayed to them was held out: Dasius, a Brundusian, the governor of the garrison, having been corrupted for four hundred pieces of gold (no great bribe truly), Clastidium is surrendered to Hannibal. It served as a granary for the Carthaginians while they lay at the Trebia. No cruelty was used to- wards the prisoners of the surrendered garrison, in order that a character for clemency might be acquired at the commencement of his proceedings. 49. While the war by land was at a stand beside the Trebia, in the mean time operations went on by land and sea around Sicily and the islands adjacent to Italy, both under Sempronius the consul, and before his arrival. Twenty quinqueremes, with a thousand armed men, hav- ing been sent by the Carthaginians to lay waste the coast of Italy, nine reached the Liparae, eight the island of Vul- can, and three the tide drove into the strait. On these be- ing seen from Messana, twelve ships sent out by Hiero, king of Syracuse, who then happened to be at Messana, waiting for the Roman consul, brought back into the port of Messana the ships taken without any resistance. It was discovered from the prisoners that, besides the twen- ty ships, to which fleet they belonged, and which had been dispatched against Italy, thirty-five other quinqueremes were directing their course to Sicily, in order to gain over 3*58 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 50. their ancient allies: that their main object was to gain possession of Lilybaeum, and they believed that that fleet had been driven to the islands Agates by the same storm by which they themselves had been dispersed. The king writes these tidings, according as they had been received, to Marcus ^Erailius the praetor, whose province Sicily was, and advises him to occupy Lilybaeum with a strong garri- son. Immediately the lieutenants, generals, and tribunes, with the praetor, were dispatched to the different states, in order that they might keep their men on vigilant guard; above all things, it was commanded that Lilybaeum should be secured : an edict having been put forth that, in addi- tion to such warlike preparations, the crews should carry down to their ships dressed provisions for ten days, so that no one, when the signal was given, might delay in em- barking ; and that those who were stationed along the whole coast should look out from their watch-towers for the approaching fleet of the enemy. The Carthaginians, therefore, though they had purposely slackened the course of their ships, so that they might reach Lilybaeum just be- fore day-break, were descried before their arrival, because both the moon shone all night and they came with their sails set up. Immediately the signal was given from the watch-towers, and the summons to arms was shouted through the town, and they embarked in the ships: part of the soldiers were left on the walls and at the stations of the gates, and part went on board the fleet. The Cartha- ginians, because they perceived that they would not have to do with an unprepared enemy, kept back from the har- bor till daylight, that interval being spent in taking down their rigging and getting ready the fleet foraction. When the light appeared, they withdrew their fleet into the open sea, that there might be room for the battle, and that the ships of the enemy might have a free egress from the harbor. Nor did the Romans decline the conflict, be- ing emboldened both by the recollection of the exploits they had performed near that very spot, and by the num- bers and valor of their soldiers. 50. When they had advanced into the open sea, the Ro- mans wished to come to close fight, and to make a trial of strength hand to hand. The Carthaginians, on the con-y.r. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 59 trary, eluded them, and sought to maintain the fight by art, not by force, and to make it a battle of ships rather than of men and arms; for though they had their fleet abundantly supplied with mariners, yet it was deficient in soldiers; and when a ship was grappled, a very unequal number of armed men fought on board of it. When this was observed, their numbers increased the courage of the Romans, and their inferiority of force diminished that of the others. Seven Carthaginian ships were immediately surrounded; the rest took to flight: one thousand seven hundred soldiers and mariners were captured in the ships, and among them were three noble Carthaginians. The Roman fleet returned without loss to the harbor, only one ship being pierced, and even that also brought back into port. After this engagement, before those at Messana were aware of its occurrence, Titus Sempronius, the consul, arrived at Messana. As he entered the strait, King Hiero led out a fleet fully equipped to meet him; and having passed from the royal ship into that of the general, he con- gratulated him on having arrived safe with his army and fleet, and prayed that his expedition to Sicily might be prosperous and successful. He then laid before him the state of the island and the designs of the Carthaginians, and promised that, with the same spirit with which he had in his youth assisted the Romans during the former war, he would now assist them in his old age; that he would gratuitously, furnish supplies of corn and clothing to the legions and naval crews of the consul; . adding, that great danger threatened Lilybaeum and the maritime states, and that a change of affairs would be acceptable to some of them. For these reasons it appeared to the consul that he ought to make no delay, but to repair to Lilybaeum with his fleet. The king and the royal squadron set out along with him, and on their passage they heard that a battle had been fought at Lilybaeum, and that the enemy's ships had been scattered arid taken. 51. The consul having dismissed Hiero with the royal fleet, and left the praetor to defend the coast of Sicily, passed over himself from Lilybaeum to the island Melita, which was held in possession by the Carthaginians.. On his arrival, Hamilcar, the son of Gisgo, the commander of60 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 52. the garrison, with little less than two thousand soldiers, together with the town and the island, are delivered up to him: thence, after a few days, he returned to Lilybaeum; and the prisoners taken, both by the consul and the praetor, excepting those illustrious for their rank, were publicly sold. When the consul considered that Sicily was suffi- ciently safe on that side, he crossed over to the island of Vulcan, because there was a report that the Carthaginian fleet was stationed there; but not one of the enemy was discovered about those islands. They had already, as it happened, passed over to ravage the coast of Italy, and, having laid waste the territory of Yibo, were also threat- ening the city. The descent made by the enemy on the Vibonensian territory is announced to the consul as he was returning to Sicily: and letters were delivered to him which had been sent by the Senate, about the passage of Hannibal into Italy, commanding him, as soon as possible, to bring assistance to his colleague. Perplexed with hav- ing so many anxieties at once, he immediately sent his army, embarked in the fleet, by the upper sea to Arimi- num; he assigned the defense of the territory of Yibo, and the sea-coast of Italy, to Sextus Pomponius, his lieutenant- general, with twenty-five ships of war: he made up a fleet of fifty ships for Marcus iEmilius, the praetor; and he him- self, after the affairs of Sicily were settled, sailing* close along the coast of Italy with ten ships, arrived 0b Arimi- num, whence, setting out with his army for the river Tre- bia, he joined his colleague. 52. Both the consuls and all the strength of Rome be- ing now opposed to Hannibal, made it sufficiently obvious that the Roman empire could either be defended by those forces, or that there was no other hope left. Yet the one consul, being dispirited by the battle of the cavalry and his own wound, wished operations to be deferred: the other, having his spirits unsubdued, and being therefore the more impetuous, admitted no delay. The tract of country between the Trebia and the Po was then inhabit- ed by the Gauls, who, in this contest of two very powerful states, by a doubtful neutrality, were evidently looking for- ward to the favor of the conqueror. The Romans submit- ted to this conduct of the Gauls with tolerable satisfac-t.K. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 61 tion, provided they did not take any active part at all; but the Carthaginian bore it with great discontent, giving out that he had come invited by the Gauls to set them at lib- erty. On account of that resentment, and in order that he might at the same time maintain his troops from the plun- der, he ordered two thousand foot and a thousand horse, chiefly Ntimidians, with some Gauls intermixed, to lay waste all the country straightforward as far as the banks of the Po. The Gauls, being in want of assistance, though they had up to this time kept their inclinations doubtful, are forced by the authors of the injury to turn to some who would be their supporters; and having sent embassa- dors to > the consul, they implore the aid of the Romans in behalf of a country which was suffering for the too great fidelity of its inhabitants to the Romans. Neither the cause nor the time of pleading it was satisfactory to Cor- nelius ; and the nation was suspected by him, both on ac- count of many treacherous actions, and, though others might have been forgotten through length of time, on ac* count of the recent perfidy of the Boii. Sempronius, on the contrary, thought that it would be the strongest tie upon the fidelity of the allies if those were defended who first required support. Then, while his colleague hesi- tated, he sends his own cavalry, with about a thousand spearmen on foot in their company, to protect the Gallic territory beyond the Trebia. These, when they had unex- pectedly attacked the enemy while scattered and disorder- ed, and for the most part encumbered with booty, caused great terror, slaughter, and flight, even as far as the camp and outposts of the enemy; whence being repulsed by the numbers that poured out, they again renewed the fight with the assistance of their own party. Then pursuing and retreating in doubtful battle, though they left it at last equal, yet the fame of the victory was more with the Ro- mans than the enemy. 53. But to no one did it appear more important and just than to the consul himself. Hfe was transported with joy " that he had conquered with that part of the forces with which the other consul had been defeated ; that the spirits of the soldiers were restored and revived; that there was no one, except his colleague, who would wish an engage-62 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXI., ciiap. 53. raent delayed; and that he, suffering more from disease of mind than body, shuddered, through recollection of his wound, at arms and battle. But others ought not to sink into decrepitude together with a sick man. For Why should there be any longer protraction or waste of time ? What third consul, what other army did they wait for ? The camp of the Carthaginians was in Italy, and almost in sight of the city. It was not Sicily and Sardinia, which had been taken from them when vanquished, nor Spain on this side of the Iberus, that was their object, but that the Romans should be driven from the land of their fathers, and the soil in which they were born. How deeply," he continued, " would our fathers groan, who were wont to wage war around the walls of Carthage, if they should see us their offspring, two consuls and two consular armies, trembling within our camps in the heart of Italy, while a Carthaginian had made himself master of all the country between the Alps and the Apennine!" Such discourses did he hold while sitting beside his sick colleague, and also at the head-quarters, almost in the manner of an harangue. The approaching period of the elections also stimulated him, lest the war should be protracted till the new consuls were chosen, and the opportunity of turning all the glory to himself, while his colleague lay sick. He orders the soldiers, therefore, Cornelius in vain attempting to dis- suade him, to get ready for an immediate engagement. Hannibal, as he saw what conduct would be best for the enemy, had scarce at first any hope that the consuls would do any thing rashly or imprudently, but when he discover- ed that the disposition of the one, first known from report, and afterwards from experience, was ardent and impetuous, and believed that it had been rendered still more impetuous by the successful engagement with his predatory troops, he did not doubt that an opportunity of action was near at hand. He was anxious and watchful not to omit this opportunity, while the troops of the enemy were raw, while his wound rendered the better of the two commanders useless, and while the spirits of the Gauls were fresh; of whom he knew that a great number would follow him with the greater reluctance the farther they were drawn away from home. When, for these and similar reasons,y.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 63 he hoped that an engagement was near, and desired to make the attack himself,if there should be any delay; and when the Gauls, who were the safer spies to ascertain what he wished, as they served in both camps, had brought in- telligence that the Romans were prepared for battle, the Carthaginian began to look about for a place for an am- buscade. 54. Between the armies was a rivulet, bordered on each side with very high banks, and covered around with marshy plants, and with the brush-wood and brambles with which uncultivated places are generally overspread; and when, riding around it, he had, with his own eyes, thor- oughly reconnoitred a place which was sufficient to afford a covert even for cavalry, he said to Mago, his brother: " This will be the place which you must occupy. Choose out of all the infantry and cavalry a hundred men of each, with whom come to me at the first watch. Now is the time to refresh their bodies." The council was thus dis- missed, and in a little time Mago came forward with his chosen men. "I see," said Hannibal, "the strength of the men; but that you may be strong not only in resolution, but also in number, pick out each from the troops and companies nine men like yourselves: Mago will show you the place where you are to lie in ambush. You will have an enemy who is blind to these arts of war." A thousand horse and a thousand foot, under the command of Mago, having been thus sent off, Hannibal orders the Numidian cavalry to ride up, after crossing the river Trebia by break of day, to the gates of the enemy, and to draw them out to a battle by discharging their javelins at the guards; and then, when the fight was commenced, by retiring slow- ly to decoy them across the river. These instructions were given to the Numidians: to the other leaders of the infantry and cavalry it was commanded that they should order all their men to dine; and then, under arms and with their horses equipped, to await the signal. Sempro- nius, eager for the contest, led out, on the first tumult raised by the Numidians, all the cavalry, being full of con- fidence in that part of the forces ; then six thousand infan- try, and, lastly, all his army, to the place already determined in his plan. It happened to be the winter season and a64 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxi., ciiap. 55. snowy day, in the region which lies between the Alps and the Apennine, and excessively cold by the proximity of riv- ers and marshes: besides, there was no heat in the bodies of the men and horses thus hastily led out without having first taken food, or employed any means to keep off the cold; and the nearer they approached to the blasts from the river, a keener degree of cold blew upon them. But when, in pursuit of the flying Numidians, they entered rthe water (and it was swollen by rain in the night as high as their breasts), then in truth the bodies of all, on landing, were so benumbed, that they were scarcely able to hold their arms; and as the day advanced they began to grow faint, both from fatigue and hunger. 55. In the mean time the soldiers of Hannibal, fires hav- ing been kindled before the tents, and oil sent through the companies to soften their limbs, and their food having been taken at leisure, as soon as it was announced that the enemy had passed the river, seized their arms with vigor of mind and body, and advanced to the battle. Hannibal placed before the standards the Baliares and the light-arm- ed troops, to the amount of nearly eight thousand men; then the heavier-armed infantry, the chief of his power and strength: on the wings he posted ten thousand horse, and on their extremities stationed the elephants divided into two parts. The consul placed on the flanks of his infantry the cavalry, recalled by the signal for retreat, as in their irregular pursuit of the enemy they were checked, while unprepared, by the Numidians suddenly turning upon them. There were of infantry eighteen thousand Romans, twenty thousand allies of the Latin name, besides the aux- iliary forces of the Cenomani, the only Gallic nation that had remained faithful: with these forces they engaged the enemy. The battle was commenced by the Baliares, whom when the legions resisted with superior force, the light-armed troops were hastily drawn off to the wings; which movement caused the Roman cavalry to be immedi- ately overpowered: for, when their four thousand already with difficulty withstood by themselves ten thousand of the enemy, the wearied, against men for the most part fresh, they were overwhelmed in addition by a cloud, as it were, of javelins discharged by the Baliares; and the elephantsy.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 65 besides, which held a prominent position at the extremities of the wings (the horses being greatly terrified not only at their appearance, but their unusual smell), occasioned flight to a wide extent. The battle between the infantry was equal rather in courage than strength; for the Carthagin- ian brought the latter entire to the action, having a little before refreshed themselves, while, on the contrary, the bodies of the Romans, suffering from fasting and fatigue, and stiff with cold, were quite benumbed. They would have made a stand, however, by dint of courage, if they had only had to fight with the infantry. But both the Ba- liares, having beaten off the cavalry, poured darts on their flanks, and the elephants had already penetrated to the centre of the line of the infantry; while Mago and the Numidians, as soon as the army had passed their place of ambush without observing them, starting up on their rear, occasioned great disorder and alarm. Nevertheless, amidst so many surrounding dangers, the line for some time re- mained unbroken, and, most contrary to the expectation of all, against the elephants. These the light-infantry, posted for the purpose, turned back by throwing their spears; and, following them up when turned, pierced them under the tail, where they received the wounds in the softest skin. 56. Hannibal ordered the elephants, thus thrown into disorder, and almost driven by their terror against their own party, to be led away from the centre of the line to its extremity against the auxiliary Gauls on the left wing. In an instant they occasioned unequivocal flight; and a new alarm was added to the Romans when they saw their auxiliaries routed. About ten thousand men, therefore, as they now were fighting in a circle, the others being un- able to escape, broke through the middle of the line of the Africans, which was supported by the Gallic auxiliaries, with immense slaughter of the enemy; and since they neither could return to the camp, being shut out by the river, nor, on account of the heavy rain, satisfactorily de- termine in what part they should assist their friends, they proceeded by the direct road to Placentia. After this several irruptions were made in all directions; and those who sought the river were either swallowed up in its66 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 57. eddies, or while they hesitated to enter it were cut off by the enemy. Some, wrho had been scattered abroad through the country in their flight, by following the traces of the retreating army, arrived at Placentia; others, whom the fear of the enemy inspired with boldness to en- ter the river, having crossed it, reached the camp. The rain mixed with snow, and the intolerable severity of the cold, destroyed many men and beasts of burden, and al- most all the elephants. The river Trebia was the termi- nation of the Carthaginians' pursuit of the enemy; and they returned to the camp so benumbed with cold, that they could scarcely feel joy for the victory. On the fol- lowing night, therefore, though the guard of the camp and the principal part of the soldiers that remained pass- ed the Trebia on rafts, they either did not perceive it, on account of the beating of the rain, or being unable to be- stir themselves, through their fatigue and wounds, pre- tended that they did not perceive it; and the Carthagin- ians remaining quiet, the army was silently led by the consul Scipio to Placentia, thence transported across the Po to Cremona, lest one colony should be too much bur- dened by the winter-quarters of two armies. 57. Such terror, on account of this disaster, was carried to Rome, that they believed that the enemy was already approaching the city with hostile standards, and that they had neither hope nor aid by which they might repel his attack from the gates and wTalls. One consul having been defeated at the Ticinus, the other having been recalled from Sicily, and now both consuls and their two consular armies having been vanquished, what other commanders, what other legions were there to be sent for ? The coilsul Sempronius came to them while thus dismayed, having passed at great risk through the cavalry of the enemy, scattered in every direction in search of plunder, with courage, rather than with any plan or hope of escaping, or of making resistance if he should not escape it. Having held the assembly for the election of the consuls, the only thing which was particularly wanting at present, he re- turned to the winter-quarters. Cneius Servilius and Caius Flaminius were elected consuls. But not even the winter- quarters of the Romans were undisturbed, the Numidiai?y.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 67 horse ranging at large, and where the ground was im- practicable for these, the Celtiberians and Lusitanians. All supplies, therefore, from every quarter were cut off, except such as the ships conveyed by the Po. There was a, magazine near Placentia, both fortified with great care and secured by a strong garrison. In the hope of taking this fort, Hannibal, having set out with the cavalry and the light-armed horse, and having attacked it by night, as he rested his main hope of effecting his enterprise on keeping it concealed, did not escape the notice of the guards. Such a clamor was immediately raised that it was heard even at Placentia. The consul, therefore, came up with the cavalry about day-break, having commanded the le- gions to follow in a square band. In the mean time an engagement of cavalry commenced, in which, the enemy being dismayed because Hannibal retired wounded from the fight, the fortress was admirably defended. After this, having taken rest for a few days, and before his wound was hardly as yet sufficiently healed, he sets out to iay siege to Victumviae. This magazine had been forti- fied by the Romans in the Gallic war; afterwards a mix- ture of inhabitants from the neighboring states around had made the place populous; and at this time the terror created by the devastation of the enemy had driven to- gether to it numbers from the country. A multitude of this description, excited by the report of the brave defense of the fortress near Placentia, having snatched up their arms, went out to meet Hannibal. They engaged on the road-rather like armies in order of march than in line of battle; and since on the one side there was nothing but a disorderly crowd, and on the other a general confident in his soldiers, and soldiers in their general, as many as thirty-five thousand men were routed by a few. On the following day, a surrender having been made, they re- ceived a garrison within their walls; and being ordered to deliver up their arms, as soon as they had obeyed the command, a signal is suddenly given to the victors to pil- lage the city, as if it had . been taken by storm; nor was any outrage, which in such cases is wont to appear to writers worthy of relation, left unperpetrated ; such a spec- imen of every kind of lust, barbarity, and inhuman inso-68 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 58. lence was exhibited towards that unhappy people. Such were the expeditions of Hannibal during the winter. 58. For a short time after, while the cold continued in- tolerable, rest was given to the soldiers: and having set out from his winter-quarters on the first and uncertain in- dications of spring, he leads them into Etruria, intending to gain that nation to his side, like the Gauls and Liguri- ans, either by force or favor. As he was crossing the Ap- ennines, so furious a storm attacked him, that it almost surpassed the horrors of the Alps. "When the rain and wind together were driven directly against their faces, they at first halted, because their arms must either be cast away, or, striving to advance against the storm, they were whirled round by the hurricane, and dashed to the ground: afterwards, when it now stopped their, breath, nor suffered them to respire, they sat down for a little, with their backs to the wind. Then, indeed, the sky resounded with loud thunder, and the lightnings flashed between its terrific peals; all^ bereft of sight and hearing, stood torpid with fear. At length, when the rain had spent itself, and the fury of the wind was on that account the more increased, it seemed necessary to pitch the camp in that very place where they had been overtaken by the storm. But this was the beginning of their labors, as it were, afresh; for neither could they spread out nor fix any tent, nor did that which perchance had been put up remain, the wind tearing through and sweeping every thing away: and soon after, when the water raised aloft by the wind had been frozen above: the cold summits of the mountains, it poured down such a torrent of snowy hail, that the men, casting away every thing, fell down upon their faces, rather buried, un- der than sheltered by their coverings; and so extreme an intensity of cold succeeded, that when each wished to raise and lift himself from that wretched heap of men and beasts of burden, he was for a long time unable, because, their sinews being stiffened by the cold, they had great difficul- ty in bending their joints. Afterwards, when, by continu- ally moving themselves to and fro, they succeeded in re- covering the power of motion, and regained their spirits, and fires began to be kindled in a few places, every help- less man had recourse to the aid of others. They remain*^R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 69 ed as if blockaded for two days in that place. Many men and beasts of burden, and also seven elephants, of those which had remained from the battle fought at the Trebia, were destroyed. 59. Having descended from the Apennines, he moved his camp back towards Placentia, and, having proceeded as far as ten miles, took up his station. On the following day he leads out twelve thousand infantry and five thou- sand cavalry against the enemy. Nor did Sempronius the consul (for he had now returned from Rome) decline the engagement; and during that day three miles intervened between the two camps. On the following day they fought with amazing courage and various success. At the first onset the Roman power was so superior, that they not only conquered the enemy in the regular battle, but pur- sued them, when driven back, quite into their camp, and soon after also assaulted it. Hannibal, having stationed a few to defend the rampart and the gates, and having ad- mitted the rest in close array into the middle of the camp, orders them to watch attentively the signal for sallying out. It was now about the ninth hour of the day, when the Roman, having fatigued his soldiers to no purpose, af- ter there was no hope of gaining possession of the camp, gave the signal for retreat; which, when Hannibal heard, and saw that the attack was slackened, and that they were retreating from the camp, instantly having sent out the cavalry on the right and left against the enemy, he himself in the middle, with the main force of the infantry rushed out from the camp. Seldom has there been a combat more furious; and few would have been more remarkable for the loss on both sides if the day had suffered it to continue for a longer time. Night broke off the battle when rag- ing most from the determined spirit of the combatants. The conflict, therefore, was more severe than the slaughter; and, as it was pretty much a drawn battle, they separated with equal loss. On neither side fell more than six hun- dred infantry, and half that number of cavalry. But the loss of the Romans was more severe than proportionate to the number that fell, because several of equestrian rank, and five tribunes of the soldiers, and three prefects of the allies, were slain. After this battle Hannibal retired to the70 THE HISTORY OF ROME. (b. xxi.,chaf. 60. territory of the Ligurians, and Sempronius to Luca. Two Roman quaestors, Caius Fulvius and Lucius Lucretius, who had been treacherously intercepted, with two military trib- unes and five of the equestrian order, mostly sons of Sen- ators, are delivered up to Hannibal when coming among the Ligurians, in order that he might feel more convinced that the peace and alliance with them would be binding. 60. While these things are transacting in Italy, Cneius Cornelius Scipio having been sent into Spain with a fleet and army, when, setting out £rom the mouth of the Rhone, and sailing past the Pyrensean mountains, he had moored his fleet at Emporiae, having there landed his army, and be- ginning.with the Lacetani, he brought the whole coast, as far as the river Iberus, under the Roman dominion, partly by renewing the old, and partly by forming new alliances. The reputation for clemency acquired by these means had influence not only with the maritime states, but now also with the more savage tribes in the inland and mountainous districts ; nor was peace only effected wTith them, but also an alliance of arms, and several fine cohorts of auxiliaries were levied from their numbers. The country on this side of the Iberus was the province of Hanno, whom Hannibal had left to defend that region. He, therefore, judging that he ought to make opposition, before every thing was alienated from him, having pitched his camp in sight of the enemy, led out his forces in battle-array; nor did it appear to the Roman that the engagement ought to be de- ferred, as he knew that he must fight with Hanno and Hasdrubal, and wished rather to contend against each of them separately than against both together. The conflict did not prove one of great difficulty; six thousand of thr enemy were slain, and two thousand made prisoners, to- gether with the guard of the camp; for both the camp was stormed, and the general himself, with several of the chief officers, taken; and Scissis, a town near the camp, was also carried by assault. But the spoil of this town consisted of things of small value, such as the household furniture used by barbarians and slaves, that were worth little. The camp enriched the soldiers; almost all the valuable effects, not only of that army which was conquer- ed, but of that which was serving with Hannibal in Italy,y.R. 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 71 having been left on this side the Pyrenees, that the bag- gage might not be cumbrous to those who conveyed it. 61. Before any certain news of this disaster arrived, Hasdrubal, having passed the Ibejrus with eight thousand foot and a thousand horse, intending to meet the Romans on their first approach, after he heard of the ruin of their affairs at Scissis, and the loss of the camp, turned his route towards the sea. Not far from Tarraco, having dis- patched his cavalry in various directions, he drove to their ships, with great slaughter, and greater rout, the soldiers belonging to the fleet and the mariners, while scattered and wandering through the fields (for it is usually the case that success produces negligence); but not daring to remain longer in that quarter, lest he should be surprised by Scipio, he withdrew to the other side of the Iberus. And Scipio, having quickly brought up his army on the report of fresh enemies, after punishing a few captains of ships, and leaving a moderate garrison at Tarraco, return- ed with his fleet to Emporiae. He had scarcely departed, when Hasdrubal came up, and, having instigated to a revolt the state of the Ilergetes, which had given hostages to Scipio, he lays waste, with the youth of that very people, the lands of the faithful allies of the Romans. Scipio be- ing thereupon roused from his winter-quarters, Hasdru- bal again retires from all the country on this side the Iberus. Scipio, when with a hostile army he had invaded the state of the Ilergetes, forsaken by the author of their revolt, and having driven them all into Athanagia, which was the capital of that nation, laid siege to the city; and within a few days, having imposed the delivery of more hostages than before, and also fined the Ilergetes in a sum of money, he received them back into his authority and dominion. He then proceeded against the Ausetani, near the Iberus, who were also the allies of the Carthaginians; and having laid siege to their city, he cut off by an ambus- cade the Lacetani, while bringing assistance by night to their neighbors, having attacked them at a small distance from the city as they rwere designing to enter it. As many as twelve thousand were slain; the rest, nearly all without their arms, escaped home, by dispersing through the country in every direction. Nor did any thing else72 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chai>. 62. but the winter, which was unfavorable to the besiegers, secure the besieged. The blockade continued for thirty- days, during which the snow scarce ever lay less deep than four feet; and it had covered to such a degree the sheds and mantelets of the Romans, that it alone served as a defense when fire was frequently thrown on them by the enemy. At last, when Amusitus, their leader, had fled to Hasdrubal, they are surrendered, on condition of paying twenty talents of silver. They then returned into winter- quarters at Tarraco. 62. At Rome, during this winter, many prodigies either occurred about the city, or, as usually happens when the minds of men are once inclined to superstition, many were reported and readily believed; among which it was said that an infant of good family, only six months old, had called out " Io triumphe" in the herb-market: that in the cattle-market an ox had of his own accord ascended to the third story, and that thence, being frightened by the noise of the inhabitants, had flung himself down; that the ap- pearance of ships had been brightly visible in the sky, and that the Temple of Hope in the herb-market had been struck by lightning; that the spear at Lanuvium had shaken itself; that a crow had flown down into the Tem- ple of Juno and alighted on the very couch; that in the territory of Amiternum figures resembling men dressed in white raiment had been seen in several places at a distance, but had not come close to any one; that in Picenum it had rained stones ; that at Csere the tablets for divination had been lessened in size; and that in Gaul a wolf had snatched out the sword from the scabbard of a soldier on guard, and carried it off. On account of the other prodi- gies, the decemvirs were ordered to consult the books; but on account of its having rained stones in Picenum, the festival of nine days was proclaimed, and almost all the state was occupied in expiating the rest, from time to time. First of all the city was purified, and victims of the* greater kind were sacrificed to those gods to whom they were di- rected to be offered; and a gift of forty pounds' weight of gold was carried to the Temple of Juno at Lanuvium; and the matrons dedicated a brazen statue to Juno on the Aventine; and a lectisternium was ordered at Caere, wherey.K„ 534.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 73 the tablets for divination had diminished; and a supplica- tion to Fortune at Algidum; at Rome, also, a lectisternium was ordered to Youth, and a supplication at the Temple of Hercules, first by individuals named, and afterwards by the whole people at all the shrines; five greater victims were offered to Genius; and Caius Atilius Serranus, the pnetor, was ordered to make certain vows if the republic should remain in the same state for ten years. These things, thus expiated and vowed according to the Sibylline books, relieved, in a great degree, the public mind from superstitious fears. 63. Flaminius, one of the consuls elect, to whom the le- gions which were wintering at Placentia had fallen by lot^ sent an edict and letter to the consul, desiring that those forces should be ready in camp at Ariminum on the ides of March. He had a design to enter on the consulship in his province, recollecting his old contests with the fathers, which he had waged with them when tribune of the peo- ple, and afterwards when consul, first about his election to the office, which was annulled, and then about a triumph. He was also odious to the fathers on account of a new law which Quintus Claudius, a tribune of the people, had car- ried against the Senate, Caius Flaminius alone of that body assisting him, that no Senator, or he who had been father of a Senator, should possess a ship fit for sea-service con- taining more than three hundred amphorae. This size was considered sufficient for conveying the produce of their lands: all traffic appeared unbecoming a Senator. This contest, maintained with the warmest opposition, procured the hatred of the nobility to Flaminius, the advocate of the " aw, but the favor of the people, and afterwards a second consulship. For these reasons, thinking that they would detain him. in the city by falsifying the auspices, by the delay of the Latin festival, and other hindrances to which a consul was liable, he pretended a journey, and, while yet in a private capacity, departed secretly to his province. This proceeding, when it was made public, excited new and additional anger in the Senators, who were before ir- ritated against him. They said "that Caius Flaminius waged war not only with the Senate, but now with the im- mortal gods; that, having been formerly made consul wifch- Vol. II.—4H THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxi., chap. 63. out the proper auspices, he had disobeyed both gods and men recalling him from the very field of battle; and now, through consciousness of their having been dishonored, he had shunned the Capitol and the customary offering of vows, that he might not on the day of entering his office approach the Temple of Jupiter, the best and greatest of gods; that he might not see and consult the Senate, him- self hated by it, as it was hateful to him alone; that he might not proclaim the Latin festival, or perform on the Alban mount the customary rights to Jupiter Latiaris; that he might not, under the direction of the auspices, go up to the Capitol to offer his vows, and thence, attended by the lictors, proceed to his province in the garb of a gen- eral; but that he had set off, like some camp-boy, without his insignia, without the lictors, with secrecy and stealth, just as if he had been quitting his country to go into ban- ishment: as if, forsooth, he would enter on his office more consistently with the dignity of the consulate at Ariminum than Rome, and assume the robe of office in a public inn better than before his own household gods." They unan- imously resolved that he should be recalled and brought back, and be constrained to perform in person every duty to gods and men before he went to the army and the prov- ince. Quintus Terentius and Marcus Antistius having set out on this embassy (for it was decreed that ambassadors should be sent), prevailed with him in no degree more than the letter sent by the Senate in his former consulship. A few days after he entered on his office, and as he was sacrificing, a calf, after being struck, having broken away from the hands of the ministers, sprinkled several of the by-standers with its blood. Flight and disorder ensued, to a still greater degree at a distance among those who were ignorant what was the cause of the alarm. This cir- cumstance was regarded by most persons as an omen of great terror. Having then received two legions from Sempronius, the consul of the former year, and two from Caius Atilius, the praetor, the army began to be led into Etruria, through the passes of the Apennines.y.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 15 BOOK XXII. Hannibal, after an uninterrupted march of four days and three nights, arrives in Etruria, through the marshes, in which he lost an eye. Cai- us Flaminius, the consul, an inconsiderate man, having gone forth in opposition to the omens, dug up the standards which could not other- wise be raised, and being thrown from his horse immediately after he had mounted, is ensnared by Hannibal, and cut off by his army near the Thrasimene lake. Three thousand who had escaped are placed in chains by Hannibal, in violation of pledges given, distress occasioned in Rome by the intelligence. The Sibylline books consulted, and a sacred spring decreed. Fabius Maximus sent as dictator against Han- nibal, whom he frustrates by caution and delay. Marcus Minucitis, the master of the horse, a rash and impetuous man, inveighs against the caution of Fabius, and obtains an equality of command with him. The army is divided between them, and Minucius engaging Hannibal in an unfavorable position is reduced to the extremity of danger, and is rescued by the dictator, and places himself under his authority. Hannibal, after ravaging Campania, is shut up by Fabius in a valley near the town of Casilinum, but escapes by night, putting to flight the Romans on guard by oxen with lighted fagots attached to their horns. Hannibal attempts to excite a suspicion of the fidelity of Fabius by sparing his farm while ravaging with fire the whole country around it, ^Emilius Paulus and Terentius Varro are routed at Cannae, and forty thousand men slain, among whom were Paulus the consul, eighty Sen- ators, and thirty who had served the office of consul, praetor, or edile. A design projected by some noble youths of quitting Italy in despair after this calamity, is intrepidly quashed by Publius Cornelius Scipio, d- military tribune, afterwards surnamed Africanus. Successes in Spain; eight thousand slaves are enlisted by the Romans ; they refuse to ran- som the captives ; they go out in a body to meet Yarro, and thank him for not having despaired of the commonwealth. 1. Spring was now at hand, when Hannibal quitted his winter-quarters, having both attempted in vain to cross the Apennines, from the intolerable cold, and having remained with great danger and alarm. The Gauls3 whom the hope of plunder and spoil had collected, when, instead of being themselves engaged in carrying and driving away booty from the fields of others, they saw their own lands made the seat of war, and burdened by the wintering of the76 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 1. armies of both parties, turned their hatred back again from the Romans upon Hannibal; and though plots were fre- quently concerted against him by their chieftains, he was preserved by the treachery they manifested towards each other; disclosing their conspiracy with the same incon- stancy with which they had conspired, and by changing sometimes his dress, at other times the fashion of his hair, he protected himself from treachery by deception. How- ever, this fear was the cause of his more speedily quitting his winter-quarters. Meanwhile Cneius Servilius, the con- sul, entered upon his office at Rome on the ides of March. There, when he had consulted the Senate on the state of the republic in general, the indignation against Flaminius was rekindled. They said "that they had created indeed two consuls, that they had but one; for what regular au- thority had the other, or what auspices ? That their mag- istrates took these with them from home, from the tutelar deities of themselves and the state, after the celebration of the Latin holidays, the sacrifice upon the mountain being completed, and the vows duly offered up in the Capitol: that neither could an unofficial individual take the auspices, nor could one who had gone from home without them take them new, and for the first time, in a foreign soil." Prod- igies announced from many places at the same time aug- mented the terror: in Sicily, that several darts belonging to the soldiers had taken fire; and in Sardinia, that the staff of a horseman, who was going his rounds upon a wall, took fire as he held it in his hand; that the shores had blazed with frequent fires; that two shields had sweated blood at Praeneste; that red-hot stones had fallen from the heavens at Arpi; that shields were seen in the heavens, and the sun fighting with the moon, at Capena; that two moons rose in the day-time; that the waters of Caere had flowed mixed with blood; and that even the fountain of Hercules had flowed sprinkled with spots of blood. In the territory of Antium, that bloody ears of corn had fall- en into the basket as they were reaping. At Falerii, that the heavens appeared cleft as if with a great chasm; and that where it had opened a vast light had shone forth; that the prophetic tablets had spontaneously become less; and that one had fallen out thus inscribed," Mars shakesy.r. 535.] TIIE HISTORY OF KOME. 11 his spear." During the same time, that the statue of Mars at Rome, on the Appian Way, had sweated at the sight of images of wolves. At Capua, that there had been the ap- pearance of the heavens being on fire, and of the moon as falling amidst rain. After these, credit was given to prod- igies of less magnitude : that the goats of certain persons had borne wool; that a hen had changed herself into a cock, and a cock into a hen : these things having been laid before the Senate as reported, the authors being conduct- ed into the Senate-house, the consul took the sense of the fathers on religious affairs. It was decreed that those prodigies should be expiated, partly with full-grown, part- ly with sucking victims, and that "a supplication should be made at every shrine for the space of three days ; that the other things should be done accordingly as the gods should declare in their oracles to be agreeable to their will, when the decemviri had examined the books. By the advice of the decemviri, it was decreed, first, that a golden thunder- bolt of fifty pounds' weight should be made as an offering to Jupiter; that offerings of silver should be presented to Juno and Minerva; that sacrifices of full-grown victims should be offered to Juno Regina on the Aventine, and to Juno Sospita at Lanuvium; that the matrons, contribut- ing as much money as might be convenient to each, should carry it to the Aventine, as a present to Juno Regina; and that a lectisternium should be celebrated. Moreover, that the very freed women should, according to their means, contribute money from which a present might be made to Feronia. When these things were done, the decemviri sacrificed with the larger victims in the Forum at Ardea. Lastly, it being now the month of December, a sacrifice was made at the Temple of Saturn at Rome, and a lecti- sternium ordered, in which Senators prepared the couch and a public banquet. Proclamation was made through the city that the Saturnalia should be kept for a day and a night; and the people were commanded to account that day as a holiday, and observe it forever. 2. While the consul employs himself at Rome in ap- peasing the gods and holding the levy, Hannibal, setting out from his winter-quarters, because it was reported that the consul Flaminius had now arrived at Arretium, al-IS THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 3. though a longer but more commodious route was pointed out to him, takes the nearer road through a marsh where the Arno had, more than usual, overflowed its banks. He ordered the Spaniards and Africans (in these lay the strength of his veteran army) to lead, their own baggage being intermixed with them, lest, being compelled to halt anywhere, they should want what might be necessary for their use: the Gauls he ordered to go next, that they might form the middle of the marching body, the cavalry to march in the rear; next, Mago, with the light-armed Numidians, to keep the army together, particularly coerc- ing the Gauls, if, fatigued with exertion and the length of the march, as that nation is wanting in vigor for such ex- ertions, they should fall away, or halt. The van still fol- lowed the standards wherever the guides did but lead them, through the exceedingly deep and almost fathomless eddies of the river, nearly swallowed up in mud, and plunging themselves in. The Gauls could neither support themselves when fallen, nor raise themselves from the ed- dies. Nor did they sustain their bodies with spirit nor their minds with hope, some scarce dragging on their wearied limbs; others dying where they had once fallen, their spirits being subdued with fatigue, among the beasts which themselves also lay prostrate in every place. But chiefly watching wore them out, endured now for four days and three nights. When, the water covering every place, not a dry spot could be found where they might stretch their weary bodies, they laid themselves down upon their baggage, thrown in heaps into the waters. Piles of beasts, which lay everywhere through the whole route, afforded a necessary bed for temporary repose to those seeking any place which was not under water. Hannibal himself, riding on the only remaining elephant, to be the higher from the water, contracted a disorder in his eyes, at first from the unwholesomeness of the vernal air, which is attended with transitions from heat to cold; and at length, from watching, nocturnal damps, the marshy atmosphere disordering his head, and because he had neither opportunity nor leisure for remedies, loses one of them. 3. Many men and cattle having been lost thus wretch-Y.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 79 edly, when at length he had emerged from the marshes, he pitches his camp as soon as he could on dry ground. And here he received information, through the scouts sent in advance, that the Roman army was round the walls of Arretium. Next the plans and temper of the consul, the situation of the country, the roads, the sources from which provisions might be obtained, and whatever else it was useful to know; all these things he ascertained by the most diligent inquiry. The country was among the most fertile of Italy, the plains of Etruria, between Faesulae and Arretium, abundant in its supply of corn, cattle, and every other requisite. The consul was haughty from his former consulship, and felt no proper degree of reverence not only for the laws and the majesty of the fathers, but even for the gods. This temerity, inherent in his nature, fortune had fostered by a career of prosperity and success in civil and military affairs. Thus it was sufficiently evident that, heedless of gods and men, he would act in all cases with presumption and precipitation; and, that he might fall the more readily into the errors natural to him, the Cartha- ginian begins to fret and irritate him; and leaving the enemy on his left, he takes the road to Fsesulte, and march- ing through the centre of Etruria, with intent to plunder, he exhibits to the consul, in the distance, the greatest de- vastation he could with fires and slaughters. Flaminius, who would not have rested even if the enemy had remain- ed quiet ; then, indeed, when he saw the property of the allies driven and carried away almost before his eyes, con- sidering that it reflected disgrace upon him that the Car- thaginian now roaming at large through the heart of Italy and marching without resistance to storm the very walls of Rome, though every other person in the council advised safe rather than showy measures, urging that he should wait for his colleague, in order that, joining their armies, they might carry on the war with united courage and counsels; and that, meanwhile, the enemy should be pre- vented from his unrestrained freedom in plundering by- the cavalry and the light-armed auxiliaries, in a fury hur- ried out of the council, and at once gave out the signal for marching and for battle. " Nay, rather," says he, " let us lie before the walls of Arretium, for here is our country,80 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 4. here our household gods. Let Hannibal, slipping through our fingers, waste Italy through and through ; and, ravag- ing and burning every thing, let him arrive at the walls of Rome; nor let us move hence till the fathers shall have summoned Flaminius from Arretium, as they did Camillus of old from Veii." While reproaching them thus, and in the act of ordering the standards to be speedily pulled up, when he had sprung upon his horse, the animal fell sud- denly, and threw the unseated consul over his head. All the by-standers being alarmed at this as an unhappy omen in the commencement of the affair, in addition word is brought that the standard could not be pulled up, though the standard-bearer strove with all his force. Flaminius, turning to the messenger, says, " Do you bring, too, letters from the Senate, forbidding me to act. Go, tell them to dig up the standard, if, through fear, their hands are so benumbed that they can not pluck it up." Then the army began to march; the chief officers, besides that they dis- sented from the plan, being terrified by the twofold prod- igy ; while the soldiery in general were elated by the con- fidence of their leader, since they regarded merely the hope he entertained, and not the reasons of the hope. 4. Hannibal lays waste the country between the city Cortona and the lake Trasimenus with all the devastation of war, the more to exasperate the enemy to revenge the injuries inflicted on his allies. They had now reached a place formed by nature for an ambuscade, where the Tras- imenus comes nearest to the mountains of Cortona. A very narrow passage only intervenes, as though room enough just for that purpose had been left designedly; after that a somewhat wider plain opens itself, and then some hills rise up. On these he pitches his camp, in full view, where he himself, with his Spaniards and Africans, only might be posted. The Baliares and his other light troops he leads round the mountains; his cavalry he posts at the very entrance of the defile, some eminences conven- iently concealing them; in order that when the Romans had entered, the cavalry advancing, every place might be inclosed by the lake and the mountains. Flaminius, pass- ing the defiles before it was quite daylight, without recon- noitring, though he had arrived at the lake the precedingy.e. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 81 day at sunset, when the troops began to be spread into the wider plain, saw that part only of the enemy which was opposite to him; the ambuscade in his rear and overhead escaped his notice. And when the Carthaginian had his enemy inclosed by the lake and mountains, and surround- ed by his troops, he gives the signal to all to make a si- multaneous charge; and each running down the nearest way, the suddenness and unexpectedness of the event was increased to the Romans by a mist rising from the lake, which had settled thicker on the plain than on the mount- ains ; and thus the troops of the enemy ran down from the various eminences, sufficiently well discerning each other, and therefore with the greater regularity. A shout being raised on all sides, the Roman found himself surrounded before he could well see the enemy; and the attack on the front and flank had commenced ere his line could be wrell formed, his arms prepared for action, or his swords un- sheathed. 5. The consul, while all were panic-struck, himself suffi- ciently undaunted, though in so perilous a case, marshals, as well as the time and place permitted, the lines which were thrown into confusion by each man's turning himself towards the various shouts; and wherever he could ap- proach or be heard, exhorts them, and bids them stand and fight: for that they could not escape thence by vows and prayers to the gods, but by exertion and valor; that a way was sometimes opened by the sword through the midst of marshalled armies, and that generally the less the fear the less the danger. However, from the noise and tumult, neither his advice nor command could be caught; and so far were the soldiers from knowing their own standards, and ranks, and position, that they had scarce sufficient courage to take up arms and make them ready for battle; and certain of them were surprised before they could pre- pare them, being burdened rather than protected by them; while in so great darkness there was more use of ears than of eyes. They turned their faces and eyes in every direc- tion towards the groans of the wounded, the sounds of blows upon the body or arms, and the mingled clamors of the menacing and the affrighted. Some, as they were making their escape, were stopped, having encountered a 4*82 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxii., chap. G. body of men engaged in fight; and bands of fugitives re- turning to the battle, diverted others. After charges had been attempted unsuccessfully in every direction, and on their flanks the mountains and the lake, on the front and rear the lines of the enemy inclosed them, when it was ev- ident that there was no hope of safety but in the right hand and the sword; then each man became to himself a leader and encourager to action; and an entirely new con- test arose, not a regular line, with principes, hastati, and triarii; nor of such a sort as that the van-guard should fight before the standards, and the rest of the troops be- hind them; nor such that each soldier should be in his own legion,cohort,or company: chance collects them into bands ; and each man's own will assigned to him his post, whether to fight in front or rear; and so great was the ardor of the conflict, so intent were their minds upon the battle, that not one of the combatants felt an earthquake which threw down large portions of many of the cities of Italy, turned rivers from their rapid courses, carried the sea up into rivers, and levelled mountains with a tremen- dous crash. 6. The battle was continued near three hours, and in ev- ery quarter with fierceness; around the consul, however, it was still hotter and more determined. Both the strongest of the troops, and himself too, promptly brought assist- ance wherever he perceived his men hard-pressed and dis^ tressed. But, distinguished by his armor, the enemy at- tacked him with the utmost vigor, while his countrymen defended him; until an Insubrian horseman, named Duca- ri us, knowing him also by his face, says to his countrymen, " Lo, this is the consul who slew our legions and laid waste our fields and city. Now will I offer this victim to the shades of my countrymen, miserably slain;" and putting spurs to his horse, he rushes through a very dense body of the enemy; and first slaying his armor-bearer, who had opposed himself to his attack as he approached, ran the consul through with his lance; the triarii, opposing their shields, kept him off when seeking to despoil him. Then first the flight of a great number began ; and now neither the lake nor the mountains obstructed their hurried re- treat; they run through all places, confined and precipi-y.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 83 tous, as though they were blind; and arms and men are tumbled one upon another. A great many, when there re- mained no more space to run, advancing into the water through the first shallows of the lake, plunge in, as far as they could stand above it with their heads and shoulders. Some there were whom inconsiderate fear induced to try to escape even by swimming; but as that attempt was in- ordinate and hopeless, they were either overwhelmed in the deep water, their courage failing, or, wearied to no pur- pose, made their way back, with extreme difficulty, to the shallows; and there were cut up on all hands by the cav- alry of the enemy, which had entered the water. Near upon six thousand of the foremost body, having gallantly forced their way through the opposing enemy, entirely un- acquainted with what was occurring in their rear, escaped from the defile; and having halted on a certain rising ground, and hearing only the shouting and clashing of arms, they could not know nor discern, by reason of the mist, what was the fortune of the battle. At length, the affair being decided, when the mist, dispelled by the increasing heat of the sun, had cleared the atmosphere, then, in the clear light, the mountains and plains showed their ruin, and the Roman army miserably destroyed; and thus,lest, being descried at a distance, the cavalry should be sent against them, hastily snatching up their standards, they hurried away with all possible expedition. On the follow- ing day, when in addition to their extreme sufferings in other respects, famine also was at hand, Maharbal, who had followed them during the night with the whole body of cavalry, pledging his honor that he would let them depart *yith single garments if they would deliver up their arms, they surrendered themselves; which promise was kept by Hannibal with Punic fidelity, and he threw them all into chains. 7. This is the celebrated battle at the Trasimenus, and recorded among the few disasters of the Roman people. Fifteen thousand Romans were slain in the battle. Ten thousand, who had been scattered in the flight through all Etruria, returned to the city by different roads. One thousand five hundred of the enemy perished in the bat- tle ; many on both sides died afterwards of their wounds.84 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 7. The carnage on both sides is related, by some authors, to have been many times greater. I, besides that I would relate nothing drawn from a worthless source, to which the minds of historians generally incline too much, have as my chief authority Fabius, who was contemporary with the events of this war. Such of the captives as belonged to the Latin confederacy being dismissed without ransom, and the Romans thrown into chains, Hannibal ordered the bodies of his own men to be gathered from the heaps of the enemy and buried: the body of Flaminius too, which was searched for with great diligence for burial, he could not find. On the first intelligence of this defeat at Rome, a concourse of the people, dismayed and terrified, took place in the Forum. The matrons, wandering through the streets, ask all they meet, what sudden disaster was reported? what was the fate of the army? And when the multitude, like a full assembly, having directed their course to the comitium and Senate-house, were calling upon the magistrates, at length, a little before sunset, Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, declares, "We have been defeated in a great battle and though nothing more defi- nite was heard from him, yet, full of the rumors which they had caught one from another, they carry back to their homes intelligence that the consul, wTith a great part of his troops, was slain; that a few only survived, and these either widely dispersed in flight through Etruria, or else captured by the enemy. As many as had been the calamities of the vanquished army, into so many anxieties were the minds of those distracted whose relations had served under Flaminius, and who were uninformed of . what had been the fate of their friends ; nor does any one know certainly what he should either hope or fear. Dur- ing the next and several successive days a greater num- ber of women almost than men stood at the gates, waiting either for some one of their friends or for intelligence of them, surrounding and earnestly interrogating those they met: nor could they be torn away from those they knew especially, until they had regularly inquired into every- thing. . Then, as they retired from the informants, you might discern their various expressions of countenance, according as intelligence, pleasing or sad, was announcedY.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 85 to each; and those who congratulated or condoled on their return home. The joy and grief of the women were especially manifested. They report that one, suddenly meeting her son, who had returned safe, expired at the very door before his face; that another, who sat grieving at her house at the falsely reported death of her son, be- came a corpse, from excessive joy, at the first sight of him on his return. The praetors detained the Senators in the house for several days, from sunrise to sunset, deliberat- ing under whose conduct, and by what forces, the victori- ous Carthaginians could be opposed. 8. Before their plans were sufficiently determined an- other unexpected defeat is reported : four thousand horse, sent under the conduct of C. Centenius, propraetor, by Servilius to his colleague, were cut off by Hannibal in Umbria, to which place, on hearing of the battle at Trasi- menus, they had turned their course. The report of this event variously affected the people. Some, having their minds preoccupied with heavier grief, considered the re- cent loss of cavalry trifling, in comparison with their for- mer losses; others did not estimate what had occurred by itself, but considered that, as in a body already laboring under disease, a slight cause would be felt more violently than a more powerful one in a robust constitution; so, whatever adverse event befell the state in its then sickly and impaired condition ought to be estimated, not by the magnitude of the event itself, but with reference to its ex- hausted strength, which could endure nothing that could oppress it. The state, therefore, took refuge in a remedy for a long time before neither wanted nor employed, the appointment of a dictator; and because the consul was absent, by whom alone it appeared he could be nominated; and because neither message nor letter could easily be sent to him through the country occupied by Punic troops; and because the people could not appoint a dictator, which had never been done to that day, the people created Quin- tus Fabius Maximus pro-dictator, and Marcus Minucius Rufus master of the horse. To them the Senate assigned the task of strengthening the walls and towers of the city; of placing guards in such quarters as seemed good, and breaking down the bridges of the river, considering that86 THE HISTORY OF liOME. [u. xxii.. chap. 9. they must now fight at home in defense of their city, since they were unable to protect Italy. 9. Hannibal, marching directly through Umbria, arrived at Spoletum ; thence, having completely devastated the ad- joining country, and commenced an assault upon the city, having been repulsed with great loss, and conjecturing from the strength of this one colony, which had been not very successfully attacked, what was the size of the city of Rome, turned aside into the territory of Picenum, which abounded not only with every species of grain, but was stored with booty, which his rapacious and needy troops eagerly seized. There he continued encamped for several days, and his soldiers were refreshed, who had been enfee- bled by winter marches and marshy ground, and with a battle more successful in its result than light or easy. When sufficient time for rest had been granted for sol- diers delighting more in plunder and devastation than ease and repose; setting out, he lays waste the territories of Pretutia and Hadria, then of the Marsi, the Marrucini, and the Peligni, and the contiguous region of Apulia around Arpi and Luceria. Cneius Servilius, the consul, having fought some slight battles with the Gauls, and taken one inconsiderable town, when he heard of the defeat of his colleague and the army, alarmed now for the walls of the capital, marched towards the city, that he might not be ab- sent at so extreme a crisis. Quintus Fabius Maximus, a second time dictator, assembled the Senate the very day he entered on his office; and commencing with what re- lated to the gods, after he had distinctly proved to the fa- thers that Caius Flaminius had erred more from neglect of the ceremonies and auspices than from temerity and want of judgment, and that the gods themselves should be consulted as to what were the expiations of their anger, he obtained a resolution that the decemviri should be or- dered to inspect the Sibylline books, which is rarely de- creed, except when some horrid prodigies were announced. Having inspected the prophetic books, they reported that the vow which was made to Mars on account of this war, not having been- regularly fulfilled, must be performed afresh and more fully; that the great games must be vow- ed to Jupiter, temples to Yenus Erycina and Mens; thaty.r. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 87 a supplication and lectisternium must be made, and a sa- cred spring vowed, if the war should proceed favorably and the state continue the condition it was in before the war. Since the management of the war would occupy Fabius, the Senate orders Marcus ^Emilius, the praetor, to see that all these things are done in good time, according to the directions of the college of pontiffs. 10. These decrees of the Senate having been passed, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, pontifex maximus, the colleague of praetors consulting with him, gives his opinion that, first of all, the people should be consulted respecting a sacred spring : that it could not be without the order of the peo- ple. The people having been asked according to this form: Do ye will and order that this thing should be per- formed in this manner? If the republic of the Roman people, the Quirites, shall be safe and preserved, as I wish it may, from these wars for the next five years (the war which is between the Roman people and the Carthaginian, and the wars which are with the Cisalpine Gauls), the Ro- man people, the Quirites, shall present whatsoever the spring shall produce from herds of swine, sheep, goats, oxen, and which shall not have been consecrated, to be sac- rificed to Jupiter, from the day wrhich the Senate and peo- ple shall appoint. Let him who shall make an offering do it when he please, and in what manner he please ; in what- soever manner he does it, let it be considered duly done. If that which ought to be sacrificed die, let it be unconse- crated, and let no guilt attach; if any one unwittingly wound or kill it, let it be no injury to him; if any one shall steal it, let no guilt attach to the people or to him fi:om whom it was stolen; if any one shall unwittingly of- fer it on a forbidden day, let it be esteemed duly offered; also whether by night or day, whether slave or free man perform it. If the Senate and people shall order it to be offered sooner than any person shall offer it, let the people being acquitted-of it be free. On the same account great games were vowed, at an expense of three hundred and thirty-three thousand three hundred and thirty-three asses and a third; moreover, it was decreed that sacrifice should be done to Jupiter with three hundred oxen, to many oth- er deities with white oxen and the other victims. The88 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii.,chap. 11. vows being duly made, a supplication was proclaimed; and not only the inhabitants of the city went with their wives and children, but such of the rustics also as, possess- ing any property themselves, were interested in the wel- fare of the state. Then a lectisternium was celebrated for three days, the decemviri for sacred things superintend- ing. Six couches wrere seen; for Jupiter and Juno one, for Neptune and Minerva another, for Mars and Yenus a third, for Apollo and Diana a fourth, for Vulcan and Vesta a fifth, for Mercury and Ceres a sixth. Then temples were vowed. To Venus Erycina, Quintus Fabius Maximus vow- ed a temple; for so it was delivered from the prophetic books, that he should vow it who held the highest author- ity in the state. Titus Otacilius, the praetor, vowed a tem- ple to Mens. 11. Divine things having been thus performed, the dic- tator then put the question of the war and the state; with what, and how many legions the fathers were of opinion that the victorious enemy should be opposed. It was de- creed that he should receive the army from Cneius Servili- us, the consul; that he should levy, moreover, from the cit- izens and allies as many horse and foot as seemed good; that he should transact and perform every thing else as he considered for the good of the state. Fabius said he would add two legions to the army of Servilius. These were levied by the master of the horse, and were appoint- ed by Fabius to meet him at Tibur on a certain day. And then, having issued proclamation that those whose towns or castles were unfortified should quit them and assemble in places of security; that all the inhabitants of that tract through which Hannibal was about to march should re- move from the country, having first burnt their buildings and spoiled their fruits, that there might not be a supply of any thing; he himself set out on the Flaminian road to meet the consul and his army; and when he saw in the distance the marching body on the Tiber,-near Ocriculum, and the consul with the cavalry advancing to him, he sent a beadle to acquaint the consul that he must meet the dic- tator without the lictors. When he had obeyed his com- mand, and their meeting had exhibited a striking display of the majesty of the dictatorship before the citizens andy.k. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 89 allies, who, from its antiquity, had now almost forgotten that authority, a letter arrived from the city, stating that the ships of burden, conveying provisions from Ostia into Spain to the army, had been captured by the Carthaginian fleet off the port of Cossa. The consul, therefore, was im- mediately ordered to proceed to Ostia, and, having manned the ships at Rome or Ostia with soldiers and sailors, to pursue the enemy, and protect the coast of Italy. Great numbers of men were levied at Rome; sons of freedmen even, who had children, and were of the military age, had taken the oath. Of these troops levied in the city, such as were under thirty-five were put on board of ships., the rest were left to protect the city. 12. The dictator, having received the troops of the con- sul from Fulvius Flaccus, his lieutenant-general, marching through the Sabine territory, arrived at Tibur on the day which he had appointed the new-raised troops to assemble. Thence he went to Prseneste, and cutting across the coun- try, came out in the Latin way, whence he led his troops towards the enemy, reconnoitring the road with the ut- most diligence; not intending to expose himself to hazard anywhere, except so far as necessity compelled him. The day he first pitched his camp in sight of the enemy, not far from Arpi, the Carthaginian, without delay, led out his troops, and, forming his line, gave an opportunity of fight- ing : but when he found all still with the enemy, and his camp free from tumult and disorder, he returned to his camp, saying indeed tauntingly, "That even the spirit of the Romans, inherited from Mars, was at length subdued; that they were warred down; and had manifestly given up all claim to valor and renown but burning inwardly with stifled vexation, because he would have to encounter a general by no means like Flaminius and Sempronius; and because the Romans, then at length schooled by their misfortunes, had sought a general a match for Hannibal; and that now he had no longer to fear the headlong vio- lence, but the deliberate prudence of the dictator. Having not yet experienced his constancy, he began to provoke and try his temper, by frequently shifting his camp and laying waste the territories of the allies before his eyes: and one while he withdrew out of sight at quick-march;90 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [a. XXII., chap. 13. another while he halted suddenly, and concealed himself in some winding of the road, if possible to entrap him on his descending into the plain. Fabius kept marching his troops along the high grounds, at a moderate distance from the enemy, so as neither to let him go altogether nor yet to encounter him. The troops were kept within the camp, except so far as necessary wTants compelled them to quit it; and fetched in food and wood not by small nor rambling parties. An outpost of cavalry and light-armed troops, prepared and equipped for acting in cases of sud- den alarm, rendered every thing safe to their own soldiers, and dangerous to the scattered plunderers of the enemy. Nor was his whole cause committed to general hazard; while slight contests, of small importance in themselves, commenced on safe ground, with a retreat at hand, accus- tomed the soldiery, terrified by their former disasters, now at length to think less meanly either of their prowess or good-fortune. But he did not find Hannibal a greater en- emy to such sound measures than his master of the horse, who was only prevented from plunging the state into ruin by his inferiority in command. Presumptuous and pre- cipitate in his measures, and unbridled in his tongue, first among a few, then openly and publicly, he taunted him with being sluggish instead of patient, spiritless instead of cautious—falsely imputing to liim those vices which bor- dered on his virtues; and raised himself by means of de- pressing his superiors, which, though a most iniquitous practice, has become more general from the too great suc- cesses of many. 13. Hannibal crosses over from the Hirpini into Samni- um; lays waste the territory of Beneventum; takes the town of Telesia; and purposely irritates the dictator, if per- chance he could draw him down to a battle on the plain, exasperated by so many indignities and disasters inflicted on his allies. Among the multitude of allies of Italian ex- traction, who had been captured by Hannibal at the Tras- imenus and dismissed, were three Campanian horsemen, who had even at that time been bribed by many presents and promises from Hannibal to win over the affections of their countrymen to him. These, bringing him word that he would have an opportunity of getting possession ofY.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 91 Capua if he brought his array into the neighborhood in Campania, induced Hannibal to quit Samnium for Campa- nia ; though he hesitated, fluctuating between confidence and distrust, as the affair was of more importance than the authorities. He dismissed them, repeatedly charging them to confirm their promises by acts, and ordering them to return with a greater number, and some of their leading men. Hannibal himself orders his guide to conduct him into the territory of Casinum, being certified by persons acquainted with the country that if he seized that pass he would deprive the Romans of a passage by which they might get out to the assistance of their allies. But his Punic accent, ill adapted to the pronunciation of Latin names, caused the guide to understand Casilinum instead of Casinum; and leaving his former course, he descends through the territory of Allifae, Calatia, and Cales, into the plain of Stella, where, seeing the country inclosed on all sides by mountains and rivers, he calls the guide to him, and asks him where in the world he wTas ? when he replied that on that day he would lodge at Casilinum: then at length the error was discovered, and that Casinum lay at a great distance in another direction. Having scourged the guide with rods and crucified him, in order to strike terror into all others, he fortified a camp, and sent Mahar- bal with the cavalry into the Falernian territory to pillage. This depredation reached as far as the waters of Sinuessa; the Numidians caused destruction to a vast extent, but flight and consternation through a still wider space. Yet not even the terror of these things, when all around was consuming in the flames of war, could shake the fidelity of the allies; for this manifest reason, because they lived un- der a temperate and mild government: nor were they un- willing to submit to those who were superior to them, which is the only bond of fidelity. 14. But when the enemy's camp was pitched on the Vulturnus, and the most delightful country in Italy was being consumed by fire, and the farm-housos, on all hands, were smoking from the flames, while Fabius led his troops along the heights of Mount Massicus, then the strife had nearly been kindled anew, for they had been quiet for a few days, because, as the army had marched quicker thaw92 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b.xxii.,chap. u. usual, they had supposed that the object of this haste was to save Campania from devastation; but when they ar- rived at the extreme ridge of Mount Massicus, and the en- emy appeared under their eyes, burning the houses of the Falernian territory, and of the settlers of Sinuessa, and no mention made of battle, Minucius exclaims, "Are we come here to see our allies butchered, and their property burn- ed, as a spectacle to be enjoyed ? and if we are not moved with shame on account of any others, are we not on ac- count of these citizens, whom our fathers sent as settlers to Sinuessa, that this frontier might be protected from the Samnite foe: which now not the neighboring Samnite wastes with fire, but a Carthaginian foreigner, who has ad- vanced even thus far from the remotest limits of the world, through our dilatoriness and inactivity? What! are we so degenerate from our ancestors as tamely to see that coast filled with Numidian and Moorish foes, along which our fathers considered it a disgrace to their government that the Carthaginian fleets should cruise? We, who ere- while, indignant at the storming of Saguntum, appealed not to men only, but to treaties and to gods, behold Hanni- bal scaling the walls of a Roman colony unmoved. The smoke from the flamos of our farm-houses and lands comes into our eyes and faces; our ears ring with the cries of our weeping allies, imploring us to assist them oftener than the gods, while we here are leading our troops, like a herd of cattle, through shady forests and lonely paths, en- veloped in clouds and woods. If Marcus Furius had re- solved to recover the city from the Gauls, by thus travers- ing the tops of mountains and forests, in the same manner as this modern Camillus goes about to recover Italy from Hannibal, who has been sought out for our dictator in our distress, on account of his unparalleled talents, Rome would be the possession of the Gauls; and I fear lest, if we are thus dilatory, our ancestors will so often have preserved it only for the Carthaginians and Hannibal; but that man and true Roman, on the very day on which intelligence was brought him to Yeii that he was appointed dictator, on the authority of the fathers and the nomination of the people, came down into the plain, though the Janiculum was high enough to admit of his sitting down there andY.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 93 viewing the enemy at a distance; and on that very day defeated the Gallic legions in the middle of the city, in the place where the Gallic piles are now, and on the following day on the Roman side of Gabii. What! many years af- ter this, when we were sent under the yoke at the Caudine Forks by the Samnite foe, did Lucius Papirius Cursor take the yoke from the Roman neck and place it upon the proud Samnites, by traversing the heights of Samnium ? or was it by pressing and besieging Luceria, and challeng- ing the victorious enemy ? A short time ago, what was it that gave victory to Caius Lutatius but expedition? for on the day after he caught sight of the enemy, he surprised and overpowered the fleet, loaded with provisions, and en- cumbered of itself by its own implements and apparatus. It is folly to suppose that the war can be brought to a conclusion by sitting still, or by prayers; the troops must be armed and led down into the plain, that you may en- gage man to man. The Roman power has grown to its present height by courage and activity, and not by such dil- atory measures as these, which the cowardly only designate as cautious." A crowd of Roman tribunes and knights poured round Minucius, while thus, as it were, haranguing; his presumptuous expressions reached the ears of the com- mon soldiers; and had the question been submitted to the votes of the soldiers, they showed evidently that they would have preferred Minucius to Fabius for their general. 15. Fabius, keeping his attention fixed no less upon his own troops than on the enemy, first shows that his reso- lution was unconquered by the former. Though he well knew that his procrastination was disapproved, not only in his own camp, but by this time even at Rome; yet, in- flexibly adhering to the same line of policy, he delayed through the remainder of the summer; in order that Han- nibal, devoid of all hope of a battle, which he so earnestly desired, might now look out for a place for winter-quar- ters ; because that district was one of present, but not con- stant, supply, consisting, as it did, of plantations and vine- yards, and all places planted with luxurious rather than useful produce. This intelligence was brought to Fabius by his scouts. When he felt convinced that he would re- turn by the same narrow pass through which he had en-94 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 16. tered the Falernian territory, he occupied Mount Callic- ula and Casilinum with a pretty strong guard. Which city, intersected by the river Vulturnus, divides the Faler- nian and Carapanian territories. He himself leads back his troops along the same heights, having sent Lucius Hostilius Mancinus with four hundred of the allied cavalry to reconnoitre; who, being one of the crowd of youths who had often heard the master of the horse fiercely ha- ranguing, at first advanced after the manner of a scout, in order that he might observe the enemy in security; and when he sawT the Numidians scattered widely throughout the villages, having gotten an opportunity, he also slew a few of them. But from that moment his mind wTas en- grossed with the thoughts of a battle, and the injunctions of the dictator were forgotten, who had charged him, when he had advanced as far as he could with safety to retreat before he came within'the' enemy's view. The Numidians, party after party, skirmishing and retreating, drew the general almost to their camp, to the fatigue of his men and horses. Then Karthalo, wTho had the com- mand of the cavalry, charging at full speed, and having put them to flight before he came within a dart's throw, pursued them for five miles almost in a continuous course. Mancinus, when he saw that the enemy did not desist from the pursuit, and that there was no hope of escape, having encouraged his troops, turned back to the battle, though inferior in every kind of force. Accordingly, he himself, and the choicest of his cavalry, being surrounded, are cut to pieces. The rest in disorderly retreat fled first to Cales, arid thence to the dictator, by ways almost impass- able. It happened that on that day Minucius had formed a junction with Fabius, having been sent to secure with a guard the pass above Tarracina, -which, contracted into a narrow gorge, overhangs the sea, in order that Hannibal might ntft be able to get into the Roman territory by the Appian Way's being unguarded. The dictator and master of the horse, uniting their forces, lead them down into the road through which Hannibal was about to march his troops. The enemy was two miles from that place. 16. The following day the Carthaginian filled the whole road between the two camps with his troops iny.K. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 95 marching order; and though the Romans had taken their stand immediately under their rampart, having a decided- ly superior position, yet the Carthaginian came up with his light-horse, and, with a view to provoke the enemy, carried on a kind of desultory attack, first charging and then retreating. The Roman line remained in its position. The battle was slow, and more conformable to the wish of the dictator than of Hannibal. On the part of the Ro- mans there fell two hundred, on the part of the enemy eight hundred. It now began to appear that Hannibal was hemmed in, the road to Casilinum being blockaded; and that while Capua, and Samnium, and so many wealthy allies in the rear of the Romans might supply them with provisions, the Carthaginian, on the other hand, must win- ter amidst the rocks of Formise and the sands and hideous swamps of Liternum. Nor did it escape Hannibal that he was assailed by his own arts; wherefore, since he could not escape by way of Casilinum, and since it was necessary to make for the mountains and pass the summit of Callic- ula,lest in any place the Romans should attack his troops while inclosed in valleys; having hit upon a stratagem calculated to deceive the sight, and excite terror from its appearance, by means of which he might baffle the enemy, he resolved to come up by stealth to the mountains at the commencement of night. The preparation of his wily stratagem was of this description. Torches, collected from every part of the country, and bundles of rods and dry cuttings, are fastened before the horns of oxen, of which, wild and tame, he had driven away a great number among other plunder of the country: the number of oxen was made up to nearly two thousand. To Hasdrubal was as- signed the task of driving to the mountains that herd, af- ter having set fire to their horns as soon as ever it was dark; particularly, if he could, over the passes beset by the enemy. 17. As soon as it was dark the camp was moved in silence; the oxen were driven a little in advance of the standards. When they arrived at the foot of the mount- ains and the narrow passes, the signal is immediately given for setting fire to their horns and driving them vio- lently. up the mountains before them. The mere terror96 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 18. excited by the flame, which cast a glare from their heads, and the heat now approaching the quick and the roots of their horns, drove on the oxen as if goaded by madness. By which dispersion, on a sudden all the surrounding shrubs were in a blaze, as if the mountains and woods had been on fire; and the unavailing tossing of their heads quiqkening the flame, exhibited an appearance as of men running to and fro on every side. Those who had been placed to guard the passage of the wood, when they saw fires on the tops of the mountains, and some over their own heads, concluding that they were surrounded, aban- doned their post; making for the tops of the mountains in the direction in which the fewest fires blazed, as being the, safest course; however, they fell in with some oxen which had strayed from their herds. At first, when they beheld them at a distance, they stood fixed in amazement at the miracle, as it appeared to them, of creatures breath- ing fire; afterwards, when it showed itself to be a human stratagem, then, forsooth, concluding that there was an ambuscade, as they are hurrying away in flight with in- creased alarm, they fall in also with the light-armed troops of the enemy. But the night, when the fear was equally shared, kept them from commencing the battle till morn- ing. Meanwhile Hannibal, having marched his whole army through the pass, and having cut off some of the enemy in the very defile, pitches his camp in the country of Allifae. 18. Fabius perceived this tumult, but concluding that it was a snare, and being disinclined for a battle, particular- ly by night, kept his troops within the works. At break of day a battle took place under the summit of the mount- ain, in which the Romans, who were considerably superior in numbers, would have easily overpowered the light-arm- ed of the enemy, cut off as they were from their party, had not a cohort of Spaniards, sent back by Hannibal for that very purpose, reached the spot. That body- being more accustomed to mountains, and being more adapted, both from the agility of their limbs and also, from the character of their arms, to skirmishing amidst rocks and crags, easily foiled, by their manner of fighting, an enemy loaded with arms, accustomed to level ground and theit.k. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 97 steady kind of fighting. Separating from a contest thus by no means equal, they proceeded to their camps; the Spaniards almost all untouched; the Romans having lost a few. Fabius also moved his camp, and passing the de- file, took up a position above Allifse, in a strong and ele- vated place. Then Hannibal, pretending to march to Rome through Samnium, came back as far as the Peligni, spreading devastation. Fabius led his troops along the heights midway between the army of the enemy and the city of Rome; neither avoiding him altogether, nor com- ing to an engagement. From the Peligni the Carthagin- ian turned his course, and going back again to Apulia, reached Geronium, a city deserted by its inhabitants from fear, as a part of its walls had fallen down together in ruins. The dictator formed a completely fortified camp in the territory of Larinum, and being recalled thence to Rome on account of some sacred rites, he not only urged the master of the horse, in virtue of his authority, but with advice and almost with prayers, that he would trust rather to prudence than fortune, and imitate him as a gen- eral rather than Sempronius and Flaminius; that he would not suppose that nothing had been achieved by having worn out nearly the whole summer in baffling the enemy; that physicians, too, sometimes gained more by rest than by motion and action. That it was no small thing to have ceased to be conquered by an enemy so oft- en victorious, and to have taken breath after successive disasters. Having thus unavailingly admonished the mas- ter of the horse, he set out for Rome. 19. In the beginning of the summer in which these Events occurred, the war commenced by land and sea in Spain also. To the number of ships which he had re- ceived from his brother, equipped and ready for action, Hasdrubal added ten. The fleet of forty ships he deliver- ed to Himilco: and thus setting out from Carthage, kept his ships near the land, while he led his army along the shore, ready to engage with whichever part of his forces the enemy might fall in with. Cneius Scipio, when he heard that the enemy had quitted his winter-quarters, at first formed the same plan; but afterwards, not daring to engage him by land, from a great rumor of fresh auxilia- vol. it.—598 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 19. rieSj he advances to meet him with a fleet of thirty-five ships, having put some chosen soldiers on board. Setting out from Tarraco, on the second day he reached a conven- ient station ten miles from the mouth of the Iberus. Two ships of the Massilians, sent forward from that place reconnoitring, brought word back that the Carthaginian fleet was stationed in the mouth of the river, and that the camp was pitched upon the bank. In order, therefore, to overpower them while off their guard, and incautious, by a universal and wide-spread terror, he weighed anchor and advanced. In Spain there are several towers placed in high situations, which they employ both as watch-towers and as places of defense against pirates. From them first a view of the ships of the enemy having been obtained, the signal was given to Hasdrubal; and a tumult arose in the camp and on land, sooner than on the ships and at sea —the dashing of the oars and other nautical noises not be- ing yet distinctly heard, nor the promontories disclosing the fleet. Upon this, suddenly one horseman after anoth- er, sent out by Hasdrubal, orders those who were strolling upon the shore or resting quietly in their tents, expecting any thing rather than the enemy and a battle on that day, immediately to embark and take up arms: that the Ro- man fleet was now a short distance from the harbor. The horsemen, dispatched in every direction, delivered these orders; and presently Hasdrubal himself comes up with the main army. All places resound with noises of various kinds; the soldiers and rowers hurrying together to the ships, rather like men running away from the land than marohing to battle. Scarcely had all embarked, when some, unfastening the hawsers, are carried out against the anchors; others cut their cables, that nothing' might im- pede them; and, by doing every thing with hurry and precipitation, the duties of mariners were impeded by the preparations of the soldiers, and the soldiers were prevent- ed from taking and preparing for action their arms, by the bustle of the mariners. And now the Roman was not only approaching, but had drawn up his ships for the bat- tle. The Carthaginians, therefore, thrown into disorder, not more by the enemy and the battle than by their own tumult, having rather made an attempt at fighting thanY.lt. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 99 commenced a battle, turned their fleet for flight; and as the mouth of the river which was before them could not be entered in so broad a line, and by so many pressing in at the same time, they ran their ships on shore in every part. And being received, some in the shallows, and oth- ers on the dry shore, some armed and some unarmed, they escaped to their friends, who were drawn up in battle-ar- ray over the shore. Two Carthaginian ships were cap- tured, and four sunk on the first encounter. 20. The Romans, though the enemy was master of the shore, and they saw armed troops lining the whole bank, promptly pursuing the discomfited fleet of the enemy, tow- ed out into the deep all the ships which had not either shattered their prows by the violence with which they struck the shore, or set their keels fast in the shallows. They captured as many as twenty-five out of forty. Nor was that the most splendid result of their victory; but they became masters of the whole sea on that coast by one slight battle; advancing, then, with their fleet to Honosca, and making a descent from the ships upon the coast, when they had taken the city by storm and pillaged it, they af- terwards made for Carthage: then devastating the whole surrounding country, they, lastly, set fire also to the build- ings contiguous to the wall and gates. Thence the fleet, laden with plunder, arrived at Longuntica, where a great quantity of oakum for naval purposes had been collected by Hasdrubal: of this, taking away as much as was suffi- cient for their necessities, they burnt all the rest. Nor did they only sail by the prominent coasts of the continent, but crossed over into the island Ebusus; where, having with the utmost exertion, but in vain, carried on operations against the city which is the capital of the island, for two days, when they found that time was wasted to no purpose upon a hopeless task, they turned their efforts to the dev- astation of the country; and having plundered and fired several villages, and acquired a greater booty than they had obtained on the continent, they retired to their ships, when ambassadors from the Baliares came to Scipio to sue for peace. From this place the fleet sailed back and re- turned to the hither parts of the province, whither ambas- sadors of all the people who dwell on the Iberus, and of100 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [a. xxn., chap. 22. many people in the most distant parts of Spain, assembled. But the number of states who really became subject to the authority and dominion of the Romans, and gave hostages, amounted to upward of one hundred and twenty. The Roman, therefore, relying sufficiently on his land forces also, advanced as far as the pass of Castulo. Hasdrubal retired into Lusitania, and nearer the ocean. 21. After this, it seemed probable that the remainder of the summer would be peaceful; and so it would have been with regard to the Punic enemy: but besides that the tempers of the Spaniards themselves are naturally restless, and eager for innovation, Mandonius, together with Indi- bilis, who had formerly been petty prince of the Ilergetes, having stirred up their countrymen, came to lay waste the peaceful country of the Roman allies, after the Romans had retired from the pass to the sea-coast. A military trib- une with some light-armed auxiliaries being sent against these by Scipio, with a small effort put them all to the rout, as being but a disorderly band: some having been captured and slain, a great portion of them were deprived of their arms. This disturbance, however, brought back Hasdrubal, who was retiring to the ocean, to protect his allies on. this side the Iberus. The Carthaginian camp was in the territory of Ilercao, the Roman camp at the New Fleet, when unexpected intelligence turned the war into another quarter. The Celtiberians, who had sent the chief men of their country as ambassadors to the Romans, and had given them hostages, aroused by a message from Scipio, take up arms and invade the province of the Car- thaginians with a powerful army; take three towns by storm; and after that, encountering Hasdrubal himself in two battles with splendid success, slew fifteen thousand and captured four thousand, together with many military standards. 22. This being the state of affairs in Spain, Publius Scipio came into his province, having been sent thither by the Senate, his command being continued to him after his consulate, with thirty long ships, eight thousand soldiers, and a large importation of provisions. That fleet, swelled to an enormous size by a multitude of transports, being de- scried at a distance, entered safe the port of Tarraco, toy.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 101 the great joy of the citizens and allies. Landing his troops there, Scipio set out and formed a junction with his broth- er, and thenceforward they prosecuted the war with united courage and counsels. While the Carthaginians, there- fore, were occupied with the Celtiberian war, they prompt- ly crossed the Iberus, and, not seeing any enemy, pursue their course to Saguntum; for it was reported that the hostages from every part of Spain, having been consigned to custody, were kept in the citadel of that place under a small guard. That pledge alone checked the affections of all the people of Spain, which were inclined towards an al- liance with the Romans, lest the guilt of their defection should be expiated with the blood of their children. One man, by a stratagem more subtle than honorable, liberated the Spaniards from this restraint. There was at Sagun- lum a noble Spaniard, named Abelux, hitherto faithful to the Carthaginians, but now (such are, for /the most part, the dispositions of barbarians) had changed his attach- ment with fortune; but, considering that a deserter going over to enemies without the betraying of something val- uable would be looked upon only as a stigmatized and worthless individual, was solicitous to render as great a service as possible to his new confederates. Having turn- ed over in his mind, then, the various means which, under the favor of fortune, he might employ, in preference to ev- ery other, he applied himself to the delivering up of the hostages; concluding that this one thing, above all others, would gain the Romans the friendship of the Spanish chieftains. ; But since he knew that the guards of the hostages would do nothing without the authority of Bos- tar, the governor, he addresses, himself with craft to Bos- tar himself. Bostar had his camp without the city, just upon the shore, in order to preclude the approach of the Romans from that quarter. He informs him, taken aside to a secret place, and as if uninformed, in what position affairs were : " That hitherto fear had withheld the minds of the Spaniards to them, because the Romans were at a great distance; that now the Roman camp was on this side the Iberus, a secure fortress and asylum for such as desired a change; that therefore those whom fear could not bind should be attached by kindness and favor."-102 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 22. When Bostar, in astonishment, earnestly asked him what sudden gift of so much importance that could be, he re- plied, " Send back the hostages to their states: this will be an acceptable boon, privately to their parents, who pos- sess the greatest influence in their respective states, and publicly to the people. Every man wishes to have confi- dence reposed in him; and confidence reposed generally enforces the fidelity itself. The office of restoring the hostages to their homes I request for myself, that I may enhance my project by the trouble bestowed, and that I may add as much value as I can to a service in its own in- trinsic nature so acceptable." When he had persuaded the man, who was not cunning as compared with Cartha- ginian minds in general, having gone secretly and by night to the outposts of the enemy, he met writh some auxiliary »Spaniards; and having been brought by them into the pres- ence of Scipio, he explains what brought him. Pledges of fidelity having been given and received, and the time and place for delivering the hostages having been appoint- ed, he returns to Saguntum. The following day he spent with Bostar in taking his commands for effecting the busi- ness ; having so arranged it that he should go by night, in order that he might escape the observation of the enemy, he was dismissed; and awakening the guards of the youths at the hour agreed upon with them, set out and led them, as if unconsciously, into a snare prepared by his own de- ceit. They wrere brought to the Roman camp, and every thing else respecting the restoration of the hostages was transacted as had been agreed upon with Bostar, and in the same course as if the affair had been carried on in the name of the Carthaginians. But the favor of the Romans wras somewhat greater than that of the Carthaginians would have been in a similar case; for misfortune and fear might have seemed to have softened them, who had been found oppressive and haughty in prosperity. The Roman, on the contrary, on his first arrival, having been unknown to them before, had begun with an act of clemen- cy and liberality; and Abelux, a man of prudence, did not seem likely to have changed his allies without good cause. Accordingly all began, with great unanimity, to meditate a revolt; and hostilities would immediately have commenced,y.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 103 had not the winter intervened, which compelled the Ro- mans, and the Carthaginians also, to retire to shelter. 23. Such were the transactions in Spain, also, during the second summer of the Punic war; while in Italy the pru- dent delay of Fabius had procured the Romans some in- termission from disasters ; which conduct, as it kept Han- nibal disturbed with no ordinary degree of anxiety, for it proved to him that the Romans had at length selected a general who would carry on the war with prudence, and not in dependence on fortune; so was it treated with con- tempt by his countrymen, both in the camp and in the city; particularly after that a, battle had been fought dur- ing his absence from the temerity of the master of the horse, in its issue, as I may justly designate it, rather joy- ful than successful. Two causes were added to augment the unpopularity of the dictator : one arising out of a stratagem and artful procedure of Hannibal; for the farm of the dictator having been pointed out to him by desert- ers, he ordered that the fire and sword and every outrage of enemies should be restrained from it alone, while all around were levelled with the ground, in order that it might appear to have been the term of some secret com- pact: the other from an act of his own, at first perhaps suspicious, because in it he had not waited for the author- ity of the Senate, but in the result turning unequivocally to his highest credit with relation to the change of prison- ers; for, as was the case in the first Punic war, an agree- ment had been made between the Roman and Carthagin- ian generals, that whichever received more prisoners than he restored should give two pounds and a half of silver for every man. And when the Roman had received two hundred and forty-seven more than the Carthaginian, and the silver which was due for them, after the matter had been frequently agitated in the Senate, was not promptly supplied, because he had not consulted the fathers, he sent his son Quintus to Rome and sold his farm, uninjured by the enemy, and thus redeemed the public credit at his own private expense. Hannibal lay in a fixed camp before the walls of Geronium, which city he had captured and burnt, leaving only a few buildings for the purpose of granaries: thence he was in the habit of sending out two-thirds of his104 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXII., chap. 24. forces to forage; with the third part kept in readiness, he himself remained on guard, both as a protection to his camp, and for the purpose of looking out if from any quar- ter an attack should be made upon his foragers. 24. The Roman army was at that time in the territory of Larinum. Minucius, the master of the horse, had the command of it, the dictator, as was before mentioned, hav- ing gone to the city. But the camp, which had been pitch- ed in an elevated and secure situation, was now brought down into the plain ; plans of a bolder character, agreeably with the temper of the general, were in agitation; and ei- ther an attack was to be made upon the scattered foragerfe, or upon the camp now left with an inconsiderable guard. Nor did it escape the observation of Hannibal that the plan of the war had been changed with the general, and that the enemy would act wTith more boldness than coun- sel. Hannibal himself too, which one would scarcely cred- it, though the enemy was near, dispatched a third part of his troops to forage, retaining the remaining two-thirds in the camp. After that he advanced his camp itself near- er to the enemy, to a hill within the enemy's view, nearly two miles from Geronium, that they might be aware that he was on the alert to protect his foragers if any attack should be made upon them. Then he discovered an emi- nence nearer to, and commanding the very camp of, the Ro- mans; and because, if he marched openly in the day-time to" occupy it, the enemy would doubtless anticipate him by a shorter way, the Numidians, having been sent privately in the night, took possession of it. These occupying this position, the Romans the next day, despising the smallness of their numbers, dislodge, and transfer their camp thither themselves. There was now, therefore, but a very small space between rampart and rampart, and that the Roman line had almost entirely filled; at the same time the caval- ry, with the light-infantry, sent out against the foragers through the opposite part of the camp, effected a slaugh- ter and flight of the scattered enemy far and wide. Nor dared Hannibal hazard a regular battle, because with so few troops that he would scarcely be able to protect his camp if attacked. And now he carried on the war (for part of his army was away) according to the plans of Fi>y.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 105 bius, by sitting still and creating delays. He had also withdrawn his troops to their former camp, which was be- fore the walls of Geronium. Some authors affirm that they fought in regular line, and with encountering standards; that in the first encounter the Carthaginian was driven in disorder quite to his camp; but that, a sally thence hav- ing been suddenly made all at once, the Romans in their turn became alarmed; that after that the battle was re- stored by the arrival of Numerius Decimius the Samnite; that this man, the first in family and fortune, not only in Bovianum, whence he came, but in all Samnium, when con- ducting by command of the dictator to the camp eight thousand infantry and five hundred horse, having shown himself on the rear of Hannibal, seemed to both parties to be a fresh reinforcement coming with Quintus Fabius from Rome; that Hannibal, fearing also some ambuscade, with- drew his troops; and that the Roman,aided by the Sam- nite, pursuing him, took by storm two forts on that day; that six thousand of the enemy were slain, and about five thousand of the Romans; but that though the loss was so nearly equal, intelligence was conveyed to Rome of a sig- nal victory; and a letter from the master of the horse still more presumptuous. 25. These things were very frequently discussed, both in the Senate and assemblies. When the dictator alone, while joy pervaded the city, attached no credit to the re- port or letter; and, granting that all were true, affirmed that he feared more from success than failure; then Mar- cus Metilius, a plebeian tribune, declares that such conduct surely could not be endured. That the dictator not only, when present, was an obstacle to the right management of the affair, but also, being absent from the camp, opposed it still when achieved; that he studiously dallied in his con- duct of the war, that he might continue the longer in office, and that he might have the sole command both at Rome and in the army. Since one of the consuls had fallen in battle, and the other was removed to a distance from Italy, under pretext of pursuing a Carthaginian fleet, and the two prtetors were occupied in Sicily and Sardinia, neither of which provinces required a praetor at this time. That Marcus Minucius, the master of the horse, was almost put 5*106 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 25. under a guard, lest he should see the enemy and carry on any warlike operation. That therefore, by Hercules, not only Samnium, which had now been yielded to the Cartha- ginians, as if it had been land beyond the Iberus, but the Campanian, Calenian, and Falernian territories had been devastated, while the dictator was sitting down at Casili- num, protecting his own farm with the legions of the Ro- man people: that the army, eager for battle, as well as the master of the horse, were kept back almost imprisoned within the rampart; that their arms were taken out of their hands, as from captured enemies : at length, as soon as ever the dictator had gone away, having marched out beyond their rampart, that they had routed the enemy and put him to flight. On account of which circumstances, had the Roman commons retained their ancient spirit, that he would have boldly proposed to them to annul the au- thority of Quintus Fabius; but now he would bring for- ward a moderate proposition, to make the authority of the master of the horse and the dictator equal; and that even then Quintus Fabius should not be sent to the army till he had substituted a consul in the room of Caius Flaminius. The dictator kept away from the popular assemblies, in which he did not command a favorable hearing ; and even in the Senate he was not heard with favorable ears, when his eloquence was employed in praising the enemy, and at- tributing the disasters of the last two years to the temerity and unskillfulness of the generals, and when he declared that the master of the horse ought to be called to account for having fought contrary to his injunction. That "if the supreme command and administration of affairs were intrusted to him, he would soon take care that men should know that to a good general fortune was not of great importance; that prudence and conduct governed every thing; that it was more glorious for him to have saved the army at a crisis, and without disgrace, than to have slain many thousands of the enemy." Speeches of this kind having been made without effect, and Marcus Atilius Regulus created consul, that he might not be present to dispute respecting the right of command, he withdrew to the army 011 the night preceding the day on which the proposition was to be decided. When there was an as-y.R. 585.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 107 sembly of the people at break of day, a secret displeasure towards the dictator, and favor towards the master of the horse, rather possessed their minds, than that men had not sufficient resolution to advise a measure which was agreea- ble to the public; and though favor carried it, influence was wanting to the bill. One man, indeed, was found who recommended the law, Caius Terentius Varro, who had been praetor in the former year, sprung not only from hum- ble but mean parentage. They report that his father was a butcher, the retailer of his own meat, and that he em- ployed this very son in the servile offices of that trade. 26. This young man, when a fortune left him by his father, acquired in such a traffic, had inspired him with the hope of a higher condition, and the gown and Forum were the objects of his choice, by declaiming vehemently in behalf of men and causes of the lowest kind, in opposi- tion to the interest and character of the good, first came to the notice of the people, and then to offices of honor. Having passed through the offices of quaestor, plebeian, and curule aedile, and, lastly, that of praetor; when now he raised his mind to the hope of the consulship, he courted the gale of popular favor by maligning the dictator, and received alone the credit of the decree of the people. All men, both at Rome and in the army, both friends and foes, except the dictator himself, considered this measure to have been passed as an insult to him; but the dictator him- self bore the wrong which the infuriated people had put upon him with the same gravity with which he endured the charges against him which his enemies laid before the multitude; and receiving the letter containing a decree of the Senate respecting the equalization of the command while on his journey, satisfied that an equal share of mili- tary skill was not imparted together with the equal share of command, he returned to the army with a mind un- subdued alike by his fellow-citizens and by the enemy, 27. But Minucius, who, in consequence of his success and the favor of the populace, was scarcely endurable be- fore, now especially, unrestrained by shame or moderation, boasted not more in having conquered Hannibal than Quintus Fabius. " That he, who had been sought out in their distress as the only general, and as a match for Han-108 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXII., chap. 28. nibal; that lie, an event which no record of history con- tains, was by the order of the people placed upon an equal footing with himself—a superior with an inferior officer, a dictator with a master of the horse—in that very city wherein the masters of the horse are wont to crouch and tremble at the rods and axes of the dictator. With such splendor had his valor and success shone forth. That he, therefore, would follow up his own good-fortune, though the dictator persisted in his delay and sloth; measures condemned alike by the sentence of gods and men." Ac- cordingly, on the first day on which he met Quintus Fabi- us, he intimated " that the first point to be settled was the manner in which they should employ the command thus equalized. That he w^as of opinion that the best plan would be for them to be invested with the supreme author- ity and command either on alternate days, or, if longer in- tervals were more agreeable, for any determinate periods ; in order that the person in command might be a match for the enemy, not only in judgment, but in strength, if any opportunity for action should occur." Fabius-by.no means approved of this proposition : he said," that For- tune would have at her disposal all things which the rash- ness of his colleague had; that his command had been shared with him, and not taken away; that he would never, therefore, willingly withdraw from conducting the war, in whatever post he could with prudence and discretion: nor would he divide the command with him with respect to times or days, but that he would divide the army, and that he would preserve by his own measures so much as he could, since it was not allowed him to save the whole." Thus he carried it, that, as was the custom of consuls, they should divide the legions between them: the first and fourth fell to the lot of Minucius, the second and third to Fabius. They likewise divided equally between them the cavalry, the auxiliaries of the allies and of the Latin name. The master of the horse was desirous, also, that they should have separate camps. 28. From this Hannibal derived a twofold joy, for noth- ing which was going on among the enemy escaped him; the deserters revealing many things, and he himself ex- amining by his own scouts. For he considered thaty.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 109 he should be able to entrap the unrestrained temerity of Minucius by his usual arts, and that half the force of the sagacity of Fabius had vanished. There was an eminence between the camps of Minucius and the Carthaginians; whoever occupied it would evidently render the position of his enemy less advantageous. Hannibal was not so de- sirous of gaining it without a contest, though that were worth his while, as to bring on a quarrel with Minucius, who, he well knew, would at all times throw himself in his way to oppose him. All the intervening ground was at first sight unavailable to one who wished to plant an am- buscade, because it not only had not any part that was woody, but none even covered with brambles, but in reality formed by nature to cover an ambush; so much the more, because no such deception could be apprehended in a naked valley; and there were in its curvatures hollow rocks, such that some of them were capable of containing two hundred armed men. Within these recesses five thousand infantry and cavalry are secreted, as many as could conveniently occupy each. Lest, however, in any part, either the motion of any one of them thoughtlessly coming out, or the glittering of their arms, should discover the stratagem in so open a valley, by sending out a few troops at break of day to occupy the before-mentioned eminence, he diverts the attention of the enemy. Imme- diately, on the first view of them, the smallness of their number was treated with contempt, and each man began to request for himself the task of dislodging the enemy. The general himself, among the most headstrong and ab- surd, calls to arms to go and seize the place, and inveighs against the enemy with vain presumption and menaces. First, he dispatches his light-armed; after that his cavalry, in a close body; lastly, perceiving that succors were also being sent to the enemy, he marches with his legions drawn up in order of battle. Hannibal also, sending band after band, as the contest increased, as aids to his men when dis- tressed, had now completed a regular army, and a battle was fought with the entire strength of both sides. First, the light-infantry of the Romans, approaching the emi- nence, which was preoccupied, from the lower ground, be- ing repulsed and pushed down, spread a terror among the110 THE HISTORY OF-HOME. [b. xxii., chap. 29. cavalry, which was marching up also, and fled back to the standards of the legions : the line of infantry alone stood fearless amidst the panic-struck; and it appeared that they wrouJd by no means have been inferior to the enemy, had it been a regular and open battle, so much confidence did the successful battle a few days before inspire. But the troops in ambush created such confusion and alarm, by charging them on both flanks and on their rear, that no one had spirit enough left to fight, or hope enough to try to escape. 29. Then Fabius, first having heard the shout of the ter- rified troops, and then having gotten a view of their dis- ordered line, exclaims, " It is so; and no sooner than I feared has adverse fortune overtaken temerity. Equalled to Fabius in command, he sees that Hannibal is superior to him in courage and in fortune. But another will be the time for reproaches and resentment. Now advance your standards beyond the rampart: let us wrest the victory from the enemy, and a confession of their error from our countrymen." A great part of the troops having been now slain, and the rest looking about for a way to escape, the army of Fabius showed itself on a sudden for their help, as if sent down from heaven. And thus, before he came within a dart's throw or joined battle, he both stayed his friends from a precipitate flight and the enemy from excessive fierceness of fighting. Those who had been scattered up and down, their ranks being broken, fled for refuge from every quarter to the fresh army; those who had fled together in parties, turning upon the enemy, now forming a circle, retreat slowly; now concentrating them- selves, stand firm. And now the vanquished and the fresh army had nearly formed one line, and were bearing their standards against the enemy, when the Carthaginians sounded a retreat, Hannibal openly declaring that, though he had conquered Minucius, he was himself conquered by Fabius. The greater part of the day having been thus consumed with varying success, Minucius calling together his soldiers, when they had returned to the camp, thus ad- dressed them : "I have often heard, soldiers, that he is the greatest man who himself counsels what is expedient, and that he who listens to the man who gives good advicey.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. Ill is the second; but that he who neither himself is capable of counselling, and knows not how to obey another, is of the lowest order of mind. Since the first place of mind and talent has been denied us, let us strive to obtain the second and intermediate kind; and while we are learning to command, let us prevail upon ourselves to submit to a man of prudence. Let us join camps with Fabius, and, carrying our standards to his pavilion, when I have saluted him as my parent, which he deserves on account of the service he has rendered us and of his dignity, you, my sol- diers, shall salute those men as patrons, whose arms and right hands just now protected you; and if this day has conferred nothing else upon us, it hath at least conferred upon us the glory of possessing grateful hearts." 30. The signal being given, there was a general call to collect the baggage; then setting out, and proceeding in order of march to the dictator's camp, they excited at once the surprise of the dictator himself and all around him. When the standards were planted before the tri- bunal, the master of the horse, advancing before the rest, having saluted Fabius as father, and the whole body of his troops having, with one voice, saluted the soldiers who surrounded him as patrons, said, " To my parents, dicta- tor, to whom I have just now equalled you, only in name, as far as I could express myself, I am indebted for my life only; to you I owe both my own preservation and that of all these soldiers. That order of the people, therefore, with which I have been oppressed rather than honored, I first cancel and annul; and (may it be auspicious to me and you, and to these your armies, to the preserved and the preserver) I return to your authority and auspices* and restore to you these standards and these legions; and I entreat you that, being reconciled, you would order that I may retain the mastership of the horse, and that these soldiers may each of them retain their ranks." After that hands were joined, and when the assembly was dismissed, the soldiers were kindly and hospitably invited by those known to them and unknown; and that day, from having been a little while ago gloomy in the extreme, and almost accursed, was turned into a day of joy. At Rome, when the report of the action was conveyed thither, and was af-112 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 31. terwards confirmed, not less by letters from the common soldiers of both armies than from the generals themselves, all men individually extolled Maximus to the skies. His renown was equal with Hannibal, and his enemies the Car- thaginians ; and then at length they began to feel that they were engaged in war with Romans and in Italy. For the two preceding years they entertained so utter a con- tempt for the' Roman generals and soldiers, that they could scarcely believe that they were waging war with the same nation which their fathers had reported to them as being so formidable. They relate also, that Hannibal said, as he returned from the field, that at length that cloud, which was used to settle on the tops of the mountains, had sent dowrn a shower with a storm. 31. While these events occur in Italy, Cneius Servilius Geminus, the consul, having sailed round the coast of Sar- dinia and Corsica with a fleet of one hundred and twenty ships, and received hostages from both places, crossed over into Africa; and before he made a descent upon the continent, having laid waste the island of Meninx, and re- ceived from the inhabitants of Cercina ten talents of silver, in order that their fields too might not be burnt and pil- laged, he approached the shores of Africa and landed his troops. . Thence the soldiers were led out to plunder, and the crews scattered about just as if they were plundering uninhabited islands; and thus, carelessly falling upon an ambuscade, when they were surrounded—the ignorant of the country by those acquainted wTith it, the straggling by those in close array—they were driven back to their ships in ignominious flight, and with great carnage. As many as one thousand men, together with Sempronius Blas- sus, the quaestor, having been lost, the fleet hastily setting sail from the shore, which was crowded .with the enemy, proceeded direct for Italy, and was given up at Lilybseum to Titus Otacilius, the praetor, that it might be taken back to Rome by his lieutenant, Publius Sura. The consul himself, proceeding through Sicily on foot, crossed the strait into Italy, summoned, as well as his colleague, Mar- cus Atilius, by a letter from Quintus Fabius, to receive the armies from him, as the period of his command, which was six months, had nearly expired. Almost all the an-y.R. 535.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 113 nalists record that Fabius conducted the war against Han- nibal as dictator. Cselius also writes that he was the first dictator created by the people. But it has escaped Cselius and all the others that Cneius Servilius, the consul, who was then a long way from home in Gaul, which was his province, was the only person who possessed the right of appointing a dictator; and that as the state, terrified by the disasters which had just befallen it, could not abide the delay, it had recourse to the determination that the people should create a pro-dictator; that his subsequent achievements, his singular renown as a general, and his descendants, who exaggerated the inscription of his statue, easily brought it about that he should be called dictator instead of pro-dictator. 32. The consuls, Atilius and Geminus Servilius, having received, the former the army of Fabius, the latter that of Minucius, and fortified their winter-quarters in good time (it was the close of the autumn), carried on the war with the most perfect unanimity, according to the plans of Fa- bius. In many places they fell upon the troops of Hanni- bal when out on foraging excursions, availing themselves of the opportunity, and both harassing their march and intercepting the stragglers. They did not come to the chance of a general battle, which the enemy tried by every artifice to bring about. And Hannibal was so straitened by the want of provisions, that had he not feared, in retir- ing, the appearance of flight, he would have returned to Gaul, no hope being left of being able to subsist an army in those quarters if the ensuing consuls should carry on the war upon the same plan. The war having been ar- rested in its progress at Geronium, the winter interrupt- ing it, ambassadors from Naples came to Rome. They carried into the Senate-house forty golden goblets of great weight, and spoke to this effect: "That they knew the treasury of the Romans was exhausted by the war; and since the war was carried on alike in defense of the cities and the lands of the allies, and of the empire and city of Rome, the capital and citadel of Italy, that the Neapoli- tans thought it but fair that they should assist the Roman people with whatever gold had been left them by their an- cestors as well for the decoration of their temples as for114 TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 33. the relief of misfortune. If they had thought that there was any resource in themselves, that they would have of- fered it with the same zeal. That the Roman fathers and people wrould render an acceptable service to them if they would consider all the goods of the Neapolitans as their own; and if they would think them deserving, that they should accept a present at their hands, rendered valuable and of consequence rather by the spirit and affection of those who gave it with cheerfulness than by its intrinsic worth." Thanks were given to the ambassadors for their munificence and attention, and the goblet of least weight was accepted. 33. During the same days a Carthaginian spy, who had escaped for two years, was apprehended at Rome, and, his hands having been cut off, was let go; and twenty-five slaves were crucified for forming a conspiracy in the Campus Martius ; his liberty was given to the informer, and twenty thousand asses of the heavy standard. Am- bassadors wTere also sent to Philip, king of the Macedoni- ans, to demand Demetrius of Pharia, who, having been vanquished in war, had fled to him. Others were sent to the Ligurians, to expostulate with them for having assist- ed the Carthaginians with their substance and with auxil- iaries, and, at the sa-me time, to take a near view of what was going on among the Boii and Insubrians. Ambas- sadors were also sent to the Illyrians to King Pineus, to demand the tribute, the day of payment of which had passed; or, if he wished to postpone the day, to receive hostages. Thus, though an arduous war was on their shouldersj no attention to any one concern in any part of the world, however remote, escapes the Romans. It was made a matter of superstitious fear also, that the Temple of Concord, which Lucius Manlius, the praetor, had vowed in Gaul two years ago, on occasion of a mutiny, had not been contracted for to that day. Accordingly, Cneius Pupius and Caeso Quinctius Flaminius, created duumviri by Marcus iEmilius, the city praetor, for that purpose, contract for the building a temple in the citadel. By the same praetor a letter was sent to the consuls, agreeably to a decree of the Senate, to the effect that, if they thought proper, one of them should come to Rome to elect consuls;y;R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 115 and that he would proclaim the election for whatever day they might name. To this it was replied by the consuls that they could not leave the enemy without detriment to the public; that it would be better, therefore, that the election should be held by an interrex, than that one of the consuls should be called away from the war. It ap- peared more proper to the fathers that a dictator should be nominated by a consul, for the purpose of holding the election. Lucius Veturius Philo was nominated, who chose Manius Pomponius Matho master of the horse. These having been created with some defect, they were ordered to give up their appointment on the fourteenth day; and the state came to an interregnum. 34. To the consuls the authority was continued for a year longer. Caius Claudius Centho, son of Appius, and then Publius Cornelius Asina, wTere appointed interreges by the fathers. During the interregnum of the latter the election was held, with a violent contest between the pa- tricians and the people. Caius Terentius Yarro, whom, as a man of their own order, commended to their favor by inveighing against the patricians and by other popular arts; who had acquired celebrity by maligning others, by undermining the influence of Fabius, and bringing into contempt the dictatorial authority, the commons strove to raise to the consulship. The patricians opposed him with all their might, lest men, by inveighing against them, should come to be placed on an equality with them. Quin- tus Bcebius Herennius, a plebeian tribune, and kinsman of Caius Terentius, by criminating not only the Senate, but the augurs also, for having prevented the dictator from completing the election, by the odium cast upon them, conciliated favor to his own candidate. He asserted " that Hannibal had been brought into Italy by the nobility, who had for many years been desirous of a war. That by the fraudulent machinations of the same persons the war had been protracted, whereas it might have been brought to a conclusion. That it had appeared that the war could be maintained with an army consisting of four legions in all, from Marcus Minucius's having fought with success in the absence of Fabius. That two legions had been exposed to be slain by the enemy, and were afterwards rescued from116 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXII., chap. 35. absolute destruction, in order that that man might be sa- luted as father and patron who had deprived them of vic- tory before he delivered them from defeat. That subse- quently the consuls, pursuing the plans of Fabius, had pro- tracted the war, whereas it was in their power to have put a period to it. That this was an agreement made by the nobility in general; nor would they ever have the war con- cluded till they had created a consul really plebeian; that is, a new man: for that plebeians who had attained nobil- ity were now initiated into the mysteries, and had begun to look down with contempt upon plebeians from the mo- ment they ceased to be despised by the patricians. Who was not fully aware that their end and object was, that an interregnum should be formed, in order that the elections might be under the influence of the patricians ?. That both the consuls had that in view in tarrying with the army; and that afterwards a dictator having been nominated to hold the election contrary to their wishes, they had carried it, as it were, by storm, that the augurs should declare the dictator informally elected. That they, therefore, had. got- ten an interregnum; but one consulate was surely in the hands of the Roman people. Thus the people would have that at their own unbiased disposal, and that they would confer it on that man who would rather conquer in reality than lengthen the term of his command." 35. When the people had been inflamed by these ha- rangues, though there were three patrician candidates for the consulship, Publius Cornelius Merenda, Lucius Manlius Vulso, and Marcus ^Emilius Lepidus, two of plebeian fam- ilies, who had been ennobled, Caius Atilius Serranus. and Quintus iElius Paetus, one of whom was pontiff, the other an augur, Terentius alone was created consul, that the comitia for choosing his colleague might be in his own management. . Then the nobles, finding that the competi- tors whom they had set up were not strong enough, though he strenuously refused for a long time, prevail upon iEmil- ius Paulus, who was strongly opposed to the people, to be- come a candidate. He had been consul before with Mar- cus Livius, and from the condemnation of his colleague, and almost of himself, had come off scathed. On the next day of the election, all who had opposed Varro withdraw-y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 117 ing, he is given to the consul rather as a match to oppose him than as a colleague. Afterwards the assembly for the election of praetors was held, and Manius Pomponius Matho and Publius Furius Philus were chosen. The city lot for the administration of justice at Rome fell to the lot of Pomponius ; between Roman citizens and foreigners, to Philus. Two praetors were added—Marcus Claudius Mar- cellus for Sicily, and Lucius Postumius for Gaul. These were all appointed in their absence; nor was an honor which he had not previously borne committed to any one of them, except the consul Terentius, several brave and able men having been passed over, because, at such a junc- ture, it did not appear advisable that a new office should be committed to any one. 36. The forces also were augmented. But how great was the augmentation of infantry and cavalry authors vary so much, that I scarcely dare positively assert. Some state that ten thousand soldiers were levied as a reinforcement; others, four fresh legions, that there might be eight legions in service. It is said, also, that the complement of the legion was increased in respect both to foot and horse, one thousand foot and one hundred horse being added to each, so that each might contain five thousand foot and three hundred horse; and that the allies furnished twice as many cavalry, and an equal number of infantry. Some authori- ties affirm that there were eighty-seven thousand two hun- dred soldiers in the Roman camp when the battle of Can- nae was fought. There is no dispute, that the war was prosecuted with greater energy and spirit than during former years, because the dictator had given them a hope that the enemy might be subdued. Before, however, the new-raised legions marched from the city, the decemviri were ordered to have recourse to and inspect the sacred volumes, on account of persons having been generally alarmed by extraordinary prodigies; for intelligence was brought that it had rained stones on the Aventine at Rome and at Aricia at the same time. That among the Sabines statues had sweated blood copiously, and at Caere the waters had flowed warm from a fountain. The latter prodigy excited a greater degree of alarm, because it had frequently occurred. In a street called the Arched Way,118 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 37. near the Campus Martius, several men were struck by lightning and killed. These prodigies were expiated ac- cording to the books. Ambassadors from Psestum brought some golden goblets to Rome; they were thanked, as the Neapolitans were, but the gold was not accepted. 37. During the same time a fleet from Hiero arrived at Ostia with a large cargo of supplies. The Syracusan am- bassadors, on being introduced into the Senate, delivered this message : "That King Hiero was so much affected at the slaughter announced to him of Caius Flaminius the consul and his troops, that he could not have been more distressed at any disasters which could have befallen him- self or his own kingdom; and accordingly, though he was well aware that the greatness of the Roman people was al- most more admirable in adversity than prosperity, he had nevertheless sent every thing which good and faithful al- lies are wont to contribute to assist the operations of war, which he earnestly implored the conscript fathers not to refuse to accept. First of all, for the sake of the omen, they had brought a golden statue of Victory, of three hun- dred pounds' weight, which they begged them to accept, keep by them, and hold as their own peculiar and lasting possession. That they had also brought three hundred thousand pecks of wheat, and two hundred thousand of barley, that there might be no want of provisions; and that as much more as might be necessary they would con- vey, as a supply, to whatever place they might appoint. He knew that the Roman people employed no legionary troops or cavalry who were not Romans, or of the Latin confederacy; that he had seen foreign auxiliary as well as native light-armed troops in the Roman camps ; he had, therefore, sent one thousand archers and slingers, a suit- able force against the Baliares and Moors, and other na- tions which fought with missile weapons." To these pres- ents they added also advice: "That the prsetor to whose lot the province of Sicily had fallen, should pass a fleet over to Africa, that the enemy also might have a war in their own country, and that less liberty should be afforded them of sending reinforcements to Hannibal." The Sen ate thus replied to the king: "That Hiero was a good man and an admirable ally; and that from the time he firsty.r.536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 119 formed a friendship with the Roman people he had uni- formly cultivated a spirit of fidelity, and had munificently assisted the Roman cause at all times and in every place. That this was, as it ought to be, a cause of gratitude to the Roman people. That the Roman people had not accept- ed gold which had been brought them also from certain states, though they felt gratitude for the act. The Vic- tory and the omen," they said, " they would accept, and would assign and dedicate to that goddess, as her abode, the Capitol, the Temple of Jupiter, the best and greatest of gods; hoping that, consecrated in that fortress of the city of Rome, she would continue there firm and immov- able, kind and propitious to the Roman people." The slingers, archers, and corn were handed over to the consuls. To the fleet which Titus Otacilius the propraetor had in Sicily, twenty-five quinqueremes were added, and permis- sion was given him, if he thought it for the interest of the state, to pass over into Africa. 38. The levy completed, the consuls waited a few days, till the allies of the Latin confederacy arrived. At thiy time the soldiers were bound by an oath, which had never before been the case, dictated by the military tribunes, that they would assemble at the command of the consuls, and not depart without orders ; for up to that time the mili- tary oath only had been employed ; and further, when the soldiers met to divide into decuries or centuries, the caval- ry being formed into decuries and the infantry into centu- ries, all swore together among themselves, of their own ac- cord, that they would not depart or quit their ranks for flight or fear, except for the purpose of taking up or fetch- ing a weapon, and either striking an enemy or saving a countryman. This, from being a voluntary compact among the soldiers themselves, was converted into the legal com- pulsion of an oath by the tribunes. Before the standards were moved from the city, the harangues of Varro were frequent and furious, protesting that the war had been in- vited into Italy by the nobles, and that it would continue fixed in the bowels of the state if it employed any more such generals as Fabius; that he would bring the war to conclusion on the very day he got sight of the enemy. His colleague Paul us made but one speech, on the day be-120 THE HISTORY OF HOME. [u. xxn., chap. 39. fore they set out from the city, which was more true than gratifying to the people, in which nothing was said severe- ly against Varro, except this only—"That he wondered how any general, before he knew any thing of his own army or that of the enemy, the situation of the places, or the nature of the country, even now while in the city, and with the gown on, could tell what he must do when in arms, and could even foretell the day on which he would fight standard to standard with the enemy.; That, for his own part, he wrould not, before the time arrived, prema- turely anticipate those measures which circumstances im- posed on men, rather than men on circumstances. He could only wish that those measures which were taken with-due caution and deliberation might turn out pros- perously. That temerity, setting aside its folly, had hither- to been also unsuccessful." This obviously appeared, that he would prefer safe to precipitate counsels ; but that he might persevere the more constantly in this, Quintus Fabi- us Maximus is reported to have thus addressed him on his departure: 39. " If you either had a colleague like yourself, Lucius iEmilius, which is what I should prefer, or you were like your colleague, an address from me would be superfluous. For were you both good consuls, you would do every thing for the good of the state from your own sense of honor, even without my saying a word; and were you both bad consuls, you would neither receive my words into your ears nor my counsels into your minds. As the case now is, looking at your colleague and yourself, a man of such character, my address will be solely to you; who, I feel convinced, will prove yourself a good man and a worthy citizen in vain, if the state, on the . other hand, should halt. Pernicious counsels will have the same au- thority and influence as those which are sound. For you are mistaken, Lucius Paulus, if you imagine that you will have a less violent contest with Caius Terentius than with Hannibal. I know not whether the former, your oppo- nent, or the latter, your open enemy, be the more hostile. With the latter you will have to contend in the field only; with the former, at every place and time. Hannibal, moreover, you have to oppose with your own horse andy.r. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 121 foot ; while Varro will head your own soldiers against you. Let Caius Flaminius be absent from your thoughts, even for the omen's sake. Yet he only began to play the madman's consul in his province, and at the head of the army. This man is raving before he put up for the con- sulship, afterwards while canvassing for it, and now hav- ing obtained it, before he has seen the camp or the enemy. And he who, by talking largely of battles and marshalled armies, even now excites such storms among the citizens with their gowns on, what do you think he will effect among the youth in arms, where words are followed .forth- with by acts ? But be assured, if this man, as he protests he will, shall immediately engage the enemy, either I am unacquainted with military affairs, with this kind of war, and the character of the enemy, or another place will be- come more celebrated than the Trasimenus by our disas- ters. Neither is this the season for boasting while I am addressing one man; and, besides, I have exceeded the bounds of moderation in despising rather than in courting fame. But the case is really this. The only way of con- ducting the war against Hannibal i* that which I adopted: nor does the event only, that instructor of fools, demon- strate it, but that same reasoning which has continued hitherto, and will continue unchangeable so long as cir- cumstances shall remain the same. We are carrying on war in Italy, in our own country, and our own soil. All around us are countrymen and allies in abundance. With arms, men, horses, and provisions, they do and will assist us. Such proofs of their fidelity have they given in our adversity. Time, nay, every day makes us better, wiser, Jud firmer. Hannibal, on the contrary, is in a foreign, a Hostile land, amidst all hostile and disadvantageous cir- cumstances, far from his home, far from his country; he has peace neither by land nor sea: no cities, no walls re- ceive him: he sees nothing anywhere which he can call his own: he daily lives by plunder. He has now scarcely a third part of that army which he conveyed across the Iberus. Famine has destroyed more than the sword; nor have the few remaining a sufficient supply of provisions. Do you doubt, therefore, whether by remaining quiet we shall not conquer him who is daily sinking into decrepi- Vol. II.—0-122 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXII., chap. 40. tude ? who has neither provisions nor money ? How long before the walls of Geronium, a miserable fortress of Apu- lia, as if before the walls of Carthage— ? But not even in your presence will I boast. See how Cneius Servilius and Atilius, the last consuls, fooled him. This is the only path of safety, Lucius Paulus, which your countrymen will render more difficult and dangerous to you than their ene- mies will. For your own soldiers will desire the same thing as those of the enemy: Varro, a Roman consul, and Hannibal, a Carthaginian general, will wish the same thing. You alone must resist two generals; and you will resist them sufficiently if you stand firm against the report and the rumors of men; if neither the empty glory of your colleague, and the unfounded calumnies against your- self, shall move you. They say that truth too often suf- fers, but is never destroyed. He who despises fame will have it genuine. Let them call you coward instead of cautious, dilatory instead of considerate, unwarlike instead of an expert general. I would rather that a sagacious en- emy should fear you, than that foolish countrymen should commend you. A man who hazards all things Hannibal will despise, him who does nothing rashly he will fear. And neither do I advise that nothing should be done; but that in what you do, reason should guide yon, and not fortune. All things will be within your own power, and your own. Be always ready armed and on the watch, and neither be wanting when a favorable opportunity presents itself, nor give any favorable opportunity to the enemy. All things are clear and sure to the deliberate man. Pre- cipitation is improvident and blind." 40. The address of the consul in reply was by no means cheerful, admitting that what he said was true, rather than easy to put in praotice. He said, "That to him, as dictator, his master of the horse was unbearable: what power or influence could a consul have against a factious and intemperate colleague? That he had in his former consulate escaped a popular conflagration not without be- ing singed: his prayer was, that every thing might hap- pen prosperously; but if, on the contrary, any misfortune should occur, that he would rather expose his life to the weapons of the enemy than to the votes of his incensedy.r. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 123 countrymen." Directly after this discourse, it is related that Paulus set out, escorted by the principal Senators. The plebeian consul attended his own plebeian party, more distinguished by their numbers than respectability. When they had arrived at the camp, the old and new troops being united, they formed two distinct camps, so that the new and smaller one might be the nearer to Han- nibal, and the old one might contain the greater part, and all the choicest of the troops. They then sent to Rome Marcus Atilius, the consul of the former year, who alleged his age in excuse. They appoint Geminus Servilius to the command of a Roman legion, and two thousand of the al- lied infantry and cavalry in the lesser camp. Hannibal, although he perceived that the forces of the enemy were augmented by one-half, was yet wonderfully rejoiced at the arrival of the consuls; for he had not only nothing re- maining of the provisions which he daily acquired by plunder, but there was not even any thing left which he could seize, the corn in all the surrounding country having been collected into fortified cities wThen the country was too unsafe; so that, as was afterwards discovered, there scarcely remained corn enough for ten days, and the Span- iards would have passed over to the enemy, through want of food, if the completion of that time had been awaited. 41. But fortune afforded materials also to the head- strong and precipitate disposition of the consul; for, in checking the plundering parties, a battle having taken place of a tumultuary kind, and occasioned rather by a disorderly advance of the soldiers than by a preconcerted plan, or by the command of the general, the contest wras by no means equal with the Carthaginians. As many as one thousand seven hundred of them were slain, but not more than one hundred of the Romans and allies. The consul Paulus, however, who was in command on that day (for they held the command on alternate days), apprehending an ambuscade, restrained the victorious troops in their headstrong pursuit; while Varro indig- nantly vociferated that the enemy had been allowed to slip out of their hands, and that the war might have been terminated had not the pursuit been stopped. Hannibal was not much grieved at that loss; nay, rather he felt124 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxn., chap. 42. convinced that the temerity of the more presumptuous consul, and of the soldiers, particularly the fresh ones, would be lured by the bait; and, besides, all the circum- stances of the enemy were as well known to him as his own: that dissimilar and discordant men were in com- mand; that nearly two-thirds of the army consisted of raw recruits. Accordingly, concluding that he now had both a time and place adapted for an ambuscade, on the following night he led his troops away with nothing but their arms, leaving the camp filled with all their effects, both public and private. His infantry drawn up, he con- ceals on the left, on the opposite side of the adjoining hills; his cavalry on the right; his baggage, in an inter- mediate line, he leads over the mountains through a val- ley, in order that he might surprise the enemy when busy in plundering the camp, deserted, as they would imagine, by its owners, and when encumbered with booty. Nu- merous fires were left in the camp, to produce a belief that his intention was to keep the consuls in their places by the appearance of a camp, until he could himself es- cape to a greater distance, in the same manner as he had deceived Fabius the year before. 42. When it was day, the outpost withdrawn first occa- sioned surprise; then, on a nearer approach, the unusual stillness. At length, the desertion being manifest, there is a general rush to the pavilions of the consuls, of those who announced the flight of the enemy, so precipitate that they left their camp with their tents standing; and, that their flight might be the more secret, that numerous fires were left. Then a clamor arose that they should order the standards, to be advanced, and lead them in pursuit of the enemy, and to the immediate plunder of the camp. The other consul, too, was as one of the common soldiers. Paulus again and again urged that they should see their way before them, and use every precaution. Lastly, when he could no longer withstand the sedition and the leader of the sedition, he sends Marius Statilius, a prefect, with a Lucanian troop, to reconnoitre, who, when he had ridden up to the gates, ordered the rest to stay without the works, and entered the camp himself, attended by two horsemen. Having carefully examined every thing, hey.B. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 125 brings back word that it was manifestly a snare: that lires were left in that part of the camp which faced the enemy; that the tents were open, and that all their valua- bles were left exposed; that in some places he had seen silver carelessly thrown about the passages, as if laid there for plunder. This intelligence, which it was hoped would deter their minds from greediness, inflamed them; and the soldiers clamorously declaring that, unless the signal was given, they wTould advance without their leaders, they by no means wanted one, for Varro instantly gave the sig- nal for marching. Paulus, whom, unwilling from his own suggestions to move, the chickens had not encouraged by their auspices, ordered the unlucky omen to be reported to his colleague, when he was now leading the troops out of the gate. And though Varro bore it impatiently, yet the recent fate of Flaminius, and the recorded naval de- feat of Claudius, the consul in the first Punic war, struck religious scruples into his mind. The gods themselves (it might almost be said) rather postponed than averted the calamity which hung over the Romans; for it fell out by mere accident that, when the soldiers did not obey the consul who ordered them to return to the camp, two slaves, one belonging to a horseman of Formiae, the other to one of Sidicinum, who had been cut off: by the Numidi- ans among a party of foragers, when Servilius and Atilius were consuls, had escaped on that day to their masters: and, being brought into the presence of the consuls, in- form; them that the whole army of Hannibal was lying in ambush on the other side of the adjoining mountains. The seasonable arrival of these men restored the consuls to their authority, wheji the ambition of one of them had relaxed his influence with the soldiers by an undignified compliance. 43; Hannibal, perceiving that the Romans had been in- discreetly prompted, rather than rashly carried, to a con- clusion, returned to his camp without effecting any thing, as his stratagem was discovered. He could not remain there many days, in consequence of the scarcity of corn; and, moreover, not only among the soldiers, who were mix- ed up of the off scouring of various nations, but even with the general himself, day by day new designs arose; for,126 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXII., ciiap. 44. first, when there had been murmuring of the soldiers, and then an open and clamorous demand of their arrears of pay, and a complaint, first, of the scarcity of provisions, and, lastly, of famine; and there being a report that the mercenaries, particularly the Spanish, had formed a plan of passing over to the enemy, it is affirmed that Hannibal himself, too, sometimes entertained thoughts of flying into Gaul, so that, having left all his infantry, he might hurry away with his cavalry. Such being the plans in agitation, and such the state of feeling in the camp, he resolved to depart thence into the regions of Apulia, which were warm- er, and therefore earlier in the harvest. Thinking, also, that, the farther he retired from the enemy, the more diffi- cult would desertion be to the wavering, he set out by night, having, as before, kindled fires, and leaving a few tents to produce an appearance; that a fear of an ambus- cade, similar to the former, might keep the Romans in their places. But when intelligence was brought by the same Lueanian Statilius, who had reconnoitred every place on the other side the mountains, and beyond the camp, that the enemy was seen marching at a distance, then plans began to be deliberated on about pursuing him. The con- suls persisted in the same opinions they ever entertained; but nearly all acquiesced with Varro, and none with Pau- lus except Servilius, the consul of the former year. In compliance with the opinion of the majority, they set out, under the impulse of destiny, to render Cannse celebrated by a Roman disaster. Hannibal had pitched his camp near that village, with his back to the wind Vulturnus, which, in those plains which are parched with drought, carries with it clouds of dust. This circumstance was not only very advantageous to the camp, but would be a great protection to them when they formed their line; as they, with the wind blowing only on their backs, would combat with an enemy blinded with the thickly-blown dust. 44. When the consuls, employing sufficient diligence in exploring the road in pursuit of the Carthaginian, had ar- rived at Cannae, where they had the enemy in the sight of them, having divided their forces, they fortify two camps, with nearly the same interval as before, at Geronium. The river Aufidus, which flowed by both the camps, af~y»K. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 127 forded approach to the watering-parties of each, as oppor- tunity served, though not without contest. ; The Romans in the lesser camp, however, which was on the other side the Aufidus, wTere more freely furnished with water, because the farther bank had no guard of the enemy. Hannibal, entertaining a hope that the consuls would not decline a battle in this tract, wrhich was naturally adapted to a cav- alry engagement, in which portion of his forces he was in- vincible, formed his line, and provoked the enemy by a. skirmishing attack with his Numidians. • Upon this the Roman camp began again to be embroiled by a mutiny among the soldiers, and the disagreement of the consuls: since Paulus instanced to Varro the temerity of Sempro- nius and FJaminius; while Yarro pointed to Fabius, as a specious example to timid and inactive generals. The lat- ter called both gods and men to witness " that no part of the blame attached to him, that Hannibal had now made Italy his own, as it were, by right of possession; that he was held bound by his colleague; that the swords and arms were taken out of the hands of the indignant soldiers wTho were eager to fight." The former declared "that,if any disaster should befall the legions thus exposed and be- trayed into an ill-advised and imprudent battle, he should be exempt from any blame, though the sharer of all the consequences. That he must take care that their hands were equally energetic in the battle, whose tongues were so forward and impetuous." 45. While time is thus consumed in altercation rather than deliberating, Hannibal, who had kept his troops drawn up in order of battle till late in the day, when he had led the rest of them back into the camp, sends Numidians across the river to attack a watering-party of the Romans from the lesser camp. Having routed this disorderly band by shouting and tumult, before they had well reach- ed the opposite bank, they advanced even to an outpost which was before the rampart, and near the very gates of the camp. It seemed so great an indignity, that now even the camp of the Romans should be terrified by a tumultu- ary band of auxiliaries, that this cause alone kept back the Romans from crossing the river forthwith, and forming their line, that the chief command was on that day held128 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 46. by Paulus. Accordingly, Varro, on the following day, on which it was his turn to hold the command, without con- sulting his colleague, displayed the signal for battle, and, forming his troops, led them across the river. Paulus, fol- lowed, because he could better disapprove of the proceed- ing than withhold his assistance. Having crossed the riv- er, they add to their forces those which they had in the lesser camp; and thus forming their line, place the Roman cavalry in the right wing, which was next the river; and next them the infantry: at the extremity of the left wing the allied cavalry ; within them the allied infantry, extend- ing to the centre, and contiguous to the Roman legions. The darters, and the rest of the light-armed auxiliaries, formed the van. The consuls commanded the wings; Terentiiis the left; JEmilius the right. To Geminus Ser- vilius was committed the charge of maintaining the battle in the centre. 46. Hannibal, at break of day, having sent before him the Baliares and other light-armed troops, crossed the river, and placed his troops in line of battle, as he had con- veyed them across the river. The Gallic and Spanish cav- alry he placed in the left wing, opposite the Roman caval- ry: the right wing was assigned to the Numidian cavalry, the centre of the line being strongly formed by the infan- try, so that both extremities of it were composed of Afri- cans, between which Gauls and Spaniards were placed. One would suppose the Africans were for the most part Romans, they were so equipped with arms captured at the Trebia, and for the greater part at the Trasimenus. The shields of the Gauls and Spaniards were of the same shape; their swords unequal and dissimilar. The Gauls had very long ones, without points. The Spaniards, who were ac- customed to stab more than to cut their enemy, had swords convenient, from their shortness, and with points. The aspect of these nations in other respects was terrific, both as to the appearance they exhibited and the size of their persons. The Gauls were naked above the navel: the Spaniards stood arrayed in linen vests resplendent with surprising whiteness, and bordered with purple. The whole amount of infantry standing in battle-array was for- ty thousand; of cavalry ten. The generals who command-Y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 129 ed the wings were, on the left, Hasdrubal; on the right, Maharbal: Hannibal himself, with his brother Mago, com- manded the centre. The sun very conveniently shone obliquely upon both parties — the Romans facing the south, and the Carthaginians the north; either placed so designedly, or having stood thus by chance. The wind, which the inhabitants of the district call the Vulturnus, blowing violently in front of the Romans, prevented their seeing far by rolling clouds of dust into their faces. 47. The shout being raised, the auxiliaries charged, and the battle commenced, in the first place, with the light- armed troops: then the left wing, consisting of the Gallic and Spanish cavalry, engages with the Roman right wing, by no means in the manner of a cavalry battle; for they were obliged to engage front to front; for, as on one side the river, on the other the line of infantry hemmed them in, there was no space left at their flanks for evolution, but both parties were compelled to press directly forward. At length the horses standing still, and being crowded to- gether, man grappling with man, dragged him from his horse. The contest now came to be carried on principally on foot. The battle, however, was more violent than last- ing; and the Roman cavalry being repulsed, turn their backs. About the conclusion of the contest between the cavalry, the battle between the infantry commenced. At first the Gauls and Spaniards preserved their ranks un- broken, not inferior in strength or courage; but at length the Romans, after long and repeated efforts, drove in with their even front and closely-compacted line, that part of the enemy's line in the form of a wedge, which projected beyond the rest, which was too thin, and therefore defi- cient in strength. These men, thus driven back and has- tily retreating, they closely pursued; and as they urged their course without interruption through this terrified band, as it fled with precipitation, were borne first upon the centre line of the enemy; and, lastly, no one opposing them, they reached the African reserved troops. These were posted at the two extremities of the line, where it was depressed; while the centre, where the Gauls and Spaniards were placed, projected a little. When the wedge thus formed being driven in, at first rendered the g*130 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 49. line level, but afterwards, by the pressure, made a curvature in the centre, the Africans, who had now formed wings on each side of them, surrounded the Romans on both sides, who incautiously rushed into the intermediate space; and presently extend ing their wings, inclosed the enemy on the rear also. After this the Romans, wTho had in vain finish- ed one battle, leaving the Gauls and Spaniards, whose rear they had slaughtered, in addition commence a fresh en- counter with the Africans, not only disadvantageous, be- cause, being hemmed in, they had to fight against troops who surrounded them, but also because, fatigued, they fought with those who were fresh and vigorous. 48. Now also in the left wing of the Romans, in wrhich the allied cavalry were opposed to the Numidians, the battle was joined, which was at first languid, commencing with a stratagem on the part of the Carthaginians. About five hundred Numidians, who, besides their usual arms, had swords concealed beneath their coats of mail, quitting their own party, and riding up to the enemy under the semblance of deserters, with their bucklers behind them, suddenly leap down from their horses, and, throwing down their bucklers and javelins at the feet of their enemies, are received into their centre, and, being conducted to the rear, ordered to remain there; and there they continued until the battle became general. But afterwards, when the thoughts and attention of all were occupied with the con- test, snatching up the shields which lay scattered on all hands among the heaps of slain, they fell upon the rear of the Roman line, and striking their backs and wTounding their hams, occasioned vast havoc, and still greater panic and confusion. While in one part terror and flight pre- vailed, in another the battle was obstinately persisted in, though with little hope. Hasdrubal, who was then com- manding in that quarter, withdrawing the Numidians from the centre of the army, as the conflict with their opponents was slight, sends them in pursuit of the scattered fugitives, and joining the Africans, now almost weary with slaying rather than fighting the Spanish and Gallic infantry. 49. On the other side of the field, Paulus, though severe- ly wounded from a sling in the very commencement of the battle, with a compact body of troops, frequently opposedy.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF IiOME. 131 himself to Hannibal, and in several quarters restored the battle, the Roman cavalry protecting him; who, at length, when the consul had not strength enough even to manage his horse, dismounted from their horses. And when some one brought intelligence that the consul had ordered the cavalry to dismount, it is said that Hannibal observed, " How much rather would I that he delivered them to me in chains." The fight maintained by the dismounted cavalry was such as might be expected, when the vic- tory was undoubtedly on the side of the enemy, the van- quished preferring death in their places to flight; and the conquerors, who were enraged at them for delaying the victory, butchering those whom they could not put to flight. They at length, however, drove the few who re- mained away, worn out with exertion and wounds. After that they were all dispersed, and such as could sought to regain their horses for flight. Cneius Lentulus, a military tribune, seeing, as he rode by, the consul sitting upon a stone and covered with blood, said to him: "Lucius JEmil- ius! the only man whom the gods ought to regard as be- ing guiltless of this day's disaster, take this horse, while you have any strength remaining, and I am with you to raise you up and protect you. Make not this battle more calamitous by the death of a consul. There is sufficient matter for tears and grief without this addition." In re- ply the consul said: " Do thou, indeed, go on and prosper, Cneius Servilius, in your career of virtue! But beware lest you waste in bootless commiseration the brief oppor- tunity of escaping from the hands of the enemy. Go and tell the fathers publicly to fortify the city of Rome, and garrison it strongly before the victorious enemy arrive; and tell Quintus Fabius, individually, that Lucius iEmilius lived, and now dies, mindful of his injunctions. Allow me to expire amidst these heaps of my slaughtered troops, that I may not a second time be accused after my con- sulate, or stand forth as the accuser of my colleague, in or- der to defend my own innocence by criminating another." While finishing these words, first a crowd of their flying countrymen, after that the enemy, came upon them; they overwhelm the consul with their weapons, not knowing who he was: in the confusion his horse rescued Lentulus.132 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 50. After that they fly precipitately. Seven thousand escaped to the lesser camp, ten to the greater, about two thousand to the village itself of Cannae, who were immediately sur- rounded by Carthalo and the cavalry, 110 fortifications pro- tecting the village. The other consul, whether by design or by chance, made good his escape to Venusia with about seventy horse, without mingling with any party of the flying troops. Forty thousand foot, two thousand seven hundred horse, there being an equal number of citizens and allies, are said to have been slain. Among these both the quaestors of the consuls, Lucius Atilius and Lucius Furius Bibaculus; twenty-one military tribunes; several who had passed the offices of consul, praetor, and aedile; among these they reckon Cneius Servilius Germinus, and Marcus Minucius, who had been master of the horse on a former year, and consul some years before: moreover, eighty, either Senators, or who had borne those offices by which they might be elected into the Senate, and who had voluntarily enrolled themselves in the legions. Three thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry are said to have been captured in that battle. 50. Such is the battle of Cannae, equal in celebrity to the defeat at the Allia ; but as it was less important in respect to those things which happened after it, because the ene- my did not follow up the blow, so was it more important and more horrible with respect to the slaughter of the army; for with respect to the flight at the Allia, as it be- trayed the city, so it preserved the army. At Cannae, scarcely seventy accompanied the flying consul: almost the "whole army shared the fate of the other who died. The troops collected in the two camps being a half-armed multitude without leaders, those in the larger send a mes- sage to the others, that they should come over to them at night, when the enemy was oppressed with sleep and wearied with the battle, and then, out of joy, overpowered with feasting: that they would go in one body to Canu- sium. Some entirely disapproved of that advice. "For why," said they," did not those who sent for them come themselves, since there would be equal facility of forming a junction ? Because, evidently, all the intermediate space was crowded with the enemy, and they would rather ex-t.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 133 pose the persons of others to so great a danger than their own." Others did not so much disapprove as want cour- age to fulfill the advice. Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, a military tribune, exclaims, "Would you rather, then, be captured by the most rapacious and cruel enemy, and have a price set upon your heads, and have your value ascer- tained by men who will ask whether you are Roman citi- zens or Latin confederates, in order that from your mis- eries and indignities honor may be sought for another ? Not you, at least, if you are the fellow-citizens of Lucius ^Emilius, the consul who preferred an honorable death to a life of infamy, and of so many brave men who lie heap- ed around him. But, before the light overtakes us, and more numerous bodies of the enemy beset the way, let us break through those disorderly and irregular troops who are making a noise at our gates. By the sword and cour- age, a road may be made through enemies, however dense. In a wedge we shall make our way through this loose and disjointed band, as if nothing opposed us. Come along with me, therefore, ye who wish the safety of yourselves and the state." Having thus said, he draws his sword, and, forming a wedge, goes through the midst of the ene- my; and as the Numidians discharged their javelins on their right side, which was exposed, they transferred their shields to the right hand, and thus escaped, to the num- ber of six hundred, to the greater camp; and setting out thence forthwith, another largo body having joined them, arrived safe at Canusium. These measures were taken by the vanquished, according to the impulse of their tem- pers, which his own disposition or which accident gave to each, rather than in consequence of any deliberate plan of their own, or in obedience to the command of any one. 51. When all others, surrounding the victorious Hanni- bal, congratulated him, and advised that, having completed so great a battle, he should himself take the remainder of the day and the ensuing night for rest, and grant it to his exhausted troops; Maharbai, prefect of the cavalry, who was of opinion that no time should be lost, said to him, " Nay, rather, that you may know what has been achieved by this battle, five days hence you shall feast in triumph in the Capitol. Follow me : I will go first with tho cavalry,134 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXII., chap. 52. that they may know that I am arrived before they know of me as approaching." To Hannibal this project appear- ed too full of joy, and too great for his mind to embrace it and determine upon it at the instant. Accordingly, he replied to Maharbal that " he applauded his zeal, but that time was necessary to ponder the proposal." Upon this Maharbal observed," Of a truth the gods have not bestow- ed all things upon the same person. You know how to conquer, Hannibal; but you do not know how to make use of your victory." That day's delay is firmly believed to have been the perservation of the city and the empire. On the following day, as soon as it dawned, they set about gathering the spoils and viewing the carnage, which was shocking even to enemies. So many thousands of Romans were lying, foot and horse promiscuously, according as ac- cident had brought them together, either in the battle or in the flight. Some, whom their wounds, pinched by the morning cold, had roused, as they were rising up, covered with blood, from the midst of the heaps of slain, were overpowered by the enemy. Some, too, they found lying alive with their thighs and hams cut, who, laying bare their necks and throats, bid them drain the blood that remained in them. Some were found with their heads plunged into the earth, which they had excavated ; having thus, as it appeared, made pits for themselves, and hav- ing suffocated themselves by overwhelming their faces with the earth which they threw over them. A living Numidian, with lacerated nose and ears, stretched beneath a lifeless Roman who lay upon him, principally attracted the attention of all; for when his hands were powerless to grasp his weapon, turning from rage to madness, he had died in the act of tearing his antagonist with his teeth. 52. The spoils having been gathered for a great part of the day, Hannibal leads his troops to storm the lesser camp, and, first of all, interposing a trench, cuts it off from the river. But as the men were fatigued with toil, watch- ing, and wounds, a surrender was made sooner than he expected. Having agreed to deliver up their arms and horses on condition that the ransom of every Roman should be three hundred denarii, for an ally'two hundred, for a slave one hundred, and that on payment of that ran->\ji. 5CG.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 135 som they should be allowed to depart with single gar- ments, they received the enemy into the camp, and were all delivered into custody, the citizens and allies being kept separate. While the time is being spent there, all who had strength or spirit enough, to the number of four thou- sand foot and two hundred horse, quitted the greater camp and arrived at Canusium; some in a body, others widely dispersed through the country, which was no less secure a course: the camp itself was surrendered to the enemy by the wounded and timid troops, on the same terms as the other was. A very great booty was obtained; and, with the exception of the men and horses, and what silver there was, which was for the most part on the trappings of the horses—for they had but very little in use for eat- ing from, particularly in campaign—all the rest of the booty was given up to be plundered. Then he ordered the bodies of his own troops to be collected for burial. They are said to have been as many as eight thousand of his bravest men. Some authors relate that the Roman consul also was carefully searched for and buried. Those who escaped to Canusium, being received by the people of that place within their walls and houses only, were assist- ed with corn, clothes, and provisions for their journey by an Apulian lady named Busa, distinguished for her family and riches; in return for which munificence, the Senate afterwards, when the war was concluded, conferred honors upon her. 53. But, though there were four military tribunes there —Fabius Maximus, of the first legion, whose father had been dictator the former year; and of the second legion, Lucius Publicius Bibulus and Publius Cornelius Scipio; and of the third legion, Appius Claudius Pulcher,who had been aedile the last year—by the consent of all, the supreme command was vested in Publius Scipio, then a very young man, and Appius Claudius. To these, while deliberating with a few others on the crisis of their affairs, Publius Furius Philus, the son of a man of consular dignity, brings intelligence, " That it was in vain that they cherished hopes which could never be realized; that the state was despaired of, and lamented as lost. That certain noble youths, the chief of whom was Lucius Csecilius Metellus,136 THE HISTORY OE HOME. [b. xxii., chap. 54. turned their attention to the sea and ships, in order that, abandoning Italy, they might escape to some king." When this calamity, which was not only dreadful in itself, but new, and in addition to the numerous disasters they had sustained, had struck them motionless with astonishment and stupor; and while those who were present gave it as their opinion that a council should be called to deliberate upon it, young Scipio, the destined general of this war, asserts," That it is not a proper subject for deliberation; that courage and action, and not deliberation, were neces- sary in so great a calamity. That those who wished the safety of the state would attend him forthwith in arms; that in no place was the camp of the enemy more truly than .where such designs were meditated." He immedi- ately proceeds, attended by a few, to the lodging of Metel- lus; and finding there the council of youths of which he had been apprised, he drew his sword over the heads of them, deliberating, and said, " With sincerity of soul I swear that neither will .1 myself desert the cause of the Roman republic, nor will I suffer any other citizen of Rome to desert it. If knowingly I violate my oath, then, O Jupiter, supremely great and good, mayest thou visit my house, my family, and my fortune with perdition the most horrible ! I require you, Lucius Caecilius, and the rest of you who are present, to take this oath; and let the man who shall not take it be assured that this sword is drawn against him." Terrified, as though they were be- holding the victorious Hannibal, they all take the oath, and deliver themselves to Scipio to be kept in custody. 54. During the time in which these things were going on at Canusium, as many as four thousand foot and horse, who had been dispersed through the country in the flight, came to Venusia, to the consul. These the Yenusini dis- tributed throughout their families, to be kindly entertain- ed and taken care of; and also gave to each horseman a gown, a tunic, and twenty-five denarii; and to each foot- soldier ten denarii, and such arms as they wanted; and every other kind of hospitality showed them, both publicly and privately: emulously striving that the people of Venu- sia might not be surpassed by a woman of Canusium in kind offices. But the great number of her guests renderedy.r. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 137 the burden more oppressive to Busa, for they amounted now to ten thousand men. Appius and Scipio, having heard that the other consul was safe, immediately send a messenger to inquire how great a force of infantry and cavalry he had with hirn, and at the same time to ask whether it was his pleasure that the army should be brought to Yenusia or remain at Canusium. Varro him- self led over his forces to Canusium. And now there was gome appearance of a consular army, and they seemed able to defend themselves from the enemy by walls, if not by arms. At Rome intelligence had been received that not even these relics of their citizens and allies had survived, but that the two cons-uls, with their armies, were cut to pieces, and all their forces annihilated. Never, when the city was in safety, was thei'e so great a panic and confu- sion within the walls of Rome. I shall therefore shrink from the task, and not attempt to relate what, in describ- ing, I must make less than the reality. The consul and his army having been lost at the Trasimenus the year be- fore, it was not one wound upon another which was an- nounced, but a multiplied disaster, the loss of two consular armies, together with the two consuls; and that now there was neither any Roman camp, nor general, nor soldiery: that Apulia and Samnium, and now almost the whole of Italy, were in the possession of Hannibal. \No other na- tion surely would not have been overwhelmed by such an accumulation of misfortune. Shall I compare with it the disaster of the Carthaginians, sustained in a naval battle at the islands ^Egates, dispirited by which they gave up Sici- ly and Sardinia, and thenceforth submitted to become tributary and stipendary ? Or shall I compare with it the defeat in Africa, under which the same Hannibal after- wards sunk ? In no respect are they comparable, except that they were endured with less fortitude. 55. Publius Furius Philus and Manius Pomponius, the praetors, assembled the Senate in the curia hostilia, that they might deliberate about the guarding of the city; for they doubted not but that the enemy, now their armies were annihilated, would come to assault Rome, the only operation of the war which remained. Unable to form any plan in misfortunes, not only very great, but unknown138 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 56. and undefined, and while the loud lamentations of the women were resounding, and nothing was as yet made known, the living and the dead alike being lamented in al- most every house; such being the state of things, Quin- tus Fabius gave it as his opinion, " That light-horsemen should be sent out on the Latin and Appian ways, who, questioning those they met, as some would certainly be dis- persed in all directions from the flight, might bring back word what was the fate of the consuls and their armies; and if the gods, pitying the empire, had left any remnant of the Roman name where these forces were; whither Hannibal had repaired after the battle, what he was medi- tating ; what he was doing, or about to do. That these points should be searched out and ascertained by active youths. That it should be the business of the fathers, since there was a deficiency of magistrates, to do aw^ay with the tumult and trepidation in the city; to keep the women from coming into public, and compel each to abide within her own threshold; to put a stop to the lam- entations of families; to obtain silence in the city; to take care that the bearers of every kind of intelligence should be brought before the praetors; that each person should await at home the bearer of tidings respecting his own fortune: moreover, that they should post guards at the gates,to prevent any person from quitting the city; and oblige men to place their sole hopes of safety in the preservation of the walls and the city. That when the tu- mult had subsided the fathers should be called again to the Senate-house, and deliberate on the defense of the city." 56. When all had signified their approbation of this opinion, and after the crowd had been removed by the magistrates from the Forum, and the Senators had pro- ceeded in different directions to allay the tumult; then at length a letter is brought from the consul Terentius, stat- ing, " that Lucius iEmilius, the consul, and his army were slain; that he himself was at Canusium, collecting, as it were after a shipwreck, the remains of this great disaster; that he had nearly ten thousand irregular and unorganized troops. That the Carthaginian was sitting still at Cannae, bargaining about the price of the captives and the othery«e. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 139 booty, neither with the spirit of a conqueror nor in the style of a great general." Then also the losses of private families were made known throughout the several houses; and so completely was the whole city filled with grief, that the anniversary sacred rite of Ceres was intermitted, because it was neither allowable to perform it while in mourning, nor was there at that juncture a single matron who was not in mourning. Accordingly, lest the same cause should occasion the neglect of other public and pri- vate sacred rites, the mourning was limited to thirty days by a decree of the Senate. Now when the tumult in the eity was allayed, an additional letter was brought from Sicily, from Titus Otacilius, the propraetor, stating, " that the kingdom of Hiero was being devastated by the Cartha- ginian fleet; and that, being desirous of affording him the assistance he implored, he received intelligence that anoth- er Carthaginian fleet was stationed at the ^Egates, equip- ped and prepared; in order that when the Carthaginians had perceived that he was gone away to protect the coast of Syracuse, they might immediately attack Lilybaeum and other parts of the Roman province; that he, therefore, needed a fleet, if they wished him to protect the king their ally, and Sicily." 57. The letters of the consul and the propraetor having been read, they resolved that Marcus Claudius, who com- manded the fleet stationed at Ostia,.should be sent to the army to Canusium, and. a letter be written to the consul, to the effect that, having delivered the army to the praetor, he should return to Rome the first moment he could con- sistently with the interest of the republic. They were ter- rified also, in addition to these disasters, both with other prodigies, and also because two vestal virgins, Opimia and Floronia, were that year convicted of incontinence ; one of whom was, according to custom, buried alive at the Colline Gate; the other destroyed herself. Lucius Cantilius, sec- retary of the pontiff, whom they now call the lesser pon- tiffs, who had debauched Floronia, was beaten by rods in the comitium, by order of the chief pontiff, so that he ex- pired under the stripes.. This impiety being converted into a prodigy, as is usually the case when happening in the midst of so many calamities, the decemviri were dev140 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii.,chap. 58. sired io'consult the sacred books. Quintus Fabius Pictor was also sent to Delphi, to inquire of the oracle by what prayers and offerings they might appease the gods, and what termination there would be to such great distresses. Meanwhile certain extraordinary sacrifices were perform- ed, according to the directions of the books of the fates; among which a Gallic man and woman, and a Greek man and woman, were let down alive in the cattle-market, into a place fenced round with stone, which bad been already polluted with human victims, a rite by no means Roman. The gods being, as they supposed, sufficiently appeased, Marcus Claudius Marcellus sends from Ostia to Rome, as a garrison for the city, one thousand five hundred soldiers, which he had with him, levied for the fleet. He himself sending before him a marine legion (it was the third le- gion), under the command of the military tribunes, to Tea- num Sidicinum, and delivering the fleet to Publius Furius Philus, his colleague, after a few days proceeded, by long marches, to Canusium. Marcus Junius, created dictator on the authority of the Senate, and Titus Sempronius, mas- ter of the horse, proclaiming a levy, enroll the younger men from the age of seventeen, and some who wore the toga praetexta: of these, four legions and a thousand horse were formed. They send also to the allies and the Latin confederacy, to receive the soldiers according to the terms of the treaty. They order that arms, weapons, and other things should be prepared; and they take down from the temples and porticoes the old spoils taken from the enemy. They adopted, also, another and a new form of levy, from the scarcity of free persons, and from necessity: they arm- ed eight thousand stout youths from the slaves, purchased at the public expense, first inquiring of each whether he was willing to serve. They preferred this description of troops, though they had the power of redeeming the cap- tives at a less expense. 58. For Hannibal, after so great a victory at Cannise, be- ing occupied with the cares of a conqueror, rather than # one who had a war to prosecute, the captives having been brought forward and separated, addressed the allies in terms of kindness, as he had done before at the Trebia and the Lake Trasimenus, and dismissed them without a ran-y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 141 som; then he addressed the Romans too, who were called to him, in very gentle terms: " That he was not carrying on a war of extermination with the Romans, but was con- tending for honor and empire. That his ancestors had yielded to the Roman valor; and that he was endeavoring that others might be obliged to yield, in their turn, to his good-fortune and valor together. Accordingly, he allowed the captives the liberty of ransoming themselves, and that the price per head should be five hundred denarii for a horseman, three hundred for a foot-soldier, and one hun- dred for a slave." Although some addition was made to that sum for the cavalry, which they stipulated for them- selves when they surrendered, yet they joyfully accepted any terms of entering into the compact. They determined that ten persons should be selected by their own votes, who might go to Rome to the Senate; nor was any other guaranty of their fidelity taken than that they should swear that they would return. With these wTas sent Carthalo, a noble Carthaginian, who might propose terms, if perchance their minds were inclined towards peace. When they had gone out of the camp, one of their body, a man who had very little of the Roman character, under pretense of hav- ing forgotten something, returned to the camp, for the purpose of freeing himself from the obligation of his oath, and overtook his companions before night. When it was announced that they had arrived at Rome, a lictor was dispatched to meet Carthalo, to tell him, in the words of the dictator, to depart from the Roman territories before night. 59. An audience of the Senate was granted by the dic- tator to the delegates of the prisoners. The chief of them, Marcus Junius, thus spoke: "There is not one of us, con- script fathers, who is not aware that there never was a na- tion which held prisoners in greater contempt than our own. But unless our own cause is dearer to us than it should be, never did men fall into the hands of the enemy who less deserved to be disregarded than we do ; for we did not surrender our arms in the battle through fear; but having prolonged the battle almost till night-fall, while standing upon heaps of our slaughtered countrymen, we betook ourselves to our camp. For the remainder of the142 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXII., chap. 59. day and during the following night, although exhausted with exertion and wounds, we protected our rampart. On the following day, when, beset by the enemy, we were de- prived of water, and there was no hope of breaking through the dense bands of the enemy; and,moreover, not consid- ering it an impiety that any Roman soldier should survive the battle of Cannae, after fifty thousand of our army had been butchered; then at length we agreed upon terms on which we might be ransomed and let off; - and our arms, in which there was no longer any protection, we delivered to the enemy. We had been informed that our ancestors also had redeemed themselves from the Gauls with gold, and that, though so rigid as to the terms of peace, had sent ambassadors to Tarentum for the purpose of ransom- ing the captives. And yet both the fight at the Allia with the Gauls and at Heraclea with Pyrrhus was disgraceful, not so much on account of the loss as the panic and flight. Heaps of Roman carcasses cover the plains of Cannae; nor would any of us have survived the battle, had not the enemy wanted the strength and the sword to slay us. There are, too, some of us who did not even retreat in the field; but being left to guard the camp, came into the hands of the enemy when it was surrendered. For my part, I envy not the good-fortune or condition of any citi- zen or fellow-soldier, nor would I endeavor to raise myself by depressing another; but not even those men who, for the most part, leaving their arms, fled from the field, and stopped not till they arrived at Yenusia or Canusium; not even those men, unless some reward is due to them on ac- count of their swiftness of foot and running, would justly set themselves before us, or boast that there is more pro- tection to the state in them than in us. But you will both find them to be good and brave soldiers, and us still more zealous, because, by your kindness, we have been ransomed and restored to our country. You are levying from every age and condition: I hear that eight thousand slaves are being armed. We are no fewer in number; nor will the expense of redeeming us be greater than that of purchas- ing these. Should I compare ourselves with them, I should injure the name of Roman. I should think also, conscript fathers, that, in deliberating on such a measure,y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 143 it ought also to be considered (if you are disposed to be over-severe, which you can not do from any demerit of ours), to what sort of enemy you would abandon us. Is it to Pyrrhus,for instance, who treated us, when his pris- oners, like guests; or to a barbarian and Carthaginian, of whom it is difficult to determine whether his rapacity or cruelty be the greater ? If you were to see the chains, the squalid appearance, the loathsomeness of your countrymen, that spectacle would not, I am confident, less affect you than if, on the other hand, you beheld your legions pros- trate on the plains of Cannae. You may behold the so- licitude and the tears of 'our kinsmen, as they stand in the lobby of your Senate-house, and await your answer. When they are in so much suspense and anxiety in behalf of us, and those who are absent, what think you must be our own feelings, whose lives and liberty are at stake ? By Hercules ! should Hannibal himself, contrary to his nature, be disposed to be lenient towards us, yet we should not consider our lives worth possessing, since we have seemed unworthy of being ransomed by you. Formerly, prison- ers dismissed by Pyrrhus without ransom returned to Rome; but they returned in company with ambassadors, the chief men of the state, who were sent to ransom them. Would I return to my country a citizen, and not consider- ed worth three hundred denarii ? Every man has his own way of thinking, conscript fathers. I know that my life and person are at stake. But the danger which threatens my reputation affects me most if we should go away re- jected and condemned by you ; for men will never suppose that you grudged the price of our redemption." 60. When he had finished his address, the crowd of per- sons in the comitium immediately set up a loud lamenta- tion, and stretched out their hands to the Senate, implor- ing them to restore to them their children, their brothers, and their kinsmen. Their fears and affection for their kindred had brought the women also with the crowd of men in the Forum. Witnesses being excluded, the matter began to be discussed in the Senate. There being a dif- ference of opinion, and some advising that they should be ransomed at the public charge, others that the state should be put to no expense, but that they should not be prevent-144 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 60. ed redeeming themselves at their own cost; and that those who had not the money at present should receive a loan from the public coffer, and security given to the people by their sureties and properties ; Titus Manlius Torquatus, a man of primitive, and as some considered, over-rigorous severity, being asked his opinion, is reported thus to have spoken: "Had the deputies confined themselves to mak- ing a request, in behalf of those who are in the hands of the enemy, that they might be ransomed, I should have briefly given my opinion, without inveighing against any one. For what else would have been necessary but to ad- monish you that you ought to adhere to the custom hand- ed down from your ancestors, a precedent indispensable to military discipline ? But now, since they have almost boasted of having surrendered themselves to the enemy, and have claimed to be preferred, not only to those who were captured by the enemy in the field, but to those also who came to Venusia and Canusium, and even to the con- sul Terentius himself, I will not suffer you to remain in ignorance of things which wTere done there. And I could wish that what I am about to bring before you were stated at Canusium, before the army itself, the best witness of ev- ery man's cowardice or valor; or at least that one person, Publius Sempronius, were here, whom had they followed as their leader, they would this day have been soldiers in the Roman camp, and not prisoners in the power of the ene- my. But though the enemy was fatigued with fighting, and engaged in rejoicing for their victory, and had, the greater part of them, retired into their camp, and they had the night at their disposal for making a sally, and, as they vere seven thousand armed troops, might have forced their way through the troops of the enemy, however closely ar- rayed, yet they neither of themselves attempted to do this, nor were willing to follow another. Throughout nearly the whole night Sempronius ceased not to admonish and exhort them, while but few of the enemy were about the camp, while there was stillness and quiet, while the night would conceal their design, that they would follow him ; that before day-break they might reach places of security, the cities of their allies. If, as Publius Decius, the mili- tary tribune in Samnium, said, within the memory of oury.r. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 145 grandfathers; if he had said, as Calpurnius Flamma, in the first Punic war, when we were youths, said to the three hundred volunteers, when he was leading them to seize upon an eminence situated in the midst of the enemy: Let us die, soldiers, and by our deaths rescue the sur- rounded legions from ambuscade—if Publius Sem- pronius had said thus, he would neither have considered you as Romans nor men, had no one stood forward as his companion in so valorous an attempt. He points out to you the road that leads not to glory more than to safety ; he restores you to your country, your parents, your wives and children. Do you want courage to effect your preser- vation? What would you do if you had to die for your country? Fifty thousand of your countrymen and allies on that very day lay around you slain. If so many ex- amples of courage did not move you, nothing ever will. If so great a carnage did not make life less dear, none ever will. While in freedom and safety, show your affection for your country; nay, rather do so while it is your coun- try, and you its citizens. Too late you now endeavor to evince your regard for her when degraded, disfranchised from the rights of citizens, and become the slaves of the Carthaginians. Shall you return by purchase to that de- gree which you have forfeited by cowardice and neglect? You did not listen to Sempronius, your countryman, when he bid you take arms and follow him; but a little after you listened to Hannibal, when he ordered your arms to be surrendered and your camp betrayed., But why do I charge those men with cor/ardice, when I might tax them with villainy ? They not only refused to follow him who gave them good advice, but endeavored to oppose and hold him back, had not some men of the greatest bravery, draw- ing their swords, removed the cowards. Publius Sempro- nius, I say, was obliged to force his way through a band of his countrymen before he burst through the enemy's troops. Can our country regret such citizens as these, whom if all the rest resembled, she would not have one citizen of all those who fought at Cannae ? Out of seven thousand armed men, there were six hundred who had courage to force their way, who returned to their country free and in arms; nor did forty thousand of the enemy successfully Vol. II.—1146 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxii., chap. 61. oppose them. How safe, think you, would a passage have been for nearly two legions ? Then you would have had this day at Canusium, conscript fathers, twenty thousand bold and faithful. But now how can these men be called faithful and good citizens (for they do not even call them- selves brave), except any man suppose that they showed themselves such when they opposed those who were desir- ous of forcing their way through the enemy? or, unless any man can suppose that they do not envy those men their safety and glory acquired by valor, when they must know that their timidity and cowardice were the cause of their ignominious servitude ? Skulking in their tents, they preferred to wait for the light and the enemy togeth- er, when they had an opportunity of sallying forth during the silence of the night. But though they had not cour- age to sally forth from the camp, had they courage to de- fend it strenuously ? Having endured a siege for several days and nights, did they protect their rampart by their arms, and themselves by their rampart? At length, hav- ing dared and suffered every extremity, every support of life being gone, their strength exhausted with famine, and unable to hold their arms, were they subdued by the neces- sities of nature rather than by arms ? At sunrise, the en- emy approached the rampart: before the second hour, with- out hazarding any contest, they delivered up their arms and themselves. Here is their military service for you during two days. When they ought to have stood firm in array and fight on, then they fled back into their camp ; when they ought to have fought before their rampart, they delivered up their camp: good for nothing, either in the field or the camp. I redeem you ? When you ought to sally from the camp, you linger and hesitate; and when you ought to stay and protect your camp in arms, you sur- render the camp, your arms, and yourselves to the enemy. I am of opinion, conscript fathers, that these men should no more be ransomed than that those should be surren- dered to Hannibal who sallied from the camp through the midst of the enemy and, with the most distinguished cour- age, restored themselves to their country." 61. After Manlius had thus spoken, notwithstanding the captives were related to many even of the Senators, be-y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 147 sides the practice of the state, which had never shown fa- vor to captives, even from the remotest times, the sum of money also influenced them; for they were neither willing to drain the treasury, a large sum of money having been al- ready issued for buying and arming slaves to serve in the war, nor to enrich Hannibal, who, according to report, was particularly in want of this very thing. The sad reply, that the captives would not be ransomed, being delivered, and fresh grief being added to the former on account of the loss of so many citizens, the people accompanied the deputies to the gate with copious tears and lamentations. One of them went home, because he had evaded his oath by artfully returning to the camp. But when this was known and laid before the Senate, they all resolved that he should be apprehended, and conveyed to Hannibal by guards furnished by the state. There is another account respecting the prisoners, that ten came first, and that, the Senate hesitating wrhether they should be admitted into the city or not, they were admitted, on the understanding that they should not have an audience of the Senate. That when these staid longer than the expectation of all, three more came—Scribonius, Calpurnius, and Manlius. That then at length a tribune of the people, a relation of Scribonius, laid before the Senate the redemption of the captives, and that they resolved that they should not be ransomed. That the three last deputies returned to Han- nibal, and the ten former remained, because they had evaded their oath, having returned to Hannibal after hav- ing set out, under pretense of learning afresh the names the captives. That a violent contest took place in tho Senate on the question of surrendering them, and tha', those who thought they ought to be surrendered were beaten by a few votes, but that they were so branded by every kind of stigma and ignominy by the ensuing censors that some of them immediately put themselves to death, and the rest, for all their life afterwards, not only shunned the Forum, but almost the light and publicity. You can more easily wonder that authors differ so much than deter- mine what is the truth. How much greater this disaster was than any preceding, even this is a proof, that such of the allies as had stood firm till that day then began to wa-148 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 1. ver,for no other cause certainly but that they despaired of the empire. The people who revolted to the Carthaginians were these: the Atellani, Calatini, the Hirpini, some of the Apulians, the Samnites, except the Pentrians, all the Brut- tians, and the Lucanians. Besides these, the Surrentinians, and almost the whole coast possessed by the Greeks, the people of Tarentum, Metapontum, Croton, the Locrians, and all Cisalpine Gaul. Yet not even these losses and de- fections of their allies so shook the firmness of the Ro- mans that any mention of peace was made among them, either before the arrival of the consul at Rome or after he came thither, and renewed the memory of the calamity they had suffered. At which very juncture, such was the magnanimity of the state, that the consul, as he returned after so severe a defeat, of which he himself was the prin- cipal cause, was met in crowds of all ranks of citizens, and thanks bestowed because he had not despaired of the republic, in whose case, had he been a Carthaginian commander, no species of punishment would have been spared. BOOK XXIII. The Campanians revolt to Hannibal. Mago is sent to Carthage to an- nounce the victory of Cannae. Hanno advises the Carthaginian Sen- ate to make peace with the Romans, but is overborne by the Barcine faction. Claudius Marcellus the praetor defeats Hannibal at Nola. Hannibal's army is enervated in mind and body by luxurious living at Capua. Casilinum is besieged by the Carthaginians, and the inhabit- ants reduced to the last extremity of famine. A hundred and ninety- seven Senators elected from the equestrian order. Lucius Postumius is, with his army, cut off by the Gauls. Cneius and Publius Scipio de- feat Hasdrubal in Spain, and gain possession of that country. The remains of the army, defeated at Cannae, are sent off to Sicily, there to remain until the termination of the war. An alliance is formed between Philip, king of Macedon, and Hannibal. Sempronius Grac- chus defeats the Campanians. Successes of Titus Manlius in Sardinia: he takes Hasdrubal the general, Mago, and Hanno prisoners. Clau- dius Marcellus again defeats the army of Hannibal at Nola, and the hopes of the Romans are revived as to the results of the war. 1. After the battle of Cannae, Hannibal, having cap- tured and plundered the Roman camp, had immediately removed from Apulia into Samnium; invited into the ter-y.R. 536.] . THE HISTORY OF ROME. 149 ritory of the Hirpini by Statius, who promised that he would surrender Compsa. Trebius, a native of Compsa, was conspicuous for rank among his countrymen; but a faction of the Mopsii kept him down—a family of great influence through the favor of the Romans. After intelli- gence of the battle of Cannae, and a report of the approach of Hannibal, circulated by the discourse of Trebius, the Mopsian party had retired from the city; which wTas thus given up to the Carthaginian without opposition, and a garrison received into it. Leaving there all his booty and baggage, and dividing his forces, he orders Mago to re- ceive under his protection the cities of that district which might revolt from the Romans, and to force to defection those which might be disinclined. He himself, passing through the territory of Campania, made for the lower sea, with the intention of assaulting Naples, in order that he might be master of a maritime city. As soon as he enter- ed the confines of the Neapolitan territory, he placed part of his Numidians in ambush, wherever he could find a con venient spot; for there are very many hollow roads and secret windings; others he ordered to drive before them the booty they had collected from the country, and, exhib- iting it to the enemy, to ride up to the gates of the city. As they appeared to be few in number and in disorder, a troop of horse sallied out against them, which was cut off, being drawn into an ambuscade by the others, who pur- posely retreated: nor would one of them have escaped, had not the sea been near, and some vessels, principally such as are used in fishing, observed at a short distance from the shore, afforded an escape for those who could swim. Several noble youths, however, were captured and slain in that affair. Among whom Hegeas, the command- er of the cavalry, fell when pursuing the retreating enemy too eagerly. The sight of the walls, which were not favor- able to a besieging force, deterred the Carthaginian from storming the city. 2. Thence he turned his course to Capua, which was wantoning under a long course of prosperity, and the in- dulgence of fortune: amidst the general corruption,how- ever, the most conspicuous feature was the extravagance of the commons, who exercised their liberty without limit.150 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [n. xxiii., chap. 3. Pacuvius Calavius had rendered the Senate subservient to himself and the commons, at once a noble and popular man, but who had acquired his influence by dishonorable intrigues. Happening to hold the chief magistracy during the year in .which the defeat at the Trasimenus occurred, and thinking that the commons, who had long felt the most violent hostility to the Senate, would attempt some desperate measure should an opportunity for effecting a change present itself; and if Hannibal should come into that quarter with his victorious army, would murder the Senators, and deliver Capua to the Carthaginians; as he desired to rule in a state preserved rather than subverted (for, though depraved, he was not utterly abandoned); and as he felt convinced that no state could be preserved if be- reaved of its public council, he adopted a plan by which he might preserve the Senate, and render it subject to him- self and the commons. . Having assembled the Senate, he prefaced his remarks by observing," that nothing would induce him to acquiesce in a plan of defection from the Romans, were it not absolutely necessary; since he had children by the daughter of Appius Claudius, and had a daughter at Rome married to Livius; but that a much more serious and alarming matter; threatened them than any consequences which could result from such a measure. For that the intention of the commons was not to abolish the Senate by revolting to the Carthaginians, but to mur- der the Senators, and deliver the state, thus destitute, to Hannibal and the Carthaginians. That it was in his pow- er to rescue them from this danger, if they would resign themselves to his care, and, forgetting their political dis- sensions, confide in him." When, overpowered with fear, they all put themselves under his protection, he proceeded: " I will shut you up in the Senate-house, and, pretending myself to be an accomplice in the meditated crime, I will, by approving measures. which I should in vain oppose, find out a way for your safety. For the performance of this take whatever pledge you please." Having given his honor, he went out; and having ordered the house to be closed, placed a guard in the lobby, that no one might en- ter or leave it without his leave. 3. Then assembling the people, he thus addressed them:y.b.536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 151 " What you have so often wished for, Campanians, the power of punishing an unprincipled and detestable Senate, you now have, not at your own imminent peril, by riotous- ly storming the houses of each, which are guarded and garrisoned with slaves and dependents, but free and with- out danger. Take them all, shut up in the Senate-house, alone and unarmed; nor need you do any thing precipi- tately or blindly. I will give you the opportunity of pro- nouncing upon the life or death of each, that each may suffer the punishment he has deserved. But, above all, it behooves you so to give way to your resentment, as con- sidering that your own safety and advantage are of great- er importance. For I apprehend that you hate these par- ticular Senators, and not that you are unwilling to have any Senate at all; for you must either have a king, which all abominate, or a Senate, which is the only course com- patible with a free state. Accordingly, you must effect two objects at the same time; you must remove the old Senate, and elect a new one. I will order the Senators to be summoned one by one, and I shall put it to you to de- cide whether they deserve to live or die: whatever you may determine respecting each shall be done; but before you execute your sentence on the culprit, you shall elect some brave and strenuous man as a fresh Senator to supply his place." Upon this he took his seat, and, the names having been thrown together into an urn, he order- ed that the name which had the lot to fall out first should be proclaimed, and the person brought forward out of the Senate-house. When the name was heard, each man strenuously exclaimed that he was a wricked and unprinci- pled fellow, and deserved to be punished. Pacuvius then said, "I perceive the sentence which has been passed on this man; now choose a good and upright Senator in the room of this wicked and unprincipled one." At first all was silence, from the want of a better man whom they might substitute; afterwards, one of them, laying aside his modesty, nominating some one, in an instant a much greater clamor arose; while some denied all knowledge of him, others objected to him at one time on account of fla- gitious conduct, at another time on account of his humble birth, his sordid circumstances, and the disgraceful nature152 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 4. of his trade and occupation. The same occurred with in- creased vehemence with respect to the second and third Senators, so that it was evident that they were dissatis- fied with the Senator himself, but had not any one to sub- stitute for him; for it was of no use that the same per- sons should be nominated again, to no other purpose than to hear of their vices, and the rest were much more mean and obscure than those who first occurred to their rec- ollection. Thus the assembly separated, affirming that every evil which was most known was easiest to be en- dured, and ordering the Senate to be discharged from cus- tody. 4. Pacuvius, having thus rendered the Senators more subservient to himself than to the commons by the gift of their lives, ruled without the aid of arms, all persons now acquiescing. Henceforward the Senators, forgetful of their rank and independence, flattered the commons; sa- luted them courteously; invited them graciously; enter- tained them with sumptuous feasts; undertook those causes, always espoused that party, decided as judges in favor of that side, which was most popular, and best adapted to conciliate the favor of the commons. Now, indeed, every thing was transacted in the Senate as if it had been an assembly of the people. The Capuans, ever prone to luxurious indulgence not only from natural turpi- tude, but from the profusion of the means of voluptuous enjoyment which flowed in upon them, and the tempta- tions of all the luxuries of land and sea; at that time es- pecially proceeded to such a pitch of extravagance, in con- sequence of the obsequiousness of the nobles and the unrestrained liberty of the commons, that their lust and prodigality had no bounds. To a disregard for the laws, the magistrates, and the Senate, now, after the disaster of Cannse, was added a contempt for the Roman government also, for which there had been some degree of respect. The only obstacles to immediate revolt were the intermar- riages which, from a remote period, had connected many of their distinguished and influential families with the Romans; and, which formed the strongest bond of union, that while several of their countrymen were serving in the Roman armies, particularly three hundred horsemen, they.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 153 flower of the Campanian nobility, had been selected and sent by the Romans to garrison the cities of Sicily. 5. The parents and relations of these men with difficulty obtained that ambassadors should be sent to the Roman consul. The consul, who had not yet set out for Canusi- um, they found at Venusia with a few half-armed troops, an object of entire commiseration to faithful, but of con- tempt to proud and perfidious allies like the Campanians. The consul, too, increased their contempt of himself and his cause, by too much exposing and exhibiting th# disas- trous state of his affairs; for when the ambassadors had delivered their message, which was, that the Senate and people of Capua were distressed that any adverse event should have befallen the Romans, and were promising ev- ery assistance in prosecuting the wrar, he observed, "In bidding us order you to furnish us with all things which are necessary for the war, Campanians, you have rather observed the customary mode of addressing allies than spoken suitably to the present posture of our affairs; for hath any thing been left us at Cannae, so that, as if we possessed that, we can desire what is wanting to be sup- plied by our allies ? Can we order a supply of infantry, as if we had any cavalry? Can we say we are deficient in money, as if that were the only thing we wanted ? Fortune has not even left us any thing which we can add to. Our legions, cavalry, arms, standards, horses, men, money, provisions, all perished, either in the battle or in the two camps which were lost the following day. You must, therefore, Campanians, not assist us in the war, but almost take it upon yourselves in our stead. Call to mind how formerly, at Saticula, we received into our protection and defended your ancestors, when dismayed and driven within their walls; terrified not only by their Samnite but Sidicinian enemies; and how we carried on, with varying success, through a period of almost a century, a war with the Samnites, commenced on your account. Add to this, that when you gave yourselves up to us we granted you an alliance on equal terms, that we allowed you your own laws; and, lastly, what before the disaster at Cannae was surely a privilege of the highest value, we bestowed the freedom of our city on a large portion of you, and held it154 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 6. in common with you. It is your duty, therefore, Campa- nians, to look upon this disaster which has been suffered as your own, and to consider that our common country must be protected. It is not a Samnite or Tuscan foe we are engaged with, so that the empire taken from us might still continue in Italy. A Carthaginian enemy draws after him from the remotest regions of the world, from the straits of the ocean and the pillars of Hercules, a body of soldiers who are not even natives of Africa, destitute of all laws, and of the condition and almost of the language, of men. Savage and ferocious from nature and habit, their general has rendered them still more so, by forming bridges and works wTith heaps of human bodies; and, what the tongue can scarcely utter, by teaching- them to live on human flesh. What man, provided he were born in any part of Italy, would not abominate the idea of see- ing and having for his masters these men, nourished with such horrid food, whom even to touch were an impiety; of fetching laws from Africa and Carthage; and of suf- fering Italy to become a province of the Moors and Nu- midians? It will be highly honorable, Campanians, that the Roman empire, sinking under this disastrous defeat, should be sustained and restored by your fidelity and your strength. I conceive that thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse may be raised in Campania. You have already abundance of money and corn. If your zeal corresponds with your means, neither will Hannibal feel that he has been victorious, nor the Romans that they have been defeated." 6. After the consul had thus spoken, the ambassadors were dismissed ; and as they were returning home, one of them, named Vibius Virius, observed, " that the time had arrived at which the Campanians might not only recover the territory once injuriously taken away by the Romans, but also possess themselves of the sovereignty of Italy. For they might form a treaty with Hannibal on whatever terms they pleased; and there could be no question but that after Hannibal, having put an end to the war, had himself retired victorious into Africa, and had withdrawn his troops, the sovereignty of Italy would be left to the Campanians." All assenting to Vibius, as he said this,y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 155 they framed their report of the embassy so that all might conclude that the Roman power was annihilated. Imme- diately the commons and the major part of the Senate turned their attention to revolt. The measure, however, was postponed for a few days at the instigation of the el- der citizens. At last the opinion of the majority prevail- ed, that the same ambassadors who had gone to the Ro- man consul should be sent to Hannibal. I find in certain annals, that before this embassy proceeded, and before they had determined on the measure of revolting, ambas- sadors were sent by the Campanians to Rome, requiring that one of the consuls should be elected from Campania if they wished assistance to the Roman cause. That, from the indignation which arose, they were ordered to be re- moved from the Senate-house, and a lictor dispatched to conduct them out of the city and command them to lodge that day without the Roman frontier. But as this re- quest is too much like that which the Latins formerly made, and as Crelius and other writers had, not without reason, made no mention of it, I have not ventured to vouch for its truth. 7. The ambassadors came to Hannibal and concluded a treaty of peace with him, on the terms " that no Cartha- ginian commander should have any authority over a Cam- panian citizen, nor any Campanian serve in war or perform any office against his will; that Capua should have her own laws and her own magistrates ; that the Carthaginian should give to the Campanians three hundred captives se- lected by themselves, who might be exchanged for the Campanian horse who were serving in Sicily." Such were the stipulations; but in addition to them, the Campanians perpetrated the following atrocities; for the commons or- dered that the prefects of the allies and other citizens of Rome should be suddenly seized, while some of them were occupied with military duties, others engaged in private business, and be shut up in the baths, as if for the purpose of keeping them in custody; where, suffocated with heat and vapor, they might expire in a horrid manner. Deeius Magius, a man who wanted nothing to complete his influ- ence except a sound mind on the part of his countrymen, had resisted to the uttermost the execution of these meas-156 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 7. ures, and the sending of the embassy to Hannibal; and when he heard that a body of troops was sent by Hanni- bal, bringing back to their recollection, as examples, the haughty tyranny of Pyrrhus and the miserable slavery of the Tarentines, he at first openly and loudly protested that the troops should not be admitted; then he urged either that they should expel them when received, or if they had a mind to expiate, by a bold and memorable act, the foul crime they had committed in revolting from their most ancient and intimate allies, that, having slain the Cartha- ginian troops, they should give themselves back to the Ro- mans. These proceedings having been reported to Hanni- bal, for they were not carried on in secret, he at first sent persons to summon Magius into his presence at his camp; then, on his vehemently refusing to come, on the ground that Hannibal had no authority over a Campanian, the Carthaginian, excited with rage, ordered that the man should be seized and dragged to him in chains; but after- wards, fearing lest, while force was employed, some dis- turbance might take place, or lest, from excitement of feel- ing, some undesigned collision might occur, he set out him- self from the camp with a small body of troops, having sent a message before him to Marius Blosius, the praetor of Campania, to the effect that he would be at Capua the next day. Marius, calling an assembly, issued an order that they should go out and meet Hannibal in a body, ac- companied by their wives and children. This was done by all, not only with obedience, but with zeal, with the full agreement of the common people, and with eagerness to see a general rendered illustrious by so many victories. Decius Magius neither went out to meet him nor kept himself in private, by which course he might seem to indi- cate fear from a consciousness of demerit; he promenaded in the Forum with perfect composure, attended by his son and a few dependents, while all the citizens were in a bus- tle to go to see and receive the Carthaginian. Hannibal, on entering the city, immediately demanded an audience of the Senate; when the chief men of the Campanians, be- seeching him not to transact any serious business on that day, but that he would cheerfully and willingly celebrate a day devoted to festivity in consequence of his own arriv-y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 157 al, though naturally extremely prone to anger, yet, that he might not deny them any thing at first, he spent a great part of the day in inspecting the city. 8. He lodged at the house of the Ninii Celeres, Stenius and Pacuvius, men distinguished by their noble descent and their wealth. Thither Pacuvius Calavius, of whom mention has already been made, who was the head of the party which had drawn over the state to the Carthaginian cause, brought his son, a young man, whom he had forced from the side of Decius Magius, in conjunction with whom he had made a most determined stand for the Roman alli- ance in opposition to the league with the Carthaginians; nor had the leaning of the state to the other side, or his fa- ther's authority, altered his sentiments. For this youth his father procured pardon from Hannibal, more by prayers than by clearing him. Hannibal, overcome by the en- treaties and tears of his father, even gave orders that he should be invited with his father to the banquet; to which entertainment he intended to admit no Campanian besides his hosts, and Jubellius Taurea, a man distinguished in war. They began to feast early in the day, and the enter- tainment was not conformable to the Carthaginian custom or to military discipline, but, as might be expected in a city and in a house both remarkable for luxury, was fur- nished with all the allurements of voluptuousness. Perol- la, the son of Calavius, was the only person who could not be won either by the solicitations of the masters of the house or those which Hannibal sometimes employed. The youth himself pleaded ill health as an apology, while his father urged as an excuse the disturbed state of his mind, which was not surprising. About sunset, Calavius, who had gone out from the banquet, was followed by his son; and when they had arrived at a retired place (it was a garden at the back part of the house), he said, "I have a plan to propose to you, my father, by which we shall not only obtain pardon from the Romans for our crime, in that we revolted from them to the Carthaginian, but shall be held in much higher esteem than we Campanians ever have been." When the father inquired, with surprise, what that plan could be, he threw back his gown off his sTioulder and exposed to view his side, which was girt158 THE HISTORY OF KOME. [b. xxiii., chap. 9. with a sword. " Forthwith will I ratify the alliance with Rome with the blood of Hannibal. I was desirous that you should be informed of it first, in case you might pre- fer to be absent while the deed is performing." 9. On hearing and seeing which, the old man, as though he were actually present at the transactions which were being named to him, wild with fear, exclaimed," I implore, I beseech you, my son, by all the ties which unite children to parents, that you will not resolve to commit and to suf- fer every thing that is horrible before the eyes of a fa- ther. Did we but a few hours ago, swearing by every deity, and joining right hands, pledge our fidelity to Han- nibal, that, immediately on separating from the conference, we should arm against him the hands which were employ- ed as the sacred pledges of our faith ? Do you rise from the hospitable board to which as one of three of the Cam- panians you have been admitted by Hannibal, that you may ensanguine that very board with the blood of your host. Could I conciliate Hannibal to my son, and not my son to Hannibal ? But let nothing be held sacred by you, neither our pledges, nor the sense of religion, nor filial duty; let the most horrid deeds be dared, if with guilt they bring not ruin upon us. Will you singly attack Han- nibal? What will that numerous throng of freemen and slaves be doing? What the eyes of all intent on him alone ? What those so many right hands ? Will they be torpid amidst your madness ? Will you be able to bear the look of Hannibal himself, which armed hosts can not sustain, from which the Roman people shrink with horror? And though other assistance be wanting, will you have the hardihood to strike me when I oppose my body in defense of Hannibal's? But know that through my breast you must strike and transfix him. Suffer yourself to be deterred from your attempt here, rather than to be defeated there. May my entreaties prevail with you, as they did for you this day." Upon this, perceiving the youth in tears, he threw his arms around him, and, kissing him affectionate- ly, ceased not his entreaties until he prevailed upon him to lay aside his sword and give his promise that he would do no such thing. The young man then observed, "I will indeed pay to my f.ither the debt of duty which I owe toy.B. 5£G.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 159 my country, but I am grieved for you, on whom the guilt of having thrice betrayed your country rests; once when you sanctioned the revolt from the Romans; next, when you advised the alliance with Hannibal; and, thirdly, this day, when you are the delay and impediment of the resto- ration of Capua to the Romans. Do thou, my country, receive this weapon, armed with which in thy behalf I would fain have defended this citadel, since a father wrests it from me." Having thus said, he threw the sword into the highway over the garden wall, and, that the affair might not be suspected, himself returned to the banquet. 10. The next day an audience of a full Senate was given to Hannibal, when the first part of his address was full of graciousness and benignity, in which he thanked the Cam- panians for having preferred his friendship to an alliance with the Romans, and held out among his other magnifi- cent promises "that Capua should soon become the capi- tal of all Italy, and that the Romans as well as the other states should receive laws from it. That there was, how- ever, one person who had no share in the Carthaginian friendship and the alliance formed with him, Decius Ma- gius, who neither was nor ought to be called a Campanian. Him he requested to be surrendered to him, and that the sense of the Senate should be taken respecting his conduct, and a decree passed in his presence." All concurred in this proposition, though a great many considered him as a man undeserving such severe treatment; and that this proceeding was no small infringement; of their liberty to begin with. Leaving the Senate-house, the magistrate took his seat on the consecrated bench, ordered Decius Magius to be apprehended, and to be placed by himself before his feet to plead his cause. But he, his proud spir- it being unsubdued, denied that such a measure could be enforced agreeably to the conditions of the treaty; upon which he was ironed, and ordered to be brought into the camp before a lictor. As long as he was conducted with his head uncovered, he moved along earnestly haranguing and vociferating to the multitude which poured around him on all sides. " You have gotten that liberty, Campa- nians, w7hich you seek; in the middle of the Forum, in the light of day, before your eyes, I, a man second to none of160 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 11. the Campanians, am dragged in chains to suffer death. What greater outrage could have been committed had Cap- ua been captured ? Go out to meet Hannibal, decorate your city to the utmost, consecrate the day of his arrival, that you may behold this triumph over a fellow-citizen." As the populace seemed to be excited by him, vociferating these things, his head was covered, and he was ordered to be dragged away more speedily without the gate. Having been thus brought to the camp, he was immediately put on board a ship and sent to Carthage, lest, if any commo- tion should arise at Capua oil account of the injustice of the proceeding, the Senate also should repent of having given up a leading citizen; and lest if an embassy were sent to request his restoration, he must either offend his new allies by refusing their first petition, Or, by granting it, be compelled to retain at Capua a promoter of sedition and disturbance. A tempest drove the vessel to Cyrense, which was at that time under the dominion of kings. Here, flying for refuge to the statue of King Ptolemy, he was conveyed thence in custody to Alexandria to Ptole- my ; and having instructed him that he had been thrown into chains by Hannibal, contrary to the law of treaties, he was liberated and allowed to return to whichever place he pleased, Rome or Capua. But Magius said that Capua would not be a safe place for him, and that Rome, at a time when there was war between the Romans and Capu- ans, would be rather the residence of a deserter than a guest. That there was no place that he should rather dwell in, than in the dominions of him whom he esteemed an avenger and the protector of his liberty. 11. While these things were carrying on, Quintus Fabi- us Pictor, the ambassador, returned from Delphi to Rome, and read the response of the oracle from a written copy. In it both the gods were mentioned, and in what manner supplication should be made. It then stated, "If you do thus, Romans, your affairs will be more prosperous and less perplexed; your state will proceed more agreeably to your wishes; and the victory in the war will be on the side of the Roman people. After that your state shall have been restored to prosperity and safety, send a present to the Pythian Apollo out of the gains you have earned,y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 161 and pay honors to him out of the plunder, the booty, and the spoils. Banish licentiousness from among you." Having read aloud these words, translated from the Greek verse, he added, that, immediately on his departure from the oracle, he had paid divine honors to all these de- ities with wine and frankincense; and that he was ordered by the s without the wall, they threw in turnip-seed, so that Hannibal exclaimed, Must I sit here at Casilinum even till these spring up ? and he, who up to that time had not lent an ear to any terms, then at length allowed himself to be treated with respecting the ransom of the free persons. Seven ounces of gold for each person were agreed upon as the price; and then, under a promise of protection, they surrendered themselves. They were kept in chains till the whole of the gold was paid, after which they were sent back to Cumae, in fulfillment of the promise. This ac- count is more credible than that they were slain by a body of cavalry which was sent to attack them as they were going away. They were for the most part Prsenestines. Out of the five hundred and seventy who formed the gar- rison, almost one half were destroyed by sword or famine ; the rest returned safe to Praeneste with their praetor Mani- cius, who had formerly been a scribe. His statue placed in the Forum at Praeneste, clad in a coat of mail, with a gown on, and with the head covered, formed an evidence of this account; as did also three images with this legend inscribed on a brazen plate : " Manicius vowed these in be- half of the soldiers who were in the garrison at Casilinum." The same legend was inscribed under three images placed in the Temple of Fortune. 20. The town of Casilinum was restored to the Campa- nians, strengthened by a garrison of seven hundred soldiers from the army of Hannibal, lest on the departure of the Carthaginian from it the Romans should assault it. To the Praenestine soldiers the Roman Senate voted double pay, arid exemption from military service for five years. On being offered the freedom of the state, in consideration of their valor, they would not make the exchange. The account of the fate of the Perusians is less clear, as no light is thrown upon it by any monument of their own, or any decree of the Romans. At the same time, the Petelini, the only Bruttian state which had continued in the Roman alliance, were attacked not only by the Carthaginians, who were in possession of the surrounding country, but also by the rest of the Bruttian states, on account of their havingV.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 175 adopted a separate policy. The Petelini, unable to bear up against these distresses, sent ambassadors to Rome to solicit aid, whose prayers and entreaties (for on being told that they must themselves take measures for their own safety, they gave themselves up to piteous lamentations in the vestibule of the Senate-house) excited the deepest com- miseration in the fathers and the people. On the question being proposed a second time to the fathers by Manius Pomponius, the pra3tor, after examining all the resources of the empire, they were compelled to confess that they had no longer any protection for their distant allies, and bid them return home, and having done every thing which could be expected from faithful allies, as to wh^it remain- ed to take measures for their own security in the present state of fortune. ~ On the result of this embassy being re- ported to the Petelini, their Senate was suddenly seized with such violent grief and dismay, that some advised that they should run away wherever each man could find an asylum, and abandon the city. Some advised that, as they were deserted by their ancient allies, they should unite themselves with the rest of the Bruttian states, and through them surrender themselves to Hannibal. ; The opinion, however, which prevailed was that of those who thought that nothing should be done in haste and rashly, and that they should take the whole matter into their consideration again. The next day, when they had cooled upon it, and their trepidation had somewhat subsided, the principal men carried their point that they should collect all their prop- erty out of the fields, and fortify the city and the walls. 21. Much about the same time letters were brought from Sicily and Sardinia. That of Titus Otacilius the propraetor was first read in the Senate. It stated that Lucius Furius the praetor had arrived at Lilybseum from Africa with his fleet. That he himself, having been severely wounded, was in imminent danger of his life; that neither pay nor corn was punctually furnished to the soldiers or the ma- rines ; nor were there any resources from which they could be furnished. That he earnestly advised that such sup- plies should be sent with all possible expedition ; and that, if it was thought proper, they should send one of the new praetors to succeed him.176 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. xxiii., CHAP. 22. Nearly the same intelligence respecting com and pay- was conveyed in a letter from Aulus Cornelius Mammula, the propraetor, from Sardinia. The answer to both was, that there were no resources from whence they could be supplied, and orders were given to them that they should themselves provide for their fleets and armies. Titus Otacilius having sent ambassadors to Hiero, the only source of assistance the Romans had, received as much money as was wanting to pay the troops, and a supply of corn for six months. In Sardinia, the allied states con- tributed liberally to Cornelius. The scarcity of money at Rome, also, was so great that, on the proposal of Marcus Minucius* plebeian tribune, a financial triumvirate was appointed, consisting of Lucius JEmilius Papus, who had been consul and censor, Marcus Atilius Regulus, who had been twice consul, and Lucius Scribonius Libo, who was then plebeian tribune. Marcus and Caius Atilius were also created a duumvirate for dedicating the Temple of Concord, which Lucius Manlius had vowed when praetor. Three pontiffs were also created—Quintus Caecilius Metel- lus, Quintus Fabius Maximus, and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus —in the room of Publius Scantinius deceased, and of Lu- cius iEmilius Paulus the consul, and of Quintus -ZElius Paetus, who had fallen in the battle of Cannae. 22. The fathers having repaired, as far as human coun- sels could effect it, the other losses from a continued se- ries of unfortunate events, at length turned their attention on themselves, on the emptiness of the Senate-house, and the paucity of those who assembled for public delibera- tion. For the Senate-roll had not been reviewed since the censorship of Lucius JEmilius and C. Flaminius, though unfortunate battles, during a period of five years, as well as the private casualties of each, had carried off so many Senators. Manius Pomponius, the praetor, as the dicta- tor was now gone to the army after the loss of Casilinum, at the earnest request of all, brought in a bill upon the subject. When Spurius Carvilius, after having lamented in a long speech not only the scantiness of the Senate, but the fewness of citizens who were eligible into that body, with the design of making up the numbers of the Senate and uniting more closely the Romans and the Latin con-y.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 177 federacy, declared that he strongly advised that the free- dom of the state should be conferred upon two Sena- tors from each of the Latin states, if the Roman fathers thought proper, who might be chosen into the Senate to supply the places of the deceased Senators. This proposi- tion the fathers listened to with no more equanimity than formerly to the request when made by the Latins them- selves. A loud and violent expression of disapprobation ran through the wrhole Senate-house. In particular, Man- lius reminded them that there was still existing a man of that stock, from which that consul was descended who formerly threatened in the Capitol that he would with his own hand put to death any Latin Senator he saw in that house. Upon which Quintus Fabius Maximus said, " that never wTas any subject introduced into the Senate at a juncture more unseasonable than the present, when a ques- tion had been touched upon which would still further ir- ritate the minds of the allies, who were already hesitating and wavering in their allegiance. That that rash suggest tion of one individual ought to be annihilated by the si- lence of the whole body; and that if there ever was a dec- laration in that house which ought to foe buried in pro- found and inviolable silence, surely that above all others was one which deserved to be covered and consigned to darkness and oblivion, and looked upon as if it had never been made." This put a stop to the mention of the sub- ject. They determined that a dictator should be created for the purpose of reviewing the Senate, and that he should be one who had been a censor, and was the oldest living of those who had held that office. They likewise gave orders that Caius Terentius, the consul, should be called home to nominate a dictator; who, leaving his troops in Apulia, returned to Rome with great expedition; and, according to custom, on the following night nomi- nated Marcus Fabius Buteo dictator for six months, with- out a master of the horse, in pursuance of the decree of the Senate. 23. He having mounted the rostrum, attended by the lictors, declared that he neither approved of there being two dictators at one time, which had never been done be- fore, nor of his being appointed dictator without a master 8*178 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 21. of the horse; nor of the censorian authority being com- mitted to one person, and to the same person a second time ; nor that command should be given to a dictator for six months, unless he was created for active operations. That he would himself restrain within proper bounds those irregularities which chance, the exigencies of the times, and necessity had occasioned.: For he would not remove any of those whom the censors Flaminius and iEmilius had elected into the Senate ; but would merely order that their names should be transcribed arid read over, that one man might not exercise the power of deciding and deter- mining on the character and morals of a Senator; and would so elect in place of deceased members, that one rank should appear to be preferred to another, and not man to man. The old Senate-roll having been read, he chose as successors to the deceased, first those who had filled a curule office since the censorship of Flaminius and iEmilius, but had not yet been elected into the Senate, as each had been earliest created. He next chose those who had/been sediles, plebeian tribunes, or quaestors; then, of those who had never filled the office of magistrate," he selected such as had spoils taken from an enemy fixed up at their homes, or had received a civic crown. Having thus elected one hundred and seventy-seven Senators, with the entire ap- probation of his countrymen, he instantly abdicated his office, and, bidding the lictors depart, he descended from the rostrum as a private citizen, and mingled with the crowd of persons who were engaged in their private af- fairs, designedly wearing away the time, lest he should draw off the people from the Forum for the purpose of escorting him home. Their zeal, however, did not subside by the delay, for they escorted him to his house in great numbers. The consul returned to the army the ensuing night, without acquainting the Senate, lest he should be detained in the city on account of the elections. - 24. . The next day, on the proposition of Manius Pom- ponius the praetor, the Senate decreed that a letter should be written to the dictator, to the effect that, if he thought it for the interest of the state, he should come, together with the master of the horse and the praetor, Marcus Mar- cellus, to hold the election for the succeeding consuls, inY.ii. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 179 order that the fathers might learn from them in person in what condition the state was, and take measures according to circumstances. All who wTere summoned came, leaving lieutenant-generals to hold command of the legions. The dictator, speaking briefly and modestly of himself, attrib- uted much of the glory of the campaign to the master of the horse, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. He then gave out the day for the comitia, at which the consuls created were Lucius Posthumius in his absence, being then em- ployed in the government of the province of Gaul, for the third time, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, who was then master of the horse and curule sedile. Marcus Vale- rius Laevinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, and Quintus Mucins Scsevola, were then created prsetors. After the election of the magistrates, the dic- tator returned to his army, which was in winter-quarters at Teanum, leaving his master of the horse at Rome, to take the sense of the fathers relative to the armies to be enlisted and embodied for the service of the year, as he was about to enter upon the magistracy after a few days. While busily occupied with these matters, intelligence ar- rived of a fresh disaster—fortune crowding into this year one calamity after another—that Lucius Posthumius, con- sul elect, himself, with all his army, was destroyed in Gaul. He was to inarch his troops through a vast wrood, which the Gauls called Litana. On the right and left of his route, the natives had sawed the trees in such a manner that they continued standing upright, but would fall when impelled, by a slight force. Posthumius had with him two Roman legions, and besides had levied so great a num- ber of allies along the Adriatic Sea, that he led into the enemy's country twenty-five thousand men. As soon as this army entered the wood, the Gauls, who were posted around its extreme skirts, pushed down the outermost of the sawn trees, which falling on those next them, and these again on others, which of themselves stood tottering and scarcely maintained their position, crushed arms, men, and horses in an indiscriminate manner, so that scarcely ten men escaped. For most of them being killed by the trunks and broken boughs of trees, the Gauls, who beset ihe wood on all sides in arms, killed the rest, panic-struck180 THE HISTORY OF EOME. [B. xxiii., CHAP. 25. by so unexpected a disaster. A very small number, who attempted to escape by a bridge, were taken prisoners, be- ing intercepted by the enemy, who had taken possession of it before them. Here Posthumius fell, fighting with all his might to prevent his being taken. The Boii, having cut off his head, carried it and the spoils they stripped oft his body, in triumph, into the most sacred temple they had. Afterwards they cleansed the head according to their custom, and, having covered the skull writh chased gold, used it as a cup for libations in their solemn festivals, and a drinking-cup for their high-priests and other minis- ters of the temple. The spoils taken by the Gauls were not less than the victory. For though great numbers of the beasts were crushed by the falling trees, yet, as noth- ing was scattered by flight, every thing else was found strewed along the whole line of the prostrate band. 25. The news of this disaster arriving, when the state had been in so great a panic for many days, that the shops were shut up as if the solitude of night reigned through the city; the Senate gave it in charge to the sediles to go round the city, cause the shops to be opened, and this appearance of public affliction to be removed. Then Titus Sempronius, having assembled the Senate, con- soled and encouraged the fathers, requesting " that they who had sustained the defeat at Cannae with so much magnanimity would not now be cast down with less calam- ities. That if their arms should prosper, as he hoped they would, against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, the war with the Gauls might be suspended and deferred without hazard. The gods and the Roman people would have it in their power to revenge the treachery of the Gauls an- other time. That they should now deliberate about the Carthaginian foe, and the forces with which the war was to be prosecuted." He first laid before them the number of foot and horse, as well citizens as allies, that wTere in the dictator's army. Then Marcellus gave an account of the amount of his. Those who knew were asked what troops wTere in Apulia with Caius Terentius Varro the consul. But no practicable plan could be devised for raising con- sular armies sufficient to support so important a war. For this reason, notwithstanding a just resentment irri-r.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 181 tated them, they determined that Gaul should be passed over for that year. The dictator's army was assigned to the consul; and they ordered such of the troops of Mar- cellus's army as had fled from Cannae to be transported into Sicily, to serve there as long as the war continued in Italy. Thither, likewise, were ordered to be sent, as unfit to serve with him, the weakest of the dictator's troops, 110 time of service being appointed but the legal number of campaigns. The two legions in the city were voted to the other consul who should be elected in the room of Posthu- mius; and they resolved that he should be elected as soon as the auspices would permit. Besides, two legions were immediately to be recalled from Sicily, out of which the consul, to whom the city legions fell, might take what num- ber of men he should have occasion for. The consul, Caius Terentius Varro, wras continued in his command for one year, without lessening the army he had for the de- fense of Apulia. 26. During these transactions and preparations in Italy the war in Spain was prosecuted with no less vigor, but hitherto more favorably to the Romans. The two gener- als had divided their troops, so that Cneius acted by land, and Publius by sea. Hasdrubal, general of the Carthagin- ians, sufficiently trusting to neither branch of his forces, kept himself at a distance from the enemy, secured by the intervening space and the strength of his fortifications, un- til, after much solicitation, four thousand foot and five hun- dred horse were sent him out of Africa as a reinforce- ment. At length, inspired with fresh hopes, he moved nearer the enemy; and himself also ordered a fleet to be equipped and prepared for the protection of the islands and sea-coasts. In the very onset of renewing the war, he was greatly embarrassed by the desertion of the captains of his ships, who had ceased to entertain a sincere attach- ment towards the general and the Carthaginian cause, ever since they were severely reprimanded for abandoning the fleet in a cowardly manner at the Iberus. These de- serters had raised an insurrection among the Tartessians, and at their instigation some cities had revolted; they had even taken one by force. The war was now turned from the Romans into that country, which he entered in182 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [*u XXIII., chap. 27. a hostile manner, and resolved to attack Galbus, a distin- guished general of the Tartessians, who with a powerful army kept close wTithin his camp, before the walls of a city which had been captured but a few days before. Accord- ingly, he sent his light-armed troops in advance to provoke the enemy to battle, and part of his infantry to ravage the country throughout in every direction, and to cut off stragglers. There was a skirmish before the camp, at the same time that many were killed and put to flight in the fields. But having by different routes returned to their camp, they so quickly shook off all fear, that they had cour- age not only to defend their lines, but challenge the enemy to fight. They sallied out, therefore, in a body from the camp, dancing according to their custom. Their sudden boldness terrified the enemy, who a little before had been the assailants. Hasdrubal, therefore, drew off his troops to a tolerably steep eminence, and secured further by hav- ing a river between it and the enemy. Here the parties of light-armed troops which had been sent in advance, and the horse which had been dispersed about, he called in to join him. But not thinking himself sufficiently secured by the eminence or the river, he fortified his camp com- pletely with a rampart. While thus fearing and feared alternately, several skirmishes occurred, in which the Nu- midian cavalry were not so good as the Spanish, nor the Moorish darters so good as the Spanish targeteers, who equalled them in swiftness, but were superior to them in strength and courage. 27. The enemy seeing they could not, by coming up to Hasdrubal's camp, draw him out to a battle, nor assault it without great difficulty, stormed Asena, whither Hasdru- bal, on entering their territories, had laid up his corn and other stores. By this they became masters of all the sur- rounding country. But now they became quite ungovern- able, both when on march and within their camp. Hasdrubal, therefore, perceiving their negligence, which, as usual, was the consequence of success, after having ex- horted his troops to attack them while they were strag- gling and without their standards, came down the hill and advanced to their camp in order of battle. On his ap- proach being announced in a tumultuous manner, by menY.u. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 183 who fled from the watch-posts and advanced guards, they shouted to arms; and as each could get his arms, they rushed precipitately to battle, without waiting for the word, without standards, without order, and without ranks. The foremost of them were already engaged, while some were running up in parties, and others had not got out of their camp. : However, at first, the very boldness of their attack terrified the enemy. But when they charged their close ranks with their own, which were thin, and were not able to defend themselves for want of numbers, each began to look out for others to support him; and being repulsed in all quarters, they collected themselves in form of a circle, where, being so closely crowded together, body to body, armor to armor, that they had not room to wield their arms, they were surrounded by the enemy, who con- tinued to slaughter them till late in the day. A small number, having forced a passage, made for the woods and hills. - With like consternation, their camp was abandoned, and next day; the whole nation submitted. But they did not continue long quiet, for immediately upon this Hasdru- bal received orders from Carthage to march into Italy with all; expedition ; the report of which, spreading over Spain, made almost all the states declare for the Romans. Accordingly he wrote immediately to Carthage, to inform them how much mischief the report of his march had pro- duced. " That, if he really did leave Spain, the Romans would be masters of it all before he could pass the Iberus. For, besides that he had neither an army nor a general whom lie could leave to supply his place, so great were the abilities of the Roman generals who commanded there, t*iat they could scarcely be opposed with equal forces. If, therefore, they had any concern for preserving Spain, they ought to send a general with a powerful army to succeed him. To whom, however prosperous all things might prove, yet the province would not be a position of ease." 28. Though this letter made at first a great impression on the Senate, yet, as their interest in Italy was first and most important, they did not at all alter their resolution in relation to Hasdrubal and his troops. However, they dis- patched Himilco, with a complete army and an augmented fleet, to preserve and defend Spain both by sea and land.184 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. xxiii., CHAP. 28. When he had conveyed over his land and naval forces, he fortified a camp; and having drawn his ships upon dry- land, and surrounded them with a rampart, he marched with a chosen body of cavalry, with all possible expedition —using the same caution when passing through people who were wavering and those who were actually enemies •—and came up with Hasdrubal. As soon as he had in- formed him of the resolutions and orders of the Senate, and in his turn been thoroughly instructed in what man- ner to prosecute the war in Spain, he returned to his camp; his expedition more than any thing else saving him, for he quitted every place before the people could conspire. Before Hasdrubal quitted his position, he laid all the states in subjection to him under contribution. He knew well that Hannibal purchased a passage through some nations; that he had no Gallic auxiliaries but such as were hired; and that if he had undertaken so arduous a march without money, he would scarcely have penetrated so far as the Alps. For this reason, having exacted the contributions with great haste, he marched down to the Iberus. As soon as the Roman generals got notice of the Carthaginian Senate's resolution and Hasdrubal's march, they gave up every other concern, and, uniting their forces, determined to meet him and oppose his attempt. They reflected that, when it was already so difficult to make head against Hannibal alone in Italy, there would be an end of the Roman empire in Spain, should Hasdrubal join him with a Spanish army. Full of anxiety and care on these accounts, they assembled their forces at the Ibe- rus, and crossed the river; and, after deliberating for some time whether they should encamp opposite to the enemy, or be satisfied with impeding his intended march by attacking the allies of the Carthaginians, they made preparations for besieging a city called Ibera, from its contiguity to the river, which was at that time the wealth- iest in that quarter. When Hasdrubal perceived this, in- stead of carrying assistance to his allies, he proceeded him- self to besiege a city which had lately placed itself under the protection of the Romans; and thus the siege which was now commenced was given up by them, and the op- erations of the war turned against Hasdrubal himself.y.r. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 185 29. For a few days they remained encamped at a dis- tance of five miles from each other, not without skirmish- es, but without going out to a regular engagement. At length the signal for battle was given out on both sides on one and the same day, as though by concert, and they marched down into the plain with all their forces. The Roman army stood in triple line; a part of the light- troops were stationed among the first line, the other halt were received behind the standards, the cavalry covering the wings. Hasdrubal formed his centre strong with Spaniards, and placed the Carthaginians in the right wing, the Africans and hired auxiliaries in the left. His cavalry he placed before the wings, attaching the Numidians to the Carthaginian infantry, and the rest to the Africans. Nor were all the Numidians placed in the right wing, but such as, taking two horses each into the field, are accus- tomed frequently to leap full-armed, when the battle is at the hottest, from a tired horse upon a fresh one, after the manner of vaulters: such was their own agility, and so docile their breed of horses. While they stood thus drawn up, the hopes entertained by the generals on both sides were pretty much upon an equality; for neither pos- sessed any great superiority, either in point of the number or quality of the troops. The feelings of the soldiers were widely different. Their generals had, without difficulty, induced the Romans to believe that, although they fought at a distance from their country, it was Italy and the city of Rome that they were defending. Accordingly, they had brought their minds to a settled resolution to conquer or die; as if their return to their country had hinged upon the issue of that battle. The other army consisted of less determined men; for they were principally Spaniards, who would rather be vanquished in Spain than be victorious to be dragged into Italy. On the first onset, therefore, ere their javelins had scarcely been thrown, their centre "gave ground, and, the Romans pressing on with great impetu- osity, turned their backs. In the wings the battle proceed- ed with no less activity; on one side the Carthaginians, on the other the Africans, charged vigorously, while the Romans, in a manner surrounded, were exposed to a two- fold attack. But when the whole of the Roman troops186 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxhi., chap. 30. had united in the centre, they possessed sufficient strength to compel the wings of the enemy to retire in different directions; and thus there were two separate battles, in both of which the Romans were decidedly superior, as af- ter the defeat of the enemy's centre they had the advantage both in the number and strength of their troops. Yast numbers were slain on this occasion; and had not the Spaniards fled precipitately from the field ere the battle had scarce begun, very few out of the whole army would have survived. There was very little fighting of the cav- alry; for, as soon as the Moors and Numidians perceived that the centre gave way, they fled immediately, with the utmost precipitation, leaving the wings uncovered, and also driving the elephants before them. Hasdrubal, after waiting the issue of the battle to the very last, fled from the midst of the carnage with a few attendants. The Romans took and plundered the camp. This victory united with the Romans whatever states of Spain were wavering, and left Hasdrubal no hope, not only of leading an army over into Italy, but even of remaining very safely in Spain. When these events were made generally known at Rome by letters from the Scipios,the greatest joy was felt, not so much for the victory as for the stop which was put to the passage of Hasdrubal into Italy. 30. While these transactions were going on in Spain, Petilia, in Bruttium, was taken by Himilco, an officer of Hannibal's, several months after the siege of it began. This victory cost the Carthaginians much blood and many wounds; nor did any power more subdue the besieged than that of famine; for, after having consumed their means of subsistence, derived from fruits and the flesh of every kind of quadrupeds, they were at last compelled to live upon skins found in shoemakers' shops, on herbs and roots, the tender barks of trees, and berries gathered from brambles: nor were they subdued until they wanted strength to stand upon the walls and support their arms. After gaining Petilia, the Carthaginian marched his forces to Consentia, which, being less obstinately defended, he compelled to surrender within a few days. Nearly about the same time, an army of Bruttians invested Croton, a Greek city, formerly powerful in men and arms, but atr.R. 536.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 187 the present time reduced so low, by many and great mis- fortunes, that less than twenty thousand inhabitants of all ages remained. The enemy, therefore, easily got posses- sion of a city destitute of defenders: of the citadel alone possession was retained, into which some of the inhabit- ants fled from the midst of the carnage during the confu- sion created by the capture of the city. The Locrians, too, revolted to the Bruttians and Carthaginians, the pop- ulace having been betrayed by the nobles. The Rhegians were the only people in that quarter who continued to the last in faithful attachment to the Romans, and in the en- joyment of their independence. The same alteration of feeling extended itself into Sicily also; and not even the family of Hiero altogether abstained from defection; for Gelo, his eldest son, conceiving a contempt for his father's old age, and, after the defeat of Cannae, for the alliance with Rome, went over to the Carthaginians; and he would have created a disturbance in Sicily, had he not been car- ried off, when engaged in arming the people and soliciting the allies, by a death so seasonable, that it threw some de- gree of suspicion even upon his father. Such, with vari- ous result, were the transactions in Italy, Africa, Sicily, and Spain during this year. At the close of the year, Quintus Fabius Maximus requested of the Senate that he might be allowed to dedicate the Temple of Yenus Ery- cina, which he had vowed when dictator. The Senate de- creed that Tiberius Sempronius, the consul elect, as goon as ever lie had entered upon his office, should propose to the people that they should create Quintus Fabius duum- vir, for the purpose of -dedicating the temple. Also, in honor of Marcus ^Emilius Lepidus, who had been consul twice and augur, his three sons, Lucius, Marcus, and Quintus, exhibited funeral games and twenty-two pairs of gladiators for; three days in the Forum. The curule sediles, Caius Lsetorius, and Tiberius Sempronius Grac- chus, consul elect, who during his sedileship had been mas- ter of the horse, celebrated the Roman games, which were repeated for three days. The plebeian games of the sediles, Marcus Aurelius Cotta and Marcus Claudius Mar- cell us, were thrice repeated. At the conclusion of the third year of the Punic war, Tiberius Sempronius Grac-188 THE HISTORY OP ROME. [B. xxiii., CHAP. 31. chus, the consul, entered npon his office on the ides of March. Of the praetors, Quintus Fulvius Flaceus, who had before been consul and censor, had by lot the city ju- risdiction; Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the foreign. Sicily fell to the lot of Appius Claudius Pulcher; Sardinia to Quintus Mucius Scaevola. The people ordered that Mar- cus Marcellus should be in command as proconsul, be- cause he was the only Roman general who had been suc- cessful in his operations in Italy since the defeat at Cannae. 31. The Senate decreed, the first day they deliberated in the Capitol, that double taxes should be imposed for that year, one moiety of which should be immediately lev- ied, as a fund from which pay might be given forthwith to all the soldiers, except those who had been at Cannae. With regard to the armies, they decreed that Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, should appoint a day for the two city legions to meet at Cales, whence these legions should be conveyed into the Claudian camp above Suenula. That the legions which were there, and they consisted principally of the troops which had fought at Cannae, Ap- pius Claudius Pulcher, the praetor, should transport into Sicily; and that those in Sicily should be removed to Rome. Marcus Claudius Marcellus was sent to the army, which had been ordered to meet at Cales on a certain day, with orders to march the city legions thence to the Clau- dian camp. Titus Metilius Croto, lieutenant-general, was sent by Appius Claudius Pulcher to receive the old army and remove it into Sicily. People at first had expected in silence that the consul would hold an assembly for the election of a colleague, but afterwards perceiving that Marcus Marcellus, whom they wished above all others to be consul this year, on account of his brilliant success dur- ing his praetorship, was removed to a distant quarter, as it were on purpose, a murmuring arose in the Senate- house, which the consul perceiving, said, " Conscript fa- thers, it was conducive to the interest of the state, both that Marcus Marcellus should go into Campania to make the exchange of the armies, and that the assembly should not be proclaimed before he had returned thence after completing the business with which he was charged, in order that vou might have him as consul whom the situa-y.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 189 tion of the republic required and yourselves prefer." Thus nothing was said about the assembly till Marcellus returned. Meanwhile Quintus Fabius Maximus and Titus Otacilius Crassus were created duumvirs for dedicating temples; Otacilius to Mens, Fabius to Venus Erycina. Both are situated in the Capitol, and separated by one channel. It wras afterwards proposed to the people to make Roman citizens of the three hundred Campanian horsemen who had returned to Rome after having faith- fully served their period, and also that they should be con- sidered to have been citizens of Cumse from the day be- fore that on which the Campanians had revolted from the Roman people. It had been a principal inducement to this proposition that they themselves said they knew not to what people they belonged, having left their former country, and being not yet admitted into that to which they had returned. After Marcellus returned from the army, an assembly was proclaimed for electing one consul in the room of Lucius Posthumius. Marcellus was elect- ed with the greatest unanimity, and was immediately to enter upon his office; but as it thundered while he enter- ed upon it, the augurs were summoned, who pronounced that they considered the creation informal; and the fa- thers spread a report that the gods were displeased, be- cause on that occasion, for the first time, two plebeians had been elected consuls. Upon Marcellus's abdicating his office, Fabius Maximus, for the third time, wras elected in his room. This year the sea appeared on fire; at Sinu- essa a cow brought forth a horse foal; the statues in the Temple of Juno Sospita Lanuvium flowed down with blood; and a shower of stones fell in the neighborhood of that temple: on account of which shower the nine days' sacred rite was celebrated, as is usual on such occasions, and the other prodigies were carefully expiated. 32. The consuls divided the armies between them. The army which Marcus Junius, the dictator, had commanded fell to the lot of Fabius. To that of Sempronius fell the volunteer slaves, with twenty-five thousand of the allies. To Marcus Valerius, the praetor, were assigned the legions which had returned from Sicily. Marcus Claudius, pro- consul, was sent to that army which lay above Suessula,190 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. xxiii., CHAP. 32. for the protection of Nola. The praetors set out for Sici- ly and Sardinia. The consuls issued a proclamation that, as often as they summoned a Senate, the Senators and those who had a right to give their opinion in the Senate should assemble at the Capuan gate. The praetors, who were charged with the administration of justice, fixed their tribunals in the public fish-market; there they order- ed sureties to be entered into, and here justice was ad- ministered this year. Meanwhile news was brought to Carthage, from which place Mago, Hannibal's brother, was on the point of carrying over into Italy twelve thou- sand foot, fifteen hundred horse, twenty elephants, and a thousand talents of silver, under a convoy of sixty men-of- war, that the operations of the war had not succeeded in Spain, and that almost all the people in that province had gone over to the Romans. There were some who were for; sending Mago with that fleet and those forces into Spain; neglecting Italy, when an unexpected prospect of regaining Sardinia broke upon them. They were inform- ed that " the Roman army there was small, that Aulus Cornelius, who had been praetor there, and was well ac- quainted with the province, was quitting it, and that a new one was expected. Moreover, that the minds of the Sardinians were now wearied wTith the long continuance of rule, and that during the last year it had been exercised with severity and rapacity. That the people were weigh- ed down with heavy taxes, and an oppressive' contribution of corn; that there was nothing wanting but a leader to whom they might revolt." This secret embassy had been sent by the nobles, Hampsicora being the chief contriver of the measure, who at that time was first by far in wealth and influence. Disconcerted and elated almost at the same time by these accounts, they sent Mago, with his fleet and forces, into Spain; and, selecting Hasdrubal as general for Sardinia, assigned to him about as large a force as to Mago. At Rome, the consuls, after transact- ing what was necessary to be done in the city, now pre- pared themselves for the war. Tiberius Sempronius ap- pointed a day for his soldiers to assemble at Sinuessa; and Quintus Fabius also, having first consulted the Sen- ate, issued a proclamation that all persons should conveyy.r. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 191 corn from the fields into fortified towns before the calends of June next ensuing: if any neglected to do so,he would lay waste his lands, sell his slaves by auction, and burn his farm-houses. Not even the praetors, who were created for the purpose of administering justice, were allowed an exemption from military employments. It was resolved that Valerius, the praetor, should go into Apulia to receive the army from Terentius, and that, when the legions from Sicily had arrived, he should employ them principally for the protection of that quarter. That the army of Teren- tius should be sent into Sicily with some one of the lieu- tenant-generals. Twenty-five ships were given to Marcus Valerius, to protect the sea-coast between Brundusium and Tarentum. An equal number was given to Quintus Ful- vius, the city praetor, to protect the coasts in the neigh- borhood of the city. To Caius Terentius, the proconsul, it was given in charge to press soldiers in the Picenian territory, and to protect that part of the country; and Ti- tus Otacilius Crassus, after he had dedicated the Temple of Mens in the Capitol, was invested with command, and sent into Sicily to take the conduct of the fleet. 33. On this contest between the two most powerful peo- ple in the world all kings and nations had fixed their at- tention. Among them Philip, king of the Macedonians, regarded it with greater anxiety, in proportion as he was nearer to Italy, and because he was separated from it only by the Ionian Sea. When he first heard that Hannibal had crossed the Alps, as he was rejoiced that a war had arisen between the Romans and the Carthaginians, so while their strength was yet undetermined, he felt doubt- ful which he should rather wish to be victorious. But after the third battle had been fought, and the third vic- tory had been on the side of the Carthaginians, he inclined to fortune, and sent ambassadors to Hannibal. These, avoiding the harbors of Brundusium and Tarentum, be- cause they were occupied by guards of Roman ships, land- ed at the Temple of Juno Lacinia. Thence passing through Apulia, on their way to Capua, they fell in with the Roman troops stationed to protect the country, and were conveyed to Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the praetor, who lay encamped in the neighborhood of Luceria. Here192 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 34. Xenophanes, who was at the head of the embassy, fearless- ly stated that he was sent by King Philip to conclude a treaty of alliance and friendship with the Roman people, and that he had commissions to the Roman consuls, Senate, and people. The praetor, highly delighted with this new alliance with a distinguished potentate, amidst the deser- tions of her old allies, courteously entertained these ene- mies as guests, and furnished them with persons to ac- company them carefully to point out the roads, and inform them what places and what passes the Romans or the ene- my occupied. Xenophanes, passing through the Roman troops, came into Campania, whence, by the shortest way, he entered the camp of Hannibal, and concluded a treaty of alliance and friendship with him on the following terms: That "King Philip, with as large a fleet as he could (and it was thought he could make one of two hun- dred ships), should pass over into Italy, and lay waste the sea-coast, that he should carry on the war by land and sea with all his might; when the war was concluded, that all Italy, with the city of Rome itself, should be the prop- erty of the Carthaginians and Hannibal, and that all the booty should be given up to Hannibal. That when Italy was completely subdued they should sail into Greece, and carry on war with such nations as the king pleased. That the cities on the continent, and the islands which border on Macedonia, should belong to Philip and his domin- ions." 34. A treaty was concluded between the Carthaginian general and the ambassadors, upon nearly these terms; and Gisgo, Bostar, and Mago were sent as ambassadors with them to receive the ratification of the king in person. They arrived at the same place, near the Temple of Juno Lacinia, where the vessel lay concealed in a creek. Set- ting out thence, when they had got into the open sea, they were descried by the Roman fleet, which was guarding the coasts of Calabria. Publius Valerius Flaccus having sent fly-boats to pursue and bring back the ship, the king's party at first attempted to fly ; but afterwards, finding that they were overmatched in swiftness, they delivered them- selves up to the Romans, and were brought to the com- mander, of the fleet. Upon being asked by him who they-Y.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 193 were, whence they came, and whither they were going, Xenophanes, having once been pretty successful, made up a fictitious story, and said " that he was sent from Philip to the Romans; that he had succeeded in reaching Marcus Valerius,.to whom alone he had safe access; that he was unable to make his way through Campania, which was be- set with the troops of the enemy." But afterwards the Carthaginian dress and manners excited suspicions of the messengers of Hannibal, and, when interrogated, their speech betrayed them; then, on their companions being removed to separate places, and intimidated by threats, even a letter from Hannibal to Philip was discovered, and the agreei lent made between the king of the Macedonians and the Carthaginian. These points having been ascer- tained, the best course appeared to be, to convey the pris- oners and their companions as soon as possible to the Sen- ate at Rome, or to the consuls, wheresoever they might be. For this service five of the fastest sailing vessels were se- lected, and Lucius Valerius Antias sent in command of them, with orders to distribute the ambassadors through all the ships separately, and take particular care that they should hold no conversation or consultation with each oth- er. About the same time, Aulus Cornelius Mammula, on his return from the province of Sardinia, made a report of the state of affairs in the island ; that every body contem- plated war and revolt; that Quintus Mucius, who suc- ceeded him, being, on his arrival, affected by the unwhole- Bomeness of the air and water, had fallen into a disorder rather lingering than dangerous, and would for a long time be incapable of sustaining the violent exertion of the war; that the army there, though strong enough for the protection of a province in a state of tranquillity, was nev- ertheless not adequate to the maintenance of the war which seemed to be about to break out. Upon which the fathers decreed that Quintus Fulvius Flaccus should enlist five thousand foot and four hundred horse, and take care that the legion thus formed should be transported as soon as possible into Sardinia, and send invested with command whomsoever he thought fit to conduct the business of the war until Mucius had recovered. For this service Titus Manlius Torquatus was sent; he had been twice consul Vol. II.—9194 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., cha!>. 35. and censor, and had subdued the Sardinians during his consulate. Nearly about the same time, a fleet sent from Carthage to Sardinia under the conduct of Hasdrubal, sur- named the Bald, having suffered from a violent tempest, was driven upon the Balearian islands, where a good deal of time was lost in refitting the ships, which were hauled on shore, so much were they damaged, not only in their rigging but also in their hulls. 35. As the war was carried on in Italy with less vigor since the battle of Cannae, the strength of one party hav- ing been broken, and the energy of the other relaxed, the Campanians of themselves made an attempt to subjugate Cumae, at first by soliciting them to revolt from the Ro- mans, and when that plan did not succeed, they contrived an artifice by which to entrap them. All the Campanians had a stated sacrifice at Hamae. They informed the Cumans that the Campanian Senate would come there, and requested that the Cuman Senate should also be pres- ent to deliberate in concert, in order that both people might have the same allies and the same enemies: they said that they would have an armed force there for their protection, th£t there might be no danger from the Romans or Carthaginians. The Cumans, although they suspected treachery, made no objection, concluding that thus the de- ception they meditated might be concealed. Meanwhile, Tiberius Sempronius, the Roman consul, having purified his army at Sinuessa, where he had appointed a day for their meeting, crossed the Vulturnus, and pitched his camp in the; neighborhood of Liternum. As his troops were stationed here without any employment, he compelled them frequently to go through their exercise, that the re- cruits, which consisted principally of volunteer slaves, might accustom themselves to follow the standards, and know their own centuries in battle. While thus engaged, the general was particularly anxious for concord, and there- fore enjoined the lieutenant-generals and the tribunes that "no disunion should be engendered among the different orders, by casting reproaches on any one on account of his former condition. That the veteran soldier should be con- tent to be placed on an equal footing with the tyro, the freeman with the volunteer slave; that all should considery.r. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 195 those men sufficiently respectable in point of character and birth, to whom the Roman people had intrusted their arms and standards; that the measures which circum- stances made it necessary to adopt, the same circumstances also made it necessary to support when adopted." This was not more carefully prescribed by the generals than observed by the soldiers; and in a short time the minds of all were united in such perfect harmony, that the con- dition from which each became a soldier was almost for- gotten. While Gracchus was thus employed, ambassadors from Cumae brought him information of the embassy which had come to them from the Campanians a few days before, and the answer they had given them; that the festival would take place in three days from that time; that not only the whole body of their Senate, but that the camp and the army of the Campanians would be there. Gracchus having directed the Cumans to convey every thing out of their fields into the town, and to remain with- in their walls, marched himself to Cumae, on the day be- fore that on which the Campanians were to attend the sacrifice. Hamse was three miles distant from his posi- tion. The Campanians had by this time assembled there in great numbers, according to the plan concerted; and not far off Marius Alfius, Medixtuticus, which is the name of the chief magistrate of the Campanians, lay encamped in a retired spot with fourteen thousand armed men, con- siderably more occupied in making preparation for the sacrifice, and in concerting the stratagem to be executed during it, than in fortifying his camp or any other military work. The sacrifice at Hamse lasted for three days. It was a nocturnal rite, so arranged as to be completed be fore midnight. Gracchus, thinking this the proper time for executing his plot, placed guards at the gates to pre- vent any one from carrying out intelligence of his inten- tions ; and having compelled his men to employ the time from the tenth hour in taking refreshment and sleep, in order that they might be able to assemble on a signal given as soon as it was dark. He ordered the standards to be raised about the first watch, and, marching in silence, reached Hamse at midnight; where, finding the Campanian camp in a neglected state, as might be expected during a196 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 36. nocturnal festival, he assaulted it at every gate at once; some he butchered while stretched on the ground asleep, others as they were returning, unarmed, after finishing the sacrifice. In the tumultuous action of this night more than two thousand men were slain, together with the gen- eral himself, Marius Alfius ; and thirty-four military stand- ards were captured. 36. Gracchus, having made himself master of the ene- my's camp with the loss of less than a hundred men, has- tily returned to Cumae, fearful of an attack from Hanni- bal, who lay encamped above Capua on Tifata; nor did his provident anticipation of the future deceive him; for as soon as intelligence was brought to Capua of this loss, Hannibal, concluding that he should find at Hainae this army, which consisted for the most part of recruits and slaves, extravagantly elated with its success, despoiling the vanquished and collecting booty, marched by Capua at a rapid pace, ordering those Campanians whom he met in their flight to be conducted to Capua under an escort, and the wounded to be conveyed in carriages. He found at Hamae the camp abandoned by the enemy, where there was nothing to be seen but the traces of the recent car- nage, and the bodies of his allies strewed in every part. Some advised him to lead his troops immediately thence to Cumae, and assault the town. Though Hannibal de- sired, in no ordinary degree, to get possession of Cumae at least, as a maritime town, since he could not gain Neap- olis: yet as his soldiers had brought out with them noth- ing besides their arms on their hasty march, he retired to his camp on Tifata. But, wearied with the entreaties of the Campanians, he returned thence to Cumae the follow- ing day, with every thing requisite for besieging the town ; and having thoroughly wasted the lands of Cumae, pitched his camp a mile from the town, in which Gracchus had staid, more because he was ashamed to abandon, in such an emergency, allies who implored his protection and that of the Roman people, than because he felt confidence in his army. Nor dared the other consul, Fabius, who was encamped at Cales, lead his troops across the Vulturnus, being employed at first in taking new auspices, and after- wards with the prodigies which were reported one aftery.R. 537. J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 197 another ; and while expiating these, the aruspices answer- ed that they were not easily atoned. 37. While these causes detained Fabius, Sempronius was besieged, and now works were employed in the atr tack. Against a very large wooden tower which was brought up to the town, the Roman consul raised up an- other considerably higher from the wall itself; for he had made use of the wall, which was pretty high of itself, as a platform, placing strong piles as supports. From this the besieged at first defended their walls and city, with stones, javelins, and other missiles; but,:lastly, when they perceived the tower advanced into contact with the wall, they threw upon it a large quantity of fire, making use of blazing fire-brands ; and while the armed men were throw- ing themselves down from the tower in great numbers, in consequence of the flames thus occasioned, the troops sal- lying out of the town at two gates at once, routed the enemy, and drove them back to their camp; so that the Carthaginians that day were more like persons besieged than besiegers. As many as one thousand three hundred of the Carthaginians were slain, and fifty-nine made prison- ers, having been unexpectedly overpowered while standing careless and unconcerned near the walls and on the out- posts, fearing any thing rather than a sally. Gracchus sounded a retreat, and withdrew his men within the walls before the enemy could recover themselves from the ef- fects of this sudden terror. The next day Hannibal, sup- posing that the consul, elated with his success, would en- gage him in a regular battle, drew up his troops in battle- array between the camp and the city; but finding that not a man was removed from the customary guard of the town, and that nothing was hazarded upon rash hopes, he returned to Tifata without accomplishing any thing. At the same time that Cumao was relieved from siege, Tibe- rius Sempronius, surnamed Longus, fought successfully with the Carthaginian general, Hanno, at Grumentum, in Lucania. He slew above two thousand of the enemy, los- ing two hundred and eighty of his own men. He took as many as forty-one military standards. . Hanno, driven out of the Lucanian territory, drew back among the Bruttii. Three towns belonging to the Hirpinians,which had revolt-198 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiii., chap. 38. ed from the Romans, were regained by force by the prae- tor, Marcus Valerius. Vercellius and Sicilius, the authors of the revolt, were beheaded; above a thousand prisoners sold by auction; and the rest of the booty having been given up to the soldiery, the army was marched back to Luceria. 38. While these things were taking place in Lucania and Hirpinia, the five ships, which were conveying to Rome the captured ambassadors of the Macedonians and Carthaginians, after passing round the whole coast of Italy from the upper to the lower sea, were sailing by Cumae, when, it not being known whether they belonged to ene- mies or allies, Gracchus dispatched some ships from his fleet to meet them. When it was ascertained, in the course of their mutual inquiries, that the consul was at Cumae, the ships put in there, the captives were brought before the consul, and their letters placed in his hands. The consul, after he had read the letters of Philip and Hannibal, sent them all, sealed up, to the Senate by land, ordering that the ambassadors should be conveyed thith- er by sea. The ambassadors and the letters arriving at Rome nearly on the same day, and, on examination, the an- swers of the ambassadors corresponding with the contents of the letters, at first intense anxiety oppressed the fathers, on seeing what a formidable war with Macedonia threaten- ed them, when with difficulty bearing up against the Punic war; yet so far were they from sinking under their ca- lamities, that they immediately began to consider how they might divert the enemy from Italy, by commencing hos- tilities themselves. After ordering the prisoners to be confined in chains, and selling their attendance by public auction, they decreed that twenty more ships should be got ready, in addition to the twenty-five ships which Pub- lius Valerius Flaccus had been appointed to command. These being provided and launched, and augmented by the five ships which had conveyed the captive ambassadors to Rome, a fleet of fifty ships set sail from Ostia to Taren- tum. Publius Valerius was ordered to put on board the soldiers of Varro, which Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-gen- eral, commanded at Tarentum; and, with this fleet of fifty ships, not only to protect the coast of Italy, but also tot.r. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 199 make inquiry respecting the Macedonian war. If the plans of Philip corresponded with his letter, and the dis- coveries made by his ambassadors, he was directed to ac- quaint the praetor, Marcus Valerius, with it, who, leaving Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-general, in command of the army, and going to Tarentum to the fleet, was to cross over to Macedonia with all speed, and endeavor to detain Philip in his own dominions. The money which had been sent into Sicily to Appius Claudius, to be repaid to Hiero, was assigned for the support of the fleet and the mainte- nance of the Macedonian war. This money was conveyed to Tarentum by Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-general, and with it Hiero sent two hundred thousand, pecks of wheat and a hundred thousand of barley. 39. While the Romans were engaged in these prepara- tions and transactions, the captured ship, which formed one of those which had been sent to Rome, made its es- cape on the voyage and returned to Philip; from which source it became known that the ambassadors with their letters had been made prisoners. Not knowing, therefore, what had been agreed upon between Hannibal and his ambassadors, or what proposals they were to have brought back to him, he sent another embassy with the same in- structions. The ambassadors sent to Hannibal were Heraclitus, surnamed Scotinus, Crito of Beraea, and Sosi- theus of Magnesia; these successfully took and brought back their commissions, but the summer had passed be- fore the king could take any step or make any attempt. Such an influence had the capture of one vessel, together with the ambassadors, in deferring a war which threatened the Romans. Fabius crossed the Vulturnus, after having at length expiated the prodigies, and both the consuls prosecuted the war in the neighborhood of Capua. Fa- bius regained by force the towns Compulteria, Trebula, and Saticula, which had revolted to the Carthaginians; and in them were captured the garrisons of Hannibal and a great number of Campanians. At Nola, as had been the case the preceding year, the Senate sided with the Ro- mans, the commons with Hannibal; and deliberations were held clandestinely on the subject of massacring the nobles and betraying the city; but to prevent their sue-200 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXIII., chap. 40. ceeding in their designs, Fabius marched his army between Capua and the camp of Hannibal on Tifata, and sat down in the Claudian camp above Suessula, whence he sent Marcus Marcellus, the proconsul, with those forces which he had under him, to Nola-for its protection. 40. In Sardinia, also, the operations of the war, which had been intermitted from the time that Quintus Mucius, the praetor, had been seized with a serious illness, began to be conducted by Titus Manlius, the praetor. Having haul- ed the ships of war on shore at Carale, and armed his mariners, in order that he might prosecute the war by land, and received the army from the praetor, he made up the number of twenty-two thousand foot and twelve hun- dred horse. Setting out for the territory of the enemy with these forces of foot and horse, he pitched his camp not far from the camp of Hampsicora. It happened that Hampsicora was then gone among the Sardinians, called Pelliti, in order to arm their youth, whereby he might aug- ment his forces. His son, named Hiostus, had the com- mand of the camp, who, coming to an engagement with the presumption of youth, was routed and put to flight. In that battle as many as three thousand of the Sardinians were slain, and about eight hundred taken alive. The rest of the army at first wandered in their flight through the fields and woods, but afterwards all fled to a city named Cornus, the capital of that district, whither there was a report that their general had fled; and the war in Sardinia would have been brought to a termination by that bat- tle, had not the Carthaginian fleet under the command of Hasdrubal, which had been driven by a storm upon the Balearian islands, come in seasonably for inspiring a hope of renewing the war. Manlius, after hearing of the arriv- al of the Punic fleet, returned to Carale, which afforded Hampsicora an opportunity of forming a junction with the Carthaginian. Hasdrubal, having landed his forces and sent back his fleet to Carthage, set out, under the guidance of Hampsicora, to lay waste the lands of the allies of the Romans; and he would have proceeded to Carale, had not Manlius, meeting him with his army, restrained him from this wide-spread depredation. At first their camps were pitched opposite to each other, at a small distance; after-y.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 201 wards skirmishes and slight encounters took place with varying success ; lastly, they came down into the field and fought a regular pitched battle for four hours. The Car- thaginians caused the battle to continue long doubtful, for the Sardinians were accustomed to yield easily; but at last, when the Sardinians fell and fled on all sides around them, the Carthaginians themselves were routed. But as they were turning their backs, the Roman general, wheel- ing round that wing with which he had driven back the Sardinians, intercepted them, after which it was rather a carnage than a battle. Two thousand of the enemy, Sar- dinians and Carthaginians together, were slain, about three thousand seven hundred captured, with twenty-seven mili- tary standards. 41. Above all, the general, Hasdrubal, and two other no- ble Carthaginians, having been made prisoners rendered the battle glorious and memorable—Mago, who was of the Barcine family, and nearly related to Hannibal, and Han- no, the author of the revolt of the Sardinians, and without doubt the instigator of this war. Nor less did the Sardin- ian generals render that battle distinguished by their dis- asters ; for not only was Hiostus, son of Hampsicora, slain in the battle, but Hampsicora himself, flying with a few horse, having heard of the death of his son in addition to his unfortunate state, committed suicide by night, lest the interference of any person should prevent the accomplish- ment of his design. To the other fugitives the city of Cornus afforded a refuge, as it had done before ; but Man- lius, having assaulted it with his victorious troops, regain- ed it in a few days. Then other cities also, which had gone over to Hampsicora and the Carthaginians, surrendered themselves and gave hostages, on which, having imposed a contribution of money and corn proportioned to the means and delinquency of each, he led back his troops to Carale. There launching his ships of war, and putting the soldiers he had brought with him on board, he sailed to Rome, re- ported to the fathers the total subjugation of Sardinia, and handed over the contribution of money to the quaestors, of corn to the aediles, and the prisoners to the praetor Ful- vius. During the same time, as Titus Otacilius the prae- tor, who had sailed over with a fleet of fifty ships from 9*202 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXIII., chap. 42. Lilvbaeum to Africa, and laid waste the Carthaginian ter- ritory, was returning thence to Sardinia, to which place it was reported that Hasdrubal had recently crossed over from the Baleares, he fell in with his fleet on its return to Africa; and, after a slight engagement in the open sea, captured seven ships with their crews. Fear dispersed the rest far and wide, not less effectually than a storm. It happened also, at the same time, that Bomilcar arrived at Locri with soldiers sent from Carthage as a reinforcement, bringing with him also elephants and provisions. In order to surprise and overpower him, Appius Claudius, having hastily led his troops to Messana, under pretext of mak- ing the circuit of the province, crossed over to Locri, the tide being favorable. Bomilcar had by this time left the place, having set out for Bruttium to join Hanno. The Locrians closed their gates against the Romans, and Ap- pius Claudius returned to Rome without achieving any thing by his strenuous efforts. The same summer Mar- cellus made frequent excursions from Nola, which he was occupying with a garrison, into the lands of the Hirpini and Caudine Samnites, and so destroyed all before him with fire and sword, that he renewed in Samnium the memory of her ancient disasters. 42. Ambassadors were therefore dispatched from both nations at the same time to Hannibal, who thus address- ed the Carthaginian : " Hannibal, we carried on hostilities with the Roman people, by ourselves and from our own resources, as long as our own arms and our own strength could protect us. Our confidence in these failing, w^e at- tached ourselves to King Pyrrhus. Abandoned by him, we accepted of a peace, dictated by necessity, which we continued to observe up to the period when you arrived in Italy, through a period of almost fifty years. Your valor and good-fortune, not more than your unexampled human- ity and kindness displayed towards our countrymen, whom, when made prisoners, you restored to us, so attach- ed us to you, that while you, our friend, were in health and safety, we not only feared not the Romans, but not even the anger of the gods, if it were lawful so to express our- selves. And yet, by Hercules! you not only being in safety and victorious, but on the spot (when you could almosty.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 203 hear the shrieks of our wives and children, and see our buildings in flames), we have suffered, during this summer, such repeated devastations, that Marcellus, and not Hanni- bal, would appear to have been the conqueror at Cannae; while the Romans boast that you had strength only to in- flict a single blow, and having, as it were, left your sting, now lie torpid. For near a century we waged war with the Romans, unaided by any foreign general or army ex- cept that for two years Pyrrhus rather augmented his own strength by the addition of our troops, than defended us by his. I will not boast of our successes, that two consuls and two consular armies were sent under the yoke by us, nor of any other joyful and glorious events which have happened to us. We can tell of the difficulties and dis- tresses wre then experienced, with less indignation than those which are now occurring. Dictators, those officers of high authority, with their masters of horse, two consuls with two consular armies, entered our borders, and, af- ter having reconnoitred and posted reserves, led on their troops in regular array to devastate our country. Now we are the prey of a single propraetor, and of one little garrison, for the defense of Nola. Now they do not even confine themselves to plundering in companies, but, like marauders, range through our country from one end to the other, more unconcernedly than if they were rambling through the Roman territory. And the reason is this, you do not protect us yourself, and the whole of our youth, which, if at home, wrould keep us in safety, is serving under your banners. We know nothing either of you or your army, but we know that it wrould be easy for the man who has ^outed and dispersed so many Roman armies, to put down these rambling freebooters of ours, who roam about in disorder to whatsoever quarter the hope of booty, however groundless, attracts them. They, indeed, will be the prey of a few Numidians, and a garrison sent to us will also dislodge that at Nola, provided you do not think those inen undeserving that you should protect them as allies whom you have esteemed worthy of your alliance." 43. To this Hannibal replied, " That the Hirpini and Samnites did every thing at once: that they both repre- sented their sufferings, solicited succors, and complained204 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXIII., chaj>. 43. that they were undefended and neglected. Whereas, they ought first to have represented their sufferings, then to have solicited succors; and, lastly, if those succors were not obtained, then at length to make complaint that assist- ance had been implored without effect. That he would lead his troops not into the fields of the Hirpini and Sam- nites, lest he too should be a burden to them, but into the parts immediately contiguous, and belonging to the allies of the Roman people, by plundering which he would en- rich his own soldiers, and cause the enemy to retire from them through fear. With regard to the Roman war, if the battle of Trasimenus was more glorious than that at Trebia, and the battle of Cannae than that of Trasimenus, that he would eclipse the fame of the battle of Cannae by a greater and more brilliant victory." With this answer, and with munificent presents, he dismissed the ambassa- dors. Having left a pretty large garrison in Tifata, he set out with the rest of his troops to go to Nola. Thither came Hanno 'from the Bruttii with recruits and elephants brought from Carthage. Having encamped not far from the place, every thing, upon examination, was found to be widely different from what he had heard from the ambas- sadors of the allies. For Marcellus was doing nothing, in such a way that he could be said to have committed him- self rashly either to fortune or to the enemy. He had gone out on plundering expeditions, having previously re- connoitred, planted strong guards, and secured a retreat; the same caution was observed, and the same provisions made, as if Hannibal were present. At this time, when he perceived the enemy on the approach, he kept his forces within the walls, ordered the Senators of Nola to patrol the walls, and explore on all hands what was doing among the enemy. Of these Herennius Bassus and Herius Petri- us, having been invited by Hanno, who had come up to the wall, to a conference, and gone out with the permission of Marcellus, were thus addressed by him through an in- terpreter. After extolling the valor and good-fortune oi Hannibal, and vilifying the majesty of the Roman people, which he represented as sinking into decrepitude with their strength, he said, " But though they were on an equality in these respects, as once, perhaps, they wrere, yety.r. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 205 they who had experienced how oppressive the government of Rome was towards its allies, and how great the clem- ency of Hannibal, even towards all his prisoners of the Italian name, were bound to prefer the friendship and al- liance of the Carthaginians to those of the Romans. If both the consuls with their armies were at Nola, still they would no more be a match for Hannibal than they had been at Cannce, much less wTould one praetor with a few raw soldiers be able to defend it. It was a question which concerned themselves more than Hannibal, whether he should take possession of Nola as captured or surrendered, for that he would certainly make himself master of it, as he had done with regard to Capua and Nuceria, and what difference there was between the fate of Capua and !N"u- ceria,the Nolans themselves, situated as they were nearly midway between them, were well aware. He said he was unwilling to presage the evils which would result to the city if taken by force, but would in preference pledge himself that, if they would deliver up Nola, together with Marcellus and his garrison, no other person than them- selves should dictate the conditions on which they should come into the friendship and alliance of Hannibal." 44. To this Herennius Bassus replied, that "A friendship had subsisted now for many years between the Romans and the Nolans, which neither party up to that day regret- ted; and, even had they been disposed to change their friends upon a change of fortune, it was now too late to change; had they intended to surrender themselves to Hannibal, they should not have called a Roman garrison to their aid : that all fortunes both were now and should to the last be shared with those who had come to their pro- tection." This conference deprived Hannibal of the hope of gaining Nola by treachery; he therefore completely in- vested the city, in order that he might attack the walls in every part at once. Marcellus, when he perceived that he had come near to the walls, having drawn up his troops within the gate, sallied forth with great impetuosity; sev- eral were knocked, down and slain on the first charge; afterwards the troops running up to those who were en- gaged, and their forces being thus placed on an equality, the battle began to be fierce; nor would there have been206 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. xxiii., CHAP. 45. many actions equally memorable, had not the combatants been separated by a shower of rain attended with a tre- mendous storm. On that day, after having engaged in a slight contest, and with inflamed minds, they retired, the Romans to the city, the Carthaginians to their camp. Of the Carthaginians, however, there fell from the shock of the first sally not more than thirty, of the Romans not one. The rain continued without intermission through the whole night, until the third hour of the following day, and therefore, though both parties were eager for the contest, they nevertheless kept themselves within their works for that day. On the third day Hannibal sent a portion of his troops into the lands of the Nolans to plunder. Marcellus perceiving this, immediately led out his troops and formed for battle; nor did Hannibal decline fighting. The interval between the city and the camp was about a mile. In that space—and all the country round Nola consists of level ground—thd armies met. The shout which was raised on both sides called back to the battle, which had now com- menced, the nearest of those cohorts which had gone out into the fields to plunder. The Nolans, too, joined the Roman line. Marcellus having highly commended them, desired them to station themselves in reserve, and to carry the wounded out of the field, but not take part in the bat- tle unless they sho,uld receive a signal from him. 45. It was a doubtful battle ; the generals exerting them- selves to the utmost in exhorting, and the soldiers in fight- ing. Marcellus urged his troops to press vigorously on men who had been vanquished but three days before, who had been put to flight at Cumse only a few days ago, and who had been driven from Nola the preceding year by himself, as general, though with different troops. He said, " That all the forces of the enemy were not in the field; that they were rambling about the country in plundering par- ties ; and that even those who were engaged were enfeebled with Campanian luxury, and worn out with drunkenness, lust, and every kind of debauchery, which they had been indulging in through the whole winter. That the energy and vigor had left them, that the strength of mind and body had vanished, by which the Pyrenees and the tops of the Alps had been passed. That those now engagedy.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 207 were the remains of those men, with scarcely strength to support their arms and limbs. That Capua had been a Cannae to Hannibal; that there his courage in battle, his military discipline, the fame he had already acquired, and his hopes of future glory, were extinguished." While Marcellus was raising the spirits of his troops by thus in- veighing against the enemy, Hannibal assailed them with still heavier reproaches. He said, "He recognized the arms and standards which he had seen and employed at Trebia and Trasimenus, and lastly at Cannae; but that he had indeed led one sort of troops into winter-quarters at Capua, and brought another out. Do you, whom two con- sular armies could never withstand, with difficulty main- tain your ground against a Roman lieutenant-general, and a single legion with a body of auxiliaries ? Does Marcel- lus now a second time with impunity assail us with a band of raw recruits and Nolan auxiliaries ? Where is that sol- dier of mine who took off the head of Caius Flaminius the consul, after dragging him from his horse ? Where is the man who slew Lucius Paulus at Cannae? Is it that the steel hath lost its edge ? or that your right hands are be- numbed? or what other miracle is it? You who, when few, have been accustomed to conquer numbers, now scarce maintain your ground, the many against the few. Brave in speech only, you were wont to boast that you would take Rome by storm if you could find a general to lead you. Lo ! here is a task of less difficulty. I would have you try your strength and courage here. Take Nola, a town situated on a plain, protected neither by river nor sea; after that, when you have enriched yourselves with the plunder and spoils of that wealthy town, I will either lead or follow you whithersoever you have a mind." 46. Neither praises nor reproaches had any effect in confirming their courage. Driven from their ground in every quarter, while the Romans derived fresh spirits, not only from the exhortations of their general, but from the Nolans, who, by their acclamations in token of their good- wishes, fed the flame of battle, the Carthaginians turned their backs, and were driven to their camp, which the Roman soldiers were eager to attack; but Marcellus led them back to Nola, amidst the great joy and eongratula-208 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b.xxiii.,chap.46. tions even from the commons, who hitherto had been more favorable to the Carthaginians. Of the enemy more than five thousand were slain on that day, six hundred inade prisoners, with nineteen military standards and two elephants. Four elephants were killed in the battle. Of the Romans less than a thousand were killed. The next day was employed by both parties in burying their dead, under a tacit truce. Marcellus burnt the spoils of the en- emy, in fulfillment of a vow to Yulcan. On the third day after, on account of some pique, I suppose, or in the hope of more advantageous service, one thousand two hundred and seventy-two horsemen, Numidians and Spaniards, de- serted to Marcellus. The Romans had frequently avail- ed themselves of their brave and faithful service in that war. After the conclusion of the war, portions of land were given to the Spaniards in Spain, to the Numidians in Africa, in consideration of their valor. Having sent Hanno back from Nola to the Bruttians with the troops with which he had come, Hannibal went himself into win- ter-quarters in Apulia, and took up a position in the neighborhood of Arpi. Quintus Fabius, as soon as he heard that Hannibal was set out into Apulia, conveyed corn, collected from Nola and Naples, into the camp above Suessula; and having strengthened the fortifica- tions and left a garrison sufficient for the protection of the^ place during the winter, moved his camp nearer to Capua, and laid waste the Campanian lands with fire and sword; so that at length the Campanians, though not very confident in their strength, were obliged to go out of their gates and fortify a camp in the open space before the city. They had six thousand armed men, the infan- try, unfit for action. In their cavalry they had more strength. They therefore harassed the enemy by attack- ing them with these. Amofcg the many distinguished persons who served in the Campanian cavalry was one Cerrinus Jubellius, surnamed Taurea. Though of that extraction, he wTas a Roman citizen, and by far the bravest horseman of all the Campanians, insomuch that when he served under the Roman banners, there was but one man, Claudius Asellus, a Roman, who rivalled him in his reputation as a horseman. Taurea having for a longy.r. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 209 time diligently sought for this man, riding up to the squadrons of the enemy, at length having obtained silence, inquired where Claudius Asellus was, and asked why, since he had been accustomed to dispute about their mer- it in words, he would not decide the matter with the sword, and, if vanquished, give him spolia opima ; or, if victorious, take them. 47. Asellus, who was in the camp, having been informed of this, waited only to ask the consul leave to depart from the ordinary coursa and fight an enemy who had chal- lenged him. By his permission, he immediately put on his arms, and, riding out beyond the advanced guards, called on Taurea by name, and bid him come to the en- counter when he pleased. By this time the Romans had gone out in large bodies to witness the contest, and the Campanians had crowded not only the rampart of the camp, but the walls of the city, to get a view of it. Af- ter a flourish of expressions of mutual defiance, they spurred on their horses with their spears pointed. Then, evading each other's attacks, for they had free space to move in, they protracted the battle without a wound. Upon this the Campanian observed to the Roman, " This will be only a trial of skill between our horses, and not be- tween horsemen, unless we ride them down from the plain into this hollow way. There, as there will be no room for retiring, wre shall come to close quarters." Almost quicker than the word, Claudius leaped into the hollow way. Taurea, bold in words more than in reality, said, "Never be the ass in the ditch;" an expression which, from this circumstance, became a common proverb among rustics. Claudius having rode up and down the way to a considerable distance, and again come up into the plain without meeting his antagonist, after reflecting in re- proachful terms on the cowardice of the enemy, returned in triumph to the camp, amidst great rejoicing and con- gratulation. To the account of this equestrian contest some histories add a circumstance which is certainly as- tonishing; how true it is, is an open matter of opinion: that Claudius, when in pursuit of Taurea, who fled back to the city, rode in at one of the gates of the enemy, which stood open, and made his escape unhurt through210 THE HISTORY OF ROME, [a xxiii., chap. 48. another, the enemy being thunder-struck at the strange- ness of the circumstance. 48. The camps were then undisturbed; the consul even moved his camp back, that the Campanians might com- plete their sowing; nor did he do any injury to the lands till the blades in the corn-fields were grown sufficiently high to be useful for forage. This he conveyed into the Claudian camp above Suessula, and there erected winter- quarters. lie ordered Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, to retain at Nola a sufficient force for the protection of the place, and send the rest to Rome, that they might not be a burden to their allies nor an expense to the republic. Tiberius Gracchus also, having led his legions from Cumae to Luceria in Apulia, sent Marcus Valerius, the praetor, thence to Brundusium, with the troops which he had com- manded at Luceria, with orders to protect the coast of the Sallentine territory, and make provisions with regard to Philip and the Macedonian war. At the close of the sum- mer, the events of which I have described, letters arrived from Publius and Cneius Scipio, stating the magnitude and success of their operations in Spain, but that the army was in want of money, clothing, and corn, and that their crews were in want of every thing. With regard to the pay, they said, that if the treasury was low, they would adopt some plan by which they might procure it from the Spaniards; but that the other supplies must certainly be sent from Rome, for otherwise neither the army could be kept together nor the province preserved. When the let- ters were read, all to a man admitted that the statement was correct, and the request reasonable; but it occurred to their minds what great forces they were maintaining by land and sea, and how large a fleet must soon be equip- ped if a war with Macedon should break out; that Sicily and Sardinia, which before the war had yielded a revenue, were scarcely able to maintain the troops which protect- ed those provinces; that the expenses were supplied by a tax; that both the number of the persons who contribu- ted this tax was diminished by the great havoc made in their armies at the Trasimenus and Cannae, and the few who survived, if they were oppressed with multiplied im- positions, would perish by a calamity of a different kind.y.r. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 211 That, therefore, if the republic could not subsist by credit, it could not stand by its own resources. It was resolved, therefore, that Fulvius, the praetor, should present him- self to the public assembly of the people, point out the ne- cessities of the state, and exhort those persons who had increased their patrimonies by farming the public reve- nues to furnish temporary loans for the service of that state, from which they had derived their wealth, and con- tract to supply what was necessary for the army in Spain, on the condition of being paid the first when there.was money in the treasury. These things the praetor laid be- fore the assembly, and fixed a day on which he would let, on contract, the furnishing the army in Spain with clothes and corn, and with such other things as were necessary for the crews. 49. When the day arrived, three companies, of nineteen persons, came forward to enter into the contract; but they made two requests: one was, that they should be exempt from military service while employed in that revenue busi- ness ; the second was, that the state should bear all losses of the goods they shipped, which might arise either from the attacks of the enemy or from storms. Having obtain- ed both their requests, they entered into the contract, and the affairs of the state were conducted by private funds. This character and love of country uniformly pervaded all ranks. As all the engagements were entered into with magnanimity, so were they fulfilled with the strictest fidel- ity; and the supplies were furnished in the same manner as formerly, from an abundant treasury. At the time when these supplies arrived, the town of Illiturgi was be- ing besieged by Hasdrubal, Mago, and Hamilcar, the son of Bomilcar, on account of its having gone over to the Romans. Between these three camps of the enemy, the Scipios effected an entrance into the town of their allies, after a violent contest and great slaughter of their oppo- nents, and introduced some corn, of which there was a scarcity; and after exhorting the townsmen to defend their walls with the same spirit which they had seen dis- played by the Roman army fighting in their behalf, led on their troops to attack the largest of the camps, in which Hasdrubal had the command. To this camp the two oth-212 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXIII., chap. 49. er generals of the Carthaginians, with their armies, came, seeing that the great business was to be done there. They therefore sallied from the camp and fought. Of the enemy engaged there were sixty thousand; of the Ro- mans about sixteen; the victory, however, was so deci- sive, that the Romans slew more than their own number of the enemy, and captured more than three thousand, with nearly a thousand horses and fifty-nine military standards, five elephants having been slain in the battle. They made themselves masters of the three camps on that day. The siege of Illiturgi having been raised, the Car- thaginian armies were led away to the siege of Intibili; the forces having been recruited out of that province, which was, above all others, fond of war, provided there was any plunder or pay to be obtained, and at that time had an abundance of young men. A second regular en- gagement took place, attended with the same fortune to both parties; in which above three thousand of the ene- my were slain, more than two thousand captured, together with forty-two standards and nine elephants. Then, in- deed, almost all the people of Spain came over to the Ro- mans, and the achievements in Spain during that summer were much more important than those in Italy.x.B. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 213 BOOK XXIV. Hieronymus, king of Syracuse, whose grandfather Hiero had been a faithful ally of Rome, revolts to the Carthaginians, and for his tyranny is put to death by his subjects. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, the proconsul, defeats the Carthaginians under Hanno at Beneventum, chiefly by the services of the slaves in his army, whom he subsequently liberated. Claudius Marcellus, the consul, besieges Syracuse. War is declared against Philip, king of Macedon; he is routed by night at Apollonia, and retreats into Macedonia. This war is intrusted to Va- lerius, the prsetor. Operations of the Scipios against the Carthaginians in Spain. Syphax, king of the Numidians, is received into alliance by the Romans, and is defeated by Masinissa, king of the Massillians, who fought on the side of the Carthaginians. The Celtiberians joined the Romans, and their troops having been taken into pay, mercenary sol- diers for the first time served in a Roman camp. 1. Ox his return from Campania into Bruttiura, Hanno, with the assistance and under the guidance of the Brut- tians, made an attempt upon the Greek cities; which were the more disposed to continue in alliance with the Ro- mans, because they perceived that the Bruttians, whom they feared and hated, had taken part with the Carthagin- ians. The first place attempted was Rhegium, where sev- eral days were spent without effect. Meanwhile the Lo- crians hastily conveyed from the country into the city corn, wood, and other things necessary for their use, as also that no booty might be left for the enemy. The number of persons which poured out of every gate increased daily, till at length those only were left in the city whose duty it was to repair the walls and gates, and to collect weapons in the fortresses. Against this mixed multitude, composed of persons of all ages and ranks, while rambling through the country, and for the most part unarmed, Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, sent out his cavalry, who, having been for- bidden to hurt any one, only interposed their squadrons, so as to cut them off from the city when dispersed in flight. The general himself, having posted himself upon an emi-214 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 1. nence which commanded a view of the country and the city, ordered a cohort of Bruttians to approach the walls, call out the leaders of the Locrians to a conference, and, promising them the friendship of Hannibal, exhort them to deliver up the city. At first the Bruttians were not be- lieved in any thing they stated in the conference; but af- terwards, when the Carthaginian appeared on the hills, and a few who had fled back to the city brought intelli- gence that all the rest of the multitude were in the power of the enemy, overcome with fear, they said they would consult the people. An assembly of the people was im- mediately called, when, as all the most fickle of the inhab- itants were desirous of a change of measures and a new alliance, and those whose friends were cut off by the ene- my without the city had their minds bound as if they had given hostages, while a few rather silently approved of a constant fidelity than ventured to support the opinion they approved, the city wras surrendered to the Carthaginians, with an appearance of perfect unanimity. Lucius Atilius, the captain of the garrison, together with the Roman sol- diers who were with him, having been privately led down to the port and put on board a ship, that they might be conveyed to Rhegium, Hamilcar and the Carthaginians were received into the city on condition that an alliance should be formed on equal terms; which condition, when they had surrendered, the Carthaginian had very nearly not performed, as he accused them of having sent away the Roman fraudulently, while the Locrians alleged that he had spontaneously fled. A body of cavalry went in pursuit of the fugitives, in case the tide might happen to detain them in the strait, or might carry the ships to land. Th* persons whom they were in pursuit, of they did not over- take, but they descried some ships passing over the strait from Messana to Rhegium. These contained Roman troops sent by the praetor Claudius, to occupy the city with a garrison. The enemy, therefore, immediately re- tired from Rhegium. At the command of Hannibal, peace was concluded with the Locrians on these terms: that " they should live free under their own laws; that the city should;be open to the Carthaginians, the harbor in the power of the Locrians. That their alliance should rest ony.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 215 the principle that the Carthaginian should help the Locri an, and the Locrian the Carthaginian, in peace and war." 2. Thus the Carthaginian troops were led back from the strait, while the Bruttians loudly complained that Locri and Rhegium, cities which they had fixed in their minds that they should have the plundering of, they had left un- touched. Having, therefore, levied and armed fifteen thou- sand of their own youth, they set out by themselves to lay siege to Croto, which was also a Greek city, and on the coast; believing that they would obtain a great accession to their power if they could get possession of a city upon the sea-coast, which had a port, and was strongly defend- ed by walls. This consideration annoyed them, that they neither could venture on the business without calling in the Carthaginians to their assistance, lest they should ap- pear to have done any thing in a manner unbecoming al- lies ; and, on the other hand, lest, if the Carthaginian gen- eral should again show himself to have been rather an umpire of peace than an auxiliary in war, they should fight in vain against the liberty of Croto, as before in the affair of the Locrians. The most advisable course, therefore, ap- peared to be, that ambassadors should be sent to Hannibal, and that a stipulation should be obtained from him that Croto, when reduced, should be in possession of the Brut- tians. Hannibal replied, that it was a question which should be determined by persons on the spot, and referred them to Hanno, from whom they could obtain no decisive answer. For they were unwilling that so celebrated and opulent a city should be plundered, and were in hopes that if the Bruttians should attack it, while the Carthaginians did not ostensibly approve or assist in the attack, the in- habitants would the more readily come over to them. The Crotonians were not united either in their measures or wishes. . All the states of Italy were infected with one disease, as it were; the commons dissented from the no- bles ; the Senate favoring the Romans, while the commons endeavored to draw the states over to the Carthaginians. A deserter announced to the Bruttii that such a dissension prevailed in the city; that Aristomachus was the leader of the commons, and the adviser of the surrender of the city; that the city was of wide extent and thinly inhabited, that216 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 3. the walls in every part were in ruins, that it was only here and there that the guards and watches were kept by Sen- ators, and that wherever the commons kept guard there an entrance lay open. Under the direction and guidance of the deserter, the Bruttians completely invested the city; and being received into it by the commons, got possession of every part, except the citadel, on the first assault. The nobles held the citadel, which they had taken care before- hand to have ready as a refuge against such an event. In the same place Aristomachus took refuge, as though he had advised the surrender of the city to the Carthaginians and not to the Bruttians. 3. The wall of the city of Croto in circuit extended through a space of twelve miles, before the arrival of Pyrrhus in Italy. After the devastation occasioned by that war, scarcely half the city was inhabited. The river which had flowed through the middle of the town now ran on the outside of the parte which were occupied by buildings, and the citadel was at a distance from the in- habited parts. Six miles from this celebrated city stood the Temple of Juno Lacinia, more celebrated even than the city itself, and venerated by all the surrounding states. Here was a grove fenced with a dense wood and tall fir- trees, with rich pastures in its centre, in which cattle of every kind, sacred to the goddess* fed without any keeper; the flocks of every kind going out separately and return- ing to their folds, never being injured, either from the lying in wait of wild beasts, or the dishonesty of men. These flocks were, therefore, a source of great revenue, from which a column of solid gold was formed and conse- crated ; and the temple became distinguished for its wealth also, and not only for its sanctity. Some miracles are at- tributed to it, as is generally the case with regard to such remarkable places. Rumor says that there is an altar in the vestibule of the temple, the ashes of which are never moved by any wind. But the citadel of Croto, overhang- ing the sea on one side, on the other, which looks towards the land, was protected formerly by its natural situation only, but was afterwards surrounded by a wall. It was in this part that Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, took it by stratagem, approaching by way of some rocks which facedy.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 217 from it. This citadel, which was considered sufficiently secure, was now occupied by the nobles of Croto, the Bruttians, in conjunction even with their own commons, besieging them. The Bruttians, however, perceiving at length that it was impossible to take the citadel by their own efforts, compelled by necessity, implored the aid of Hanno. He endeavored to bring the Crotonians to sur- render, under an agreement that they should allow a colo- ny of Bruttians to settle there ; so that their city, desolate and depopulated by wars, might recover its former popu- lousness: but not a man besides Aristomachus did he move; they affirmed that " they would die sooner than, mixing with Bruttians, be turned to the rites, manners, and laws, and soon the language also, of others." Aristoma- chus alone, since he was neither able to persuade them to surrender, nor could obtain an opportunity for betraying the citadel as he had betrayed the city, deserted to Hanno. A short time afterwards, ambassadors of Locri, entering the citadel with the permission of Hanno, persuaded them to allow themselves to be removed to Locri, and not re- solve to hazard extremities. They had already obtained leave from Hannibal to do this, by ambassadors sent for this purpose. Accordingly, Croto was evacuated, and the inhabitants were conducted to the sea, where they embark- ed ; and the whole multitude removed to Locri. In Apu- lia, Hannibal and the Romans did not rest even during the winter. The consul Sempronius wintered at Luceria ; Hannibal not far from Arpi. Slight engagements took place between them, accordingly as either side had an op- portunity or advantage; by which the Roman soldiery ,Vere improved, and became daily more guarded and more secure against stratagems. 4. In Sicily, the death of Hiero, and the transfer of the government to his grandson Hieronymus, had completely altered all things with .regard to the Romans. Hierony- mus was but a boy, as yet scarcely able to bear liberty, still less sovereign power. His guardians and friends gladly observed in him a disposition which might be easily plunged into every kind of vice; which Hiero foreseeing, is said to have formed an intention, in the latter part of his long life, of leaving Syracuse free, lest the sovereignty, Vol. IL—10218 THE HISTOKY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 5. which had been acquired and established by honorable means, should be made a sport of and fall into ruin under the administration of a boy. This plan of his his daugh- ters strenuously opposed, who anticipated that the boy would enjoy the name of royalty, but that the administra- tion of all affairs would be conducted by themselves and their husbands, Andranodorus and Zoippus,for these were left the principal of his guardians. It was not an easy task for a man in his ninetieth year, beset night and day by the winning artifices of women, to disenthrall his judg- ment, and to consult only the good of the state in his do- mestic affairs. Accordingly, all he did was to leave fifteen guardians over his son, whom he entreated, on his death- bed, to preserve inviolate that alliance with the Romans, Avhich he had himself cultivated for fifty years, and to take care that the young king should, above all things, tread in the steps of his father, and in that course of conduct in which he had been educated. Such were his injunctions. On the death of the king, the will was brought forward by the guardians, and the young king, who was now about fifteen, introduced into the public assembly, where a few persons, who had been placed in different parts on purpose to raise acclamations, expressed their approbation of the will; while all the rest were overwhelmed with apprehen- sions, in the destitute condition of the state, which had lost, as it were, its parent. The funeral of the king was then performed, which was honored more by the love and affection of his citizens than the attentions of his kin- dred. Andranodorus next effected the removal of the other guardians, giving out that Hieronymus had now at- tained the years of manhood, and was competent to assume the government; and thus, by voluntarily resigning the guardianship which he shared with several others, united the powers of all in himself. 5. It would scarcely have been easy even for any good and moderate king, succeeding one so deeply rooted in their affections as Hiero was, to obtain the favor of the Syracusans. But Hieronymus, forsooth, as if he was de- sirous of exciting regret for the loss of his grandfather by his own vices, showed, immediately on his first appearance, how completely every thing was changed. For those whoy.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 219 for so many years had seen Hiero and his sonGelon differ- ing from the rest of the citizens neither in the fashion of their dress nor any other mark of distinction, now beheld the purple, the diadem, and armed guards, and their king sometimes proceeding from his palace in a chariot drawn by four white horses, according to the custom of the tyrant Dionysius. This costliness in equipage and appearance was accompanied by corresponding contempt of every body, capricious airs, insulting expressions, difficulty of ac- cess, not to strangers only, but even to his guardians also, unheard of lusts, inhuman cruelty. Terror so great- took possession of every body, therefore^ that some of his guard- ians, either by a voluntary death or by exile, anticipated the terror of his inflictions. Three of those persons to whom alone belonged a more familiar access to the palace, Andranodorus and Zoippus, sons-in-law of Hiero, and one Thraso, were not much attended to upon other subjects; but the two former exerting themselves in favor of the Carthaginians, while Thraso argued for the Roman alli- ance, they sometimes engaged the attention of the young king by their zeal and earnestness. It was at this time that a conspiracy formed against the life of the tyrant was discovered by a certain servant, of the same age as Hie- ronymus, who from his very childhood had associated with him on entirely familiar terms. The informer was able to name one of the conspirators, Theodotus, by whom he himself had been solicited. He was immediately seized, and delivered to Andranodorus to be subjected to torture, when, without hesitation, he confessed as to himself, but concealed his accomplices. At last, when racked with ev- ery species of torture, beyond the power of humanity to bear, pretending to be overcome by his sufferings, he turn- ed his accusation from the guilty to the innocent, and feigned that Thraso was the originator of the plot, without whose able guidance, he said, they never would have been bold enough to attempt so daring a deed, he threw the guilt upon such innocent men, near the king's person, as appeared to him to be the most worthless, while fabrica- ting his story amidst groans and agonies. The naming of Thraso gave the highest degree of credibility to the story in the mind of the tyrant. Accordingly, he was immedi-220 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b- xxiv., chap. 6. ately given up to punishment, and others were added who were equally , innocent. Not one of the conspirators, though their associate in the plot was for a long time sub- jected to torture, either concealed himself or fled; so great was their confidence in the fortitude and fidelity of The- odotus, and so great was his firmness in concealing their secret. 6. Thus, on the removal of Thraso, who formed the only bond which held together the alliance with the Romans, immediately affairs clearly indicated defection. Ambassa- dors were sent to Hannibal, who sent back, in company with a young man of noble birth named Hannibal, Hippo- crates and Epicydes, natives of Carthage, and of Cartha- ginian extraction on their mother's side, but whose grand- father was an exile from Syracuse. Through their means an alliance was formed between Hannibal and the tyrant of Syracuse; and with the consent of Hannibal, they re- mained with the tyrant. As soon as Appius Claudius, the praetor, whose province Sicily was, had received informa- tion of these events, he sent ambassadors to Hieronymus, who, upon stating that the object of their mission was to renew the alliance which had subsisted between the Romans and his grandfather, were heard and dismissed in an in. suiting manner, Hieronymus asking them sneeringly," how they had fared at the battle of Cannae? for that the am- bassadors of Hannibal stated what could hardly be credit- ed." He said, " He wished to know the truth, in order that before he made up his mind, he might determine which he should espouse as offering the better prospect." The Romans replied, that they would return to him when he had learned to receive embassies with seriousness; and, after having cautioned, rather than requested him, not rashly to change his alliance, they withdrew. Hieronymus sent ambassadors to Carthage, to conclude a league in con- formity with the alliance with Hannibal. It was settled in the compact that, after they had expelled the Romans from Sicily (which would speedily be effected if the Car- thaginians sent ships and troops), the river Himera, which divides the island in nearly equal portions, should be the limit of the Carthaginian and Syracusan dominions. Af- terwards, puffed up by the flattery of those persons whoy.R. 587.J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 221 bid him be mindful, not of Hiero only, bat of King Pyr. rhus, his maternal grandfather, he sent another embassy, in which he expressed his opinion that equity required that the whole of Sicily should be conceded to him, and that the dominion of Italy should be acquired as the pecu- liar possession of the Carthaginians. This levity and in- constancy of purpose in a hot-headed youth did not excite their surprise, nor did they reprove it, anxious only to de- tach him from the Romans. 7. But every thing conspired to hurry him into perdi- tion. For, having sent before him Hippocrates and Epicy- des with two thousand armed men, to make an attempt upon those cities which were occupied by Roman garrisons, he himself also proceeded to Leontium with all the remain- ing troops, which amounted to fifteen thousand foot and horse, when the conspirators (who all happened to be in the army) took possession of an uninhabited house, which commanded a narrow way, by which the king was accus- tomed to go to the Forum. The rest stood here prepared and armed, waiting for the king to pass by. One of them, by name Dinomenes, as he was one of the body-guards, had the task assigned him of keeping back the crowd be- hind in the narrow way, upon some pretext, when the king approached the door. All was done according to the ar- rangement. Dinomenes having delayed the crowd, by pretending to lift up his foot and loosen a knot which was too tight, occasioned such an interval that, an attack being made upon the king as he passed by unattended by his guards, he was pierced with several wounds before any as- sistance could be brought. When the shout and tumult was heard, some weapons were discharged on Dinomenes, who now openly opposed them; he escaped from them, however, with only two wounds. The body-guard, as soon as they saw the king prostrate, betook themselves to flight. Of the assassins, some proceeded to the Forum to the populace, who were rejoiced at the recovery of their liberty; others to Syracuse to anticipate the measures of Andranodorus and the rest; of the royal party. Affairs being in this uncertain state, Appius Claudius perceiving a war commencing in his neighborhood, informed the Sen- ate by letter that Sicily had become reconciled to the Car*,222 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 8. thaginians and Hannibal. For his own part, in order to frustrate the designs of the Syracusans, he collected all his forces on the boundary of the province and the kingdom. At the close of this year, Quintus Fabius, by the authority of the Senate, fortified and garrisoned Puteoli, which, dur- ing the war, had begun to be frequented as an emporium. Coming thence to Rome to hold the election, he appointed the first day for it which could be employed for that pur- pose, and, while on his march, passed by the city and de- scended into the Campus Martius. On that day, the right of voting first having fallen by lot on the junior century of the Anien tribe, they appointed Titus Otacilius and Marcus iEmilius Regillus consuls, when Quintus Fabius, having obtained silence, delivered the following speech : 8. " If we had either peace in Italy, or had war with such an enemy that the necessity to be careful was less ur- gent than it is, I should consider that man as wanting in respect for your liberty who would at all impede that zealous desire which you bring with you into the Campus Martius, of conferring honors on whom you please. But gince during the present war, and with the enemy we have now to encounter, none of our generals have ever commit- ted an error which has not been attended with most dis- astrous consequences to us, it behooves you to use the same circumspection in giving your suffrages for the cre- ation of consuls which you would exert were you going armed into the field of battle. Every man ought thus to say to himself: I am nominating a consul who is to cope with the general Hannibal. In the present year, at Capua, when Jubellius Taurea, the most expert horseman of the Campanians, gave a challenge, Claudius Asellus, the most expert among the Roman horsemen was pitted against him. Against the Gaul who at a former period gave a challenge on the bridge of the Anio, our ancestors sent Titus Manlius, a man of resolute courage and great strength. It was for the same reason, I can not deny it, that con- fidence was placed in Marcus Valerius, not many years ago, when he took arms against a Gaul who challenged him to combat in a similar manner. In the same manner as we wish to have our foot and horse more powerful^ but if that is impracticable, equal in strength to the enemy, so lety.R. 537.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 223 us find but a commander who is a match for the general of the enemy. Though we should select the man as gen- eral whose abilities are greater than those of any other in the nation, yet still he is chosen at a moment's warning— his office is only annual: whereas he will have to cope with a veteran general who has continued in command without interruption, unfettered by any restrictions either of duration or of authority, which might prevent him from executing or planning every thing according as the exi- gencies of the war shall require. But with us the year is gone merely in making preparations, and when we are only commencing our operations. Having said enough as to what sort of persons you ought to elect as consuls, it re- mains that I should briefly express my opinion of those on whom the choice of the prerogative century has fallen. Marcus ^Emilius Regillus is flamen of Quirinus, whom we can neither send abroad nor retain at home without neg- lecting the gods or the war. Otacilius is married to.my sister's daughter, and has children by her; but the fa- vors you have conferred upon me and my ancestors are not such as that I should prefer private relationship to the public weal. Any sailor or passenger can steer the vessel in a calm sea, but when a furious storm has arisen, and the vessel is hurried by the tempest along the troubled deep, then there is need of a man and a pilot. We are not sailing on a tranquil sea, but have already well-nigh sunk with repeated storms; you must therefore employ the ut- most caution and foresight in determining who shall sit at the helm. Of you, Titus Otacilius, we have had experience in a business of less magnitude: and certainly you have not given us any proof that we ought to confide to you affairs of greater moment. The fleet which you com- manded this year we fitted out for three objects: to lay waste the coast of Africa, to protect the shores of Italy, but, above all, to prevent the conveyance of reinforcements with pay and provisions from Carthage to Hannibal. Now if Titus Otacilius has performed for the state, I say not all, but any one of these services, make him consul. But if, while you had the command of the fleet, supplies of whatever sort were conveyed safe and untouched to Han- nibal, even as though he had no enemy 011 the sea; if the224 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 9. coast of Italy has been more infested this year than that of Africa, what can you have to urge why you should be preferred before all others as the antagonist of Hannibal ? Were you consul, we should give it as our opinion that a dictator should be appointed in obedience to the example of our ancestors. Nor could you feel offended that some one in the Roman nation was deemed superior to you in war. It concerns yourself more than any one else, Titus Otacilius, that there be not laid upon your shoulders a burden under which you would fall. I earnestly exhort you that, with the same feelings which would influence you if, standing armed for battle, you were called upon sudden- ly to elect two generals, under whose conduct and auspices you were to fight, you would this day elect your consuls ; to whom your children are to swear allegiance, at whose command they are to assemble, and under whose protec- tion and care they are to serve. The Trasimene Lake and Cannae are melancholy precedents to look back upon, but form useful warnings to guard against similar disasters. Crier, call back the younger century of the Anien tribe to give their votes again." 9. Titus Otacilius vociferating in the most furious man- ner that his object was to continue in the consulship, the consul ordered the lictors to go to him; and as he had not entered the city, but had proceeded directly without halt- ing from his march to the Campus Martius, admonished him that the axes were in the fasces which were carried be- fore him. The prerogative century proceeded to vote a second time, when Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fourth time, and Marcus Marcellus for the third time, were cre- ated consuls. The other centuries voted for the same per- sons without any variation. One praetor, likewise, Quintus iNilvius Flaccus, was re-elected; the other new ones who were chosen were Titus Otacilius Crassus a second time, Quintus Fabius, son of the consul, who was at that time curule aedile, and Publius Cornelius Lentulus. The elec- tion of the praetors completed, a decree of the Senate was passed that Quintus Fulvius should have the city depart- ment out of the ordinary course, and that he in preference to any other should command in the city while the consuls were absent in the war. Great floods happened twice dur-y.e. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 225 ing this year, and the Tiber overflowed the fields, with great demolition of houses and destruction of men and cattle. In the fifth year of the second Punic war, Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fourth time, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus for the third time, entering upon their office, drew the attention of the state upon them in a more than ordinary degree, for there had not been two such consuls now for many years. The old men observed, that thus Max- imus Rullus and Publius Decius were declared consuls for conducting the Gallic war; that thus afterwards Papirius and Carvilius were appointed to that office against the Sam- nites, the Bruttians, and the Lucanian with the Tarentine people. Marcellus, who was with the army, was created consul in his absence; to Fabius, who was present and held the election himself, the office was continued. The critical state ox affairs, the exigencies of the war, and the danger which threatened the state, prevented any one from looking narrowly into the precedent, or suspecting that the consul was actuated by an excessive love of command; on the contrary, they applauded his magnanimity in that when he knew the state was in want of a general of the greatest ability, and that he was himself confessedly such an one, he thought less of the personal odium which might arise out of the transaction than of the good of the state. 10. Oi> the day on which the consuls entered on their office, the Senate was assembled in the Capitol, and in the first place a decree was passed to the effect that the con- suls should draw lots, and settle between themselves which should hold the election for the creation of censors before they proceeded to join the army. Next, all those who had the command of armies were continued in their offices, and ordered to remain in their provinces; Tiberi- us Gracchus at Luceria, where he was with an army of volunteer slaves; Caius Terentius Varro in the Picenian, and Manius Pomponius in the Gallic territory. Of the prsBtors.of the former year, it was settled that Quintus Mucius should have the government of Sardinia as pro- praetor, Marcus Valerius the command of the sea-coast near Brundusium, watchful against all the movements of Philip, king of the Macedonians. To Publius Cornelius Lentulus, the praetor, the province of Sicily was assigned, 10*226 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chai>. 11. Titus Otacilius received the same fleet which he had em- ployed the year before against the Carthaginians. Many prodigies were reported to have happened this year, which increased in proportion as they were believed by the credulous and superstitious. That crows had built a nest within the Temple of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium; that a green palm-tree had taken fire in Apulia; that a pool at Mantua, formed by the overflowing of the river Mincius, had assumed the appearance of blood; that it had rained chalk at Cales, and blood at Rome in the cat- tle-market; that a fountain under ground in the Istrian street had discharged so violent a stream of water, that, rolling along with the impetuosity of a torrent, it carried away the butts and casks which were near it; that the public court in the Capitol had been struck by lightning; also the Temple of Vulcan in the Campus Martius, a nut- tree in the Sabine territory, a wall and gate at Gabii. Now other miracles were published: that the spear of Mars at Prseneste moved forward of its own accord; that in Sicily an ox had spoken; that a child in the womb of its mother cried out Io Triumphe! in the country of the Marrucinians; at Spoletum, that a woman was transform- ed into a man; at Hadria, that an altar, with appearances as of men surrounding it in white clothing, was seen in the heavens. Kay, even in the city of Rome itself, after a swarm of bees had been seen in the Forum, some per- sons roused the citizens to arms, affirming that they saw armed legions on the Janiculuni; but those who were on the Janiculum at the time declared that they had seen no person there besides the usual cultivators of the hill. These prodigies were expiated by victims of the larger kmd, according to the response of the aruspices ; and a supplication was ordered to all the deities who had shrines at Rome. 11. The ceremonies which were intended to propitiate the gods being completed, the consuls took the sense of the Senate on the state of the nation, the conduct of the war, what troops should be employed, and where they were severally to act. It was resolved that eighteen le- gions should be engaged in the war; that the consuls should take two each; that two should be employed iny.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 221 each of the provinces of Gaul, Sicily, and Sardinia; that Quintus Fabius, the praetor, should have the command of two in Apulia, and Tiberius Gracchus of two legions of volunteer slaves in the neighborhood of Luceria; that one each should be left for Caius Terentius, the proconsul, for Picenum, and to Marcus Valerius for the fleet off Brun- dusium, and two for the protection of the city. To com- plete this number of legions six fresh ones were to be en- listed, which the consuls were ordered to raise as soon as possible; and also to prepare the fleet, so that, together with the ships which \vrere stationed off the coasts of Ca- labria, it might amount that year to one hundred and fifty men-of-war. The levy completed, and the hundred new ships launched, Quintus Fabius held the election for the creation of censors, when Marcus Atilius Regulus and Publius Furius Philus were chosen. A rumor prevailing that war had broken out in Sicily, Titus Otacilius was or- dered to proceed thither with his fleet; but as there was a deficiency of sailors, the consuls, in conformity with a decree of the Senate, published an order that those per- sons who themselves or whose fathers had been rated in the censorship of. Lucius iEtailius and Caius Flaminius, at from fifty to one hundred thousand asses, or whose prop- erty had since reached that amount, should furnish one sailor and six months' pay; from one to three hundred thousand, three sailors with a year's pay; from three hun- dred thousand to a million, five sailors-; above one mil- lion, seven sailors; that Senators should furnish eight sail- ors with a year's pay. The sailors furnished according to this proclamation being armed and equipped by their mas- ters, embarked with cooked provisions for thirty days. Then first it happened that the Roman fleet was manned at the expense of individuals. 12. These unusually great preparations alarmed the Campanians particularly, lest the Romans should com- mence the year's campaign with the siege of Capua. They therefore sent ambassadors to Hannibal, to implore him to bring his army to Capua, and tell him that new ar- mies were levying at Rome for the purpose of besieging it; and that there was not any city the defection of which had excited more hostile feelings. As they announced228 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 13. this with so much fear, Hannibal concluded he must make haste lest the Romans should get there before him; and setting out from Arpi, took up his position in his old camp at Tifata, above Capua. Leaving his Numidians and Spaniards for the protection both of the camp and Capua, he went down thence with the rest of his troops to the Lake Avernus on the pretense of performing sacri- fice, but in reality to make an attempt upon Puteoli and the garrison in ite Maximus, on receiving intelligence that Hannibal had set out from Arpi, and was returning to Campania, went back to his army, pursuing his jour- ney without intermission by night or by day. He also ov dered Tiberius Gracchus to bring up his troops from Lu ceria to Beneventum, and Quintus Fabius the praetor, the son of the consul, to go to Luceria in the room of Grac- chus. At the same time, the two praetors set out for Sici- ly, Publius Cornelius to join his army, Otacilius to take the command of the sea-coast and the fleet; the rest also pro- ceeded to their respective provinces, and those who were continued in command remained in the same countries as in the former year. 13. While Hannibal was at the Lake Avernus, five no- ble youths came to him from Tarentum. They had been made prisoners partly at the Lake Trasimenus and partly at Cannae, and had been sent home by the: Carthaginian with the same civility which he had shown towards all the Roman allies. They stated to him that, impressed with gratitude for his favors, they had succeeded in in- ducing a large portion of the Tarentine youth to prefer his alliance and friendship to that of the Romans; and that they were sent by their countrymen as ambassadors to request Hannibal to bring his forces nearer to Taren- tum ; that if his standards and camp were within sight of Tarentum, that city would be delivered into his hands without delay; that the commons were under the influ- ence of the youth, and the state of Tarentum in the hands of the commons. Hannibal, after bestowing the highest commendations upon them, and loading them with im- mense promises, bid them return home to mature their plans, saying that he would be there in due time. With these hopes the Tarentines were dismissed. Hannibaly.r. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 229 had himself conceived the strongest desire of getting pos- session of Tarentum. He saw that it was a city opulent and celebrated, on the coast, and lying conveniently over against Macedonia; and that as the Romans were in pos- session of Brundusium, king Philip would make for this port if he crossed over into Italy. Having completed the sacrifice for which he came, and during his stay there laid waste the territory of Cumae as far as the promontory of Misenum, he suddenly marched his troops thence to Pu- teoli to surprise the Roman garrison there. It consisted of six thousand men, and the place was secured not only by its natural situation, but by works also. The Cartha- ginian having waited there three days, and attempted the garrison in every quarter, without any success, proceeded thence to devastate the territory of Naples, influenced by resentment more than the hope of getting possession of the place. The commons of Kola, who had been long dis- affected to the Romans and at enmity with their own Sen- ate, moved into the neighboring fields on his approach; and in conformity with this movement ambassadors came to invite Hannibal to join them, bringing with them a positive assurance that the city would be surrendered to him. The consul, Marcellus, who had been called in by the nobles, anticipated their attempt. In one day he had reached Suessula from Cales, though the river Vulturnus had delayed him crossing; and from thence the ensuing night introduced into Nola, for the protection of the Sen- ate, six thousand foot and three hundred horse. The dil- atoriness of Hannibal wTas in proportion to the expedition which the consul used in every thing he did in order to preoccupy Nola. Having twice already made the attempt unsuccessfully, he was slower to place confidence in the Nolans. 14. During the same time, the consul Fabius came to attempt Casilinum, which was occupied by a Carthagin- ian garrison; and, as if by concert, Hanno approached Beneventum on one side from the Bruttians, with a large body of foot and horse, while on the other side Gracchus approached it from Luceria. The latter entered the town first. Then, hearing that Hanno had pitched his camp three miles from the city, at the river Calor, and from230 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 15. thence was laying waste the country, he himself marched without the walls, and, pitching his camp about a mile from the enemy, harangued his soldiers. The legions he had consisted for the most part of volunteer slaves, who chose rather to earn their liberty silently by another year's service, than demand it openly. The general, however, on quitting his winter-quarters, had perceived that the troops murmured, asking when the time would arrive that they should serve as free citizens. He had written to the Senate, stating not so much what they wanted as what they had deserved; he said they had served him with fidelity and courage up to that day, and that they wanted nothing but liberty to bring them up to the model of com- plete soldiers. Permission was given him to act in the business as he thought for the interest of the state; and accordingly, before he engaged with the enemy, he de- clared that the time was now arrived for obtaining that liberty which they had so long hoped for; that on the fol- lowing day he should fight a pitched battle on a level and open plain, in which the contest would be decided by val- or only, without any fear of ambuscade. The man who should bring back the head of an enemy he would instant- ly order to be set free; but that he would punish, in a manner suited to a slave, the man who should quit his post; that every man's fortune was in his own hands; that not he himself alone would authorize their enfran- chisement, but the consul Marcus Marcellusy and the whole body of the fathers, who, on being consulted by him on the subject, had left the matter to his disposal. He then read the letter of the consul and the decree of the Senate, on which they raised a general shout of appro- bation, demanded to be led to battle, and vehemently urged him to give the signal forthwith. Gracchus broke up the assembly, after proclaiming the battle for the following day. The soldiers, highly delighted, particularly those whose enfranchisement was to be the reward of one day's prowess, employed the remaining time in getting ready their arms. 15. The next day, as soon as the trumpets began to sound, they were the first to assemble at the general's tent, armed and ready for action. When the sun hadY.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 231 risen, Gracchus led out his troops to the field of battle; nor did the enemy delay to engage him. His troops con- sisted of seventeen thousand infantry, principally Brut- tians and Lucanians, with twelve hundred horse, among which were very few Italians, almost all the rest being Numidians and Moors. The contest was fierce and pro- tracted. For four hours neither side had the advantage, nor did any other circumstance more impede the Romans, than that the heads of their enemies were made the price of their liberty. For when each man had gallantly slain his enemy, first, he lost time in cutting off his head, which was done with difficulty amidst the crowd and con- fusion ; and secondly, all the bravest troops ceased to be engaged in fight, as their right hands were employed in holding the heads ; and thus the battle was left to be sus- tained by the inactive and cowardly. But when the mil- itary tribunes reported to Gracchus that the soldiers were employed not in wounding any of the enemy who were standing, but in mangling those who were prostrate, their right hands being occupied in holding the heads of men instead of their swords, he promptly ordered a signal to be given that they should throw down the heads and charge the enemy; that they had given evident and sig- nal proofs of valor, and that the liberty of such brave men was certain. Then the fight was revived, and the cavalry also were sent out against the enemy. The Nu- midians engaging them with great bravery, and the con- test between the cavalry being carried on with no less spirit than that between the infantry, the victory again became doubtful; when, the generals on both sides vili* /ying their opponents, the Roman saying that their ene- mies were Bruttians and Lucanians, who had been so often vanquished and subjugated by their ancestors; the Car- thaginian, that the troops opposed to them were Roman slaves, soldiers taken out of a work-house; at last Grac- chus exclaimed, that his men had no ground to hope for liberty unless the enemy were routed and put to flight that day. , 16. These words at length kindled their courage so ef- fectually, and, renewing the shout, as if suddenly changed into other men, they bore down upon the enemy with such232 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [n. xxiv., chap. 16. impetuosity that they could not longer be withstood. First, those of the Carthaginians who stood before the standards; then the standards were thrown into disor- der ; and, lastly, the whole line was compelled to give way. They then turned their backs downright, and fled precipitately to their camp with such terror and conster- nation that not a man made a stand in the gates or 011 the rampart; while the Romans, who pursued them so close as to form almost a part of their body, commenced the battle anew, inclosed within the rampart of the ene- my. Here the battle was more bloody as the combatants had less room to move, from the narrowness of the place in which they fought. The prisoners, too, assisted; for snatching up swords in the confusion, and forming them- selves into a body, they slew the Carthaginians in the rear and prevented their flight. Thus less than two thousand men out of so large an army, and those principally caval- ry, effected their escape with their commander; all the rest were slain or taken prisoners. Thirty-eight standards were taken. Of the victors about two thousand fell. All the booty except that of the prisoners was given up to the soldiery. Such cattle also as the owners should identify within thirty days was excepted. When they returned to their" camp loaded with spoil, about four thousand of the volunteer slaves who had fought with less spirit, and had not joined in breaking into the enemy's camp, through fear of punishment, took possession of a hill not far from the camp. Being brought down thence the next day by a military tribune, it happened that they arrived during an assembly of the soldiers which Gracchus had called. At this assembly the proconsul, having first re- warded the veteran soldiers with military presents, ac- cording to the valor displayed, and the service rendered by each man in the engagement, then observed with re- spect to the volunteer slaves, that he would rather that all should be praised by him, whether deserving it or not, than that any one should be chastised on that day. I bid you, said he, all be free, and may the event be. attended with advantage, happiness, and prosperity to the . state and to yourselves. These words were followed by the most cordial acclamations, the soldiers sometimes embrac-y.r. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 233 ing and congratulating one another, at other times lifting up their hands to heaven, and praying that every blessing might attend the Roman people, and Gracchus in particu- lar ; when Gracchus addressed them thus : " Before I had placed you all on an equal footing with respect to the en- joyment of liberty, I was unwilling to affix any marks by which the brave and dastardly soldier might be distin- guished. But now the pledge given by the state being re- deemed, lest all distinction between courage and coward- ice should disappear, I shall order that the names of those persons be laid before me who, conscious of their dastard- ly conduct in the battle, have lately seceded. I shall have them cited before me, when I shall bind them by an oath that none of them, except such as shall have the plea of sickness, will, so long as they serve, take either meat or drink in any other posture than standing. This penalty you will bear with patience when you reflect that it is im- possible your cowardice could be marked with a slighter stigma." He then gave the signal for packing up the baggage; and the soldiers, sporting and jesting as they drove and carried their booty, returned to Beneventum in so playful a mood that they appeared to be returning not from the field of battle, but from a fea-st celebrated on some remarkable holiday. All the Beneventans pouring out in crowds to meet them at the gate, embraced, con- gratulated, and invited the troops to entertainments. They had all prepared banquets in the courts of their houses, to which they invited the soldiers, and of which they entreated Gracchus to allow them to partake. Grac- chus gave permission, with the proviso that they should feast in the public street. Each person brought every thing out before his door. The volunteers feasted with caps of liberty on their heads, or filleted with white wool; some reclining at the tables, others standing, who at once partook of the repast, and waited upon the rest. It even seemed a fitting occasion that Gracchus, on his return to Rome, should order a picture representing the festivities of that day to be executed in the Temple of Liberty, which his father caused to be built on the Aventine out of money arising from fines, and which his father also dedicated.234 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 18. 17. While these events occurred at Beneventum, Han- nibal, having laid waste the territory of Naples, moved his camp to Nola. The consul, as soon as he was aware of his approach, sent for Pomponius the propraetor, with the troops he had in the camp above Suessula; and then pre- pared to meet the enemy, and to make no delay in fight- ing. He sent out Caius Claudius Nero in the dead of night with the main strength of the cavalry, through the gate which was farthest removed from the enemy, with orders to make a circuit so as not to be observed, and then slowly to follow the enemy as they moved along, and, as soon as he perceived the battle begun, to charge them on the rear. Whether Nero was prevented from executing these orders by mistaking the route, or from the shortness of the time is doubtful. Though he was absent when the battle was fought, the Romans had unquestionably the ad- vantage ; but as the cavalry did not come up in time, the plan of the battle which had been agreed upon was dis- concerted, and Marcellus, not daring to follow the retiring enemy, gave the signal for retreat when his soldiers were conquering. More than two thousand of the enemy are said, however, to have fallen on that day; of the Romans, less than four hundred. Nero, after having fruitlessly wearied both men and horses, through the day and night, without even having seen the enemy, returned about sun- set ; when the consul went so far in reprimanding him as to assert that he had been the only obstacle to their retort- ing on the enemy the disaster sustained at Cannae. The following day the Roman came into the field, but the Car- thaginian, beaten even by his own tacit confession, kept within his camp. Giving up all hope of getting possession of Nola, a thing never attempted without loss, during the silence of the night of the third day he set out for Taren- tum, which he had better hopes of having betrayed to him. 18. Nor were the Roman affairs administered with less spirit at home than in the field. The censors being freed from the care of letting out the erection of public works, from the low state of the treasury, turned their attention to the regulation of men's morals, and the chastisement of vices which sprung up during the war, in the same man-Y.R. 538.] TUE HISTORY OF ROME. 235 ner as constitutions broken down by protracted disease generate other maladies. In the first place, they cited those persons who, after the battle of Cannae, were said to have formed a design of abandoning the commonwealth, and leaving Italy. The chief of these was Lucius Caecilius Metellus, who happened to be then quaestor. In the next place, as neither he nor the other persons concerned were able to exculpate themselves on being ordered to make their defense, they pronounced them guilty of having used words and discourse prejudicial to the state, that a conspir- acy might be formed for the abandonment of Italy. .After them were cited those persons who showed too much in- genuity in inventing a method of discharging the obliga- tion of their oath, namely, such of the prisoners as con- cluded that the oath which they had sworn to return would be fulfilled by their going back privately to Hanni- bal's camp, after setting out on their journey. Such of these and of the above-mentioned as had horses at the public expense were deprived of them, and all were de- graded from their tribes and disfranchised. Nor was the attention of the censors confined to the regulation of the Senate and the equestrian order. They erased from the lists of the junior centuries the names of all who had not served during the last four years, unless they were regu- larly exempted, or were prevented by sickness. Those too, amounting to more than two thousand names, were numbered among the disfranchised, and were all degraded. To this more gentle stigma affixed by the censors a severe decree of the Senate was added, to the effect that all those whom the censor had stigmatized should serve on foot, and be sent into Sicily to join the remains of the army of Cannae, a class of soldiers whose time of service was not to terminate till the enemy was driven out of Italy. The cerisors, in consequence of the poverty of the treasury, hav- ing abstained from receiving contracts for the repairs of the sacred edifices, the furnishing of curule horses, and similar matters, the persons who had been accustomed to attend auctions of this description came to the censors in great numbers, and exhorted them to "transact all their business and let out the contracts in the same manner as if there were money in the treasury. That none of them236 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 10. would ask for money out of the treasury before the war was concluded." Afterwards the owners of those slaves whom Tiberius Sempronius had manumitted at Beneven- tum came to them, stating that they were sent for by the public bankers, to receive the price of their slaves, but that they would not accept of it till the war was concluded. This disposition on the part of the commons to sustain the impoverished treasury having manifested itself, the prop- erty of minors first, and then the portions of widows, be- gan to be brought in; the persons who brought them be- ing persuaded that their deposit would nowhere be more secure and inviolable than under the public faith. If any thing was bought or laid in for the widows and minors, an order upon the quaestor was given for it. This liberal- ity in individuals flowed from the city into the camp also, insomuch that no horseman or centurion would accept of his pay, and those who would accept it were reproached with the appellation of mercenary men. 19. Quintus Fabius, the consul, was encamped before Casilinum, which was occupied by a garrison of two thou- sand Campanians and seven hundred of the soldiers of Hannibal. The commander was Statius Metius, who was sent there by Cneius Magius Atellanus, who was that year Medixtuticus, and was arming the slaves and people with- out distinction, in order to assault the Roman camp, while the consul was intently occupied in the siege of Casilinum. None of these things escaped Fabius. He therefore sent to his colleague at Nola, " That another army was requi- site, which might be opposed to the Campanians, while the siege of Casilinum was going on ; that either he should come himself, leaving a force sufficient for the protection of Nola, or, if the state of Nola required him to stay there, in consequence of its not being yet secure against the at- tempts of Hannibal, that he should summon Tiberius Gracchus, the proconsul, from Beneventum." On this message, Marcellus, leaving two thousand troops in garri- son at Nola, came to Casilinum with the rest of his forces; and at his arrival the Campanians, who were already in motion, desisted from their operations. Thus the siege of Casilinum was commenced by the two consuls. But as the Roman soldiers received many wounds as they rashlyy.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 237 approached the walls, and as they did not succeed satis- factorily in their attempts, Fabius gave it as his opinion that this, which was a small matter, though as difficult as more important ones, should be abandoned, and that they should retire from the place, as affairs of greater moment were pressing. Marcellus, however, succeeded in persuad- ing him that they should not go away with their object un- accomplished, observing that as there were many objects which great generals should not attempt, so when once at- tempted they should not be abandoned, because the mere report in either case would have important consequences. Upon this the vineae and all kinds of military works and engines were applied; in consequence of which, the Cam- panians entreated Fabius to allow them to retire to Capua in safety; when a few of them having come out of the town, Marcellus took possession of the gate through which they passed, and first slew all indiscriminately who were near, the gate, and then rushing in, the slaughter com- menced in the town also. About fifty of the Campanians, who at first came out of the city, having fled for refuge to Fabius, arrived safe at Capua under his protection. Thus Casilinum was captured on ail accidental opportunity which occurred during the conferences and delay of those who were soliciting protection. The prisoners, both those who were Campanians and those who were Hannibal's sol- diers, were sent to Rome, where they were shut up in a prison. The crowd of townsmen was distributed among the neighboring people to be kept in custody. > 20. At the same time that the consuls retired from Cas- ilinum, their object having been accomplished, Gracchus, who was in Lucania, sent, under a prefect of the allies, some cohorts which he had levied in that country to rav- age the lands of the enemy. These, as they were strag- gling in a; careless manner, Hanno surprising, retorted upon his einemy a defeat not much, less disastrous than he had himself received at Ben even turn, and then hastily re- tired to the territory of the Bruttians, lest Gracchus shouM overtake him. Of the consuls, Marcellus returned to Nola, whence he had come; Fabius proceeded to Samnium to waste the lands, and recover by force the cities which had revolted. The Samnites of Caudium suffered the severest238 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 20. devastation; their fields were laid waste by fire for a wide extent, and both men and cattle were conveyed away as booty. The towns of Compulteria, Telesia, Compsa, Melae, Fulfulae, and Orbitanium, were taken by storm. Blandae, belonging to Lucanians, and iEcae to the Apulia ans, were taken after a siege. Twenty-five thousand of the enemy were captured or slain in these towns, and three hundred and seventy deserters recovered; who, being sent to Rome by the consul, were all of them beaten with rods in the comitium, and thrown down from the rock. Such were the achievements of Fabius within the space of a few days. Ill health detained Marcellus from active opera- tions at Nola. The town of Accua, also, was taken by storm, during the same period, by the praetor Quintus Fa- bius, whose province was the neighborhood of Luceria; he also fortified a stationary camp at Ardonea. While the Romans were thus employed in different quarters, Hanni- bal had reached Tarentum, utterly destroying every thing whichsoever -jvay he went. In the territory of Tarentum, the troops at length began to march in a peaceable manner. There nothing was violated, nor did they ever go out of the road; it was evident that this was done not from the moderation of the soldiery or their general, but to concili- ate the affections of the Tarentines. However, on advanc- ing almost close to the walls without perceiving any move- ment, which he expected would occur on the sight of his van-guard, he pitched his camp about a mile off the city. Three days before the arrival of Hannibal, Marcus Livius, who had been sent by Marcus Valerius, the propraetor, commanding the fleet at Brundusium, had enlisted the young nobility of Tarentum, and stationing guards at ev- ery gate, and round the wails, wherever circumstances made it necessary, had kept such a strict watch, both by day and night, as to give no opportunity for making any attempt either to the enemy or doubtful allies. On this account several days were consumed there to no purpose, hen Hannibal, as none of those who had come to him at the Lake Avernus, either came themselves or sent any let- ter or message, perceiving that he had carelessly followed delusive promises, moved his camp thence. Even after this he did not offer any violence to the Tarentine terri-y.r. 538.] THE HISTORY OF KOME. 239 tory, not quitting the hope of shaking their allegiance to the Romans, though his simulated lenity had hitherto been of no advantage to him; but as soon as he came to Salapia he collected stores of corn there from the Metapontine and Heraclean lands; for midsummer was now past, and the situation pleased him as a place for winter-quarters. From hence the Moors and Numidians were detached to plunder the territory of Sallentum and the neighboring woods of Apulia, from which not much booty of any other sort was obtained, but principally droves of horses, four thousand of which were distributed among his horsemen to be broken. 21. The Romans, since a war by no means to be despised was springing up in Sicily, and the death of the tyrant had furnished the Syracusans with more enterprising leaders, rather than changed their attachment to the Carthaginian cause, or the state of their minds, decreed that province to Marcus Marcellus, one of their consuls. After the assas- sination of Hieronymus, at first a tumult had taken place among the soldiery in the territory of the Leontines. They exclaimed furiously that the manes of the king should be appeased wTith the blood of the conspirators. Afterwards the frequent repetition of the word liberty, which was restored to them, a word so delightful to the ear, the hopes they had conceived of largesses from the roy- al treasury, and of serving in future under better generals, the relation of the horrid crimes and more horrid lusts of the tyrant, effected such an alteration in their sentiments, that they suffered to lie unburied the corpse of the king, whom a little before they regretted. As the rest of the conspirators remained behind, in order to keep the army on their side, Theodotus and Sosis, mounted on the king's horses, jode off to Syracuse with all possible speed, that they might surprise the king's party, while unacquainted with all that had occurred. But they were anticipated not only by report, than which nothing is swifter in such af- fairs, but also by a messenger who was one of the royal servants. In consequence, Andranodorus had occupied with strong garrisons the Insula and the citadel, and every other convenient part which he could. After sunset,when it was now growing dark, Theodotus and Sosis rode in by*40 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 22. the Hexapylum, and displayed the royal vest stained with blood, and the ornament of the king's head ; then passing through the Tycha, and calling the people at once to liber- ty and arms, bid them assemble in the Achradina. Some of the multitude ran out into the streets, some stood in the porches of their houses, while others looked out from the roofs and windows, and inquired what was the matter. Every part of the city was filled with lights and noises of various kinds. Assemblies of armed men were formed in the open spaces. Those who had no arms tore down from the temple of the Olympian Jupiter the spoils of the Gauls and Illyrians, which had been presented to Hiero by the Roman people, and hung up there by him; at the same time offering up prayers to Jupiter that he would willing- ly, and without feeling offense, lend those consecrated weapons to those who were arming themselves in defense of their country, of the temples of their gods, and their liberty. This multitude was also joined by the watches which were stationed through the principal quarters of the city. In the island, Andranodorus, among other places, secured the public granaries by a garrison. This place, which was inclosed by a wall of stones hewn square, and built up on high, after the manner of a citadel, wTas occu- pied by a body of youth, who had been appointed to garri- son it, and these sent messengers to the Achradina, to give information that the granaries and the corn were in the power of the Senate. 22. At break of day the whole populace, armed and un- harmed, assembled at the Senate-house in the Achradina; where from the Altar of Concord, which stood there, one of the nobles, named Polyaenus, delivered a liberal and tem- perate address. He said that " men who had experienced servitude and contumely were enraged against an evil which was well known, but that the Syracusans had rather heard from their fathers than seen with their own eyes the disasters which civil discord introduces." He said " he commended them for the alacrity with which; they had taken arms; but that he should commend them more if they should abstain from using them, unless compelled by extreme necessity. At present he advised that ambassa- dors should be sent to Andranodorus, to charge him toy.r.538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 241 submit to the direction of the Senate and the people, to throw open the gates of the island, and withdraw the gar- rison. If he resolved to usurp the sovereignty of which he had been appointed guardian, that he would recommend that their liberty be recovered more energetically from An- dranodorus than it had been from Hieronymus." From this assembly ambassadors were dispatched. The Senate b%an now to meet, which, though during the reign of Hiero it had continued to be the public council of the state, from the time of his death up to the present had never been assembled or consulted upon any subject. When the ambassadors came to Andranodorus, he was himself moved by the unanimous opinion of his country- men, by their having possession of other parts of the city, and by the fact that the strongest part of the island was betrayed and placed in the hands of others ; but his wife, Demarata, the daughter of Hiero, still swelling with the pride of royalty and female presumption, called him out from the presence of the ambassadors, and reminded him of the expression so often repeated by the tyrant Dionysius that a man ought only to relinquish sovereign power when dragged by the feet, and not while sitting on horseback. That it was an easy thing, at any moment one pleased, to give up possession of grandeur, but that to create and ob- tain them was difficult and arduous. That he should ob- tain from the ambassadors a little time to deliberate, and to employ it in fetching the soldiers from the Leontines; to whom, if he promised the royal treasure, every thing would be at his disposal." This advice, suggested by a woman, Andranodorus neither entirely rejected nor im- mediately adopted, considering it the safer way to the at- tainment of power to temporize for the present. Accord- ingly, he told the ambassadors to carry word back that he should act subserviently to the Senate and the people. The next day, as soon as it was light, he threw open the gates of the island, and came into the Forum of the Achra- dina; then mounting the Altar of Concord, from which Polyaenus had delivered his harangue the day before, he commenced a speech by soliciting pardon for his delay. " He had kept the gates closed," he said," not as separa- ting his own from the public interest, but from fear as to Vol. II.—11242 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 23. where the carnage would stop when once the sword was drawn; whether they would be satisfied with the blood of the tyrant, which was sufficient for their liberty, or whether all who were connected with the court, by con- sanguinity, affinity, or any offices, would, as implicated in another's guilt, be butchered. After he perceived that those who had liberated their country were desirous of preserving it when liberated, and that the counsels of all were directed towards the public good, he had not hesita- ted to restore to his country his own person and every thing else which had been committed to his honor and guardianship, since the person who had intrusted him with them had fallen a victim to his own madness." Then turning to the persons who had killed the tyrant, and call- ing on Theodotus and Sosis by name, he said," You have performed a memorable deed, but believe me, your glory is only beginning, not yet perfected ; and there still remains great danger lest the enfranchised state should be destroy- ed, if you do not provide for its tranquillity and harmony." 23. At the conclusion of this speech, he laid the keys of the gates and of the royal treasure at their feet; and on that day, retiring from the assembly in the highest spirits, they made supplication with their wives and children at all the temples of the gods. On the following day an as- sembly was held for the election of praetors. Andranodo- rus was created among the first; the rest consisted for the most part of the destroyers of* the tyrant; two of these, Sopater and Dinomenes, they appointed in their absence. These, on hearing of what had passed at Syracuse, conveyed thither the royal treasure which was at Leontini, and put it into the hands of quaestors appointed for that purpose. The treasure also in the island and the Achradina was de- livered to them, and that part of the wall which formed too strong a separation between the island and the other parts of the city was demolished by general consent. Every thing else which was done was in conformity with this inclination of their minds to liberty. Hippocrates and Epicydes, on hearing of the death of the tyrant, which Hippocrates had wished to conceal even by putting the messenger to death, being deserted by the soldiery, return- ed to Syracuse, as that appeared the safest course undery.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 245 present circumstances; but lest if they appeared there in common they should become objects of suspicion, and looked upon as persons who were seeking an opportunity of effecting some change, they in the first place addressed themselves to the praetors and then through them to the Senate. They declared, that "they were sent by Hanni- bal to Hieronymus, as to a friend and ally; that they had obeyed the orders of that man whom their general wished them to obey; that they desired to return to Hannibal; but as the journey would not be safe, as armed Romans were ranging at large through the whole of Sicily, that they requested to be furnished with some escort which might convey them in safety to Locri in Italy; and that thus they would confer a great obligation upon Hannibal, with little trouble." The request was easily obtained, for they were desirous of getting rid of these generals of the king, who were skilled in war, and at once necessitous and enterprising. But they did not exert themselves so as to effect what they desired with the requisite speed. Mean- while these young men, who were of a military turn and accustomed to the soldiers, employed themselves in circu- lating charges against the Senate and nobles, sometimes in the minds of the soldiers themselves, sometimes of the de- serters, of which the greater part were Roman sailors, at other times of men belonging to the lowest order of the populace, insinuating, that " what they were secretly labor- ing and contriving to effect, was to place Syracuse under the dominion of the Romans with the pretense of a re- newed alliance, and then that a faction and the few pro- moters of the alliance would be supreme." 24. The crowds of persons disposed to hear and credit these insinuations which flowed into Syracuse from every quarter increased daily, and afforded hopes, not only to Epicydes but to Andranodorus also, of effecting a revolu- tion. The latter, wearied at length by the importunities of his wife, who warned him, " that now was the favorable time for seizing the government, while every thing was in confusion in consequence of liberty being recent and not yet regularly established; while a soldiery supported by the royal pay was to be met with, and while generals sent by Hannibal and accustomed to the soldiery might for-244 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 24. ward the attempthe communicated his design with Themistus, who had married the daughter of Gelon, and a few days afterwards incautiously disclosed it to a certain tragic actor, named Ariston, to whom he was in the habit of committing other secrets. He was a man of reputable birth and fortune, nor did his profession disgrace them, for among the Greeks no pursuit of that kind was consid- ered dishonorable. He therefore discovered the plot to the praetors, from a conviction that his country had a superior claim upon his fidelity. These having satisfied themselves that his statement was not false by indubitable proofs, took the advice of the elder Senators, and with their sanction, having placed a guard at the doors, slew Themistus and Andranodorus as soon as they had entered the Senate-house. A disturbance arising in consequence of this act, which, as none but the praetors knew the cause of it, wore an appearance of atrocity, the praetors, having at length procured silence, introduced the informer into the Senate-house; and after he had in a regular manner detailed to the Senate every particular, showing that the conspiracy owed its origin to the marriage of Harmonia, the daughter of Gelon, with Themistus; that the African and Spanish auxiliaries had been prepared to murder the praetors and others of the nobility; that it had been given out that their goods were to be the booty of the assassins; that already a band of mercenaries accustomed to obey the command of Andranodorus had been procured for the re- occupation of the island; and having then distinctly rep- resented to them the several parts which the persons im- plicated in the transaction were performing, and having brought under their view the entire plot prepared for ex- ecution with men and arms; it seemed to the Senate that they had fallen as justly as Hieronymus had. A shout was raised before the Senate-house by a crowd of people variously disposed and uncertain of the facts ; but as they were conducting themselves in a furious and menacing manner, the bodies of the conspirators in the vestibule of the Senate-house restrained them with such alarm, that they silently followed the more discreet part of the com- mons to an assembly. Sopater was the person commission- ed by the Senate and his colleague to explain the affair.y.r. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 245 25. Treating them as if they stood upon their trial, he began with their past lives ; and insisted that Andranodo- rus and Themistus were the authors of every act of iniquity and impiety which had been perpetrated since the death of Hiero. " For what," said he," did the boy Hieronymus ever do of his own accord ? What could he do who had scarce as yet arrived at puberty ? His tutors and guardi- ans had ruled, while the odium rested on another. There- fore they ought to have been put to death either before Hieronymus or with him. Nevertheless those men, de- servedly marked out for death, had attempted fresh crimes after the decease of the tyrant; first openly, when closing the gates of the island, Andranodorus declared himself heir to the throne, and kept that as proprietor which he had held only in the capacity of guardian; afterwards, when betrayed by those who were in the island and block- aded by the whole body of the citizens who held the Achradina, he endeavored to obtain, by secret and artful means, that sovereignty which he had in vain attempted openly; whom not even benefits and honorary distinction could move, for even this conspirator against the liber- ty of his country was created praetor among her libera- tors. But that wives of royal blood had infected them with this thirst for royalty, one having married the daugh- ter of Hiero, the other the daughter of Gelon." On hear- ing these words, a shout arose from every part of the assembly, that " none of these women ought to live, and that not one of the royal family should be left alive." Such is the nature of the populace; they are either cring- ing slaves or haughty tyrants. They know not how with moderation to spurn or to enjoy that liberty wThich holds the middle place; nor are there generally wanting minis- ters, the panders to their resentment, who incite their eager and intemperate minds to blood and carnage. Thus, on the present occasion, the praetors instantly proposed the passing of a decree, which was consented to almost before it was proposed, that all the royal family should be put to death; and persons dispatched for the purpose by the praetors, put to death Demarata, the daughter of Hiero, and Harmonia, the daughter of Gelon, the wives of Andra* nodorus and Themistus.246 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXIV., ciiap. 26. 26. There was a daughter of Hiero, named Heraclea, the wife of Zoippus, who, having been sent by Hierony- mus as ambassador to king Ptolemy, had become a volun- tary exile. As soon as she was apprised that they were coming to her also, she fled for refuge into the chapel to the household gods, accompanied by her two virgin daughters, with dishevelled hair, and other marks of wretchedness. In addition to this, she had recourse to prayers also; she implored them "by the memory of her father, Hiero, and her brother, Gelon, that they would not suffer her, a guiltless person, to be consumed by their ha- tred of Hieronymus. That all that she had derived from his reign was the exile of her husband. That neither did she enjoy the same advantages as her sister while Hierony- mus was alive, nor was her cause the same as hers now he was dead. What ? Though her sister wrould have shared the throne with Andranodorus, had he succeeded in his designs, she must have been in servitude with the rest. Can any one doubt, that if information should be conveyed to Zoippus that Hieronymus had been put to death, and that Syracuse was free, he would instantly em- bark and return to his native laud. But how are all hu- man hopes deceived! His wife and children are strug- gling for their lives in his native land, now blessed with liberty! In what manner standing in the way of liberty or the laws ? What danger could arise to any one from them, from a solitary, and in a manner, widowed woman and girls living in a state of orphanage ? But perhaps it will be granted that no danger is to be apprehended from them, but alleged that the whole royal family is detested. K this were the case, she entreated that they would banish them far from Syracuse and Sicily, and order them to be conveyed to Alexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters to their father." Seeing that their ears and minds were unimpressed, and that certain of them were drawing their swords to prevent a fruitless consumption of time, she gave over entreating for herself, and began to implore them to " spare, at least, her daughters, at an age which even exasperated enemies spared." She entreated them " that they would not, in %eir revenge on tyrants, themselves imitate the crimes which were odious tot.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. them." While thus employed, they dragged her from the sanctuary and murdered her; and after that they fell upon the virgins, who were sprinkled with the blood of their mother; who, distracted alike by fear and grief, and as if seized with madness, rushed out of the chapel with such rapidity, that had there been an opening by which they might have escaped into the street, they would have filled the city with confusion. As it was, they several times made their escape through the midst of so many armed men with their persons uninjured in the contracted space which the house afforded, and extricated themselves from their grasp, though they had to disengage themselves from so many and such strong hands; but at length en- feebled by wounds, and after covering every place wTith blood, they fell down lifeless. This murder, piteous as it was in itself, was rendered still more so by its happening that a short time after it a message arrived that they should not be killed, as the minds of the people were now turned to compassion. This compassion then gave rise to a feeling of anger, because so much haste had been shown in carrying the punishment into effect, and because no op- portunity was left for relenting or retracing the steps of their passion. The multitude therefore gave vent to their indignation, and demanded an election to supply the places of Andranodorus and Themistus, for both of them had been praetors; an election by no means likely to be agree- able to the praetors. 27. The day was fixed for the election, when, to the sur- prise of all, one person from the extremity of the crowd nominated Epicydes, and then another from the same quarter nominated Hippocrates. Afterwards the voices in favor of these persons increased with the manifest ap- probation of the multitude. The assembly was one of a heterogeneous character, consisting not only of the com- mons, but a crowd of soldiers, with a large admixture even of deserters, who were desirous of innovation in ev- ery thing. The praetors, at first, concealed their feelings, and were for protracting the business; but at length, overcome by the general opinion, and apprehensive of a sedition, they declared them the praetors. These did not, however, immediately openly avow their sentiments,248 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 28. though they were chagrined that ambassadors had been sent to Appius Claudius to negotiate a ten days' truce, and that, on obtaining this, others were sent to treat for the renewal of the old alliance. The Romans, with a fleet of a hundred ships, were then stationed at Murgantia, waiting the issue of the commotion raised at Syracuse by the death of the tyrants, and to what their recent acquisi- tion of liberty would impel the people. Meanwhile, the Syracusan ambassadors were sent by Appius Claudius to Marcellus on his coming into Sicily, and Marcellus having heard the conditions of peace, and being of opinion that matters might be brought to a settlement, himself also sent ambassadors to Syracuse to treat with the praetors in person on the renewal of the alliance. But now by no means the same state of quiet and tranquillity existed there. Hippocrates and Epicydes, their fears being re- moved, after that intelligence had arrived that a Cartha- ginian fleet had put in at Pachynum, complained some- times to the mercenary soldiers, at other times to the de- serters, that Syracuse was being betrayed to the Romans. And when Appius began to station his ships at the mouth of the port, in order to inspire the other party with cour- age, their false insinuations appeared to receive great cor- roboration ; and on the first impulse, the populace had even run down in a disorderly manner to prevent them from disembarking. 28. While affairs were in this unsettled state, it was re- solved to call an assembly; in which, when some leaned to one side and some to the other, and an insurrection be- ing on the point of breaking out, Apollonides, one of the nobles, delivered a speech fraught with salutary advice, considering the critical state of affairs: " Never," he said, " had a state a nearer prospect of safety and annihilation. For if they would all unanimously espouse the cause ei- ther of the Romans or the Carthaginians, there could be no state whose condition would be more prosperous and hap- py ; but if they pulled different ways, the war between the Romans and Carthaginians would not be more bloody than that which would take place between the Syracusans themselves, in which both the contending parties would have their forces, their troops, and their generals, withiny.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 249 the same walls. Every exertion ought, therefore, to be made that all might think alike. Which alliance would be productive of the greater advantages, was a question of quite a secondary nature, and of less moment; though the authority of Hiero ought to be followed in preference to that of Hieronymus in the selection of allies, and a friendship of which they had had a happy experience through a space of fifty years, ought to be chosen rather than one now untried and formerly unfaithful. That it ought also to have some weight in their deliberations, that peace with the Carthaginians might be refused in such a manner as not immediately, at least, to have a war with them, while with the Romans they must forthwith have either peace or war." The less of party spirit and warmth appeared in this speech the greater weight it had. A military council, also, was united with the praetors and a chosen body of Senators; the commanders of companies also, and the prefects of the allies, were ordered to consult conjointly. After the question had been agitated with great warmth, at length, as there appeared to be no means of carrying on a war with the Romans, it was resolved that a treaty of peace should be formed, and that ambassadors should be sent with those from Rome to ratify the same. 29. Not many days intervened before ambassadors came from the Leontines, requesting troops to protect their frontiers—an embassy which appeared to afford a very favorable opportunity for disencumbering the city of a turbulent and disorderly rabble, and for removing their leaders to a distance. The praetor, Hippocrates, was or- dered to lead the deserters thither. Many of the merce- nary auxiliaries accompanying them made them number four thousand armed men. This expedition gave great delight both to those who were sent and those who sent them; for to the former an opportunity was afforded of change which they had long desired, while the latter were rejoiced because they considered that a kind of sink of the city had been drained off. But they had, as it were, only relieved a sick body for a time, that it might after- wards fall into a more aggravated disease. For Hippo- crates began to ravage the adjoining parts of the Roman province, at first by stealthy excursions; but afterwards, 11*250 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 29. when Appius had sent a body of troops to protect the lands of the allies, he made an attack, with all his forces, upon the guard posted over against him, and slew many. Marcellus, when informed of this, immediately sent am- bassadors to Syracuse, who said that the faith of the treaty had been broken, and that there would never be wanting a cause for hostilities, unless Hippocrates and Epicydes were removed not only from Syracuse, but far from all Sicily. Epicydes, lest, by being present, he should be arraigned for the offense committed by his absent broth- er, or should be wanting on his own part in stirring up a war, proceeded himself also to the Leontines; and see- ing that they were already sufficiently exasperated against the Romans, he endeavored to detach them from the Syra- cusans also. His argument was, that the terms on which they had formed a treaty of peace with the Romans were, that whatever people had been subject to their kings should be placed under their dominion; and that now they were not satisfied with liberty unless they could also exercise kingly power and dominion over others. The answer, therefore, he said, which they ought to send back was, that the Leontines also considered themselves en- titled to liberty, either on the ground that the tyrant fell in the streets of their city, or that there the shout was first raised for liberty: and that they were the persons who, abandoning the king's generals, flocked to Syracuse. That, therefore, either that article must be expunged from the treaty, or that that term of it would not be ad- mitted. They easily persuaded the multitude; and when the ambassadors of Syracuse complained of the slaughter of the Roman guard, and ordered that Hippocrates and Epicydes should depart either to Locri or any other place they pleased, pi*ovided they quitted Sicily, a reply was made to them in a haughty manner, " that they had nei- ther placed themselves at the disposal of the Syracusans to make a peace for them with the Romans, nor were they bound by the treaties of other people." This answer the Syracusans laid before the Romans, declaring, at the same time, that " the Leontines were not under their control, and that therefore the Romans might make war on them without violating the treaty subsisting between them;y.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 251 that they would also not be wanting in the war, provided that, when brought again under subjection, they should form a part of their dominion, agreeably to the conditions of the peace." 30. Marcellus marched with his entire forces against Leontini, having sent for Appius also, in order that he might attack it in another quarter; when, such was the ardor of the troops in consequence of the indignation they felt at the Roman guard's being put to the sword during the negotiations for a peace, that they took the town by storm on the first assault. Hippocrates and Epicydes, perceiving that the enemy were getting possession of the walls and breaking open the gates, retired with a few oth- ers into the citadel, from which they fled, unobserved, during the night to Herbessus. The Syracusans, who had marched from home with eight thousand troops, were met at the river Myla by a messenger who informed them that the city was taken. The rest which he stated was a mixture of truth and falsehood; he said that there had been an indiscriminate massacre of the soldiers and the townsmen, and that he did not think that one person who had arrived at puberty had survived; that the town had been pillaged, and the property of the rich men given to the troops. On receiving such direful news, the army halted; and while all were under violent excitement, the generals, Sosis and Dinomenes, consulted together as to the course to be taken. The scourging and beheading of two thousand deserters had given to this false statement a plausibility which excited alarm; but no violence was offered to any of the Leontine or other soldiers after the city was taken; and every man's property was restored to him, with the exception only of such as was destroyed in the first confusion which attended the capture of the city. The troops, wTho complained of their fellow-soldiers hav- ing been betrayed and butchered, could neither be in- duced to proceed to Leontini, nor wait where they were for more certain intelligence. The praetors, perceiving their minds disposed to mutiny, but concluding that their violence would not be of long continuance, if those who had led them on to such folly were removed, led the troops to Megara, whence they themselves, with a few252 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 31. horsemen, proceeded to Herbessus, under the expectation of having the city betrayed to them in the general con- sternation ; but being disappointed in this attempt, they resolved to resort to force, and moved their camp from Megara on the following day, in order to attack Herbes- sus with all their forces. Hippocrates and Epicydes hav- ing formed the design of putting themselves into the hands of the soldiers, who were for the most part accus- tomed to them, and were now incensed at the report of the massacre of their comrades, not so much as a safe measure on the first view of it as that it was their only course, now that all hope was cut oft", went out to meet the army. It happened that the troops wTliich marched in the van were six hundred Cretans, who had been engaged in the service of Hieronymus under their command, and were under obligation to Hannibal, having been captured at the Trasimenus among the Roman auxiliaries, and dis- missed by him. Hippocrates and Epicydes, recognizing them by their standards and the fashion of their armor, held out olive-branches, and the fillets usually worn by suppliants, and implored them to receive them into their ranks, protect them when received, and not betray them to the Syracusans, by whom they themselves would soon be delivered up to the Romans to be butchered. 31. But the Cretans with one accord called out to them to be of good courage—that they would share every for- tune with them. During this conversation, the van-gnard had halted, and the march was delayed; nor had the cause of the delay as yet reached the generals. After the report had spread that Hippocrates and Epicydes were there, and a voice was heard through the whole army, which showed evidently that the troops were pleased at their arrival, the praetors immediately galloped to the front, and earnestly asked " what was the meaning of that violation of discipline which the Cretans had committed in holding conference with the enemy, and allowing them to mingle with their ranks without the authority of the praetors." They ordered Hippocrates to be seized and thrown into chains. On hearing which, such a clamor was raised, first by the Cretans and then by the rest, that it was quite evident, if they j>roceeded farther, that theyY.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 253 would have cause to fear. In this state of anxiety and perplexity, they gave orders to march back to Megara, whence they had set out, and sent messengers to Syracuse, to give information of their present condition. Hippo- crates added a deception, seeing that the minds of the troops were disposed to entertain every suspicion. Hav- ing sent some Cretans to lie in wait in the roads, he read a letter he pretended had been intercepted, but which he had written himself. The address was : " The praetors of Syracuse to the consul Marcellus." After the customary wishing of health, it stated "that he had acted duly and properly in sparing none of the Leontines, but that the cause of all the mercenary troops was the same, and that Syracuse would never be tranquil while there were any foreign auxiliaries in the city or in the army. That it was, therefore, necessary that he should endeavor to get into his power those who were encamped at Megara, with their praetors, and, by punishing them, at length restore Syracuse to liberty." After this letter had been read, they ran to seize their arms in every direction, with so great a clamor, that the praetors, in the utmost consterna- tion, rode away to Syracuse during the confusion. The mutiny, however, was not quelled even by their flight, but an attack was made upon the Syracusan soldiers; nor would any one have escaped their violence, had not Hip- pocrates and Epicydes opposed the resentment of the multitude, not from pity or any humane motive, but lest they should cut off all hope of effecting their return; and that they might have the soldiers, both as faithful sup- porters of their cause and as hostages, and conciliate to themselves their relatives and friends, in the first place by so great an obligation, and in the next by reason of the pledge. Having also experienced that the populace could be excited by any cause, however groundless or trifling; they procured a soldier of the number of those who were besieged at Leontini, whom they suborned to carry a re- port to Syracuse, corresponding with that which had been falsely told at the Myla; and by vouching for what he stated, and relating as matters which he had seen those things of which doubts were entertained, to kindle the re- sentment of the people.254 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap, 32. 32. This man not only obtained credit with the com- mons, but, being introduced into the Senate-house, pro- duced an impression upon the. Senate also. Some men of no small authority openly declared that it was very for- tunate that the rapacity and cruelty of the Romans had been made apparent in the case of the Leontines; that if they had entered Syracuse, they would have committed the same or even more horrible acts, as there the tempta- tions to rapacity wTould have been greater. All, therefore, advised that the gates should be closed and the city guarded; but not the same persons were objects of fear or hatred to all alike. Among the soldiers of every kind, and a great part of the people, the Roman name was hated. The praetors and a few of the nobles, though en- raged by the fictitious intelligence, rather directed their cautions against a nearer and more immediate evil. Hip- pocrates and Epicydes were now at the Hexapylum; and conversations were taking place, fomented by the relatives of the native soldiers who wTere in the army, touching the opening of the gates, and the allowing their common coun- try to be defended from the violence of the Romans. One of the doors of the Hexapylum was now thrown open, and the troops began to be taken in at it, when the praetors interposed; and first by commands and menaces, then by advice, they endeavored to deter them from their purpose; and last of all, every other means proving inef- fectual, forgetful of their dignity, they tried to move them by prayers, imploring them not to betray their country to men heretofore the satellites of the tyrant, and now the corrupters of the army. But the ears of the excited mul- titude were deaf to all these arguments, and the exertions made from within to break open the gates were not less than those without; the gates were'all broken open, and the whole army received into the Hexapylum. The prae- tors, with the youth of the city, fled into the Achradina; the mercenary soldiers and deserters, with all the soldiers of the late king who were at Syracuse, joined the forces of the enemy. The Achradina also was, therefore, taken on the first assault, and all the praetors, except such as es- caped in the confusion, were put to the sword. Night put an end to the carnage. On the following day they.r. 538.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 255 slaves were invited to liberty, and those bound in prison were released; after which this mixed rabble created Hip- pocrates and Epicydes their prsetors; and thus Syracuse, when for a brief period the light of liberty had shone on it, relapsed into her former state of servitude. 33. The Romans, on receiving information of these events, immediately moved their camp from Leontini to Syracuse. It happened at this time that ambassadors were sent by Appius in a quinquereme, to make their way through the harbor. A quadrireme was sent in advance, which was captured as soon as it entered the mouth of the harbor, and the ambassadors with difficulty made their es- cape. And now not only the laws of peace but of war also were not regarded, when the Roman army pitched their camp at Olympium, a temple of Jupiter, a mile and a half from the city. From which place also it was thought proper that ambassadors should be sent forward; these were met by Hippocrates and Epicydes, with their friends, without the gate, to prevent their entering the city. The Roman who was appointed to speak said that "he did not bring war, but aid and assistance to the Syracusans, not only to such as, escaping from the midst of the carnage, fled to the Romans for protection, but to those also who, overpowered by fear, were submitting to a servitude more shocking not only than exile, but than death. Nor would the Romans suffer the horrid murder of their friends to go unavenged. If, therefore, those who had taken refuge with them were allowed to return to their country with safety, the authors of the massacre delivered up, and the Syracusans reinstated in the enjoyment of their liberty and laws, there would be no necessity for arms; but if these things were not done, they would direct their arms unceasingly against those who delayed them, whoever they might be." Epicydes replied, that " if they had been com- missioned with any message for them, they would have given them an answer; and when the government of Syracuse was in the hands of those persons to whom they were come, they might visit Syracuse again. If they should commence hostilities, they would learn by actual experience that it was by no means the same thing to be- siege Syracuse and Leontini." With this he left the am-256 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [13. xxiv., c^ap. 34. bassadors and closed the gate. The siege of Syracuse then commenced by sea and land at the same time; by land on the side of the Hexapylum; by sea on the side of the Achradina, the wall of which is washed by its waves; and as the Romans felt a confidence that, as they had taken Leontini by the terror they occasioned on the first assault, they should be able in some quarter to effect an entrance into a city so desert, and diffused over so large an extent of ground, they brought up to the walls every kind of engine for besieging cities. 34. And an attempt made with so much energy would have succeeded, had it not been for one person then at Syracuse. That person was Archimedes, a man of unri- valled skill in observing the heavens and the stars, but more deserving of admiration as the inventor and con- structor of warlike engines and works, by means of which, ■with a very slight effort, he turned to ridicule what the enemy effected with great difficulty. The wall, which ran along unequal eminences, most of which were high and difficult of access, some low and open to approach along level vales, he furnished with every kind of warlike engine, as seemed suitable to each particular place. Marcellus at- tacked from the quinqueremes the wall of the Achradina, which, as before stated, was washed by the sea. From the other ships the archers and slingers and light-infantry, whose weapon is difficult to be thrown back by the un- skillful, allowed scarce any person to remain upon the wall unwounded. These, as they required room for the dis- charge of their missiles, kept their ships at a distance from the wall. Eight more quinqueremes, joined together in pairs, the oars on their inner sides being removed, so that side might be placed to side, and which, forming, as it were, ships, were worked by means of the oars on the outer sides, carried turrets built up in stories, and other engines employed in battering walls. Against this naval arma- ment, Archimedes placed, on different parts of the walls, engines of various dimensions. Against the ships which were at a distance he discharged stones of immense wreight. Those which were nearer he assailed with light- er, and therefore more numerous missiles. Lastly, in order that his own men might heap their weapons upon the en-y.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 257 emy, without receiving any wounds themselves, he perfo- rated the wall from the top to the bottom with a great number of loop-holes, about a cubit in diameter, through which some with arrows, others with scorpions of mod- erate size, he assailed the enemy without being seen. Cer- tain ships which came nearer to the walls in order to get within the range of the engines, he placed upon their sterns, raising up their prows by throwing upon them an iron grapple, attached to a strong chain, by means of a tolleno which projected from the wall, and overhung them, having a heavy counterpoise of lead which forced back the lever to the ground; then the grapple being suddenly disengaged, the ship, falling as it were from the wall, was, by these means, to the utter consternation of the mari- ners, dashed in such a manner against the water, that even if it fell back in an erect position it took in a great quan- tity of water. Thus the attack by sea was foiled, and their whole efforts were directed to an attack by land with all their forces. But 011 this side also the place wTas furnished with a similar array of engines of every kind, procured at the expense of Hiero, who had given his attention to this object through a course of many years, and constructed by the unrivalled abilities of Archimedes. The nature of the place also assisted them; for the rock which formed the foundation of the wall was for the most part so steep, that not only materials discharged from engines, but such as wrere rolled down by their own gravity, fell upon the en- emy with great force; the same cause rendered the ap- proach to the city difficult, and the footing unsteady. Wherefore, a council being held, it was resolved, since ev- ery attempt was frustrated, to abstain from assaulting the place, and, keeping up a blockade, only to cut off the pro- visions of the enemy by sea and land. 35. Meanwhile Marcellus, who had set out with about a third part of the army to recover the towns which, during the commotion, had gone over to the Carthaginians, re- gained Helorus and Herbessus by voluntary surrender. Megara, which he took by storm, he demolished and plun- dered, in order to terrify the rest, but particularly the Syracusans. Much about the same time, Himilco, w7ho had kept his fleet for a long time at the promontory of258 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 36. Pachynus, landed twenty-five thousand infantry, three thousand horse, and twelve elephants, at Heraclea, which they call Minoa. This force was much greater than that which he had before 011 board his fleet at Pachynus. But after Syracuse wTas seized by Hippocrates, he proceeded to Carthage, where, being aided by ambassadors from Hip- pocrates, and a letter from Hannibal, who said that, now was the time to recover Sicily with the highest honor, while'his own advice given in person had 110 small influ- ence, he had prevailed upon the Carthaginians to transport into Sicily as large a force as possible, both of foot and horse. Immediately on his arrival he retook Heraclea, and within a few days after Agrigentum ; and in the oth- er states which sided with the Carthaginians, such con- fident hopes were kindled of driving the Romans out of Sicily, that at last even those who were besieged at Syra- cuse took courage; and thinking that half their forces would be sufficient for the defense of the city, they divided tlve business of the war between-them in such a manner, that Epicydes superintended the defense of the city, wrhile Hippocrates, in conjunction with Himilco, prosecuted the war against the Roman consul. The latter having passed by night through the intervals between the posts, with ten thousand foot and five hundred horse, was pitching a camp near the city Acrillae, when Marcellus came upon them, while engaged in raising the fortifications, on his return from Agrigentum, which was already occupied by the en- emy, having failed in his attempt to get there before the enemy by expeditious marching. Marcellus calculated upon any thing rather than meeting with a Syracusan army * t that time and place; but still,through fear of Himilco and the Carthaginians, for whom he was by no means a match with the forces he had with him, he was marching with all possible circumspection, and with his troops so arranged as to be prepared for any thing which might occur. 36. It happened that the caution he had observed with intent to guard him against the Carthaginians proved use- ful against the Sicilians. Having caught them in disorder and dispersed, employed in forming their camp, and for the most part unarmed, he cut off all their infantry. Their cavalry, having commenced a slight engagement, fled toy.r. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 259 Acrse with Hippocrates. This battle having cheeked the Sicilians in their purpose of revolting from the Romans, Marcellus returned to Syracuse, and a few days after Hi- milco, being joined by Hippoci^ates, encamped on the river Anapus, about eight miles distant from that place. Near- ly about the same time, fifty-five ships of war of the Car- thaginians, with Bomilcar as commander of the fleet, put into the great harbor of Syracuse from the sea, and a Ro- man fleet of thirty quinqueremes landed the first legion at Panormus; and so intent were both the contending pow- ers upon Sicily, that the seat of war might seem to have been removed from Italy. Himilco, who thought that the Roman legion which had been landed at Panormus would doubtless fall a prey to him on its way to Syracuse, was mistaken in his road; for the Carthaginian marched through the inland parts of the country, while the legion, keeping along the coast, and attended by the fleet, came up with Appius Claudius, who had advanced to Pachynum with a part of his forces to meet it. Nor did the Cartha- ginians delay longer at Syracuse. Bomilcar, who, at the same time that he did not feel sufficient confidence in his naval strength, as the Romans had a fleet more than double his number, was aware that delay, which could be attended with no good effect, would only increase the scarcity of provisions among the allies by the presence of his troops^ sailed out into the deep, and crossed over into Africa* Himilco, who had in vain followed Marcellus to Syracuse^ to see if he could get any opportunity of engaging him be- fore he was joined by larger forces, failing in this object, and seeing that the enemy were secured at Syracuse, both by their fortifications and the strength of their forces, to **void wasting time in sitting by as an idle spectator of the siege of his allies, without being able to do any good, marched his troops away, in order to bring them up wherever the prospect of revolt from the Romans might invite him, and wherever by his presence he might inspire additional courage in those who espoused his interest. He first got possession of Murgantia, the Roman garrison having been betrayed by the inhabitants themselves. Here a great quantity of corn and provisions of every kind ksd been laid up by the Romans.260 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 37. 37. To this revolt the minds of other states also were stimulated; and the Roman garrisons were now either driven out of the citadels, or treacherously given up and overpowered. Enna, which stood on an eminence lofty and of difficult ascent on all sides, was impregnable on ac- count of its situation, and had besides in its citadel a strong garrison commanded by one who was very unlikely to be overreached by treachery, Lucius Pinarius, a man of vigorous mind, who relied more on the measures he took to prevent treachery than on the fidelity of the Sicilians; and at that time particularly the intelligence he had re- ceived of so many cities being betrayed, and revolting, and of the massacre of the garrisons, had made him solicitous to use every precaution. Accordingly, by day and night equally, every thing was kept in readiness, and every place furnished with guards and watches, the soldiery being con- tinually under arms and at their posts. But when the principal men in Enna, who had already entered into a covenant with Himilco to betray the garrison, found that they could get no opportunity of circumventing the Ro- man, they resolved to act openly. They urged that " the city and the citadel ought to be under their control, as they had formed an alliance with the Romans on the un- derstanding that they were to be free, and had not been delivered into their custody as slaves. That they, there- fore, thought it just that the keys of the gates should be restored to them. That their honor formed the strongest tie upon good allies, and that the people and Senate of Rome would entertain feelings of gratitude towards them if they continued in friendship with them of their own free will, and not by compulsion." The Roman replied, that " He was placed there by his general to protect the place; that from him he had received the keys of the gates and the custody of the citadel, trusts which he held not subject to his own will, nor that of the inhabitants of Enna, but to his who committed them to him. That among the Ro- mans, for a man to quit his post was a capital offense, and that parents had sanctioned that law by the death even of their own children. That the consul Marcellus was not far off; that they might send ambassadors to him, who possessed the right and liberty of deciding." But theyy.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 261 said, they would certainly not send to him, and solemnly declared that, as they could not obtain their object by ar- gument, they would seek some means of asserting their liberty. Pinarius upon this observed, " That if they thought it too much to send to the consul, still they would, at least, grant him an assembly of the people, that it might be ascertained whether these denunciations came from a few, or from the whole state." An assembly of the people was proclaimed for the next day, with the general consent. 38. After this conference, he returned into the citadel, and assembling his soldiers, thus addressed them: " Sol- diers, I suppose you have heard in what manner the Ro- man garrisons have been betrayed and cut off by the Sicil- ians of late. You have escaped the same treachery, first by the kindness of the gods, and secondly by your own good conduct, in unremittingly standing and watching un- der arms. I wish the rest of our time may be passed without suffering or committing dreadful things. This caution, which we have hitherto employed, has been directs ed against covert treachery; but not succeeding in this as they wished, they now publicly and openly demand back the keys of the gates; but as soon as we shall have de- livered them up, Enna will be instantly in the hands of the Carthaginians, and we shall be butchered under circum- stances more horrid than those with which the garrison of Murgantia were massacred. I have with difficulty pro- cured a delay of one night for deliberation, that I might employ it in acquainting you with the danger which threatens you. At day-break they intend holding a general assembly for the purpose of criminating me, and stirring up the people against you; to-morrow, therefore, Enna will be inundated either with your blood, or that of its own inhabitants. If they are beforehand with you, you will have no hope left; but if you anticipate their proceedings, you will have no danger. Victory will belong to that side which shall have drawn the sword first. You shall all, therefore, full armed, attentively wait the signal. I shall be in the assembly, and by talking and disputing will spin out the time till every thing shall be ready. When I shall have given the signal with my gown, then, mind me ! raising a shout on all sides, rush upon the multitude, and262 THE HISTOJBY OF KOME. [u. xxiv., chap. 39. fell all before you with the sword, taking care that do one survive from whom either force or fraud can be appre- hended. You, mother Ceres and Proserpine, I entreat, and all ye other gods, celestial and infernal, who frequent this city and these consecrated lakes and groves, that you would lend us your friendly and propitious aid, as we adopt this measure not for the purpose of inflicting, but averting injury. I should exhort you at greater length, ,my soldiers, if you were about to fight with armed men; men unarmed and off their guard, you will slay to satiety. The consul's camp too is near, so that nothing can be ap- prehended from Himilco and the Carthaginians." 39. Being allowed to retire immediately after this ex- hortation, they employed themselves in taking refreshment. The next day they stationed themselves some in one place and others in another, to block up the streets, and shut up the ways by which the townsmen might escape, the greater part of them stationing themselves upon and round the the- atre, as they had been accustomed before, also, to be spec- tators of the assemblies. When the Roman prefect, having been brought into the presence of the people by the magis- trates, said that the power and authority of deciding the question appertained to the consul, and not to him, repeat- ing for the most part what he had urged the day before; first of all a small number, and then more, desired him to give up the keys, but afterwards all with one consent demanded it; and when he hesitated and delayed, threatened him furious- ly, and seemed as though they would not further.delay vio- lent extremities; then the prefect gave the signal agreed upon with his gown, and the soldiers, who had been long anxiously waiting the signal, and in readiness, raising r shout, ran down, some of them from the higher ground, upon the rear of the assembly, while others blocked up the passages leading out of the crowded theatre. The peo- ple of Enna thus shut up in the pit were put to the sword, being heaped one upon another, not only in consequence of the slaughter, but also from their own efforts to escape; for some scrambling over the heads of others, and those that were unhurt falling upon the wounded, and the living upon the dead, they were accumulated together. Thence they ran in every direction throughout the city, when noth-i.K. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 263 ing'was anywhere to be seen but flight and bloodshed, as though the city had been captured; for the rage of the soldiery was not less excited in putting to the sword an unarmed rabble than it would have been had the heat of battle and an equality of danger stimulated it. Thus pos- session of Enna was retained by an act which was either atrocious or unavoidable. Marcellus did not disapprove of the deed, and gave up the plunder of the place to the soldiery; concluding that the Sicilians, deterred by this example, wrould refrain from betraying their garrisons. As this city was situated in the heart of Sicily, and was distinguished both on account of the remarkable strength of its natural situation, and because every part of it was rendered sacred by the traces it contained of the rape of Proserpine of old, the news of its disaster spread through the whole of Sicily in nearly one day; and as people consid- ered that by this horrid massacre violence had been done not only to the habitations of men, but even of the gods, then indeed those who even before this event were in doubt which side they should take, revolted to the Carthaginians. Hippocrates and Himilco, who had in vain brought up their troops to Enna at the invitation of the traitors, retired thence, the former to Murgantia, the latter to Agrigentum. Marcellus retrograded into the territory of Leontium, and, after collecting a quantity of corn and other provisions in his camp there, left a small body of troops to protect it, and then went to carry on the siege of Syracuse. Appius Claudius having been allowed to go from thence to Rome to put up for. the consulship, he appointed Titus Quintus Crispinus to command the fleet and the old camp in his room. He himself fortified his camp, and built huts for his troops at a distance of five miles from Hexapylum, at a place called Leon. These were the transactions in Sicily up to the beginning of the winter. 40. The same summer the war with King Philip, as had been before suspected, broke out. Ambassadors from Oricum came to Marcus Valerius, the praetor, who was di- recting his fleet around Brundusium and the neighboring coasts of Calabria, with intelligence that Philip had first made an attempt upon Apollonia, having approached it by sailing up the river with a hundred and twenty barks with264 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiy\, chap. 40. two banks of oars; after that, not succeeding so speedily as he had hoped, that he had brought up his array secret- ly to Oricum by night; which city, as it was situated on a plain, and was not secured either by fortifications or by men and arms, was overpowered at the first assault. At the same time that they delivered this intelligence, they entreated him to bring them succor, and repel that decided enemy of the Romans by land or by a naval force, since they were attacked for no other cause than that they lay over against Italy. Marcus Valerius, leaving Publius Va- lerius lieutenant-general charged with the protection of that quarter, set sail with his fleet equipped and prepared, having put on board of ships of burden such soldiers as there was not room for in the men-of-war, and reached Oricum on the second day; and as that city was occupied by a slight garrison, which Philip had left on his departure thence, he retook it without much opposition. Here am- bassadors came to him from Apollonia, stating that they were subjected to a siege because they were unwilling to revolt from the Romans, and that they would not be able any longer to resist the power of the Macedonians unless a Roman force were sent for their protection. Having undertaken to perform what they wished, he sent two thousand chosen armed men in ships of war to the mouth of the river, under the command of QuintusNsevius Crista, prefect of the allies, a man of enterprise, and experienced in military affairs. Having landed his troops, and sent back the ships to join the rest of the fleet at Oricum, whence he had come, he marched his troops at a distance from the river, by a way not guarded at all by the king's party, and entered the city by night, so that none of the enemy perceived him. During the following day they re- mained quiet, to afford time for the prefect to inspect the youth of Apollonia, together with the arms and resources of the city. Having derived considerable confidence from a review and inspection of these, and at the same time dis- covering from scouts the supineness and negligence which prevailed among the enemy, he marched out of the city during the dead of night without any noise, and entered the camp of the enemy, which was in such a neglected and exposed state, that it wras quite clear that a thousand meny.r. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 265 had passed the rampart before any one perceived them, and that, had they abstained from putting them to the sword, they might have penetrated to the royal pavilion. The killing of those who were nearest the gate aroused the enemy; and, in consequence, they were all seized with such alarm and dismay, that not only none of the rest attempted to take arms or endeavor to expel the enemy from the camp, but even the king himself, betaking himself to flight, in a manner half naked and just as he was when roused from his sleep, hurried away to the river and his ships in a garb scarcely decent for a private soldier, much less for a king. Thither also the rest of the multitude fled with the utmost precipitation. Little less than three thousand men were slain or made prisoners in the camp; consider- ably more, however, were captured than slain. The camp having been plundered, the Apollonians removed into their city the catapults, ballistas, and other engines which had been got together for the purpose of assaulting their city, for the protection of their walls, in case at any time a sim- ilar conjuncture should arise; all the rest of the plunder which the camp afforded was given up to the Romans. In- telligence of these events having been carried to Oricum, Marcus Valerius . immediately brought his fleet to the mouth of the river, that the king might not attempt to make his escape by ship. Thus Philip, having lost all hope of being able to cope with his enemies by land or sea, and having either hauled on shore or burnt his ships, made for Macedonia by land, his troops being for the most part unarmed and despoiled of their baggage. The Ro- man fleet, with Marcus Valerius, wintered at Oricum. 41. The same year the war was prosecuted in Spain with various success; for before the Romans crossed the Ibe- rus, Mago and Hasdrubal had routed an immense army of Spaniards; and the farther Spain would have revolted from the Romans, had notPublius Cornelius, hastily cross- ing the Iberus wTith his army, given a seasonable stimulus to the wavering resolutions of his allies by his arrival among them. The Romans first encamped at a place call- ed the High Camp, which is remarkable for the death of the great Hamilcar. It was a fortress strongly defended by works, and thither they had previously conveyed corn; Vol. II.-12266 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 42. but as the whole circumjacent country was full of enemy's troops, and the Roman army on its march had been charged by the cavalry of the enemy without being able to take revenge upon them, two thousand men, who either loitered behind or had strayed through the fields, having been slain, the Romans quitted this place to get nearer to a friendly country, and fortified a camp at the Mount of Victory. To this place came Cneius Scipio with all his forces; and Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, and a third Cartha- ginian general, with a complete army, all of whom took up a position opposite the Roman camp, and on the other side the river. Publius Scipio, going out with some light- troops to take a view of the surrounding country, was ob- served by the enemy; and he would have been overpower- ed in the open plain, had he not seized an eminence near him. Here, too, he was closely invested, but was rescued from the troops which environed him by the arrival of his brother. Castulo, a city of Spain, so strong and celebrated, and so closely connected with the Carthaginians, that Han- nibal had taken a wife from it, revolted to the Romans. The Carthaginians commenced the siege of Illiturgi, be- cause there was a Roman garrison in it; and it seemed that they would carry the place, chiefly in consequence of a lack of provisions. Cneius Scipio, setting out with a legion lightly equipped, in order to bring succor to his al- lies and the garrison, entered the city, passing between the two camps of the enemy, and slaying a great number of them. The next day, also, he sallied out and fought with equal success. Above twelve thousand were'slain in the two battles, more than a thousand made prisoners, and thirty-six military standards captured. In consequence of this they retired from Illiturgi. After this the siege of Bi- gerra, a city which was also in alliance with the Romans, was commenced by the Carthaginians; but Scipio coming up, raised the siege without experiencing any opposition. 42. The Carthaginians then removed their camp to Munda, whither the Romans speedily followed them. Here a pitched battle was fought, which lasted almost four hours; and while the Romans were carrying all before thelm in the most glorious manner, the signal for retreat was sounded, because the thigh of Cneius Scipio had beent.R. 538.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 267 transfixed with a javelin. The soldiers round about him were thrown into a state of great alarm, lest the wound should be mortal. However, there was no doubt but that if they had not been prevented by the intervention of this accident, they might have taken the Carthaginian camp that day. By this time, not only the men, but the ele- phants, were driven quite up to the rampart; and even upon the top of it nine-and-thirty elephants were pierced with spears. In this battle, too, as many as twelve thou- sand are said to have been slain, nearly three thousand captured, with fifty-seven military standards. The Car- thaginians retired thence to the city Auringis, whither the Romans followed them, in order to take advantage of their terror. Here Scipio again fought them, having been car- ried into the field in a small litter; the victory was deci- sive ; but not half so many of the enemy were slain as be- fore, because fewer survived to fight. But this family, which possessed a natural talent at renewing wrar and re- storing its effects, in a short time recruited their army, Mago having been sent by his brother to press soldiers, and assumed courage to try the issue of a fresh struggle. Though the soldiers were for the most part different, yet as they fought in a cause which had so often been unsuc- cessful within the space of a few days, they carried into the field the same state of mind as those which had been engaged before, and the issue of the battle was similar. More than eight thousand were slain, not much less than a thousand captured, with fifty-eight military standards. The greater- part of the spoils had belonged to the Gauls, consisting of golden chains and bracelets in great numbers. Also two distinguished Gallic petty princes, whose names were Moenicaptus and Civismarus, fell in this battle. Eight elephants were captured and three slain. When af- fairs went on so prosperously in Spain, the Romans began to feel ashamed that Sagunturn, on account of which the war had originated, should continue for now the eighth year in the power of the enemy. Accordingly, having expelled by force the Carthaginian garrison, they retook that town, and restored it to such of the ancient inhabitants as had survived the fury of the war. The Turditanians also, who had been the cause Qf the war between that people and the268 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 44. Carthaginians, they reduced under their power, sold them as slaves, and razed their city. 43. Such were the achievements in Spain during the consulate of Quintus Fabius and Marcus Claudius. At Rome, as soon as the new plebeian tribunes entered upon their office, Lucius Metellus, a plebeian tribune, immedi- ately appointed a day for impleading the censors, Publius Furius and Marcus Atilius, before the people. In the pre- ceding year, when he was quaestor, they had deprived him of his horse, removed him from his tribe, and disfran- chised him, on account of the conspiracy entered into at Cannae to abandon Italy. But being aided by the other nine tribunes, they were forbidden to answer while in of- fice, and were discharged. The death of Publius Furius prevented their completing the lustrum. Marcus Atilius abdicated his office. An assembly for the election of con- suls was held by Quintus Fabius Maximus. The consuls elected were Quintus Fabius Maximus, son of the consul, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus a second time, both being absent. The praetors appointed were Marcus Atili- us, and the two curule aediles, Publius Sempronius Tudita- nus and Cneius Fulvius Centumalus, together with Mar- cus JEmilius Lepidus. It is recorded that the scenic games were this year, for the first time, celebrated for four days by the curule aediles. The aedije Tuditanus was the man who made his way through the midst of the en- emy at Cannae when all the rest were paralyzed with fear in consequence of that dreadful calamity. As soon as the elections were completed, the consuls elect having been summoned to Rome at the instance of Quintus Fabius, the consul, entered upon their office, and took the sense of the Senate respecting the war, their own provinces as well as those of the praetors, and also respecting the armies to be employed, and which each of them was to command. 44. The provinces and armies were tlms distributed: the prosecution of the war with Hannibal was given to the consuls, and of the armies, one which Sempronius him- self had commanded, and another which the consul Fabius had commanded, each consisting of two legions. Marcus iEmilius, the praetor, who had the foreign jurisdiction, was to have Luceria as his province, with the two legionsy.R. 539.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 269 which Quintus Fabius, then consul, had commanded as praetor, his colleague, Marcus Atilius, the city praetor, un- dertaking the duties of his office. The province of Arim- inum fell to the lot of Publius Sempronius, that of Sues- sula to Cneius Fulvius, with two legions each likewise; Fulvius taking with him the city legions; Tuditanus re- ceiving his from Manius Pomponius. The following gen- erals were continued in command, and their provinces as- signed to them thus: to Marcus Claudius, so much of Sic- ily as lay within the limits of the kingdom of Hiero; to Lentulus, the propraetor, the old province in that island ; to Titus Otacilius, the fleet; no additional troops were as- signed to them. Marcus Valerius had Greece and Mace- donia, with the legion and the fleet which he had there; Quintus Mucius had Sardinia, with his old army, consist- ing of two legions; Caius Terentius, Picenum, with one legion which he then commanded. Besides, orders were given to enlist two legions for the city, and twenty thou- sand men from the allies. With these leaders and these forces did they fortify the Roman empire against the many wars which had either actually broken out, or were suspected at one and the same time. After enlisting the city legions and raising troops to make up the numbers of the others, the consuls, before they quitted the city, expi- ated the prodigies which were reported. A wall and a gate had been struck by lightning; and at Aricia even the Temple of Jupiter had been struck by lightning. Other illusions of the eyes and ears were credited as realities. An appearance as of ships had been seen in the river at Tarracina, when there were none there. A clashing of arms was heard in the Temple of Jupiter Vicilinus, in the territory of Compsa; and a river at Amiternum had flow- ed bloody. These prodigies having been expiated accord- ing to a decree of the pontiffs, the consuls set out, Sem- pronius for Lucania, Fabius for Apulia. The father of the latter came into the camp at Suessula, as his lieuten- ant-general ; and when the son advanced to meet him, the lictors, out of respect for his dignity, went on in silence. The old man rode past eleven of the fasces, when the con- sul ordered the lictor nearest to him to take care, and he called to him to dismount; then at length dismounting, he270 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 45. exclaimed, "I wished to try, my son, whether you were duly sensible that you are a consul." 45. To this camp came Dasius Altinius of Arpi private- ly and by night, attended by three slaves, with a promise that if he should receive a reward for it he would engage to betray Arpi to them. Fabius having laid the matter before a council, some were of opinion that "he ought to be scourged and put to death as a deserter, as a man of unstable mind, and a common enemy to both sides; who, after the defeat at Cannae, had gone over to Hannibal and drawn Arpi into revolt, as if it were right that a man's fidelity should vary according to the fluctuations of for- tune ; and who now, when the Roman cause, contrary to his hopes and wishes, was, as it were, rising up again, would seem to aggravate his baseness by recompensing those whom he had formerly betrayed, by fresh betrayal. That a mail whose custom it was to espouse one side, while his heart was on another, was unworthy of confi- dence as an ally, and contemptible as an enemy; that ho ought to be made a third example to deserters, in addi- tion to the betrayers of Falerii and Pyrrhus." On the other hand, Fabius, the father of the consul, observed that, "Forgetful of circumstances, men were apt to exercise a free judgment on every question in the heat of war, as in time of peace; for though in the present instance that which ought rather to form the object of their endeavors and to occupy their thoughts, is by what means it may be brought about that none of the allies may revolt from the Roman people, yet that they never think of; but, on the contrary, they urge that an example ought to be made of any who might repent and look back upon their former alliance. But if it is allowable to forsake the Romans, and not allowable to return to them, who can doubt but that in a short time the Romans, deserted by their allies, will see every state in Italy united in leagues with the Carthaginians. Not, however, that he was of opinion that any confidence was to be reposed in Altinius, but he would invent some middle course of proceeding. Treat- ing him neither as an enemy nor as a friend for the pres- ent, his wish was that he should be kept during the war in some city whose fidelity could be relied on, at a shorty.R. 539.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 271 distance from the camp, in a state of easy restraint; and that when the war was concluded, they should then delib- erate whether he more deserved to be punished for his former defection or pardoned for his present return." The opinion of Fabius was approved of. Altinius was bound in chains and given into custody, together with his companions, and a large quantity of gold which he brought with him was ordered to be kept for him. He was kept at Cales, where, during the day, he was uncon- fined, but attended by guards who locked him up at night. He was first missed and inquired for at his house at Arpi, but afterwards, when the report of his absence had spread through the city, a violent sensation was excited, as if they had lost their leader, and, from the apprehension of some attempt to alter the present state of things, messen- gers were immediately dispatched to Hannibal. With this the Carthaginian was far from being displeased, both because he had long regarded the man himself with sus- picion, as one of doubtful fidelity, and because he had now been lucky enough to get a pretext for possessing himself of the property of so wealthy a person. But that the world might suppose that he had yielded to resent- ment more than to avarice, he added cruelty to rapacity; for he summoned his wife and children to the camp, and after having made inquiry, first, respecting the flight of Altinius, and then, touching the quantity of gold and sil- ver which was left at his house, and informed himself on all these points, he burned them alive. 46. Fabius setting out from Suessula, first set about the siege of Arpi; and having pitched his camp about half a mile from it, he took a near view of the site and walls of the city, and resolved to attack it, in preference, in that quarter where it was most secured by works, and where the least care was taken in guarding it. After getting all things together which could be of use in besieging a city, he selected the most efficient, of the centurions out of the whole army, placing them under the command of tribunes of approved valor, and giving them six hundred soldiers, a number which was thought sufficient for the purpose. These he ordered to bring the scaling-ladders to the place which he had marked out, as soon as the signal of the272 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 47. fourth watch had sounded. In'this part there was a low and narrow gate, opening into a street which was little fre- quented, and which led through a deserted part of the city. He ordered them, after scaling the wall, to proceed to this gate, and break down the bars on the inside by force; and when they were in possession of that part of the city, to give a signal with a cornet, that the rest of the troops might be brought up, observing that he would have every thing prepared and ready. These orders were executed promptly, and that which seemed likely to impede their operations served more than any thing to concenl thorn. A .shower of rain, which came on suddenly at midnight, compelled the guards and watches to slip away from their posts and take shelter in the houses; and the noise of the shower, which was somewhat copious, at first prevented their hearing that which was made by the men in breaking open the gate. Afterwards, when it fell upon the ear more gently and uniformly, it lulled a great number of the men to sleep. After they had secured possession of the gate, they placed cornet-players in the street at equal dis- tances, and desired them to sound, in order to call the con- sul. This being done according to the plan previously agreed upon, the consul ordered the troops to march, and a little before daylight entered the city through the broken gate. 47. Then at length the enemy were roused, the shower was now subsiding, and daylight coming on. Hannibal had a garrison of about five thousand armed men in the city, and the inhabitants themselves had three thousand men in arms; these the Carthaginians placed in front against the enemy, to guard against any treachery on their rear. The fight wTas carried on at first in the dark, and in the narrow streets, the Romans having seized not only the streets, but the houses also nearest the gate, that they might not be struck or wounded by any thing dis- charged at them from above. Some of the Arpinians and Romans recognized each other, which led to conversa- tions, in which the Romans asked them what it was they meant? for what offense on the part of the Romans, or what service on that of the Carthaginians, they, who were Italians, made war in favor of foreigners and barbarians,t.R. 539.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 273 against their ancient allies the Romans, and endeavored to render Italy tributary and stipendiary to Africa? The Arpinians urged, in excuse of themselves, that in igno- rance of all the circumstances, they had been sold to the Carthaginians by their nobility, and that they were kept in a state of thralldom and oppression by the few. A be- ginning having been made, greater numbers on both sides entered into conversation; and at length the praetor of Arpi was brought by his countrymen before the consul, and, after exchanging assurances in the midst of the standards and the troops, the Arpinians suddenly turned their arms against the Carthaginians, in favor of the Ro- mans. Some Spaniards also, little less than a thousand in number, after only stipulating with the consul that the Carthaginian garrison might be allowed to march out un- hurt, passed over to the consul. The gates were, there- fore, thrown open for the Carthaginians; and being al- lowed to go out unmolested, in conformity with the stipu- lation, they joined Hannibal in Salapia. Thus was Arpi restored to the Romans, without the loss of a life, except that of one man, who, was formerly a traitor, and recently a deserter. The Spaniards were ordered to receive a double allowance of provisions, and on very many occa- sions the republic availed itself of their brave and faithful services. While one of the consuls was in Apulia, and the other in Lucania, a hundred and twelve Campanian noblemen, having gone out of Capua, with the permission of the magistrates, under pretense of collecting booty from the enemy's lands, came into the Roman camp, which lay above Suessula. They told the soldiers form- ing the van-guard that they wished to speak with the praetor. Cneius Fulvius commanded the camp, who, on being informed of the circumstance, ordered ten of them to be. brought into his presence unarmed ; and after hear- ing their request (and all they asked was that, when the Romans should recover Capua, their property might be restored to them), they were all received under his pro- tection. The other praetor, Sempronius Tuditanus, took by force the town of Aternum; more than seven thousand were captured, with a considerable quantity of coined brass and silver. A dreadful fire happened at Rome; 12*274 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 48. which continued for two nights and a day; every thing was burnt to the ground between the Salinas and the Car- mental gate, with the iEquimselium and the Jugarian street. In the temples of Fortune, Mater Matuta, and Hope, which latter stood without the gate, the fire, spreading to a wide extent, consumed much, both sacred and profane. 48. The same year, the two Cornelii, Publius and Cne- ius, as affairs were now in a prosperous state in Spain, and they had recovered many ancient allies, and attached fresh ones to them, extended their views even to Africa. Syphax was a king of the Numidians, who had suddenly become hostile to the Carthaginians; to him they sent three centurions as ambassadors, to form a treaty of friendship and alliance with him; and to promise that, if he persevered in pressing the war against the Carthagin- ians, he would render an acceptable service to the Senate and people of Rome, and they would endeavor to requite the favor with large additions, and at a seasonable time. This embassy was gratifying to the barbarian; and when, conversing with the ambassadors on the art of wTar, he heard the observations of those experienced soldiers, by •comparing, his. own practice with so regular a system of discipline, he became sensible of how many things he him- self was ignorant. Then he entreated them to give the first proof of their being good and faithful allies, "by let- ting two of them carry back the result of th^ir embassy to their generals, while one remained with him as his in- structor in military science, observing that the Numidian nation were unacquainted with the method of carrying on war with foot forces, being useful only as mounted sol- diers. That it was in this manner that their ancestors had carried on war even from the first origin of their na- tion, and to this they were habituated from their child- hood. But that they had to contend with an enemy who relied upon the prowess of their infantry; with whom, if they wished to be placed upon an equality in respect of efficient strength, they must also furnish themselves with infantry. That his dominions abounded with a large quantity of men fit for the purpose, but that he was unac- quainted with the art of arming, equipping, and marshal-r.R. 539.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 275 ling them; that all his infantry were unwieldy and unman- ageable, like a rabble collected together by chance." The ambassadors answered, that they would comply with his request for the present, on his engaging to send him back immediately if their generals did not approve of what they had done. The name of the person who staid be- hind with the king was Quintus Statorius. With the two other Romans, the Numidian sent ambassadors into Spain, to receive the ratification of the alliance from the Roman generals. He gave it in charge to the same persons, forthwith to induce the Numidians who were serving as auxiliaries among the Carthaginian troops to go over to the other side. Statorius raised a body of infantry for the king out of the large number of young men which he found; and having formed them into companies, in close imitation of the Roman method, taught them to follow their standards and keep their ranks when being marshal- led, and when performing their evolutions; and he so ha- bituated them to military works and other military du- ties, that in a short time the king relied not more on his eavalry than on his infantry; and in a regular and pitched battle, fought on a level plain, he overcame his enemies, the Carthaginians. In Spain, also, the arrival of the king's ambassadors was of the greatest advantage to the Ro- mans, for at the news thereof the Numidians began rap- idly to pass over. Thus the Romans and Syphax were united in friendship, which the Carthaginians hearing of, immediately sent ambassadors to Gala, who reigned in another part of Numidia, over a nation called Massylians. 49. Gala had a son named Masinissa, seventeen years of age, but a youth of such talents, that even at that time it was evident that he would render the kingdom more extensive and powerful than when he received it. The ambassadors represented that, " since Syphax had united himself with the Romans, that by their alliance he might strengthen his hands against the kings and nations of Africa, it would be better for Gala also to unite with the Carthaginians as soon as possible, before Syphax crossed over into Spain, or the Romans into Africa; that Syphax might be over- powered, while as yet he derived nothing from his league with the Romans but the name of it." Gala, his son27 G THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxiv., chap. 49. claiming to be intrusted with the conduct of the war, was easily prevailed upon to send an array, which, joined by the legions of the Carthaginians, totally defeated Syphax in a great battle. In this thirty thousand men are said to have been slain. Syphax, with a few horsemen, fled from the field and took refuge among the Maurusian Numidians, a nation dwelling at the extremity of Africa, near the ocean, and over against Gades. But the barbarians flocking to his standard from all sides, in consequence of his great re- nown, he speedily armed a very large force. Before he passed over with these forces into Spain, which was sepa- rated only by a narrow strait, Masinissa came up with his victorious army; and here he acquired great glory in the prosecution of the war with Syphax, in which he acted alone and unsupported by any aid from the Carthaginians. In Spain nothing worth mentioning was performed, ex- cept that the Romans drew over to their side the Celti- berian youth, by giving them the same pay which they had stipulated with the Carthaginians to pay them. They also sent above three hundred Spaniards of the greatest distinction into Italy, to bring over their countrymen, who served among the auxiliary troops of Hannibal. The only memorable circumstance of this year in Spain was, that the Romans then, for the first time, employed mercenary troops in their camp, namely, the Celtiberians.r.K.539.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 277 BOOK XXV. Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards called Africanus, elected aedile be- fore he had attained the age required by the law. The citadel of Ta- rentum, in which the Roman garrison had taken refuge, betrayed to Hannibal. Games instituted in honor of Apollo, called Apollinarian. Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls, defeat Hanno the Car- thaginian general. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus betrayed by a Lu- canian to Mago, and slain. Centenius Penula, who had been a cen- turion, asks the Senate for the command of an army, promising to en- gage and vanquish Hannibal; is cut off with eight thousand men. Cneius Fulvius engages Hannibal; and is beaten, with the loss of six- teen thousand men slain; he himself escapes with only two hundred horsemen. Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls, lay siege to Capua. Syracuse taken by Claudius Marcellus after a siege of three years. In the tumult occasioned by taking the city, Archimedes is killed while intently occupied on some figures which he had drawn in the sand. Publius and Cornelius Scipio, after having performed many eminent services in Spain, are slain, together with nearly the whole of their armies, eight years after their arrival in that country; and the possession of that province would have been entirely lost, but for the valor and activity of Lucius Marcus, a Roman knight, who, collecting the scattered remains of the vanquished armies, utterly de- feats the enemy; storming their two camps, killing thirty-seven thou- sand of them, and taking eighteen hundred together with an immense booty. 1. Hannibal passed the summer during which these events occurred in Africa and Italy, in the Tarentine terri- tory, with the hope of having the city of the Tarentines betrayed to him. Meanwhile, some inconsiderable towns belonging to them and to the Sallentines revolted to him. At the same time, of the twelve states of the Bruttians, which had in a former year gone over to the Carthagin- ians, the Consentians and Thurians returned to the protec- tion of the Roman people. And more would have done the same, had not Titus Pomponius Veientanus, prefect of the allies, having acquired the appearance of a regular gen- eral, in consequence of several successful predatory expe- ditions in the Bruttian territory, got together a tumultuary278 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv. , chap. 1. band, and fought a battle with Hanno. In that battle, a great number of men, consisting, however, of a disorderly rabble of slaves and rustics, were slain or captured. The least part of the loss was that the prefect himself was taken prisoner; for he was not only, in the present in- stance, guilty of having rashly engaged the enemy, but previously, in the capacity of farmer of the revenue, by in- iquitous practices of every description, had shown himself faithless and injurious to the state, as well as the compa- nies. Among the Lucanians, the consul Sempronius fought several small battles, but none worthy of being recorded; he also took several inconsiderable towns. In proportion as the war was protracted, and the sentiments no less than the circumstances of men fluctuated accordingly as events flowed prosperously or otherwise, the citizens were seized with such a passion for superstitious observances, and those for the most part introduced from foreign countries, that either the people or the gods appeared to have under- gone a sudden change. And now the Roman rites wrere growing into disuse, not only in private, and within doors, but in public also ; in the Forum and Capitol there were crowds of women sacrificing, and offering up prayers to the gods, in modes unusual in that country. A low order of sacrificers and soothsayers had enslaved men's under- standings, and the numbers of these were increased by the country people, whom want and terror had driven into the city from the fields, which had lain uncultivated during a protracted war, and had suffered from the incursions of the enemy, and by the profitable trading in the ignorance of others, which they carried on like an allowed and custom- ary trade. At first, good men gave utterance in private to the indignation they felt at these proceedings; but after- wards the thing came before the fathers, and formed a matter of public complaint. The sediles and triumviri, ap- pointed for the execution of criminals, were severely repri- manded by the Senate for not preventing these irregulari- ties; but when they attempted to remove the crowd of persons thus employed from the Forum, and to overthrow their preparations for their sacred rites, they narrowly es- caped personal injury. It being now evident that the evil was too powerful to be checked by inferior magistrates,y.r. 539.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 279 » the Senate commissioned Marcus Atilius, the city praetor, to rid the people of these superstitions. He called an as- sembly, in which he read the decree of the Senate, and gave notice that all persons who had any books of divination, or forms of prayer, or any written system of sacrificing, should lay all the aforesaid books and writings before him before the calends of April; and that no person should sacrifice in any public or consecrated place according to new or foreign rites. 2. Several of the public priests, too, died this year; Lu- cius Cornelius Lentulus, chief pontiff, Caius Papirius Maso, son of Caius, a pontiff; Publius Furius Philo, an augur; and Caius Papirius Maso, son of Lucius, a decemvir for the superintendence of sacred rites. In lieu of Lentulus, Mar- cus Cornelias Cethegus"; in lieu of Papirius Cnaeius, Ser- vilius Caepio, were created pontiffs. Lucius Quinctius Flaminius was created augur, and Lucius Cornelius Lentu- lus decemvir for the superintendence of sacred rites. The time for the election of consuls was now approaching; but as it was not thought proper to call the consuls away from the war with which they were intently occupied, Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, nominated Caius Claudius Centho as dictator to hold the election. He appointed Quititus Fulvius Flaccus as his master of the horse. On the first day on which the election could be held, the dictator ap^ pointed as consuls, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, his master of the horse, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who had held the government of Sicily, as praetor. The praetors created were Cneius Fulvius Flaccus, Caius Claudius Nero, Mar* cris Junius Silanus, Publius Cornelius Sulla. The election completed, the dictator retired from his office. This year> t'ublius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards surnamed AfricanuSj held the office of eurule aedile, with Marcus Cornelius Cethegus; and when the tribunes of the people opposed his pretensions to the aedileship, alleging that no notice ought to be taken of him, because he had not attained the legal age for candidateship, he observed,"If the citizens in general are desirous of appointing me aedile, I am old enough." Upon this the people ran to their respective tribes to give their votes, with feelings so strongly disposed in his favor, that the tribunes on a sudden abandoned their280 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 3. attempt. The largesses bestowed by the aediles were the following: the Roman games were sumptuously exhibited, considering the present state of their resources; they were repeated during one day, and a gallon of oil was given to each street. Lucius Villius Tapulus, and Marcus Funda- nius Fundulus, the plebeian aediles, accused some matrons of misconduct before the people, and some of them they convicted and sent into exile. The plebeian games were repeated during two days, and a feast in honor of Jupiter was celebrated on occasion of the games. 3. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, for the third time, and Ap- pius Claudius entered upon the office of consuls. The praetors determined their provinces by lot. Publius Cor- nelius Sulla received both the city and the foreign juris- diction, formerly allotted to two persons; Cneius Fulvius Flaccus, Apulia, Caius Claudius Nero, Suessula, and Mar- cus Junius Silanus, Tuscany. To the consuls the conduct of the. war with Hannibal was decreed with two legions each; one taking the troops of Quintus Fabius, the consul of the former year, the other those of Fulvius Centumalus. Of the praetors, Fulvius Flaccus was to have the legions which were in Luceria under iEmilius the praetor, Nero Claudius those in Picenum under Caius Terentius; each raising recruits for himself to fill up the number of his troops. To Marcus Junius the city legions of the former year were assigned, to be employed against the Tuscans. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus were continued in command in their provinces of Lucania and Gaul with the armies they had, as was also Publius Lentulus in that part of Sicily which formed the ancient Roman province. Marcus Marcellus had Syracuse, and that which was the kingdom of Hiero. Titus Otacil- ius was continued in the command of the fleet, Marcus Va- lerius in that of Greece, Quintus Mucius Scaevola in that of Sardinia. The Cornelii, Publius, and Cneius, were con- tinued in the command of Spain. In addition to the ar- mies; already existing, two legions for the service of the city were levied by the consuls, and a total of twenty-three legions was made up this year. The levy of the consuls was impeded by the conduct of Marcus Posthumius Pyr- gensis, almost accompanied with a serious disturbance.y.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 281 Posthumius was a farmer of the revenue, who for knavery and rapacity, practised through a course of many years, had no equal except Titus Pomponius Veientanus, who had been taken prisoner the former year by the Cartha- ginians under the conduct of Hanno, while carelessly rav- aging the lands in Lucania. As the state had taken upon itself the risk of any loss which might arise from storms to the commodities conveyed to the armies, not only had these two men fabricated false accounts of shipwrecks, but even those which had really occurred were occasioned by their own knavery, and not by accident. Their plan was to put a few goods of little value into old and shattered vessels, which they sunk in the deep, taking up the sailors in boats prepared for the purpose, and then returning falsely the cargo as many times more valuable than it was. This fraudulent practice had been pointed out to Mar- cus Atilius, the praetor in a former year, who had com- municated it to the Senate ; no decree, however, had been passed censuring it, because the fathers were unwilling that any offense should be given to the order of revenue farm- ers while affairs were in such a state. The people were severer avengers of the fraud; and at length two tribunes of the people, Spurius and Lucius Carvilius, being moved to take some active measure, as they saw that this conduct excited universal disgust and had become notorious, pro- posed that a fine of two hundred thousand asses should be imposed on Marcus Posthumius. When the day arrived for arguing the question, the people assembled in such numbers, that the area of the Capitol could scarcely con- tain them; and the cause having been gone through, the only hope of safety which presented itself was, that Caius Servilius Casca, a tribune of the people, a connection and relation of Posthumius, should interpose his protest before the tribes were called to give their votes. The witnesses having been produced, the tribunes caused the people to withdraw, and the urn was brought, in order that the tribes should draw lots which should give the vote first. Meanwhile the farmers of the revenue urged Casca to stop the proceedings for that day. The people, however, loud- ly opposed it; and Casca happened to be sitting on the most prominent part of the rostrum, whose mind fear and282 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 4. shame were jointly agitating. Seeing that no dependence was to be placed in him for protection, the farmers of the revenue, forming themselves into a wedge, rushed into the void space occasioned by the removal of the people for the purpose of causing disturbance, wrangling at the same time with the people and the tribunes. The affair had now almost proceeded to violence, when Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, addressing the tribunes, said,6i Do you not see that you are degraded to the common rank, and that an insur- rection will be the result, unless you speedily dismiss the assembly of the commons." 4. The commons being dismissed, the Senate was as- sembled, when the consuls proposed the consideration of the interruption experienced by the assembly of the com- mons, in consequence of the violence and audacity of the farmers of the revenue. They said that " Marcus Furius Camillus, whose banishment was followed by the downfall of the city, had suffered himself to be condemned by his exasperated countrymen. That before him the decemviri, according to whose laws they lived up to the present day, and afterwards many men of the first rank in the state, had submitted to have sentence passed upon them by the people. But Posthumius Pyrgensis had wrested from the Roman people their right of suffrage, had dissolved the assembly of the commons, had set at naught the authority of the tribunes, had drawn up a body of men in battle-ar- ray against the Roman people; and seized upon a post, in order to cut off the tribunes from the commons, and pre- vent the tribes being called to give their votes. That the only thing which had restrained the people from blood- shed and violence was the forbearance of the magistrates in giving way for the moment to the fury and audacity of a few individuals, and suffering themselves and the Ro- man people to be overcome; and that no opportunity might be afforded those who were seeking an occasion of violence, in dissolving, agreeably to the wish of the de- fendant himself, that assembly which he was about to in- terrupt by force of arms." Observations of this kind having been urged with a warmth proportioned to the atrocity of the conduct which called them forth, by all the most respectable persons, and the Senate having passed ay.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 283 decree to the effect that the violence offered was prejudi- cial to the state, and a precedent of pernicious tendency, immediately the Carvilii, tribunes of the people, giving up the action for a fine, appointed a day On which Posthumi- us should be tried capitally, and ordered that, unless he gave bail, he should be apprehended by the beadle, and carried to prison. Posthumius gave bail, but did not ap- pear. The tribunes then proposed to the commons, and the commons resolved, that if Marcus Posthumius did not appear before the calends of May, and if, on being cited on that day, he did not answer, and sufficient cause w^ere not shown why he did not, he would be adjudged an exile, his goods would be sold, and himself interdicted from wa- ter and fire. They then proceeded to indict capitally, and demand bail of each of the persons who had been the pro- moters of the disorder and riot. At first they threw into prison those who did not give bail, and afterwards even such as could; upon which the greater part of them went into exile, to avoid the danger to which this proceeding exposed them. 5. The knavery of the revenue farmers, and their subse- quent audacious conduct to screen themselves from its ef- fects, thus terminated. An assembly was then held for the creation of a chief pontiff. The new pontiff, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, presided. The election was contest- ed with the greatest obstinacy by three candidates, Quin- tus Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, who had been twice con- sul before and censor ; Titus Manlius Torquatus, who had himself also been distinguished by two consulships and the censorship; and Publius Licinius Crassus, who was *\bout to stand for the office of curule sedile. In this con- test, the last-mentioned candidate, though a young man, beat the others, who were his superiors in years, and had filled offices of honor. Before him there had not been a man for a hundred and twenty years, except Publius Cor- nelius Calussa, who had been created chief pontiff without having sat in the curule chair. Though the consuls found great difficulty in completing the levy—for in consequence of the scarcity of young men, it was not easy to procure enough for the two purposes of forming the new city le- gions and recruiting the old ones-—the Senate forbade284 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 6. them to desist from the attempt, and ordered two trium- virates to be appointed, one of which within, the other without the fiftieth mile from the city, might ascertain the utmost number of free-born men which were to be found in the villages, and market-towns, and hamlets, and enlist whom they thought strong enough to bear arms, though they had not attained the military age. That the tribunes of the people, if they thought proper, should pro- pose to the people that such as should take the military oath, being under seventeen years, should be allowed to reckon their period of service in the same manner as if they had enlisted at seventeen or older. The two trium- virates, created agreeably to this decree of the Senate, en- listed free-born men throughout the country. At the same time a letter from Marcellus from Sicily, respecting the petition of the troops who served with Publius Lentu- lus, was read in the Senate. These troops were the relics of the disaster at Cannae, and had been sent out of the way into Sicily, as has been mentioned before, on an un- derstanding that they should not be brought home before the conclusion of the Carthaginian war. 6. With the permission of Lentulus, these men sent the most distinguished of the cavalry and centurions, and a select body of the legionary infantry, as ambassadors to Marcellus, to his winter-quarters. Having obtained leave to speak, one of them thus addressed him: "We should have approached you,. Marcus Marcellus, when consul in Italy, as soon as that decree of the Senate was passed re- specting us, which, though not unjust, was certainly se- vere, had we not hoped that, being sent into a province which was in a state of disorder in consequence of the death of its kings, to carry on an arduous war against the Sicilians and Carthaginians together, we should make atonement to the state by our blood and wounds, in the same manner as, within the memory of our fathers, those who were taken prisoners by Pyrrhus at Heraclea made atonement by fighting against the same Pyrrhus. And yet, for what fault of ours, conscript fathers, did you then, or do you now, feel displeasure towards us ? for when I look upon you, Marcus Marcellus, I seem to behold both the consuls and the whole body of the Senate; and hady.r. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 285 you been our consul at Cannae, a better fate would have attended the state as well as ourselves. Permit me, I en- treat you, before I complain of the hardship of our situa- tion, to clear ourselves of the guilt with which we are charged. If it was neither by the anger of the gods nor by fate, according to whose laws the course of human af- fairs is unalterably fixed, but by misconduct that we were undone at Cannae; but whose was that misconduct, the soldiers', or that of their generals ? For my own part, I, as a soldier, will never say a word of my commander, par- ticularly when I know that he received the thanks of the Senate for not having despaired of the state; and who has been continued in command through every year since his flight from Cannae. We have heard that others also who survived that disaster, who were military tribunes, solicit and fill offices of honor, and have the command of provinces. Do you then, conscript fathers, pardon your^ selves and your children, while you exercise severity to- wards such insignificant persons as we are? It was no disgrace to a consul and other leading persons in the state to fly when no other hope remained; and did you send your soldiers into the field as persons who must of neces- sity die there? At the Allia nearly the whole army fled ; at the Caudine Forks the troops delivered up their arms to the enemy, without even making an effort; not to men- tion other disgraceful defeats of our armies. Yet, so far front any mark of infamy being sought for, which might be fixed upon these troops, the city of Rome was recover- ed by means of those very troops who had fled to Yeii from the Allia; and the Caudine legions, which had re- turned to Rome without their arms, being sent back arm- ed to Samnium, brought under the yoke that very enemy who had exulted in the disgrace which, in this instance, attached to them. But is there a man who can bring a charge of cowardice or running away against the army which fought at Cannae, where more than fifty thousand men fell; from whence the consul fled with only seventy horsemen; where not a man survived, except perchance those whom the enemy left, being wearied with killing? When the proposal to ransom the prisoners was nega- tived, we were the objects of general commendation, be-266 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 6. cause we reserved ourselves for the service of the state; because we returned to the consul to Venusia, and exhib- ited an appearance of a regular army. Now we are in a worse condition than those who were taken prisoners in the time of our fathers; for they only had their arms, the nature of their service, and the place where they might pitch their tents in the camp altered; all which, however, they got restored by one service rendered to the state, ancl by one successful battle, Not one of them was sent away into banishment; not one was deprived of the hope of completing the period of his service; in short, an enemy was assigned to them, fighting with whom they might at once terminate their life or their disgrace. We, to whom nothing can be objected, except that it is owing to us that any Roman soldier has survived the battle of Cannse, are removed far away, not only from our country and Italy, but even from an enemy; where we may grow old in ex- ile, where we can have no hope or opportunity of oblitera- ting our disgrace, of appeasing the indignation of our countrymen, or, in short, of obtaining an honorable death. We seek neither to have our ignominy terminated nor our virtue rewarded, we only ask to be allowed to make trial of our courage, and to exercise our virtue. We seek for labor and danger that Ave may discharge the duty of men and soldiers. A war is carrying on in Sicily, now for the second year, with the utmost vigor on both sides. The Carthaginians are storming some cities, the Romans others; armies of infantry and horse are engaging in bat- tle ; at Syracuse the war is prosecuted by sea and by land. We hear distinctly the shout of the combatants and the din of arms, while we ourselves lie inactive and unemploy- ed, as if we had neither hands nor arms. The consul Sempronius has now fought many pitched battles with the enemy with legions of slaves. They receive, as the fruits of their exertion, their liberty, and the rights of cit- izens. Let us at least be employed by you as slaves pur- chased for the service of this war; let us be allowed to combat with the enemy and acquire our freedom by fight- ing. Do you wish to make trial of our valor by sea, by land, in a pitched battle, or in the assault of towns? We ask as our portion all those enterprises which present they.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 287 greatest difficulty and danger, that what ought to have been done at Cannae may be done as soon as possible ; for the whole of our subsequent lives has been doomed to ig- nominy." 7. At the conclusion of this speech they prostrated themselves at the knees of Marcellus. Marcellus replied, that the question was neither within his authority nor his power; that he would, however, write to the Senate, and be guided in every thing he did by the judgment of the fathers. This letter was brought to the new consuls, and by them read in the Senate; and, on the question being put relative to this letter, they decreed," That the Senate saw no reason why the interests of the republic should be intrusted to the hands of soldiers who had deserted their comrades in battle at Cannse. If Marcus Marcellus, the proconsul, thought otherwise, that he should act as he deemed consistent with the good of the republic and his own honor; with this proviso, however, that none of these men should be exempt from service, nor be presented with any military reward in consideration of valor, nor be con- veyed back to Italy while the enemy was in that country.'' After this, agreeably to the decree of the Senate and the order of the people, an election was held by the city prre- tor, at which five commissioners were created for the pur- pose of repairing the walls arid turrets, and two sets of triumviri; one to search for the property belonging to the temples, and to register the offerings; the other for re- pairing the temples of Fortune and Mother Matuta with- in the Carmental gate, and also that of Hope without the gate, which had been destroyed by fire the year before. Dreadful storms occurred at this time. It rained stones for two days without intermission in the Alban mount. Many places were struck by lightning; two buildings in the Capitol, the rampart in the camp above Suessula in many places, and two of the men on guard were killed. A wall and certain towers at Cumae were not only struck with lightning, but demolished. At Re ate, a vast rock was seen to fly about; the sun appeared unusually red and blood-like. On account of these prodigies there was a supplication for one day, and the consuls employed them- selves for several days in sacred rites; at the same time.288 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 8. there was a sacred rite performed through nine days. An accidental circumstance which occurred at a distance hast- ened the revolt of Tarentum, which had now for a long time been the object of the hopes of Hannibal and of the suspicion of the Romans. Phileas, a native of Tarentum, who had been a long time at Rome under the pretense of an embassy, being a man of a restless mind, and ill brook- ing that inactive state in which he considered that his powers had been for too long a time sinking into imbecil- ity, discovered for himself a means of access to the Taren- tine hostages. They were kept in the court of the Temple of Liberty, and guarded with less care, because it was neither the interest of themselves nor of their state to es- cape from the Romans. By corrupting two of the keep- ers of the temple, he was enabled to hold frequent con- ferences with them, at which he solicited them to come into this design; and having brought them out of their place of confinement as soon as it was dark, he became the companion of their clandestine flight, and got clear away. As soon as day dawned, the news of their escape spread through the city, and a party sent in pursuit, having seized them all at Tarracina, brought them back. They were led into the Comitium, and, after being scourged with rods, with the approbation of the people, were thrown down from the rock. 8. The severity of this punishment exasperated the in- habitants of two of the most distinguished Greek states in Italy, not only publicly as communities, but privately as in- dividuals, according as each was connected, either by rela- tionship or friendship, with those who had been so dis- gracefully put to death. Of these about thirteen noble Tarentine youths formed a conspiracy, the chief of whom were Nico and Philemenus. Concluding that it would be right to confer with Hannibal before they took any step, they went to him, having been allowed to go out of the city by night on pretense of hunting. When they were now not far from the camp, all the rest hid themselves in a wood by the roadside; but Nico and Philemenus, proceed- ing to the advanced guard, were seized, and at their own request brought before Hannibal. Having laid before him the motives of their plan, and the object they had in view,y.r. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 289 they received the highest commendation, and were loaded with promises; and, that their countrymen might believe that they had gone out of the city to obtain plunder, they were desired to drive to the city some cattle of the Car- thaginians which had been sent out to graze. A promise was given them that they might do this without danger or interruption. The booty of the young men attracted no- tice, and less astonishment was therefore felt that they should frequently repeat the attempt. At a second meet- ing with Hannibal, they entered into a solemn engagement that the Tarentines should be free, enjoying their own laws, and all their rights uninterfered with; that they should neither pay any tribute to the Carthaginians, nor receive a garrison against their will; that their present garrison should be delivered up to the Carthaginians. These points being agreed upon, PhUemenus then began to repeat more frequently his customary practice of going out and returning to the city followed by his dogs, and furnished with the other requisites for hunting; for he was remarkable for his fondness of hunting; and general- ly bringing home something which he had captured or taken away from the enemy, who had purposely placed it in his way, he presented it to the commander or the guards of the gates. They supposed that he preferred going and returning by night through, fear of the enemy. After this practice had become so familiar that at whatever time of the night he gave a signal, by whistling, the gate was opened, Hannibal thought that it was now time to put the plan in execution. He was at the distance of three days' journey, and, to diminish the wonder which would be felt *>t his keeping his camp fixed in one and the same place so long, he feigned himself ill. Even to the Romans who formed the garrison of Tarentum his protracted inactivity had ceased to be an object of suspicion. 9. But after he determined to proceed to Tarentum, se- lecting from his infantry and cavalry ten thousand men, whom, from activity of body and lightness of arms, he judged best adapted for the expedition, he began his march in the fourth watch of the night ; arid sending in advance about eighty Numidian horsemen, ordered them to scour the country on each side pf the road, and narrow- Vol. II.—13290 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 9. ly examine every place, lest any of the rustics who might have observed his army at a distance should escape; to bring back those who were got before, and kill those whom they met, that they might appear to the neighboring in- habitants to be a plundering party, rather than a regular army. Hannibal himself, marching at a rapid pace, pitch- ed his camp about fifteen miles from Tarentum; and, with- out telling his soldiers even there what was their destina- tion, he only called them together and admonished them to march all of them in the road, and not to suffer any one to turn aside or deviate from the line; and above all, that they would be on the watch, so as to catch the word of command, and not do any thing without the order of their leaders ; that in due time he would issue his commands as to what he wished to be done. About the same hour a rumor reached Tarentum that a few Numidian horsemen were devastating the fields, and had terrified the rustics through a wide extent of country; at which intelligence the Roman prefect took no farther step than to order a division of his cavalry to go out the following day at sun- rise to check ttie depredations of the enemy; and so far was he from directing his attention to any thing else on this account, that, on the contrary,"this excursion of the ISTumidians was a proof to him that Hannibal and his army had not moved from his camp. Early in the night Han- nibal put his troops in motion, and Philemenus, with his customary burden of prey taken in hunting, was his guide. The rest of the conspirators waited the accomplishment of what had been concerted; and the agreement was, that Philemenus, while bringing in his prey through the small gate by which he was accustomed to pass, should introduce some armed men, while Hannibal in another quarter ap- proached the gate called Temenis, which faced the east, in that quarter which was towards the continent, near the tombs which were within the walls. When he drew near to the gate, Hannibal raised a fire according to agree- ment, which made a blaze; the same signal was returned by Nico, and the fires were extinguished on both sides. Hannibal led his troops on in silence to the gate. Nico suddenly fell upon the guards while asleep, slew them in their beds, and opened the gate. Hannibal then enteredy.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 291 with his infantry, ordering his cavalry to stay behind, that they might be able to bring their assistance wher- ever it was required without obstruction. Philemenus also, in another quarter approached the small gate by which he was accustomed to pass and repass. His voice, which was well known, for he said he could scarcely bear the weight of the huge beast he had gotten, and his signal, which had now become familiar, having roused the guard, the small gate was opened. Two youths carrying in a boar, Philemenus himself followed, with a huntsman, unen- cumbered, and while the attention of the guard was incau- tiously turned upon those who carried the boar, in conse- quence of its astonishing size, he transfixed him with a hunting spear. About thirty armed men then entering slew the rest of the guards, and broke open the adjoining gate, when a body of troops, in regular array, instantly rushed in. Being conducted thence in silence to the Forum, they joined Hannibal. The Carthaginian then sent the Tarentines, with two thousand Gauls formed into three divisions, in different directions through the city, with or- ders to occupy the most frequented streets. A confusion arising, the Romans were put to the sword on all hands. The townsmen were spared; but, in order to insure this, he instructed the Taren tine youths, when they saw any of their friends at a distance, to bid them be quiet and silent, and be of good courage. 10. The tumult and clamor was now such as usually takes place in a captured city, but no man knew for cer. tain, what was the occasion. The Tarentines supposed that the Romans had suddenly risen to plunder the; city. To the Romans it appeared that some commotion had been set on foot by the townsmen with a treacherous de- sign. The prefect, who was awakened at the first alarm, escaped to the port, whence getting into a boat he was conveyed round to the citadel. The sound of a trumpet also from the theatre excited alarm; for it was a Roman trumpet, prepared by the conspirators for this very pur- pose; and as it was blown unskillfully by a Grecian, it could not be ascertained who gave the signal, or to whom it was given. At dawn of the day, the Romans recog- nized the Carthaginian and Gallic arms, which removed292 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 11. all doubt; and the Greeks, seeing the bodies of slain Ro- mans spread about in all directions, perceived that the city had been taken by Hannibal; When the light had increased, so that they could discriminate with greater certainty, and the Romans who survived the carnage had taken refuge in the citadel, the tumult now beginning to subside a little, Hannibal gave orders to assemble the Ta- rentines without their arms. All of them attended the assembly, except those who had accompanied the Romans in their retreat to the citadel, to share every fortune with them. Here Hannibal having addressed the Tarentines in terms of kindness, and appealed to the services he had rendered to those of their countrymen whom he had cap- tured at the Trasimenus and at Cannae, and having at the same time inveighed against the haughty domination of the Romans, desired that they would every one of them retire to their respective houses, and inscribe their names upon their doors; declaring that he should give orders that those houses which had not the names written upon them should be plundered. That if any man should write his name upon the house of a Roman (and the Romans occupied houses by themselves), he should treat him as an enemy. Having dismissed the assembly, and the names inscribed upon the doors having made it easy to distin- guish the house of an enemy from that of a friend, on a signal given, the troops ran in every direction to plunder the lodgings of the Romans, and a considerable booty was found. 11. The next day he led his troops to assault the cita- del; but seeing that it was protected by very high rocks towards the sea, which washed the greater part of it, and formed it into a sort of peninsula, and towards the city by a wall and ditch, and consequently that it could not be taken by assault or by works, lest the design to protect the Tarentines should detain him from the prosecution of more important objects, and lest the Romans should have the power of sallying from the citadel whenever they pleased against the Tarentines, if left without a strong protecting force, he resolved to cut off the communication between the citadel and city by a rampart; not without a hope that he might have an opportunity of fighting withX.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 293 the Romans when attempting to obstruct the work; and if they should sally forth too eagerly that, by killing many of them, the strength of the garrison would be so far re- duced that the Tarentines alone would be easily able to defend themselves from them. After they had begun, the Romans, suddenly throwing open the gate, rushed in upon the workmen. The guard stationed before the works al- lowed itself to be driven back, in order that their boldness might be increased by success, and that they might pur- sue them, when driven back, in greater numbers, and to a greater distance. Then, on a signal given, the Carthagin- ians, whom Hannibal kept in readiness for this purpose, sprang up on all sides; nor could the Romans sustain the attack, but were prevented from precipitate flight by the narrowness of the ground, by impediments occasioned in some places by the works already commenced, in others by the preparations for the work. Most of them were driven headlong into the ditch, and more were killed in the flight than in the battle. After this the work was commenced without any attempt to obstruct it. A large ditch was formed, within which a rampart was thrown up. He prepared also to add a wall at a small distance, and on the same side, that they might defend themselves from the Romans even without a garrison. He, however, left them a small force, at once for their protection and to assist in building the wall. The general himself, setting out with the rest of his forces, pitched his camp at the river Galse- sus, five miles from the city. Returning from this posi- tion to inspect the work, which had gone on somewhat faster than he had anticipated, he conceived a hope that the citadel might even be taken by storm; for it was not protected by an elevated situation as5 the other parts .were, but placed upon a plain, and separated from the city only by a wall and ditch. While subjected to an attack from every kind of military engine and work, a reinforcement sent from Metapontuin inspired the Romans with courage to assault th6 works of the enemy, by a sudden attack, un- der cover of the night. Some of them they threw down, others they destroyed by fire, and thus there was an end to Hannibal's attempts against the citadel in that quarter. His only remaining hope was in a siege ; nor did that af*294 THE HISTOKY OF ROME. [a. xxy., chap. 11. ford a good prospect of success, because, occupying a cita- del which was placed on a peninsula and commanded the entrance of the harbor, they had the sea open to them; while the city, on the contrary, was deprived of any sup- plies by sea; and thus the besiegers were in greater dan- ger of want than the besieged. Hannibal assembled the chief men of the Tarentines, and laid before them all the present difficulties. He said, " That he could neither dis- cover any method by which a citadel so well fortified could be taken, nor could he hope for any favorable result from a siege while the enemy was master of the sea; but that if ships could be obtained, by which the introduction of supplies might be prevented, the enemy would either immediately evacuate it or surrender themselves." The Tarentines agreed with him, but were of opinion that " he who gave the advice ought also to assist in carrying it into execution; for if the Carthaginian ships were brought there from Sicily, they would be able to effect it; but by what means could their own ships, shut up as they were in a confined harbor, the mouth of which was in the com- mand of the enemy, be brought out into the open sea." "They shall be brought out," said Hannibal. "Many things which are difficult in themselves are easily effected by contrivance. You have a city situated upon a plain; you have level and sufficiently wide roads extending in ev- ery direction. By the road which runs through the midst of the city from the harbor to the sea, I will convey your ships in wagons without any great difficulty, and the sea will be ours, which the enemy now commands. We will invest the citadel on one side by sea, on the other by land; nay, rather, in a short time, we will take it, either aban- doned by the enemy or with the enemy in it." This speech not only inspired hopes of accomplishing the ob- ject, but excited the greatest admiration of the general. Wagons were immediately collected from every quarter and joined together; machines were employed to haul the ships on shore, and the road was prepared, in order that the wagons might run more easily, and thus the difficulty of passing be diminished. Beasts of burden and men were next collected, and the work was actively com- menced. After the lapse of a few days, the fleet, equip-y.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 295 ped and ready for action, sailed round the citadel, and cast anchor just before the mouth of the harbor. Such was the state of things at Tarentum when Hannibal left it and returned to his winter-quarters. Authors, however, are divided as to whether the defection of the Tarentines took place in the present or former year. The greater number, and those who, from their age, were more able to recollect these events, represent it to have occurred in the present year. 12. The Latin holidays detained the consuls and praetors at Rome till the fifth of the calends of May; on which day, having completed the solemnities on the mount, they proceeded to their respective provinces. Afterwards a new difficulty respecting religious matters arose out of the prophetic verses of Marcius, who: had been a. distinguished soothsayer; and on a search being made, the year before, for books of this description, agreeably to a decree of the Senate, these verses had fallen into the hands of Marcus Atilius, the city praetor, who had the management of that business, and he had immediately handed them over to the new praetor, Sulla. The importance attached to one of the two predictions of Marcius, which was brought to light af- ter the event to which it related had occurred, and the truth of which was confirmed by the event, attached cre- dence to the other, the time of whose fulfillment had not yet arrived. In the former prophecy the disaster at Can- nae was /predicted in nearly these words: " Roman of Trojan descent, fly the river Canna, lest foreigners should compel thee to fight in the plain of Diomede. But thou wilt not believe me until thou shalt have filled the plain with blood, and the river carries into the great sea, from the fruitful land, many thousands of your slain countrymen, and thy flesh becomes a prey for fishes, birds, and beasts inhabiting the earth. For thus hath Jupiter declared to me." Those who had served in that quarter recognized the correspondence with respect to the plains of the Argive Diomede and the river Canna, as well as the defeat itself. The other prophecy was then read, which was more ob- scure, not only because future events are more uncertain than past, but also from being more perplexed in its style of composition. " Romans, if you wish to expel the enemy296 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. XXV., ;chap. 13. and the ulcer, which has come from afar, T advise rthat games should be vowed, which may be performed in a cheerful manner annually to Apollo ; when the people shall have given a portion of money from the public coffers, that private individuals then contribute, each according to his ability. That the praetor shall preside in the celebration of these games, who holds the supreme administration of justice to the people and commons. Let the decemviri perform sacrifice with victims after the Grecian fashion. If you do these things properly you will ever rejoice, and your affairs will be more prosperous; for that deity will destroy your enemies, who now composedly feed upon your plains." They took one day to explain this prophecy. The next day a decree of the Senate was passed, that the decemviri should inspect the books relating to the celebra- tion of games and sacred rites in honor of Apollo. After they had been consulted, and a report made to the Senate, the fathers voted that "games should be vowed to Apollo and celebrated; and that when the games were concluded, twelve thousand asses should be given to the praetor to defray the expense of sacred ceremonies, and also two vic- tims of the larger sort." A second decree was passed, that "the decemviri should perform sacrifice in the Grecian mode, and with the following victims: to Apollo, with a gilded ox, and two white goats gilded; to Latona,with a gilded heifer." When the praetor was about to celebrate the games in the Circus Maximus, he issued an order that, during the celebration of the games, the people should pay a contribution, as large as was convenient, for the service of Apollo. This is the origin of the Apollinarian games, which were vowed and celebrated in order to victory, and not restoration to health, as is commonly supposed. The people viewed the spectacle in garlands; the matrons made supplications; the people in general feasted in the courts of their houses, throwing the doors open; and the day was distinguished by every description of ceremony. 13. While Hannibal was in the neighborhood of Taren- tum, and both the consuls in Samnium, though they seem- ed as if they were about to besiege Capua, the Campanians were experiencing famine, that calamity which is the usual attendant of a protracted siege. It was occasioned by ther.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 297 Roman armies' having prevented the sowing of the lands. They therefore sent ambassadors to Hannibal, imploring him to give orders that corn should be conveyed to Cap- ua from the neighboring places, before both the consuls led their legions into their fields, and all the roads were blocked up by the troops of the enemy. Hannibal ordered Hanno to pass with his army from Bruttium: into Campa- nia, and to take care that the Campanians were supplied with corn. Hanno, setting out from Bruttium with his army, and carefully avoiding the camp of the enemy and the consuls who were in Samnium, when he drew near to Beneventum, pitched his camp on an eminence three miles from the city. He next ordered that the corn which had been collected during the summer should be brought from the neighboring people in alliance with him into his camp, assigning a guard to escort those supplies. He then sent a messenger to the Capuans, fixing a day when they should attend at his camp to receive the corn, bringing with them vehicles and beasts of every description, collected from every part of their country. The Campanians executed this business with their usual indolence and carelessness. Somewhat more than four hundred vehicles, with a few beasts of burden besides, were sent. After receiving a re- proof from Hanno for this conduct, who told tberti that not even hunger, which excited dumb animals to exertion, could stimulate them to diligence, another day was named when they were to fetch the corn after better preparation. All these transactions being reported to the Beneventans just as they occurred, they lost no time in sending ten am- bassadors to the Roman consuls, who were encamped in the neighborhood of Bovianum. The consuls, hearing what was going on at Capua, arranged it so that one of them should lead an army into Campania; and Fulvius, to whose lot that province had fallen, setting out by night, entered the walls of Beneventum. Being now near the enemy, he obtained information that Hanno had gone out to forage with a portion of his troops; that the. Campa- nians were supplied with corn by a quaestor; that two thousand wagons had arrived together with an undisci- plined and Unarmed rabble ; that every thing was done in a disorderly and hurried manner; and'that the form of a 1 OJfe298 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 14. camp, and all military subordination, were destroyed by the intermixture of rustics out of the neighborhood. This intelligence being sufficiently authenticated, the consul ordered his soldiers to get ready only their standards and arms against the next night, as he must attack the Cartha- ginian camp. They set out at the fourth watch of the night, leaving all their packages and baggage of every description at Beneventum; and arriving a little before daylight at the camp, they occasioned such a panic that, had the camp been situated on level ground, it might doubtlessly have been taken on the first assault. The height of its situation and the works defended it; for they could not be approached on any side except by a steep and difficult ascent. At break of day a hot engagement com- menced, when the Carthaginians not only defended their rampart, but, having more even ground, threw down the enemy as they attempted to ascend the steep. 14. Persevering courage, however, at length prevailed over every impediment, and they made their way up to the ditch and rampart in several parts at the same time, but with many wounds and much loss of soldiers. The consul, therefore, assembling the military tribunes, said they must desist from this inconsiderate enterprise; and that it appeared to him to be the safer course that the troops should be led back to Beneventum for that day, and then on the following day to pitch his camp close to that of the enemy, so that the Campanians could not quit it, nor Hanno return to it; and in order that that object might be attained with the greater ease, that he should send for his colleague and his army, and that they would direct their whole force on that point* This plan of the general was disconcerted, after the signal began to sound for a retreat, by the clamors of the soldiery, who despised so pusillanimous an order. Nearest to the gate of the enemy's camp was a Pelignian cohort, whose commander, Vibius Accuaeus, seizing the standard, threw it over the rampart. Then pronouncing a curse upon himself and his cohort if the enemy got possession of that standard, he rushed forward before the rest, and, crossing the ditch and rampart, burst into the camp of the enemy. The Peligni- ans were now fighting within the rampart, when in anoth-y.e. 540.] THE HISTORY OP ROME, 299 er quarter Valerius Flaccus, a military tribune of the third legion, taunting the Romans with cowardice for conceding to allies the honor of taking the camp, Titus Pedanius, first centurion of the first century, snatched the standard out of the hands of the standard-bearer, and cried out, "Soon shall this standard and this centurion be within the ram- part of the enemy; let those follow who would prevent the standard's being captured by the enemy." Crossing the ditch, he was followed first by the men of his own maniple, and then by the whole legion. By this time the consul also, changing his plan on seeing them crossing the rampart, began to incite and encourage his soldiers, instead of calling them off; representing to them how critical and perilous was the situation of the bravest cohort of their allies, and a legion of their countrymen. All, therefore, severally exerting themselves to the utmost, regardless whether the ground were even or uneven, while showers of weapons w6re thrown against them from all sides, the ene- my opposing their arms and their persons to obstruct them, made their way and burst in. Many who were wounded, even those whose blood and strength failed them, pressed forward, that they might fall within the rampart of the enemy. The camp, therefore, was taken in an in- stant, as if it had been situated upon level ground, and not completely fortified. What followed was a carnage rath- er than a battle. The troops of both sides being huddled together within the rampart, above six thousand of the enemy were slain; above seven thousand, together with the Campanians who fetched the cornrah4 the whole col- lection of wagons and beasts of burdeti; were captured. There wTas also a great booty, which Hanno in his preda- tory excursions, which he had been careful to make in every quarter, had drawn together from the lands of the allies of the Romans. After throwing down the camp of the enemy, they returned thence to Beneventum; and there both the consuls (for Appius Claudius came thither a few days after) sold the booty ind distributed it, making presents to those by whose exertions the camp of the ene- my had been captured; above all, to Accuseus the Peligni- an, and Titus Pedanius, first centurion of the third legion. Hanno, setting off from Cominium in the territory of Cere,300 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 15. whither intelligence of the loss of the camp had reached him, with a small party of foragers, whom he happened to have with him, returned to Bruttium, more after the man- ner of a flight than a march. 15. The Campanians, when informed of the disaster which had befallen themselves and their allies, sent am- bassadors to Hannibal to inform him that " .the two con- suls were at Beneventum, which was a day's march from Capua; that the war was all but at their gates and their walls; and that, if he did not hasten to their assistance, Capua would fall into the power of the enemy sooner than Arpi had; that not even Tarentum itself, much less its citadel, ought to be considered of so much consequence as to induce him to deliver up to the Roman people, aban- doned and undefended, Capua, which he used to place on an equal footing with Carthage." Hannibal, promising that he would not neglect the interest of the Campanians, Bent, for the present, two thousand horse, with the ambas- sadors, aided by which they might secure their lands from devastation. The Romans, meanwhile, among the other things which engaged their attention, had an eye to the citadel of Tarentum, and the garrison besieged therein. Caius Servilius, lieutenant-general, having been sent, ac- cording to the advice of the fathers, by Publius Cornelius, the praetor, to purchase corn in Etruria, made his way into the harbor of Tarentum, through the guard-ships of the enemy, with some ships of burden. At his arrival, those who before, having very slight hopes of holding out, were frequently invited by the enemy, in conferences, to pass over to them, now, on the contrary, were the persons to invite and solicit the enemy to come over to them; and now, as the soldiers who were at Metapontum had been brought to assist in guarding the citadel of Tarentum, the garrison was sufficiently powerful. In consequence of this measure, the Metapontines, being freed from the fears which had influenced them, immediately revolted to Han- nibal. The people of Thurium, situated on the same coast, did the same. They were influenced not more by the defection of the Metapontines and Tarentines, with jvhom they were connected, being sprung from the same country, Achaia, than by resentment towards the Romans,t.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OE ROME. 301 in consequence of the recent execution of the hostages. The friends and relations of these hostages sent a letter and a message to Hanno and Mago, who were not far off among the Bruttii, to the effect that, if they brought their troops up to the walls, they would deliver the city into their hands. Marcus Atinius was in command at Thuri- um, with a small garrison, who they thought might easi- ly be induced to engage rashly in a battle, not from any confidence which he reposed in his troops, of which he had very few, but in the youth of Thurium, whom he had purposely formed into centuries, and armed against emer- gencies of this kind. The generals, after dividing their forces between them, entered the territory of Thurium; and Hanno, with a body of infantry, proceeded towards the city in hostile array. Hanno staid behind with the cavalry, under the cover of some hills, conveniently placed for the concealment of an ambush. Atinius, having by his scouts discovered only the body of infantry, led his troops into the field, ignorant both of the domestic treachery and of the stratagem of the enemy. The engagement with the infantry was particularly dull, a few Romans in the first rank engaging while the Thurians rather waited than helped on the issue. The Carthaginian line retreated^ 011 purpose that they might draw the incautious enemy to the back of the hill, where their cavalry were lying in am- bush; and when they had come there, the cavalry rising up on a sudden with a shout, immediately put to flight the almost undisciplined rabble of the Thurians, not firm- ly attached to the side on which they fought. The Ro- mans, notwithstanding they were surrounded and hard pressed 011 one side by the infantry, on the other by the cavalry, yet prolonged the battle for a considerable time; but at length even they were compelled to turn their backs, and fled towards the city. There the conspirators, forming themselves into a dense body, received the multi- tude of their countrymen with open gates; but when they perceived that the routed Romans were hurrying towards the city, they exclaimed that the Carthaginian was, close at hand, and that the enemy would enter the city mingled with them, unless: they speedily closed the gates. Thus they shut out the Romans, and left them to be cut up302 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 16. by the enemy. Atinius, however, and a few others, were taken in. After this, for a short time, there was a division between them, some being of opinion that they ought to defend the city, others that they ought, after all that had happened, to yield to fortune, and deliver up the city to the conquerors; but, as it generally happens, fortune and evil counsels prevailed. Having conveyed Atinius and his party to the sea and the ships, more because they wished that care should be taken of him, in consequence of the mildness and justice of his command, than from re- gard .to the Romans, they received the Carthaginians into the city. The consuls led their legions from Beneventum into the Campanian territory, with the intention not only of destroying the corn, which was in the blade, but of lay- ing siege to Capua ; considering that they would render their consulate illustrious by the destruction of so opulent a city, and that they would wipe away the foul disgrace of the empire from the defection of a city so near remaining unpunished for three years. Lest, however, Beneventum should be left without protection, and that in case of any sudden emergency, if Hannibal should come to Capua, in order to bring assistance to his friends, which they doubt- ed not he would do, the cavalry might be able to sustain his attack, they ordered Tiberius Gracchus to come from Lucania to Beneventum with his cavalry and light-armed troops, and to appoint some person to take the command of the legions and stationary camp for the defense of Lu- cania.' 16. An unlucky prodigy occurred to Gracchus, while sacrificing, previous to his departure from Lucania. Two snakes gliding from a secret place to the entrails, after the sacrifice was completed, ate the liver; and, after having been observed, suddenly vanished out of sight. The sac- rifice having been repeated according to the admonition of the aruspices, and the vessel containing the entrails be- ing watched with increased attention, it is reported that the snakes came a second and a third time, and, after tast- ing the liver, went away untouched. Though the arus- pices forewarned him that the portent had reference to the general, and that he ought to be on his guard against secret enemies and machinations, yet no foresight couldy.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF KOME. 303 avert the destiny which awaited him. There was a Lu- canian, named Flavius, the leader of that party which ad- hered to the Romans when the others went over to Han- nibal; he was this year in the magistracy, having been created praetor by the same party. Suddenly changing his mind, and seeking to ingratiate himself with the Car- thaginians, he did not think it enough that he himself should pass over to them, or that he should induce the Lucanians to revolt wTith him, unless he ratified his league with the enemy with the head and blood of the general, betrayed to them, though his guest. He entered into a secret conference with Mago, who had the command in Bruttium, and, receiving a solemn promise from him that he would take the Lucanians into his friendship, without interfering with their laws, if he should betray the Roman general to the Carthaginians, he conducted Mago to a place to which he was about to bring Gracchus with a few attendants. He then directed Mago to arm his infan- try and cavalry, and to occupy the retired places there, in which he might conceal a very large number of troops. After thoroughly inspecting and exploring the place on all sides, a day was agreed upon for the execution of the af- fair. Flavius came to the Roman general, and said that " he had begun a business of great importance, for the completion of which it was necessary to have the assist- ance of Gracchus himself. That he had persuaded the praetors of all the states which had revolted to the Cartha- ginians in the general defection of Italy, to return into the friendship of the Romans, since now the Roman power too, which had almost come to ruin by the disaster at Cannae, was daily improving and increasing, while the strength of Hannibal was sinking into decay, and was al- most reduced to nothing. He had told them that the Ro- mans would be disposed to accept an atonement for their former offense; that there never was any state more easy to be entreated or more ready to grant pardon; how oft- en, he had observed to them, had they forgiven rebellion even in their own ancestors! These considerations," he said, "he had himself urged, but. that they would rather hear the same from Gracchus himself in person, and, touching his right hand, carry with them that pledge of304 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 16. faith. That he had agreed upon a place with those who were privy to the transaction, out of the way of observa- tion, and at no great distance from the Roman camp; that there the business might be settled in few words, so that all the Lucanian states might be in the alliance and friendship of the Romans." Gracchus, not suspecting any treachery either from his words or the nature of the proposal, and being caught by the probability of the thing, set out from the carnp with his lictors and a troop of horse, under the guidance of his host, and fell headlong into the snare. The enemy suddenly arose from their lurking-place, and Flavius joined them; which made the treachery obvious. A shower of weapons was poured from all sides on Gracchus and his troop. He immediate- ly leaped from his horse, and, ordering the rest to do the same, exhorted them that, " as fortune had left them only one course, they would render it glorious by their valor. And what is there left," said he, "to a handful of men, surrounded by a multitude, in a valley hemmed in by a wood and mountains, except death? The only question was whether, tamely exposing themselves to be butchered like cattle, they should die unavenged ; or whether, draw- ing the mind off from the idea of suffering and anticipa- tion of the event, and giving full scope to fury and resent- ment, they should fall while doing and daring, covered with hostile blood, amidst heaps of arms and bodies of their expiring foes." He desired that "all would aim at the Lucanian traitor and deserter;" adding, that "the man who should send that victim to the shades before him would acquire the most distinguished glory, and furnish the highest consolation for his own death." While thus speaking, he wound his cloak round his left arm, for they had not even brought their shields out with them, and then rushed upon the enemy. The exertion made in the fight was greater than could be expected from the small- ness of the number. The bodies of the Romans were most exposed to the javelins, with which, as they were thrown on all sides from'higher ground into a deep val- ley, they were transfixed. The Carthaginians seeing Grac- chus now bereft of support, endeavored to take him alive; but he having descried his Lucanian host among the en-y.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 305 emy, rushed with such fury into their dense body that it became; impossible to save his life without a great loss. Mago immediately sent his corpse to Hannibal, ordering it to be . placed, with the fasces which were taken at the same time, before the tribunal of the general. This is ^the true account; Gracchus fell in Lucania,near the place call- ed the Old Plains. 17. There are some who have put forth an account stat- ing that, when in the territory of Beneventum, near the river Calor, having gone out from his camp with his lie- tors and three servants for the purpose of bathing, he was slain while naked and unarmed, and endeavoring to defend himself with the stones which the river brought down, by a party of the enemy which happened to be concealed among the osiers which grew upon the banks. Others state that having gone out five hundred paces from the camp, at the instance of the aruspices, in order to expiate the prodigies before mentioned on unpolluted ground, he was cut off by two troops of Numidians who happened to be lying in ambush there. So different are the accounts respecting the place and manner of the death of so illustri- ous and distinguished a man, Various, also, are the ac- counts of the funeral of Gracchus. Some say that he was buried by his own friends in the Roman camp ; others re- late, and this is the more generally received account, that a funeral pile was erected by Hannibal, in the entrance of the Carthaginian camp; that the troops under arms per- formed evolutions, with the dances of the Spaniards, and motions of the arms and body, whieh were customary with the several nations; while Hannibal himself cele- brated his obsequies with every mark of respect, both in word and deed. Such is the account of those who assert that the affair occurred in Lucania. If you are disposed to credit the statement of those who relate that he was slain at the river Calor, the enemy got possession only of the head of Gracchus; which being brought to Hannibal, he immediately dispatched Carthalo to convey it into the Roman camp to Cneius Cornelius, the queestor, who buried the general in the camp, the Beneventans joining the army in the celebration. 18. Tfte consuls having entered the Campanian terri-306 :riIE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 18. tory, while devastating the country on all sides, were alarmed, and thrown into confusion, by an eruption of the townsmen and Mago with his cavalry. They called in their troops to their standards from the several quarters to wiiich they were dispersed, but having been routed when they had scarcely formed their line, they lost above fifteen hundred men. The confidence of the Campanians, who were naturally presumptuous, became excessive in conse- quence of this event, and in many battles they challenged the Romans ; but this one battle, which they had been in- cautiously and imprudently drawn into, had increased the vigilance of the consuls. Their spirits were restored, while the presumption of the other party was diminished, by one trifling occurrence; but in war nothing is so inconsidera- ble as not to be capable, sometimes, of producing impor- tant consequences. Titus Quinctius Crispinus was a guest of Badius, a Campanian, united with him by the greatest intimacy. Their acquaintance had increased from the cir- cumstance of Badius having received the most liberal and kind attentions at the house of Crispinus, in a fit of illness, at Rome, before the Campanian revolt. On the present occasion, Badius, advancing in front of the guards, which were stationed before the gate, desired Crispinus to be called ; and Crispinus, on being informed of this, thinking that a friendly and familiar interview was requested, and the memory of their private connection remaining even amidst the disruption of public ties, advanced a little from the rest. When they had come within view of each other, Badius exclaimed, " I challenge you to combat, Crispinus; let us mount our horses, and making the rest withdraw, let us try which is the better soldier." In reply, Crispinus said, that " neither of them were in want of enemies to display their valor upon; for his own part, even if he should meet him in the field, he would turn aside, lest he should pollute his right hand wTith the blood of a guest;" and then, turning round, was going away. But the Cam- panian, with increased presumption, began to charge him with cowardice and effeminacy, and cast upon him re- proaches which he deserved himself, calling him " an ene- my who sheltered himself under the title of host, and one who pretended to spare him for whom he knew himselfy.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 307 not to be a match. If he considered that when public treaties were broken, the ties of private connection were not severed with them, then Badius the Campanian openly, and in the hearing of both armies, renounced his connec- tion of hospitality with Titus Quinctius Crispinus the Ro- man. He said that there could exist no fellowship or al- liance with him and an enemy whose country and tutelary gods, both public and private, he had come to fight against. If he was a man, he would meet him." Crispinus hesitated for a long time; but the men of his troop at length pre- vailed upon him not to allow the Campanian to insult him with impunity. Waiting, therefore, only to ask his gen- erals whether they would allow him to fight, contrary to rule, with an enemy who had challenged him; having ob- tained their permission, he mounted his horse, and address- ing Badius by name, called him out to the combat. The Campanian made no delay. They engaged with their horses excited to hostility. Crispinus transfixed Badius with his spear in the left shoulder, over his shield. He fell from his horse in consequence of the wound; and Crispinus leaped down to dispatch him as he lay, on foot. But Badius, before his enemy was upon him, ran off to his friends, leaving his horse and buckler. Crispinus, deco- rated with the spoils, and displaying the horse and arms which he had seized, together with the bloody spear, was conducted amidst the loud plaudits and congratulations of the soldiery into the presence of the consuls, where he was highly commended, and was presented with gifts. 10. Hannibal, having moved his camp from the territory of Beneventum to Capua, drew out his troops in order of battle the third day after his arrival; not entertaining the least doubt but that, as the Campanians had fought suc- cessfully a few days ago when he was absent, the Romans would be still less able to withstand him and his army, which had been so often victorious. After the battle had commenced, the Roman line was distressed chiefly from the attack of the cavalry, being overwhelmed with ^their darts, till the signal was given to the Roman cavalry to di- rect their horses against the enemy; thus it was a battle of the cavalry. But at this time the Sempronian army, commanded by Cneius Cornelius the quaestor, being de-308 THE HISTORY OF ROME. j>. xxv., ciiap. 19. scried at a distance, excited alarm in both parties equal- ly, lest those who were approaching should be fresh ene- mies. As if by concert, therefore, both sounded a re- treat; and the troops were withdrawn from the field to their camps, in an equal condition; a greater number, how- ever, of the Romans fell in the first charge of the cavalry. The consuls, to divert the attention of Hannibal from Cap- ua, departed thence on the following night in different directions, Fulvius into the territory of Cuma, Claudius into Lucania. The next day Hannibal, having received in- telligence that the camp of the Romans was deserted, and that they had gone off in different directions in two divis- ions, doubtful at first which he should follow, commenced the pursuit of Appius; who, after leading him about whichever way he pleased, returned by another route to Capua. Hannibal, while in this quarter, had another op- portunity of gaining an advantage. Marcus Centenius, surnamed Penula, was distinguished among the centurions of the first rank by the size of his person, and his courage. Having gone through his period of service, he was intro- duced to the Senate by Publius Cornelius Sulla, when he requested of the fathers that five thousand men might be placed at his disposal. He said that," as he was acquaint- ed with the character of the enemy and the nature of the country, he should speedily perform some service, and that he would employ those arts by which our generals and armies had been hitherto insnared against the inventor of them." This was not promised more foolishly than it was believed; as if the qualifications of a soldier and a general were the same. Instead of five, eight thousand men were given him, half Romans, half allies. He himself also got together a considerable number of volunteers, in the coun try, on his march; and having almost doubled his force, arrived in Lucania, where Hannibal had halted after hav- ing in vain pursued Claudius. No doubt could be enter- tained of the issue of a contest which was to take place be- tween Hannibal, as general on one side, and a centurion on the other; between armies, one of which had grown old in victory, the other entirely inexperienced, and for the most part even tumultuary and half-armed. As soon as the troops came within sight of each other, and neither ofy.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 309 them declined an engagement, the lines were formed. The battle, notwithstanding the utter disparity of the contend- ing parties, lasted more than two hours, the Roman troops acting with the greatest spirit as long as their general sur- vived. But after that he had fallen, for he continually ex- posed himself to the weapons of the enemy, not only from regard to his former character, but through fear of the disgrace which would attach to him if he survived a dis- aster occasioned by his own temerity, the Roman line was immediately routed. But so completely were they pre- vented from flying, every way being beset by the cavalry, that scarcely a thousand men escaped out of so large an army; the rest were destroyed on all hands, in one way or other. 20. The siege of Capua was now resumed by the con- suls with the utmost energy. Every thing requisite for the business was conveyed thither and got in readiness. A store of corn was collected at Casilinum; at the mouth of the Vulturnus, where a town now stands, a strong post was fortified ; and a garrison was stationed in Puteoli, which Fabius had formerly fortified, in order to have the command of the neighboring sea and the river. Into these two maritime forts the corn recently sent from Sicily, with that which Marcus Junius, the praetor, had bought up in Etruria, was conveyed from Ostia, to supply the army during the winter. But in addition to the disaster sustained in Lucania, the army also of volunteer slaves, who had served during the life of Gracchus with the great- est fidelity, as if discharged from service by the death of their general, left their standards. Hannibal was not willing that Capua should be neglected, or his allies de- serted, at so critical a juncture ; but, having obtained such success from the temerity of one Roman general, his at> tention was fixed on the opportunity which presented it- self of crashing the other general and his army. Am- bassadors from Apulia reported that Cneius Fulvius, the praetor, had at first conducted his measures with caution, while engaged in besieging certain towns of Apulia, which had revolted to Hannibal; but .that afterwards, in conse- quence of extraordinary success, both himself and his sol- diers, being glutted with booty, had so. given themselves310 THE HISTORY OF ROME. £B. XXV., chap. 21. up to .licentiousness and indolence, that all military dis- cipline was disregarded. Having frequently on other oc- casions, as well as but a few days ago, experienced what an army was good for, when conducted by an unskillful commander, he moved his camp into Apulia. 21. The Roman legions and the praator Fulvius were in the neighborhood of Herdonia, where, receiving intelli- gence of the approach of the enemy, they had nearly torn up the standards and gone out to battle without the prae- tor's orders; nor did any thing tend more to prevent it than the assured hope they entertained that they could do so whenever they pleased, consulting only their own will. The following night, Hannibal, having obtained information that the camp was in a state of tumult, and that most of the troops were in a disorderly manner urging the general to give the signal, and calling out to arms, and therefore feeling convinced that an opportunity presented itself for a successful battle, distributed three thousand light-troops in the houses in the neighborhood, and among the thorns and woods. These, on a signal being given, were to rise up from their lurking-place with one accord; and Mago, with about two thousand horse, was ordered to occupy all the roads in the direction in which he supposed their flight would be directed. Having made these preparations dur- ing the night, he led his troops into the field at break of day. Nor did Fulvius decline the challenge; not so much from any .hope of success entertained by himself, as drawn by the blind impetuosity of his soldiers. Accordingly, the line itself was formed with the same want of caution with which they entered the field, agreeably to the whim of the soldiers, who came up as chance directed, and took their stations just where they pleased; which they afterwards abandoned, as fear or caprice suggested. The first legion and the left wing of the allied troops were drawn up in front. The line was extended to a great length, the trib- unes remonstrating that there was no strength in it, and that wherever the enemy made the charge they would break through it; but no salutary advice reached their minds, nor even their ears. Hannibal was now come up, a general of a totally different character, with an army nei- ther similar in its nature nor similarly marshalled. Ther,R. 540,] THE HISTORY OF ROME. consequence was, that the Romans did not so much as sustain their shout and first attack. Their general, equal to Centenius in folly and temerity, but by no means to be compared with him in courage, when he saw things going against him, and his troops in confusion, hastily mounting his horse, fled from the field with about two hundred horsemen. The rest of the troops, beaten in front, and surrounded on the flank and rear, were slaughtered to such a degree, that out of eighteen thousand men, not more than two thousand escaped. The enemy got possession of the camp. 22. When these disastrous defeats, happening one upon another, were reported at Rome, great grief and consterna- tion seized the city. But still, as the consuls had been hitherto successful when it was most important, they were the less affected by these disasters. Caius Lsetorius and Marcus Metilius were sent as ambassadors to the consuls, with directions carefully to collect the remains of the two armies, and use every endeavor to prevent their surren- dering themselves to the enemy, through fear or despair (which was the case after the battle of Cannae), and to search for the deserters from the army of volunteer slaves. Publius Cornelius was charged with the same business; to him also the levy was intrusted. He caused an order to be issued throughout the market and smaller towns, that search should be made for the volunteer slaves, and that they should be brought back to their standards. All these things were executed with the most vigilant care. The consul Appius Claudius, having placed Decius Junius in command at the mouth of the Vulturnus, and Marcus Aurelius Cotta at Puteoli, with directions to send off the corn immediately to the camp, as each of the ships from Etruria and Sardinia arrived with it, returned himself to Capua, and found his colleague, Quintus Fulvius, at Casili- num, conveying every requisite thence, and making every preparation for the siege of Capua. Both of them then joined in besieging the city, summoning Claudius \N~ero, the praetor,from the Claudian camp at Suessula; who, leav- ing a small garrison there, marched down to Capua with all the. rest of. his forces* Thus there were three generals' tents erected TQund Capua; and three armies, applying312 TOE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxy., chap. 23. themselves to tlie work in different parts, proceeded to surround the city with a ditch and rampart, erecting forts at moderate intervals. The Campanians attempting to ob- struct the work, a battle was fought in several places at once; the consequence of which was, that at length the Campanians confined themselves within their gates and walls. Before, however, these works were carried quite round, ambassadors were sent to Hannibal to complain that Capua was abandoned, and almost given up to the Romans; and to implore him, that he would now, at least, bring them assistance, when they were not only besieged, but surrounded by a rampart. A letter was sent to the consuls from Publius Cornelius, the praetor, directing that, before they completely inclosed Capua with their works, they should grant permission to such of the Campanians as chose to quit Capua and take their property with them. That those should retain their liberty, and all their posses- sions, who quitted it before the ides of March; but that those who quitted it after that day, as well as those who continued there, would be considered as enemies. Proc- lamation was made to the Campanians to this effect; but it was received with such scorn, that they spontaneously used insulting language and menaces. Hannibal had marched his legions from Herdonea to Tarentum, with the hope of getting possession of the citadel of that place by force or stratagem. But not succeeding there, he turned his course to Brundusium, thinking that town would be betrayed to him; but, while fruitlessly spending time there also, the Campanian ambassadors came to him with com- plaints and entreaties. Hannibal answered them in a proud manner that he had before raised the siege of Capua, and that now the consuls would not sustain his approach. The ambassadors, dismissed with these hopes, with diffi- culty effected their return to Capua, which was by this time surrounded by a double trench and rampart. 23. At the time when the circumvallation of Capua was carrying on with the greatest activity, the siege of Syracuse, which had been forwarded by intestine treach- ery, in addition to the efforts and bravery of the general and his army, was brought to a conclusion. For in the beginning of spring, Marcellus being in doubt whether, hey.r. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 313 should direct the operations of the war against Himilco and Hippocrates at Agrigentum, or press the siege of Syr- acuse ; though he saw that it was impossible to take the city by force, which, from its situation, both with respect to sea and land, was impregnable; nor by famine, as it was supported by an uninterrupted supply of provisions from Carthage; yet, that he might leave no course un- tried, directed the Syracusan deserters (and there were in the Roman camp some men in this situation of the high- est rank, who had been driven out of the city during the defection from the Romans, because they were averse to a change of measures) to sound the feelings of those who were of the same party in conferences, and to promise them that, if Syracuse was delivered up, they should have their liberty, and be governed by their own laws. There was no opportunity, however, of having a conference ; for, as many were suspected of disaffection, the attention and observation of all were exerted, lest any thing of the kind should occur unknown to them. One of the exiles, who was a servant, having been allowed to enter the city in the character of a deserter, assembled a few persons, and opened a conversation upon the subject. After this, cer- tain persons, covering themselves with nets in a fishing- smack, were in this way conveyed round to the Roman camp, and conferred with the fugitives. The same was frequently repeated by different parties, one after anoth- er ; and at last they amounted to eighty. But after every thing had been concerted for betraying the city, the plot was reported to Epicydes by one Attalus, who felt hurt that he had not been intrusted with the secret; and they were all put to death with torture. This attempt having miscarried, another hope was immediately raised. One Damippus, a Lacedaemonian, who had been sent from Syr- acuse to King Philip, had been taken prisoner by the Roman fleet. Epicydes was particularly anxious to ran- som--this man above any other; nor was Marcellus disin- clined to grant it; the Romans, even at this time, being desirous of gaining the friendship of the iEtolians, with whom the Lacedaemonians were in alliance. Some per* sons having been sent to treat respecting his ransom, the most central and convenient place to both parties for this Vol. II.—14314 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 24. purpose appeared to be at the Trogilian port, near the tower called Galeagra. As they went there several times, one of the Romans, having a near view of the wall, and having determined its height, as nearly as it could be done by conjecture, from counting the stones, and by forming an estimate, in his own mind, what was the height of each stone in the face of the work; and having come to the conclusion that it wras considerably lower than he himself and all the rest had supposed it, and that it was capable of being scaled with ladders of moderate size, laid the matter before Mareellus. It appeared a thing not to be neglected; but as the spot could not be approached, being on this very account guarded with ex- traordinary care, a favorable opportunity of doing it was sought for. This a deserter suggested, who brought in- telligence that the Syracusans were celebrating the festival of Diana.; that it was to last three days, and that as there was a deficiency of other things during the siege, the feasts would be more profusely celebrated with wine, which was furnished by Epicydes to the people in general, and distributed through the tribes by persons of distinc- tion. When Mareellus had received this intelligence, he communicated it to a few of the military tribunes; then having selected, through their means, such centurions and soldiers as had courage and energy enough for so impor- tant an enterprise, and having privately gotten together a number of scalingrladders, he directed that a signal should be given to the rest of the troops to take their refresh- ment, and go to rest early, for they were to go upon an expedition that night. Then the time, as it was supposed, having arrived, when, after having feasted from the mid- dle of the day, they would have had their fill of wine, and have begun to sleep, he ordered the soldiers of one com- pany to proceed with the ladders, while about a thousand armed men were in silence marched to the spot in a slen- der column. The foremost having mounted the -wall, without noise or confusion, the others followed in order; the boldness of the former inspiring even the irresolute with courage, 24. The thousand armed men had now taken a part of the city, when the rest, applying a greater number of lad-Y.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 315 ders, mounted the wall on a signal given from the Hex- apylos. To this place the former party had arrived in en- tire solitude; as the greater part of them, having feasted in the towers, were either asleep from the effects of wine, or else, half asleep, were still drinking. A few of them, however, they surprised in their beds, and put to the sword. They began then to break open a postern gate near the Hexapylos, which required great force; and a signal was given from the wall by sounding a trumpet, as had been agreed upon. After this, the attack was carried on in every quarter, not secretly, but by open force; for they had now reached Epipolae, a place protected by nu- merous guards, where the business was to terrify the en- emy, and not to escape their notice. In effect they were terrified; for, as soon as the sound of the trumpets was heard, and the shouts of the men who had got possession of the walls and a part of the city, the guards concluded that every part was taken, and some of them fled along the wall, others leaped down from it, or were thrown down headlong by a crowd of the terrified townsmen. A great part of the inhabitants, however, were ignorant of this disastrous event, all of them being overpowered with wine and sleep; and because, in a city of so wide extent, what was perceived in one quarter was not readily made known through the whole city. A little before day, Mar- cellus, having entered the city with all his forces, through the Hexapylos, which was forced open, roused all the townsmen; who ran to arms, in order, if possible, by their efforts, to afford succor to the city, which was now almost taken. Epicydes advanced with a body of troops at a rapid pace from the Insula, which the Syracusans them- selves call Nasos, not doubting but that he should be able to drive out what he supposed a small party, which had got over the wall through the negligence of the guards. He earnestly represented to the terrified inhabitants ^lio met him that they were increasing the confusion, and that in their accounts they made things greater and more im- portant than they really were. But when he perceived that every place around Epipolas was filled with armed men, after just teasing the enemy with the discharge of a few missiles, he marched back to the Achradina, not so316 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 25. jnuch through fear of the number and strength of the en- emy, as that some intestine treachery might show itself, taking advantage of the opportunity, and he might find the gates of the Aehradina and island closed upon him in the confusion. When Marcellus, having entered the walls, beheld this city as it lay subjected to his view from the high ground on which he stood, a city the most beautiful, perhaps, of any at that time, he is said to have shed tears over it; partly from the inward satisfaction he felt at hav- ing accomplished so important an enterprise, and partly in consideration of its ancient renown. The fleets of the Athenians sunk there, and two vast armies destroyed, with two generals of the highest reputation, as well as the many wars waged with the Carthaginians with so much peril, arose before his mind; the many and powerful ty- rants and kings; but above all Hiero, a king who was not only fresh in his memory, but who was distinguished for the signal services he had rendered the Roman people, and more than all by the endowments which his own vir- tues and good-fortune had conferred. All these consider- ations presenting themselves at once to his recollection, and reflecting that in an instant every thing before him would be in flames, and reduced to ashes, before he marched his troops to the Aehradina, he sent before him some Syracusans, who, as was before observed, were among the Roman troops, to induce the enemy, by a per- suasive address, to surrender the city. 25. The gates and walls of the Aehradina were occupied principally by deserters, who had no hopes of pardon in case of capitulation. These men would neither suffer those who were sent to approach the walls, nor to address them. Marcellus, therefore, on the failure of this attempt, gave orders to retire to the Euryalus, which is an eminence at the extremity of the city, at the farthest point from the sea, and commanding the road leading into the fields and the interior of the island, and is conveniently situated for the introduction of supplies. This fort was commanded by Philodemus, an Argive, who was placed in this situa- tion by Epicydes. Marcellus sent Sosis, one of the regi- cides, to him. After a long conversation, being put off for the purpose of frustrating him, he brought back word toT.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 317 Marcelius that Philodemus had taken time to deliberate. This man postponing his answer day after day, till Hip- pocrates and Himilco should quit their present position, and come up with their legions ; not doubting but that if he, should receive them into the fort, the. Roman army, shut up as it was within the walls, might be annihilated, Marcelius, who saw that the Euryalus would neither be delivered up to him nor could be taken by force, pitched his camp between Neapolis and Tycha, which are names of divisions of the city, and are in themselves like cities; fearful lest, if he entered populous parts of the city, he should not be able to restrain his soldiers, greedy of plun- der, from running up and down after it. When three am- bassadors came to him frpm Tycha and Neapolis with fillets and other badges of supplicants, imploring him to abstain from fire and slaughter, Marcelius, having held a council respecting these entreaties, for so they were, rather than demands, ordered his soldiers, according to the unanimous opinion of the council, not to offer violence to any free person, but told them that every thing else might be their booty. The walls of the houses forming a protection for his camp, he posted guards and parties of troops at the gates, which were exposed, as they faced the streets, lest any attack should be made upon his camp while the sol- diers were dispersed in pursuit of plunder. After these arrangements, on a signal given, the soldiers dispersed for that purpose; and though they broke open doors and every place resounded, in consequence of the alarm and confusion created, they nevertheless refrained from blood. They did not desist from plunder till they had gutted the houses of all the property which had been accumulated during a long period of prosperity. Meanwhile, Philodemus also, who despaired of obtaining assistance, having received a pledge that he might return to Epicydes in safety, withdrew the garrison, and delivered up the fortress to the Romans. While the attention of all was engaged by the tumult oc- casioned in that part of the city which was captured, Borailcar, taking advantage of the night, when, from the violence of the weather, the Roman fleet was unable to ride at anchor in the deep, set out from the bay of Syracuse with thirty-five ships, and sailed away into the main with-si B THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxv., chap. 26. out interruption; leaving fifty-five ships for Epicycles and the Syracusans; and having informed the Carthaginians in what a critical situation Syracuse was placed, returned, af- ter a few days, with a hundred ships; having, as report says, received many presents from Epicydes out of the treasure of Hiero. 26. Marcellus, by gaining possession of the Euryalus, and placing a garrison in it, was freed from one cause of anxiety; which was, lest any hostile force received into that fortress on his rear might annoy his troops, shut up and confined as they were within the walls. He next in- vested the Achradina, erecting three camps in convenient situations, with the hope of reducing those inclosed within it to the want of every necessary. The outposts of both sides had remained inactive for several days, when the ar- rival of Hippocrates and Himilco suddenly caused the Ro- mans to be attacked aggressively on all sides; for Hippo- crates, having fortified a camp at the great harbor, and giving a signal to those who occupied the Achradina, at- tacked the old camp of the Romans/ in which Crispinus had the command; and Epicydes sallied out against the outposts of Marcellus, the Carthaginian fleet coming up to that part of the shore which lay between the city and the Roman camp, so that no succor could be sent by Marcellus to Crispinus. The enemy, however, produced more tumult than conflict; for Crispinus not only drove back Hippo- crates from his works, but pursued him as he fled with precipitation, while Marcellus drove Epicydes into the city; and it was considered that enough was now done even to prevent any danger arising in future from their sudden sallies. They were visited, too, by a plague—a calamity extending to both sides, and one which might Well divert their attention from schemes of war. For as the season of the year was autumn, and the situation naturally un- wholesome, though this was much more the case without than within the city, the intolerable intensity of the heat had an effect upon the constitution of almost every man in both the camps. At first they sickened and died from the unhealthiness of the season and climate; but afterwards the disease was spread merely by attending upon and coming in contact with, those affected ; so that those whot.B. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 81® were seized with it either perished neglected and deserted, or else drew with them those who sat by them and attend- ed them, by infecting them with the same violence of dis- ease. Daily funerals and death were before the eye ; and lamentations were heard from all sides, day and night. At last, their feelings had become so completely brutalized by being habituated to these miseries, that they not only did not follow their dead with tears and decent lamentations, but they did not even carry them out and bury them; so that the bodies of the dead lay strewed about, exposed to the view of those who were awaiting a similar fate; and thus the dead were the means of destroying the sick, and the sick those who were in health, both by fear and by the filthy state and the noisome stench of their bodies. Some preferring to die by the sword, even rushed alone upon the outposts of the enemy. The violence of the plague, how- ever, was much greater in the Carthaginian than the Ro- man army ; for the latter, from having been a long time be- fore Syracuse, had become more habituated to the climate and the water. Of the army of the enemy, the Sicilians, as soon as they perceived that diseases had become very com- mon from the unwholesomeness of the situation, dispersed to their respective cities in the neighborhood; but the Carthaginians, who had no place to retire to, perished, to- gether with their generals, Hippocrates and Himilco, to a man. Marcellus, on seeing the violence with which the dis- ease was raging, had removed his troops into the city, where their debilitated frames were recruited in houses and shade. Many, however, of the Roman army were cut off by this pestilence. 27. The land forces of the Carthaginians being thus de- stroyed, the Sicilians, who had served under Hippocrates, retired to two towns of no great size, but well secured by natural situation and fortifications; one was three miles, the other fifteen, from Syracuse. Here they collected a store of provisions from their own states, and sent for re- inforcements. Meanwhile, Bomilcar, who had gone a sec- ond time to Carthage, by so stating the condition of their allies as to inspire a hope that they might not only render them effectual aid, but also that the Romans might in a manner be made prisoners in the city which they had cap-&2(i THE HISTORY OF HOME. [b. xxv., chap. 27. tured, induced the Carthaginians to send with him as many ships of burden as possible, laden with every kind of pro- visions, and to augment the number of his ships. Setting sail, therefore, from Carthage with a hundred and thirty men-of-war and seven hundred transports, he had tolerably fair winds for crossing over to Sicily, but was prevented by the same wind from doubling Cape Pachynum. The news of the approach of Bomilcar, and afterwards his un- expected delay, excited alternate fear and joy in the Ro- mans and Syracusans. Epicydes, apprehensive lest, if the same wind which now detained him should continue to blow from the east for several days, the Carthaginian fleet would return to Africa, put the Achradina in the hands of the generals of the mercenary troops, and sailed to Bomil- car; whom he at length prevailed upon to try the issue of a naval battle, though he found him with his fleet stationed in the direction of Africa, and afraid of fighting, not so much because he was unequal in the strength or the num- ber of his ships, for he had more than the Romans, as be- cause the wind was more favorable to the Roman fleet than to his own. Marcellus, also, seeing that an army of Sicilians was assembling from every part of the island, and that the Carthaginian fleet was approaching with a great amount of supplies, though inferior in the number of his ships, resolved to prevent Bomilcar from coming to Syra- cuse, lest, blocked up in the city of his enemies, he should be pressed both by sea and land. The two hostile fleets were stationed near the promontory of Pachynum, ready to engage as soon as the sea should become calm enough to admit of their sailing out into the deep. Accordingly the east wind, which had blown violently for several days, now subsiding, Bomilcar got under sail first, his van seem- ing to make for the main sea, in order to double the prom* ontory with greater ease; but seeing the Roman ships bear- ing down upon him, terrified by some unexpected occur- rence, it is not known what, he sailed away into the main sea ; and sending messengers to Heraclea, to order the transports to return to Africa, he passed along the coast of Sicily and made for Tarentum. Epicydes, thus suddenly disappointed in such great expectations, to avoid returning to endeavor to raise the siege of the city, a great part oftr.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 321 which was already in the hands of the enemy, sailed to Agrigentum, intending to wait the issue of the contest, rather than take any new measures when there. 28. Intelligence of these events having been carried into the camp of the Sicilians, that Epicydes had departed from Syracuse, that the island was deserted by the Carthagin- ians, and almost again delivered up to the Romans ; after sounding the inclinations of the besieged in conferences, they sent ambassadors to Marcellus, to treat about terms of capitulation. They had not much difficulty in coming to an agreement, that all the parts of the island which had been under the dominion of their kings should be ceded to the Romans ; that the rest, with their liberty and their own laws, should be preserved to the Sicilians. They then invited to a conference the persons who had been intrusted with the management of affairs by Epicydes; to whom they said, that they were sent from the army of the Sicili- ans, at once to Marcellus and to them, that both those who were besieged and those who were not might share the same fortune; and that neither of them might stipulate any thing for themselves separately. They were then al- lowed to enter, in order to converse with their relations and friends; when, laying before them the terms wThich they had made with Marcellus, and holding out to them a hope of safety, they induced them to join with them in an attack upon the prefects of Epicydes, Polyclitus, Philis- tion, and Epicydes, surnamed Sindon. Having put them to death, they summoned the multitude to an assembly; and after complaining of the famine, at which they had been accustomed to express their dissatisfaction to each other in secret, they said, that " although they were pressed by so many calamities, they had no right to accuse For- tune, because it was at their own option how long they should continue to suffer them. That the motive which the Romans had in besieging Syracuse was affection for the Syracusans, and not hatred ; for when they heard that the government was usurped by Hippocrates and Epicy- des, the creatures first of Hannibal and then of Hierony- mus, they took arms and began to besiege the city, in or- der to reduce not the city itself, but its cruel tyrants. But now that Hippocrates is slain, Epicydes shut out of Syra- 14*322 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv.,chap. 29. cuse, his prefects put to death, and the Carthaginians driven from the entire possession of Sicily by sea and land, what reason can the Romans have left why they should not desire the preservation of Syracuse, in the same manner as they would if Hiero were still living, who cultivated the friendship of Rome with unequalled fidelity ? That, there- fore, neither the city nor its inhabitants were in any dan- ger, except from themselves, if they neglected an oppor- tunity of restoring themselves to the "favor of the Ro- mans ; and that no so favorable a one would ever occur as that which presented itself at the present instant, imme- diately upon its appearing that they were delivered from their insolent tyrants." 29. This speech was received with the most unqualified approbation of all present. It was resolved,"however, that praetors should be elected before the nomination of depu- ties ; which being done, some of the praetors themselves were sent as deputies to Marcellus, the chief of whom thus addressed him: "Neither, in the first instance, did we Syracusatos revolt from you, but Iiieronymus, whose impi- ety towards you was by no means so great as towards us; nor afterwards was it any Syracusan who disturbed the peace established by the death of the tyrant, but Hippo- crates and Epicydes, creatures of the tyrant; while we were overpowered, on the one hand by fear, and on the other by treachery. Nor can any one say that there ever was a time when we were in possession of our liberty, when we were not also at peace with you. In the present instance, manifestly, as soon as ever wre became our own masters, by the death of those persons who held Syracuse in subjection, we lost no time in coming to deliver up our arms, to surrender ourselves, our city, and our walls, and to refuse no conditions which you shall impose upon us. To you, Marcellus, the gods have given the glory of having captured the most renowned and beautiful of the Grecian cities. Every memorable exploit which w7e have at any time achieved by land or sea accrues to the splendor of your triumph. Would you wish that it should be known only by fame, how great a city has been captured by you, rather than that she should stand as a monument even to posterity; so that to every one who visits her by sea orY.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 323 land, she may. point'out' at one time our trophies gained from the Athenians and Carthaginians, at another time those which you have gained from us; and that you should transmit Syracuse unimpaired to your family, to be kept under the protection and patronage of the race of the Marcelli? Let not the memory of Hieronymus have greater weight with you than that of Hiero. The latter was your friend for a much longer period than the former was your enemy. From the latter you have realized even benefits, while the frenzy of Hieronymus only brought ruin upon himself." At the hands of the Romans all things were obtainable and secure. There was a greater disposi- tion to war, and more danger to be apprehended among themselves ; for the deserters, thinking that they were de- livered up to the Romans, induced the mercenary auxilia- ries to entertain the same apprehension; and hastily seiz- ing their arms, they first put the praetors to death, and then ran through the city to massacre the Syracusans. In their rage they slew all whom chance threw in their way, and plundered every thing which presented itself; and then, lest they should have no leaders, they elected six praetors, so that three might have the command in the Achradina, and three in the island. At length, the tumult having sub- sided, and the mercenary troops having ascertained, by in- quiry, what had been negotiated with the Romans, it be- gan to appear, as was really the case, that their cause and that of the deserters were different. 30. The ambassadors returned from Marcellus very op- portunely. They informed them that they had been in- fluenced by groundless suspicions, and that the Romans saw no reason why they should inflict punishment upon them. Of the three praefects of the Achradina one was a Spaniard, named Mericus. To him one of the Spanish aux- iliaries was designedly sent, among those who accompanied the ambassadors. Having obtained an interview with Mericus in the absence of witnesses, he first explained to him the state in which he had left Spain, from which he had lately returned: " That there every thing was in sub- jection to the Roman arms; that it was in his power, by doing the Romans a service, to become the first man among his countrymen, whether he might be inclined to serve;324 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 30. with the Romans, or to return to his country. On the other hand, if he persisted in preferring to hold out against the siege, what hope could he have, shut up as he was by sea and land ?" Mericus was moved by these suggestions, and when it was resolved upon to send ambassadors to Marcellus, he sent his brother among them; who, being brought into the presence of Marcellus, apart from the rest, by means of the same Spaniard, after receiving an as- surance of protection, arranged the method of carrying their object into effect, and then returned to the Achra dina. Mericus then, in order to prevent any one from conceiving a suspicion of treachery, declared that he did not like that deputies should be passing to and fro; he thought that they should neither admit nor send any; and in order that the guards might be kept more strictly, that such parts as were most exposed should be distributed among the prefects, each being made responsible for the safety of his own quarter. All approved of the distribu- tion of the posts. The district which fell to the lot of Me- ricus himself extended from the fountain Arethusa to the mouth of the large harbor, of which he caused the Romans to be informed. Accordingly, Marcellvis ordered a trans- port with armed men to be towed by a quadrireme to the Achradina during the night, and the soldiers to be landed in the vicinity of that gate which is near the fountain of Arethusa. This order having been executed at the fourth watch, and Mericus having received the soldiers when land- ed at the gate, according to the agreement, Marcellus as- saulted the walls of the Achradina with all his forces at break of day, so that he not only engaged the attention of those who occupied the Achradina, but also bands of arm- ed men, quitting their own posts, ran to the spot from the island, in order to repel the furious attack of the Romans. During this confusion, some light ships which had been prepared beforehand, and had sailed round, landed a body of armed men at the island ; these suddenly attacking the half-manned stations ^nd the opened door of the gate at which the troops had a little before run out, got possession of the island without much opposition, abandoned as it was, in consequence of the flight and trepidation of its guards. Nor were there any who rendered less service, ory.r. 640.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 325 showed less firmness in maintaining their posts, than the deserters; for as they did not repose much confidence even in those of their own party, they fled in the middle of the contest. When Marcellus learnt that the island was taken, one quarter of the Achradina in the hands of his troops, and that Mericus, with the men under his command, had joined them, he sounded a retreat, lest the royal treasure, the fame of which was greater than the reality, should be plundered. 31. The impetuosity of the soldiers having been check- ed, time and opportunity to escape were given to the de- serters in the Achradina; and the Syracusans, at length delivered from their fears, threw open the gates of the Achradina, and sent deputies to Marcellus, requesting only safety for themselves and children. Having summoned a council, to which the Syracusans were invited who were among the Roman troops, having been driven from home during the disturbances, Marcellus replied, " that the serv- ices rendered by Hiero through a period of fifty years, were not more in number than the injuries committed against the Roman people in these few years by those who had had possession of Syracuse; but that jnost of these injuries had justly recoiled upon their authors, and that they had inflicted much more severe punishment upon themselves for the violation of treaties, than the Ro- man people desired. That he was indeed now besieging Syracuse for the third year, but not that the Romans might hold that state in a condition of slavery, but that the ringleaders of the deserters might not keep it in a state of thralldom and oppression. What the Syracusans could do was exemplified, either by the conduct of those Syracusans who were among the Roman troops, or that of the Spanish general, Mericus, who had delivered up the post which he was appointed to command, or, lastly, by the late but bold measure adopted by the Syracusans themselves. That the greatest possible recompense for all the evils and dangers which he had for so long a time undergone, both by sea and land, around the walls of Syr- acuse, was the reflection, that he had been able to take that city." The qusestor was then sent with a guard to the island, to receive and protect the royal treasure. The326 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 32. city was gi.ven up to be plundered by the soldiery, after guards had been placed at each of the houses of those who had been with the Roman troops. While many acts exhibited horrid examples of rage and rapacity, it is re- corded that Archimedes, while intent on some figures which he had described in the dust, although the confu- sion was as great as could possibly exist in a captured city, in which soldiers were running up and down in search of plunder, was put to death by a soldier, who did not know who he was; that Marcellus was grieved at this event, and that pains were taken about his funeral, while his relations also, for whom diligent inquiry was made, derived honor and protection from his name and memory. Such, for the most part, was the manner in which Syra- cuse was captured. The quantity of booty was so great, that had Carthage itself, which was carrying on a contest on equal terms, been captured, it would scarcely have af- forded so much. A few days before the taking of Syra- cuse, Titus Otacilius passed over from Lilybaeum to Utica with eighty quinqueremes, and entering the harbor before it was light, took some transports laden with corn; then landing, he laid waste a considerable portion of the coun- try around Utica, and brought back to his ships booty of every description. He returned to Lilybaeum, the third day after he set out, with a hundred and thirty transports laden with corn and booty. The corn he sent immediate- ly to Syracuse; and had it not been for the very season- able arrival of this supply, a destructive famine threatened alike the victors and the vanquished. 32. Nothing very memorable had been done in Spain for about two years, the operations of the war consisting more in laying plans than in fighting; but during the same summer in which the events above recorded took place, the Roman generals, quitting their winter-quarters, united their forces; then a council was summoned; and the opinions of all accorded, that since their only object hitherto had been to prevent Hasdrubal from pursuing his march into Italy, it was now time that an effort should be made to bring the war in Spain to a termination; and they thought that the twenty thousand Celtiberians, who had been induced to take arms that winter, formed a suffi-y.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. cient accession to their strength. There were three ar- mies of the enemy. Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, and Mago, who had united their forces, were about a five days' jour- ney from the Romans. Hasdrubal, son of Hamilcar, who was the old commander in Spain, was nearer to them: he was with his army near the city Anitorgis. The Roman generals were desirous that he should be overpowered first; and they hoped that they had enough and more than enough strength for the purpose. Their only source of anxiety was, lest the other Hasdrubal and Mago, terri- fied at his discomfiture, should protract the war by with- drawing into trackless forests and mountains. Thinking it, therefore, the wisest course to divide their forces and embrace the whole Spanish war, they arranged it so that Publius Cornelius should lead two-thirds of the Roman and allied troops against Mago and Hasdrubal, and that Cneius Cornelius, with the remaining third of the original army, and with the Celtiberians added to them, should carry on the war with the Barcine Hasdrubal. The two generals and their armies, setting out together, preceded by the Celtiberians, pitched their camp near the city Ani- torgis, within sight of the enemy, the river only separating them. Here Cneius Scipio, with the forces above .men- tioned, halted, but Publius Scipio proceeded to the por- tion of the war assigned to him. 33. Hasdrubal perceiving that there were but few Ro- man troops in the camp, and that their whole dependence was on the Celtiberian auxiliaries; and having had expe- rience of the perfidy of the barbarian nations in general, and particularly of all those nations among which he had gerved for so many years; as there was every facility of intercourse, for both camps were full of Spaniards, by se- cret conferences with the chiefs of the Celtiberians, he agreed with them, for a large consideration, to take their forces away. N"or did they conceive it to be any great crime; for the object was not that they should turn their arms against the Romans, wThile the reward which they were to receive to abstain from the war was large enough to remunerate them for their service in it. At the same time the mere rest from labor, the return to their homes, with the pleasure of seeing their friends and property,328 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxv., ciiap. 34. were pleasing to the generality. Accordingly, the multi- tude were prevailed upon as easily as their leaders. They had, moreover, nothing to fear from the Romans, in conse- quence of the smallness of their numbers, should they en- deavor to detain them by force. It will indeed be the duty of all Roman generals to take care, and the instances here recorded should be considered as strong arguments, never to place so much confidence in foreign auxiliaries as not to retain in their camps a preponderance of their own strength, and of that force which is properly their own. The Celtiberians, suddenly taking up their stand- ards, marched away, replying only to the Romans, who asked the cause of their departure and entreated them to stay, that they were called away by a war at home. Scip- io seeing that his allies could be detained neither by prayers nor force, and that he was neither a match for his enemy without them, nor could again effect a junction with his brother, no other course which promised safety offering itself, resolved to retire as far as possible, careful- ly using every caution not to encounter the enemy any- where on level ground. On his departing, the enemy, crossing the river, pursued him almost in his footsteps. 34. During the same period an equal terror and a greater danger pressed upon Publius Scipio. Masinissa was a young man, at that time an ally of the Carthagin- ians, whom afterwards the friendship of the Romans ren- dered illustrious and powerful. Pie not only opposed himself with his Numidian cavalry to Scipio on his ap- proach, but afterwards harassed him incessantly day and night, so as both to cut off his stragglers, who had gone out to a distance from the camp in search of wood and forage, and riding up to the very gates of his camp, and charging into the midst of his advanced guards, to .fill ev- ery quarter with the utmost confusion. By night also alarm was frequently occasioned in the gates and rampart by his sudden attacks. Nor was there any time or place at which the Romans were exempt from fear and anxiety; and driven within their rampart, and deprived of every necessary, they suffered in a manner a regular siege; and it appeared that it would have been still straiter, if Indi- bilis, who it was reported was approaching with seveny.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 329 thousand five hundred Suessetani, should form a junction with the Carthaginians. Scipio, though a wary and prov- ident general, overpowered by difficulties, adopted the rash measure of going to meet Indibilis by night, with the intention of fighting him wherever he should meet him. Leaving, therefore, a small force in his camp, under the command of Titus Fonteius, lieutenant-general, he set out at midnight, and, meeting with the enemy, came to battle with him. The troops fought in the order of march rath- er than of battle. The Romans, however, had the advan- tage, though in an irregular fight; but the Numidian cav- alry, whose observation the general supposed that he had escaped, suddenly spreading themselves round his flanks, occasioned great terror. After a new contest had been entered into with the Numidians, a third enemy came up in addition to the rest, the Carthaginian generals having come up with their rear when they were now engaged in fighting. Thus the Romans were surrounded on every side by enemies; nor could they make up their minds which they should attack first, or in what part, forming themselves into a close body, they should force their way through. The general, while fighting and encouraging his men, exposing himself wherever the strife was the hot- test, was run through the right side with a lance; and when the party of the enemy, which, formed into a wedge, had charged the troops collected round the general, per- ceived Scipio falling lifeless from his horse, elated with Joy, they ran shouting through the whole line, with the news that the Roman general had fallen. These words spreading in every direction, caused the enemy to be con- sidered as victors, and the Romans as vanquished. On the loss of the general the troops immediately began to fly from the field ; but, though it was not difficult to force their way through the Numidians and the other lights armed auxiliaries, yet it was scarcely possible for them to escape so large a body of cavalry, and infantry equal to horses in speed. Almost more were slain in the flight than in the battle; nor would a man have survived had not night put a stop to the carnage, the day by this time rapidly drawing to a close; 35. After this, the Carthaginian generals, who were not330 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 36. slow in following up their victory, immediately after the battle, scarcely giving their soldiers necessary rest, hurry their army to Hasdrubal, son of Hamilcar; confidently hoping that, after uniting their forces with his, the war might be brought to a conclusion. On their arrival the warmest congratulations passed between the troops and their generals, who were delighted with their recent vic- tory; for they had not only destroyed one distinguished general and all his men, but looked forward to another victory of equal magnitude as a matter of certainty. The intelligence of this great disaster had not yet reached the Romans; but there prevailed a kind of melancholy silence and mute foreboding, such as is usually found in minds which have a presentiment of impending calamity. The general himself, besides feeling that he was deserted by his allies, and that the forces of the enemy were so much augmented, was disposed, from conjecture and reasoning, rather to a suspicion that some defeat had been sustained, than to any favorable hopes. "For how could Hasdrubal and Mago bring up their troops without opposition, unless they had terminated their part of the war ? How was it that his brother had not opposed his progress or followed on his rear? in order that, if he could not prevent the armies and generals of the enemy from forming a junction, he might himself join his forces with his brother's." Dis- turbed with these cares, he believed that the only safe pol- icy, for the present, was to retire as far as possible; and, accordingly, he marched a considerable distance thence in' one night, the enemy not being aware of it, and on that jxccount continuing quiet. At dawn, perceiving that their ^nemy had decamped, they sent the Numidians in advance, and began to pursue them as rapidly as possible. The Numidians overtook them before night, and charged, sometimes their rear, at other times their flanks. They then began to halt and defend themselves as well as they could; but Scipio exhorted them at once to fight so as not to expose themselves, and march at the same time, lest the infantry should overtake them. 36. But having made but little progress for a long time, in consequence of his making his troops sometimes ad- vance and at others halt, and night now drawing on, Scipioy.r. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 331 recalled his troops from the battle, and collecting them, withdrew to a certain eminence, not very safe, indeed, par- ticularly for dispirited troops, but higher than any of the surrounding places. There, at first, his infantry, drawn up around his baggage and cavalry, which were placed in their centre, had no difficulty in repelling the attacks of the charging ISTumidians; but afterwards, when three generals, with three regular armies, marched up in one entire body, and it was evident that his men would not be able to do much by arms in defending the position without fortifica- tions, the general began to look about, and consider wheth- er he could by any means throw a rampart around; but the hill was so bare, and the soil so rough, that neither could a bush be found for cutting a palisade, nor earth for making a mound, nor the requisites for making a trench or any other work ; nor was the place naturally steep or abrupt enough to render the approach and ascent difficult to the enemy, as it rose on every side with a gentle ac- clivity. However, that they might raise up against them some semblance of a rampart, they placed around them the panniers tied to the burdens, building them up, as it were, to the usual height; and when there was a deficiency of panniers for raising it, they presented against the ene- my a heap of baggage of every kind. The Carthaginian armies coming up, very easily marched up the eminence, but were stopped by the novel appearance of the fortifica- tion, as by something miraculous, when their leaders called out from all sides, asking " what they stopped at ? and why they did not tear down and demolish that mockery, which was scarcely strong enough to impede the progress <*i women and children; that the enemy, who were skulk- ing behind their baggage, were, in fact, captured and in their hands." Such were the contemptuous reproofs of their leaders. But it was not an easy task either to leap over or remove the burdens raised up against them, or to cut through the panniers, closely packed together and cov- ered completely with baggage. When the removal of the burdens had opened a way to the troops, who were detain- ed by them for a long time, and the same had been done in several quarters, the camp was now captured on all sides: the Romans were cut to pieces on all hands, the few332 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 37. by the many, the dispirited by the victorious. A great number of the men, however, having fled for refuge into the neighboring woods, effected their escape to the camp of Publius Scipio, which Titus Fonteius commanded. Some authors relate that Cneius Scipio was slain on the eminence on the first assault of the enemy; others that he escaped with a few attendants to a castle near the camp; this, they say, was surrounded with fire, by which means the doors which they could not force were consumed; that it was thus taken, and all within, together with the general him- self, put to death. Cneius Scipio was slain in the eighth year after his arrival in Spain, and on the twenty-ninth day after the death of his brother. At Rome the grief occa- sioned by their death was not more intense than that which was felt throughout Spain. The sorrow of the citizens, however, was partly distracted by the loss of the armies, the alienation of the province, and the public disaster; while in Spain they mourned and regretted the generals themselves; Cneius, however, the more, because he had been longer in command of them, had first engaged their affections, and first exhibited a specimen of Roman justice and forbearance. 37. When it seemed that the Roman armies were anni- hilated, and Spain lost, one man recovered this desperate state of affairs. There was in the army one Lucius Mar- cius, the son of Septimus, a Roman knight, an enterprising youth, and possessing a mind and genius far superior to the condition in which he had been born. To his high talents had been added the discipline of Cneius Scipip, un- der which he had been thoroughly instructed during a course of so many years in all the qualifications of a sol- dier. This man, having collected the troops which had been dispersed in the flight, and drafted some from the garrisons, had formed an army not to be despised, and united it with Titus Fonteius, the lieutenant-general of Publius Scipio. But so transcendent was the Roman knight in authority and honor among the troops, that when, after fortifying a camp on this side of the Iberus, it had been resolved that a general of the two armies should be elected in an assembly of the soldiers, relieving each other in the guard of the rampart, and in keeping the outpostsy.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 333 until every one had given his vote, they unanimously con- ferred the supreme command upon Lucius Marcius. All the intervening time, which was but short, was occupied in fortifying their camp and collecting provisions; and the soldiers executed every order not only wTith vigor, but with feelings by no means depressed. But when intelli- gence was brought them that Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, who was coming to put the finishing-stroke to the war, had cross- ed the Iberus and was drawing near, and when they saw the signal for battle displayed by a new commander; then calling to mind whom they had had for their leaders a lit- tle while ago, relying on what leaders and what forces they used to go out to fight, they all suddenly burst into tears and beat their heads; some raising their hands to heaven and arraigning the gods; others prostrating themselves upon the ground, and invoking by name each his own former commander. Nor could their lamentations be re- strained, though the centurions endeavored to animate their companies, and though Marcius himself soothed and remonstrated with them, asking them " why they had given themselves up to womanish and unavailing lamen- tations, rather than summon up all their courage to protect themselves and the commonwealth together, and not suffer their generals to lie unavenged ?" But suddenly a shout and the sound of trumpets were heard; for by this time the enemy were near the rampart. Upon this, their grief being suddenly converted into rage, they hastily ran to arms, and, as it were, burning with fury, rushed to the gates and charged the enemy, while advancing in a careless and disorderly manner. This unexpected event instant- ly struck terror into the Carthaginians, who, wondering whence so many enemies could have sprung up so sudden- ly, as the army had been almost annihilated; what could have inspired men who had been vanquished and routed with such boldness and confidence in themselves; what general could have arisen now that the two Scipios were slain ; who could command the camp, and who had given the signal for battle; in consequence of these so many and so unexpected circumstances, at first, being in a state of complete uncertainty and amazement, they gave ground; but afterwards, discomfited by the violence of the charge,834 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 38. they turned their backs; and either there would have been a dreadful slaughter of the flying enemy, or a rash and dangerous effort on the part of the pursuers, had not Mar- cius promptly given the signal for retreat, and, by throw- ing himself in the way of the front rank, and even holding some back with his own hands, repressed the infuriated troops. He then led them back to the camp, still eager for blood and slaughter. When the Carthaginians, who were at first compelled to fly with precipitation from the ram- part of their enemy, saw that no one pursued them, con- cluding that they had stopped from fear, they now on the other hand went away to their camp at an easy pace, with feelings of contempt for the enemy. There was a corre- sponding want of care in guarding their camp; for though the enemy were near, yet it seemed that they were but the remains of the two armies which had been cut to pieces a few days before. As, in consequence of this, all things were neglected in the enemy's camp, Marcius, having ascertained this, addressed his rnind to a measure which, on the first view of it, might appear rather rash than bold: it was, ag- gressively to assault the enemy's camp, concluding that the camp of Hasdrubal, while alone, might be carried with less difficulty than his own could be defended, if the three armies and as many generals should again unite; taking into consideration, also, that either, if he succeeded, he would retrieve their prostrate fortune, or, if repulsed, still, by making the attack himself, he would rescue himself from contempt. 38. Lest, however, the suddenness of the affair, and the fear of night, should frustrate a measure which was in it- self ill adapted to his condition, he thought it right that his soldiers should be addressed and exhorted ; and having called an assembly, he discoursed as follows: " Soldiers, either my veneration for our late commanders, both living and dead, or our present situation, may impress on every one the belief that this command, as it is highly honorable to me, conferred by ^our suffrages, so is it in its nature a heavy and anxious charge. For at a time when I should be scarcely so far master of myself as to be able to find any solace for my afflicted mind, did not fear deaden the sense of sorrow, I am compelled to take upon myself aloner*R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 335 the task of consulting for the good of you all—a task of the greatest difficulty when under the influence of grief. And not even at that critical moment, when I ought to be considering in what manner I may be enabled to keep to- gether for my country these remains of two armies, can I divert my mind from the affliction which incessantly preys upon me. For bitter recollection is ever present, and the Scipios ever disturb me with anxious cares by day and dreams by night, frequently rousing me from my sleep, and imploring me not to suffer themselves nor their soldiers, your companions in war, who had been victorious in this country for eight years, nor the commonwealth, to remain unrevenged; enjoining me also to follow their discipline and their plans; and desiring that, as there was no one more obedient to their commands while they were alive than I, so after their death I would consider that conduct as best which I might h£ve the strongest reason for be- lieving they would have adopted in each case. I could wish, also, that you, my soldiers, should not show your re- spect for them by lamentations and tears, as if they were dead (for they still live and flourish in the fame of their achievements); but that whenever the memory of those men shall occur to you, you would go into battle as though you saw them encouraging you and giving you the signal, Nor, certainly, could any thing else than their image pre- senting itself yesterday to your eyes and minds have en- abled you- to fight that memorable battle, in which you proved to the enemy that the Roman name had not become extinct with the Scipios; and that the energy and valor of that people, which had not been overwhelmed by the dis- aster at Cannae, would doubtlessly emerge from the se- verest storms of fortune. * Now, since you have dared so much of your own accord, I have a mind to try how much you will dare when authorized by your general; for yes- terday, when I gave the signal for retreat while you were pursuing the routed enemy with precipitation, I did not wTish to break your spirit, but to reserve it for greater glory and more advantageous opportunities; that you might afterwards, when prepared and armed, seize aft oc- casion of attacking your enemy while off their guard, un- armed, and even buried in sleep. Nor do I entertain the330 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chat. 38. hope of gaining an opportunity of this kind rashly, but from the actual state of things. Doubtless, if any one should ask even himself by what means, though few in number and disheartened by defeat, you defended your camp against troops superior in number and victorious, you would give no other answer than that, as this was the very thing you were afraid of, you had kept every place secured by works, and yourselves ready and equipped. And so it generally happens: men are least secure against that which fortune causes not to be feared; because you leave unguarded and exposed what yoti think is not neces- sary to be cared about. There is nothing whatever which the enemy fear less at the present time, than lest we, who were a little while ago besieged and assaulted, should ag- gressively assault their camp ourselves. Let us dare, then, to do that which it is incredible we should have the cour- age to attempt; it will be most easy, from the very fact of its appearing most difficult. At the third watch of the night I will lead you thither in silence. I have ascertain- ed by means of scouts that they have no regular succes- sion of watches, no proper outposts. Our shout at their gates, when heard, and the first assault, will carry their camp. Then let that carnage be made, among men torpid with sleep, terrified at the unexpected tumult, and over- powered while lying defenseless in their beds, from which you were so grieved to be recalled yesterday. I know that the measure appears to you a daring one; but in dif- ficult and almost desperate circumstances the boldest coun- sels are always the safest. For if, when the critical mo- ment has arrived, the opportunity of seizing which is of a fleeting nature, you delay ever so little, in vain do you seek for it afterwards when it has been neglected. One army is near us; two more are not far off. We have some hopes if we make an attack now; and you have already made trial of your own and their strength. If we postpone the time, and cease to be despised in consequence of the fame of yesterday's irruption, there is danger lest all the gener- als and all the forces should unite. Shall we be able, then, to withstand three generals and three armies, whom Cneius Scipio with his army unimpaired could not with- stand ? As our generals have perished by dividing theirt.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 337 forces, so the enemy may be overpowered while separated and divided. There is no other mode of maintaining the war; let us, therefore, wait for nothing but the opportu- nity of the ensuing night. Now depart, with the favor of the gods, and refresh yourselves, that, unfatigued and vig- orous, you may burst into the enemy's camp with the same spirit with which you have defended your own." This new enterprise, proposed by their new general, they re- ceived with joy; and the more daring it was,the more it pleased them. The remainder of the day was spent in getting their arms in readiness and recruiting their strength ; the greater part of the night was given to rest, and at the fourth watch they were in motion. 39. At a distance of six miles beyond their nearest camp lay other forces of the Carthaginians. A deep valley, thickly -planted with trees, intervened. Near about the middle of this wood a Roman cohort and some cavalry were placed in concealment, with Punic craft. The com- munication between the two armies being thus cut off, the rest of the forces were marched in silence to the nearest body of the enemy; and as there were no outposts before the gates, and no guards on the rampart, they entered quite into the camp, as though it had been their own, no one anywhere opposing them. The signals were then sounded and a shout raised. Some put the enemy to the sword when half asleep; others threw fire upon the huts, which were covered in with dry straw; others blocked up the gates, to intercept their escape. The enemy, who were as- sailed at once with fire, shouting, and the sword, were in as manner bereaved of their senses, and could neither hear *\ich other nor take any measures for their security. Un- armed, they fell into the midst of troops of armed men ; some hastened to the gates; others, as the passes were blocked up, leaped over the rampart, and as each escaped they fled directly towards the other camp, where they were cut off by the cohort and cavalry rushing forward from their concealment, and were all slain to a man. And even had any escaped from that carnage, the Romans, after tak- ing the nearer camp, ran over to the other with such ra- pidity, that no one could have arrived before them with news of the disaster. In this camp, as they were far dis- VOL.II.--l 5338 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxv., chap. 39. tant from the enemy, and as some had gone off just before daylight for forage, wood, and plunder, they found every thing in a still more neglected and careless state. Their arms only were placed at the outposts, the men being un- armed, and either sitting and reclining upon the ground, or else walking up and down before the rampart and the gates. On these men, thus at their ease and unguarded, the Romans, still hot from the recent battle, and flushed with victory, commenced an attack; no effectual opposi- tion, therefore, could be made to them in the gates. With- in the gates, the troops having rushed together from every part of the camp at the first shout and alarm, a furious con- flict arose; which would have continued for a long time, had not the bloody appearance of the Roman shields dis- covered to the Carthaginians the defeat of the other forces, and consequently struck them with dismay. This alarm produced a general flight; and all, except those who were overtaken with the sword,rushing out precipitately wherever they could find a passage, abandoned their camp. Thus, in a night and a day, two camps of the enemy were carried under the conduct of Lucius Marcius. Claudius, who translated the annals of Acilius out of Greek into Latin, states that as many as thirty-seven thousand men were slain, one thousand eight hundred and thirty made prisoners, and a great booty obtained; among which was a silver shield of a hundred and thirty-eight pounds' weight, with an image upon it- of the Barcine Hasdrubal. Valerius Antias states that the camp ofMago only was cap- tured, and seven thousand of the enemy slain; and that in the other battle, when the Romans sallied out and fought with Hasdrubal, ten thousand were slain, and four thousand three hundred captured. Piso writes, that five thousand were slain in an ambuscade when Mago incautiously pur- sued our troops who retired. With all, the name of the general, Marcius, is mentioned with great honor, and to his real glory they add even miracles. They say that, while he was haranguing his men, a stream of fire poured from his head without his perceiving it, to the great terror of the surrounding soldiers; and that a shield, called the Marcian, with an image of Hasdrubal upon it, remained in the temple up to the time of the burning of the Capitol, ay.K. 510.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 339 monument of his victory over the Carthaginians. After this, affairs continued for a considerable time in a tranquil state in Spain, as both parties, after giving and receiving such important defeats, hesitated to run the hazard of a general battle. 40. During these transactions in Spain, Marcellus, after the capture of Syracuse, having settled the other affairs in Sicily with so much honor and integrity as not only to add to his own renown, but also to the majesty of the Ro- man people, conveyed to Rome the ornaments of the city, together with the statues and pictures with which Syra- cuse abounded. These were certainly spoils taken from enemies, and acquired according to the laws of war; but hence was the origin of the admiration of the products of Grecian art, and to that freedom with which at present all places, both sacred and profane, are despoiled; which at last recoiled upon the Roman gods, and first upon that very temple which was so choicely adorned by Marcellus. For foreigners were in the habit of visiting the temples dedicated by Marcellus near the Capuan gate, on account of their splendid ornaments of this description, of which a very small portion can be found. Embassies from almost all the states of Sicily came to him. As their cases were different, so were also the terms granted to them. Thoso who had either not revolted or had returned to the alli- ance before the capture of Syracuse, were received and honored as faithful allies. Those who had been induced to submit through fear after the capture of Syracuse, as vanquished, received laws from the conqueror. The Ro- mans, however, had still remaining a war of no small mag nitude at Agrigentum, headed by Epicydes and Hanno generals in the late war, and a third new one sent by Han- nibal in the room of Hippocrates, a Libyphcenician by na- tion, and a native of Hippo, called by his countrymen Mu- rines ; an energetic man, and thoroughly instructed in all the arts of war under the tuition of Hannibal. To this man the Numidian auxiliaries were assigned by Epicydes and Hanno. With these he so thoroughly overran the lands of his enemies, and visited his allies with such ac- tivity, in order to retain them in their allegiance, and for the purpose of bringing them seasonable aid as each re-340 THE HISTORY OF EOME. [u. xxv.,chap. 41. quired it, that in a short time he filled all Sicily with his fame, nor was greater confidence placed in any one else by those who favored the Carthaginian interest. According- ly, the Carthaginian and Syracusan generals, who had been hitherto compelled to keep within the walls of Agri- gentum, not more at the advice of Mutines than from the confidence they reposed in him, had the courage to go out from the walls, and pitched a camp near the river Himera. When this was announced to Marcellus, he immediately advanced and sat down at a distance of about four miles from the enemy, with the intention of waiting to see what steps they took, and what they meditated. But Mutines allowed no room or time for delay or deliberation, but crossed the river, and, charging the outposts of his enemy, created the greatest terror and confusion. The next day, in an engagement which might almost be called regular, he compelled his enemy to retire within their works. Be- ing called away by a mutiny of the ISTumidians, which had broken out in the camp, and in which about three hun- dred of them had retired to Heraclea Minoa, he set out to appease them and bring them back; and is said to have earnestly warned the generals not to engage with the en- emy during his absence. Both the generals were indig- nant at this conduct, but particularly Hanno, who was be- fore disturbed at his reputation. "Is it to be borne," said he, " that a mongrel African should impose restraints upon me, a - Carthaginian general, commissioned by the Senate and people?" Epicydes, who wished to wait, was prevailed upon by him to agree to their crossing the river and offering battle; for, said he, if they should wait for Mutines, and the battle should terminate successfully, Mu- tines would certainly have the credit of it. 41. But Marcellus, highly indignant that he who had re- pulsed Hannibal from Noia, when rendered confident by his victory at Cannae, should succumb to enemies whom he had vanquished by sea and land, ordered his soldiers immediately to take arms and raise the standards. While marshalling his army, ten Numidians rode up rapidly from the enemy's line with information that their country- men, first, induced by the same causes which brought on the mutiny in which three hundred of their number re-y.R. 540.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 341 tired to Heraclea, and, secondly, because they saw their commander, just on the approach of a battle, sent out of the way by generals who wished to detract from his glory, would not take any part in the battle. This deceit- ful nation made good their promise in this instance. Ac- cordingly, the spirits of the Romans were increased by the intelligence, which was speedily conveyed through the lines, that the enemy were abandoned by the cavalry, which the Romans principally feared; while at the same time the enemy were dispirited, not only because they were deprived of the principal part of their strength, but further, because they were afraid lest they should them- selves be attacked by their own cavalry. Accordingly, there was no great resistance made: the first shout and onset determined the business. The Numidians, who stood quiet in the wings during the action, when they saw their party turning their backs, accompanied them in their flight only for a short time: but when they perceived that they were all making for Agrigentum with the most vio- lent haste, they turned off to the neighboring towns round about, through fear of a siege. Many thousand men were slain and captured, together with eight elephants. This was the last battle which Marcellus fought in Sicily, after which he returned victorious to Syracuse. The year was now about closing; the Senate, therefore, decreed that Publius Cornelius, the praetor, should send a letter to Capua to the consuls, with directions that, while Hannibal was at a distance, and nothing of ftny great importance was going on at Capua, one of them, if they thought fit, should come to Rome to elect new magistrates. On the receipt of the letter, the consuls arranged it between themselves that Claudius should hold the election, and Fulvius remain at Capua. ; The consuls created by Clau- dius were Cneius Fulvius Centumalus, and Publius Sul- picius Galba, the son of Servius, who had never exercised any curule magistracy. After this Lucius Cornelius Len- tulus, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Caius Sulpicius, and Caius Calpurnius Piso, were created praetors. Piso had the city jurisdiction; Sulpicius, Sicily; Cethegus, Apulia; Lentulus, Sardinia. The consuls were continued in com- mand for a year longer.342 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXVI., chap. 1. BOOK XXVI Hannibal encamps on the banks of the Anio, within three miles of Rome. Attended by two thousand horsemen, he advances close to the Colline gate to take a view of the walls and situation of the city. On two successive days the hostile armies are hindered from engaging by the severity of the weather. Capua taken by Quintus Eulvius and Appius Claudius ; the chief nobles die, voluntarily, by poison. Quintus Eul- vius, having condemned the principal Senators to death, at the moment they are actually tied to the stakes, receives dispatches from Rome, commanding him to spare their lives, which he postpones reading until the sentence is executed. Publius Scipio, offering himself for the serv- , ice, is sent to command in Spain; takes New Carthage in one day. Successes in Sicily. Treaty of friendship with the ^Etolians. War with Philip, king of Macedonia, and the Acarnanians. 1. The consuls, Cneius Fulvius Centumalus and Publius Sulpicius Galba, having entered on their office on the ides of March, assembled the Senate in the Capitol, and took the opinion of the fathers on the state of the republic, the manner of conducting the war, and on what related to the provinces and the armies. Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, the consuls of the former year, were continued in command; and the armies which they before had were assigned to them, it'being added that they should not withdraw from Capua, which they were besieging, till they had taken it. The Romans were now solicitously intent upon this object, not from resentment so much, which was never juster against any city, as from the consideration that as this city, so celebrated and powerful, had by its defection drawn away several states, so when reduced it would bring back their minds to respect for the former supreme government. Two praetors also of the former year, Marcus Junius and Publius Sempronius, were each continued in command of the two legions which they had under them, the former in Etruria, the latter in Gaul. Marcus Marcellus also was continued in command, that he might, as proconsul, finish the war in Sicily with the armyY.R. 541. j THE HISTORY OF ROME. 343 he had there. If he wanted recruits he was to take them from the legions which Publius Cornelius, the propraetor, commanded in Sicily, provided he did not choose any sol- dier who was of the number of those whom the Senate had refused to allow to be discharged, or to return home till the war was put an end to. To Oaius Sulpicius, to whose lot Sicily had fallen, the two legions which Publius Corne- lius had commanded were assigned, to be recruited from the army of Cneius Fulvius, which had been shamefully beaten, and had experienced a dreadful loss the year be- fore in Apulia. To soldiers of this description the Senate had assigned the same period of service as to those who fought at Cannae; and as an additional mark of ignominy upon both, they were not allowed to winter in towns, or to build huts for wintering within the distance of ten miles from any town. To Lucius Cornelius, in Sardinia, the two legions which Quintus Mucius had commanded were assigned; if recruits were wanted, the consuls were or- dered to enlist them. To Titus Otacilius and Marcus Valerius was allotted the protection of the coasts of Sicily and Greece, with the legions and fleets which they had commanded. The Greek coast had fifty ships with one legion; the Sicilian, a hundred ships with two legions. Twenty-three legions were employed by the 'Romans in carrying on the war this year by land and sea. 2. In the beginning of the year, on a letter from Lucius Marciua being laid before the Senate, they considered his achievements as most glorious: but the title of honor which he assumed (for though he was neither invested with the command by the order of the people, nor by the direction of the fathers, his letter ran in this form, " The propraetor to the Senate ") gave offense to a great many. It was considered as an injurious precedent for generals to be chosen by the armies, and for the solemn ceremo- ny of elections, held under auspices, to be transferred to camps and provinces, and (far from the control of the laws and magistrates) to military thoughtlessness. And though some gave it as their opinion that the sense of the Senate should be taken on the matter, yet it was thought more advisable that the discussion should be postponed till after the departure of the horsemen who brought the letter from344 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxvi., chap. 2. Marcius.; It was resolved that an answer should be re- turned respecting the corn and clothing of the army, stat- ing that the Senate would direct its attention to both those matters; but that the letter should not be addressed to Lucius Marcius, proprietor, lest he should consider that as already determined which was the very point they reserved for discussion. After the horsemen were dismissed, it was the first thing the consuls brought before the Senate; and the opinions of all, to a man, coincided that the plebeian tribunes should be instructed to consult the commons with all possible speed as to whom they might resolve to send into Spain to take the command of that army which had been under the conduct of Cneius Scipio. The plebeian tribunes were instructed accordingly, and the question was published. But another contest had pre - engaged the minds of the people: Caius Sempronius Blaesus, having brought Cneius Fulvius to trial for the loss of the army in Apulia, harassed him with invectives in the public as- semblies : " Many generals," he reiterated, " had, by indis- cretion and ignorance, brought their armies into most per- ilous situations, but none, save Cneius Fulvius, had cor- rupted his legions by every species of excess before he be- trayed them to the enemy; it might, therefore, with truth be said that they were lost before they saw the enemy, and that they were defeated, not by Hannibal, but by their own general. No man, when he gave his vote, took suffi- cient pains in ascertaining who it was to whom he was in- trusting an army. What a difference was there between this, man and Tiberius Sempronius! The latter, having been intrusted with an army of slaves, had in a short time brought it to pass, by discipline and authority, that not one of them in the field of battle remembered his condition and birth, but they became a protection to our allies and a ter- ror to our enemies. They had snatched, as it were, from the very jaws of Hannibal, and restored to the Roman people, Cumae,Beneventum, and other towns. But Cneius Fulvius had infected with the vices peculiar to slaves an army of Roman citizens, of honorable parentage and liber- al education; and had thus made them insolent and tur- bulent among their allies, inefficient and dastardly among their enemies, unable to sustain, not only the charge, butY.R. 541.] THE HISTOHY OF ROME. 345 the shout of the Carthaginians. But, by Hercules ! it was no wonder that the troops did not stand their ground in the battle, when their general was the first to fly; with him, the greater wonder was, that any had fallen at their posts, and that they were not all the companions of Cneius Fulvius in his consternation and his flight. Caius Flamin- ius, Lucius Paullus, Lucius Posthumius, Cneius and Pub- lius Scipio, had preferred falling in the battle to abandon- ing their armies when in the power of the enemy. But Cneius Fulvius was almost the only man who returned to Rome to report the annihilation of his army. It was a shameful crime that the army of Cannae should-be .trans- ported into Sicily, because they fled from the field of bat- tle, and not be allowed to return till the enemy has quitted Italy; that the same decree should have been lately passed with respect to the legions of Cneius Fulvius; while Cneius Fulvius himself has no punishment inflicted upon him for running away, in a battle brought about by his own indiscretion; that he himself should be permitted to pass his old age in stews and brothels, where he passed his youth, while his troops, whose only crime was that they resembled their general, should be sent away in a manner into banishment, and suffer an ignominious service. So unequally," he said, " was liberty shared at Rome by the rich and the poor, by the ennobled and the common peo- ple." ■3. The accused shifted the blame from himself to his soldiers; he said, "That, in consequence of their having in the most turbulent manner demanded, battle, they were led into the field, not on the day they desired, for it was then evening, but on the following; that they were drawn up at ,a suitable time and on favorable ground; but either the reputation or the strength of the enemy was such, that they were unable to stand their ground. When they all fled precipitately, he himself also was carried away with the crowd, as had happened to Varro at the battle of Can- nae, and to many other generals. How could he, by his sole resistance, benefit the republic, unless his death would remedy the public disasters ? that he was not defeated in consequence of a failure in his provisions; that he had not, from want of caution, been drawn into a disadvantageous 15*346 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxyi., chap. 4. position; that he had not been cut off by an ambuscade in consequence of not having explored his route, but had been vanquished by open force, and by arms, in a regular engagement. He had not in his power the minds of his own troops, or those of the enemy. Courage and coward- ice were the result of each man's natural constitution." He was twice accused, and the penalty was laid at a fine. On the third accusation, at which witnesses were pro- duced, he was not only overwhelmed with an infinity of disgraceful charges, but a great many asserted on oath that the flight and panic commenced with the praetor, that the troops being deserted by him, and concluding that the fears of their general were not unfounded, turned their backs; when so strong a feeling of indignation was ex- cited, that the assembly clamorously rejoined that he ought to be tried capitally. This gave rise to a new contro- versy ; for when the tribune, who had twice prosecuted him as for a finable offense, now, on the third occasion, de- clared that he prosecuted him capitally ; the tribunes of the commons being appealed to, said, " They would not prevent their colleague from proceeding, as he was per- mitted according to the custom of their ancestors, in the manner he himself preferred, whether according to the laws or to custom, until he had obtained judgment against a private individual, convicting him either of a capital or finable offense." Upon this, Sempronius said, that he charged Crieius Fulvius with the crime of treason; and re- quested Caius Calpurnius, the city praetor, to appoint a day for the comitia. Another ground of hope was then tried by the accused, viz., if his brother, Quintus Fulvius, could be present at his trial, who was at that time flourish- ing in the fame of his past achievements and in the near ex- pectation of taking Capua. Fulvius wrote to the Senate, requesting the favor in terms calculated to excite compas- sion, in order to save the life of his brother; but the fa- thers replied, that the interest of the state would not ad- mit of his leaving Capua. Cneius Fulvius, therefore, be- fore the day appointed for the comitia arrived, went into exile to Tarquinii, and the commons resolved that it was a legal exile. 4. Meanwhile all the strength of the war was directedY.II. 541.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 347 against Capua. It was, however, more strictly blockaded than besieged. The slaves and populace could neither en- dure the famine, nor send messengers to Hannibal through guards so closely stationed. A Numidian was at length found, who, on undertaking to make his way with it, was charged with a letter; and going out by night, through the midst of the Roman camp, in order to fulfill his prom- ise, he inspired the Campanians with confidence to try the effect of a sally from every quarter, while they had any strength remaining. In the many encounters which fol- lowed, their cavalry were generally successful, but their infantry were beaten : however it was by no means so joy- ful to conquer, as it was miserable to be worsted in any respect by a besieged and almost subdued enemy. A plan was at length adopted by which their deficiency in strength might be compensated by stratagem. Young men were selected from all the legions, who, from the vigor and ac- tivity of their bodies, excelled in Swiftness; these were supplied with bucklers shorter than those worn by horse- men, and seven javelins each four feet in length, and point- ed with steel in the same manner as the spears used by light-armed troops. The cavalry taking one of these each upon their horses, accustomed them to ride behind them, and to leap down nimbly when the signal was given. When, by daily practice, they appeared to be able to do this in an orderly manner, they advanced into the plain be- tween the camp and the walls, against the cavalry of the Campanians, who stood there prepared for action. As soon as they came within a dart's cast, on a signal given, the light-troops leaped down, when a line of infantry form- ed out of the body of horse suddenly rushed upon the cavalry of the enemy, and discharged their javelins one af- ter another with great rapidity; which, being thrown in great numbers upon men and horses indiscriminately, wounded a great many. The sudden and unsuspected na- ture of the attack, however, occasioned still greater terror ; and the cavalry charging them, thus panic-struck, chased them with great slaughter as far as their gates. From that time the Roman cavalry had the superiority; and it was established that there should be velites in the legions. It is said that Quintus Navius was the person who advised348 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvi., chap. 5. the mixing of infantry with cavalry, and that he received honor from the general on that, account. 5. While affairs were in this state at Capua, Hannibal was perplexed between two objects—the gaining possession of the citadel of Tarentum, and the retaining of Capua. His concern for Capua, however, prevailed, on which he saw that the attention of every body, allies and enemies, was fixed; and whose fate would be regarded as a proof of the consequences resulting from defection from the Romans. Leaving, therefore, a great part of his baggage among the Bruttians, and all his heavier armed troops, he took with him a body of infantry and cavalry, the best he could select for marching expeditiously, and bent his course into Campania. Rapidly as he marched, he was followed by thirty-three elephants. He took up his position in a retired valley behind Mount Tifata, which overhung Capua. Having at his coming taken possession of Fort Galatia, the garrison of which he dislodged by force, he then direct- ed his efforts against those who were besieging Capua. Having sent forward messengers to Capua stating the time at which he would attack the Roman camp, in order that they also, having gotten themselves in readiness for a sally, might at the same time pour forth from all their gates, he occasioned the greatest possible terror; for on one side he himself attacked them suddenly, and on the other side all the Campanians sallied forth, both foot and horse, joined by the Carthaginian garrison under the com- mand of Bostar and Hanno. The Romans, lest in so peril- ous an affair they should leave any part unprotected, by running together to any one place, thus divided their forces: Appius Claudius was opposed to the Campanians; Fulvius to Hannibal; Caius Nero, the propraetor, with the cavalry of the sixth legion, placed himself in the road lead- ing to Suessula; and Caius Fulvius Flaccus, the lieutenant- general, with the allied cavalry, on the side opposite the river Vulturnus. The battle commenced not only with the usual clamor and tumult, but in addition to the din of men, horses, and arms, a multitude of Campanians, unable to bear arms, being distributed along the walls, raised such a shout, together with the clangor of brazen vessels, similar to that which is usually made in the dead of night whenY.R. 541.] THE HISTORY OE HOME. 349 the moon is eclipsed, that it diverted the attention even of the combatants. Appius easily repulsed the Campanians from the rampart. On the other side, Hannibal and the Carthaginians, forming a larger force, pressed hard on Fulvius. There the sixth legion gave way; which being repulsed, a cohort of Spaniards, with three elephants, made their w^ay up to the rampart. They had broken through the centre of the Roman line, and were in a state of anx- ious and perilous suspense, whether to force their way into the camp, or be cut off from their own army. When Fulvius saw the disorder of the legion, and the danger the camp was in, he exhorted Quintus JSTavius, and the other principal centurions, to charge the cohort of the enemy which was fighting under the rampart; he said, "That the state of things was most critical; that either they must re- tire before them, in which case they would burst into the camp with less difficulty than they had experienced in breaking through a dense line of troops, or they must cut them to pieces under the rampart: nor would it require a great effort; for they were few, and cut off from their own troops, and if the line which appeared broken, now while the Romans were dispirited, should turn upon the enemy on both sides, they would become inclosed in the midst, and exposed to a twofold attack." Navius, on hearing these words of the general, snatched the standard of the second company of spearmen from the standard-bearer, and advanced with it against the enemy, threatening that he would throw it into the midst of them unless the sol- diers promptly followed him and took part in the fight. He was of gigantic stature, and his arms set him off; the standard also, raised aloft, attracted the gaze both of his countrymen and the enemy. When, however, he had reached the standards of the Spaniards, javelins were pour- ed upon him from all sides, and almost the whole line was turned against him; but neither the number of his enemies nor the force of the weapons could repel the onset of this hero. 6. Marcus Atilius, the lieutenant-general, also caused the standard of the first company of principes of the same le- gion to be borne against a cohort of the Spaniards. Lu- cius Portius Licinus and Titus Popilius, the lieutenant-gen-350 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvi., chap. 6. erals, who had the command of the camp, fought valiantly in defense of the rampart, and slew the elephants while in the very act of crossing it. The carcasses of these filling up the ditch, afforded a passage for the enemy as effectu- ally as if earth had been thrown in, or a bridge erected over it; and a horrid carnage took place amidst the car- casses of the elephants which lay prostrate. On the other side of the camp, the Campanians, with the Carthaginian garrison, had by this time been repulsed, and the battle was carried on immediately under the gate of Capua lead- ing to Vulturnus. Nor did the armed men contribute so much in resisting the Romans, who endeavored to force their way in, as the gate itself, which, being furnished with ballistas and scorpions, kept the enemy at bay by the mis- siles discharged from it. The ardor of the Romans was also damped by the general, Appius Claudius, receiving a wound; he wTas struck by a javelin in the upper part of his breast, beneath the left shoulder, while encouraging his men befoi-e the front line. A great number, however, of the enemy were slain before the gate, and the rest were driven in disorder into the city. When Hannibal saw the destruction of the cohort of Spaniards, and that the camp of the enemy was defended with the utmost vigor, giving up the assault, he began to withdraw his standards, making his infantry face about, but throwing out his cavalry in the rear lest the enemy should pursue them closely. The ar- dor of the legions to pursue the enemy was excessive, but Flaccus ordered a retreat to be sounded, considering that enough had been achieved to convince the Campanians, and Hannibal himself, how unable he was to afford them protection. Some who have undertaken to give accounts of this battle, record that eight thousand of the army of Hannibal and three thousand Campanians were slain ; that fifteen military standards were taken from the Carthagin- ians, and eighteen from the Campanians. In other authors I find the battle to have been by no means so important, and that there wTas more of panic than fighting; that a party of N~umidians and Spaniards suddenly bursting into the Roman camp writh some elephants, the elephants, as they made their way through the midst of the camp, threw down their tents with a great noise, and caused the beastsY.it. 541.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 351 of burden to break their halters and run away. That, in addition to the confusion occasioned, a stratagem was em- ployed ; Hannibal having sent in some persons acquainted with the Latin language, for he had some such with him, who might command the soldiers, in the name of the con- suls, to escape every one as fast as he could to the neigh- boring mountains, since the camp was lost; but that the imposture was soon discovered, and frustrated with a great slaughter of the enemy; that the elephants were driven out of the camp by fire. However commenced, and how- ever terminated, this was the last battle which was fought before the surrender of Capua. Seppius Lesius was Me- dixtuticus, or chief magistrate of Capua, that year, a man of obscure origin and slender fortune. It is reported that his mother, when formerly expiating a prodigy which had occurred in the family in behalf of this boy, who was an orphan, received an answer from the aruspex, stating that the highest office would come to him;" and that, not recog- nizing at Capua any ground for such a hope, she exclaimed, " The state of the Campanians must be desperate indeed, when the highest office shall come to my son." But even this expression, in which the response was turned into ridicule, turned to be true, for those persons whose birth allowed them to aspire to high offices, refusing to accept them when the city was oppressed by sword and famine, and when all hope was lost, Lesius, who complained that Capua was deserted and betrayed by its nobles, accepted the office of chief magistrate, being the last Campanian who held it. 7. But Hannibal, when he saw that the enemy could not be drawn into another engagement, nor a passage be lorced through their camp into Capua, resolved to remove his camp from that place and leave the attempt unaccom- plished, fearful lest the new consuls might cut off his sup- plies of provision. While anxiously deliberating on the point to which he should next direct his course, an im- pulse suddenly entered his mind to make an attack on Rome, the very source of the wTar. That the opportunity of accomplishing this ever-coveted object, which occurred after the battle of Cannae, had been neglected, and was generally censured by others, he himself did not deny.352 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxvi., chap. 8. He thought that there was some hope that he might be able to get possession of some part of the city, in conse- quence of the panic and confusion which his unexpected approach would occasion, and that if Rome were in dan- ger, either both the Roman generals, or at least one of them, would immediately leave Capua; and if they di- vided their forces, both generals being thus rendered weaker, would afford, a favorable opportunity, either to himself or the Campanians, of gaining some advantage. One consideration only disquieted him, and that was lest, on his departure, the Campanians should immediately sur- render. By means of presents he induced a Numidian, who was ready to attempt any thing, however daring, to take charge of a letter; and, entering the Roman camp under the disguise of a deserter, to pass out privately on the other side and go to Capua. As to the letter, it was full of encouragement. It stated, that "His departure, which would be beneficial to them, would have the effect of drawing off the Roman generals and armies from the siege of Capua to the defense of Rome. That they must not allow their spirits to sink; that by a few days' pa- tience they, would rid themselves entirely of the siege." He then ordered the ships on the Vulturnus to be seized, and rowed up to the fort which he had before erected for his protection. And when he was informed that there were as many as were necessary to convey his army across in one night, after providing a stock of provisions for ten days, he led his legions down to the river by night, and passed them over before daylight. 8. Fulvius Flaccus, who had discovered from deserters that this would happen, before it took place, having writ- ten to Rome to the Senate to apprise them of it, men's minds were variously affected by it according to the dis- position of each. As might be expected in so alarming an emergency, the Senate was immediately assembled, when Publius Cornelius, surnamed Asina, was for recall- ing all the generals and armies from every part of Italy to protect the city, disregarding Capua and every other con- cern. Fabius Maximus thought that it would be highly disgraceful to retire from Capua, and allow themselves to be terrified and driven about at the nod and menaces ofY.R. 541.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 353 Hannibal. "Was it probable that he, who, though victo- rious at Cannae, nevertheless dared not approach the city, now, after having been repulsed from Capua, had con- ceived hopes of making himself master of Rome ? It was not to besiege Rome, but to raise the siege of Capua, that he was coming. Jupiter, the witness of treaties violated by Hannibal, and the other deities, would defend the city of Rome with that army wThich is now at the city." To these opposite opinions that of Publius Valerius Flaccus, which recommended a middle course, was preferred. Re- gardful of both objects, he thought that a letter should be written to the generals at Capua, informing them of the force they had at the city for its protection, and stating that, as to the number of forces which Hannibal was bringing with him, or how large an army was necessary to carry on the siege of Capua, they themselves knew. If one of the generals and a part of the army could be sent to Rome, and at the same time Capua could be efficiently besieged by the remaining general and army, that then Claudius and Fulvius should settle between themselves which should continue the siege of Capua, and which should come to Rome to protect their capital from being besieged. This decree of the Senate having been convey- ed to Capua, Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, who was to go to Rome, as his colleague was ill from his wound, crossed the Vulturnus with a body of troops, to the num- ber of fifteen thousand infantry and a thousand horse, se- lected from the three armies. Then having ascertained that Hannibal intended to proceed along the Latin road, he sent persons before him to the towns on and near the Appian Way, Setia, Cora, and Lanuvium, with directions that they should not only have provisions ready in their towns, but should bring them down to the road from the fields which lay out of the way, and that they should draw together into their towns troops for their defense, in order that each state might be under its own protection. 9. On the day he crossed the Vulturnus, Hannibal pitched his camp at a small distance from the river. The next day, passing by Cales, he reached the Sidicinian ter- ritory, and having spent a day there in devastating the country, he led his troops along the Latin Way through354 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvi., chap. 9. the territory of Suessa, Allifae, and Casinum. Under the walls of Casinum he remained encamped for two days, ravaging the country all around; thence passing by In- teramna and Aquinum, he came into the Fregellan territo- ry, to the river Liris, where he found the bridge broken down by the Fregellans in order to impede his progress. Fulvius also was detained at the Vulturnus, in conse- quence of Hannibal's having burnt the ships, and the dif- ficulty he had in procuring rafts to convey his troops across that river from the great scarcity of materials. The army having been conveyed across by rafts, the re- mainder of the march of Fulvius was uninterrupted, a liberal supply of provisions having been prepared for him, not only in all the towns, but also on the sides of the road; while his men, who were all activity, exhorted each other to quicken their pace, remembering that they were going to defend their country. A messenger from Fre- gella, who had travelled a day and a night without inter- mission, arriving at Rome, caused the greatest consterna- tion ; and the whole city was thrown into a state of alarm by the running up and down of persons who made vague additions to what they heard, and thus increased the confusion which the original intelligence created. The lamentations of women were not only heard from private houses, but the matrons from every quarter, rushing into the public streets, ran up and down around the shrines of the gods, sweeping the altars with their dishevelled hair, throwing themselves upon their knees and stretching their uplifted hands to heaven and the gods, imploring them to rescue the city of Rome out of the hands of their enemies, and preserve the Roman mothers and their children from harm. The Senate sat in the Forum near the magistrates, in case they should wish to consult them. Some were re- ceiving orders and departing to their own department of duty; others were offering themselves wherever there might be occasion for their aid. Troops were posted in the citadel, in the Capitol, upon the walls around the city, and also on the Alban mount and the fort of iEsula. During this confusion, intelligence was brought that Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, had set out from Capua with an army; when the Senate decreed that QuintusY.R, 541.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 355 Fulvius should have equal authority with the consuls, lest, on entering the city, his power should cease. Hannibal, having most destructively ravaged the Fregellan territory, on account of the bridge having been broken down, came into the territory of the Lavici, passing through those of Frusino, Ferentinum, and Anagnia ; thence passing through Algidum, he directed his course to Tusculum; but not being received within the walls, he went down to the right below Tusculum to Gabii; and marching his army down thence into the territory of the Pupiriian tribe, he pitched his camp eight miles from the city. The nearer the enemy came, the greater was the number of fugitives slain by the Numidians who preceded him, and the greater the number of prisoners made of every rank and age. 10. During this confusion, Fulvius Flaccus entered the city with his troops through the Capuan gate, passed through the midst of the city, and through Carinae, to Es- quiliae; and going out thence, pitched his camp between the Esquiline and Colline gates. The plebeian aediles brought a supply of provisions there. The consuls and the Senate came to the camp, and a consultation was held on the state of the republic. It was resolved that the consuls should encamp in the neighborhood of the Colline and Esquiline gates; that Caius Calpurnius, the city prae- tor, should have the Command of the Capitol and the cita- del; and that a full Senate should be continually assem- bled in the Forum, in case it should be necessary to con- sult them amidst such sudden emergencies. Meanwhile, Hannibal advanced his camp to the Anio, three miles from the city, and fixing his position there, he advanced with two thousand horse from the Colline gate as far as the Temple of Hercules, and, riding up, took as near a view as he could of the walls and site of the city. * Flac- cus, indignant that he should do this so freely and so much at his ease, sent out a party of cavalry, with orders to displace and drive back to their camp the cavalry of the enemy. After the fight had begun, the consuls order- ed the Numidian deserters, who were on the Aventine, to the number of twelve hundred, to march through the midst of the city to the Esquiliae, judging that no troops356 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvi., chap. 11. were better calculated to fight among the hollows, the garden walls, and tombs, or in the inclosed roads which were on all sides. But some persons, seeing them from the citadel and Capitol as they filed off on horseback down the Publician hill, cried out that the Aventine was taken. This circumstance occasioned such confusion and terror, that if the Carthaginian camp had not been with- out the city, the whole multitude, such was their alarm, would have rushed out. They then fled for refuge into their houses and upon the roofs, where they threw stones and weapons on their own soldiers as they passed along the streets, taking. them for enemies. Nor could the tu- mult be repressed, or the mistake explained, as the streets were thronged with crowds of rustics and cattle, which the sudden alarm had driven into the city. The battle between the cavalry was successful, and the enemy were driven away; and as it was necessary to repress the tu- mults which were arising in several quarters without any cause, it was resolved that all who had been dictators, consuls, or censors should be invested with authority till such time as the enemy had retired from the walls. Dur- ing the remainder of the day and the following night, sev- eral tumults arose without any foundation, and were re- pressed. ' 11. The next day Hannibal, crossing the Anio, drew out all his forces in order of battle; nor did Maccus and the consuls decline to fight. When the troops on both sides were drawn up to try the issue of a battle, in which Rome was to be the prize of the victors, a violent shower of rain, mingled with hail, created such disorder in both the lines, that the troops, scarcely able to hold their arms, retired to their camps, less through fear of the enemy than of any thing else. On the following day, likewise, a similar, tempest separated the armies marshalled on the same ground; but after they had retired to their camps the weather became wonderfully serene and tranquil. The Carthaginians considered this circumstance as a Di- vine interposition, and it is reported that Hannibal was heard to say, "that sometimes he wanted the will to make himself master of Rome, at other times the oppor- tunity." Two other circumstances also, one inconsidera-Y.R. 541.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 357 ble, the other important, diminished his hopes. The im- portant one was, that while he lay with his armed troops near the walls of the city, he was informed that troops had marched out of it with colors flying, as a reinforce- ment for Spain; that of less importance was, that he was informed by one of his prisoners that the very ground on which his camp stood was sold at this very time, without any diminution in its price. Indeed, so great an insult and indignity did it appear to him that a purchaser should be found at Rome for the very soil which he held and possessed by right of conquest, that he immediately called a crier, and ordered that the silversmiths' shops which at that time stood around the Roman Forum should be put up for sale. Induced by these circumstances, he retired to the river Tutia, six miles from the city, whence he pro- ceeded to the grove of Feronia, where was a temple at that time celebrated for its riches. The Capenatians and other states in the neighborhood, by bringing here their first-fruits and other offerings according to their abilities, kept it decorated with abundance of gold and silver. Of all these offerings the temple was now despoiled. After the departure of Hannibal, vast heaps of brass were found there, as the soldiers, from a religious feeling, had thrown in pieces of uncoined brass. The spoliation of this temple is undoubted by historians; but Cselius asserts that Han- nibal, in his progress to Rome, turned out of his way to it from Eretum. According to him his route commenced with Amiternum, Csetilii, and Reate. He came from Campania into Samnium, and thence into Pelignia; then passing the town Sulmio, he entered the territory of the Marrucini; thence through the Alban territory he came to that of the Marsi, from which he came to Amiternum and the village of Foruli. Nor is this diversity of opinion a proof that the traces of so great an army could be con- founded in the lapse of so brief a period. That he went that way is evident. The* only question is, whether he took this route to the city, or returned by it from the city into Campania. 12. With regard to Capua, Hannibal did not evince such obstinate perseverance in raising the siege of it as the Romans did in pressing it ; for, quitting Lucania, he358 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvi., chap. 12. came into the Bruttian territory, and marched to the strait and Rhegium with such rapidity, that he was very near taking the place by surprise, in consequence of the suddenness of his arrival. Though the siege had been urged with undiminished vigor during his absence, yet Capua felt the return of Fiaccus; and astonishment was excited that Hannibal had not returned with him. After- wards they learnt, by conversations, that they were aban- doned and deserted, and that the Carthaginians had given up all hopes of retaining Capua. In addition to this a proclamation was made by the proconsul, agreeably to a decree of the Senate, and published among the enemy, that any Campanian citizen who came over before a stated day should be indemnified. No one, however, came over, as they were held together by fear more than fidelity; for the crimes they had committed during their revolt wrere too great to admit of pardon. As none of them passed over to the enemy, consulting their own individual inter- est, so no measure of safety was taken with regard to the general body. The nobility had deserted the state, nor could they be induced to meet in the Senate, while the of- fice of chief magistrate was filled by a man who had not derived honor to himself from his office, but stripped the office of its influence and authority by his own unworthi- ness. Now none of the nobles made their appearance even in the Forum, or any public place, but shut them- selves up in their houses, in daily expectation of the downfall of their city and their own destruction together. The chief responsibility in every thing devolved upon Bostar and Han no, the prefects of the Punic garrison, who were anxious on account of their own danger, and not that of their allies. They addressed a letter to Han- nibal, in terms not only of freedom but severity, charg- ing him with "delivering not only Capua into the hands of the enemy, but with treacherously abandoning them- selves also, and their troops, to every species of torture;" they told him "he had gone off to the Bruttians, in order to get out of the way, as it were, lest Capua should be taken before his eyes; while, by Hercules ! the Romans, on the contrary, could not be drawn off from the siege of Capua, even by an attack upon their city. So much moreYVR. 541.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 359 constant were the Romans in their enmity than the Car- thaginians in their friendship. If he would return to Capua and direct the whole operations of the war to that pointy that both themselves and the Campanians would be prepared for a sally. That they had crossed the Alps not to carry on a war with the people of Rhegium nor Taren- tum. That where the Roman legions were, there the ar- mies of the Carthaginians ought to be. Thus it was that victories had been gained at Cannse and Trasimenus ; by uniting, by pitching their camp close to that of the en- emy, by trying their fortune." A letter to this effect was given to some Numidians who had already engaged to render their services for a stated reward. These men came into the camp to Flaccus under pretense of being deserters, with the intention of quitting it by seizing an opportunity; and the famine, which had so long existed at Capua, afforded a pretext for desertion which no one could suspect. But a Campanian woman, the paramour of one of the deserters, unexpectedly entered the camp, and informed the Roman general that the Numidians had come over according to a preconcerted plan of treachery, and were the bearers of letters to Haflnibal; that she was prepared to convict one of the party of that fact, as he had discovered it to her. On being brought forward, he at first pretended, with considerable pertinacity, that he did not know the woman; but afterwards, gradually suc- cumbing to the force of truth, when he saw the instru- ments of torture called for and preparing, he confessed that it was so. The letters were produced, and a discov- ery was made of an additional fact, before concealed, that other Numidians were strolling about in the Roman camp, under pretense of being deserters. Above seven- ty of these were arrested, and, with the late deserters, scourged with rods; and after their hands had been cut off, were driven back to Capua. The sight of so severe a punishment broke the spirit of the Campanians. 13. The people, rushing in crowds to the Senate-house, compelled Lesius to assemble a Senate, and openly threat- ened the nobles, who had now for a long time absented themselves from the public deliberations, that, unless they attended the meeting of the Senate, they would go round360 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvi., chap. 13. to their houses and drag them all before the public by force. The fear of this procured the magistrate a full Senate. Here, while the rest contended for sending am- bassadors to the Roman generals, Yibius Virrius, who had been the instigator of the revolt from the Romans, on be- ing asked his opinion, observed, that " Those persons who spoke of sending ambassadors, and of peace, and a sur- render, did not bear in mind either what they would do if they had the Romans in their power, or what they themselves must expect to suffer. What! do you think," says he, " that your surrender will be like that in which formerly we placed ourselves and every thing belonging to us at the disposal of the Romans, in order that we might obtain assistance from them against the Samnites ? Have you already forgotten at what a juncture we revolt- ed from the Romans, and what were their circumstances ? Have you forgotten how at the time of the revolt we put to death, with torture and indignity, their garrison, which might have been sent out? How often, and with deter- mined hostility, we have sallied out against them when besieging us, and assaulted their camp? How we invited Hannibal to come and cut them off? And how most re- cently we sent him hence to lay siege to Rome ? But come, retrace, on the other hand, what they have done in hostility towards us, that you may learn therefrom what you have to hope for. When a foreign enemy was in Italy, and that enemy Hannibal; when the flame of war was kindled in every quarter; disregarding every other object, disregarding even Hannibal himself, they sent two consuls, with two consular armies, to lay siege to Capua. This is the second year that, surrounded with lines and shut up within our walls, they consume us by famine, hav- ing suffered in like manner with ourselves the extreraest dangers and the severest hardships, having frequently had their troops slain near their rampart and trenches, and at last having been almost deprived of their camp. But I pass over these matters. It has been usual, even from of old, to suffer dangers and hardships in besieging an en- emy's city. The following is a proof of their animosity and bitter hatred. Hannibal assaulted their camp with an immense force of horse and foot, and took a part of it.Y.R. 541.] . THE HISTORY OF "ROME. By so Hgreat a . danger they were not in the least divert- ed from the siege. Crossing the Vulturnus, he laid waste the territory of Cales with fire. Such calamities inflicted upon their allies had no effect in calling them off. He or- dered his troops to march in hostile array to the very city of Rome. They despised the tempest which threatened them in this case also. Crossing the Anio, he pitched his camp three miles from the city, and, lastly, came up to the very walls and gates. He gave them to understand that he would take their city from them, unless they gave up Capua. But they did not give it up. Wild beasts, im- pelled by headlong fury and rage, you may divert from their object to bring assistance to those belonging to them, if you attempt to approach their dens and their young. The Romans could not be diverted from Capua by the blockade of Rome, by their wives and children, whose lamentations could almost be heard from this place, by their altars, their hearths, the temples of their gods, and the sepulchres of their ancestors profaned and vio^ lated—so great was their avidity to bring us to punish- ment, so insatiable their thirst for drinking our blood. Nor, perhaps, without reason. We too would have done the same had the opportunity been afforded us. Sin^e, however, the gods have thought proper to, determine It otherwise, though I ought not to shrink from death, whiles I am free, while I am master of myself, I have it in my power, by a death not only honorable but mild, to escape the tortures and indignities which the enemy hope to in- flict upon me. I will not see Appius Claudius and Quin- tus Fulvius in the pride and insolence of victory, nor will I be dragged in chains through Rome as a spectacle in a triumph, that afterwards, in a dungeon, or tied to a stake, after my back has been lacerated with stripes, I may place my neck under a Roman axe. I will neither see my nar tive city demolished and burnt, nor the matrons, virgins, and free-born youths of Campania dragged to constupra- tion. Alba, from which they themselves derived their origin, they demolished , from her foundations, that there might remain no trace of their rise and extraction; much less can I believe they will spare Capua, towards which they bear a more rancorous hatred than towards Carthage. Vol. II.—-16362 THE HtSTORY OF ROME. [B. XXVI., CHAP. 14. For such of you, therefore, as have a mind to yield to fate, before they behold such horrors, a banquet is furnished and prepared at my house. When satiated with wine and food, the same cup which shall have been given to me shall be handed round to them. That potion will rescue our bodies from torture, our minds from insult, our eyes and ears from seeing and hearing all those cruelties and indignities which await the vanquished. There will be persons in readiness who will throw our lifeless bodies upon a large pile kindled in the court-yard of the house. This is the only free and honorable way to death. Our very enemies will admire our courage, and Hannibal will learn that those whom he deserted and betrayed were brave allies." 14. More of those who heard this speech of Virrius ap- proved of the proposal contained in it, than had strength of mind to execute what they approved. The greater part of the Senate being not without hopes that the Romans, whose clemency they had frequently had proof of in many wars, would be exorable by them also, decreed and sent ambassadors to surrender Capua to the Romans. About twenty-seven Senators, following Vibius Virrius to his home, partook of the banquet with him; and after having, as far as they could, withdrawn their minds, by means of wine, from the perception of the impending evil, all took the poison. They then rose from the banquet, after giving each other their right hands, and taking a last embrace, mingling their tears for their own and their country's fate; some of them remained, that they might be burned upon the same pile, and the rest retired to their homes. Their veins being filled, in consequence of what they had eaten and the wine they drank, rendered the poison less efficacious in expediting death; and accordingly, though the great- er part of them languished the whole of that night and part of the following day, all of them, however, breathed their last before the gates were opened to the enemy. The following day the gate of Jupiter, which faced the Roman camp, was opened by order of the proconsul, when one legion and two squadrons of allies marched in at it, under the command of Caius Fulvius, lieutenant-general. When he had taken care that all the arms and weapons toY.R. 5*1.] THE HISTORY OF KOME. 363 be found in Capua should be brought to him, having placed guards at all the gates to prevent any one's going or being sent out, he seized the Carthaginian garrison, and ordered the Campanian Senators to go into the camp to the Ro- man generals. On their arrival they were all immediately thrown into chains, and ordered to lay before the quaestor an account of all the gold and silver they had. There were seventy pounds of gold, and three thousand two hundred of silver. Twenty-five of the Senators were sent to Cales, to be kept in custody, and twenty-eight to Teanum; these being the persons by whose advice principally it appeared that the revolt from the Romans had taken place. 15. Fulvius and Claudius were far from being agreed as to the punishment of the Campanian Senators. Claudius was disposed to grant their prayer for pardon, but Fulvius was more inclined to severity. Appius, therefore, was for referring the entire disposal of the question to the Roman Senate. He thought it right, also, that the fathers should have the opportunity of asking them whether any of the Latin confederates or of the municipal towns had taken part in these designs, and whether they had derived any assistance from them in the war. Fulvius, on the contra- ry, urged that they ought by no means to run the hazard of having the minds of faithful allies harassed by doubtful accusations, and subjected to informers who never cared at all what they did or what they said. For this reason he said that he should prevent and put a stop to any such inquiry. After this conversation they separated; Appius not doubting but that his colleague, though he expressed himself so warmly, would, nevertheless, wait for a letter from Rome in an affair of such magnitude. But Fulvius fearing that his designs would be frustrated by that very means, dismissed his council, and commanded the military tribunes and the prefects of the allies to give notice to two thousand chosen horsemen to be in readiness at the third trumpet. Setting out for Teanum with this body of cav- alry, he entered the gate at break of day, and proceeded direct to the forum; and a number of people having flock- ed together at the first entrance of the horsemen, he or- dered the Sidicinian magistrate to be summoned, when he desired him to bring forth the Campanians whom he had364 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [a. xxvi., chap. 1G. in custody. These were all, accordingly, brought forth, scourged, and beheaded. He then proceeded at full speed to Cales, where, when he had taken his seat on the tribu- nal, and while the Campanians, who had been brought forth, were being bound to the stake, an express arrived from Rome, and delivered to him a letter from Caius Cal- purnius, the praetor, and a decree of the Senate. A mur- mur immediately pervaded the whole assembly, beginning at the tribunal, that the entire question respecting the Campanians was referred to the decision of the fathers; and Fulvius, suspecting this to be the case, took the letter, and, without opening it, put it into his bosom, and then commanded the crier to order the lictor to do his duty. Thus punishment was inflicted on those also who were at Cales. The letter was then read, together with the decree of the Senate, when it was too late to prevent the business which was already executed, and which had been acceler- ated by every means to prevent its being obstructed. When Fulvius was now rising from his seat, Jubellius Taurea, a Campanian, making his way through the middle of the city and the crowd, called upon him by name ; and when Flaccus, who wondered greatly what he could want, had resumed his seat, he said, " Order me also to be put to death, that you may be able to boast that a much braver man than yourself has been put to death by you." Fulvius at first said that the man could not certainly be in his senses; then, that he was restrained by a decree of the Senate,even'though he might wish it; when Jubellius ex- claimed : " Since, after the capture of my country, and the loss of my relations and friends, after having killed with my own hand my wife and children, to prevent their suf- fering any indignity, I am not allowed even to die in the same manner as these my countrymen, let a rescue be sought in courage from this hated existence." So saying, he thrust a sword, which he had concealed under his gar- ment, right through his breast, and fell lifeless at the gen- eral's feet. 16. Because not only what related to the punishment of the Campanians, but most of the other particulars of this affair, were transacted according to the judgment of Flac- cus alone, some authors affirm that Appius Claudius diedY. R. 541.] THE HISTOKY OF ROME. 365 about the time of the surrender of Capua; and that this same Taurea neither came to Cales voluntarily nor died by his own hand; but that while he was being tied to the stake among the rest, Flaccus, who could not distinctly hear what he vociferated from the noise which was made, ordered silence; when Taurea said the things which have been before related: " That he, a man of the greatest courage, was being put to death by one who was by no means his equal in respect to valor." That immediately on his saying this, the herald, by command of the procon- sul, pronounced this order: " Lictor, apply the rods to this man of courage, and execute the law upon him first." Some authors also relate that he read the decree of the Senate before he beheaded them, but that as there was a clause in it to the effect that, if he thought proper, he should refer the entire question to the Senate, he construed it that the decision as to what was most for the interest of the state wras left to himself. He returned from Cales to Capua. Atella and Calatia surrendered themselves, and were re- ceived. Here, also, the principal promoters of the revolt were punished. Thus eighty principal members of the Senate were put to death, and about three hundred of the Campanian nobles thrown into prison. The rest were dis- tributed through the several cities of the Latin confedera- cy, to be kept in custody; where they perished in various ways. The rest of the Campanian citizens were sold. The remaining subject of deliberation related to the city and its territory. Some were of opinion that a city so eminently powerful, so near, and so hostile, ought to be demolished. But immediate utility prevailed; for on ac- count of the land, which was evidently superior to any in Italy, from the variety and exuberance of its produce, the city was preserved, that it might become a settlement of husbandmen. For the purpose of peopling the - tor." The two armies decreed to them were those in Etruria and Gaul, consisting of four legions. That the two city legions of the former year should be sent into Etruria, and the twro which Sulpicius, the consul, had com- manded, into Gaul; that he should have the command of Gaul and the legions there whom the consul who had the province of Italy should appoint. Caius Calpurnius, hav- ing his command continued to him for a year after the ex- piration of his _pnetorship, was sent into Etruria. To Quintus Fulvius, also, the province of Capua was decreed, with his command continued for a year. The army of citizens and allies was ordered to be reduced, so that, out of two, one legion should be formed consisting of five thousand foot and three hundred horse, those being dis- charged who had served the greatest number of campaigns. That of the allies there should be left seven thousand in- fantry and three hundred horse, the same rule being ob- served with regard to the periods of their service in dis- charging the old soldiers. With Cneius Fulvius, the con - sul of the former year, no change was made touching his province of Apulia nor his army; only he was continued in command for a year. Publius Sulpicius, his colleague, was ordered to discharge the whole of his army excepting the marines. It was ordered, also, that the army which Mar- cus Cornelius had commanded should be sent out of Sicily as soon as the consul arrived in his province. The sol- diers which had fought at Cannse, amounting to two le- gions, were assigned to Lucius Cincius, the praetor, for the occupation of Sicily. As many legions were assigned to Publius Manlius Vulso, the praetor, for Sardinia, being those which Lucius Cornelius had commanded in that province the former year. The consuls were directed so384 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvi., chap. 29. to raise legions for the service of the city as not to enlist any one who had served in the armies of Marcus Claudius, Marcus Valerius, or Quintus Fulvius, so that the Roman legions might not exceed twenty-one that year. 29. After the Senate had passed these decrees, the con- suls drew lots for their provinces. Sicily and the fleet fell to the lot of Marcellus; Italy, with the war against Han- nibal, to Lsevinus. This result so terrified the Sicilians, who were standing in sight of the consuls waiting the de- termination of the lots, that their bitter lamentations and mournful cries both drew upon them the eyes of all at the time, and afterwards furnished matter for conversation. For they went round to the several Senators in mourning garments, affirming that "they would not only abandon, each of them, his native country, but all Sicily, if Marcellus should again go thither with command. That he had for- merly been implacable towards them for no demerit of theirs; what would he do now, when exasperated, that they had come to Home to complain of him? That it would be better for that island to be overwhelmed with the fires of iEtna, or .sunk in the sea, than to be delivered up? as it were, for execution to an enemy." These complaints of the Sicilians, having been carried round to the houses of the nobility, and frequently canvassed in conversations, which were prompted partly by compassion for the Sicili- ans $nd partly by dislike for Marcellus, at length reached the Senate also. The consuls were requested to take the sense of the Senate on an exchange of provinces. Marcel- lus said that," If the Sicilians had already had an audience of the Senate, his opinion^ perhaps, might have been differ- ent ; but as the case now stood, lest any one should be able to say that they were prevented by fear from freely ^exit- ing their complaints respecting- were presently about to be w^ ; wilK^, if it made no difference to his colleague, to exchange.provinces with him. That he deprecated "a premature decision on the part of the 1§^ate | for since it would be unjust that his colleague shouf was first thrown into confusion by the Numidians; and then the fifth le- gion, and those who were posted in the van. Some fled precipitately, others were slain in the middle space, where also Cneius Fulvius himself, with eleven military tribunes, fell. Who can state with certainty how many thousands of the Romans and their allies were slain in this battle, when I find in some accounts that thirteen, in others that hot more thjaa m&en, thousand wTere slain ? The conquer- ors got poss©$®fmi of tfae camp and the spoil. Finding thatr.R. 542.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 419 Herdonea would have revolted to the Romans, and was not likely to continue faithful to him if he departed thence* he removed all its inhabitants to Metapontum and Thu- rium, and burnt it. He put to death the chief men who were found to have held secret conferences with Fulvius. Such of the Romans as escaped this dreadful carnage fled, half-armed, by different roads, into Samnium, to the consul Marcellus. 2. Marcellus, who was not much discouraged at this so great a disaster, sent a letter to the Senate at Rome, with an account of the loss of the general and army at Herdo- nea ; observing, however, " that he who, after the battle of Cannae, had humbled Hannibal when elated with victory, was now marching against him, and that he would cause that his present joy and exultation should /nott 0 matter afresh; for that certainly what they then so rashly meditated was the betraying the Roman empire, and put- ting the victory in the hands of Hannibal." The consuls having spent a long time in exchanging arguments of this kind, the ambassadors, who were not at all moved by what they said, declared that " they had nothing which they could carry home, nor had their Senate any thing fresh to devise, having neither men to be enlisted nor money to be furnished for pay." The consuls, seeing that they were in- flexible, laid the matter before the Senate; where the alarm excited in the minds of all was so great, that "the greater paft'-declared it was all over with the empire; that the rest of the colonies would take the same course, and that all the allies had conspired to betray the city of Rome to Hannibal." 10. The consuls endeavored to encourage and console the Senate, telling them that "the other colonies would maintain their allegiance, and continue in their former state of dutiful obedience, and that those very colonies who had renounced their allegiance would be inspired with respect for the empire, if ambassadors were sent round to them to reprove and not entreat them." The Senate having given them permission to do and to act as they might conceive best for the state; after sounding the intentions of the other colonies, the consuls summoned their ambassadors, and ^sk- ed them whether they had their soldiers ready accordingto the roll? Marcus Sextilius of Fregellse replied, in behalf of the eighteen colonies, that " they both had their soldiers ready according to the roll, and if more were wanting would furnish more, and would perform with all diligence whatever else the Roman people commanded and wished; that to do this they wanted not means, and of inclination they had more than enough." The consuls, having first told them that any praises bestowed by themselves aloney.R. 543.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 433 seemed too little for their deserts, unless the whole body of the fathers should thank them in the Senate-house, led them before the Senate. The Senate, having voted an ad- dress to them conceived in the most honorable terms, charged the consuls to take them before the assembly of the people; and, among the many other distinguished serv- ices rendered to themselves and their ancestors, to make mention also of this recent obligation conferred upon the state. Nor even at the present day, after the lapse of so many ages, let their names be passed over in silence, nor let them be defrauded of the praise due to them. They were the people of Signia, 'Norba, Saticulum, Briindusium, Fregellse, Luceria, Venusia, Adria, Firma, Ariminum ; on the other sea, Pontia, Paestum, and Cosa; and in the inland parts, Beneventum, JEsernia, Spoletum, Placentia, and Cremona. By the support of these colonies the empire of the Roman people then stood ; and the thanks both of the Senate and the people were given to them. As to the twelve other colonies, which refused obedience, the fathers forbade that their names should be mentioned, that their ambassadors should either be dismissed or retained, or be addressed by the consuls. Such a tacit reproof appeared most consistent with the dignity of the Roman people. While the consuls were getting in readiness all the other things which were necessary for the war, it was resolved that the vicesimary gold, which was preserved in the most sacred part of the treasury as a resource in cases of ex- treme exigency, should be drawn out. There were drawn out as many as four thousand pounds of gold, from which five hundred pounds each were given to the consuls, to Marcus Marcellus and Publius Sulpicius, proconsuls, and Lucius Veturnius, the praetor, who had by lot obtained Gaul as his province; and in addition, one hundred pounds of gold were given to the consul Fabius, as an extraordiiaa- ry grant to be carried into the citadel of Tarehtum. The rest they employed in contracts, for ready money, for cloth- ing for the army which was carrying on the war in Spain, to their own and their general's glory. 11. It was resolved, also, that the prodigies should be expiated before the consuls set out from the city. In the Alban mount the statue of Jupiter and a tree near the tem- Yol.II.—19434 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 11. pie were struck by lightning; at Ostia, a grove; at Cap- ua, a wall and the Temple of Fortune; at Sinuessa, a wall and a gate. Some also asserted that water at Alba had flowed tinged with blood. That at Rome, within the cell of Fors Fortuna, an image, which was in the crown of the goddess, had fallen spontaneously from her head into her hands. At Privernum, it was satisfactorily established that an ox spoke, and that a vulture flew down into a shop, while the Forum was crowded. And that a child was born at Sinuessa of ambiguous sex, between a male and female, such as, are commonly called Androgynes, a term derived from the Greek language, which is better adapted, as for most other purposes, so for the composition of words; also that it rained milk, and that a boy was born with the head of an elephant. These prodigies were then expiated with victims of the larger kind, and a supplication at every shrine, and an offering up of prayers was proclaimed for one day. It was also decreed that Caius Hostilius, the praetor, should vow and perform the games in honor of Apollo as they had of late years been vowed and perform- ed. During the same time, Quintus Fulvius, the consul, held an election for the creation of censors. Marcus Cor- nelius Cethegus and Publius Sempronius Tuditairas, both of whom had not yet been consuls, were created censors. The question was put to the people on the authority of the fathers, and the people ordered that these censors should let to farm the Campanian lands. The choosing of the Senate was delayed by a dispute which arose between the censors about the selection of a chief of the Senate. The choice belonged to Sempronius; but Cornelius contended that the custom handed down by their fathers must be fol- lowed, which was, that they should choose him as chief of the Senate who was first censor of those who were then alive; this was Titus Manlius Torquatus. Sempronius re- joined, that to whom the gods had given the lot of choos- ing, to him the same gods had given the right of exercising his discretion freely. That he would act in this affair ac- cording to his own free will, and would choose Quintus Fabius Maximus, whom he would prove to be the first man in the Roman state, even in the judgment of Hannibal. After a long verbal dispute, his colleague giving up they.R. 543.] THE HISTORY OE ROME. 435 point, Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul, was chosen, by Sempronius, chief of the Senate. Another Senate was then chosen, and eight names were passed over; among which was that of Lucius Caecilius Metellus, disrespected as the adviser of the abandonment of Italy, after the defeat at Cannae. In censuring those of the equestrian order, the same ground was acted upon, but there were very few to whom that disgrace belonged. All of the equestrian order belonging to the legions who had fought at Cannae, and were then in Sicily, were deprived of their horses. To this severe punishment they added another relating to time, which was, that the past campaigns which they had served on horses furnished at the public expense should not be reckoned to them, but that they should serve ten campaigns on horses furnished at their own experise. They also searched for, and discovered, a great number of those who ought to have served in the cavalry; and all those who were seventeen years old at the beginning of the war, and had not served, they disfranchised. They then contracted for the restoration of the seven shops, the shambles, and the royal palace, situated round the Forum, and which had been consumed by fire. 12. Having finished every thing which was to be done at Rome, the consuls set out for the war. Fulvitis first went in advance to Capua; in a few days Fabius follow- ed. He had implored his colleague in person, and Mar- cellus by a letter, to use the most vigorous measures to detain Hannibal, while he was making an attack upon Tarentum. That when that city was taken from the ene- my, who had been repulsed on all sides, and had no plac« where he might make a stand or look back upon as a safe retreat, he would not then have even a pretext for remain- ing in Italy. He also sent a messenger to Rheginm, to the praefect of the garrison, which had been placed there by the consul Laevinus against the Bruttians, and consist- ed of eight thousand men, the greater part of whom had been brought from Agathyrna, in Sicily* as has been be- fore mentioned, and were men who had been accustomed to live by rapine. To these were added fugitives of the Bruttians, natives of that country, equal to them in dar- ing, and under an equal necessity of braving every thing.436 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 12. This band he ordered to be marched, first, to lay waste the Bruttian territory, and then to attack the city Caulo- nia. After having executed the order, not only with alacrity, but avidity, and having pillaged and put to flight the cultivators of the land, they attacked the city with the utmost vigor. Marcellus, incited by the letter of the consul, and because he had made , up his mind that no Roman general was so good a match for Hannibal as him- self, set out from his winter-quarters as soon as there was plenty of forage in the fields, and met Hannibal at Ganu- sium. The Carthaginian was then endeavoring to induce the Canusians to revolt, but as soon as he heard that Mar- cellus was approaching, he decamped thence. The coun- try was open, without any covers adapted for an ambus- cade ; he therefore began to retire thence into woody dis- tricts. Marcellus closely pursued him, pitched his camp close to his, and, when he had completed his works, led out his troops into the field. Hannibal engaged in slight skirmishes, and sent out single troops of horse and the spearmen from his infantry, not considering it necessary to hazard a general battle. He was, however, drawn on to a contest of that kind which he was avoiding. Hanni- bal had decamped by night, but was overtaken by Marcel- lus in a plain and open country. Then, while encamping, Marcellus, by attacking the workmen on all hands, pre- vented the completion of his works. Thus a pitched bat- tle ensued, and all their forces were brought into action; but night coming on, they retired from an equal contest. They then hastily fortified their camps, which were a small space apart, before night. The next day, as soon as it was light, Marcellus led out his troops into the field; nor did Hannibal decline the challenge, but exhorted' his sol- diers at great length, desiring them " to remember Tr^si- menus and Cannae, and thus quell the proud spirit of their enemies." He said, " The enemy pressed upon him, and trod upon their heels; that he did not allow them to pass unmolested, pitch their camp, or even take - breath and look around them; that every day the losing sun and the Roman troops in battle-array were to be seen together on the plains. But if in one battle he should retire from the field, not without loss of blood, he would then prose-Y.u. 543.] THE HISTORY OE ROME. 437 cute the war more steadily and quietly." Fired by these exhortations, and at the same time wearied with the pre- sumption of the enemy, who daily pressed upon them and provoked them to an engagement, they commenced the battle with spirit. The battle continued for more than two hours, when the right wing of the allies and the chosen band began to give way on the part of the Ro- mans; which Marcellus perceiving, led the eighteenth le- gion to the front. While some were retiring in confu- sion, and others were coming up reluctantly, the whole line was thrown into disorder, and afterwards complete- ly routed; while, their fears getting the better of their sense of shame, they turned their backs. In the battle and in the flight there fell as many as two thousand seven hundred of citizens and allies; among which were four Roman centurions, and, two military-, tribunes, Mar- cus Licini us and Marcus Helvius. Four military, stand- ards were lost by the wing which first fled, and two be- longing to the legion which came up in place of the re- tiring allies. 13. Marcellus, on his return to the camp, delivered an address to his soldiers, so severe and acrimonious, that the words of their exasperated general were more painful to them than what they had suffered in the unsuccessful battle during the whole day. "I praise and thank the im- mortal gods," said he, " that in such an affair the victori- ous enemy did not assault our very camp, when you were hurrying into the rampart and the gates with such con- sternation. There can be no doubt but you would have abandoned the camp with the same cowardice with which you gave up the battle. What panic is this ? What ter- ror? What sudden forgetfulness of who you are, and who the persons with whom you were fighting, took pos- session of your minds? Surely these are the same ene- mies in conquering and pursuing whom, when conquered, you spent the preceding summer; whom latterly you have been closely pursuing, while they fled before you night and day; whom you have wearied by partial bat- tles; whom yesterday you would not allow either to march or encamp. I pass over those things in which you might be allowed to glory ; I will mention a circumstance438 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. xxvii., CH^P. 13; which of itself ought to fill you with shame and remorse. Yesterday you separated from the enemy on equal terms. What alteration has last night, what has this day, pro- duced ? Have your forces been diminished by them, or theirs increased ? I verily do not seem to be talking to my own troops, or to Roman soldiers. The bodies only and the arms are the same. Had you possessed the same spirit, would the enemy have seen your backs ? "Would he have carried off a standard from any company or cohort ? Hitherto he was wont to boast of having cut to pieces the Roman legions, but yesterday you gave him the glory, for the first time, of having put to flight an army." On this, the soldiers began to call upon him to pardon them for that day, and entreat that he would now, whenever he pleased, make trial of the courage of his soldiers. " I will indeed make trial of you," said he, " and to-morrow I will lead you into the field, that in the character of conquerors, -rather than conquered men, you may obtain the pardon you seek." To the cohorts which had lost their standards he ordered that barley should be given. The centurions of the Campanians, whose standards were lost, he left to stand without their girdles, and with their swords drawn; and gave orders that all, both horse and foot, should be ready under arms on the following day. Thus the assem- bly was dismissed; the soldiers confessing that they had been justly and deservedly rebuked; and that there was no ons in the whole Roman army who had acquitted him- self like a man, except the general, to whom they were bound to make atonement, either by their death or a glorious victory. The next day they appeared in readi- ness, according to the order, armed and equipped. The general praised them, and gave out that " he should lead into the first line those who had commenced the flight on the preceding day, and those cohorts which had lost their standards. He now charged them all to fight and con- quer, and exert every effort, one and all, that the intelli- gence of yesterday's flight might not arrive at Rome be- fore that of this day's victory." They were then ordered to refresh themselves with food, in order that, if the fight should continue longer than might be expected, their strength might not fail. After every thing had beeny.r. 543.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 439 done and said by which the courage of the soldiers might be roused, they advanced into the field. 14. Hannibal, on receiving intelligence of this, said, " Surely the enemy we have to do with can neither bear good nor bad fortune. If he is victorious, he fiercely pur- sues the vanquished. If conquered, he renews the contest with the victors." He then ordered the signal to be given, and led out his forces. The battle was fought on both sides with much more spirit than the day before—the Carthaginians exerting themselves to the utmost to keep the glory they had acquired yesterday; the Romans, to remove their disgrace. On the side of the Romans, the left wing, and the cohorts which had lost their standards, fought in the first line, and the twentieth legion was drawn up on the right wing. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Caius Claudius Nero, lieutenant-generals, commanded the wings;j Marcellus gavevigor to the centre by his pres- ence, as att encourager and a witness. On the part of Hannibal, the Spaniards, who were the flower of his whole army, occupied the front line. After the battle had con- tinued doubtful for a long time, Hannibal ordered the elephants to be advanced into the front line, if by that means any confusion or panic could be created. At first they threw the troops into confusion and broke their tanks, and treading some under foot, and dispersing others who were around them by the alarm they created, had made an opening in one part of the Roman line; and the flight would have spread more widely had not Caius Decimus Flavins, a military tribune, seizing the standard of the first maniple of the spearmen, ordered that maniple to fol- low him. He led them to the spot where the elephants, collected in a body, were creating the greatest confusion, and ordered them to discharge their javelins at them. As there was no difficulty in hitting such bulky bodies at a short distance, and wh^re so many were crowded together, all their javelins stuck in them. But as they were not all wounded, so those in whose hides the javelins stuck, as that race ef animals is not to be depended on, betaking themselves to flight, drove away those also which were untouched. At that moment not only one maniple, but all the soldiers who could but overtake the body of re-440 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [a. xxvii., chap. 15. treating elephants, threw their javelins at them, each man exerting himself to his utmost. With so much greater impetuosity did the animals rush upon their own men, and so much greater a carnage did they make among them than they had made among their enemies, in propor- tion as the violence with which they are impelled, and the consternation produced in them when under the influence of fear, is greater than when they are ruled by their mas- ters seated on their backs. The Roman infantry bore their standards against the line of the enemy when thrown into disorder by the elephants which had crossed over to them, and, thus scattered and confused, put them to flight without any great opposition. Marcellus then sent his cavalry after them as they fled ; nor did they desist from the pursuit till they were driven in consternation to their camp. For in addition to the other causes which had oc- casioned terror and dismay, two elephants had fallen just in the gate, and the soldiers were compelled to rush into the camp over the ditch and rampart. Here the greatest slaughter of the enemy occurred. There fell as many as eight thousand men and five elephants. Nor did the Ro- mans gain a bloodless victory; about seventeen hundred of the two legions, and thirteen hundred of the allies, were slain; a great number of the Romans and allies were wounded. The following night Hannibal decamped. The great number of the wounded prevented Marcellus from foil wing him, as he desired. 15. The spies who were sent to watch his movements brought word back the next day that Hannibal was mak- ing for Bruttium. Much about the same time, the Hirpin- ians, Lucanians, and Volcentes surrendered themselves to the consul Quintus Fulvius, delivering up the garrisons of Hannibal which they had in their cities. They were mildly received by the consul, with only a verbal reproof for their past error. To the Bruttians, also, similar hopes of par- don were held out, whei^ two brothers, Vibius and Pac- tius, by far the most illustrious persons of that nation, came from them to solicit the same terms of surrender which had been given to the Lucanians. Quintus Fabius, the consul, took by storm Manduria, a town in the territory of Sallentum, where as many as four thousand men werey.R. 543.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 441 made prisoners, and much booty taken besides. Proceeding thence to Tarentum, he pitched his camp in the very mouth of the harbor: of the ships which Livius had employed for protecting convoys, some he loaded with engines and im- plements for attacking walls, others he furnished with ma- chines for discharging missiles, and with stones and mis- siles of every kind; not only those which were impelled with oars, but the storeships also, in order that some might carry the engines and ladders to the walls, while others might wound the defenders of the walls by discharging missiles from the ships at a distance. These ships were fitted up and prepared to attack the town from the open sea; and the sea was free from the Carthaginian fleet, which had crossed over to Corcyra on account of Philip's preparing to attack the JEtolians. Meanwhile, those who were attacking Caulon, in the territory of Bruttium, fear- ful lest they should be overpowered, had retired, on the ap- proach of Hannibal, to an eminence, secure from an imme- diate attack. While Fabius was besieging Tarentum, he received assistance in the accomplishment of that great object by a circumstance which, in the mere mention, is unimportant. Tarentum wTas occupied by a garrison of Bruttians, given them by Hannibal; the commander of that garrison was desperately in love with a girl, whose brother was in the army of the consul Fabius. Being informed, by a letter from his sister, of the new acquaintance she had formed with a wealthy stranger and one so honored among his countrymen, and conceiving a hope that the lover, by means of his sister, might be induced to any thing she pleased, he acquainted the consul with the hopes he had formed. His reasoning appeared not altogether unfounded, and he was desired to go to Tarentum as a de- serter ; and having gained the confidence of the prefect by means of his sister, he began by sounding his disposition in a covert manner, and then, having sufficiently ascertain- ed his weakness, induced him, by the aid of female fascina- tions, to the betrayal of that custody of the place to which he was appointed. After the method to be pursued and the time for putting the plan into effect had been agreed upon, a soldier, who was sent out of the city by night clan- destinely, through the intervals between the guards, related 19*442 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. xxvii., CHAP. 16. to the consul what had been done, and what had been agreed upon to be done. At the first watch, Fabius, on a signal given to those who were in the citadel, and those who had the custody of the harbor, went himself round the harbor, and took up a position in concealment, on the side of the city which faced the east. Then the trumpets be- gan to sound at once from the citadel, the harbor, and the ships which had been brought to the shore from the open sea, and a shout was purposely raised, accompanied with the greatest confusion, in whatever quarter there was the least danger. Meanwhile, the consul kept his men in si- lence. Democrates, therefore, who had formerly command- ed the fleet, and happened to be in command in that quar- ter, seeing that all was quiet around him, wThile other parts of the city resounded with such a din that sometimes a shout like that of a captured city was raised, and fearing lest, while he hesitated, the consul should make some at- tack and advance his standards, led his party over to the citadel, from which the most alarming noise proceeded. Fabius, concluding that the guard was withdrawn, both from the time which had elapsed and from the silence which prevailed, for not a voice met the ear from a quar- ter where a little while ago the noise and bustle of men resounded, rousing and calling each other to arms, ordered the ladders to be carried to that part of the wall where the person who had contrived the plot for betraying the city had informed him that the Bruttian cohort kept guard. The wall was first captured in that quarter, the Bruttians aiding and receiving the Romans; and here they got over into the city: after which the nearest gate was broken open, in order that the troops might enter in a large body. Then raising a shout, they proceeded to the Forum, where they arrived much about day-break, without meeting a sin- gle armed man; and drew upon themselves the attention of all the troops in every quarter, which were fighting at the citadel and at the harbor. 16. A battle was fought in the entrance of the Forum, with greater impetuosity than perseverance. The Taren- tines were not equal to the Romans in spirit, in their arms, in tactics, in activity, or strength of body. Accordingly, having just discharged their javelins, they turned theiry.e. 543.] THE HISTORY OE ROME. 443 backs almost before they had joined battle, and escaped in different directions through the streets of the city, with which they were acquainted, to their own houses and those of their friends. Two of their leaders, Nico and Demo- crates, fell while fighting bravely. Fhilomenus, who was the author of the plot for betraying the city to Hannibal, rode away from the battle at full speed. Shortly after, his horse, which was loose and straying through the city, was recognized, but his body could not be found anywhere. It was generally believed that he had pitched headlong from his horse into an open well. Carthalo, the prefect of the Carthaginian garrison, while coming to the consul un- armed, to put him in mind of a connection of hospitality which subsisted between their fathers, was put to death by a soldier who met him. The rest were put to the sword on all hands, armed and unarmed indiscriminately, Cartha- ginians and Tarentines without distinction. Many of the BrtittianSj also, were slain, either by mistake or on account of an old grudge entertained against them, or else with a view to the report that the city was betrayed; in order that Tarentum might rather appear to have been captured by force of arms. The troops then ran off in all directions from the slaughter to plunder the city. Thirty thousand slaves are said to have been captured; an immense quan- tity of silver, wrought and coined ; eighty-three thousand pounds of gold; of statues and pictures so many that they almost equalled the decorations of Syracuse. But Fabius, with more magnanimity than Marcellus, abstained from booty of that kind. When his secretary asked him what he wished to be done with the statues t)f their gods, which are of immense .size and represented as fighting, each hav- ing his peculiar habit, he gave orders that their angry gods should be left in the possession of the Tarentines. After this, the wall which separated the city from the citadel was razed and demolished. While things were going on thus at Tarentum, Hannibal, to whom the troops Engaged in the. siege of Caulonia had surrendered themselves, hearing of the siege of Tarentum, marched with the greatest expedition both night any day; but hearing that the city was taken, as he was hastening to bring assistance to it, he exclaimed, "The Romans, too, have their Hannibal. We "have lost444 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 17. Tarentum by the same arts by which we took it." How- ever, that he might not appear to have turned his army in the manner of a fugitive, he encamped where he had halted, about five miles from the city. After staying there a few days, he retired to Metapontum, from which place he sent two Metapontines with letters from the principal men in the state to Fabius at Tarentum, to the effect that they would accept of his promise that their past conduct should be unpunished, on condition of their betraying Metapon- tum, together with the Carthaginian garrison, into his hands. Fabius, who supposed that the communication thpy brought was genuine, appointed a day on which he would go to Metapontum, and gave the letters to the no- bles, which were put into the hands of Hannibal. He, forsooth, delighted at the success of his stratagem, which showed that not even Fabius was proof against his cun- ning, planted an ambuscade not far from Metapontum. But when Fabius was taking the auspices, before he took his departure from Tarentum, the birds more than once re- fused approval. Also, on consulting the gods after sacri- ficing a victim, the aruspex forewarned him to be on his guard against hostile treachery and ambuscade. After the day fixed for his arrival had passed without his coming, the Metapontines were sent again to encourage him, delay- ing, but they were instantly seized, and, from apprehension of a severer mode of examination, disclosed the plot. 17. In the beginning of the summer during which these events occurred, after Publius Scipio had employed the whole of the winter in Spain in regaining the affections of the barbarians, partly by presents, and partly by sending home their hostages and prisoners, Edesco, a man distin- guished among the Spanish commanders, came to him. His wife and children were in the hands of the Romans; but besides this motive, he was influenced by that appar- ently fortuitous turn in the state of feeling which had converted the whole of Spain from the Carthaginian to the Roman cause. The same motive induced Indibilis and Mandonius, who were undoubtedly the principal men in all Spain, to desert Hasdrubal and withdraw with the whole body of their countrymen to the eminences which overhung his camp, from which they had a safe retreaty.R. 543.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 445 along a chain of hills to the Romans. Hasdrubal, perceiv- ing that the strength of the enemy was increasing by such large accessions, while his own was diminishing, and that events would continue to flow in the same course they had taken, unless by a bold effort he effected some altera- tion, resolved to come to an engagement as soon as possi- ble. Scipio was still more eager for a battle, as well from hope-which the success attending his operations had in- creased, as because he preferred, before the junction of the enemy's forces, to fight with one general and one army, rather than with their united troops. However, in case he should be obliged to fight with more aripies than one at the same time, he had with some ingenuity aug- mented his forces; for, seeing that there was no neces- sity for ships, as the whole coast of Spain was clear of Cai> thaginian fleets, he hauled his ships on shore at Tarraco, and added his mariners to his land forces. He had plen- ty of arms for them, both those which had been captured at Carthage and those which he had caused to be made after its capture, so large a number of workmen having been employed. With these forces, setting out from Tar- raco at the commencement of the spring—for Lselius had now returned from Rome, without whom he wished noth- ing of very great importance to be attempted—Scipio marched against the enemy. Indibilis and Mandonius, with their forces, met him while on his march, passing through every place without molestation, his allies receiv- ing him courteously, and escorting him as he passed the boundaries of each district. Indibilis, who spoke for both, addressed him by no means stupidly and imprudent- ly like a barbarian, but with a modest gravity, rather ex- cusing the change as necessary, than glorying that the present opportunity had been eagerly seized as the first which had occurred. "For he well knew," he said, " that the name of a deserter was an object of execration to for- mer allies, and of suspicion to new ones; nor did he blame the conduct of mankind in this respect, provided, however, that the cause, and not the name, occasioned the twofold hatred." He then recounted the services they had ren- dered the Carthaginian generals, and on the other hand their rapacity and insolence, together with the injuries of446 THE HISTORY OF HOME. |>. xxvu., chap. 18. every kind committed against themselves and their coun- trymen. " On this account," he said, " his person only up to that time had been with them, his heart had long since been on that side where he believed that right and justice were respected. That people sought for refuge, as sup- pliants, even with the gods, when they could not endure the oppression and injustice of men. What he had to en- treat of Scipio was, that their passing over to him might neither be the occasion of a charge of fraud nor a ground for respect, but that he would estimate their services ac- cording to what sort of men he should find them to be from experience from that day."* The Roman replied, that "He would do so in every particular; nor would he consider those men as (J^serters who did not look upon an alliance as binding where no law, divine or human, was unviolated." Their wives and children were then brought before them and restored to them; on which occasion they wept for joy. On that day they were conducted to a lodging; on the following they were received as allies, by a treaty, after which they were sent to bring up their forces. From that time they had their tents in the Same camp with the Romans, until under their guidance they had reached the enemy. 18. The army of Hasdrubal, which was the nearest of the Carthaginian armies, lay near the city Bsecula. Be- fore his camp he had outposts of cavalry. On these the light-armed, those who fought before the standards and those who composed the van-guard, as they came up from their march, and before they chose the ground for their camp, commenced an attack in so contemptuous a manner, that it was perfectly evident what degree of spirit each party possessed. The cavalry were driven into their camp in disorderly flight, and the Roman standards were advanced almost within their very gates. Their minds on that day having only been excited to a contest, the Ro- mans pitched their camp. At night Hasdrubal withdrew his forces to an eminence, on the summit of which extend- ed a level plain. There was a river on the rear ; in front and on either side a kind of steep bank completely sur- rounded its extremity. Beneath this and lower down was another plain of gentle declivity, which was also surround-y.R. 543.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 447 ed by a similar ridge equally difficult of ascent. Into this lower plain Hasdrubal, the next day, when he saw the troops of the enemy drawn up before their camp, sent his Numidian cavalry and light-armed Baleares. Scipio, rid - ing out to the companies and battalions, pointed out to them that " the enemy, having abandoned beforehand all hope of being able to withstand them on level ground, had resorted to hills; where they stood in view, relying on the strength of their position, and not on their valor and arms. But the walls of Carthage, which the Roman soldiers had scaled, were still higher. That neither hills, nor a citadel, nor even the sea itself, had formed an imped- iment to their arms. That the heights which the enemy had occupied would only have the effect of making it nec- essary for them to leap down crags and precipices in their flight, but he would even cut off that kind of retreat. He accordingly gave orders to two cohorts that one of them should occupy the entrance of the valley down which the river ran, and that the other should block up the road which led from the city into the country, over the side of the hill. He himself led the light-troops, which the day before had driven in the advanced guard of the enemy, against the light-armed troops, which were stationed on the lower ridge. At first they marched through rugged ground, impeded by nothing except the road; afterwards, when they came within reach of the darts, an immense quantity of weapons of every description was showered upon them; while on their part,not only the soldiers, but a niultitude of servants mingled with the troops, threw Btones furnished by the place, which were spread about in fnrery part, and for the most part convenient as missiles. But though the ascent was difficult, and they were almost overwhelmed with stones and darts, yet, from their prac- tice in approaching walls and their inflexibility of mind, the foremost succeeded in getting up. These, as soon as they got upon some level ground and could stand with firm footing, compelled the enemy, who were light-armed troops adapted for skirmishing, and could defend them- selves at a distance, where an elusive kind of fight is car- ried on by the discharge of missiles, but yet wanted stead- iness for a close action, to fly from their position; and,448 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 19. killing a great many, drove them to the troops which stood above them on the higher eminence. Upon this Scipio, having ordered the victorious troops to mount up and attack the centre of the enemy, divided the rest of his forces with Laelius; whom he directed to go round the hill to the right till he could find a way of easier ascent, while he himself, making a small circuit to the left, charged the enemy in flank. In consequence of this, their line was first thrown into confusion, while they endeavor- ed to wheel round and face about their ranks towards the shouts which resounded from every quarter around them. During,this confusion Lselius also came up, and while the enemy were retreating, that they might not be exposed to wounds from behind, their front line became disjoined, and a space was left for the Roman centre to mount up; who, from the disadvantage of the ground, never could have done so had their ranks stood unbroken, with the el- ephants stationed in front. While the troops of the ene- my were being slain on all sides, Scipio, who with his left wing had charged the right of the enemy, was chiefly em- ployed in attacking their naked flank. And now there was not even room to fly; for parties of the Roman troops had blocked up the roads on both sides, right and left, and the gate of the camp was closed by the flight of the general and principal officers; added to which was the fright of the elephants, who, when in consternation, were as much feared by them as the enemy were. There were, therefore, slain as many as eight thousand men. 19. Hasdrubal, having seized upon the treasure before he engaged, now sent the elephants in advance, and, col- lecting as many of the flying troops as he could, directed his course along the river Tagus to the Pyrenees. Scipio, having got possession of the enemy's camp, and giving up all the booty to the soldiers, except the persons of free condition, found, on counting the prisoners, ten thousand foot and two thousand horse. Of these, all who were Spaniards he sent home without ransom; the Africans he ordered the quaestor to sell. After this, a multitude of Spaniards, consisting of those who had surrendered to him before and those wThom he had captured the preced- ing day, crowding around, one and all saluted him asy.R. 543.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 449 king; when Scipio, after the herald had obtained silence, declared that, " in his estimation, the most honorable title was that of general, which his soldiers had conferred upon him. That the name of king, which was in other coun- tries revered, could not be endured at Rome. That they might tacitly consider his spirit as kingly, if they thought that the highest excellence \vThich could be attributed to the human mind, but that they must abstain from the use of the term." Even barbarians were sensible of the great- ness of mind which could from such an elevation despise a name, at the greatness of which the rest of mankind were overawed. Presents were then distributed to the petty princes and leading men of the Spaniards; and out of the great quantity of horses which were captured, he desired Indibilis to select. those he liked best, to the num- ber of three hundred. While the quaestor was selling the Africans, according to the command of the general, he found among them a full-grown youth remarkably hand- some; and hearing that he was of royal blood, he sent him to Scipio. On being asked by Scipio "Who he was, of what country, and why at that age he was in the camp?" he replied, "That he was a Numidian, that his countrymen called him Massiva; that, being left an or- phan by his father, he was educated by his maternal grandfather, Gala, the king of the Numidians. That he had passed over into Spain with his uncle Masinissa, who had lately come with a body of cavalry to assist the Car- thaginians. That, having been prohibited by Masinissa on account of his youth, he had never before been in bat- tle. That the day on which the battle took place with the Romans, he had clandestinely taken a horse and arms, and, without the knowledge of his uncle, gone out into the field, where his horse falling forward, he was thrown headlong, and taken prisoner by the Romans." Scipio, having ordered that the Numidian should be taken care of, completed the business which remained to be done on the tribunal, and returning to his pavilion, asked him, when he had been called to him, whether lie wished to re- turn to Masinissa ? Upon his replying, with tears of joy, that he did indeed desire it, he presented the youth with a gold ring, a vest with a broad purple border, a Spanish450 THE HISTOKY OF ROME. [a. xxvii., chap. 20. cloak with a gold clasp, and a horse completely caparison- ed. and then dismissed him, ordering a party of horse to escort him as far as he chose. 20. A council was then held respecting the war; when some advised that he should endeavor to overtake Has- drubal forthwith. But thinking that hazardous, lest Mago and the other Hasdrubal should unite their forces with his, he sent a body of troops to occupy the pass of the Pyrenees, and employed the remainder of the summer in receiving the states of Spain into his alliance. A few days after the battle of Bsecula, when Scipio, on his return to Tarraco, had now cleared the pass of Castulo, the gen- erals, Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, and Mago, came from the farther Spain and joined Hasdrubal—-a late assistance af- ter the defeat he had sustained, though their arrival was somewhat seasonable, for counsel with respect to the fur- ther prosecution of the war. They then consulted togeth- er as to what was the feeling of the Spaniards in the quar- ters where their several provinces were situated, when Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, alone gave it as his opinion that the remotest tract of Spain which borders on the ocean and Gades, was as yet unacquainted with the Romans, and might therefore be somewhat friendly to the Cartha- ginians. Between the other Hasdrubal and Mago, it was agreed that " Scipio, by his good offices, had gained the affections of all, both publicly and privately; and that there would be no end of desertions till all the Spanish soldiers were removed to the remotest parts of Spain, or were marched over into Gaul. That, therefore, though the Carthaginian Senate had not decreed it, Hasdrubal must, nevertheless, march into Italy, the principal seat and object of the war; and thus at the same time lead away all the Spanish soldiers out of Spain far from the name of Scipio; That the army, which had been diminished by desertions and defeats, should be recruited by Spanish sol- diers. That Mago, having delivered over his army to Hasdmbal, son of Gisgo, should himself pass over to the Baleares with a large sum of money, to hire auxiliaries; that Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, should retire with the army into the remotest part of Lusitania, and avoid an encoun- ter with the Romans. That a body of three thousandY.R. 543.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 451 horse should be made up for Masinissa, the flower of the whole cavalry; and that he, shifting about from place to place throughout hither Spain, should succor their allies, and commit depredations upon the towns and lands of their enemies." Having adopted these resolutions, the generals departed to put in execution what they had re- solved oil. Such were the transactions in Spain of this year. At Rome the reputation of Scipio increased daily. The capture of Tarentum, though effected by artifice more than valor, was considered honorable to Fabius. The fame of Fulvius was on the wane. Marcellus was even under an ill report, not only because he had failed in his first battle, but further, because while Hannibal was going wherever he pleased throughout Italy, he had led his troops to Venusia in the midst of summer, to lodge in houses. Gaius Publicius Btbulus, a tribune of the people, was hostile to him. This man, ever since the time of his first battle, which had failed, had in constant harangues made Claudius obnoxious and odious to the people; and now his object was to deprive him of his command,, The connections of Marcellus, however, then obtained leave that Marcellus, leaving a lieutenant-general at Venusia, should return to Rome to clear himself of the charges which his enemies were urging, and that the question of depriving him of his command should not be agitated during his absence. It happened that nearly at the same time Marcellus, and Quintus Fulvius, the consul, came to Rome, the former to exonerate himself from ignominy, the latter on account of the elections. 21. The question touching Marcellus's command was debated in the Flaminian circus, in the presence of sui im- mense concourse of plebeians and persons of every rank. The plebeian tribune accused not only Marcellus, but the nobility generally. " It was owing," he said, " to their dis- honesty and dilatory conduct that Hannibal occupied Ita- ly, as though it were his province, for now ten years; that he had passed more of his life there than at Carthage. That the Roman people were enjoying the fruits of the prolonged command of Marcellus; that his army, after having been twice defeated, was now spending the sum- mer at Venusia lodged in houses." Marcellus so com-452 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 22. pletely destroyed the effect of this harangue of the trib- une, by the recital of the services he had rendered, that not only the bill for depriving him of his command was thrown out, but the following day he was created consul by the votes of all the centuries with wonderful unanimity. Titus Quinctius Crispinus, who was then praetor, was join- ed with him as his colleague. The next day Publius Li- cinius Crassus Dives, then chief pontiff, Publius Licinius ^arus, Sextus Julius Caesar, and Quintus Claudius Fla- men were .created praetors. At the very time of the elec- tion, the public were thrown into a state of anxiety rela- tive to the defection of Etruria. Caius Calpurnius, who held that province as propraetor, had written word that the Arretians had originated such a scheme. According- ly, Marcellus, consul elect, was immediately sent thither to look into the affair, and if it should appear to him of suf- ficient consequence, to send for his army and transfer the war from Apulia to Etruria. The Tuscans, checked by the ^larm thus occasioned, desisted. To the ambassadors of Tarentum, who solicited a treaty of peace securing to them their liberty and the enjoyment of their own laws, the Senate answered, that they might return when' the consul Fabius came to Rome. The Roman and plebeian games were this year repeated each for one day. The eu- rule aediles were, Lucius Cornelius Caudinus and Servius Sulpicius Galba; the plebeian aediles, Caius Servilius and Quintus Caecilius Metellus. It was asserted that Servilius was not qualified to be plebeian tribune or aedile, because it was satisfactorily established that his father, who for ten years was supposed to have been killed by the Boii in the neighborhood of Mutina, when acting as triumvir for the distribution of lands, was alive and in the hands of the enemy. - 22. In the eleventh year of the Punic war, Marcus Mar- cellus, for the fifth time, reckoning in the consulate in which he did not act, in consequence of an informality in his creation, and Titus Quinctius Crispinus, entered upon the office of consuls. To both the consuls the province of Italy was decreed, with both the consular armies of the former year (the third was then at Yenusia, being that which Marcus Marcellus had commanded). That out ofY.u, 544.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 453 the three armies the consuls might choose whichever two they liked, and that the third should be delivered to him to whose lot the province of Tarentum and the territory of Sallentum fell. The other provinces were thus distrib- uted among the praetors: Publius Licinius Varus had the city jurisdiction ; Publius Licinius Crassus, chief pontiff:, the foreign, and wherever the Senate thought proper. Sextus Julius Caesar had Sicily, and Quintus Claudius Flamen, Tarentum. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was to con- tinue in command for a year, and hold the province of Capua, which had been held by Titus Quinctius, with one legion. Caius Hostilius Tubulus was also continued in command, with orders to go into Etruria, in the capacity of propraetor, and succeed Caius Calpurnius in the com- mand of the two legions there. Lucius Veturius Philo was also continued in command, to hold in the capacity of propraetor the same province of Gaul with the same two legions with which he had held it as praetor. The Sen- ate decreed the same with respect to Caius Aurunculeius, who, as praetor, had held the province of Sardinia with two legions, which it did in the case of-Lucius. Veturius, and the question of the continuation of his command was proposed to the people. He had in addition, for the pro- tection of the province, fifty ships, which Publius Scipio had sent from Spain. To Publius Scipio and Marcus Si- lanu's, their present province of Spain and their present armies were assigned. Of the eighty ships which he had with him, some taken from Italy and others captured at Carthage, Scipio was ordered to send fifty to Sardinia, in consequence of a report that great naval preparations were making at Carthage that year; and that the inten- tion of the Carthaginians was to blockade the whole coasts of Italy, Sicily, and Sardinia with two hundred ships. In Sicily, also, the following distribution was made: to Sextus Caesar the troops of Cannae were assigned; Marcus Vale- rius Laevinus, who was also continued in command, was to have the fleet of seventy ships which was at Sicily, add- ing to it the thirty ships which the preceding year were stationed at Tarentum. With this fleet of a hundred ships he was ordered to pass over into Africa, if he. thought proper, and collect booty. Publius Sulpicius was also454 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 23. continued in command for a year, to hold the province of Macedonia and Greece, with the same fleet. No alteration was made with regard to the two legions which were at Rome. Permission was given to the consuls to enlist as many troops as were necessary to complete the numbers. This year the Roman empire wTas defended by twenty-one legions. Publius Licinius Yarns, the city praetor, was also commissioned to repair the thirty old men-of-war which lay at Ostia, and to man twenty new ones with full com- plements, in order that he might defend the searcoast in the neighborhood of Rome with a fleet of fifty ships. Caius Calpurnius was ordered not to move his army from Arretium till his successor had arrived. Both he and Tubulus were ordered to be particularly careful, lest any new plots should be formed in that quarter. . 23. The praetors set out for their provinces. The con- suls were detained by religious affairs; for, receiving intel- ligence of several prodigies, they could not easily obtain a favorable appearance from the victims. It was reported from Campania, that two temples, those of Fortune and Mars, and several sepulchres, had been struck by lightning. From Cumae, so does superstition connect the deities with the most trifling circumstances, that mice had gnawed some gold in the Temple of -Jupiter. That an immense swarm of bees had settled in the Forum at Casinum. That at Ostia a wall and gate had been struck by lightning. At Caere, that a vulture had flown into the Temple of Jupi- ter. That blood had flowed from a lake at Volsinii. On account of these prodigies, a supplication was performed for one day. For several days victims of the larger kind were sacrificed without any favorable appeax*ance; and for a long time the good-will of the gods could not be obtained. The fatal event indicated by these portents pointed tb the persons of the consuls, the state being unaffected. The Apollinarian games were first celebrated by Publius Cor- nelius Sulla, the city praetor, in the consulate of Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius; from that time all the city praetors in succession had performed them; but they vow- ed them for one year only, and fixed no day for their per- formance. This year a grievous pestilence attacked the city and the country; it showed itself, however, in pro-y.R. 544.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 455 tracted rather than fatal diseases. On account of this pestilence a supplication was performed in every street throughout the city ; and Publius Licinius Yarus, the city praetor, was ordered to propose to the people a law to the effect-that a vow should be made to perform these games on a stated day forever. He himself was the first who vowed them in this manner, and he celebrated them on the third day of the nones of July, a day which was henceforth kept sacred. 24. The reports respecting the people of Arretium be- came daily more serious, and the anxiety of the fathers in- creased. A letter was therefore written to.Cains Hostilius, directing him not to delay taking hostages from that peo- ple; and Caius Terentius Yarro was sent, with acom- mand, to receive from him the hostages and convey them to Rome. On his arrival, Hostilius immediately ordered one legionj which was encamped before the city, to march into it; and having posted guards in suitable places, he summoned the Senate into the Forum and demanded hos- tages of them. On the Senate's requesting a delay of two days to consider the matter, he declared that they must themselves give them forthwith, or he would the next day take all the children of the Senators. After this, the mili- tary tribunes, the prefects of the allies, and the centurions were ordered to keep watch at the gates, that no.one might go out by night. This duty was not performed with suf- ficient care and attention, for seven of the principal Sena- tors, with their children, escaped before night, and before the guards were posted at the gates. The next day, as soon as it was light, the Senate began to be summoned into the Forum, when they were missed and their goods .were sold. From the rest of the Senators one hundred and twenty hostages, consisting of their own children, were taken and delivered over to Caius Terentius to be convey- ed to Rome. Before the Senate he made every thing more suspected than before. Considering, therefore, that there was imminent danger of a commotion in Tuscany, they ordered Caius Terentius himself to lead one of? the city legions to Arretium, and to employ it for the protec- tion of the city. It was also resolved that Caius Hostilius, with the other army, should traverse the whole province,456 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 25. and use precautions that no opportunity might be afforded to those who were desirous of altering the state of things. On his arrival at Arretium with the legion, Terentius ask- ed the magistrates for the keys of the gates, when they declared they could not be found; but he, believing that they had been put out of the way with some bad intention rather than lost through negligence, took upon himself to have fresh locks put upon all the gates, and used diligent care to keep every thing in his own power. He earnestly cautioned Hostilius to rest his hope in this ; that the Tus- cans would remain quiet, if he should take care that not a step could be taken. 25. The case of the Tarentines was then warmly debated in the Senate, Fabius being present, and himself defending those whom he had subdued by force of arms, while oth- ers entertained an angry feeling towards them ; the great- er part comparing them with the Campanians in guilt and punishment. A decree of the Senate was passed conform- ably to the opinion of Manius Acilius, that the town .should be guarded by a garrison, and that all the Tarentines should be kept within their walls; and further, that the question touching their conduct should be hereafter laid before the Senate afresh, when the state of Italy should be more tranquil. The case of Marcus Livius, prefect of the citadel of Tarentum, was also debated with no less warmth; some proposing a vote of censure against the prefect on the grbund that Tarentum was betrayed to the enemy through his negligence; others proposing rewards for hav- ing defended the citadel for five years, and because Taren- tum had been recovered chiefly by his single efforts; while some, adopting an intermediate course, declared that it appertained to the censors, and not to the Senate, to take cognizance of his case; and of this latter opinion was Fa- bius, who added, however, " that he admitted that the re- covery of Tarentum was owing to the efforts of Livius, as his friends openly boasted in the Senate, but that there would have been no necessity for its recovery had it not been lost." One of the consuls, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, set out for Lucania, with some troops to make up the numbers, to take the command of the army which had served under Quintus Fulvius Flaccus. Marcellus was de*Y.R. 544.J THE HISTORY OF ROME, 45i tained by a succession of religious scruples which present- ed themselves to his mind. One of which was that when, in the Gallic war, at Clastidium, he had vowed a temple to Honor and Valor, its dedication was impeded by the pon- tiffs, who said that one shrine could not with propriety be dedicated to two deities; because, if it should be struck with lightning, or any kind of portent should happen in it, the: expiation would be attended with difficulty, as it could not be ascertained to which deity sacrifice ought to be made ; nor could one victim be lawfully offered to two deities, unless in particular cases. Accordingly, another temple to Virtue was erected with all speed. Neverthe- less, these temples were not dedicated by Marcellus him- self. Then at length he set out, with the troops raised to fill up the numbers, to the army he had left the preceding year at Venusia. Crispinus, who endeavored to reduce Locri, in Bruttiumy by a siege, because he considered that the.affair of Tarentum had added greatly to the fame of Fabius, had sent for every kind of engine and machine from Sicily; he also sent for ships from the same place to attack that part of the city which lay towards the sea* But this siege was raised by Hannibal's bringing his forces to Lacinium, and in consequence of a report that his col- league, with whom he wished to effect a junction, had now led his army from Venusia. He therefore returned from Bruttium into Apulia, and the consuls took up a position in two separate camps, distant from each other less than three miles, between Venusia and Bantia. Hannibal, after diverting the war from Locri, returned also into the same quarter. Here the consuls, who were both of sanguine temperament, almost daily went out and drew up their troops for action, confidently hoping that, if the enemy would hazard an engagement with two consular armies united, they might put an end to the war. 26. As Hannibal, who gained one and lost the other of the two battles which he fought the preceding year with Marcellus, would have equal grounds for hope and fear, should he encounter the same general again; so was he far from thinking himself a match for the two consuls togeth- er. Directing his attention, therefore, wholly to his own peculiar arts, he looked out for an opportunity for planting Vol. II.—20458 THE HISTORY OE ROME. [B. xxyii., CHAP. 26. an ambuscade. Slight battles, however, were fought be- tween the two camps with varying success. But the con- suls, thinking it probable that the summer would be spun out in engagements of this kind, and being of opinion that the siege of Locri might be going on notwithstanding, wrote to Lucius Cincius to pass over to Locri with his fleet from Sicily. And that the walls might be besieged by land also, they ordered one half of the army which formed the garrison of Tarentum to be marched thither. Hanni- bal having found from certain Thurians that these things would be done, sent a body of troops to lie in ambush on the road leading from Tarentum. There, under the hill of Petelia, three thousand cavalry and two thousand foot were placed in concealment. The Romans, who proceeded without exploring their way, having fallen into the ambus- cade, as many as two thousand soldiers were slain, and about twelve hundred made prisoners. The others, who were scattered in flight through the fields and forests, re- turnee! to Tarentum. There was a rising ground covered with wood, situated between the Punic and Roman camps, which was occupied at first by neither party, because the Romans were unacquainted with its nature on that side which faced the enemy's camp, while Hannibal had sup- posed it better adapted for an ambuscade than a camp. Accordingly, he had sent thither, by night, several troops of Numidians, concealing them in the midst of the wood. Not one of them stirred from his position by day, lest their arms or themselves should be observed from a dis- tance. There was a general murmur in the Roman camp that this eminence ought to be occupied and secured by a fort, lest, if it should be seized by Hannibal, they should have the enemy, as it were, immediately over their heads. Marcellus was moved by this consideration, and observed to his colleague, " Why not go ourselves with a few horse- men and reconnoitre ? The matter being examined with our own eyes, will make our measures more certain." Crispinus consenting, they set out with two hundred and twenty horsemen, of; which forty were Fregellans, the rest Tuscans. Marcus Marcellus, the consul's son, and Aulus Manlius, military tribunes, together with two prefects of the allies, Lucius Arennius and Manius Aulius, ac-Y.R. 54:4,] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 459 companied them. Some historians have recorded that Marcellus had offered sacrifices on that day, and that in the first victim slain the liver was found without its head; in the second, that all the usual parts were present, and that there was also an excrescence in the head. That the aruspex was not, indeed, pleased that the entrails should first have appeared mutilated and foul, and then too exu- berant. 27. But the consul Marcellus was influenced by so ar- dent a desire of engaging with Hannibal, that he never thought their camps close enough. At that time also, as he quitted the rampart, he gave orders that the troops should be ready when occasion required, in order that if the hill, which they were going to examine, were thought convenient, they might collect their baggage and follow them. Before the camp there was a small plain ; the road thence to the hill was open, and exposed to view on all sides. A watchman who was stationed, not under the expectation of so important an event, but in order that they might be able to intercept any stragglers who had gone too far from the camp in search of wood or forage, gave a signal to the Numidians to rise simultaneously, one and all, from their concealment. Those who were to rise from the very sum- mit of the hill, and meet the enemy, did not show them- selves until those whose business it was to intercept their passage in the rear had gone round. Then they all sprang up from .every side, and, raising a shout, commenced an attack. Although the consuls were in such a position in the valley that they could neither make good their way up the hill, which was occupied by the enemy, nor retreat, as* they were intercepted in the rear, yet the contest mighf - have been continued longer had not a retreat, commenced by the Tuscans, dismayed the rest of the troops. The Fregellans, however, did not give over fighting, though deserted by the Tuscans, while the consuls, uninjured, kept up the battle by encouraging their men and fighting themselves. But when they saw both the consuls wound- ed, and Marcellus transfixed, with a lance and falling life- less from his horse, then they too, and but a very few sur- vived, betook themselves to flight, together with Crispinus, the consul, who had received two javelin wounds, and460 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [>. xxvii., chap. 28. young Marcellus, who was himself also wounded. Aulus Manlius, a military tribune, was slain ; and of the two prefects of allies, Manius Aulius was slain, Lucius Aren- nius made prisoner. Five of the consul's lictors fell into the enemy's hands alive; the rest were either slain or fled with the consul. Forty-three horsemen fell in the battle or in the flight, and eighteen were taken alive. An alarm had been excited in the camp, and the troops were hasten- ing to go and succor the consuls, when they saw one of the consuls and the son of the other wounded, and the scanty remains of this unfortunate expedition returning to the camp. The death of Marcellus was an event to be de- plored, as well from other circumstances which attended it, as because that in a manner unbecoming his years, for he was then more than sixty, and inconsistently with the prudence of a veteran general, he had so improvidently plunged into ruin himself, his colleague, and almost the whole commonwealth. I should launch out into too many digressions for a single event, were I to relate all the va- rious accounts which authors give respecting the death of Marcellus. To pass over others, Lucius Cseliiis gives three narratives ranged under different heads; one, as it is handed down by tradition; a second,written in the pane- gyric of his son, who was engaged in the affair; a third, which he himself vouched for, being the result of his own investigation. The accounts, however, though varying in other points, agree for the most part in the fact that he went out of the camp for the purpose of viewing the ground; and all state that he was cut off by an ambus- cade. 28. Hannibal, concluding that the enemy were greatly dismayed by one of their consuls being slain and the other wounded, that he might not be wanting on any-opportu- nity presenting itself, immediately transferred his camp to the eminence on which the battle had been fought. Here he found the body of Marcellus, and interred it. Crispi- nus, disheartened by the death of his colleague and his own wound, set out during the silence of the following night, and encamped upon the nearest mountains he could reach, in a position elevated and secured on all sides. Here the two generals exerted their sagacity, the one in effecting,y.R. 544.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 461 the other in guarding against, a deception. Hannibal got possession of the ring of Marcellus, together with his body. Crispinus, fearing lest any artifice should be practised by the Carthaginian's employing this signet as the means of deception, had sent round messengers to the neighboring states, informing them that " his colleague had been slain, and that the enfcmy were in possession of his seal, and that they must not give credit to any letters written in the name of Marcellus." This message of the consul arrived at Salapia a little before a letter was brought from Hanni- bal, written in the name of Marcellus, to the effect that " he should come to Salapia on the night which followed that day; that the soldiers in the garrison should hold themselves in readiness, in case he Mght lvatit to employ them on any service." The Salapians were aware of the fraud, and concluding that an opportunity for punishing them was sought by Hannibal, from resentment, not only on account of their defection, but also because they slew his horsemen, sent his messenger, who was a deserter from the Romans, back again, in order that the soldiers might do what was thought necessary, without his being privy to it, and then placed the townsmen in parties to keep guard along the walls, and in convenient parts of the city. The guards and watches they formed with extraordinary care for that night; and on each side of the gate at which they supposed the enemy would come, they opposed to them the choicest of the tr6ops in the garrison. About the fourth watch, Hannibal approached the city. His van-guard was composed of Roman deserters, with Roman arms. These, all of whom spoke the Latin language, when they reached the gate, called up the guards, and ordered thfc gate to be opened, for the consul had arrived. The guards, &s if awakened at their call, began to be in a hurry and bustle; and exert themselves in opening the gate, which was closed by letting down the portcullis; some raised this with levers, others drew it up with ropes to such a height that the men could come in without stooping. The opening wras scarcely wide enough, when the deserters eagerly rushed through the gate; and after about six hundred had got in, the rope being let go by which it was suspended, the portcullis fell with a loud noise. Some of the Sala-?462 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 29. pians fell upon the deserters, who were carrying their arms carelessly suspended upon their shoulders, as is cus- tomary after a inarch, as if among friends; others fright- ened away the enemy by discharging stones, pikes, and javelins from the tower adjoining the gate and from the walls. Thus Hannibal withdrew, having been caught by his own stratagem, and proceeded to raise the siege of Locri, which Cincius was carrying on with the greatest vigor, with works and engines of every kind, which were brought from Sicily. Mago, who by that time almost de- spaired of retaining and defending the town, derived his first gleam of hope on the death of Marcellus being report- ed. This was followed by a message that Hannibal had dispatched his Numidian cavalry in advance, and was him- self following them with all possible speed with a body of infantry. As soon, therefore, as he was informed, by a signal displayed from the watch-towers, that the Numid- ians were drawing near, suddenly throwing open the gate, he sallied out boldly upon the enemy, and at first, more be- cause he had done it unexpectedly than from the equality of his strength, the contest was doubtful; but afterwards, when the Numidians came up, the Romans were so dis- mayed that they fled on all hands to the sea and their ships, leaving their works and the engines with which they battered the walls. Thus the siege of Locri was raised by the approach of Hannibal. 29. When Crispinus found that Plannibal had gone into Bruttium, he ordered Marcus Marcellus, a military tribune, to march the army which his colleague had commanded to Yenusia. Having set out himself with his own legions for Capua, though scarcely able to endure the motion of the litter, from the severity of his wounds, he sent a letter to Rome stating the death of his colleague, and in: how great danger he himself was. He said, " It was impossible for him to go to Rome to hold the election, both because he did not think he could bear the fatigue of the journey, and because he was anxious about Tarentum, lest Hannibal should direct his course tliither from Bruttium. That it was expedient that commissioners should be sent to him, men of sound judgment, with whom he might communi- cate, when he pleased, respecting the commonwealth. TheY.R. 544.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 463 reading of this letter excited great grief for the death of one of the consuls, and apprehension for the safety of the other. They therefore sent Quintus Fabius the younger to Venusia to the army; and to the consul three commis- sioners, Sextus Julius Caesar, Lucius Licinius Pollio, and Lucius Cincius Alimentus, though but a few days before he had returned from Sicily. These were directed to con- vey a message to the consul, to the effect that, if lie could not himself go to Rome to hold the election, he should nominate a dictator within the Roman territory for that purpose. If the consul should have gone to Tarentum, that it was the pleasure of the Senate that Marcus Claudi- us, the praetor, should march off his legions to that quarter in which he could protect the greatest number; of the cities of the allies. The same summer Marcus Valerius crossed over from Sicily into Africa with a fleet of a hundred ships, and, making a descent near the city Clupea, devas- tated the country to a wide extent, scarcely meeting with a single person in arms. Afterwards the troops employed in making these depredations were hastily led back to their ships, and a report had suddenly reached them that a Carthaginian fleet was drawing near. It consisted of eighty-three ships. With these the Romans fought suc- cessfully, not far from the city Clupea, and, after taking eighteen and putting the rest to flight, returned to Lily- baeum with a great deal of booty, gained both by land and sea. The same summer, also, Philip gave assistance to the suppliant Achaeans. They were harassed by Machanidas, tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, with a war in their immedi- ate neighborhood; and the iEtolians,having passed over an army in ships through the strait which runs between Naupactus and Patrae, called by the neighboring people Rhion, had devastated their country. It was reported, also, that Attains, king of Asia, would pass over into Europe, because the -ZEtolians, in their last council, had of- fered to him the office of chief magistrate of their nation. 30. Philip, when marching down into Greece, for these reasons, was met at the city Lamia by the iEtolians, under the command of Pyrrhias, who had been created praetor that year jointly with Attalus, who was absent. They had with them also auxiliaries from Attalus, and about a464 THE HISTORY. OE ROME. [B. xxvii., CHAP. 30. thousand men sent from the Roman fleet by Publius Sulpi- cius. Against this general and these forces Philip fought twice successfully, and slew full a thousand of his enemies in each battle. Whence, as the JEtolians were compelled by fear to keep themselves under the walls of Lamia, Phil- ip led back his army to Phalara* This place is situated in the Malian bay, and was formerly thickly inhabited on account of its excellent harbor, the safe anchorage in its neighborhood, and other conveniences of sea and land. Hither came ambassadors from Ptolemy, king of Egypt, the Rhodians, Athenians, and Chians, to put a stop to hos- tilities between the iEtolians and Philip. The JEtolians also called in one of their neighbors as a mediator, Amy- nander, king of the Athamanians. But all these were less concerned for the JEtolians, whose arrogance of disposition exceeded that of any other nation of Greece, than lest Philip and his empire, which was likely to prove injurious to the cause of liberty, should be intermixed with the af- fairs of Greece. The deliberations concerning a peace were put off to a council of the Achseans, for which a place and certain day were fixed upon; for the mean time, a truce of thirty days was obtained. The king, setting out thence, went through Thessaly aud Boeotia to Chalcis in Euboea, to prevent Attains, who he heard was about to come to Euboea with a fleet, from entering the harbors and approaching the coasts. Leaving a force to oppose At- taluSj in case he should cross over in the mean time, he set out thence with a small body of cavalry and light-armed troops, and came to Argos. Here the superintendence of the Hersean and Nemsean games having been conferred upon him by the suffrages of the people, because the kings of the Macedonians trace their origin from that state, after completing the Heraean games, lie set out directly after the celebration for JSgium, to the council of allies, fixed some time before. Here measures were proposed for put- ting an end to the JEtolian war, in order that neither the Romans nor Attains might have a pretext for entering Greece; but they were all upset by the iEtolians, before the period of the truce had- scarcely expired, after they heard that Attalus had arrived at iEgina, and that a Ro- man fleet was stationed at Naupactus. For, when calledY.R, 544.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 465 into the council of the Achaeans, where the same embassies were present which had negotiated for peace at Phalara, they at first complained of some trifling acts committed during the period of the truce, contrary to the faith of the convention ; but at last they asserted that it was impossi- ble the war could be terminated unless the Achaeans gave back Pylus to the Messenians, unless Atintania was re- stored to the Romans, and Ardyaea to Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus. But Philip, conceiving it an indignity that the vanquished should presumptuously dictate terms to him the victor, said, "That he did not before either listen to proposals for peace or agree to a truce from any hope he entertained that the iEtolians would remain quiet, but in order that he might have all the allies as witnesses that he was desirous of peace, and that they were the occasion of this war." Thus, without effecting a peace, he dismissed the council; and leaving four thousand troops for the pro- tection of the Achaeans, and receiving five men of war, with which, if he could have joined them to the fleet of the Carthaginians lately sent to him, and the ships which were coming from Bithynia, from king Prusias, he had re- solved to challenge the Romans, who had long been mas- ters of the sea in that quarter, to a naval battle, the king himself went back from the congress to Argos; for now the time for celebrating the Nemaean games was approach- ing, which he wished to be celebrated in his presence. 31. While the king was occupied with the exhibition of the games, and was indulging himself during the days de- voted to festivity with more freedom than in time of war, Publius Sulpicius, setting out from Naupactus, brought his fleet to the shore, between Sicyon and Corinth, and devas- tated without restraint a country of the most renowned fertility. Intelligence of this proceeding called Philip away from the games. He set out hastily with his cavalry, ordering his infantry to follow him closely; and attacking the Romans as they were scattered through the fields and loaded with booty, like men who feared nothing of the kind, drove them to their ships. The Roman fleet returned to Naupactus by no means pleased with their booty. The fame of a victory gained by Philip over the Romans, of whatever magnitude, increased the celebrity of the remain- 20*4 66 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxvn., chap. 82. ing part of the games. The festival was celebrated with extraordinary mirth, the more so as the king, in order to please the people, took the diadem off his head, and laid aside his purple robe with the other royal apparel, and placed himself, with regard to appearance, on an equality with the rest, than which nothing is more gratifying to free states. By this conduct he would have afforded the strongest hopes of the enjoyment of liberty, had he not debased and marred all by his intolerable lust; for he ranged night and day through the houses of married peo- ple with one or two companions, and in proportion as he was less conspicuous by lowering his dignity to a private level, the less restraint he felt; thus converting that empty show of liberty which he had made to others into a cover for the gratification of his own unbounded desires. For /leither did he obtain his object in all cases by money or seductive arts, but he also employed violence in the ac- complishment of his flagitious purposes; and it was dan- gerous, both to husbands and parents, to have presented any impediment to the gratification of royal lust by an un- seasonable strictness. From one man, Aratus, of the high- est rank among the Achseans, his wife, named Polycratia, was taken away and conveyed into Macedonia under the hope of a matrimonial connection with royalty. After passing the time appointed for the celebration of the ISTemsean games, and a few days more in the commission of these profligate acts, he set out for Dymse to expel the garrison of the iEtolians, which had been invited by the Eleans, and received into the town. Cycliadas, who had the chief direction of affairs, met the king at Dymse, to- gether with the Achseans, who were inflamed with hatred against the Eleans, because they had disunited themselves from the rest of the Achgeans, and were incensed against the ^Etolians, because they considered that they had stir- red up a Roman war against them. Setting out from Dyhise, and uniting their forces, they passed the river La- rissus, which separates the Elean from the Dymaean ter- ritory. 32. The first day on which they entered upon the ene- my's confines they employed in plundering. The follow- ing day they approached the city in battle-array, havingY.it. 544.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 467 sent their cavalry in advance, in order that, by riding up to the gates, they might provoke the iEtolians to make a sally, a measure to which they were naturally inclined. They were not aware that Sulpicius had passed over from Naupactus to Cyllene with fifteen ships, and, landing four thousand armed men, had entered Elis during the dead of night, that his troops might not be seen. Accordingly, when they recognized the Roman standards and arms among the JEtolians, so unexpected an event occasioned the greatest terror; and at first the king had wished to withdraw his troops; but afterwards, an engagement hav- ing taken place between the ^Etolians and Trallians, a tribe of lllyrians, when he saw his men hard pressed, the king himself, with his cavalry, charged a Roman cohort. Here his horse, being pierced with a javelin, threw the king, who fell over "his head; when a conflict ensued which was desperate on both sides—the Romans making a furious attack upon the king, and the royal party pro- tecting him. His own conduct was highly meritorious, when, though on foot, he was obliged to fight among horsemen. Afterwards, when the contest was unequal, many were falling and being wounded around him, he was snatched away by his soldiers, and, being placed upon an- other horse, fled from the field. On that day he pitched his camp five miles from the city of the Eleans, and the next day led out all his forces to a fort called Pyrgus, whither he had heard that a multitude of rustics had re- sorted through fear of being plundered. This unorgan- ized and unarmed multitude he took, immediately on his approach, from the first effects of alarm; and by this cap- ture compensated for the disgrace sustained at Elis. While engaged in distributing the spoil and captives, and there were four thousand men and as many as twenty thousand head of cattle of every kind, intelligence reached him from Macedonia that one Eropus had gained posses- sion of Lychnidus by bribing the prefect of the citadel and gamson ; that he held also certain towns of the J)as- saretians, and that he was endeavoring to incite the Dar- danians to arms. Desisting from the Achaean war, there- fore, but still leaving two thousand five hundred armed troops of every description under the generals Mepippus468 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 33. and Polyphantas, for the protection of liis allies, he set out from Dymse, and, passing through Aehsea, Boeotia, and Eubcea, arrived on the tenth day at fiemetrias, in Thessaly. 33. Here he was met by other messengers with intelli- gence of still greater commotions ; that the Dardanians, having poured into Macedonia, were in possession of Orestis, and had descended into the Argestasan plain; and that there was a general report among the barbarians that Philip was slain. In that expedition in which he fought with the plundering party near Sicyon, being car- ried by the fury of his horse against a tree, he broke off the extremity of one of the horns of his helmet against a projecting branch; which being found by a certain iEto- lian, and carried into JEtolia to Scerdilsedus, who knew it to be the ornament of his helmet, spread the report that the king was killed. After the king had departed from Achaea, Sulpicius, going to iEgina with his fleet, formed a function with Attalus. The Achaeans fought successfully with the .iEtolians and Eleans not far from Messene. King Attalus and Publius Sulpicius wkitered at JEgina. In the close of this year, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, the consul, after having nominated Titus Manlius Torquatus dictator, for the purpose of holding the election and cele- brating the games, died of his wound. Some say that he died at Tarentum, others in Campania. The death of the two consuls, who wGre slain without having fought any- memorable battle, a coincidence which had never occur- red in any former war, had left the commonwealth in a manner orphan. The dictator, Manlius, appointed as his master of the horse Caius Servilius, then curule aedile. On the first day of its meeting, the Senate ordered the dictator to celebrate the great games which Marcus iEmi- lius, the city praetor, had celebrated in the consulship of Caius Flaminius and Cneius Servilius, and had vowed to be repeated after five years. The dictator then both per- formed the games and vowed them for the following lus- trum. But as the two consular armies without command- ers were so near the enemy, disregarding every thing else, one especial care engrossed the fathers and the people, that of creating the consuls as soon as possible; and that they might create those in preference whose valor wasy.R. 544.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 460 least in danger from Carthaginian treachery; since, through the whole period of the war, the precipitate and hot tempers of their generals had been detrimental, and this very year the consuls had. fallen into a snare for which they were not prepared, in consequence of their ex- cessive eagerness to engage the enemy, but the immortal gods, in pity to the Roman name, had spared the unoffend- ing armies, and doomed the consuls to expiate their temer- ity with their own lives. 34. On the fathers' looking round to see whom they should appoint as consuls, Caius Claudius Nero appeared pre-eminently. They then looked out for a colleague for him, and although they considered him a man of the high- est talents, they also were of opinion that he was of a more forward and vehement disposition than the cmstifti- stances of the war, or the enemy, Hanilibal, required, they resolved that it would be right to qualify the impetuosity of his temper by uniting with him a cool and prudent col- league. The person fixed upon was Marcus Livius, who, many years ago, was, on the expiration of his consulship, condemned in a trial before the people; a disgrace which he took so much to heart, that he retired into the country, and for many years absented himself from the city> and avoided all public assemblies, Much about the eighth year after his condemnation, Marcus Claudius Mareellus and Marcus Valerius Lsevinus, the consuls, had brought him back into the city; but he appeared in a squalid dress, his hair and beard allowed to grow, and exhibiting in his countenance and attire the deep impression of the dis- grace he had sustained. Lucius Veturius and Publius Licinius, the censors, compelled him to have his beard and hair trimmed, to lay aside his squalid garb, to come into the Senate, and discharge other public duties. But even then he either gave his assent by a single word^ or signi- fied his vote by walking to one side of the house, till the trial of Marcus Livius Macatus, a kinsman of his, whose character was at stake, obliged him to deliver his senti- ments in the Senate upon his legs. On being heard in. the Senate on this occasion, after so long an interval, he drew the eyes of all upon him, and gave occasion to conversa- tions to the following effect: " That the people had inju-470 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 35. riously disgraced a man who was undeserving of it, and that it had been greatly detrimental to the state that, in so important a war, it had not had the benefit of the serv- ices and counsels of such a man. That neither Quintus Fabius nor Marcus Valerius Laevinus could be given to Caius Nero as colleagues, because it was not allowed for two patricians to be elected. That the same cause pre- cluded Titus Manlius, besides that he had refused a con- sulship when offered to him, and would refuse it. That they would have two most distinguished consuls if they should add Marcus Livius as a colleague to Caius Clau- dius." Nor did the people despise a proposal the mention of which originated with the fathers. The only person in the state who objected to the measure was the man to whom the honor was offered, who accused his countrymen of in- constancy, saying, " That, having withheld their pity from him when arrayed in a mourning garment and a criminal, they now forced upon him the white gown against his will; that honors and punishments were heaped upon the same person. If they esteemed him a good man, why had they thus passed a sentence of condemnation upon him as a wicked and guilty one? If they had proved him a guilty man, why should they thus trust him with a second consulate after having improperly committed to him the first ?" While thus remonstrating and complaining, the fathers rebuked him, putting him in mind that "Marcus Furius too, being recalled from exile, had reinstated his country when shaken from her very base. That we ought to soothe the anger of our country, as we would that of parents, by patience and resignation." All exerting them- selves to the utmost, they succeeded in uniting Marcus Livius in the consulate with Caius Claudius. 35. The third day afterwards the election of praetors was held. The praetors created were, Lucius Porcius Li- cinus, Caius Mamilius, Aulus Hostilius Cato, and Caius Hostilius Cato. The election completed, and the games celebrated, the dictator and master of the horse abdicated their offices. Caius Terentius Yarro was sent as proprae- tor into Etruria, in order that Caius Hostilius might quit that province and go to Tarentum to that army which Titus Quinctius, the consul, had commanded, and that Lu-i-.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. m cius Manlius might go as ambassador across the sea, and observe what was going on there; and at the same time, as the games at Olympia, which were attended by the greatest concourse of persons of any solemnity in Greece, were about to take place that summer, that if he could without danger from the enemy, he might go to that as- sembly, in order that any Sicilians who might be there, having been driven away by the war, or any Tarentine citizens banished by Hannibal, might return to their homes, and be informed that the Roman people would restore to them every thing which they had possessed before the war. As a year of the most dangerous character seemed to threaten them, and there were no consuls to direct the government, all men fixed their attention on the consuls elect, wishing them to draw lots for their provinces as soon as possible, and determine beforehand what province and what enemy each should have. The Senate also took measures, at the instance of Quintus Fabius Maximus, to effect a reconciliation between them. For the enmity be- tween them was notorious; and in the case of Livius his misfortunes rendered it more inveterate and acrimonious, as he considered that in that situation he had been treat* ed with contempt. He was, therefore, the more inexora- ble, and said^"That there was no need of a reconciliation, for that they would use greater diligence and activity in every thing they did for fear lest they should give their colleague, who was an enemy, an opportunity of advanc- ing himself at their expense." However, the authority of the Senate prevailed; and, laying aside their private dif- ferences, they conducted the affairs of the state in friend- ship and unanimity. Their provinces were not districts bordering upon each other, as in former years, but quite separate, in the remotest confines of Italy. To one was decreed Bruttium and Lucania, to act against Hannibal; to the other Gaul, to act against Hasdrubal, who, it was reported, was. now approaching the Alps; and that he to whose lot Gaul fell should choose whichever he pleased of the two armies, one of which was in Gaul, the other in Etruria, and receive the city legions in addition ; and that he to whose lot Bruttium fell should, after enlisting fresh legions for the city, take the army of whichever of the472 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxvii., ciiap. 36. consuls of the former year he pleased. That Quiutus Ful- vius, proconsul, should take the army which was left by the consul, and that his command should last for a year. To Caius Hostilius, to whom they had given the province of Tarentum in exchange for Etruria, they gave Capua instead of Tarentum, with one legion which Fulvius had commanded the preceding year. 36. The anxiety respecting the approach of Hasdrubal to Italy increased daily. At first, ambassadors from the Massilians had brought word that he had passed over into Gaul, and that the expectations of the Gauls were raised by his coming, as he was reported to have brought a large quantity of gold for the purpose of hiring auxiliaries. Afterwards, Sextus Antistius and Marcus Rsecius, who were sent from Rome, together with these persons, as am- bassadors, to look into the affair, had brought word back that they had sent persons with Massilian guides, who, through the medium of Gallic chieftains connected with them by hospitality, might bring back all ascertained par- ticulars; that they found, that Hasdrubal, who had already collected an immense army, would cross the Alps the en- suing spring; and that the Only cause which delayed him there was, that the passage of the Alps was closed by win- ter. Publius iElius Psetus was created and inaugurated in the office of augur in the room of Marcus Marcellus; and Cneius Cornelius Dolabella was inaugurated king of the sacred rites in the room of Marcus Marcius, who had died two years before. This same year, for the first time since Hannibal came into Italy, the lustrum was closed by the censors, Publius Sempronius Tuditanus and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus. The citizens numbered in the cen- sus were one hundred and thirty-seven thousand one hun- dred and eight, a number considerably smaller than before the war. This year it is recorded that the Comitium was covered, and that the Roman games were repeated once by the curule sediles, Quintus Metellus and Caius Servil- ius; and that the plebeian games were repeated twice by Quintus Mamilius and Marcus Caecilius Metellus, plebeian aediles. The same person also gave three statues for the Temple of Ceres, and there was a feast in honor of Jupi- ter on occasion of the games. After this Caius Claudiusy.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 473 Nero and Marcus Livius a second time entered upon their consulate ; and as they had already, while consuls elect, drawn lots for their provinces, they ordered the praetors to draw lots for theirs. Caius Hostilius had the city juris- diction, to which the foreign was added, in order that three praetors might go out to the provinces. Aulus Hos- tilius had Sardinia ; Caius Mamilius, Sicily; Lucius Por- ciusyGaul. The total amount of legions employed in the provinces was twenty-three, which were so distributed that the consuls might have two each; Spain,four; the three praotors in Sicily, Sardinia, and Gaul, two each ; Cai- us Terentius, two in Etruria; Quintus Fulvius, two in Bruttium ; Quintus Claudius, two in the neighborhood of Tarentum and the territory of SaUenturii; Caius Hostilius Tubulus, one at Capua ; and two were ordered to; be-eiv listed for the city. For theftest four iegions thepeople elected tribunes ; thevconsMs «ent those for the resti S7i Before the consuls set out, the nine days' sacred rite was performedj as a shower of stones had fallen from the sky at Veii. After the mention of one 23i'odigy, others also were reported, as usual. At Minturnas, that the Tem- ple of Jupiter and the grove of Marica, and at Atella also that a wall and gate, had been struck by lightning. The people of Minturnas added, what was more alarming, that a stream of blood had flowed at their gate. At Capua, a wolf, which had entered at the gate by night, had torn a watchman. These prodigies were expiated with victims of the larger kind, and a supplication for one day was made, according to a decree of the pontiffs. The nine days' sacred rite was then performed again, because»a shower of stones had been seen to fall in the armilustrum. After the people's minds had been freed from superstitious fears, they were again disturbed by intelligence that to in- fant had been born at Frusino as large as a child of foil r years old, and not so much an object of wronder from its size, as that it was born without any certain mark of dis- tinction whether it was male or female, which was the case two years before at Sinuessa. Aruspices, called in from Etruria, declared this to be indeed a foul and ill- omened prodigy, which ought to be removed out of the Roman territory, and, being kept far from coming in con-414 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. xxvii., CHAP. 38. tact with the earth, to be plunged into the deep. They shut it up alive in a chest, and, carrying it away, threw it into the sea. The pontiffs also decreed that thrice nine virgins should go through the city singing a hymn. While in the Temple of Jupiter Stator they were learning this hymn, which was composed by the poet Livius, the Tem- ple of Juno Regina, on the Aventine, was struck by light- ning; and the aruspices, on being consulted, having re plied that that prodigy appertained to the matrons, and that the goddess must be appeased by a present, such of the matrons as dwelt within the city, and within the tenth mile-stone from it, were summoned to the Capitol by an edict of the curule sediles; when they themselves chose twenty-five out of their own body, to whom they paid a contribution out of their dowries, from which a golden basin was made, as a present, and carried to the Aventine, where a sacrifice was performed by the matrons in a pure and chaste manner. Immediately a day was given out by the decemviri for another sacrifice to the same goddess, which was performed in the following order: two white heifers were led from the Temple of Apollo into the city through the Carmental gate ; after these, two cypress im- ages of Juno Regina were carried; after these went sev- en-and-twenty virgins arrayed in white vestments, and singing, in honor of Juno Regina, a hymn, which to the uncultivated minds of that time might appear to have merit, but if repeated now would seem inelegant and un- couth. The train of virgins was followed by the decem- virs, crowned with laurel, and in purple-bordered robes. From the gate they proceeded by the Jugarian Street into the Forum : in the Forum the procession stopped, and the virgins, linked together by a cord passed through their hands, moved on, beating time with their feet to the mu- sic of their voices. They then proceeded by the Tuscan Street and the Velabrum, through the cattle-market, up the Publician hill, and to the Temple of Juno Regina ; where two victims were immolated by the decemviri, and the cypress images carried into the temple. 38. After the deities were appeased in due form, the consuls made the levy with greater diligence and strict- ness than any one remembered it to have been made iny.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 475 former years; for tlie war was now doubly formidable, in consequence of the advance of a new enemy into Italy, while the number of the youth from which they could en- list soldiers was diminished. They therefore resolved to compel the settlers upon the sea-coast, who were said to possess an exemption from service solemnly granted, to furnish soldiers; and, on their refusing to do so, appoint- ed that they should severally lay before the Senate, on a certain day, the grounds on which they claimed exemption. On the appointed day the following people came to the Senate: the people of Ostia, Alsia, Antium, Anxur, Min- turnae, and Sinuessa, and, on the upper sea, Sena. After each people had stated their grounds of exemption, the ex- emption of none was allowed, as the enemy was in Italy, except those of Antium and Ostia; and of these colonies the young men were bound by oath that they would not lodge without the walls of their colony, while the enemy was in Italy, more than thirty days. Although it was the opinion of all that the consuls ought to proceed to the war as soon as possible (for Hasdrubal ought to be met on his descent from the Alps, lest he might seduce the Cisalpine Gauls and Etruria, which was anxiously looking forward to a revolution; while it was necessary-to occupy Hannibal with a war in his own quarters, lest he should emerge from Bruttium and advance to meet his brother), yet Livius delayed, not having sufficient confidence in the armies destined for his provinces. He said his colleague had his option to take which he pleased out of two excel- lent consular armies, and a third which Quintus Claudius commanded at Tarentum. He also made mention of re- calling the volunteer slaves to their standards. The Sen- ate gave the consuls unrestricted liberty of filling up their numbers from what source they pleased, of selecting out of all the armies such as they liked, and of exchanging and removing from one province to another, as they thought conducive to the good of the state. In all these affairs the consuls acted with the most perfect harmony. The volunteer slaves were enlisted into the nineteenth and twentieth legions. Some authors state that very efficient auxiliaries were sent out of Spain also to Marcus Livius by Publius Scipio; namely, eight thousand Spaniards and476 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 39; Gauls, two thousand legionary soldiers, a thousand horse of Nujnidians and Spaniards together. That Marcus Lu- cretius brought these forces in ships, and that Caius Ma- milius sent as many as four thousiand bowmen and sling- ers out of Sicily. 39. A letter which was brought out of Gaul from Lu- cius Porcius, the praetor, increased the alarm at Rome. It stated that Hasdrubal had (quitted his winter-quarters, and was now crossing the Alps; that eight thousand Liguri- aris had been enlisted and armed, which would join him when he had crossed over into Italy, unless some general were sent into Liguria to engage them with a war. That he would himself advance as far as he thought it safe with his small forces. This letter obliged the consuls hastily to conclude the levy, and go earlier than they had determined into their provinces, with the intention that each should keep his enemy in his own province, and not allow them to form a junction or concentrate their forces. This object was much aided by an opinion possessed by Hannibal; for, although he felt assured that his brother would cross over into Italy that summer, yet when he recollected what difficulties he had himself experienced through a period of five months, first in crossing the Rhone, then the Alps, contending against men and the nature of the ground, he was far from expecting that his transit would be so easy and expeditious, and this was the cause of his moving more slowly from his winter-quarters. But all things were done by Hasdrubal with less delay and trouble than he himself or any others expected. For the Arverni, and after them the other Gallic and Alpine nations in succession, not only gave him a friendly recep- tion, but followed him to the war; and not only had roads been formed during the passage of his brother in most of the countries through which he marched, and which were before impassable, but also, as the Alps had been passable for a period of twelve years, he marched through tribes of less ferocious dispositions. For before that time, being never visited by foreigners, nor accustomed themselves to see a stranger in their country, they were unsociable to the whole human race. And at first, not knowing whither the Carthaginian was going, they had imagined that theiry.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 477 own rocks and forts, and the plunder of their cattle and people, were his objects; but afterwards, the report of the Punic war, with which Italy was being desolated for now ten years, had convinced them that the Alps were only a passage, and that two very powerful nations, separated from each other by a vast tract of sea and land, were con- tending for empire and power. These were the causes which opened the Alps to Hasdrubal. But the advantage which he gained by the celerity of his march he lost by his delay at Placentia, while he carried on a fruitless siege, rather than an assault. He had supposed that it would be easy to take by storm a town situated on a plain ; and the celebrity of the colony induced him to believe that by destroying it he should strike great terror into th^ rest. This siege not only impeded his own progress, but had the effect of restraining flannibal, who was just on the point of quitting his winter-quarters, after hearing of his passage, which was so much quicker than he expected; for he not only revolved in his mind how tedious was the siege of towns, but also how ineffectual was his attempt upon that same colony when returning victorious from the Trebia. 40. The consuls, on departing from the city in different directions, had drawn the attention of the public, as it were, to two wars at once, while they called to mind the disasters which Hannibal's first coming had brought upon Italy, and at the same time, tortured with anxiety, asked themselves what deities would be so propitious to the city and empire as that the commonwealth should be victori- ous in both quarters at once. Hitherto they had been en- abled to hold out to the present time by compensating sfor their misfortunes by their successes. When the Roman power was laid prostrate at the Trasimenus and at Cannee in Italy, their successes in Spain had raised it up from its fallen condition. Afterwards, when in Spain one disaster after another had in a great measure destroyed two ar- mies, with the loss of two distinguished generals, the many successes in Italy and Sicily had, as it were, afford- ed a haven for the shattered state; and the mere interval of space, as one war was going on in the remotest quar- ter of the world, gave them time to recover their breath.478 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. xxvii., CHAP. 41. Whereas now two wars were received into Italy; two generals of the highest renown were besetting the Roman city; while the whole weight of the danger and the en- tire burden pressed upon one point. Whichever of these generals should be first victorious, he would in a few days unite his camp with the other. The preceding year also, saddened by the deaths of two consuls, filled them with alarm — such were the anxious feelings with which the people escorted the consuls on their departure to their provinces. It is recorded that Marcus Livius, still teem- ing with resentment against his countrymen, when setting out to the war, replied to Fabius, who warned him not rashly to come to an action till he had made himself ac- quainted with the character of his enemy, that as soon as ever he had got sight of the troops of the enemy he would engage them. When asked what was his reason for such haste, he said, " I shall either obtain the highest glory from conquering the enemy, or the greatest joy from the defeat of my countrymen, a joy which they have deserved, though it would not become me." Before the consul Claudius arrived in his province, Caius Hostilius Tubulus, attacking Hannibal with his light cohorts while marching his army through the extreme borders of the territory of Larinum into that of Sallenturn, caused terrible confusion in his unmarshalled troops; he killed as many as four thousand, and captured nine military standards. Quintus Claudius, who had his camps distributed through the towns of the Sallentine territory, had quitted his winter- quarters on hearing of the enemy; and Hannibal, fearing on that account lest he should have to engage with two armies at once, decamped by night, and retired from the Tarentine to the Bruttium territory. Claudius turned his army to the Sallentine territory. Hostilius, on his way to Capua, met the consul Claudius at Venusia. Here forty thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred horse were selected from both armies, with which the consul might carry on the war against Hannibal. The rest of the troops Hostilius was directed to march to Capua, to deliver them over to Quintus Fulvius, proconsul. 41. Hannibal, having drawn together his forces from all quarters, both those which he had in winter-quarters andY.it. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 479 those which he had in the garrisons of the Bruttian. terri- tory, came to Grumentum, in Lucania, with the hope of regaining the towns which through fear had revolted to the Romans. To the same place the Roman consul pro- ceeded from Venusia, exploring the way as he went, and pitched his camp about fifteen hundred paces from the en- emy. The rampart of the Carthaginians seemed almost united with the walls of Grumentum, though five hundred paces intervened. Between the Carthaginian and Roman camps lay a plain; and overhanging the left wing of the Carthaginians and the right of the Romans were some naked hills, which were not objects of suspicion to either party, as they had no wood upon them, nor any hiding- places for an ambuscade. In the plain which lay between them skirmishes hardly worth mentioning took place, be- tween parties sallying from the outposts. It was evident that what the Roman aimed at was to prevent the enemy from going off, while Hannibal, who wras desirous of es- caping thence, came down with all his forces, and formed in order of battle. Upon this the consul, imitating the crafty character of his enemy, ordered five cohorts, with the addition of five maniples, to pass the summit by night and sit down in the valleys on the opposite side, a meas- ure to which he was prompted the more strongly in pro^ portion as he felt that there could exist no suspicion of an ambuscade in hills so uncovered. Of the time for rising up from their retreat and of falling upon the enemy he in- formed Tiberius Claudius Asellus, a military tribune, and Publius Claudius, prefect of the allies, whom he sent with them. The general himself, at break of day, drew out all his forces, both foot and horse, for battle. Shortly after, the signal for battle was given, out by Hannibal, and a noise was raised in the camp, fr6m the troops running hastily to arms; then both horse and foot eagerly rushed through the gates, and, spreading themselves over the plain, hastened to the enemy. The consul, perceiving them thus disordered, gave orders to Caius Aurunculeius, a military tribune of the third legion, to send out the cav- alry of the legion to charge the enemy with all possible vehemence, for that the enemy had spread themselves like cattle in such disorder throughout the whole plain, that480 THE HISTORY OF HOME. [b. xxvii. , chap. 42. they might be knocked down and trampled under foot be- fore they could be formed. 42. Hannibal had not yet gone out of the camp when he heard the shout of his troops engaged; and thus roused by the alarm, he hastily led his forces against the enemy. Already had the Roman hors« spread terror through the Carthaginian van; the first legion, also, of the infantry and the right wing were commencing the ac- tion, while the troops of the Carthaginians, in disorder, engaged just as chance threw each in the way of horse or foot. The battle became more general by reinforcements, and the number of those who ran out to the combat. Hannibal, amidst the terror and confusion, would have drawn up his troops while fighting (which would not have been an easy task unless to a veteran general with veteran soldiers), had not the shouts of the cohorts and maniples running down from the hills, which was heard in their rear, created an alarm lest they should be cut off from their camp. After this they were seized with a panic, and a flight commenced in every part; but the number slain was less, because the nearness of the camp offered to the terrified troops a shorter distance to fly* For the cavalry hung upon their rear, and the cohorts, running down the declivities of the hills by an unobstruct- ed and easy path, charged them transversely in flank. However, above eight thousand men were slain, above seven hundred made prisoners, and eight military stand- ards-taken. Of the elephants also, which had been of no use in such a sudden and irregular action, four were kill- ed and two captured. The conquerors lost about live hundred Romans and allies. The following day the Car- thaginian remained quiet. The Roman, having led out his troops into the field, wh'en he saw that no one came out to meet him, gave orders that the spoils of those of the ene- my who were slain should be collected, and that the bod- ies of his own men should be gathered into one place and buried. After this, for several days following in succes- sioiij he came up so near the enemy's gates that he almost seemed to be carrying in his standards. But at length Hannibal, at the third watch, leaving a number of fires and tents in that part of the camp which faced the enemy.x.B.545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 481 and also a few ISTumidians who might show themselves in the rampart and the gates, decamped and proceeded to- wards Apulia. As soon as it dawned, the Roman army came up to the trenches, and the Numidians, according to the plan concerted, took care to show themselves for a little time on the rampart and in the gates; and having deceived the enemy for some time, rode off at full speed, and overtook their friends on their march. The consul, when all was silence in the camp, and he could now no- where see even the few who at break of day had walked up and down, sent two horsemen in advance to recon- noitre ; and after he had ascertained that all was safe enough, ordered his troops to march in; ami after staying there only while his men distributed themselves for plun- der, sounded a retreat and led back his forces long before night* The next day he set out as soon as it Was light, and following the rumor and the track of the enemy by forced marches, came up with them not far from Yenusia. Here, also, an irregular battle took place, in which two thousand of the Carthaginians were slain. The Cartha- ginian quitting this place made for Metapontum, march- ing by night and over mountainous districts in order to avoid a battle. Thence Hanno, who commanded the gar- rison of that place, was sent into Bruttium with a small party to raise a fresh artuy. Hannibal, after adding his forces to his own, went back to Yenusia by the same route by which- he came, and proceeded thence to Canusium. Nero had never quitted the enemy's steps, and when he himself went to Metapontum, had sent for Quintus Ful- vius into Lucania, lest that region should be left without protection. 43. Meanwhile-four Gallic horsemen and two Numidi- ans, who were sent to Hannibal with a letter froni Has- drubai, after he had retired from the siege of Placentia, having traversed nearly the whole length of Italy through the midst of enemies, while following Hannibal as he was retiring to Metapontum, were taken to Tarentum by mis- taking the roads; where they were seized by some Ro- man foragers, who were straggling through the fields, and brought before the propraetor, Caius Claudius. At first they endeavored to baffle him by evasive answers, Yol. IT.—21482 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 43. but threats of applying torture being held out to them, they were compelled to confess the truth; when they ful- ly admitted that they were the bearers of a letter from Hasdrubal to Hannibal. They were delivered into the custody of Lucius Virginias, a military tribune, together with the letter sealed as it was, to be conveyed to the con- sul Claudius. At the same time two troops of Samnites were sent with them as an escort. Having made their way to the consul, the letter, was read by means of an in- terpreter, and the captives were interrogated ; when Clau- dius, coming to the conclusion that the predicament of the state was not such as that her generals should carry on the war, each within the limits of his own province, and with his own troops, according to the customary plans of warfare, and with an enemy marked out for him by the Senate, but that some unlooked-for and unexpected enter- prise must be attempted, which, in its commencement, might cause no less dread among their countrymen than their enemies, but which, when accomplished, might con- vert their great fear into great joy, sent the letter of Has- drubal to Rome to the Senate ; and at the same time in- formed the conscript fathers what bis intentions were; and recommended that, as Hasdrubal had written to his brother that he should meet him in Urnbria, they should send for the legion from Capua to Rome, enlist troops at Rome, and oppose the city forces to the enemy at Narnia. Such was his letter to the Senate. Messengers were sent in advance through the territory of Larinum, Marrucia, Frentana, and Praetutia, where he was about to march his army, with orders that they should all bring down from their farms and towns to the road-side provisions ready dressed for the soldiers to eat; and that they should bring out horses and other beasts of burden, so that those who were tired might have plenty of conveyances. He then selected the choicest troops out of the whole army of the Romans and allies, to the amount of six thousand in- fantry and one thousand horse; and gave out that he in- tended to seize on the nearest town in Lucania and the Carthaginian garrison in it, and that they should all be in readiness to march. Setting out by night he turned off towards Picenum, and, making his marches as long as pos*y.r. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 483 sible, led his troops to join his colleague, having left Quin- tus Catius, lieutenant-general, in command of the camp. 44. At Rome the alarm and consternation were not less than they had been two years before, when the Carthagin- ian camp was pitched over against the Roman walls and gates; nor, could people make up their jninds whether they should commend, or censure, this so bold march oi the consul. It was evident that the light in which it would be viewed would depend upon its success, than which nothing can be more unfair. They said," That the camp was left near to the enemy, Hannibal, without a gen- eral, and with an army from which all the flower and vig- or had been withdrawn ; and that the consul had pretend- ed an expedition into Lucania, when he was in reality go- ing to Picenum and Gaul, leaving his camp secured only by the ignorance of the enemy, who were not aware that the general and part of his army were away. What would be the consequence if that should be discovered, and Han- nibal should think proper either to pursue Nero with his whole army, who had gone off with only six thousand armed men, or to assault the camp, which was left as a prey for him, without strength, without command, without auspices ?" The disasters already experienced in the war, the deaths of two consuls the preceding year, augmented their fears. ; Besides, all.these events had occurred " when there was only one general and one army of the enemy in Italy; whereas now they had two Punic wars, two im- mense armies, and in a manner two Hannibals in Italy, iff- asmuch as Hasdrubal was descended from the- same fathei Hamilcar, was a general equally enterprising, having bee** trained.in; a Roman war during so many years in Spain* and rendered famous by a double victory, having annihi- lated two armies, with two most renowned generals. For he could glory even more than Hannibal himself, on ac- count of the celerity with which he had effected his pas- sage out of Spain, and his success in stirring up the Gallic nations to arms, inasmuch as he had collected an army in those very regions in which Hannibal lost the majon part of his soldiers by famine and, cold, the most miserable modes of death." Those who were experienced in the events which had occurred in Spain, added, that " He484 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 45. would not have to engage with Caius Nero, the general, as an unknown person, whom, when accidentally caught in a difficult defile, he had eluded and baffled like a little child, by drawing up fallacious terms of peace." Under the dic- tation of fear, which always puts the worst construction upon things, they magnified all the advantages which the enemy possessed, and undervalued their own. 45. When Nero had got such a distance from the enemy that his plan might be disclosed without danger, he brief- ly addressed his soldiers, observing, that " There never was a measure adopted by any general which was in ap- pearance more dai'ing than this, but in reality more safe. That he was leading them on to certain victory. For as his colleague had not set out to prosecute the war which he conducted, until forces both of horse and foot had been assigned to him by the Senate to his own satisfaction, and those greater and better equipped than if he had been go- ing against Hannibal himself, that they would, by joining him, however small the quantity of force which they might add, completely turn the scale. That when it was only heard in the field of battle (and he would take caw that it should not be heard before) that another consul and anoth- er army had arrived, it would insure the victory. That rumor decided war; and that the most inconsiderable in- cidents had power to excite hope and fear in the mind. That they would themselves reap almost the entire glory which would be obtained if they succeeded, for it was in- variably the case that the last addition which is made is supposed to have effected the whole. That they them- selves saw with what multitudes, what admiration, and what good wishes of men their march was attended." And,by Hercules! they marched amidst vows, prayers, and commendations, all the roads being lined with ranks of men and women, who had flocked there from all parts of the country. They called them the safeguards of the state, the protectors of the city and empire of Rome. They said that the safety and liberty of themselves and their children were treasured up in their arms and right hands. They prayed to all the gods and goddesses to grant them a prosperous march, a successful battle, and a speedy victory over their enemies; and that they might beY.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 485 bound to pay the vows which they had undertaken in their behalf; so that as now they attended them off with anxie- ty, so after a few days' interval they might joyfully go out to meet them exulting in victory. Then they severally and earnestly invited them to accept, offered them, and wea- ried them with entreaties to take from them, in preference to another, whatever might be requisite for themselves or their cattle. They generously gave them every thing in abundance, while the soldiers vied with each other in mod- eration, taking care not to accept any thing beyond what was necessary for use. They did not make any delay, nor quit their ranks when taking food; they continued the march day and night, scarcely giving as much to rest as was necessary to the requirements of the body. Messen- gers were also dispatched in advance to his colleague, to inform him of his approach* and to ask whether he wished that he should come secretly or openly, by day or night, whether they should lodge in the same or different camps. It appeared most advisable that they should come into the camp secretly by night. 46. A private signal was sent through the camp by the consul Livius, that each tribune should receive a tribune, each centurion a centurion, each horseman a horseman, each foot-soldier a foot-soldier; for it was not expedient that the camp should be enlarged, lest the enemy should discover the arrival of the other consul, while the crowd- ing together of several persons, who would have their tents in a confined place, would be attended with less inconven- ience, because the army of Claudius had brought with them on their expedition scarcely any thing except their arms. Claudius, on the very march, had augmented his numbers by volunteers ; for not only veteran soldiers, who had com- pleted their period of service, but young men also, offered themselves without solicitation; and, as they vied with each other in giving in their names, he had enlisted those whose personal appearance and bodily strength seemed fit for military service. The camp of the other consul was near Sena, and Hasdrubal's position was about five hundred paces from it. Neroy therefore, when he was now drawing near, halted under cover of the mountains, in order that he might not enter the camp before night. Having entered486 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvii., chap. 47. when all was still, they were severally conducted into their tents by the men of their own description, where they were hospitably entertained with the utmost joy on the part of all. The next day a council was held at which Lucius Porcius Licinus, the praetor, was present. He had his camp joined to that of the consuls, and before their arrival, by leading his army along the heights, sometimes occupy- ing narrow defiles that he might intercept his passage, at other times harassing his troops while marching by attack- ing their flank or rear, he had baffled the enemy by all the arts of war. This man was, on the present occasion, one of the council. Many inclined to the opinion that an en- gagement should be deferred till Nero had recruited his soldiers, who were weary with marching and watching, and had employed a few days in acquiring a knowledge of "lis enemy. Nero urged, not only by persuasion, but with the mbst earnest entreaties," that they would not render rash, by dSlay, that measure of his which dispatch had made safe. That Hannibal, who lay in a state of torpid inactivity in consequence of a delusion which would not continue long, had neither attacked his cam^, klt as it was without a leader, nor had directed his course in pursuit of him. That the army of Hasdrubal might be annihilated, and he might retire into Apulia before he stirred a ste>p. The man who by delay gave time to the enemy both be- trayed that camp to Hannibal and opened a way to him into Gaul, so that he might effect a junction with Hasdru- bal at his leisure, and when he pleased. That they ought to give the signal for battle instantly, and march out into the field, and take advantage of the delusion of their ene- mies present and absent, while neither those were aware that they had fewer, nor these that they had more and stronger forces to encounter." On tlie bm^king iip^of the council the signal for battle was displayed, and the troops immediately led into the field. - • ■ - 47. The Carthaginians were already standing before their camp in battle-array. This circumstance delayed the battle: Hasdrubal, who had advanced before the line with a few horsemen, remarked some old shields among the ene- my which he had not seen before, and some horses leaner than the rest; their numbers also appeared greater thany.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 487 usual. Suspecting, therefore, what was really the case, he hastily sounded a retreat, and sent a party to the river from which they got their water, where some of them might be intercepted, and notice taken whether there were perchance any there whose complexions were more than ordinarily sun-burnt, as from a recent march. At the same time, he ordered a party to ride round the camp at a dis- tance and note whether the rampart was extended in any part, and also observe whether the signal sounded once or twice. Having received a report of all these particulars, the fact of the camp's not being enlarged led him into er- ror. There were now two camps, as there were before the other , consul arrived, one belonging to Marcus Livius, the other to .Lucius Porcius, and to neither of them had any addition been made to give more room for the tents. But •the veteran,general, who was accustomed to a 'Roman ene- myy^s^inudh struck by their reporting that the signal sounded once in the praetor's camp, and twice in the con- sul's ; there must, therefore, be two consuls, and he felt the most painful-anxiety as to the manner in which the other had got away from Hannibal. Least of all could he sus- pect, what was really the case, that he had got away from Hannibal by deceiving him to such an extent as that he knew not where the general was, and where the army whose camp stood opposite to his own. Surely, he con- cluded, deterred by a defeat of no ordinary kind, he has not dared to pursue him; and he began to entertain the most serious fears that he had himself come too late with assistance, now that affairs were desperate, and lest the same good-fortune attended the Roman arms in Italy which they had experienced in Spain. Sometimes he im- agined that his letter could not have reached him, and that, it having been intercepted, the consul had hastened to overpower him. Thus anxious and perplexed, having put out the fires, he issued a signal at the first watch to collect the baggage in silence, and gave orders to march. In the hurry and confusion occasioned by a march by night, their guides were not watched with sufficient care and attention. One of them stopped in a place of concealment which he had beforehand fixed upon in his mind, the other swam across the river Metaurus, at a ford with which he was ac-488 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvij., chap. 48. quaintecL The troops, thus deserted by their guides, at first wandered up and down through the fields; and some of them, overpowered with sleep, and fatigued with watch- ing, stretched themselves on the ground here and there, leaving their standards thinly attended. Hasdrubal gave orders to march along the bank of the river until the light should discover the road; but pursuing a circuitous and uncertain course along the turnings and windings of that tortuous river, with the intention of crossing it as soon as the first light should discover a place convenient for the purpose, he made but little progress; but wasting the day in a fruitless attempt to discover a ford—for, the farther he went from the sea, the higher he found the banks which kept the river in its course—he gave the enemy time to overtake him. 48. First Nero arrived with the whole body of his cav- alry ; then Porcius came up with him, with the light-in- fantry. And while these were harassing his weary troops on every aide, and charging them, and the Carthaginian, stopping his march, which resembled a flight, was desir- ous of encamping on an eminence, on the bank of the iiiy- er, Livius. came. up with all his foot forces, not after the manner of troops on march, but armed and marshalled for immediate action. When they had united all their forces, and the line was drawn out, Claudius took the direction of the battle in the right wing, Livius in the left; the man- agement of the centre was given to the praetor. Hasdru- bal, when he saw that an engagement was inevitable, giv- ing over the fortification of a camp, placed his elephants in the front line, before the standards; on either side these he placed in the left wing the Gauls to oppose Claudius, not so much from any confidence he reposed in them as because he believed them to be dreaded by the enemy; the right wing he took to himself against M. Livius, to- gether with the Spaniards, in whom, as being veteran troops, he placed his greatest hopes. I^hind the ele- phants, in the centre, the Ligurians were posted; but his line was rather long than deep. The Gauls were covered by a hill, which extended in front. That part of the line which was occupied by the Spaniards engaged the left wing of the Romans, the whole of whose right wing, ex-y545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 489 tending beyond the line of battle, was unengaged. The hill before them prevented their making an attack either in front or flank. Between Livius and Hasdrubal a furi- ous contest arose, and the slaughter on both sides was dreadful. Here were both the generals, here the major part of the Roman horse and infantry, here the Spaniards, veteran troops, and experienced in the Roman manner of fighting, and the Ligurians, a nation inured to war. The elephants were also driven to the same part, which, on the first onset, disordered the van, and had now even dislodged the standards ; but afterwards, the contest growing hot- ter, and the shout increasing, they became less submissive to their riders, and ranged to and fro between the two lines, as if not knowing to which side they belonged, like ships floating about without rudders. Claudius, when he had striven in vain to advance up the hill, repeatedly call- ing out to his soldiers, "To what purpose, then, have we performed so long a march with such expedition?" when he found it impossible to make his way to the enemy in that quarter, withdrawing several cohorts from the right wing, where he saw they would occupy an inactive sta- tion, rather than join in the fight, led them round the rear of the line, and, to the surprise not only of the enemy but his own party, charged their right flank; and such was their rapidity, that, after showing themselves on their flank, they almost immediately made an attack on their rear. Thus on all sides, in front, flank, and rear, the Span- iards and Ligurians were cut to pieces; and now the car- nage had even reached the Gauls. Here the least opposi- tion was found; for a great number of them had quitted their standards, having slunk off during the night, and laid themselves down to sleep up and down the fields, while even those who were present, being tired with marching and watching, for their bodies are most intoler- ant of fatigue, could scarcely carry their arms upon their shoulders. And now it was midday, and thirst and heat gave them over to the enemy to be killed or captured in multitudes. 49. More elephants were killed by their guides than by the enemy. They used to have with them a workman's knife, with a mallet. When these beasts began to grow 21*490 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [B. XXVII., chap. 49. furious, and attack their own party, the rider, placing this knife between the ears, just on the joint by which the neck is connected with the head, used to drive it in, strik- ing it with all the force he could. This was found to be the most expeditious mode of putting these bulky animals to death, when they had destroyed all hope of governing them. This method was first practised by Hasdrubal, a general whose conduct both frequently on other occasions, and especially in this battle, deserved to be recorded. By encouraging the men when fighting, and sharing equally in every danger, he kept up the battle. Sometimes by en- treating, at other times by rebuking, the troops, when tired and indisposed to fight from weariness and over-ex- ertion, he rekindled their spirits. He called back the fly- ing, and restored the battle in many places when it had been given up. At length, when fortune decidedly de- clared for the Romans, lest he should survive so great an army which had been collected under the influence of his name, he put spurs to his horse " and rushed upon a Ro- man cohort, where fee fell fighting, as was worthy of the son of Hamilcar and the brother of Hairmibal. » At no time during that war were so many of the enemy slain in one battle; so that a defeat equal to that sustained at Cannse, whether in respect of the loss of the general or the troops, wTas considered to have been retorted upon him. Fifty-six thousand of the enemy were slain, five thousand four hundred captured. The other booty was great, both of every other kind, and also of gold and sil- ver. In addition to the rest, there were recovered above four thousand Roman citizens, who had been taken by the enemy, which formed some consolation for the soldiers lost in that battle. For the victory was by no means bloodless. Much about eight thousand of the Romans and the allies were slain; and so completely were even the victors satiated with blood and slaughter, that the next day, when Livius the consul received intelligence that the Cisalpine Gauls and Ligurians, who had either not been present at the battle or had made their escape from the carnage, were marching off in one body without a certain leader, without standards, without any discipline or sub- ordination ; that if one squadron of horse were senty.r. 545.] TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 491 against them they might be all destroyed, he replied, "Let some survive to bear the news of the enemy's losses and of our valor." 50. Nero set out on the night following the battle, and marching at a more rapid rate than when he came, arrived at his camp before the enemy on the sixth day. As he was not preceded by a messenger, fewer people attended bim on his march; but the joy felt was so great, that they were almost insane with delight. Neither state of feeling at Rome can be well described or told, whether that in which the citizens were when in doubtful expectation of the issue, or when they received the intelligence of vic- tory. Every day, from the time that news arrived that the consul Claudius had set out, from, sunrise to sunset, none of the Senators ever quittedthe Senate-house, nor did the people depart^ from the Forum. , The matrons, as they had, themselves no means of affording assistance, had re- course to prayers and entreaties, and, going about to all the temples, wearied the gods with vows and supplica- tions. While the city was in this state of solicitude and suspense, a vague report first arrived that two Narnian horsemen had come from the field of battle into the camp which stood as a defense, in the entrance to TJmbria, with intelligence that the enemy were cut to pieces. At first they rather heard than, credited this news, as being too great and too joyful for the mind to take in, or obtain a firm belief. Even the very rapidity with which it had ar- rived formed an; obstacle to its reception; for it was stated that the battle took place two days before. After this a letter was brought which had bee^isent by,Lucius "Manlius Acidinus, from his camp, on the subject of the ar- rival of the Narnian horsemep. This letter being convey- ed through the Forum to the tribunal of the praetor,.drew the Senators out of the Senate-house ; and with swejicea- gerness and hurry did the people crowd to the doors of the Senate-house, that the messenger could not approach, but was dragged off by persons /who asied him questions, and demanded vociferously that the letter should be read on the rostrum before it was read in the Senatelt t At kngth they were put back and restrained by the magistrates; and thus the joy was gradually dispensed to their over^492 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxyii., chap. 51. powered spirits. The letter was read first in the Senate, and then in the assembly of the people. The effect was various, according to the difference in the cast of men's minds, some thinking that there were already sure grounds for rejoicing, while others would place no confidence in the news till they listened to ambassadors or a letter from the consuls. 51. After this, news came that the ambassadors them- selves were on the point of arriving. Then, indeed, peo- ple of all ages ran to meet them, each man being eager to be the first to receive an assurance of such joyful tidings, by the evidence of his eyes and ears. One continued train extended as far as the Mulvian bridge. The ambassadors, Lucius Veturius Philo, Publius Licinius Varus, and Quin- tus Csecilius Metellus, made their way into the Forumr surrounded by a crowd of persons of every description ; when some asked the ambassadors themselves, others their attendants,what had been done; and,as soon as each had beard that the army and general of the enemy had been cut off, that the Roman l^ionis were safe, and the consuls unhurt, he immediately imparted the joyful intelligence to others, imparting to them the joy he felt himself. 4 Having with difficulty made their way into the Senate-house, and the crowd with still more difficulty being removed, that they might not mix with the fathers, the letter was read in the Senate; after which the ambassadors were brought into the general assembly. Lucius Veturius Philo, after reading the letter himself, gave a more explicit account of all that had occurred, amidst great approbation, and at last of general , shouting from the assembly, while their minds could scarcely contain their joy. They then ran off in various directions, some to the different temples of the gods, to return thanks, others to their homes j to impart the joyful intelligence to their wives and children. The Senate deoreed a supplication for three days, because Mar- cus Livius and Caius Claudius, the consuls, had cut off the general and legions of the enemy, their own army being safe. This supplication Gaius Hostilius, the pi*80tor, pro- claimed in the assembly, and was celebrated both by men and tyornen. During the whole three days all the tem- ples were uniformly crowded, while the matrons, dressedy.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 493 in their richest robes, and accompanied by their children, just as though the war had been brought to a conclusion, and free from every apprehension, offered thanksgivings to the immortal gods. This victory produced an altera- tion also in the condition of the state, so that immediately from this event, just as though it had been a time of peace, men were not afraid to do business with each other, buy- ing, selling, lending, and paying borrowed money. Caius Claudius, the consul, on his return to his camp, ordered the head of Hasdrubal, which he had carefully kept and brought with him, to be thrown before the advanced guards of the enemy, and the African prisoners to be shown to them bound just as they were. Two of these, also, he unbound, and bid them go to Hannibal and tell him what hqtd occurred. Hannibal, smitten by such severe dis- tress, at once public and domestic, is said to have declared that he recognized the destiny of Carthage; and decamp- ing thence with the intention of drawing together into Bruttium, the remotest corner of Italy, all his auxiliaries which he could not protect when widely scattered, removed into Bruttium the whole state of the Metapontines, sum- moned away from their former habitations, and also such of the Lucanians as were under his authority. BOOK XXVIII. Successful operations against the Carthaginians in Spain, underSilanus, Scipio's lieutenant, and L. Scipio, his brother; of Sulpicius and At- talus, against Philip, king of Macedonia. Scipio finally vanquishes the Carthaginians in Spain, and reduces that whole country; passes over into Africa, forms an alliance with Syphax, king of Numidia; represses and punishes a mutiny of a part of his army; concludes a treaty of friendship with Masinissa; returns to Rome, and is elected consul; solicits Africa for his province, which is opposed by Quintus Fabius Maximus; is appointed governor of Sicily, with permission to pass Over into Africa. 1. At the time when Spain appeared to be relieved in proportion to the degree in which the weight of the war was removed into Italy by the passage of Hasdrubal, an-494 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxvm., chap. 2. other war sprang tip there equal in magnitude to the for- mer. At this j uncture the Romans and Carthaginians thus occupied Spain: Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, had retired quite to the ocean and Gades; the coast of Our sea, and almost the whole of that part of Spain which lies eastward, was subject toScipio and the Romans. The new general, Han- no, who had passed over from Africa, to supply the place of the Barcine Hasdrubal, with a new army, and formed a junction with Mago, having in a short time armed a large number of men in Celtiberia, which lies in the midway be- tween the two seas, Scipio sent Marcus Silanus against him, with no more than ten thousand infantry and five hundred horse. Silanus, by marching with all the haste he could (though the ruggedness of the roads, and narrow defiles obstructed with thick woods, which are very fre- quent in Spain, impeded him), yet, being guided by desert- ers from Celtiberia, natives of that place, reached the en- emy,* anticipating not only messengers but even all rumor of his coming. From the same source he ascertained, when they were about ten thousand paces from the ene- my, that they had two camps, one on each side of the road in which they were marching; that the• Celtibferiaris, a newly-raised army, in number above nine thousand, were on the left, and that the Carthaginian camp was stationed on the right. The latter was secured and protected by outposts, watches, and every kind of regular military guard, while the former was disorderly and neglected, as belong ing to barbarians, who were raw soldiers, and were under the less apprehension because they were in their own coun- try. Silanus, concluding that this was the camp to be at- tacked first, ox*dered the troops to march as much as pos- sible towards the left, lest he should be observed from any point by the Carthaginian outposts, and sending* scouts in advance, pushed on towards the enemy at a rapid pace. 2. He was now about three thousand paces from the en- emy, when as yet none of them had perceive^ him. The ground was covered with craggy plaqes, and hills over- grown with bushes. Here, in a hollow valley, and on that account unexposed to the view, he ordered his men to sit down and take refreshment. In the mean time the scouts returned, confirming the statements of the deserters. ThenY.K. 545. J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 495 the Romans, collecting their baggage in the centre, took arms, and marched to battle in regular array. They were a thousand paces off when they were descried by the ene- my, when suddenly all began to be in a state of hurry and confusion. At the first shout and tumult, Mago quitted the camp and rode up at full speed. As there were in the Celtiberian army four thousand targeteers and two hun- dred horsemen, this regular legion, as it formed the flower of his troops,he stationed in the first line; the rest, com- posed of light-armed, he posted in reserve. While he was leading them out of the camp thus marshalled, the Ro- mans discharged their javelins at them before they had scarcely cleared the rampart. The Spaniards stooped down to avoid the javelins thrown at them bytheenemy, and then rose:up to discharge their own in 'turn ;: which the Romans having received, according to their custom, in close array, with their shields firmly united, they then en- gaged foot to foot, and began to fight with their swords. But the ruggedness of the ground, while it rendered inef- fectual the agility of the Celtiberians, who were accustom- ed to a skirmishing kind of battle, was at the same time not unfavorable to the Romans, who were accustomed to a steady kind of fight, except that the narrow passes and the bushes, which grew here and there, broke their ranks, and they were compelled to engage one against one, and two against two, as if matched together. The same cir- cumstance which obstructed the enemy's flight delivered them up, as it were, bound for slaughter. And now, when almost all the targeteers had been slain, the light-armed and the Carthaginians, who had come up to their assist- ance from the other camp, having been thrown into con- tusion, were put to the sword. Not more than two thou- sand of the infantry, and all the cavalry, fled from the field with. Mago before the battle was well begun. The other general, Hanno, was taken alive, together with those who came up when the battle was now decided. Almost the whole of the cavalry and the veteran infantry, following Mago in his flight, came to Hasdrubal on the tenth day in the province of Gades. The newly-raised Celtiberian troops, stealing off to the neighboring woods, fled thence to their homes. By this very seasonable victory, a stop436 THE HISTOBY OF HOME. [b. xxviii., chap, a was put to a war which was hot by any means so consid- erable as that to which it would have grown had the en& my been allowed, after having prevailed upon the Geltibe- rians to join them, to solicit other nations also to take up arms. Scipio, therefore, having liberally bestowed the highest commendations on Silanus, and entertaining a hope that he might bring the war to a termination, if he did not impede it by a want of activity on his own part, proceed- ed into the remotest part of Spain against Hasdrubal. The Carthaginian, who then happened to be encamped in Baettea, in order to prevent his allies from wavering in their allegiance, retired quite to the ocean and Gades, in a manner much more resembling a flight than a march. He was afraid, however, that while he kept his forces togeth- er, he should form the principal object of attack. Before he crossed the strait to Gades he sent them into different cities, that they might both provide for their own safety by the help of walls, and for that of the town by their arms. 3. Scipio, seeing the enemy's forces thus distributed, and that to carry about his forces to each of the several cities would be rather tedious than important, marched his army back. Not to leave all that country, however, to the Car- thaginians, he sent his brother, Lucius Scipio, at the head of ten thousand foot arid one thousand horse, to besiege the most important city of that quarter, called by the bar- barians Orinx, anck situated on the borders of the Mile- sians, a nation of Spain so called. The soil is fertile, and even silver is dug out of it by the inhabitants. This place served as a fort to Hasdrubal; from which he might make incursions on the inland states. Scipio encamped near the city. Before he formed his lines round it, he sent to the gates to sound the inclinations of the inhabitants, by a direct interview, and persuade them to make trial of the friendship of the Romans rathef than of their power. As they answered nothing of a friendly nature, he threw a double trench and rampart round the place, dividing his army into three parts, in order that one division might as- sault it while the other two rested. The first of these be- ginning the attack, a furious and doubtful contest ensued. It was by no means easy to approach and bring the lad- ders to the walls, on account of the weapons which fellY.R. 545. J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 497 upon them; and even of those persons who had raised them, some were thrown down with forks made for the purpose, others were in danger of being laid hold of by iron grapples, and dragged up hanging to the wall. Scip- io, seeing that the contest was equalized owing to the few- ness of his party* and that the enemy, fighting from the wall, were superior to him, called off the first division and attacked them with the two others together. This so ter- rified the besieged, who were already fatigued with fight- ing with the former, that not only the townsmen forsook the walls in sudden flight, but the Carthaginian garrison, fearing that the town had been betrayed, also quitted their posts and collected themselves into a body. Upon this the inhabitants began to be alarmed, lest, if the enemy broke into the town, they should kill all they met indis- criminately, Carthaginian or Spaniard. They therefore suddenly threw open the gates and rushed out of the town, holding their shields before them, lest any weapons should be cast at them from a distance, and stretching out to view their bare right hands, that it might be seen they had thrown away their swords. Whether this was not observed in consequence of the distance, or whether some deception was suspected, is not known ; but an attack was made on the deserters, and they were put to death as a hostile force. Through this gate the enemy marched into the city in battlq-array. The other gates were cut through and broken down with axes and sledges; and as each horseman entered, he galloped off to seize the Forum, as had been ordered. A body of veteran troops were also added to the horse to-support them. The legionary troops spread themselves in every part of the city, but neither killed nor plundered any, except such as defended them- selves with arms. All.the Carthaginians were put under guard, with more than three hundred of the inhabitants, who had shut the gates. The rest had the town put into their hands, and their property restored. About two thou- sand of the enemy fell in the assault on this city, and not more than ninety of the Romans. 4, As the taking of this town was a source of great joy to those who effected it, as well as to the general and the rest of the army, so their approach to their camp also pre-498 TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 5. sented a splendid spectacle, on account of the immense crowd of captives they drove before them. Scipio, hav- ing bestowed high commendations upon his brother, rep- resenting the capture of Orinx as equal in importance to the capture of Carthage by himself, led his forces back into hither Spain. He could not make an attempt on Gades, or pursue the army of Hasdrubal, now dispersed through all parts of the province, in consequence of the approach of winter. He therefore dismissed the legions into win- ter-quarters, and sent his brother Lucius Scipio, with Han- no, the enemy's general, and other distinguished prisoners, to Rome, while he retired himself to Tarraco. During the same year, the Roman fleet under Marcus Valerius Lsevi- nus, the proconsul, sailing over from Sicily into Africa, de- vastated to a wide extent the fields about Utica .and Car- thage. They carried off plunder from the remotest bor- ders of the Carthaginian territory around the very walls of Utica. On their return to Sicily they were met by a Car- thaginian fleet of seventy ships of war, of which seventeen were taken and four sunk ; the rest were dispersed and compelled to fly. The Romans, victorious both by land and sea, returned to Lilybaaum with immense booty of ev» ery kind. The ships of the enemy having thus been driven from the \vThole sea, large supplies of corn -were conveyed to Rome. 5. In the beginning of the summer in which these events occtirred, Publitis Sulpieius, proconsul, and King Attains, having passed the winter at iEgina, as before observed, united their fleets, consisting of twenty-three Roman quin- queremes and thirty-five belonging to the king, and pro- ceeded to Lemnos. Philip also, that he might be prep&r^d for every kind of measure, whether it should be necessary to meet the enemy on land or siea, came down to the coast of Demetrias and appointed to his army a day on which to meet him at Larissa. On the news of the king's arrival, ambassadors from his allies came to Demetrias from all sides. For the iEtolians, inspirited both by their alliance with the Romans and the approach of King Attalus, were ravaging the neighboring states; not only the Acarnani- ans, Boeotians, and Euboeans were very much alarmed, but the Achseans also were kept in a state of terror, both byy.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 499 the hostile proceedings of the iEtolians, and also by Ma- chanidas, tyrant of Lacedaemon, who had encamped at a short distance from the borders of the Argives. All of these, stating the dangers which threatened their posses- sions, both by land and sea, entreated succor from the king. Philip received accounts even from his own king- dom, that things were not in a state of tranquillity; that both Scerdilsedus and Pleuratus were in motion, and that some of the Thracians, and particularly the Medians, would certainly make incursions on the contiguous prov- inces of Macedonia, should the king be occupied with a distant war. The Boeotians, indeed, and the people inhab- iting the inland parts of Greece, told him that tbe JEto- lians had obstructed, by a ditch and rampart, the stfaits of Thermopylae, where the road is very narrow and confined, in order to prevent their passing to the assistance ©f the allied states. So many disturbances arising on all hands were sufficient to awaken an inactive general. He dis- missed the ambassadors, promising to assist them all ac- cording as opportunity and circumstances allowed. For the present, he sent to Peparethus a body of troops to gar- rison the city, for this was the most urgent business, as in- formation had been received thence that Attalus, crossing over toLemnos, was devastating all the neighboring coun- try. He sent Polyphantas with a small detachment to Boe- otia, and also, Menippus, one of his guards, with one thou- sand targeteers (the target is not unlike the ordinary buck- ler), to Chalcis. Five hundred Agrianians were added, that every part of the island might be secured. Ho went himself to Scotussa, and ordered the Macedonian sdldiers to be removed thither from Larissa. Here be heard that the ^Etolians had been summoned to an assembly at Heraclea, and that King Attalus was to come and advise wit/k them as to the conduct of the war. Determining to interrupt this meeting by his sudden approach, he led his troops by forced marches to Heraclea, where he arrived just after the assembly had broken up. However, he destroyed the crops, which were nearly ripe, particularly those round the ^Enian bay. He then marched back to Scotussa, and, leaving there the main army, retired to Demetrias with the royal guards. In order to be prepared against every500 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxvur., chap. ft attempt of the enemy, lie sent persons hence to PhociSj Euboea, and Peparethus, to select elevated situations, from which fires lighted upon them might be seen from a dis- tance. He fixed a watch-tower on Tisseum, a mountain whose summit is prodigiously high, in order that when the enemy made any attempt he might instantly receive inti- mation of it by means of fires lighted up at a distance. The Roman general and King Attains then passed over from Peparethus to Nicaea, and thence sailed to Orcus, the first city of Eubcea, on the left as you proceed to Chalcis and the Euripus from the Bay of Demetrias. It was agreed upon between Attalus and Sulpicius that the Ro- mans should attack the town on the side next the sea, and the king's forces on the land side. 6. Four days after the fleet arrived, they attacked the city. That time had been employed in private conferences with Plator, whom Philip had put in command of the place. The city has two citadels, one overhanging the coasts; the othei: in the middle of the town, from which there is a subterraneous passage to the; ocean, whose entrance next the sea is defended by a strong fortification, a tower five stories high. Here the affair commenced with a most fu- rious contest, the tower being furnished with all kinds of weapons, and engines and machines of every kind for the purpose of the assault having been landed from the ships. While the eyes and attention of all were turned to that quarter, Plator opened one of the gates and received the Romans into the citadel next the sea, which they instantly became masters of. The inhabitants, driven thence, fled to the other citadel in the middle of the city; but there had been troops posted there to shut the gates against them ; so that, being thus excluded, they were surrounded, and either slain or made prisoners. Meanwhile the Mace- donian garrison stood under the wall of the citadel, form- ed into a compact body, neither confusedly attempting a retreat, nor obstinately engaging in a contest. These men Plator, after obtaining permission from Sulpicius, put on board ships, and landed them at Demetrias, in Phthiotis; he himself withdrew to Attalus. Sulpicius, elated with the success at Oreum, gained with so much ease, proceeded to Chalcis with his victorious fleet, where the issue by noy.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 501 means answered his expectations. The sea, which is wide on both sides, being here contracted into a narrow strait, might perhaps, at first view, exhibit the appearance of two harbors facing the two entrances of the Euripus. It would be difficult to find a station more dangerous for shipping; for not only do the winds come down with great violence from the high mountains on each side, but the strait itself of the Euripus does not ebb and flow seven times a day at stated times, as is reported, but the current changing ir- regularly, like the wind, now this way now that, is hurried along like a torrent rolling headlong down a steep mount- ain, so that no quiet is given to vessels there day or night. But not only did so perilous a station receive his ships, but the town was strong and impregnable, covered on one side by the sea, and very well fortified on the other towards the land, secured by a strong garrison, and, above all, by the fidelity of the prefects and principal men, which was wavering and unsettled at Oreum. Though the business had been rashly undertaken, the Roman still acted with prudence, in so far as he speedily gave up the attempt, after he had seen all the difficulties which surrounded him, that he might not waste time, and passed his fteet over from thence to Cynus in Locris, the port of the town of Opus, which is one mile distant from the sea. 7. Philip had received notice of this from Oreum by the signal fires ; but through the treachery of Plator they were raised from the watch-tower at a later period. As he was not a match for the enemy's forces at sea, it was difficult for him to approach the island; and thus, by delay, the opportunity was lost. He moved with promptness to the assistance of Chalcis as soon as he received the signal. For although Chalcis is a city of the same island, yet it is separated from the continent by so narrow a strait, that they communicate by means of a bridge, and the approach to it is easier by land than by water. Philip, therefore, going from Demetrias to Scotussa, and setting out thence at the third watch, dislodged the guard, put to flight the iEtolians who kept the pass of Thermopylae, and drove the enemy in confusion to Heraclea, marching in one day to Elatia in Phocis, a distance' of above sixty miles. Al- most on the same day the town of Opus was taken and502 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 7. plundered by Attalus. Sulpicius had given it up to the king because Oreum had been plundered a few days before by the Roman soldiers, the royal soldiers not having shared the booty. , The Roman fleet having retired thither, At- talus, who was not aware of Philip's approach, wasted time in levying contributions from the principal inhabitants, and so sudden was his coming, that had he not been descried by some. Cretans, who happened to go farther from the town than usual in quest of forage, he might have been surprised. He fled hastily to the sea and his ships, with- out arms/and in the greatest disorder. Just as they were putting off from the land Philip arrived, and even from the shore created much alarm among the mariners. He returned thence to Opus, accusing both gods and men, be- cause he had lost an opportunity of so great importance, almost snatched from his hands. He also reproached the Opuntians with the like anger, because they had, immedi- ately; on sight of the enemy, made almost a voluntary sur- render, though they might have prolonged the siege till his arrival. Having settled affairs, at Opus, he proceed- ed thence to Thronium. Attalus, too, at first retired from Oreum; but there receiving intelligence that Prusias,king of Bithynia, had invaded his kingdom, he withdrew his at- tention from the Romans and the ^Etolian war, and pass- ed over into Asia. Sulpicius also withdrew his fleet to iEgina, from whence he had set out in the beginning of spring. Philip took Thronium with as little difficulty as Attalus had at Opus. It was inhabited by foreigners, fu- gitives from Thebes in Phthiotis, who, on the capture of their own town by Philip, had fled to the protection of the JEtolians, and received from them a city as a settlement which had been laid waste and desolated in a former, war by the same Philip. Having recovered Thronium, as has been a little before mentioned, he set out thence; and hav- ing taken Tritonos and Drymse, inconsiderable towns of Doris, he came thence to Elatia, where he had ordered the ambassadors of Ptolemy and the Rhodians to wait for him. While consulting there as to the best method of bringing the iEtolian war to a conclusion (for these am- bassadors attended the late council of the Romans and iEtolians at Heraclea), intelligence is brought that Ma~y. it. 545. J THE HISTORY OP HOME. 503 chanidas intended to attack the Elians while busied in pre- paring for the celebration of the Olympic games. Think- ing it his duty to prevent such an attempt, he dismissed the ambassadors with a gracious answer to the effect that he had neither caused the war, nor would he be any ob- stacle to the restoration of peace, if it should be possible on equitable and honorable terms ; then marching quickly through Boeotia he came down from Megara, and thence to Corinth, where receiving supplies of provisions, he went to Phlius and Pheneus. And now, when he had proceed- ed as far as Hersea, having received intelligence that Ma- chanidas, terrified at the news of his approach, had retreat- ed to Lacedsemon, he betook himself to iEgium, where the Achseans were assembled in council, expecting at the same time to meet there a Carthaginian fleet, which he had sent for, in . order that he might accomplish something by sea. But the Carthaginians had left a few days before, and were gone to the Oxean islands; and thence, hearing that the Romans and Attains had left Oreum, to the harbors of the Acarnanians, for they feared that it was intended to attack them, and that they would be overpowered while within the straits of Rhium, which is the name of the entrance of the Corinthian bay. . > 8. Philip was grieved and vexed when he reflected that though he proceeded with the utmost speed on all occa- sions, yet he had not come up. in time to accomplish any one object, and that fortune had frustrated his activity by snatching away every advantage from before his eyes. In the assembly, however, concealing his chagrin, he dis- coursed with elated spirits* calling gods and men to witness that " he had never been wanting at any time or place, so as not to repair instantly wherever the enemy's arms re- sounded, but that it was difficult to calculate whether the war was carried on more boldly by him or more pusillani- mously by the enemy. Such was the manner in which At- tains had slipped out of his hands from Opus; Sulpicius from Chalcis ; and so, within these few days, Machanidas. That flight, however, was not always; successful; arid that that should not be esteemed a difficult war in which vic- tory would be certain if the enemy could be brought to a regular engagement. He had already obtained one very504 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 8. great advantage, which was a confession on the part of the enemy themselves, that they were not a match for him; and in a short time," he said, " he would be in possession of undoubted victory; for that he would engage with him with a result no better than their expectations." The allies listened to the king with great satisfaction. He then gave up to the Achaeans Heraera and Triphylia. Aliphera he re- stored to the Megalopolitans, they having brought satisfac- tory proof that it belonged to their territories. Then hav- ing received some ships from the Achaeans, three quadri- remes and three biremes, he sailed to Anticyra, whence with seven quinqueremes and more than twenty barks, which he had sent to the bay of Corinth to join the Car- thaginian fleet, he proceeded to Erythrae, a town of the iEtolians near Eupalium, where he made a descent. He was not unobserved by the JEtolians; for all who were either in the fields or in the neighboring forts of Potida- nia and Apollonia, fled to the woods and mountains. The cattle which they could not drive off in their haste they seized and put on board. ' He sent Nicias, praetor of the Achaeans, to iEgiuni with these and the other booty; and then going to Corinth, ordered his army to march by land through Boeotia, while he himself, sailing from Cenchrea along the coast of Attica, round the promontory of Suni- um, reached Chalcis, having passed almost through the midst of the enemy's fleet. After commending In the highest terms their fidelity and bravery, as neither fear nor hope had influenced their minds, and after exhorting them to show the same fidelity in maintaining the alliance, he sailed to Oreum; and having placed such of the chief inhabitants as chose to fly, rather than surrender to the Romans, in the command of the city and the direction of affairs, he sailed over from Euboea to Demetrias, from which place he at first set but to succor his allies. After this, having laid the keels of one hundred ships of war at Cassandria, and collected a large number of ship-carpenters for the completion of that business, and as both the depart- ure of Attalus and the seasonable assistance he had brought to his allies had tranquillized affairs in Greece, he retired into his own dominions, in order to make war upon the Dardanians.y.R. 545.] THE HISTORY OF ROME, S05 9. Just at the close of the summer during which these operations were carried on in Greece, when Quintus Fabius, son of Maximus, ambassador from Marcus Livius the con- sul, brought a message to Rome to the Senate, to the effect that the consul considered that Lucius Portius, with his le- gions, formed a sufficient protection for the province, that he might himself retire thence, and that the consular army ipight; be withdrawn, the fathers directed that not only Livius should return to the city, but also his colleague, Cains Claudius. The only difference made between them in the decree was, that they ordered the army of Marcus Livius to be led back, and the legions of Nero to remain in their province opposed to Hannibal. The consuls agreed between themselves by letter that, as they had conducted the affairs of the commonwealth with unanimity,'they should arrive at the city at the same time, though they came: from; different quartern He who arrived first at Praeneste was enjoined to wait there for his colleague. It so happened that they both came to Pneneste on the same day, and thence, sending a proclamation before them, directing that there should be a full attendance of the Sen- ate at the Temple of Bellona, three days after, they came up to the city, when they were met by the whole body of the inhabitants. Not only did the whole body pour around them and salute them, but e#cji person individually, desiring to touch the victorious right hands of the consuls, some congratulated them, while others thanked them because by their services the state had been preserved. In the Sen- ate, when, having made a recital of their services accord- ing to the custom observed by all generals, they had're- quested that, "in consideration of the brave and success- ful conduct of the affairs of the commonwealth, honors should be paid to the immortal gods, and they themselves enter the city in triumph," the fathers replied that " they most .willingly decreed those things which they requested in gratitude to the gods in the first instance, and next to them, to the consuls." A supplication in the name of both:, and a triumph to both of them, having been decreed, lest,>after having carried on the war with entire unanimity, they should have a separate triumph, they made the fol- lowing agreement, that, " since both the service h^d been Vol.IL—22506 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 9. performed in the province of'Marcus Livius, and he was in possession of the command on the day on which the battle was fought, and further, that, as the army of Livius had been withdrawn and had come to Rome, while Nero's could not be withdrawn from the province, Marcus Livius should enter the city in a four-horse chariot and followed by the soldiers; Caius Claudius on horseback without sol- diers." This plan of associating the generals in the tri- umph increased the glory of both, but particularly of him who had yielded to his colleague in the honors he received, as much as he surpassed him in merit. The people said, that " The general on horseback had traversed the whole length of Italy in the space of six days, and had fought a pitched battle with Hasdrubal in Gaul, on the very day on which Hannibal supposed that he was occupying a; camp pitched in Apulia to oppose him. That thus one consul, acting in defense of either extremity of Italy against two leaders, had opposed against one his skill, against the other his person. That the name of Nero had been sufficient to confine Hannibal within his camp; while with regard to Hasdrubal, by what, but his arrival, had he been over^ whelmed and annihilated ? The other consul might move along raised aloft in a chariot, drawn, if he pleased, by a number of horses, but that the real triumph was his who was conveyed by one horse; and that Nero, though he should go on foot, would be immortalized, whether on ac- count of the glory he had acquired in the war, or the con- tempt he had shown for it in the triumph." Such contin- ual expressions of the spectators attended Nero all the way to the Capitol. The money they brought into the treasury was three hundred thousand sesterces, with eighty thousand asses of brass. Marcus Livius distributed among the soldiers fifty-six asses each. Caius Claudius promised the same sum to his absent troops when he returned to the army. It was observed that more verses were written by the soldiery upon Caius Claudius, in their jocular style, than upon their own consul; that the horsemen highly ex- tolled Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius, lieutenant- generals, and exhorted the commons to create them con- suls for the ensuing year; that the consuls added their au- thority to the recommendation of the knights, relating iny.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. the public assembly the following day with what courage and fidelity their two lieutenant-generals in particular had served them. 10. When the time for the elections approached, and it was resolved that it should be held by a dictator, the con- sul Caius Claudius nominated as dictator his colleague Marcus Livius, who appointed Quintus Ca3cilius his mas- ter of .the horse. Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius were created consuls by Marcus Livius the dictator, the latter being then master of the horse. After this the elec- tion of praetors was held. The persons appointed wTere, Caius Servilius, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, Titus Claudius Asellus, and Quintus Mamilius Turinus, who was at that time plebeian aedile. When the elections were finished, the dictator, having abdicated his office and dismissed his army, set out for his province of Etruria, according to a decree of the Senate, to make inquiry what states of the Tuscans and Umbrians had formed schemes of revolt from the Romans to Hasdrubal at the time of his approach, and what states had assisted him with auxiliaries, provisions, or succors of any kind. Such were the transactions this year at home and abroad. The Roman games were thrice repeated in full by the curule aediles, Cneius Servilius Cae- pio and Servius Cornelius Lentulus. In the same manndr the plebeian games also were once repeated entire by the plebeian aediles, Manius Pomponius Matho and Quintus Mamilius, Thurinus. In the thirteenth year of the Punic war, when Lucius Yeturius Philo and Quintus Csecilius Metellus were con- suls, Bruttium was assigned to both of them, as their prov-. ince, to carry on the war with Hannibal. The praetors then cast lots for their provinces : Marcus Caecilius Metel- lus had the city jurisdiction; Quintus Mamilius, the for- eign; Caius Servilius, Sicily; Tiberius Claudius, Sardinia. The armies wrere distributed thus: to one of the consuls was given the army which Caius Claudius, the consul of the former year, to the other that which Quintus Claudius, the propraetor, had commanded, consisting ;of two legions each. It was decreed that Marcus Livius, proconsul, who was continued in command for the year, should take the two legions of volunteer slaves from Caius Terentius, the508 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 11. propraetor, and that Quintus Mamilius, transferring his ju- dicial business to his colleague, should occupy Gaul with the army which Lucius Porcius, the praetor, had command- ed, with orders to lay waste the lands of those Gauls who had revolted to the Carthaginians on the approach of Hasdrubal. The protection of Sicily was assigned to Cai- us Servilius with the two legions which fought at Cannae, in the same manner as Caius Mamilius had held it. The old army which Aulus Hostilius had commanded was con- veyed out of Sardinia, and the consuls enlisted a new le- gion, which Tiberius Claudius might take over with him. Quintus Claudius and Caius Hostilius Tubulus were con- tinued in command for a year, that the former might hold Tarentum as his province; the latter, Capua. Marcus Valerius, the proconsul, to whom had been committed the protection of the sea-coast round Sicily, was ordered to deliver thirty ships to Cains Servilius, and return to the city with all the rest of the fleet. 11. In a state where the greatest anxiety prevailed, in consequence of the very critical situation in which the war stood, and where all events, prosperous or adverse, were attributed to the interposition of the gods, accounts of many prodigies were received; that the Temple of Jupiter at Tarracina, and that of Mater Matuta at Satricum, had been struck by lightning. The people of Satricum were no less, terrified by two snakes gliding into the Temple of Jupiter by the very doors. A report was brought from Antium that bloody ears of corn had been seen by the reapers. At Caere a pig with two heads had been littered, and a lamb yeaned which was both male and female. In- telligence was brought that two suns had been seen at Alba, and that light had suddenly appeared during night at Fregellae. An ox was reported to have spoken in the Roman territory. A copious perspiration was said to have exuded from the altar of Neptune, in the Flaminian circus; and the temples of Ceres, Safety, and Quirinus were said to have been struck by lightning. The consuls were directed to expiate these prodigies with victims of the larger sort, and to make a supplication for one day. These things were executed according to a decree of the Senate. The extinction of the fire in the Temple of VestaY.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 509 struck more terror upon the minds of men than all the prodigies which were reported from abroad or seen at home; and. the vestal who had the guarding of it for that night was scourged by the command of Publius Licinius the pontiff. Although this event was not appointed by the gods as a portent, but had happened, through human neglect, yet it was thought proper that it should be expia- ted. with victims of the larger sort, and that a supplication should be made at the Temple of Vesta. Before the consuls set out for the campaign, they were cautioned by the Senate to take care that the common people should be brought back into the country; for since^ through the goodness of the gods, the war was removed from the city of Rome and Latium, the country might be inhabited without fear. That it was most inconsistent that greater care should be taken in cultivating Sicily than Italy. But it was a matter by no means easy for the peo- ple, the free laborers having been cut off by war, and there being a scarcity of slaves, their cattle having been carried off as booty, and the farm-houses pulled down or burnt. A large number, however, compelled by the authority of the consuls, returned into the country. The mention of this affair had been occasioned by ambassadors of Pliacen- tia and Cremona, who complained that their lands were be- ing invaded and laid waste by the neighboring Gauls; that a large portion of their settlers had dispersed; that their cities were thinly inhabited, and their lands devastated and deserted. Mamilius the praetor was charged with the protection of the colonies from the enemy. The consuls, in conformity with a decre#of the Senate, issued an edict that all who were citizens of Cremona and Placentia should return to those colonies before a certain day ; after which, in the beginning of spring, they set out for the campaign. Quintus Csecilius, the consul, received the army from Caius Nero; Lucius Veturius received his from Quintus Claudius the propraetor, filling it up with new-raised sol- diers, whom he had himself enlisted. The consuls march- ed their army into the territory of Consentia, and devastar-- ting the country on all hands, when the troops were load- ed with plunder, they were thrown into such confusion by some Bruttians and Numidian spearmen, who attacked510 THE HISTORY OF HOME. [b. xxviii., ghap. 12. them in a narrow defile, that not only the booty but the troops were in danger. There was more of confusion, how- ever, than fighting; and sending the booty in advance, the legions themselves also escaped into a place free from dan- ger. Proceeding thence into Lucania, the whole of that people returned, without a contest, into subjection to the Roman people. 12. No action with Hannibal took place this year; for neither did he present himself after the public and person- al calamity so recently inflicted, and the Romans did not provoke him while he remained quiet, such power did they consider that single general possessed, though every thing else around him was falling into ruin. Indeed I know not whether he was not more deserving of admiration in ad- versity than in prosperity; inasmuch as, though he carried on a war in the territory of enemies through a period of thirteen years, at so great a distance from home, with varying success, and with an army not composed of his own countrymen, but made up of the offscouring of all na- tions, without communion of laws, customs, or language, different in their appearance, their dress, their arms, their religious ceremonies and observances, and I had almost said their gods; yet he so effectually united them by some one bond, that no disturbance ever arose either among the sol- diers themselves or between them and their general, though he often wanted money to pay them, and provisions, as be- ing in a hostile country, through want of which, in the for- mer Punic war, many dreadful transactions had occurred between the generals and their soldiers. But after the de- struction of TIasdrubal and his army, in which all hopes of victory had been treasured up; and after retiring from the possession of every other part of Italy by withdrawing into Bruttium, one corner of it, to whom does it not appear wonderful that no disturbance arose in the camp ? For to other circumstances this also was added, that he had no hope of subsisting his army, except from the lands of Brut- tium, which, though they were all cultivated, would be very insufficient for the maintenance of so large an army. Besides, many of the youth were drawn off from the culti- vation of the fields, and engaged in the war, and a custom also prevailed among the people of that nation, grafted ony.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OP ROME. 511 a naturally depraved inclination, of carrying on a predatory kind of warfare. Nor did he receive any supplies from home, where they were anxious about the retention of Spain, as if every thing was going on prosperously in Italy. In Spain the state of affairs was in one respect similar, but in another widely different; similar in that the Carthagin- ians, having been defeated with the loss of their general, had been driven to the remotest coast of that country, even to the ocean; but different, because Spain, both from the nature of the country and the genius of its inhabitants, was better adapted not only than Italy, but than any other part of the world, for renewing a war. And accordingly, therefore, though this was the first of the provinces on the continent which the Romans entered, it was the last which was at length reduced, in the present age, under the con- duct and auspices of Augustus Caesar. Here Hasdrubal, eon of Gisco, the greatest and most renowned general con- cerned in the war, next to the Bareine family, returning from Gades, and encouraged in his hopes of reviving, the war by Mago, son of Ilamilcar, by means of levies made throughout the Farther Spain, armed as many as fifty thou- sand foot and four thousand five hundred horse. With regard to his mounted force, authors are pretty ; much agreed, but some state that seventy thousand infantry were led to the city Silpia. Here the two Carthaginian generals sat down on open plains, with a determination not to avoid, a battle. 13. When Scipio received an account of the collection of so large an army, he felt convinced that he would not be a match for so great a multitude with the Roman legions only, without making a show at least of the auxiliary troops of the barbarians; at the same time that he did not think it right that they should form so large a portion of 'his force as to occasion important consequences if they should change sides, which had brought ruin upon his father and his uncle. Therefore, sending forward Silanus to Colca, who was sovereign of twenty-eight towns, to receive from him the infantry and cavalry which he promised to enlist during the winter, he himself set out from Tarraco; and collecting small bodies of auxiliaries from his allies, who lay near his road as he proceeded, he came to Castulo. To612 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 14. this place Silanus led the auxiliaries, consisting of three thousand infantry and five hundred horse. Thence he ad- vanced to the city of Baecula, with his entire army of coun- trymen and allies, foot and horse, amounting to forty-five thousand. Mago and Masinissa attacked them with the whole body of their cavalry while forming their camp, and would have dispersed those engaged in the works, had not a party of horse, concealed by Scipio behind an emi- nence conveniently situated for the purpose, unexpectedly charged them when rushing on to the attack, and, ere the battle was well begun, routed all the most forward, both those who had advanced nearest the rampart and those who were foremost in charging the very workmen. With the rest of the troops who came up with their standards, and in order of march, the contest lasted longer, and was for a considerable time doubtful. But when first the light co- horts from the outposts, and then the troops withdrawn from the works and ordered to take arms, came up, being more numerous than those which had been engaged, and fresh while they were fatigued, and now a large body of armed troops rushed from the camp to the battle, the Car- thaginans and Kumidians at once turned their backs. At first they moved off in troops without breaking their ranks through fear or precipitation; but afterwards when the Romans pressed furiously upon their rear, and they were unable to bear the violence of their attack, then at length, utterly regardless of order, they fled precipitately in every direction, as suited each man's convenience. And although in consequence of this battle, the spirits of the Romans were considerably raised, and those of the enemy depress- ed, yet, for several days following, the horsemen and light- armed troops never ceased from skirmishes. 14. After having made sufficient trial of their strength in these slight engagements, Hasdrubal first led out his forces for battle, and then the Romans also advanced. But both the armies stood drawn up before their ramparts; and as neither party began the attack, and the sun was now going down, the Carthaginian first, and then the Ro- man, led back his troops into the camp. The same occur- red for several days. The Carthaginian was always the first to lead out his troops into the field, and the first toy.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 513 give the signal for retiring, when they were weary with standing. Neither party sallied from their posts, nor was a weapon discharged nor a word uttered. On one side the Romans occupied the centre; on the other, the Carthagini- ans and Africans together; the allies occupied the wings, which were composed of Spaniards on both sides. The elephants, which stood before the Carthaginian line, ap- peared at a distance like castles. It was now commonly talked of in both camps that they would fight in the order in which they had stood when drawn up, and that their centres, composed of Romans and Carthaginians, who were the principals in the war, would engage with equal courage and strength. When Scipio perceived that this was firmly believed, he studiously altered all his arrange- ments against the day on which he intended to fight. He issued orders through the camp at evening, that the men and horses should be refreshed and ted before daylight, and that the horsemen, armed themselves, should keep their horses bridled and saddled. When it was scarcely yet daylight, he sent all his cavalry, with the light-troops, against the Carthaginian outposts, and then without delay advanced himself, at the head of the heavy body of the le- gions, having strengthened his wings with Roman soldiers, and placed the allies in the centre, contrary to the full an- ticipations of his own men and of the enemy. Hasdrubal, alarmed by the shout of the cavalry, sprang out of his tent, and, perceiving a tumult before the rampart, and his own troops in a state of hurry and confusion, the stand- ards of the legions gleaming at a distance, and the plain filled with the enemy, immediately sent out the whole body of his cavalry against the horsemen of the enemy; march- ing himself out of the camp, at the head of the infantry, without departing at all from the usual arrangement in forming his line. The battle between the cavalry had con- tinued for a long time doubtful; nor could they decide it themselves, because, when repulsed, which was the case in a manner alternately, they had a safe retreat upon the line of infantry. But when the armies were not more than five hundred paces distant from each other, Scipio, sound- ing a retreat and opening his files, received into the midst of them the whole body of his cavalry and light-armed 22*514 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxviii., ciiap. 15. troops; and dividing them into two parts, placed them in reserve behind the wings. After this, when it was now time to commence the battle, he ordered the Spaniards, who formed the centre, to advance at a slow pace; he him- self sent a messenger from the right wing, for that he com- manded, to Silanus and Marcius to extend the wing on the left in the same manner as they should see him extend that on the right, and engage the enemy with the light- armed of the horse and foot, before the two centres could meet. The wings being thus extended, they advanced against the enemy at a rapid pace, with three cohorts of infantry and three troops of horse, each with the addition of skirmishers, the rest following them in an oblique line. There was a depression in the centre of the line, because the battalions of the Spaniards advanced slower than the vest, and the wings had already encountered the enemy, when the veteran Carthaginians and Africans had not yet come within distance to discharge their darts; nor dared they run in different directions to the wings to assist them when fighting, lest they should expose their centre to the enemy approaching over against them. The wings were hard pressed by a twofold attack; the cavalry, the light- armed, and the skirmishers, wheeling round, charged their flanks, while the cohorts pressed them hard in front, in or- der to separate the wrings from the rest .of the line. 15. The battle was now extremely unequal in every part, both because an irregular band of Balearians and raw Spaniards were opposed to Roman and Latin soldiers, and further, because, as the day was now getting on, Hasdru- bal's troops began to grow languid, having been dispirited by the alarm in the morning, and compelled to go out hastily into th& field, without refreshing themselves ..with food. Scipio had designedly spun out the day, in order that the battle might take place at a late hour; for it was not until the seventh hour that the battalions of infantry charged the wings. It was considerably later before the battle reached the centres, so that the heat from the me- ridian sun, and the fatigue of standing under arms, togeth- er with hunger and thirst, enfeebled their bodies before they engaged the enemy. Thus they stood still, support- ing themselves upon their shields. In addition to theirv.r. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 515 other misfortunes, the elephants too, terrified at the tu- multuous kind of attack of the cavalry, the skirmishers, and the light-armed, had transferred themselves from the wings to the centre. Fatigued, therefore, in mind and body, they gave ground, preserving their ranks, however, just as though the army were retreating entire at the com- mand of their general. But when the victors, perceiving that the enemy had given way, charged them on all sides with increased vehemence on that very account, so that the shock could hardly be sustained, though Hasdrubal endeavored to stop them and hinder them from retiring, vociferating, "that there were hills on their rear,and a safe refuge if they would retreat without precipitation yet, fear getting the better of their sense of shame, and all those who were nearest the enemy, giving way, they imme- diately turned their backs, and all gave themselves up to disorderly flight. The first place they halted at was the foot of the hills, where they endeavored to recall the sol- diers to their ranks, the Romans hesitating to advance their line up the opposite steep; but afterwards, when they saw them push on briskly, renewing their flight, they were driven into their camp in extreme alarm. Nor were the Romans far from the rampart; and such, was their im- petuosity, that they would have taken their camp had not so violent a shower of rain suddenly poured down, while, as is usually the case, the solar rays darted with the great- est intensity between; the" clouds surcharged with water, that the * victors with difficulty returned to their camp. Some were even deterred, by superstition, from making any further attempts that day. Though night and the .rain invited the Carthaginians to take necessary rest, yet, as their fears and the danger would not allow them to de- lay, as it was expected that the enemy would assault their camp as soon as it was light, they raised their rampart by stones collected from the neighboring valleys around them on all sides, with the determination to defend themselves by works, since there was but little protection in their arms. But the desertion of their allies made it appear safer to fly than stay. Attanes, prince of the Turdetani, began this revolt ; he deserted at the head of a numerous band of his countrymen. Then two fortified towns, to-516 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 16. gether with their garrisons, were delivered up by their prefects to the Romans. And, lest the evil should spread more widely, now that the disposition to revolt from the Carthaginians had evinced itself in one instance, Hasdru- bal'decamped during the silence of the ensuing night. 16. The troops in the outposts having brought word, as' soon as it was light, that the enemy had departed, Scipio, dispatching his cavalry in advance, ordered the army to move forward ; and so rapidly were they led, that, had they directly followed the track of the fugitives, they would cer- tainly have overtaken them; but they trusted to the report of their guides, that there was a shorter cut to the river Bsetis, where they might attack them while crossing it. Hasdrubal, being precluded from passing the river, turned his course to the ocean; and they now advanced in disor- der and in the manner of fugitives, so that the Roman le- gions were left considerably behind. The cavalry and light-armed, attacking sometimes their rear and sometimes their flank, harassed and delayed them; and as they were obliged to halt, in consequence of these frequent annoy- ances, and engaged sometimes the cavalry, at other times the skirmishers and the auxiliary infantry, the legions came up. After this it was no longer a fight, but a butchering as of cattle, till the general himself, who was the first to run away, made his escape to the neighboring hills with aBout six thousand men half armed; the rest were slain or made prisoners. . The Carthaginians hastily fortified an irregu- lar camp on the highest eminence, and from thfcnce they defended themselves without difficulty, the enemy failing in his attempt to get at them, from the difficulty of the as- cent. But a siege in a place bare, and affording no means of subsistence, was hardly to be supported, even for a few days ; the troops, therefore, deserted to the enemy. At last the general himself, having procured some ships, for the sea was not at a great distance, left his army by night, and effected his escape to Gades. Scipio, having heard of the flight of the general of the enemy, left ten thousand foot and one thousand cavalry for Silanus, to carry on the siege of the camp, and returned to Tarraco with the rest of the troops, after a march of seventy days, during which he took cognizance of the causes of the petty princes and states, iny.K. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 517 order that rewards might be conferred according to a just estimate of their merits. After his departure, Masinissa, having held a private conference with Silanus, passed over into Africa with a few of his countrymen, in order that he might induce his nation also to acquiesce in his new de- signs. The cause of this sudden change was not so evident at the time, as the proof was convincing which was afford- ed by his subsequent fidelity, preserved to extreme old age, that he did not on this occasion act without reasonable grounds. Mago went to Gades in the ships which had been sent back by Hasdrubal. Of the rest of the troops thus abandoned by their generals, son*e deserted and oth- ers betook themselves to flight, and in this manner were dispersed through the neighboring states. Therfc was no body of them considerable either for numbers or strength. Such were, as near as possible, the circumstances under which the Carthaginians were driven out of Spain, under the conduct and auspices of Publius Scipio, in the thir- teenth year from the commencement of the war, and the fifth from the time that Publius Scipio received the prov- ince and the army. Not long after, Silanus returned to Tarraeo to Scipio, with information that the war was at an end. 17. Lucius Scipio was sent to Rome to convey the news of the reduction of Spain, and with him a number of dis- tinguished captives. While every body else extolled this achievement as an event in the highest degree joyful and glorious, y£t the author of it alone, whose valor was such that he never thought he had achieved enough, and whose search for true glory was insatiable, considered the reduction of Spain as affording but a faint idea of the hopes which his aspiring mind had conceived. He now directed his view to Africa and Great Carthage, and the glorious termination of the war, as redounding to his honor, and giving lustre to his name. Judging it, therefore, to be now riecessart to pave the way to his object, and to conciliate the friendship of kings and nations, he resolved first to sound the disposi- tion of Syphax, king of the MassBsylians, a nation bordering on the Moors, and lying for the most part over against that quarter of Spain in which New Carthage is situated. The king was at the present juncture in league with the Car-518 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 17. thaginians; and Scipio, concluding that he would not bold it as more binding and sacred than was customary with barbarians, sent Caius Lselius as envoy to him with presents. The barbarian, delighted with these, and seeing that the Ro- man cause was then successful in every quarter, but that the Carthaginians were unfortunate in Italy, and no longer ex- isted in Spain, consented to accept the friendship of the Ro- mans, but refused to give or receive a solemn ratification of it except the Roman general himself were present in person. This being the case,L£elius returned to Scipio, having re- ceived from the king merely an assurance of a safe journey. To one desirous of getting a footing in Africa, Syphax was of great importance, as he was the most powerful king in that country, had already had experience of the Car- thaginians themselves in war, and the boundaries of his dominions lay very conveniently with respect to Spain, from which they are separated by a narrow strait. Scipio, therefore, considering it an object of sufficient importance to warrant his attempting it, notwithstanding the greatness of the danger which attended it, since he could not effect it otherwise, left for the protection of Spain Lucius Marcius at Tarraco, and Marcus Silanus at New Carthage, to which place he had gone on foot by long marches; and setting out himself in company with Caius Laelius, with two quin- queremes from Carthage, passed over into Africa, working the vessels with oars for the greatest part of the voyage, in consequence of the calmness of the sea, though some- times they were assisted by a gentle breeze. • It so hap- pened that just at that time Hasdrubal, having been driven out of Spain, had entered the harbor with seven triremes, and, having cast anchor, was mooring his ships. The sight of two quinqueremes, which it was the firm opinion of ev- ery body belonged to the enemy, and might be overpow- ered by superior numbers before they entered the harbor, produced no other effect than a tumult and confusion among the soldiers and sailors, who endeavored, to no pur- pose, to get their arms and ships ready; for their sails, im- pelled by a somewhat brisker gale from the sea, brought the quinqueremes into the harbor before the Carthaginians weighed their anchors, and no one dared make any further stir, now that they were in the king's harbor. Thus Has-y.r. 54G.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 519 drubal, who landed first, and Scipio and Lselius, who landed soon after, proceeded to the king. 18. Syphax considered it highly honorable to him, as it really was, that generals of the two most powerful people of the age should come to him on the same day to solicit peace and friendship with him. He invited them both to become his guests; and, as it was the will of fortune, that they should be under one roof, and under the protection of the same household gods, he endeavored to bring them to- gether to a conference, in order to put an end to the differ- ence between them; when Scipio declared that there was no personal enmity between the Carthaginian and himself which he might do away with by a conference, and that he could not transact any business relating to the republic with an enemy without the command of the Senate. - But the king being earnest in his endeavors to persuade him to come to the same entertainment, lest one of his guests sshould appear to be excluded, he did not withhold his as- sent. They supped together at the king's table, and Scipio and Hasdrubal even sat at meat on the same couch, because it was the king's pleasure. So courteous was the manner of Scipio, so naturally happy and universal was his genius, that by his conversation he gained the esteem not only of Syphax, a barbarian, and unused to Roman manners, but even of a most inveterate enemy, who openly avowed that " he appeared to him more to .be admired for the qualities he displayed on a personal interview with him than for his exploits ift war, and that he had no doubt that Syphax and his kingdom were already at the disposal of the Romans, such were the abilities that man possessed for gaining the esteem of others. That it, therefore, was incumbent upon xhe Carthaginians not more to inquire by what means they had lost Spain, than to consider how they might retain pos- session of Africa. That it was not from a desire to visit foreign countries, or to roam about delightful coasts, that so great a Roman captain, leaving a recently-subdued prov- ince and his armies, had crossed over into Africa with only two ships, entering an enemy's territory, and committing himself to the untried honor of the king, but in pursuance of a hope he had conceived of subduing Africa. That it had been long the object of his anxious solicitude, and had520 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. IS; drawn from him open expressions of his indignation, that Scipio was not carrying on war in Africa in the same way as Hannibal was in Italy." Scipio, having formed a league with Sypliax, set out from Africa, and, after having been tossed about during his voyage by variable and generally tempestuous winds, made the port of New Carthage on the fourth day. 19. As Spain was undisturbed by a Carthaginian war, so it was evident that some of the states remained quiet more from1 fear, arising from a consciousness of demerit, than from sincere attachment. The most remarkable of them, both for their greatness and guilt, were Illiturgi and Castulo. Castulo had been in alliance with the Romans when in prosperity, but had revolted to the Carthaginians after the destruction of the Scipios and their armies. The Illiturgians, by betraying and putting to death those who lied thither after that calamity, had added villainy to re- volt. It would have been more deserved than expedient to have executed severe vengeance upon these people on his first arrival, while the affairs of Spain were in an un- certain state; but now,when all was tranquil,as the time for visiting them with punishment appeared to have ar- rived, he summoned Lucius Marcius from Tarraco, and sent him with a third of his forces to attack Castulo, and with the rest of the army he himself reached Illiturgi, af- ter about five days' march. The gates were closed, and every arrangement and preparation made for repelling an attack; so completely had the consciousness of what they deserved produced the same effect as a declaration of war against them. From this circumstance Scipio commenced his exhortation to his soldiers: he said, that "by closing their gates the Spaniards had themselves shown what their deserts were by what they feared, and that therefore they ought to prosecute the war against them with much great- er animosity than against the Carthaginians. For with the latter the contest was carried on for empire and glory almost without any exasperated feeling, while they had to punish the former for perfidy, cruelty, and villainy. That the time had now arrived when they should take vengeance for the horrid massacre of their fellow-soldiers, and for the treachery which was prepared for themselves, had theyy.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 521 been carried in their flight to the same place; and, by the severity of thft punishment inflicted in the present instance, establish it as a law forever, that no one should consider a Roman citizen and soldier, whatever his situation, a fit object for injurious treatment." Animated by this exhor- tation of their general, they distributed the scaling-ladders to men selected from each of the companies; and the army being divided into two parts, so that Laelius, as lieutenant-general, might command one, they attacked the city in two places at once; thus creating an alarm in two quarters at the same time. It was not by the exhortations of one general, nor of the several nobles who were present, that the townsmen were stimulated to n vigorous defense of the city, but by the fear which they themselves enter- tained; they bore in mind, and admonished each other, that the object aimed at was punishment, and not victory. That the.only question for them was, where they should meet death, whether in the battle and in the field, where the indiscriminate chance of war frequently raised up the vanquished and dashed the victor to the ground ; or whether, after a short interval, when the city was burnt and plundered, after suffering every horror and indignity, they should expire amidst stripes and bonds before the eyes of their captive wives and children. Therefore* not only those who were of an age to bear arms, or men only, but women and children, beyond the powers of their minds and bodies, were there, supplying with weapons those who were fighting in defense of the place, and carrying stones to the walls for those who were strengthening the works ; for not only was their liberty at stake, which ex- cites the energies of the brave only, but they had before their eyes the utmost extremity of punishment, to fee in- flicted on all indiscriminately, and an ignominious death. Their minds were worked up to the highest pitch, both by emulation in toil and danger, and also by the mere sight of each other. Accordingly, the contest was entered upon with such ardor, that the army which had subdued the whole of Spain was frequently driven back from the walls of one town, and exhibited such a want of resolution in the contest as was not very honorable to it. When Scipio perceived this, he was afraid lest, by the failure of his at-522 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxviii., chap. 20. tempts, the courage of the enemy should be raised and his own troops be dispirited ; and thinking it incumbent upon him to exert himself in person and share the danger, re- proved his soldiers for their cowardice, and ordered the scaling-ladders to be brought, threatening to mount the wall himself, since the rest hesitated. He had now ad- vanced near the walls with no small danger, when a shout was raised from all sides by the soldiers, who were alarm- ed at the danger their general was exposed to, and the scaling-ladders began to be reared in several places at once. Laelius too, in another quarter, pressed on vigorous- ly. It was then that the energy of the townsmen was subdued, and those who defended the walls being beaten off, the Romans took possession of them. The citadel also was captured, during the confusion, on a side where it was thought impregnable. 20. Some African deserters, who were at that time among the Roman auxiliaries, while the townsmen were occupied in defending those quarters whence danger wras apprehended, and the Romans were making approaches where they could gain access, observed that the most ele- vated part of the town, which was protected by a very high rock, was neither fortified by any work nor furnished with defenders. Being men of light make, and nimble from being well exercised, they climbed up wherever they could gain access over the irregular projections of the rock, carrying with them iron spikes. If in any part they met with a cliff too steep and smooth, they fixed spikes at moderate intervals, and having thus formed a sort of steps, and those who were foremost pulling up those who follow- ed, and those who wrere behind lifting up those before them, they succeeded in gaining the summit, whence they ran down with a shout into the city, "which had already been taken by the Romans. Then it became manifest, in- deed, that it wTas resentment and hatred which prompted the assault upon the city. No one thought of taking any alive, nor of booty, though every thing lay exposed to plunder. They butchered all indiscriminately, armed and unarmed, male and female. Their cruel resentment ex- tended to the slaughter of infants. They then set fire to the houses, and pulled down those which could not be con-y.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 523 sumed by fire, so bent were they upon erasing even every vestige of the city, and blotting out the memory of their enemies. Scipio marched his army thence to Castulo, which was defended, not only by Spaniards who had as- sembled there, but also by the remains of the Carthaginian army, which had gone there from the various places to which they had been dispersed in their flight. But the news of the calamity of the Illiturgians had reached them before the arrival of Scipio; and, in consequence of this, dismay and desperation had seized them; and as their cases were differently circumstanced, and each party was desirous of consulting its own safety independent of the other, at first secret jealousy, and then an open rupture, created a separation between the Carthaginians and Span- iards. Cerdubellus without disguise advised the latter to surrender. Himilco commanded the Carthaginian auxil- iaries, which, together with the city, Cerdubellus delivered up to the Romans, having secretly obtained terms. This victory was attended with less cruelty; for not only was the guilt of this people less than the others, but their vol- untary surrender had considerably mitigated resentment. 21. Marcius was then sent against the barbarians, to re- duce, under the authority and dominion of the Romans, such of them as had not yet been subdued. Scipio return- ed to Carthage, to pay his vows to the gods, and to exhibit a gladiatorial show, which he had prepared on account of the death-of his father and uncle. This exhibition of glad- iators was not formed from that description of men which the lanistse are accustomed to procure, such as slaves, or those who sell their blood. All the service of the com- batants was voluntary and gratuitous ; for some were sent by the petty princes, to show an example of the natural courage of their people; others came forward to fight in compliment to their general; others were induced to give and accept challenges, by a spirit of emulation and a desire of victory. Some decided by the sword disputes which they either could not or were unwilling to determine by argument, with an agreement that the matter in question should be given up to the victor. Nor was it confined to men of obscure rank, but comprehended persons of dis- tinction and celebrity; such were Corbis and Orsua, cous-524 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxyiii. , chap. 22. ins german, who, having a dispute about the sovereignty of a city called Ibis, declared that they would contest it with the sword. Corbis was the elder of the two. The father of Orsua was the last sovereign, having succeeded to that dignity on the death of his elder brother. When Scipio was desirous of settling the dispute by argument and allaying their irritation, they both declared that they had refused that to their mutual kinsmen, and that they would appeal to no other judge, whether god or man, than Mars. The elder presuming upon his strength, the young- er on the prime of youth, each wished to die in the combat rather than become the subject of the other; and every effort failing to prevent their prosecuting their mad design, they exhibited to the army a most interesting spectacle, and a proof how great mischief is occasioned among men by a thirst for power. The elder, in consequence of his experience in arms and his address, easily mastered the unscientific efforts of the younger. To this show of glad- iatorsr were added funeral games> proportioned to the means possessed, and with such magnificence as the prov- inces and the camp afforded* 22. Meanwhile the operations of the war were carried on with unabated activity by the lieutenant-generals. Mar- eius, crossing the river Baetis, which the natives call Cer- tis, received the submission of two powerful cities without a contest. There was a city called Astapa, which had al- ways sided with the Carthaginians ; nor was it that which drew upon it the resentment of the Romans, so much as the fact that its inhabitants harbored an extraordinary an- imosity against them, which was not called for by the ne- cessities of the war. Their city was not so secured by na- ture or art as to make their disposition so fierce, but tho natural disposition of the inhabitants, which took delight in plunder, had induced them to make excursions into the neighboring lands belonging to the allies of the Romans, andvto intercept such Roman soldiers, suttlers, and mer- chants as they found ranging about. They had also sur- rounded, by means of an ambuscade, and put to the sword on disadvantageous ground, a large company which was crossing their borders, for it had proved hardly safe to go in small parties. When the troops were marched up toy.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 525 assault this city, the inhabitants, conscious of their guilt, and seeing that it would be dangerous to surrender to an enemy so highly incensed, and that they could not hope to keep themselves in safety by means of their walls or their arms, resolved to execute upon themselves and those be- longing to them a horrid and inhuman deed. They fixed upon $ place in their Forum, in which they collected the most valuable of their property, and having directed their wives and children to seat themselves upon this heap, they raised a pile of w^ood around it and threw on it bundles of twigs. They then ordered fifty armed youths to stand there and guard their fortunes, and the persons dearer to them than their fortunes, as long as the issue of the battle continued doubtful.: If they should perceive that the bat- tle went against them, and that it came to the point that the city must be captured, they might be assured that those whom they saw- going out to engage the enemy would perish in the battle itself; but implored them by all the gods, celestial and infernal, that, mindful of their liberty, which must be terminated on that day either by mi honorable death or ignominious servitude, they would leave nothing on which an exasperated enemy could wreak his fury ; that they had fire and sword at theiivcommand, and it was better that friendly and faithful hands should destroy what must necessarily perish, than that enemies should insult it with haughty wantonness. To these ex- hortations a dreadful execration was added against any one who should be diverted from this purpose by hope or jcaint-heartedness. Then throwing open the gates, they rushed out at a rapid pace and with the utmost impetu- osity. Nor was there any guard sufficiently strong op- posed to them ; for there could be nothing that was less apprehended than that they would have the courage to sally from their walls. A very few troops of horse, and the light-armed, hastily sent out of the camp for that pur- pose, opposed them. The battle was furious and spirited, rather than steady and regular in any degree. The horse, therefore, which had first encountered the enemy, being repulsed, created an alarm among the light-armed ; and the battle would have been fought under the very rampart, had not the legions, which were their main strength; drawn526 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 23. out their line, though they had a very short time to form in. These too, for a short time, wavered round their standards, when the Astapans, blind with rage, rushed upon wounds and the sword with reckless daring; but af- terwards the veteran soldiers, standing firm against their furious assaults, checked the violence of those that follow- ed by the slaughter of the foremost. Soon after, the vet- eran troops themselves made an attempt to charge them, but, seeing that not a man gave ground, and that they were inflexibly determined on dying each in his place, they extended their line, which the number of their troops en- abled them to do with ease, and, surrounding their flanks, slew them all to a man while fighting in a circle. 23. But these, however, were acts committed by exas- perated enemies in the heat of battle, and executed, in con- formity with the laws of war, upon men armed and most fiercely resisting ; there was another more horrible carnage in the city, where a harmless and defenseless crowd of women and children were butchered by their own coun- trymen, who threw their bodies, most of them still alive, upon the burning pile, while streams of blood damped the rising flame; and lastly, wearied with the piteous slaughter of their friends, they threw themselves, arms and all, into the midst of the flames. When the carnage was now com- pleted, the victorious Romans came up, and at the first sight of so revolting a transaction they stood for some time wrapt in wonder and amazement; but afterwards, from a rapacity natural to humanity, wishing to snatch out of the fire the gold and silver which glittered amidst the heap of other materials, some were caught by the flames, others scorched by the hot blasts, as the foremost were unable to retreat, in consequence of the immense crowd which pressed upon them. In this manner was As- tapa destroyed by the sword and fire, without affording; any booty to the soldiers. After the rest of the people in that quarter, influenced by fear, had made submission to him, Marcius led his victorious troops to Scipio, at Carthage* Just at this same time deserters arrived from Gades, who promised to betray the town and Carthaginian garrison which occupied it, together with the commander and the fleet. Mago had halted there after his flight, and, hav-I.E. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 52? l'ng collected some ships on the ocean, had got together a considerable number of auxiliaries from the coast of Afri- ca, on the other side the strait, and also by means of Han- no the prefect from the neighboring parts of Spain. Af- ter pledges had been exchanged with the deserters, Marcius and Lseliuswere sent thither, the former with the light co- horts, the latter with seven triremes and one quinquereme, in order that they might act in concert by land and sea. 24o In consequence of Scipio's being afflicted with a se- vere fit of illness, which rumor represented as more seri- ous than it really was; for every one made some addition to the account he had received, from a desire inherent in mankind of intentionally exaggerating reports, the wThole province, and more especially the distant parts of it, were thrown into a state of ferment; and it was evident .what a serious disturbance would have been excited had he really died, when an unfounded report created such violent com- motions. Neither the allies kept their allegiance, nor the army their duty. Mandonius and Indibilis, who were not at all satisfied with what had occurred, for they had an- ticipated with certainty that they would have the dominion of Sp'ain on the expulsion of the Carthaginians, called to- gether their countrymen the Lacetani, and, summoning the Celtiberian youth to arms, devastated in a hostile manner the territories of the Suessetanians and Sedetanians, allies of the Romans. Besides, a mutiny arose in the *camp at Sucro. Here were eight thousand men, stationed as a guard over the nations dwelling on this side the Iberus. It was not on hearing uncertain rumors respecting the life of the general that their minds were first excited, but pre- viously, owing to the licentiousness which naturally results from long-continued idleness, and in some degree, also, owing to the restraint felt in time of peace by men who had been accustomed to live freely on what they gained by plunder in an enemy's country. At first they only dis- coursed in private, asking what they were doing among people who were at peace with them, if there was a war in the province ? if the war was terminated and the province completely subdued, why were they not conveyed back into Italy ? The pay, also, was demanded with more in- solence than was customary or consistent with military528 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 24. subordination, and the guards cast reproaches upon the tribunes while going round to the watches. Some, too, had gone out by night into the neighboring lands, belong- ing to persons at peace with the Romans, to plunder; but at last they quitted their standards in the daytime and openly without furloughs. Every thing was done accord- ing to the caprice and unrestrained will of the soldiers, and nothing according to rule and military discipline, or the orders of those who were in command. The form, however, of a Roman camp was preserved solely in conse- quence of the hopes they entertained that the tribunes, catching the spirit of insubordination, would not be averse from taking part in the mutiny and defection, on which account they suffered them to dispense justice in their courts, went to them for the watch-word, and served in their turn on the outposts and watches; and as they had taken away the power of command, so they preserved the appearance of obedience to orders, by spontaneously execu- ting their own, Afterwards, when they perceived that the tribunes censured and reprobated their proceedings, en- deavored to counteract them, and publicly declared that they would not take any share in their disorderly conduct, the mutiny assumed a decided character; when, after driv- ing the tribunes from their courts, and shortly after from the camp, the command was conferred by universal consent upon Caius Albius of Gales and Caius Atrius of Umbria, common soldiers, who were the prime movers of the sedition. These men were so far from being satisfied with the orna- ments used by tribunes, that they had the audacity to lay hold even of the insignia of the highest authority, the fasces and axes, without ever reflecting that their own backs and necks were in danger from those very rods and axea which they earned before them to intimidate others. Their jnis- taken belief of the death of Scipio had blinded their minds, and they doubted not that, in a short time, when that event should be made generally known, all Spain WTould blaze with war; but during this confusion money might be ex- acted from the allies and the neighboring cities plundered; and that in this unsettled state of affairs, when there was nothing which any man would not dare, thei*; own acts would be less conspicuous.Y.S. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 529 25. As they expected that other fresh accounts would follow those which they had received, not only of the death, but, even of the burial, of Scipio, and yet none ar- rived ; and as the rumor which had been so idly originated began to die away, the first author of it began to be sought out; and each backing out, in order that he might appear rather to have inconsiderately credited than to have fabri- cated such a report, the leaders were forsaken, and began now to dread their own ensigns of authority, and to appre- hend that, instead of that empty show of command which they wore, a legitimate and rightful power would be turned against them. The mutiny being thus paralyzed, and cred- ible persons bringing in accounts, first, that Scipio was alive, and, soon after, that he was even in good health, seven military tribunes were sent by Scipio himself. At the first arrival of these thoir minds were violently excited; but they were soon calmed by the mild and soothing lan- guage .which they addressed to such of their acquaintance as they met with; for, going round first of all to the tents, and then entering the principia and the prsetorium, wher- ever they observed circles of men conversing together, they addressed them, inquiring rather what it was that had oc- casioned their displeasure and sudden consternation, than taxing them with what had occurred. " That they had not received their pay at the appointed time," was generally complained and " that, although at the time of the horrid transactiqn of the Illiturgians, and after the destruction of two generals and two armies, the Roman cause had been defended and the province retained by their valor; the Il- liturgians had received the punishment due to their offense, but there was no one found to reward them for their meri- torious services." The tribunes replied, " that, considering the nature of their complaints, what they requested was just, and that they would lay it before the general; that they were happy that there was nothing of a more gloomy and irremediable character; that both Publius Scipio, by the favor of the gods, and the commonwealth, were in a sit- uation, to requite them." Scipio, who tvas accustomed to war, but inexperienced in the storms of sedition, felt great anxiety on the occasion, lest the army should run intoex- cess in transgressing, or himself in punishing. For the Vol II —23530 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 26. present, he resolved to persist in the lenient line of conduct with which he had begun, and sending collectors round to the tributary states, to give the soldiers hopes of soon re- ceiving their pay. Immediately after this a proclamation was issued that they should come to Carthage to receive their pay, whether they wished to do so in detached parties or all in a body. The sudden suppression of the rebellion among the Spaniards had the effect of tranquillizing the mutiny, which was by this time beginning to subside of it- self; for Mandonius and Indibilis, relinquishing their at- tempt, had returned within their borders when intelligence was1 brought that Scipio was alive ; nor did there now re- main any person, whether countryman or foreigner, whom they could make their companion in their desperate enter- prise. On examining every method, they had no alterna- tive except that which afforded a retreat from wicked de- signs, which was not of the safest kind, namely, to commit themselves either to the just anger of the general or to his clemency, of which they need not despair. For he had pardoned even enemies whom he had encountered with the sword; while they reflected that their sedition had been unaccompanied with wrounds or blood, and was neither in itself of an atrocious character nor merited severe punish- ment—so natural is it for men to be over-eloquent in ex- tenuating their own demerit. They felt doubtful whether they should go to demand their pay in single cohorts or in one entire body ; but the opinion that they should go in a body, which they regarded as the safer mode, prevailed. 26. At the same time, when they were employed in these deliberations, a council was held on their case at Carthage; when a warm debate took place as to whether they should visit with punishment the originators only of the mutiny, who were in number not more than thirty-five, or whether atonement should be made for this defection (for such it was, rather than a mutiny), of so dreadful a character as a precedent, by the punishment of a greater number. The opinion. recommending the more lenient course, that the punishment should fall where the guilt originated, was adopted. ~ For the multitude a reprimand was considered sufficient. . On the breaking up of the council, orders were given to the army, which was in Carthage, to prepare fory.R.546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 531 an expedition against Mandonius and Indibilis, and to get ready provisions for several days, in order that they might appear to have been deliberating about this. The seven tribunes, who had before gone to Sucro to quell the mutiny, having been sent out to meet the army, gave in, each of them, five names of persons principally concerned in the affair, in order that proper persons might be employed to invite them to their homes, with smiles and kind words; and that, when overpowered with wine, they might be thrown into chains. They were not far distant from Car- thage when the intelligence, received from persons on the road, that the whole army was going the following day with Marcus Silanus against the Lacetanians, not only freed them from all the apprehensions which, though they did not give utterance to them, sat heavy upon their minds, but occasioned the greatest transport, because they would thus have the general alone, and in their power, instead of being themselves in his. They entered the city just at sunset, and saw the other army making every preparation for a march. Immediately on their arrival they were greet- ed in terms feigned for the purpose, that their arrival was looked upon by the general as a happy and seasonable cir- cumstance, for they had come when the other army was just on the point of setting out. After which they pro- ceeded to refresh themselves. The authors of the mutiny, having been conveyed to their lodgings by proper persons, were apprehended by the tribunes without any disturbance, and thrown into chains. At the fourth watch the baggage belonging to the army which, as it was pretended, was about to march, began to set out. As soon as it was light the troops marched, but were stopped at the gate, and guards were sent round to all the gates to prevent any one going out of the city. Then those who had arrived the day before, having been summoned to an assembly, ran in crowds into the Forum, to the tribunal of the general, with the presumptuous purpose of intimidating him by their shouts. At the same time that the general mounted the tribunal, the armed troops, which had been brought back from the gates, spread themselves around the rear of the unarmed assembly. Then all their insolence subsided ; and, as.they afterwards confessed, nothing terrified them so532 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [>. xxviii., chap. 27. much as the unexpected vigor and hue of the general,whom they had supposed they should see in a sickly state, and his countenance, which was such as they declared that they did not remember to have ever seen it even in battle. He sat silent for a short time, till he was informed that the insti- gators of the mutiny were brought into the Forum, and that every thing was now in readiness. 27. Then, a herald having obtained silence, he thus be- gan: "I imagined that language would never fail me in which to address my army; not that I have ever accus- tomed myself to speaking rather than action, but because, having been kept in a camp almost from my boyhood, I had become familiar with the dispositions of soldiers. But I am at a loss both for sentiments and expressions with which to address you, whom I know not even by wThat name I ought to call. Can I call you countrymen, who have re- volted from your country ? or soldiers, who have rejected the command and authority of your general, and violated the solemn obligation of your oath ? Can I call you ene- mies? I recognize the persons, faces, dress, and mien of fellow-countrymen; but I perceive the action^, expressions^ intentions, and feelings of enemies; for what have you wished and hoped for but what the Ilergetians and Lace- tanians did. Yet they followed Mandonius and Indibilis, men of royal rank, who were the leaders of their mad proj- ect; you conferred the auspices and command upon the Umbrian, Atrius, and the Calenian, Albius. Deny, soldiers, that you wTere all concerned in this measure, or that you approved of it wThen taken. I shall willingly believe, when you disclaim it, that it was the folly and madness of a few. Fo? the acts which have been committed are of such a nature that, if the whole army participated in them,, they could not be expiated without atonements of tremendous magnitude. Upon these points, like wounds, X touch with reluctance ; but unless touched and handled, they can not be cured. For my own part, I believed that, after the Carthaginians were expelled from Spain, there was not a place in the whole province where, or any persons to whom, my life was obnoxious ; such was the manner in which I had conduct- ed myself, not only towards my allies, but even towards my enemies. But lo, even in my own camp, so much was I de-y.r. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 533 eeived in my opinion, the report of my death was not only readily believed, but anxiously waited for. Not that I wish to implicate you all in this enormity; for, be assured, if I supposed that the whole of my army desired my death, I would here immediately expire before your eyes; nor could I take any pleasure in a life which was odious to my coun- trymen and my soldiers. But every multitude is in its na- ture like the ocean; which, though in itself incapable of motion, is excited by storms and winds. So, also, in your- selves there is calm and there are storms; but the cause and origin of your fury is entirely attributable to those who led you on; you have caught your madness by con- tagion. Nay, even this day you do not appear to me to be aware to what a pitch of phrensy you have proceeded-; what a heinous crime you have dared to commit against myself,your country,your parents,your children; against the gods, the witnesses of your oath; against the auspices under which you serve ; against the laws of war, the disci- pline of your ancestors, and the majesty of the highest au- thority. With regard to myself,! say nothing. You may have believed the report of my death rather inconsiderately than eagerly. Lastly, suppose me to be such a man that it could not at all be a matter of astonishment that my army should be weary of my command, yet what had your coun- try deserved of you, which you betrayed by making com- mon cause with Mandonius and Indibilis ? What the Ro- man people, when, taking the command from the tribunes appointed by their suffrages, you conferred it on private men ? When, not content even with having them for trib- unes, you, a Roman army, conferred the fasces of your gen- eral upon men who never had a slave under their cotnmand ? Albius and Atrius had their tents in your general's pavil- ion. With them the trumpet sounded, from them the word was taken; they sat upon the tribunal of Scipio, upon whom the lictor attended; for them the crowd was cleared away as they moved along, before them the fasces with the axes were carried. When showers of stones descend, lightnings are darted from the heavens, and animals give birth to monsters, you consider these things as prodigies. This is a prodigy which can be expiated by no victims, by no supplications, without the blood of those men who have dared to commit so great a crime.534 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 28. 28. " Now, though villainy is never guided by reason, yet, so far as it could exist in so nefarious a transaction, I would fain know what was your design. Formerly, a le- gion which was sent to garrison Rhegium wickedly put to the sword the principal inhabitants, and kept possession of that opulent city through a space of ten years ; on account of which enormity the entire legion, consisting of four thousand men, were beheaded in the Forum at Rome. But they, in the first place, did not put themselves under the direction of Atrius the Umbrian, scarcely superior to a scullion, whose name even was ominous, but of Decius Jubellius, a military tribune; nor did they unite themselves with Pyrrhus, or with the Samnites or Lueanians, the ene- mies of the Roman people. But you made common cause with Mandonius and Indibilis, and intended also to have united your arms with them. They intended to have held Rhegium as a lasting settlement, as the Campanians held Capua, which they took from its ancient Tuscan inhabit- ants ; and as the Jijamertines held Messana in Sicily, with- out any design of emtaepcing without provocation a war upon the Roman people or their allies. Was it your pur- pose to hold Sucro as a place of abode ? where had I, your general, left you on my departure after the reduction of the province, you w~ould have been justified in imploring the interference of gods and men, because you could not return to your wTives and children. But suppose that you ban- ished from- your minds all recollection of these, as you did of your country and myself; I would wish to track the course of a wicked design, but not of one utterly insane. While I was alive, and the rest of the army safe, with which in one day I took Carthage, with which I routed, put to flight, and expelled from Spain four generals and four armies of the Carthaginians; did you, I say, who were only eight thousand men, all of course of less worth than Albius and Atrius, to whom you subjected yourselves, hope to wrest the province of Spain out of the hands of the Roman people ? I lay no stress upon my own name, I put it out of the question. Let it be supposed that I have not been injured by you in any respect beyond the ready credence of my death. What! if I "were dead, was the state to expire with me ? was the empire of the Roman peo-r.B. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 535 pie to fall with me ? Jupiter, most good and great, would not have permitted that the existence of the city, built, un- der the auspices and sanction of the gods, to last forev- er, should terminate with that of this frail and perishable body. The Roman people have survived those many and distinguished generals who were all cut off in one war-— Flaminius, Paulus, Gracchus, Posthuinius Albinus, Marcus Marcellus, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, Cneius Fulvius, my kinsmen the Scipios—and will survive a thousand others who may perish, some by the sword, others by disease; and would the Roman state have been buried with my single corpse? You yourselves, here in Spain, when your two generals, my father and my uncle, fell, chose Septimus Marcius as your general to oppose the Carthaginians, ex- ulting on account of their recent victory. And thus . I speak, on the supposition that Spain would have been without a leader. Would Marcus Silanus, who was sent into the province with the same power "and the same com- mand as myself, would Lucius Scipio my brother, and Caius Laelius, lieutenant-generals, have been wanting to avenge the majesty of the empire ? Could the armies, the generals themselves, their dignity or their cause, be com- pared with one another ? And even had you got the bet- ter of all these, would you bear arms in conjunction with the Carthaginians against your country, against your coun- trymen? Would you wish that Africa should rule Italy, and Carthage the city of Rome? If so, for what offense on the part of your country ? 29. "An unjust sentence of condemnation, aud a miser- able and undeserved banishment, formerly induced Corio- lanus to go and fight against his country; he was restrain- ed, however, by private duty from public parricide. What grief, what resentment instigated you ? Was the delay of your pay for a few days, during the illness of your gen- eral, a reason of sufficient weight for you to declare war against your country ? to revolt from the Roman people and join the Ilergetians ? to leave no obligation, divine or human,; unviolated ? Without doubt, soldiers, you were mad; nor was the disease wThich seized my frame.more violent than that with which your minds wrere affected.I .shrink .with horror-from the relation of what men believed,536 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 30. what they hoped and wished/ Let oblivion cover all these things, if possible ; if not, however it be, let them be cov- ered in silence. I must confess my speech must have ap- peared to you severe and harsh; but how much more harsh, think you, must your actions be than my words ! Do you think it reasonable that I should suffer all the acts which you have committed, and that you should not bear with patience even to hear them mentioned ? But you shall not be reproached even with these things any further. I could wish that you might as easily forget them as I shall. Therefore, as far as relates to the general body of you, if you repent of the error you have committed,! shall have received sufficient, and more than sufficient, atonement for it. Albius the Calenian, and Atrius the Umbrian, with the rest of the principal movers of this impious mutiny, shall expiate with their blood the crime they have perpe- trated. To yourselves, if you have returned to a sound state of mind, the sight of their punishment ought not only to bo not unpleasant, but even gratifying; for there are no persons to whom the measures they have taken are more hostile and inj urious than to you." He had scarcely fin- ished speaking, when, according to the plan preconcerted, every object of terror was at once presented to their eyes and ears. The troops, which had formed a circle round the assembly, clashed their swords against their shields; the herald's voice was heard citing by name the persons who had been condemned in the council; the culprits were dragged naked into the midst of the assembly, and at the same time all the apparatus for punishment was brought forth. They were tied to the stake, scourged with rods, and decapitated; while those who were present were so benumbed with fear, that not only no expression of dis- satisfaction at the severity of the punishment, but not even a groan was heard. They were then all dragged out, the place was cleared, and the men cited by name took the oath of allegiance to Scipio before the military tribunes, each receiving his full demand of pay as he answered to his name. Such was the termination and result which the insurrection of the soldiers, which began at Sucro, met with. 30. During the time of these transactions, Hanno, they.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 537 lieutenant-general of Mago, having been sent from Gades to the river Bsetis with a small body of Africans, by tempt- ing the Spaniards with money, armed as many as four thousand men; but afterwards, being deprived of his camp by Lucius Marcius, and losing the principal part of his troops in the confusion occasioned by its capture, and some also in the flight, for the cavalry pursued them close- ly while they were dispersed, he made his escape with a few attendants. During these transactions on the river Baetis, Lselius, in the mean time sailing out of the straits into the ocean, came with his fleet before Carteia, a city situated on the coast of the ocean, where the sea begins to expand itself, after being confined in a narrow strait. He had entertained hopes of having Gades betrayed to him without a contest, persons having come unsolicited into the Roman camp to make promises to that effect, as has been before mentioned. The plot was discovered before it was ripe, and all having been apprehended were placed by Mago in the hands of Adherbal the praetor, to be conveyed to Carthage. Adherbal, having put the conspirators on board a quinquereme, sent it in advance, because it sailed slower than a trireme, and followed himself at a moderate distance with eight triremes. The quinquereme was just entering the strait, when Lselius, who had himself also sail- ed out of the harbor of Carteia in a quinquereme, followed by seven triremes, bore down upon Adherbal and his triremes, feeling assured that the trireme, when once caught in the rapid strait, would not be able to return against the opposing current. The Carthaginian, alarmed by the sud- denness of the affair, hesitated for some little time wheth- er he should follow the trireme, or turn his prows against the enemy. This very delay put it out of his power to de- cline an action, for they were now within a weapon's cast, and the enemy were bearing down upon him on all fides. The current, also, had rendered it impossible to manage the ships. Nor was the action like a naval engagement, inas- much as it was in no respect subject to the control of the will, nor afforded any opportunity for the exercise of skill or method. The nature of the strait and the tide, which solely and entirely governed the contest, carried the ships against those of their own and the enemy's party indis- 23*538 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 31. criminately, though striving in a contrary direction; so that you might see one ship which was flying whirled back by an eddy and driven against the victors, and another which was engaged in pursuit, if it had fallen into an op- posite current, turning itself away as if for flight. And when actually engaged, one ship while bearing down upon another with its beak directed against it, assuming an oblique position itself, received a stroke from the beak of the other; while another, which lay with its side exposed to the enemy, receiving a sudden impulse, was turned round so as to present its prow. While the triremes were thus engaged in a doubtful and uncertain contest, in which every thing was governed by chance, the Roman quinque- reme, whether being more manageable in consequence of its weight, or by means of more banks of oars making its way through the eddies, sunk two triremes, and swept off the oars from one side of another, while sailing by it with great violence. The rest, too, had they come in its way, it would have disabled ; but Adherbal, with his remaining four ships, sailed over into Africa. 31. Lselius returned victorious into Carteia ; and hear- ing there what had occurred at Gades, that the plot had been discovered, the conspirators sent to Carthage, and that the hopes which had brought them there had been completely frustrated, he sent a message to Lucius Mar- cius, to the effect that, unless they wished to waste time uselessly in lying before Gades, they should return to the general; and Marcius consenting to the proposal, they both returned to Carthage a few days after. In conse- quence of their departure, Mago not only obtained a tem- porary relief from, the dangers which beset him on all sides both by sea and land, but also, on hearing of the rebellion of the Ilergetians, conceived hopes of recovering Spain, and sent messengers to Carthage to the Senate, who, at the same time that they represented to them in exaggerated terms both the intestine dissension in the Roman camp and the defection of their allies, might exhort them to Bend succors by which the empire of Spain, which had been handed down to them by their ancestors, might be regain- ed. Mandonius and Indibilis, retiring within their borders, remained quiet for a little time, not knowing what coursey. r. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 539 to take, till they knew what was determined upon respect- ing the mutiny; but not distrusting that if Scipio pardon- ed the error of his own countrymen, they also might obtain the same. But when the severe punishment inflicted came to be generally known, concluding that their offense also would be considered as demanding a similar expiation, they again summoned their countrymen to arms; and as- sembling the auxiliaries which had joined them before, they crossed over into the Sedetanian territory, where they had had a fixed camp at the beginning of the revolt, with twenty thousand foot and two thousand five hundred horse. 32. Scipio, having without difficulty regained the affec- tion of his soldiers, both by his punctuality in discharging the arrears of pay to all, as well the guilty as the innocent, and particularly by the looks and language of reconcilia- tion towards all, before he quitted Carthage summoned an assembly; and after inveighing at large against the perfidy of the petty princes who were in rebellion, de- clared " that the feelings with which he set out to take re- venge for their villainy were widely different from those with which he lately corrected the error committed by his countrymen. That, on the latter occasion, he had, with groans and tears, as though he were cutting his own vi- tals, expiated either the imprudence or the guilt of eight thousand men with the heads of thirty; but now he was going to the destruction of the Ilergetians with joyful and animated feelings; for they were neither natives of the same soil, nor united with him by any bond of society. The only connection which did subsist between them, that of honor and friendship, they had themselves severed by their wicked conduct. When he looked at the troops which composed his army, besides that he saw that they were ail either of his own country, or allies and of the Latin confederacy, he was also strongly affected by the circumstance that there was scarcely a soldier in it who was not brought out of Italy into that country either by his uncle, Cneius Scipio, who was the first of the Roman name who had come into that province, or by his > father when consul, or by himself. That they were all accustom- ed to the name and auspices of the Scipios; that it was540 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 33. his wish to take them home to their country to receive a well-earned triumph; and that he hoped that they would support him when he put up for the consulship, as if the honor sought were to be shared in common by them all. With regard to the expedition which they were just go- ing to undertake, that the man who considered it as a war must be forgetful of his own achievements ; that, by Her- cules ! Mago, who had fled for safety, with a few ships, beyond the limits of the world into an island surrounded by the ocean, w^as a source of greater concern to him than the Uergetians; for in it there was both a Carthaginian general and a Carthaginian army, whatever might be its numbers; while here were only robbers and leaders of robbers, who, though they possessed sufficient energy for ravaging the lands of their neighbors, burning their houses, and carrying off their cattle, yet would have none at all in a regular and pitched battle; and who would come to the encounter relying more on the swiftness with which they can fly than on their arms. Accordingly," he said," that he had thought it right to quell the Ilergetians before he quitted the province, not because he saw that any danget could arise from them, or that a war of greater importance could grow out of these proceedings; but in the first place, that a revolt of so heinous a character might not go unpunished ; and in the next place, that not a single ene- my might be said to be left in a province which had been subdued with such valor and success. He bid them, there- fore, follow him, with the assistance of the gods, not so much to make war upon, for the contest was not with an enemy who was upon an equality with them, but to take vengeance on the basest of men." 33. After this harangue he dismissed them, with orders to get themselves in readiness in every respect for march- ing the next day ; when, setting out, he arrived at the riv- er Iberus in ten days. Then crossing the river, he, on the fourth day, pitched his camp within sight of the enemy. Before him was a plain inclosed on all sides by mountains. Into the valley thus formed Scipio ordered some cattle, taken chiefly from the lands of the enemy, to be driven, in order to excite the rapacity of the barbarians, and then sent some light-armed troops as a protection for them, direct-r.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 541 ing Lselius to charge the enemy from a place of conceal- ment when they were engaged in skirmishing. A mount- ain which projected conveniently concealed the ambus- cade of the cavalry, and the battle began without delay. The Spaniards, as soon as they saw the cattle at a distance, rushed upon them, and the light-armed troops attacked the Spaniards while occupied with their booty. At first they annoyed each other with missiles; but afterwards, hav- ing discharged their light weapons, which were calculated to provoke rather than to decide the contest, they drew their swords, and began to engage foot to foot. The fight between the infantry would have been doubtful but that the cavalry then came up, and not only charging them in front, trod down all before them, but some also, riding round by the foot of the hill, presented themselves on their rear, so that they might intercept the greater part of them; and consequently the carnage was greater than usually takes place in light and skirmishing engagements. The resentment of the barbarians w^as rather inflamed by this adverse battle than their spirits depressed. Accord- ingly, that they might not appear cast down, they march- ed out into the field the following day as soon as it was light. The valley, which was confined, as has been before stated, would not contain all their forces. About two- thirds of their foot and all their cavalry came down to the engagement. The remainder of their infantry they station- ed on the declivity of the hill. Scipio, conceiving that the confined nature of the ground would be in his favor, both because the Roman troops were better adapted for fight- ing in a contracted space than the Spanish, and also be- cause the enemy had come down and formed their line on ground which would not contain all their forces, applied his mind to a new expedient. For he considered that lie could not himself cover his flanks with his cavalry, and that those of the enemy which they had led out, together with their infantry, would be unable to act. Accordingly, he ordered Lselius to lead the cavalry round by the hills as secretly as possible, and separate, as far as he could, the fight between the cavalry from that between the in- fantry. He himself drew up the whole body of his infan- try against the enemy, placing four cohorts in front, be-542 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxviii. , chap. 34. cause he could not extend his line farther. He com- menced the battle without delay, in order that the contest itself might divert the attention of the enemy, and pre- vent their observing the cavalry which were passing along the hills. Nor were they aware that they had come round before they heard the noise occasioned by the engagement of the cavalry in their rear. Thus there were two battles —two lines of infantry and two bodies of horse being en- gaged within the space occupied by the plain lengthwise, and that because it was too narrow to admit of both de- scriptions of force being engaged in the same lines. When the Spanish infantry could not assist their cavalry, nor their cavalry the infantry, and the infantry, which had rashly engaged in the plain, relying on the assistance of the cav- alry, were being cut to pieces, the cavalry themselves, also, being surrounded and unable to stand the shock of the en- emy's infantry in front (for by this time their own infan- try were completely overthrown), nor of the cavalry in their rear, after having formed themselves into a circle and defended themselves for a long time, their horses standing still, were all slain to a man. N"or did one person, horse or foot, survive of those who were engaged in the valley. The third part, which stood upon the hill rather to view the contest in security than to take any part of it upon themselves, had both time and space to fly; among whom the princes themselves also fled, having escaped during the confusion, before the army was entirely surrounded. 34. • The same day, besides other booty, the camp of the Spaniards was taken, together with about three thousand men. Of the Romans and their allies as many as one thousand two hundred fell in that battle; more than three thousand were wounded. The victory would have been less bloody had the battle taken place in a plain more extended, and affording facilities for flight. Indibilis, re- nouncing his purpose of carrying on war, and considering that his safest reliance in his present distress was on the tried honor and clemency of Scipio, sent his brother Man- donius to him, who, falling prostrate before his knees, as- cribed his conduct to the fatal frenzy of those times, when, as it were from the effects of some pestilential contagion, not only the Ilergetians and Lacetanians, but even the Ro-r.R. 546.] THE HISTORY OE ROME. 543 man camp had been infected with madness. He said that his own condition, and that of his brother and the rest of his countrymen, was such, that either, if it seemed good, they would give back their lives to him from whom they had received them, or, if preserved a second time, they would, in return for that favor, devote their lives forever to the service of him to whom alone they were indebted for them. They before placed their reliance on their cause, when they had not yet had experience of his clem- ency ; but now, on the contrary, placing no reliance on their cause, all their hopes were centred in the mercy of the conqueror. It was a custom with the Romans, observed from ancient times, not to exercise any authority over others, as subject to them, in cases where they did not enter into friendship with them by a league and on equal terms, until they had surrendered all they possessed, sa- cred and profane ; until they had received hostages, taken their arms from them, and placed garrisons in their cities. In the present instance, however, Scipio, after inveighing at great length against Mandonius, who stood before him, and Indibilis, wTho was absent, said, "That they had just- ly forfeited their lives by their wicked conduct, but that they should be preserved by the kindness of himself and the Roman people. Further, that he would neither take their arms from them (which only served as pledges to those who feared rebellion) but would leave them the free use of them, and their minds free from fear: nor would he take vengeance on their unoffending hostages, but upon themselves, should they revolt, not inflicting punishment upon a defenseless but an armed enemy. That he gave them the liberty of choosing whether they would have the Romans favorable to them or incensed against them, for they had experienced them under both circumstances." Thus Mandonius was allowed to depart, having only a pecuniary .fine imposed upon him to furnish the means of paying the troops. Scipio himself, having sent Marcius in advance into the Farther Spain, and sent Silanus back to Tarraco, waited a few days until the Ilergetians had paid the fine imposed upon them; and then, setting out with some troops lightly equipped, overtook Marcius when he was now drawing near to the ocean.544 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., ciiap. 35. 35. The negotiation which had some time before com- menced respecting Masinissa, was delayed from one cause after another; for theNumidian was desirous by all means of conferring with Scipio in person, and of touching his right hand in confirmation of their compact. This was the cause of Scipio's undertaking, at this time, a journey of such a length, and into so remote a quarter. Masinissa, when at Gades, received information from Marcius of the approach of Scipio, and, by pretending that his horses were injured by being pent up in the island, and that they not only caused a scarcity of every thing to the rest, but also felt it themselves; moreover, that his cavalry were begin- ning to lose their energy for want of employment, he pre- vailed upon Mago to allow him to cross over to the conti- nent, to plunder the adjacent country of Spain. Having passed over, he sent forward three chiefs of the Numidi- ans, to fix a time and place for the conference, desiring that two might be detained by Scipio as hostages. The third being sent back to conduct Masinissa to the place to which he was directed to bring him, they came to the conference with a few attendants. The Numidian had long before been possessed with admiration of Scipio from the fame of his exploits ; and. his imagination had pictured to him the idea of a grand and magnificent person; but his ven- eration for him was still greater when he appeared before him. For besides that his person, naturally majestic in the highest degree, was rendered still more so by his flow- ing hair, by his dress, which was not in a precise and orna- mental style, but truly masculine and soldier-like, and also by his age, for he was then in full vigor of body, to which the bloom of youth, renewed as it were after his late ill- ness, had given additional fullness and sleekness. The Numidian, who was in a manner thunderstruck by the mere effect of the meeting, thanked him for having sent home his brother's son. He affirmed that from that time he had sought for this opportunity, which being at length presented to him, by favor of the immortal gods, he had not allowed to pass without seizing it. That he desired to serve him and the Roman people in such a manner, as that no one foreigner should have aided the Roman inter- est with greater zeal than himself. Although he had longr.R. 54G.] THE HISTORY OF ROM$. 545 since wished it, he had not^been so able to effect it in Spain, a foreign and strange country; but that it would be easy for him to do so in that country in which he had been born and educated, under the hope of succeeding to his father's throne. If, indeed, the Romans should send the same commander, Scipio, into Africa, he entertained a well-grounded hope that Carthage would continue to exist but a short time. Scipio saw and heard him with the highest delight, both because he knew that he was the first man in all the cavalry of the enemy, and because the youth himself exhibited in his manner the strongest proof of a noble spirit. After mutual pledges of faith, he set out on his return to Tarraco. Masinissa, having laid waste the adjacent lands, with the permission of the Romans, that he might not appear to have passed over into the continent to no purpose, returned to Gades. 86. Mago, who despaired of success in Spain, of which he had entertained hopes, from the confidence inspired first by the mutiny of the soldiers, and afterwards by the defec- tion of Indibilis, received a message from Carthage, while preparing to cross over into Africa, that the Senate order- ed him to carry over into Italy the fleet he had at Gades; and, hiring there as many as he could of the Gallic and Ligurian youth, to form a junction with Hannibal, and not to .suffer the war to flag which had been begun with so much vigor and still more success. For this object Mago not only received a supply of money from Carthage, but him- self also exacted as much as he could from the inhabitants of Gades, plundering not only their treasury, but their temples, and compelling them individually to bring contri- butions of gold and silver for the public service. As he sailed along the coast of Spain, he landed his troops not far from New Carthage, and, after wasting the neighbor- ing lands, brought his fleet thence to the city. Here, keep- ing his troops in the ships by day, he landed them by night, and marched them to that part of the wall at which Carthage had been captured by the Romans; for he had supposed both that the garrison by which the city was occupied was not sufficiently strong for its protection, and that some of the townsmen would act on the hope of effect- ing a change. But messengers who came with the utmost546 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii.,.chap. 37. haste and alarm from the country, brought intelligence at once of the devastation of ttfe lands, the flight of the rus- tics, and the approach of the enemy. Besides, the fleet had been observed during the day, and it was evident that there was some object in choosing a station before the city. Accordingly, the troops were kept drawn up and armed within the gate which looks towards the lake and the sea. When the enemy, rushing forward in a disorder- ly manner, with a crowd of seamen mingled with soldiers, came up to the walls with more noise than strength, the gate being suddenly thrown open, the Romans sallied forth with a shout, and pursued the enemy, routed and put to flight at the first onset and discharge of their weapons, all the way to the shore, killing a great number of them; nor would one of them have survived the battle and the flight, had not the ships, which had been brought to the shore, af- forded them a refuge in their dismay. Great alarm and confusion, also, prevailed in the ships, occasioned by their drawing up the ladders, lest the enemy should force their way in together with their own men, and by cutting away their hawsers and anchors, that they might not lose time in weighing them. Many, too, met with a miserable death while endeavoring to swim to the ships, not knowing, in consequence of the darkness, which way to direct their course, or what to avoid. On the following day, after the fleet had fled back to the ocean, whence it had come, as many as eight hundred were slain between the wall and the shore, and two thousand stand of arms were found. 37. Mago, on his return to Gades, not being allowed to enter the place, brought his fleet to shore at Cimbis, a place aot far distant from Gades; whence he sent ambassadors with complaints of their having closed their gates upon a friend and ally. While they endeavored to excuse them- selves on the ground that it was done by a disorderly as- sembly of their people, who were exasperated against them on account of some acts of plunder which had been com- mitted by the soldiers when they were embarking, he en- ticed their suffetes, which is the name of the chief magis- tracy among the Carthaginians, together with their quaes- tor, to come to a conference; when he ordered them to be lacerated with stripes and crucified. He then passedr.R. 547.J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 54V over with his fleet to the island Pityus^, distant about a hundred miles from the continent, and inhabited at that time by Carthaginians ; on which account the fleet was re- ceived in a friendly manner; and not only were provisions liberally furnished, but also young men and arms were given them to reinforce their fleet. Rendered confident by these supplies, the Carthaginians crossed over to the Balearian islands, fifty miles distant. The Balearian islands are two in number; one larger than the other, and more powerful in men and arms; having also a harbor in which, as it was now the latter end of autumn, he believed he might winter conveniently. But here his fleet was opposed with as much hostility as he would have met with had the Romans in- habited that island. The only weapons they used at that time,and which they now principally employ, were slings; nor is there an individual of any other nation who possess- es such a degree of excellence in the skillful use of this weapon as the Balearians universally possess over the rest of the world. Such a quantity of stones, therefore, was poured like the thickest hail on the fleet, when approaching the shore, that, not daring to enter the harbor, they made off for the main. They then passed over to the lesser Ba- learian island, which is of a fertile soil, but not equally pow- erful in men and arms. Here, therefore, they landed, and pitched a camp in a strong position above the harbor; and, having made themselves masters of the city and country without a contest, they enlisted two thousand auxiliaries, which they sent to Carthage, and then hauled their ships on shore for the winter. After Mago had left the coast •of the ocean, the people of Gades surrendered to the Ro- mans. 38. Such were the transactions in Spain under the con- duct and auspices of Publius Scipio. Scipio himself, hav- ing put Lucius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus in charge of the province, returned to Rome with ten ships. Having obtained an audience of the Senate without the city, in the temple of Bellona, he gave an account of the services he had performed in Spain ; how often he had fought pitched battles, how many towns he had taken by force from the enemy, and what nations he had brought under the dominion of the Roman people. He stated that548 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 38. he had gone into Spain against four generals, and four vic- torious armies, but that he had not left a Carthaginian in that country. On account of these services he rather tried his prospect of a triumph, than pressed it pertinaciously; for it was quite clear that no one had triumphed up to that time for services performed, when not invested with a magistracy. When the Senate was dismissed he entered the city, and carried before him into the treasury fourteen thousand three hundred and forty-two pounds of silver, and a great quantity of coined silver. Lucius Veturius Philo then held the assembly for the election of consuls, when all the centuries, with the strongest marks of attach- ment, named Publius Scipio as consul. Publius Licinius Crassus, chief pontiff, was joined with him as his colleague. It is recorded that this election was attended by a great- er number of persons than any other during the war. Peo- ple had oome together from all quarters, not only to give their votes, but also for the purpose of seeing Publius Scipio. They ran in crowds, not only to his house, but also to the Capitol; where he was engaged in offering a sac- rifice of a hundred oxen to Jupiter, which he had vowed in Spain, impressed with a presentiment that, as Caius Lu- tatius had terminated the former Punic war, so Publius Scipio would terminate the present; and that as he had driven the Carthaginians out of every part of Spain, so he would drive them out of Italy; and dooming Africa to him as his province, as though the war in Italy were at an end. The assembly was then held for the election tit praetors. Two were elected who were then plebeian se^^es—name- ly, Spurius Lucretius and Cneius Octavius; and of pri- vate persons, Cneius Servilius Caepio and Lucius iEmilius Papus. In the fourteenth year of the Punic war, Publius Corne- lius Scipio and Publius Licinius Crassus entered on the consulship, when the provinces assigned to the consuls were, to Scipio, Sicily, without drawing lots, his colleague not opposing it, because the care of the sacred affairs re- quired the presence of the chief pontiff in Italy; to Cras- sus, Bruttium. The provinces of the praetors were then put to the determination of lots, when the city jurisdiction fell to Servilius; Ariminum, for so they called ior.R. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. - 549 Spurius Lucretius; Sicily to Lucius iEmilius ; Sardinia to Cneius Octavius. A Senate was held in the Capitol, when, on the motion of Publius Scipio, a decree was made that he should exhibit the games which he had vowed in Spain during the mutiny of the soldiers, out of the money which he had himself brought into the treasury. 39. He then introduced into the Senate the Saguntine ambassadors, the eldest of whom thus spoke: "Although there remains no degree of suffering, conscript fathers, be- yond what we have endured, in order that we might keep our faith towards you to the last; yet such are the benefits which we have received both from yourselves and your generals, that we do not repent of the calamities to which we have ourselves been exposed. On our account you un- dertook the war, and having undertaken it, you have ..contin- ued to carry it on for now the fourteenth year with, such inflexible perseverance, that frequently you have both your- selves been reduced, and have brought the Carthaginians to the last extremity. At a time when you had a war of such a desperate character in Italy, and Hannibal as your antagonist, you sent your consul with an army into Spain, to collect, as it were, the remains of our wreck. Publius and Cneius Cornelius, from the time they entered the prow ince, never ceased from adopting such measures as were favorable to us and detrimental to our enemies. First of all, they restored to us our town; and, sending persons to collect our countrymen, who were sold and dispersed throughout all Spain, restored them from a state of. slavery to freedom. When our circumstances, from being wretch- ed in the extreme, had neai'ly assumed a desirable state, your generals Publius and Cneius Cornelius fell, more to be lamented by ourselves even than by you. Then truly we seemed to have been dragged back from distant places to our ancient abode to perish again, and witness the sec* ond destruction of our country. Nor did it appear that there was any need, forsooth, of a Carthaginian army or gen- eral to effect our destruction; but that we might be anni? hilated by the Turdulans, our most inveterate enemies, who had also been the cause of our former overthrow. When suddenly, to our great surprise, you sent us this Publius Scipio, in seeing whom declared consul, and in haying it in550 THE HISTORY OF HOME. [b. xxviii., chap. 39. our power to carry word back to our countrymen that we have seen it, for on him our hopes and safety entirely rest, we consider ourselves the most fortunate of all the Saguntines. He, when he had taken a great number of the cities of your enemies in Spain, on all occasions separated the Saguntines out of the mass of captives, and sent them back to their country; and lastly, by his arms he reduced to so low a state Turdetania, which harbored such animosity against us that if that nation continued to flourish it was impossi- ble that Saguntum could stand, that it not only was not an object of fear to us, but, and may I say it without incur- ring odium, not even to our posterity. We see the city of those persons demolished, to gratify whom Hannibal de- stroyed Saguntum. We receive tribute from their lands, which is not more acceptable to us from the advantage we derive from it than from revenge. In consideration of these benefits, than which we could not hope or wish for greater from the immortal gods, the Senate and people of Saguntum have sent us ten ambassadors to you to return their thanks; and at the same time to offer you their congrat- ulations on your having carried on your operations in Spain and Italy so successfully of late years, that you have sub- dued by your arms, and have gotten possession of Spain, not only as far as the river Iberus, but also to where the ocean forms the limit of the remotest regions of the world; while in Italy you have left nothing to the Carthaginian except so much space as the rampart of his camp incloses. We have been desired, not only to return thanks for these blessings to Jove most good and great, the guardian deity of the capitoline citadel, but also, if you should permit us, to carry into the Capitol this present of a golden crown in token of victory. We request that you would permit us so to do; and, if you think proper, that you would, by your authority, perpetuate and ratify the advantages which your generals have conferred upon us." The Senate replied to the Saguntines, " that the destruction and restoration of Saguntum would form a monument to all the nations of the world of social faith preserved on both sides. That, in restoring Saguntum, and rescuing its citizens from slavery, their generals had acted properly, regularly, and according to the wishes of the Senate; and that whatever other actsy.r. 547. j THE HISTORY OF ROME. 551 of kindness they had done to them, were in conformity with the wishes of the Senate. That they gave them permis- sion to deposit their present in the Capitol." Orders were then given to furnish the ambassadors with apartments and entertainment, and that not less than ten thousand asses should be given to each as a present. After this, the rest of the embassies were introduced and heard. On the re- quest of the Saguntines that they might go and take a view of Italy as far as they could with safety, they were furnish- ed with guides, and letters were sent to the several towns, requiring them to entertain the Spaniards kindly. The Senate then took into consideration the state of public af- fairs, the levying troops, and the provinces. 40. It being generally reported that Africa, as a nev province, was destined for Publius Scipio without casting lots; and he himself, not content with any moderate share of glory, assierting that he had been declared consul, not only for prosecuting, but for finishing the war; that that object could not be accomplished by any other means than by his transporting an army into Africa, and himself open- ly declaring that he would do it through the people if the Senate opposed him; the design by no means pleased the principal Senators ; and when the rest, either through fear or a wish to ingratiate themselves with him, only murmur- ed, Quintus Fabius Maximus, being asked his opinion, thus spoke: " I know, conscript fathers, that by many of you the question which is this day agitated is considered as already determined; and that the man who shall deliver his sentiments on the subject of making Africa a province, as a new proposal, will speak to little purpose. But, in the first place, I can not see how it can be considered as determined that Africa shall be the province of the con- sul, that brave and active officer, when neither the Senate have voted nor the people ordered that it should be con- stituted a province this year. In the next place, if it is determined, I think the consul is to blame, who, by pre- tending to consult the Senate on a question already de- cided, insults that body, and not the Senator only who de- livers his sentiments in his place on the subject of delib- eration. Now I am well aware that, by disapproving of this excessive eagerness to pass over into Africa, I subject552 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 41. myself to two imputations: one grounded on the caution inherent in my disposition, which young men may, if they please, call cowardice and sloth, so long as we have the consolation to reflect that, though hitherto the measures of others have always appeared on the first view of them the more plausible, mine, on experience, have proved the sounder. The other imputation is that of jealousy and envy towards the daily-increasing glory of this most val- iant consul. But if neither my past life and character, nor a dictatorship, together with five consulships, and so much glory acquired, both in peace and war, that I am more likely to loathe it than desire more, exempt me from such a suspicion, let my age at least acquit me. For what rivalry can there exist between myself and a man who is not equal in years even to my son ? When I was dicta- tor, when as yet in the possession of full vigor and engaged in a series of affairs of the utmost magnitude, no one heard me, either in the Senate or in the popular assembly, ex- press any reluctance to have the command equally shared between myself and the master of the horse, at the time when he was maligning me; a proposition which no one ever heard mention of before. I chose to bring it about by actions rather than by words, that he who was pSlaced on the same footing with me in the judgment of others should soon by his own confession declare me his superi- or. Much less, after having passed through these honors, would I propose- to myself to enter the lists of competi- tion and rivalry with a man in the very bloom of youth. And that, forsooth, in order that Africa, if it shall have been denied to him, may be assigned as a province to me, who am now weary of life, and not merely of active em- ployments. I must live and die with that share of glory which I have already acquired. I prevented Hannibal from conquering, in order that he might even be conquer- ed by you, whose powers are now in full vigor. 41. " It is but fair, Publius Cornelius, that you should pardon me if I, who in my own case never preferred the honor of men to the interest of the state, do not place even your fame before the public good. Although, if there were either no war in Italy, or an enemy of such a descrip- tion that no glory could be acquired from conquering him,y.R. 547.J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 553 the man who would retain you in Italy, though actuated by a desire to promote the public good, might appear to wish to deprive you of an opportunity of acquiring re- nown when he objected to your removing the war. But since Hannibal is our antagonist, who is besieging Italy for now the fourteenth year, with an army unimpaired, will you have reason to be dissatisfied, Publius Cornelius, with the glory you will acquire, if you in your consulate shall drive out of Italy an enemy who has been the cause of so many deaths and so many disasters to us, and if you should enjoy the distinction of having terminated this, as Caius Lutatius did the former Punic war ? Unless either Hamilcar is a general more worthy of consideration than Hannibal, or a war in Africa of more importance, or a vic- tory there greater and more'glorious (should it be our lot to be victorious while you are consul) than one here. Would you rather have drawn away Hamilcar from Dre- panum and Eryx than have expelled the Carthaginians and Hannibal from Italy ? Although you naturally prize more highly the renown which you have acquired than that which you hope for, yet surely you would not boast more of having freed Spain from wTar than of having freed Italy. Hannibal is not as yet in such a state as that the man who prefers another war would not appear to have feared rather than to have despised him. Why then do you not apply yourself to this, and carry the war in a straightforward manner to the place where Hannibal is, rather than pursue that circuitous course, according to which you expect that, when you shall have crossed over into Africa, Hannibal will follow you thither? Do you seek to obtain the distinguished honor of having finished the Punic war? After you have defended your own pos- sessions, for this is naturally the first object, then proceed to attack those of others. Let there be peace in Italy before war in Africa; and let us be free from fear our- selves before we bring it upon others. If it is possible that both objects may be accomplished under your con- duct and auspices, having first conquered Hannibal here, then go and lay siege to Carthage; but if one or other of these conquests must be left for the succeeding consuls, the former is both the greater and more glorious, and also Vol. II.—24554 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 42. the cause of the second. For now indeed, besides that the treasury is not able to maintain two different armies, one in Italy and one in Africa; besides that we have nothing left from which we may equip fleets or be able to furnish provisions, who knows not how great danger would be in- curred ? Publius Licinius will wage war in Italy, Publius Scipio in Africa. What if (an omen which may all the gods avert, and which, my mind shrinks back with alarm from mentioning—but what has happened may happen again—) what, I say, if Hannibal, having gained a victory, should advance to the city ? Shall we then at length send for you, our consul, out of Africa, as we formerly sent for Quintus Fulvius from Capua ? What shall we say when we con- sider that in Africa also both parties will be liable to the chances of war? Let your own house, your father and your uncle, slain together with their armies within the space of thirty days, after that, having spent several years performance of the most important services, both by se^ and land, they bad inspired, foreign nations with the highest reverence for the name of the Roman people and your family, be a warning to you. The day would fail me were I disposed to enumerate the kings and generals who have brought the most signal calamities upon them- selves and their armies by rashly passing into the territo- ries of their enemies. The Athenians, a state distinguish- ed for prudence, leaving a war at home, sent a great fleet into Sicily at the instance of a youth equally enterprising and illustrious; but by one naval battle they reduced their flourishing republic to a state of humiliation from which she could never recover. 42. " But I am adducing foreign and too remote exam- ples. That same Africa, and Marcus Atilius, wlio was a signal example of both extremes of fortune, may form a warning to us. Without doubt, Publius Cornelius, when you shall have a yiew of Africa from the sea, the reduction of your provinee of Spain will appear to you to have been a mere matter of gpofrt and pastime. For what similarity isthere between tfmm ? After mailing along the coast of Italy and Gaul to Emporiae without any enemy to oppose yon, yom brought your fleet to land at a city of our allies. Ther^ landing your soldiers, you marched them throughY.R. 54:7.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 555 countries entirely secure from danger to Tarraco, to join the allies and friends of the Roman people. After that, from Tarraco you marched through places garrisoned by Roman troops. On the banks of the Iberus were the ar- mies of your father and your uncle, rendered still more furi- ous after the loss of their generals, even by the very calam- ity they had suffered. The general, indeed, Lucius Mar- cius, had been irregularly constituted and chosen for the time by the suffrages of the soldiers; but had he been adorned with noble birth and the regular gradations of preferment, he would have been equal to the most distin- guished generals, from his skill in every art of war. You then laid siege to Carthage, quite at your leisure, not one of the three Punic armies coming to the defense of their allies* The rest of your aehievements—nor do I wish to disparage thein—are by no meaw to be compared with what you will have to do in a war in Africa, where there is not a single harbor open to receive our fleet, no part of the country at peace with us, no state in alliance, no king in friendship with us, no room in any part either to take up a position or to advance. Whichever way you turn your eyes, all is hostility and danger. Do yo.u trust in the Nu- midians and Syphax? Let it suffice to have trusted in them once. Temerity is not always successful, andnthe fraudulent usually pave the way to confidence in small mat- ters, that when an advantageous opportunity occurs they may deceive with great gain. Your father and uncle were not cut off by the arms of their enemies till they were duped by the treachery of their Celtiberian allies; nor were you yourself exposed to so much danger from Mago and Has- drubal, the generals of your enemies, as from Indibilis and Mandonius, whom you had received into friendship. Can you place any confidence in Numidians after having expe- rienced a defection in your own soldiers? Syphax and Masinis^a would rather that they themselves should have the rule in Africa than the Carthaginians, but that the Carthaginians should rather than any other state. Ai present, emulation and the various causes of dispute exists :ng between them incite them against each other, because the fear of any foreign enemy is remote. Rut show them the Roman arms and a body of troops, natives of another556 THE HISTORY OE liOME. [b. xxviii., chap. 42. country, and they will run together as if to extinguish a common conflagration. These same Carthaginians defend- ed Spain in a different manner from that in which they will defend the walls of their capital, the temples of their gods, their altars, and their hearths, when their terrified wives will attend them on the way to the battle, and their little children will run to them. What, moreover, if the Carthaginians, feeling sufficiently secure in the harmony subsisting in Africa, in the attachment of the sovereigns in alliance with them, and their own fortifications, should, when they see Italy deprived of the support of yourself and your army, themselves assuming an offensive attitude, either send a fresh army out of Africa into Italy, or order Mago, who, it is certain, having passed over from the Ba- leares, is now sailing along the coast of Liguria and the Alps, to form a junction with Hannibal. Without doubt, we should be thrown into the same state of alarm as we were lately, when Hasdrubal passed over into Italy; that Hasdrubal, whom you, who are about to blockade, not Car- thage only, but all Africa with your army, allowed to slip out of your hands into Italy. You will say that he Wft's conquered by you. For that very reason I should be less willing, not 011 account of the commonwealth only, but of yourself, that, after having been defeated, he should be al- lowed to march into Italy. Suffer us to ascribe to your prudence all the successful events which have happened to you and the empire of the Roman people, and to impute all those of an adverse nature to the uncertain chances of war and to fortune. The more meritorious and brave you are, so much the more do your country and all Italy desire to retain you as their protector. You can not even yourself pretend to deny that where Hannibal is, there is the head and principal stress of the war, for you profess that your motive in crossing over into Africa is to draw Hannibal thither. Whether, therefore, here or there, it is with Han- nibal that you will have to contend. Will you then, I pray, have more power in Africa and alone, or here, with your own and your colleague's army united? Is not the great difference which this makes proved to you even by the i*ecent precedent of Claudius and Livius, the consuls ? What ! will Hannibal, who has now for a long time beenY.R. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. unavailingly soliciting succors from home, be rendered more powerful in men and arms when occupying the re- motest corner of the Bruttian territory, or when near to Carthage and supported by all Africa ? What sort of pol- icy is that of yours, to prefer fighting where your own forces will be diminished by one half, and the enemy's greatly augmented, to encountering the enemy when you will have two armies against one, and that wearied .with so many battles, and so protracted and laborious a service? Consider how far this policy of yours corresponds with that of your parent. He, setting out in his consulship for Spain, returned from his province into Italy, that he might meet Hannibal on his descent from the Alps; while you are go- ing to leave Italy when Hannibal is there, not because .you consider such a course beneficial to the state, but because you thi&k it -will redound to your own honor and glory acting in the same manner as you did when leaving your province and your army without the sanction of a law, without a decree of the Senate, you, a general of the Roman people, intrusted to two ships the fortune of the common- wealth and the majesty of the empire, which were then hazarded in your person. In my estimation, conscript fa- thers, Publius Cornelius was elected consul for the service of the state and of us, and not to forward his own individ- ual interest; and the armies were enlisted for the protec* tion of the city and of Italy, and not for the consuls, like kings, to carry into whatever part of the world they please from motives of vanity." 43, Fabius having made a strong impression on a. large portion of the Senate, and especially those advanced in years, by this speech, which was adapted so the occasion, and also by his authority and his long-established reputa- tion for prudence; and those who approved of the counsel of this old man being more numerous than those who com- mended the hot spirit of the young one, Scipio is report- ed thus to have spoken: " Even Quintus Fabius himself has observed, conscript fathers, in the commencement of his speech, that in the opinion he gave a feeling of jealousy might be suspected. And though I dare not myself charge so great a man with harboring that feeling, yet, whether it is owing to a defect in his language or ta the fact, that558 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii., chap. 43. suspicion has certainly not been removed. For he lias so magnified his own honors and the fame of his exploits, in order to do away with the imputation of envy, that it would appear I am in danger of being rivalled by every obscure person, but not by himself, because, as he enjoys an eminence above every body else, an eminence to which I do not dissemble that! also aspire,he is unwilling that I should be placed upon a level with him. He has represent- ed himself as an old man, and as one who has gone through every gradation of honor, and me as below the age even of his son; as if he supposed that the desire of glory did not exceed the limits of human life, and as if its chief part had not respect to memory and future ages. I am confident that it is usual with all the most exalted minds to compare themselves, not only with the illustrious men of the present, but of every age. For my own part, I do not dissemble that I am desirous, not only to attain to the share of glory which you possess, Quintus Fabitis, but (and in saying it, I mean no offense), if I can, even to exceed it. Let not such a feeling exist in your mind towards me, nor in mine to- wards those who are my juniors, as that we should be 'un- willing that any of our countrymen should attain to the same celebrity with ourselves; for that would be a detri- ment, not to those only who may be the objects of our envy, but to the state, and almost to the whole human race. He mentioned what a great degree of danger I should in- cur should I cross over into Africa, so that he appeared solicitous on my account, and not only for the state and the army. But whence has this concern for me so suddenly sprung? When my father and uncle were slain; when their two armies were cut up almost to a man; when Spain was lost ; when four armies of the Carthaginians and four generals k^pt possession of every thing by terror and by arms; when a general was sought for to take the command of that war^ and no one came forward besides myself, no one had the courage to declare himself a candidate; when the Roman people had conferred the command upon me, though only twenty-four years of age, why was it that no one at that time made any mention of my age, of the strength of the enemy, of the difficulty of the war, and of the recent destruction of my father and uncle ? Has somey.r. 547 ] THE HISTORY OF ROME. greater disaster been suffered in Africa now than had at that time befallen us in Spain? Are there now larger ar- mies in Africa, more and better generals, than were then in Spain ? Was my age then more mature for conducting a war than now ? Can a war with a Carthaginian enemy be carried on with greater convenience in Spain than in Afri- ca? After having routed and put to flight four Carthagin- ian armies; after having captured by force, or reduced to submission by fear, so many cities; after having entirely subdued every thing as far as the ocean—so many petty princes, so many savage nations; after having regained possession of the whole of Spain, so that no trace of war remains,it is an easy matter to make light of my services; just as easy as it would be, should I return victorious from Africa, to i make light of those very circumstances which are no w magnified in order that they may appear formida- ble, for the purpose of detaining me here. He says that there is no possibility of entering Africa; that there are no ports open. He mentions that Marcus Atilius was taken prisoner in Africa, as if Marcus Atilius had miscarried .on his first access to Africa. Nor does he recollect that the ports of Africa were open to that very commander, unfor- tunate as he was; that he performed some brilliant services during the first year, and continued undefeated to the last, so far as related to the Carthaginian generals. You will not, therefore, in the least deter me by that example of yours. If that disaster had been sustained in the present, and not in the former war—if lately, and not forty years ago, yet why would it be less advisable for me to cross over into Africa after Regulus had been made prisoner there, than into Spain after the Scipios had been slain there ? I should be reluctant to admit that the birth of Xanthippus the Lacedaemonian was more fortunate for Carthage than mine for my country. My confidence would be increased by the very circumstance that such important consequences depended upon the valor of one man. But further, we must take warning by the Athenians,, who in- considerately crossed over into Sieily, leaving a war in their own country. Why, therefore, since you have leisure to relate Grecian tales, do you not rather set before us the; in- stance of Agathocles, king of Syracuse, who, when Sicily560 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxyiii. , chap. 44. was for a long time wasted by a Punic war, by passing over into this same Africa, removed the war to the country from whence it came. 44. " But what need is there of ancient and foreign ex- amples to remind us what sort of thing it is boldly to carry terror against an enemy, and, removing the danger from one's self, to bring another into peril? Can there be a stronger instance than Hannibal himself, or one more to the point ? It makes a great difference whether you devastate the territories of another, or see your own destroyed by fire and sword. He who brings danger upon another has more spirit than he who repels it. Add to this, that the terror excited by unknown circumstances is increased on that ac- count. When you have entered the territory of an enemy, you may have a near view of his advantages and disadvan- tages. Hannibal did not expect that it would come to pass that so many of the states in Italy would come over to him as did so after the defeat at Cannae. How much less would any firmness or constancy be experienced in Africa by the Carthaginians, who are themselves faithless allies, oppressive and haughty masters t Besides, we, even when deserted by our allies, stood firm in our own^ strength^ the Roman soldiery. The Carthaginians possess no native strength. The soldiers they have are obtained by hire-^- Africans and Numidians —people remarkable above all others for the inconstancy of their attachments. Provided no impediment arises here, you will hear at once that I ■have landed, and that Africa is blazing with war; that Hannibal is preparing for his departure from this country, and that Carthage is besieged. Expect more frequent and more joyful dispatches from Africa than you received from Spain. The considerations on which I ground my antici- pations are the good-fortune of the Roman people, the gods, the witnesses of the treaty violated by the enemy, the kings Syphax and Masinissa; on whose fidelity I will rely in such a manner as that I may be secure from danger should they prove perfidious. Many things which are not now apparent, at this distance, the war will develop; and it is the part of a man and a general not to be wanting when fortune presents itself, and to bend its events to hl« designs. I shall, Quintus Fabius, have the opponent yc uy.K. 547.] THE HISTORY OP KOME. 561 assign me, Hannibal; but I shall rather draw him after me than be kept here by him. I will compel him to fight in his own country, and Carthage shall be the prize of victory rather than the half-ruined forts of the Bruttians. With regard to providing that the state sustain no injury in the mean time, while I am crossing over, while I am landing my troops in Africa, while I am advancing my camp to the walls of Carthage; be not too sure that it is not an insult toPubliusLicinius, the consul, a man of consummate valor, who did not draw lots for so distant a province merely that, as he was chief pontiff, he might not be absent from religious affairs, to say that he is unable to do that, now that the power of Hannibal is shaken, and in a manner shattered, which you, Quintus Fabius, were able to effect when he was flying victorious throughout all Italy. By Hercules ! even if the war would not be more speedily ter- minated by adopting the plan I propose, yet it were con- sistent with the dignity of the Roman people, and the high character they enjoy with foreign kings and nations, to appear to have had spirit not only to defend Italy, but also to carry hostilities into Africa; and that it should not be supposed and spread abroad that no Roman general dared what Hannibal had dared ; that in the former Punic war, when the contest was about Sicity, Africa should have been so often attacked by our fleets and armies, and that now, when the contest is about Italy, Africa should be left undisturbed. Let Italy, which has so long been harassed, at length enjoy some repose; let Africa, in her turn, be fired and devastated. Let the Roman camp overhang the gates of Carthage, rather than that we should again behold the rampart of the enemy from our walls. Let Africa be the seat of the remainder of the war. Let terror and flight, the devastation of lands, the defection of allies, and all the other calamities of war which have fallen upon us through a period of fourteen years, be turned upon her. It is suffi- cient for me to have spoken on those matters which relate to the state, the war before us, and the provinces which form the subject of deliberation. My discourse would be tedious and uninteresting to you if, as Fabius has depre- ciated my services in Spain, I should also in like manner endeavor, on the other hand, to turn his glory into ridicule, 24*562 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxviii. , chap. 45. and make the most of my own. I will do neither, conscript fathers; and if in nothing else, though a young man, I shall certainly have shown my superiority over this old man in modesty and the government of my tongue. Such has been my life, and such the services I have performed, that I can gladly rest contented in silence with that opinion which you have spontaneously conceived of me." 45. Scipio was heard less favorably, because a report had been spread that, if lie did not prevail with the Senate to have Africa decreed to him as his province, he would immediately lay the matter before the people. Therefore, Quintus Fulvius, who had been consul four times, and cen- sor, requested of the consul that he would openly declare in the Senate whether "he submitted to the fathers to de- cide respecting the provinces: and whether he intended to abide by their determination, or to put it to the people." Scipio having replied that he would act as he thought for the interest of the state, Fulvius then rejoined: "When I asked you the question, I was not ignorant of what answer you would give, or how you would act; for you plainly show that you are rather sounding than consulting the Senate; and, unless we immediately decree to you the province you wish, have a bill ready (to lay before the peo- ple). Therefore," said he, "I require of you, tribunes of the people, to support me in refusing to give my opinion, because, though my recommendation should be adopted, the consul is not disposed to abide by it." An altercation theft arose, the consul asserting that it was unfair for the tribunes to interpose so as to prevent any Senator from giving his opinion in his place on being asked it. The trib- unes came to the determination " that if the consul sub- mit to the Senate the question relating to the provinces, whatever the Senate decree we shall'consider as final, nor will we allow a bill to be proposed to the people on the subject. If he does not submit it to them, we will support any one who shall refuse to deliver his sentiments upon the matter." The consul requested the delay of a day to confer with his colleague. The next day the decision was submitted to the Senate. The provinces were assigned in this manner: to one of the consuls Sicily and thirty ships of war, which Caius Servilius had commanded the formery.R. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 563 year; he was also permitted to cross over into Africa if he conceived it to be for the advantage of the state. To the other consul Bruttium and the war with Hannibal were assigned; with either that army which Lucius Vetu- rius or that which Quintus Caecilius commanded. The two latter were to draw lots, and settle between them- selves which should act in Bruttium with the two legions which the consul gave up; and he to whose lot that prov- ince fell was to be continued in command for a year. The other persons also, besides the consuls and prastors, who were to take the command of armies and provinces, were continued in command. It fell to the lot of Quintus Csecilius to carry on the war against Hannibal in Brut- tium, together with the consul. The games of Scipio were then celebrated in the presence of a great number of persons, and with the approbation of the spectators. The deputies, Marcus Pompohius Matho and Quintus Oatius, sent to Delphi to convey a present out of the spoils t&ken from Hasdrubal, carried with them a golden crown of two hundred pounds' weight, and representations of the spoils made out of a thousand pounds' weight of silver. Scipio, though he could not obtain leave to levy troops, a point which he did not urge with great eagerness, obtained leave to take with him such as volunteered their services; and also, as he declared that the fleet would not be the oc- casion of expense to the state, to receive what was fur- nished by the allies for building fresh ships. First, the states of Etruria engaged to assist the consuls to the ut- most of their respective abilities. The people of Caere furnished corn, and provisions of every description, for the crews; the people of Populoni furnished iron; of Tarqui- nii, cloth for sails; those of Volateme, planks for ships, and corn; those of Arretium, thirty thousand shields, as many helmets; and of javelins, Gallic darts, and long spears, they undertook to make up to the amount of fifty thousand, an equal number of each description, together with as many axes, mattocks, bills, buckets, and mills, as should be sufficient for fifty men of war, with a hundred and twenty thousand pecks of wheat ; and to contribute to the support of the decurios and rowers on the voyage. The people of Perusia, Clusium, and Rus^rlkt furnished firsf>64 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxviii., chap. 46. for building ships, and a great quantity of corn. Scipio had firs out of the public woods. The states of TJmbria, and, besides them, the people of Nursia, Reate, and Ami- teriium, and all those of the Sabine territory, promised sol- diers. , Many of the Marsians, Pelignians, and Marrucinians volunteered to serve in the fleet. The Cameritans, as they were joined with the Romans in a league on equal terms, sent an armed cohort of six hundred men. Having laid the keels of thirty ships, twenty of which were quinque- remes, and ten quadriremes, he prosecuted the work with such diligence, that, on the forty-fifth day after the mate- rials were taken from the woods, the ships, being fully equipped and armed, were launched. 46. He set out into Sicily with thirty ships of war, with about seven thousand volunteers on board. Publius Licin- ius came into Bruttium to the two consular armies, of which he selected for himself that which Lucius Veturius, the consul, had commanded. He allowed Metellus to con- tinue in the command of those legions which were before under him, concluding that he could act more easily with the troops accustomed to his command. The praetors also went to their different provinces. As there was a scarcity of money to carry on the war, the quaestors were ordered to sell a district of the Campanian territory extending from the Grecian trench to the sea, with permission to re- ceive information as to what land belonged to a native Campanian, in order that it might be put into the posses- sion of the Roman people. The reward fixed upon for the informer was a tenth part of the value of the lands so discovered. Cneius Servilius, the city praetor, was also charged with seeing that the Campanians dwelt where they were allowed according to the decree of the Senate, and to punish such as dwelt anywhere else. The same summer, Mago, son of Amilcar, setting out from the lesser of the Balearian islands, where he had wintered, having put on board his fleet a chosen body of young men, conveyed over into Italy twelve thousand foot and about two thou- sand horse, with about thirty ships of war, and a great number of transports. By the suddenness of his arrival he took Genoa, as there were no troops employed in pro- tecting thp. sea-coast. Thence he brought his fleet toy.r. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 565 shore, on the coast of the Alpine Ligurians, to see if he could create any commotion there. The Ingaunians, a tribe of the Ligurians, were at that juncture engaged in war with the Epanterians, a people inhabiting the mount- ains. The Carthaginian, therefore, having deposited his plunder at Savo, an Alpine town, left ten ships of war for its protection. He sent the rest to Carthage to guard the sea-coast, as it was reported that Scipio intended to pass over thither; formed an alliance with the Ingaunians, whose friendship he preferred ; and commenced an attack upon the mountaineers. His army increased daily, the Gauls flocking to his standard from all sides, from the splendor of his fame. When the Senate received informa- tion of these things, by a letter from Spurius Lucretius, they were filled with the most intense anxiety, lest the joy they had experienced on the destruction of Hasdrubal and his army, two years before, should be rendered vain by another war's springing up in the same quarter, equal in magnitude, but under a new leader. They therefore or- dered Marcus Livius, proconsul, to march his army of . vol- unteer slaves out of Etruria to Ariminum, and gave in charge to Cneius Servilius to issue orders, if he thought it necessary for the safety of the state, that the city legions should be marched out under the command of any person he thought proper. Marcus Valerius Lsevinus led those legions to Arretium. About the same time as many as eighty transports of the Carthaginians were captured, near Sardinia, by Cneius Octavius, who had the government of that province. Caelius states that they were, laden with corn and provisions sent for Hannibal; Valerius, that they were conveying the plunder of Etruria, and the Ligurian mountaineers who had been captured, to Carthage. In Bruttium scarcely any thing was done this year worth re- cording. A pestilence had attacked both Romaps and Carthaginians with equal violence ; but the. Carthaginian army, in addition to sickness, was distressed by famine. Hannibal passed the summer near the temple of Juno La- cinia, where he erected and dedicated an altar with an in- scription engraved in Punic and Greek characters, setting forth in pompous terms the achievements he had per- formed.566 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 1. BOOK XXIX. In Spain, Mandonius and Indibilis, reviving hostilities, are finally sub- dued. Scipio goes over from Syracuse to Locxi; dislodges the Car- thaginian general; repulses Hannibal, and recovers that city. Peace made with Philip. The Idaaan Mother brought to Rome from Phry gia; received by Publius Scipio Nasica, judged by the Senate the best man in the state. Scipio passes over into Africa. Syphax, having married a daughter of Hasdrubal, renounces his alliance with Scipio. Masi- nissa, who had been expelled his kingdom by Syphax, joins Scipio with two hundred horsemen ; they defeat a large army commanded by Han- no. Hasdrubal and Syphax approach with a most numerous force. Scipio raises the siege of Utica, and fortifies a post for the winter. The consul Sempronius gets the better of Hannibal in a battle near : Croton. * Dispute between Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero, censors. I. Scipio, after his arrival in Sicily, formed his volun- teers into cohorts and centuries. Of these he kept about his person three hundred young men, in the bloom of their age and the prime of their strength, unarmed, and not knowing for what purpose they were reserved, as they were not included in the centuries, nor furnished with arms. He then selected out of the number of the youth of all Sicily three hundred horsemen, of the highest birth and fortune, who were to cross over with him into Africa, appointing a day on which they were to present themselves equipped and furnished with horses and arms. This severe service, far from their native land, appeared to them likely to be attended with many hardships and great dangers, both by sea and land; nor did that anxiety affect them- selves alone, but also their parents and relations. When the appointed day arrived, they exhibited their arms and horses. Then Scipio observed, " that an intimation had been conveyed to him that certain of the Sicilian horse- men felt a strong aversion to that service, as being severe and arduous. If there were any who entertained such a feeling, that he would rather they should then confess it to him, than, complaining afterwards, prove themselvesy.R. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 567 slothful and useless soldiers to the state. He desired that they would openly avow their sentiments, for that he would hear them with kindly feeling." When one of the number took courage to declare that, if he were allowed the uncontrolled exercise of his will, he certainly would not serve, Scipio replied to him thus: " Since then, young man, you have not dissembled your sentiments, I will furnish a substitute for you, to whom I request that you transfer your arms, your horse, and other appliances of war; and, taking him hence immediately to your house, train him, and take care that he is instructed in the management of his horse and arms." The youth accepted the terms joy- fully, when Scipio delivered to him one of the three hun- dred whom he kept unarmed. The rest, seeing the horse- man thus discharged without giving any offense to the general, began severally to excuse themselves and receive substitutes. Thus Roman horsemen were substituted for the three hundred Sicilian, without any expense to the state. The Sicilians had the care of instructing and train- ing them, because the general had ordered that the man who should not do so should serve himself. It is said that this turned out to be an admirable body of cavalry, and rendered effectual service to the state in many en- gagements. Afterwards, inspecting the legions, he chose out of them such soldiers as had served the greatest num- ber of campaigns, particularly those who had acted under Marcellus ; for he considered that they were formed under the best discipline, and also, from the long time in which they were engaged in the siege of Syracuse, were most skilled in the assault of towns: for his thoughts were now occupied with no small object, but the destruction of Car- thage. He then distributed his army through the towns; ordered the Sicilian states to furnish corn, sparing that which had been brought from Italy; repaired his old ships, and sent Gaius Lselius with them into Africa to plunder. His new ships he hauled on shore at Panormus, that they might be kept on land during the winter, as they had been hastily built of unseasoned timber. When every thing was got in readiness for the war he came to Syracuse, which had hardly yet returned to a state of tranquillity, after the violent commotions of the war.568 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 1. The Greeks, demanding restitution of their property, which had been granted to them by the Senate, from certain per- sons of the Italian nation, who retained possession of it in the same forcible manner in which they had seized it in the war, Scipio, who deemed it of the first importance to preserve the public faith, restored their property to the Syracusans, partly by proclamation, and partly even by judgments pronounced against those who pertinaciously retained their unjust acquisitions. This measure was ac- ceptable not only to the persons immediately concerned, but to all the states of Sicily, and so much the more ener- getically did they give aid in the war. During the same summer a very formidable war sprang up in Spain, at the instance of Indibilis the Ilergetian, from no other cause than the contempt he conceived for the other generals, in consequence of his admiration of Scipio. He considered " that he was the only commander the Romans had left, the rest having been slain by Hannibal. That they had, there- fore, no other general whom they could send into Spain after the Scipios were cut off there, and that afterwards* when the war in Italy pressed upon them with increased severity, he was recalled? to oppose Hannibal. That, in ad- dition to the fact that the Romans had the names only of generals in Spain, their old army had also been withdrawn thence. That all the troops they had there were irreso- lute, $s consisting of an undisciplined multitude of recruits. That there would never again occur such an opportunity for the liberation of Spain. That up to that time they had been the slaves either of Carthaginians or Romans, and that not to one or the other in turns, but sometimes to both together. That the Carthaginians had been driv- en out by the Romans,, and that, the Romans might be driven out by the Spaniards, if they would unite : so that Spain, forever freed from a foreign yoke, might return to her native customs and rites." By these and other obser- vations he stirred up not only his countrymen, but the Ausetanians also, a neighboring nation, as well as other states bordering on his own and their country. Accord- ingly, within a. few days, thirty thousand foot and about four thousand horse assembled in the Sedetanian territory^ according to the orders which had been given.y.R. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 569 2. On the other side, the Roman generals also, Lucius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus, lest by neglecting the first beginnings of the war it should increase in violence, having united their armies, and led their troops through the Ausetanian territory in a peaceable manner, as though it had been the territory of friends instead of enemies, came to the position of the enemy, and pitched their camp at a distance of three miles from theirs. At first an un- successful attempt was made, through ambassadors, to in- duce them to lay down their arms; then the Spanish cav- alry making a sudden attack on the Roman foragers, a body of cavalry was sent to support them from the Ro- man outposts, when a battle between the cavalry took place with no memorable issue to either side. The next day, at sunrise, the whole force displayed their line, armed and drawn out for battle, at the distance of about a mile from the Roman camp. The Ausetanians were in the centre, the right wing was occupied by the Ilergetians, the left by some inconsiderable states of Spain. Between the wings and the centre they had left intervals of consider- able extent, through which they might send out their cav- alry when occasion required. The Romans also, drawing up their army in their usual manner, imitated the enemy in respect only of leaving themselves also intervals be- tween the legions to afford passages for their cavalry. Lentulus, however, concluding that the cavalry could, be employed-with, advantage by those only who should be the first to send them against the enemy's line, thus broken by intervals, ordered Servius Cornelius, a military tribune, to direct the cavalry to ride at full speed into the spaces left in the enemy's line. Lentulus himself, as the battle between the infantry was somewhat unfavorable in its commencement, waited only until he had brought up from the reserve into the front line the thirteenth legion to sup- port the twelfth legion, which had been posted in the left wing, against the Ilergetians, and which was giving ground. And when the battle was thus placed on an equal footing in that quarter, he came to Lucius Manlius, who was ex- horting the troops in the foremost line, and bringing up the reserves in such places as circumstances required, alid told him that all was safe in the left wing, and that Cor-570 THE HISTORY OF HOME. [u. xxix., chap, a nelius Servius, who had been sent by him for that purpose, would soon pour round the enemy a storm of cavalry. He had scarcely uttered these words, when the Roman horse, riding into the midst of the enemy, at once threw their line of infantry into disorder, and closed up the pas- sage by which the Spanish cavalry were to advance. The Spaniards, therefore, giving up all thoughts of fighting on horseback, dismounted and fought on foot. When the Roman generals saw that the ranks of the enemy were in confusion, that they were in a state of trepidation and dis- may, their standards moving to and fro, they exhorted and implored their men to charge them while thus discomfited, and not allow them to form their line again. So desperate was their charge that the barbarians could not have with- stood the shock, had not the prince Indibilis in person, to- gether with the dismounted cavalry, opposed himself to the enemy before the front rank of the infantry. There an obstinate contest continued for a considerable time; but those who fought round the king, who continued his resist- ance though almost expiring, and who was afterwards pin- ned to the earth by a j avelin, having at length fallen, over- whelmed with darts, a general flight took place; and the number slain was the greater because the horsemen were prevented from remounting, and because the Romans pressed impetuously upon the discomfited troops ; nor did they give over until they had deprived the enemy of their camp. On that day thirteen thousand Spaniards were slain, and about eight hundred captured. Of the Romans and allies there fell a little more than two hundred, and those principally in the left wing. Such of the Spaniards as were beaten out of their camp, or had escaped from the battle, at first dispersed themselves through the country, but afterwards returned each to his own state. 3. They were then summoned to an assembly by Man- donius, at which, after complaining bitterly of the losses they had sustained, and upbraiding the instigators of the war, they resolved that ambassadors should be sent with proposals to deliver up their arms and make a surrender. These, laying the blame on Indibilis, the instigator of the war, and the other chiefs, most of whom had fallen in the battle, and offering to deliver up their arms and surrendery.R. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 571 themselves, received for answer that their surrender would be accepted on condition that they delivered up alive Man- doniiTs and the rest of the persons who had fomented the war; but if they refused to comply, that armies should be marched into the territories of the Ilergetians and Ause- tanians, and afterwards into those of the other states in succession. This answer given to the ambassadors, was reported to the assembly, and Mandonius and the other chiefs were there seized and delivered up for punishment. Peace was restored to the states of Spain, which were or- dered to pay double taxes that year, and furnish corn for six months, together with cloaks and gowns for the army; and hostages were taken from about thirty of the states. The tumult occasioned-by the rebellion in Spain baying been thus excited and suppressed within the «pac^ of a few days, without any greatdisturbance, the whole terror of the war *was directed against Africa. Caius Lselius hav- ing arrived at Hippo Regius by night, at break of day led his soldiers and mariners in regular array to lay waste the country. As all the inhabitants were living unguardedly, as in a time of peace, great damage was done; and messen- gers, flying in terror, filled Carthage with alarm, by report- ing that the Roman fleet and the general, Scipio, had ar- rived ; for there was a rumor-.that Scipio had already cross- ed over into Sicily. Not knowing accurately how many ships they had seen, or how large a body of troops was devastating the country, they, under the influence of fear, which represented them as greater than they really were, exaggerated every thing. Accordingly, at first, terror and dismay took possession of their minds, but afterwards grief, when they reflected that their circumstances had un- dergone so great a change; that they, who lately as con- querors had an army before the walls of Rome, and, after having laid prostrate so many armies of the enemy, had received the surrender of all the states of Italy, either by force or choice, now, the war having taken an unfavorable turn, were destined to behold the devastation of Africa and the siege of Carthage, without any thing like the re- sources to enable them to bear up against those calamities "which the Romans possessed. To the latter the Roman commons and Latium afforded a supply of young men,572 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxix., chap. 4. which continually grew up more vigorous and more nu- merous, in the room of so many armies destroyed, while their own people, both those in the city and those in the country, were unfit for military service; their troops con- sisted of auxiliaries, procured by hire from the Africans, a faithless nation, and veering about with every gale of fortune. Now, too, with regard to the kings, Syphax was alienated from them since his conference with Scipio, and Masinissa, by an open defection, had become their most determined enemy. Wherever they turned their eyes there was no hope, no aid. Neither did Mago excite any com- motion on the side of Gaul, nor join his forces with those of Hannibal; while Hannibal himself was now declining both in reputation and strength. 4. Their minds, which had fallen into these melancholy reflections in consequence of the intelligence they had just received, were brought back by their immediate fears to deliberate how to oppose the instant danger. They re- solved that troops should be hastily levied both in the city and in the country; that persons should be sent to hire auxiliaries from the Africans; that the city should be fortified, corn collected, weapons and arms prepared, and ships equipped and sent to Hippo against the Roman fleet. But now, while engaged in these matters, news at length arrived that it was Laslius, and not Scipio; that the forces which he had brought over were only what were sufficient for making predatory incursions into the country, and that the principal stress of the war still lay in Sicily. Thus they were enabled to take breath, and they began to send embassies to Syphax and the other petty princes, for the purpose of strengthening their alli- ances. To Philip, also, ambassadors were sent, to promise him two hundred talents of silver, if he would cross over into Sicily x>r Italy. Ambassadors were also sent into Ita- ly to the two generals, to desire them to keep Scipio at hom« by terrifying the enemy in every way they could. To Mago, not only ambassadors were sent, but twenty-five men of war, six thousand infantry, eight hundred horse, and seven elephants, besides a large sum of money to be employed in hiring auxiliaries, in order that, encouraged by these aids, he might advance his army nearer to they.n. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 573 city of Rome, and form a junction with Hannibal. Such were the preparations and plans at Carthage. While Lse- lius was employed in carrying off an immense quantity of booty from the country, the inhabitants of which had no arms, and which was destitute of forces, Masinissa, moved by the report of the arrival of the Roman fleet, came to him attended by a small body of horse. He complained that "Scipio had not acted with promptness in this busi- ness, in that he had not already passed his army over into Africa, while the Carthaginians were in consternation, and while Syphax was entangled in wars with the neighboring states, and in doubt and uncertainty as to the course he should take; that if time wras allowed to Syphax to adjust his own affairs according to his mind, he would not in any thing keep his faith with the Romans inviolate." He requested that he would exhort and stimulate* Scipio not to delay. Though driven from his kingdom, he said he would join him with no despicable force of foot and horse. Nor was it right, said he, that Laeiius should continue in Africa, for he believed that a fleet had set sail from Car- thage, with which, in the absence of Scipio, it would not be altogether safe to engage. 5. After this discourse Masinissa departed. Laelius, the next day, sailed from Hippo with his ships loaded with booty, and, returning to Sicily, delivered to Scipio the in- junctions of Masinissa. About the same time the ships which were sent from Carthage to Mago touched at the country between the Albingaunian Ligurians and Genoa. Mago happened to be lying here with his fleet at this time. After hearing the message of the ambassadors, directing him to collect as great a number of troops as possible, he immediately held a council of the Gauls and Ligurians^ for a great number of both those nations were there.: He said that he was sent to restore them to liberty, and, as they themselves might see, succors were sent him from home; but that it depended upon them with how great forces and how large an army the war for that purpose was to be carried on. That the Romans had two armies in the field, one in Gaul and another in Etruria. That he was welldnformed;that Spurius Lucretius would form a:junc- tion with Marcus Livius, and that they, on their part, must574 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 6. arm many thousands, in order to cope with two Roman generals and two armies. The Gauls replied, that they had the strongest possible inclination to this, but as the Romans had one army within their borders, and another in the neighboring country of Etruria, almost within sight, if it should be known that they had supported the Car- thaginians with auxiliaries, those would immediately in- vade their territories on both sides with determined hos- tility. They requested that he would ask of the Gauls such aids as they could afford in a covert manner. The purposes of the* Ligurians, they said, were unrestrained, because the Roman troops were at a distance from their lands and cities; that it was fair that they should arm their youth and take upon themselves a portion of the war. The Ligurians did not dissent; they only requested the space of two months to make their levies. Having dismissed the Gauls, Mago in the mean time secretly hired soldiers through their country. Provisions also of every description) were sent to him privately by the Gallic states. Marcus Livius led his army of volunteer slaves out of Etruria into Gaul, and, having joined Lucretius, prepared to meet Mago in case he should move from Liguria nearer to the city; but intending, if the Carthaginian should keep himself quiet under the angle formed by the Alps, to re- main himself also in the same quarter, near Ariminum, for the protection of Italy. 6. Aftei* the return of Caius Laelius from Africa, though Scipio was goaded on by the exhortations of Masinissa ; and the soldiers, on seeing the booty which was taken from the enemy's country landed from the whole fleet, were inflamed with the strongest desire to cross over as soon as possible; this important object was interrupted by one of minor consideration, namely, that of regaining the town of Locri, which at the time of the general defec- tion of Italy had itself also gone over to the Carthaginians. The hope of accomplishing this object beamed forth from a very trifling circumstance. The war was carried on in Bruttium rather in a predatory than a regular manner, the Numidians having set the example, and the Bruttians fall- ing in with that practice, not more in consequence of their connection with the Carthaginians than from their natuvaly.R. 547.] THE HISTOliY OP KOME. 575 inclination. At last the Romans also, who now took de- light in plunder by a sort of infection, made excursions into the lands of their enemies so far as their leaders would permit.it.. Some Locrians who had gone out of the town were surrounded by them and carried off: to Rhegium. Among the number of the prisoners were certain artisans, who, as it happened, had been accustomed to work for the Carthaginians in the city of Locri for hire. They were recognized by some of the Locrian nobles, who having been driven out by the opposite faction, which had delivered up Locri to Hannibal, had retired to Rhegium; and hav- ing answered their other questions relative to what was going on at home, questions which are usually put by such as have been long absent, they gave them hopes that, if ransomed and sent back, they might fee able to deliver tip the citadel to them for there they resided, and among the Carthaginians they enjoyed unlimited confidence. Ac- cordingly, as these nobles were at once tormented with a longing for their country, and inflamed with a desire to be revenged on their enemies, they immediately ransomed the prisoners and sent them back, after having settled the plan of operation, and agreed upon the signals which were to be given at a distance and observed by them. They then went themselves to Scipio to Syracuse, with whom some of the exiles were; and having, by relating to him the prom- ises made by the prisoners, inspired the consul with hopes which: seemed likely to be realized, Marcus Sergius and Publius Matienus, military tribunes, were sent with them, and ordered to lead three thousand soldiers from Rhegium to Locri. A letter was also written to Quintus Pleminius, the propraetor, with directions that he should assist in th^ business. The troops, setting out from Rhegium and car- rying with them ladders to suit the alleged height of the citadel, about midnight gave a signal to those who were to betray it from the place agreed upon. The latter were ready and on the watch, and having themselves also lower- ed down ladders made for the purpose, and received the Romans as they climbed up in several places at once, an at- tack was made upon the Carthaginian sentinels, who wera fast asleep; as they were not "afraid of any^ thing of'the kind before any noise was made. Their dying groans were570 THE HISTORY OF IiOME. [b. xxix., chap. 7. the first sound that was heard; then, awaking from their sleep, a sudden consternation and confusion followed, the cause of the alarm being unknown. At length, one rousing another, the fact became more certain, and now every one shouted " To arms " with all his might; " that the enemy were in the citadel and the sentinels slainand the Romans, who were far inferior in numbers, would have been over- powered, had not a shout raised by those who were outside of the citadel rendered it uncertain whence the noise pro- ceeded, while the terror of an alarm by night magnified all fears, however groundless. The Carthaginians, therefore, terrified, and supposing that the citadel was already filled with the enemy, gave up all thoughts of opposition, and fled to the other citadel; for there were two at no great distance from each other. The townsmen held the city, which lay between the two fortresses, as the prize of the victors. Slight engagements took place daily from the two citadels. Quintus Pleminius commanded the Ro- man, Hamilcar the Carthaginian garrison. They aug- mented their forces by calling in aids from the neighbor- ing places. At last Hannibal himself came; nor would the Romans have held out, had not the general body of the Locrians, exasperated by the pride and rapacity of the Carthaginians, leaned towards the Romans. 7. When Scipio received intelligence that the posture of affairs at Locri had become more critical, and that Hanni- bal himself was approaching, lest even the garrison might be exposed to danger—for it was not an easy matter for it to retire thence—as soon as the direction of the tide in the strait had changed, he let the ships drive with the tide from Messana, having left his brother, Lucius Scipio, in command there. Hannibal also sent a messenger in ad- vance from the river Butrotus, which is "not far "from the town of Locri, to desire his party to attack the Romans and Locrians, at break of day, in the most vigorous man- ner, while he, on the opposite side, assaulted the town, which would be unprepared for such a measure, as every one would have his attention occupied with the tumult- created in the other quarter. But when, as soon as it was light, he found that the battle had commenced, he was un- willing to shut himself up in the citadel, where, by hisy.r. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 511 numbers, he would crowd that confined place; nor had he brought with him scaling-ladders to enable him to mount the walls. Having, however, had the baggage thrown to- gether in a heap, and displayed his line at a distance from the walls, to intimidate the enemy, while the scaling-lad- ders and other requisites for an assault were preparing, he rode round the city with some Numidian horsemen, in or- der to observe in what quarter the attack might be best made. Having advanced towards the rampart, the person who happened to stand next him was struck by a weapon from a scorpion; and, terrified at an accident in which he had been exposed to so much danger, he retired, gave di- rections for sounding a retreat, and fortified a camp out of the reach of weapons. The Roman fleet from Messana came to Locri several hours before night. The troops were all landed, and had entered the city before sunset. The following day the fight began from the citadel 011 the part of the Carthaginians, and Hannibal, having now pre- pared ladders and all the other requisites for an assault, was coming up to the walls; when, throwing open the gate, the Romans suddenly sallied out upon him, Hannibal fearing nothing less than such a step. They slew as many as two hundred in the attack, having taken them by sur- prise. The rest Hannibal withdrew into the camp when he found the consul was there ; and having dispatchied a messenger to those who were in the citadel, to desire them to take measures for their own safety, he decamped by night. . Those who were in the citadel, also, after throwing fire upon the buildings they occupied, in order that the alarm thus occasioned might detain their enemy, went away with a speed which resembled flightj and overtook the body of their army before night. 5 . . 8. Scipio, seeing that the citadel was abandoned by the enemy, and their camp deserted, called the Locrians to an assembly and rebuked them severely for their defection. He inflicted punishment, on the persons principally con- cerned, and gave their effects to the leaders of the other party, in consideration of their extraordinary fidelity to the Romans. As to the Locrians in general, he said that Ifie would neither grant them; any thing nor take any thing from them. They might send ambassadors to Rome* and Vol. II.—25578 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 9. they should experience that treatment which the Senate thought proper to adopt. Of one thing, however, he said he was confident, which was, that although they had de- served ill at the hands of the Romans, they would be bet- ter off when subject to them, though incensed against them, than they had been when in the power of their friends the Carthaginians. Leaving Quintus Pleminius lieutenant- general, and the garrison which had taken the citadel to defend the city, the general himself crossed over to Mes- sana with the forces he had brought with him. The Lo- crians had been treated with such insolence and cruelty by the Carthaginians since their revolt from the Romans, that they were able to endure severities of an ordinary kind not only with patience but almost willingness. But, indeed, so greatly did Pleminius surpass Hamilcar, who had com- manded the garrison, so greatly did the Roman soldiers in the garrison surpass the Carthaginians in villainy and ra- pacity, that it would appear that they endeavored to outdo each other, not in arms but in) vices. None of all those things which render the power of a superior hateful to the powerless was omitted towards the inhabitants, either by the general or his soldiers. The most shocking insults were committed against their own persons, their children, and their wives; for their rapacity did not abstain from the spoliation even of sacred things; and not only were other temples violated, but even the treasures of Proserpine, which had never been touched through all ages, excepting that they were said to have been carried away by Pyrrhus, who restored the spoils, together with a costly offering in expiation of his sacrilege. Therefore, as on the former occa- sion, the royal ships, wrecked and shattered, brought noth- ing safe to land except the sacred money of the goddess, wThich they were carrying away; so now also, that same money, by a different kind of calamity, cast a spirit of madness upon all who were contaminated by this violation of tjie, temple, and turned them against each other with the frjry of .enemies, general against general^ and. soldier against soldier, 9. Pleminius had the chief command; that part of the soldiers- wJiich he had brought with him from Rhegnim were under his own command, the r^st were under they.R. 547.] THE HISTORY.OF ROME. 579 command of the tribunes. One of Pleminius's men, while running away with a silver cup which he had stolen from the house of a townsman, the owners pursuing him, hap- pened to meet Sergius and Matienus, the military tribunes. The cup having been taken away from him at the order of the tribunes, abuse and clamor ensued, and at last a fight arose between the soldiers of Pleminius and those of the tribunes; the numbers engaged and the tumult increasing at the same time, as either party was joined by their friends who happened to come up at the time. When the soldiers of Pleminius, who had been worsted, had run to him in crowds, not without loud clamoring and indignant feelings, showing their blood and wounds, and repeating the re- proaches which had been heaped upon him during the dis- pute, Pleminius, fired with resentment, flung himself out of his house, ordered the tribunes to be summoned and strip- ped, and the rods to be brought out. During the/time which was consumed in stripping them, for they made re- sistance, and implored their men to aid them, on a sudden the soldiers, flushed with their recent victory, ran together from every quarter, as if there had been a shout to arms against enemies; and when they saw the bodies of their tribunes now mangled with rods, then, indeed, suddenly inflamed with much more ungovernable rage, without re- spect not only for the dignity of their commander, but of humanity, they made an attack upon the lieutenant-general, having first mutilated the lie tors in a shocking manner; they then cruelly lacerated the lieutenant-general himself, having cut him off from his party and hemmed him in, and, after mutilating his nose and ears, left him almost life- less. Accounts of these occurrences arriving at Messana, Scipio, a few days after, passing over to Locri in a ship with six banks of oars, took cognizance of the cause of Pleminius and the tribunes. Having acquitted Pleminius. and left him in command of the same place, and pronounced the tribunes guilty and thrown them into chains, that they might be sent to Rome to the Senate, he returned to Mes- sana, and thence to Syracuse. Pleminius, unable to re- strain his resentment, for he thought that the injury he had sustained had been treated negligently and. too lightly -by Scipio, and that no one could form an estimate of the pun-580 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 10. ishment which ought to be inflicted in such a case except the man who had in his own person felt its atrocity, order- ed the tribunes to be dragged before him, and, after lacer- ating them with every punishment which the human body could endure, put them to death; and not satisfied with the punishment inflicted on them while alive, cast them out unburied. The like cruelty he exercised towards the Lo- crian nobles, who he heard had gone to Scipio to com- plain of the injuries he had done thejn. The horrid acts, prompted by lust and rapacity, which he had before perpe- trated upon his allies, he now multiplied from resentment; thus bringing infamy and odium, not only upon himself, but -upon the general also. 10. The time of the elections was now drawing near, when a letter from the consul Publius Licinius arrived at Rome, stating that " he himself and his army wrere afflict- ed with a severe sickness, nor could they have stood their ground had not the malady attacked the enemy with the same or even greater violence. Therefore, as he could not come himself to the election, he would, with the approba- tion of the Senate, nominate Quintus Caecilius Metellus dic- tator, for the purpose of holding the election. That it was for the interest of the state that the army of Quintus Caecilius should be disbanded; for that it could not be made any use of under present circumstances, for Hannibal had now withdrawn his troops into winter-quarters ; and so violent w&s the malady which had infected that camp, that, unless it was speedily broken up, there would not survive one man out of the whole army." The Senate left it to the consul to settle these matters, as he should deem con- sistent with the interest of the state and his own honor. The state was at this time suddenly occupied with a ques^ tion of a religious nature, in consequence of the discovery of a prediction in the Sibylline books, which had been in- spected on account of there having been so many showers of stones this year. It ran thus : " Whensoever a foreign enemy should bring war into the land of Italy, he may be driven out of Italy and conquered, if the Idaean Mother should fee brought from Pessinus to Rome." This j)roph- eoy, discovered by the decemviri, produced the greater im- pression upon the Senate, because ambassadors also, whoY.R. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 581 had carried a present to Delphi, had brought word back that they had both obtained a favorable appearance in sac- rificing to the Pythian Apollo, and that a response was delivered from the oracle, to the effect that a much great- er victory than that from the spoils of which they now brought presents awaited the Roman people. They con- sidered the presentiment which existed in the mind of Publius Scipio, with regard to the termination of the war, when he claimed Africa as his province, as corroborating the same anticipation. In order, therefore, that they might the more speedily put themselves in possession of victory, which was portended to them by the fates, omens, and oracles, they began to think what method could be adopted for conveying the goddess to Rome. ; 11. As yet the Roman people had none of the states of Asia in alliance with them. Recollecting, however, that formerly uEsculapius, on account of a sickness among the people, was fetched from Greece, which was not then united with them by any treaty; recollecting, also, that a friendship had already commenced between them and King Attalus, on account of the war which they waged in com- mon against Philip, and that he would do whatever he could to oblige the Roman people, they resolved to send, as ambassadors to him, Marcus Valerius Lsevinus, who had been twice consul, and had carried on operations in Greece; Marcus Caecilius Metellus, who had been praetor; Servius Sulpicius Galba, who had been sedile ; and two who had been quaestors, Caius Tremellius Flaccus and Marcus Va- lerius Falto. To these five quinqueremes were assigned, in order that, in a manner suitable to the dignity of the Roman people, they might visit those lands where it was important to gain respect for the Roman name. The am- bassadors, on their way to Asia, having landed at Delphi, immediately approached the oracle, inquiring wThat hopes the deity held out to themselves and the Roman people, of accomplishing the business for which they had been sent from home. It is said that the answer given was,u That they would obtain what they were seeking by means of King Attalus. When they had conveyed the goddess to Rome, they must take care that the best man at Rome should receive her to his hospitality." They came to Peiv582 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 12. gamus to the king, who received the ambassadors gracious- ly, and conducted them to Pessinus, in Phrygia, and, put- ting into their hands a sacred stone, which the inhabitants said was the mother of the gods, bid them convey it to Rome. Marcus Valerius Falto, who was sent in advance, brought word that the goddess was on her way, and that the most virtuous man in the state must be sought out, who might in due form receive and entertain her. Quintus Csecilius Metellus was nominated dictator for holding the elections, by the consul in Bruttium, and his army was dis- banded. Lucius Veturius Philo was made master of the horse. The elections were held by the dictator; the con- suls elected were Marcus Cornelius Cethegus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, who was absent, being engaged in his province of Greece. The praetors were then elected: Titus Claudius Nero, Marcus Marcius Ralla, Lucius Scri- bonius Libo, Marcus Pomponius Matho. On the conclu- sioh of the elections, the dictator abdicated his office. The Roman games were repeated thrice, the plebeian seven times. The curule sediles were Cneius and Lucius Corne- lius Lentulus: Lucius had the province of Spain; he was elected in his absence, and was absent while he filled the office. The plebeian sediles were Titus Claudius Asellus and Marcus Junius Pennus. Marcus Marcellus this year dedicated the Temple of Virtue at the Porta Capena, in the seventeenth year after it had been vowed by his father during his-first consulate at Clastidium, in Gaul: also, Mar- cus iEmilius Regillus, flainen of Mars, died this year. 12. For the last two years the affairs of Greece had been neglected. Accordingly, as the iEtolians were deserted by the Romans, on whom alone they depended for assistance, Philip compelled them to sue for and agree to a peace on whatever conditions he pleased. Had he not exerted himself to the utmost in expediting this measure, he would have been overpowered, while engaged in war with the iEtolians, by Publius Sempronius, the proconsul, who had been sent to succeed Sulpicius in the command, with ten thousand infantry and a thousand horse, together with thirty-five ships of war, a force of no small importance to bring to the assistance of allies. Ere the peace was well concluded, news was brought to the king that the Romansy.R. 547.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 583 had arrived at Dyrrachium; that the Parthinians and oth- er bordering nations were up in arms on seeing hopes of effecting a change; and that Dimallum was besieged. The Romans had turned their efforts to that quarter in- stead of assisting the JKtolians, for which purpose they had been sent, from resentment at the conduct of the iEtolians for making peace with the king without their sanction, contrary to the league. When Philip had re- ceived intelligence of these events, lest any greater com- motion should arise in the neighboring nations and states, he proceeded by forced marches to Apollonia, to which place Sempronius had retired, having sent Laetorius, his lieutenant-general, with a part of his forces and fifteen ships into iEtolia, to look into the state of affairs, and, if he could, dissolve the peace. Philip laid waste the lands of the Apollonians, and, advancing his troops to the tower offered the Romans battle. But seeing that they remained qutet, only defending the walls, and not having sufficient confidence in his strength to assault the town, being desir- ous also of making peace with the Romans if possible, as he had with the JEtoliaiis, or at least a truce, he withdrew into his own dominions, without further exciting their an- imosity by a fresh contest. During the.same time the Epirots, wearied by the long continuance of the war, hav- ing first sounded the disposition of the Romans, sent am- bassadors to Philip on the subject of a common peace; affirming that they were well satisfied that it might be arranged if he would come to a conference with Publius Sempronius, the Roman general. They easily prevailed on him to pass into Epirus, for neither were the king's own inclinations averse from this measure. Phoenice is a city of Epirus; here Philip first conferred with iEropus Dar- das and Philip, praetors of the Epirots, and afterwards met Publius Sempronius. Amynander, king of the Athamani- ans, and other magistrates of the Epirots and Acarninians, were present at the conference. The praetor Philip spoke first, and requested at once of the king and the Roman general that they would put an end to the war, and grant this boon the Epirots. _ Publius Sempronius proposed, as the conditions of the peace, that the Parthinians, and Dimallum, and Bargulum, and Eugenium, should be under584 THE HISTORY OF HOME. [b. xxix., chap. 13. the dominion of the Romans; that Atintania, if, on send- ing ambassadors to Rome, they could prevail upon the Senate to acquiesce, should be added to the dominions of the Macedonian. The peace having been agreed upon on these terms, Prusias king of Bithynia, the Achaeans, the Boeotians, the Thessalians, the Acarnanians, and the Epi- rots were included in the treaty by the king; by the Ro- mans, the Ilians, King Attalus, Pleuratus, Nabis, tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, the Eleans, the Messenians, and Athe- nians. These conditions were committed to writing and sealed; and a truce was agreed upon for two months, to allow time for ambassadors being sent to Rome, that the people might order the peace upon these terms. All the tribes agreed in ordering it, because, now that the opera- tions of the war were removed into Africa, they were de- sirous to be relieved for the present from all other wars. The peace being concluded, Publius Sempronius took his departure for Rome, to attend to the duties of his con- sulship. 13. To Publius Sempronius and Marcus Cornelius, the consuls in the fifteenth year of the Punic war, the prov- inces assigned were, to Cornelius, Etruria, with the old army; to Sempronius, Bruttium, with directions to levy fresh legions. Of the praetors, to Marcus Marcius fell the city jurisdiction ; to Lucius Scribonius Libo, the foreign, together with Gaul; to Marcus Pomponius Matho, Sicily; to Titus Claudius Nero, Sardinia. Publius Scipio was continued in command with the army and fleet which ho had under him, as was also Publius Licinius, with direc- tions to occupy Bruttium with two legions, so long as the consul should deem it for the advantage of the state that he should continue in the province with command. Mar- cus Livius and Spurius Lucretius were also continued in command, with the two legions with which they had pro- tected Gaul against Mago ; also Cneius Octavius, with or- ders that, after he had delivered up Sardinia and the legion to Titus Claudius, he should, with forty ships of war, pro- tect the sea-coast within such limits as the Senate should appoint. To Marcus Pomponius, the praetor in Sicily, the troops which had fought at Cannae, consisting of two le- gions, were assigned. It was decreed that Titus Quinctiusy.r. 548. J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 585 and Caius Tubulus, propraetors, should occupy, the former Tarentum, the latter Capua, as in the former year, each having his old army. With respect to the command in Spain, it was submitted to the people to decide on the two proconsuls to be sent into that province. All the tribes agreed in ordering that the same persons—-namely, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus—should, as proconsuls, hold the command of those provinces, as they had the former year. The consuls set about making the levies, both to raise new legions for Bruttium and re- cruit the other armies; for so were they directed by the Senate. 14. Although Africa had not as yet been openly declared a province, the Senate keeping it a secret, I suppose, lest the Carthaginians should get intelligence of it beforehand, nevertheless, the most sanguine hopes were entertained in the city, that the enemy would be vanquished that year in Africa, and that the termination of the Punic war was at hand. This circumstance had filled the minds of the peo- ple with superstitious notions, and they were strongly dis- posed to credit and propagate accounts of prodigies, and for that reason more were reported. It was said, " that two suns had been seen; that it had . become light for a time during the night; that at Setia a meteor had been seen,extending from the east to the west; that at Tarra- cina a gate, at Anagnia a gate and the wall in many places, had been struck by lightning; that in the Temple of Juno Sospita, at Lanuvium, a noise had been heard accompanied with a tremendous crash." There was a supplication for one day for the purpose of expiating these, and the nine days' sacred rite was celebrated on account of a shower of stones. In addition to these cares, they had to deliberate about the reception of the Idaean Mother; for besides, that Marcus Valerius, one of the ambassadors who had come before the rest, had brought word that she would be in Italy forthwith, a recent account had arrived that she was at Tarracina. The Seriate was occupied with the deter- mination of a matter of no small importance, namely, who wa# the most virtuous man in the state. Every ope, doubt- less, ;would wish - for.-himself; thq victory in. this contest, rather than any office of command, or any honors which 25*586 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 15. could be conferred by the suffrages either of the Senate or the people, Publius Scipio, son of Cneius who had fallen in Spain, a youth not yet of the age to be quaestor, they ad- judged to be the best of the good men in the whole state. Though I would willingly record it for the information of posterity, had the writers who lived in the times nearest to those events mentioned by what virtues of his they were induced to come to this determination, yet I will not ob- trude my own opinion, formed upon conjecture, relative to a matter buried in the obscurity of antiquity. Publius Cornelius was ordered to go to Ostia, attended by all the matrons, to meet the goddess ; to receive her from the ship himself, and, when landed, place her in the hands of the matrons to convey her away. After the ship arrived at the mouth of the Tiber, Scipio, according to the directions given him, sailed out into the open sea, and, receiving the goddess from the priests, conveyed her to land. The chief matrons in the state received her, among whom the name of Claudia Quinta alone is worthy of remark. Her fame, which, as it is recorded, was before that time dubious, be- came, in consequence of her having assisted in so solemn a business, illustrious for chastity among posterity. The matrons, passing her from one to another in orderly suc- cession, conveyed the goddess into the Temple of Victory, in the Palatium, on the day before the ides of April, which was made a festival, while the whole city poured out to meet her; and, placing censers before their doors, on the way by wThich she was conveyed in procession, kindled frankincense, and prayed that she would enter the city of Rome willingly and propitiously. The people in crowds carried presents to the goddess in the Palatium ; a leqti- sternium was celebrated, with games called the Megalesian. 15. When the business of recruiting the legions in the provinces was under consideration, it was suggested by certain Senators that now was the time, when, by the favor of the gods, their fears were removed, to put a stop to cer- tain things, however they might have been tolerated in perilous circumstances. The Senators, being intent in ex- pectation, subjoined, that the twelve Latin colonies which had refused to furnish soldiers to the consuls Quintus Fa- bius and Quintus Fulvius, were enjoying, for now the sixthy.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 587 year, exemption from military service, as though it had been granted to them as a mark of honor and favor; while in the mean time their good and dutiful allies, in return for their fidelity and obedience to the Roman people, had been exhausted by continual levies every year. By these words the recollection of the Senate was renewed touching a mat- ter which was now almost obliterated, and their indigna- tion equally excited. Accordingly, without allowing the consuls to lay any other business before the Senate in pri- ority, they decreed " That the consuls should summon to Rome the magistrates, and ten principal inhabitants, from each of the colonies, JSTepete, Sutriurb, Ardea, Cales, Alba, Carseoli, Sora, Suessa, Setia, Circeii, .Narnia, and Iriteramna —-for these were the colonies implicated in this affair—and command them that each of those colonies should furnish double the greatest number of foot-soldiers which they had ever provided for the Roman people since the enemy had been in Italy, and one hundred and twenty horsemen each. If any of them was unable to make up that number of horsemen, that it should be allowed to furnish three foot- soldiers for every horseman deficient. That both the foot and horse soldiers should be chosen from the wealth- iest of the inhabitants, and should be sent out of Italy wheresoever there was want of recruits. If any of them refused to comply, it was their pleasure that the magis- trates and ambassadors of such should be detained; and that, if they requested it, they should not be allowed an audience of the Senate till they had obeyed these orders. Moreover, that an annual tax should be imposed upon them, arid collected after the rate of one as for every thou- sand ; and that a census should be taken in those'colonies, according to a formula appointed by the Roman censors, which should be the same which was employed in the case of the Roman people; and that a return should be made at Rome by sworn censors of the colonies, before they retired from their office." The magistrates and prin- cipal men of these colonies having been summoned to Rome, when the consuls imposed upon them the contribu- tion of men and the management of the tax, they vied with each other in making excuses, and remonstrating against it. They said, "It was impossible that so large V588 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 16. number of men could be raised. That they could scarcely accomplish it, if even the simple contribution only, accord- ing to the established ratio, were required of them. They entreated and besought them that they might be allowed to appear before the Senate and deprecate their resolution. They had committed no crime for which they deserved to be ruined, but even if they were to be ruined, neither their own crime nor the resentment of the Roman people could make them furnish a greater number of soldiers than they had got." The consuls, persisting, ordered the ambassa- dors to remain at Rome, and the magistrates to go home to make the levies; observing that," unless the amount of soldiers enjoined were brought to Rome, no one would give them an audience of the Senate." All hope of appearing before the Senate, and deprecating their decision, being then cut off, the levies were completed in the twelve col- onies without difficulty, as the number of their youth had increased during their long exemption from service. 16. 'Another affair, likewise, which had been passed over in silence for an almost equally long period, was laid before the Senate by Marcus Valerius Lsevinus; who said, " That equity required that the moneys which had been contribu- ted by private individuals, when he and Marcus Claudius were consuls, should now at length be repaid. Nor ought any one to feel surprised that a case where the public faith was pledged should have engaged his attention in an es- pecial manner; for, besides that the matter appertained, in some degree, peculiarly to the consul of that year in which the money was contributed, he was himself the author of the measure, as the treasury was drained, and the people unable to pay the taxes." This suggestion was well re- ceived by the Senate, and, bidding the consuls to propose the question, they decreed, " That this money should be paid by three installments; that the present consuls should make the first payment immediately, and the third and fifth consuls, from that time, the two remaining." After this all their other cares gave place to one alone, when the sufferings of the Locrians, of which they had been ignorant up to that day, were made known by the ar- rival of their ambassadors. Nor was it the villainy of Pleminius so much as the partiality or negligence of Scipioy.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 589 in that affair, which excited the resentment of the people. While the consuls were sitting in the comitium, ten ambas- sadors of the Locrians, covered with filth, and in mourning, and extending branches of olive, the badges of suppliants, according to the Grecian custom, prostrated themselves on the ground before the tribunal, with loud lamentations. In answer to the inquiry of the consuls, they said," That they were Locrians, who had suffered such things at the hands of Pleminius the lieutenant-general, and the Roman sol- diers, as the Roman people would not wish even the Car- thaginians to experience. They requested that they would allow them to appear before the Senate, and complain of their sufferings." 17. An audience having been granted, the eldest of them thus spoke: "I know, conscript fathers, that the impor- tance you will attach to the complaints we make before you must depend, in a very great degree, upon your accu- rately knowing the manner in which Locri was betrayed to Hannibal, and placed again under your dominion after the expulsion of his garrison. Inasmuch as if the guilt of de- fection does not rest upon the public, and it is made appar- ent that our restoration to your dominion was effected, not only in concurrence with our wishes, but by our own co- operation and valor, you will be the more indignant that such atrocious and shameful injuries should have been in- flicted upon good and faithful allies by your lieutenant-gen- eral and soldiers. But I think it proper that the subject of our changing sides, in both instances, should be deferred to another time, on two accounts; first, that it maybe dis- cussed in the presence of Publius Scipio,who retook Lo- cri, and who witnessed all our acts, both good and bad; and secondly, because, whatever we are, we ought not to have suffered what we have. We can not conceal, con- script fathers, that when we had a Carthaginian garrison in our citadel we were exposed to many sufferings, of a shock- ing and shameful kind, from Hamilcar, the captain of the garrison, and the Numidians and Africans. But what are; they compared with what we endure this day ? I request, conscript fathers, that you will hear without offense what I am reluctant to mention. All mankind are now, in a State of anxious suspense, whether they are to see you or the590 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 17. Carthaginians lords of the world. If an estimate is to be formed of the Roman and Carthaginian governments from what we Locrians have suffered from the Carthaginians on the one hand, or, on the other, from what we are suffering, at the present time especially, from your garrison; there is no one who wrould not wish the Carthaginians to be his masters rather than the Romans. And yet observe what are the feelings which the Locrians have entertained to- wards yon. When we were suffering injuries of much less magnitude from the Carthaginians, we fled for protec- tion to your general; now we are suffering more than hostile indignities from your garrison, we have carried our complaints to no others than yourselves. Conscript fa- thers ! either you will consider our forlorn condition, or there is no other resource left us for which we can even pray to the immortal gods. Quintus Pleminius, the lieu- tenant-general, was sent with a body of troops to recover Loeri from the Carthaginians, and was left there in com- mand of the same as a garrison. In this your lieutenant- general there is neither any thing of a man, conscript fa- thers, but the figure and outward appearance (for the ex- tremity of our misery prompts me to speak freely), nor of a Roman citizen but the attire and dress, and the sound of the Latin language. He is a pest and savage monster, such as are fabled to have beset the strait by which we are separated from Sicily, for the destruction of mariners. And yet, if he had been content to be the only person to vent his villainy, his lust, and rapacity upon your allies, that one gulf, deep as it was, wre would, however, have filled up by our patience. But the case is, he has made every one of your centurions and soldiers a Pleminius, so indis- criminately has he willed that licentiousness and wicked- ness should be practised. All plunder, spoil, beat, wound, and slay; all defile matrons, virgins, and free-born youths torn from the embraces of their parents. Our city is cap- tured daily, plundered daily. Day and night, every place indiscriminately rings with the lamentations of women and children, seized and carried away. Any one acquainted with our sufferings might be astonished how it is that we are capable of bearing them, or that the authors of them are not yet satiated with inflicting such enormous cruelties.y.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 591 Neither am I able to go through with them, nor is it worth your while to listen to the particulars of our sufferings. I will embrace them all in a general description. I declare that there is not a house or a man at Locri exempt from injury. I say that there can not be found any species of villainy, lust, or rapacity which has not been exercised on every one capable of being the object of them. It would be difficult to determine in which case the city was visited with the more horrible calamity, whether when it was cap- tured by an enemy, or when a sanguinary tyrant crushed it by violence and arms. Every evil, conscript fathers, which captured cities suffer we have suffered, and do now as much as ever suffer. All the enormities which the most cruel and savage tyrants are wont to perpetrate upon their oppressed subjects, Pleminius has perpetrated upon our- selves, our children, and our wives. 18. "There is one circumstance, however, in complain- ing of which particularly we may be allowed to yield to our deeply-rooted sense of religion, and indulge a hope that you will listen to it; and, if it shall seem good to you, conscript fathers, free your state from the guilt of irrelig- ious conduct. For we have seen with how great solemnity you not only worship your own deities, but entertain even those of foreign countries. We have a fane dedicated to Proserpine, of the sanctity of which temple I imagine some accounts must have reached you during the war with Pyr- rhus; wrho, when sailing by Locri, on his return from Sici- ly, among other horrid enormities which he committed against our state, on account of our fidelity towards you, plundered also the treasures of Proserpine, which had nev- er been touched up to that day; and then, putting the money on board his ships, proceeded on his journey him- self by land. What, therefore, was the result, conscript fathers ? The next day his fleet war shattered by a most hideous tempest, and all the ships which carried the sacred money were thrown on our shores. That most insolent king, convinced by this so great disaster that there were gods, ordered all the money to be collected and restored to the treasures of the goddess. However, he never met with any success afterwards; but, after being driven out of Italy, he died an ignoble and dishonorable death, having592 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 18. incautiously entered Argos by night. Though your lieu- tenant-general and military tribune had heard of these, and a thousand other circumstances, which were related not for the purpose of creating increased reverence, but frequently experienced by ourselves and our ancestors, through the special interposition of the goddess, they had, nevertheless, the audacity to apply their sacrilegious hands to those hallowed treasures, and pollute themselves, their own families, and your soldiers, with the impious booty. Through whom we implore you, conscript fathers, by your honor, not to perform an^ thing in Italy or in Africa until you have expiated their guilty deed, lest they should atone for the crime they have committed, not with their own blood only, but by some disaster affecting their country. Although, even now, conscript fathers, the resentment of the goddess does not tarry either towards your generals or your soldiers. Already have they several times engaged each other in pitched battles, one party headed by Plemin- ius, and the other by the two military tribunes. Never did they employ their weapons with more fury against the Carthaginians than when encountering each other; and they would have afforded Hannibal an opportunity of ra taking Locri, had not Scipio, whom we called in, come in time to prevent it. But, by Hercules ! is it that the sol- diers are impelled by frenzy, and that the influence of the goddess has not shown itself in punishing the generals themselves ? Nay, herein her interposition was manifested in the most conspicuous manner. The tribunes were beaten with rods by the lieutenant-general. Then the lieutenant-general, treacherously seized by the tribunes, be- sides being mangled in every part of his body, had his nose and ears cut off, and was left for dead. Then, recovering from his wounds, he threw the tribunes into chains, beat them, tortured them with every species of degrading pun- ishment, and put them to death in a cruel manner, forbid- ding them to be buried. Such atonements has the god- dess exacted from the despoilers of her temple; nor will she cease to pursue them with every species of vengeance till the sacred money shall have been replaced in the treas- ury. Formerly, our ancestors, during a grievous war with the Crotonians, because the temple was without the town,y.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 593 were desirous of removing the money into it; but a voice was heard from the shrine, during the night, commanding them to hold off their hands, for the goddess would defend her own temple. As they were deterred, by religious awe, from removing the treasures thence, they were desirous of surrounding the temple with a wall. The walls were raised to a considerable height, when they suddenly fell down in ruins. But both now, and frequently on other occasions, the goddess has either defended her own habitation and temple, or has exacted heavy expiations from those who had violated it. Our injuries she can not avenge, nor can any but yourselves avenge them, conscript fathers. To you, and to your honor, we fly, as suppliants. It makes no difference to us whether you suffer Locri to be subject to that lieutenant-general and that garrison, or whether you deliver us up for punishment to incensed Hannibal and the Carthaginians. We do not request that you should at once believe us respecting one who is absent, and when the cause has not been heard. Let him come; let him hear our charges in person, and refute them himself. If there is any enormity one man can commit against another which he has not committed upon us, we do not refuse to suffer all the same cruelties over again, if it is possible.we can endure them, and let him be acquitted of all guilt to- wards gods and men." 19. When the ambassadors had thus spoken, and Quin- tus Fabiua had asked them whether they had carried those complaints to Publius Scipio, they answered, "That depu- ties were sent to him, but he was occupied with the prepa- rations for the war, and had either already crossed over into Africa or was about to do so within a few days. That they had experienced how highly the lieutenant-gen- eral was in favor with the general, when, after hearing the cause between him and the tribunes, he threw the tribunes into chains, while he left the lieutenant-general, who was equally or more guilty, in possession of the same power as before." The ambassadors having been directed to with- draw from the Senate-house, not only Pleminius, but even, Scipio, was severely inveighed against by the principal men; but, above all, by Quintus Fabius, who endeavored to show " that he was born for ths corruption of military594 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 19. discipline. It was thus," he said, " that in Spain he almost lost more men in consequence of mutiny than the war. That, after the manner of foreigners and kings, he indulged the licentiousness of the soldiers, and then punished them with cruelty." He then followed up his speech by a reso- lution equally harsh: that " it was his opinion that Ple- minius should be conveyed to Rome in chains, and in chains plead his cause; and, if the complaints of the Locrians were founded in truth, that he should be put to death in prison, and his effects confiscated. That Publius Scipio should be recalled, for having quitted his province without the permission of the Senate; and that the plebeian trib- unes should be applied to, to propose to the people the abrogation of his command. That the Senate should re- ply to the Locrians, when brought before them, that the injuries which they complained of having received were neither approved of by the Senate nor the people of Rome. That they should be acknowledged as worthy men, allies, and friends; that their children, their wives, and whatso- ever else had been taken from them, should be restored; that the sum of money which had been taken from the treasures of Proserpine should be collected, and twice the amount placed in the treasury. That an expiatory sacred rite should be celebrated, first referring it to the college of pontiffs, to determine wrhat atonement should be made, to what gods, and with what victims, in consequence of the sacred treasures' having been removed and violated. That the soldiers at Locri should be all transported into Sicily, and four cohorts of the allies of the Latin confederacy taken to Locri for a garrison." The votes could not be entirely collected that day, in consequence of the warm feeling excited for and against Scipio. Besides the atro- cious conduct of Pleminius, and the calamities of the Lo- crians, much was said about the dress of the general him- self, as being not only not Roman, but even unsoldier-like. It was said that " he walked about in the gymnasium in a cloak and slippers, and that he gave his time to light books and the palaestra. That his whole staff were enjoying the delights which Syracuse afforded, with the same indolence and effeminacy. That Carthage and Hannibal had drop- ped out of his memory; that the whole army, corruptedy.K. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. by indulgence, like that at Sucro in Spain, or that now at Locri, was more to be feared by its allies than by its ene- mies." 20. Though these charges, partly true, and partly con- taining a mixture of truth and falsehood, and therefore, probably, were urged with vehemence ; the opinion, how- ever, of Quintus Metellus prevailed, who, agreeing with Maximus on other points, differed from him in the case of Scipio. " For how inconsistent would it be," said he," that the person whom the state a little while ago selected as their general, though a very young man, for the recovery of Spain; whom, after he had taken Spain out of the hands of their enemies, they elected their consul, for the purpose of putting an end to the Punic war ; whom they marked out with the most confident anticipation as the person who would draw Hannibal out of Italy, and subdue Africa; how inconsistent would it be, that this man, like another Ple- miflius, condemned in a manner without a hearing, should suddenly be recalled from his province ! when the Locrians asserted that the wicked acts which had been committed against them were done not even in the presence of Scipio, and no other charge could be brought against him, than that he spared the lieutenant-general, either from good-na- ture or respect. He thought it advisable that Marcus Pomponius the praetor, to whose lot the province of Sicily had fallen, should go to his province within the next three days; that the consuls should select out of the Senate ten deputies, whomsoever they thought proper, and send them with the praetor, together with two tribunes of the people, and an aedile. That the praetor, assisted by this council, should take cognizance of the affair. If those acts of which the Locrians complained were committed at the command or with the concurrence of Scipio, that they should com- mand him to quit the province. If Publius Scipio had al- ready crossed over into Africa, that the tribunes of the people and the aedile, with two of the deputies, whom the praetor should judge most fit for it, should proceed into Africa; the tribunes and the aedile to bring Scipio back from thence, and the deputies to take the command of the army until a new general had come to it. But if Marcus Pomponius and the ten deputies should discover that those596 Tm HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 21. acts had been committed neither with the orders nor con- currence of Publius Scipio, that Scipio should then remain with the army and carry on the war as he had proposed." A decree of the Senate having passed to this effect, appli- cation was made to the tribunes of the people to arrange among themselves, or determine by lot, which two should go with the praetor and the deputies. The advice of the college of pontiffs was taken on the subject of the expia- tions to be made on account of the treasures in the Tem- ple of Proserpine, at Locri, having been touched, violated, and carried out of it. The tribunes of the people, who went with the praetor and ten deputies, were Marcus Clau- dius Marcellus and Marcus Cincius Alimentus. To these a plebeian aedile was given, whom, if Scipio, whether he was still in Sicily or had now crossed over into Africa, should refuse to obey the orders of the praetor, the tribunes might direct to apprehend him, and bring him home in right of their most sacred authority. The plan was, to go to Locri before they went to Messana. 21. With regard to Pleminius, there are two different accounts. Some relate that, having heard what measures had been adopted at Rome, as he was going into exile to Naples, he accidentally fell in with Quintus Metellus, one of the deputies, by whom he was forcibly conveyed back to Rhegium. Others say that Scipio himself sent a lieuten- ant-general, with thirty of the most distinguished of the cavalry, to throw Quintus Pleminius into chains, and with him the principal movers of the mutiny. All these, wheth- er by the orders of Scipio before, or of the praetor now, were delivered over to the Rhegians to be kept in custody. The praetor and the deputies, going to Locri, gave their at- tention first to the affair relating to religion, agreeably to their instructions; for, collecting all the sacred money, whether in the possession of Pleminius or the soldiers, they replaced it in the treasury, together with that which they had brought with them, and performed an expiatory sacred rite. The praetor then, summoning the soldiers to an as- sembly, ordered them to march out of the city, and pitched a camp in the plain, issuing an edict which threatened se- vere punishment, to any soldier who either had remained behind in the city, or had carried out with him what didy.R. 548.] THE HISTORY- OF KOME. 597 not belong to him. He gave permission to the Locrians to seize whatever each of them identified as his property, and demand restitution to be made of any thing which was concealed. Above all, he was resolved that the free per- sons should be restored to the Locrians without delay. That the man who did not restore them should be visited with no light punishment. He then held an assembly of the Locrians, and told them that " The people and Senate of Rome restored to them their liberty and their laws. That if any one was desirous of bringing charges against Pleminius, or any one else, he should follow them to Rhegium. If they were desirous of complaining, in the name of their state, of Publius Scipio, as having ordered and approved of the nefarious acts which had been com- mitted at Loori against gods and men, that they should send deputies to Messana, where, with the assistance of his council, he would hear them." The Locrians returned thanks to the praetor and deputies, and to the Senate and people of Rome, and said that they would go and bring their charge against Pleminius. That Scipio, though he had evinced too little sympathy in the injuries inflicted on their state, was such a man as they would rather have their friend than their enemy; that they were convinced that the many and horrid acts which had been committed were done neither by the orders nor with the approval of Pub- lius Scipio ; that he had either placed too much confidence in Pleminius, or too little in them ; that the natural dispo- sition of some men was such, that they rather were unwill- ing that crimes should be committed, than had sufficient resolution to punish them when committed. Both the praetor and his council were relieved from a burden of no ordinary weight in not having to take cognizance of charges against Scipio. Pleminius, and as many as thirty-two per- sons with him, they condemned and sent in chains to Rome. They then proceeded to Scipio, that they might carry to Rome a statement, attested by their own observation, rela- tive to the facts which had been so generally talked of,* concerning the dress and indolent habits of the general, and the relaxation of military discipline. 22. While they were-on their way to Syracuse, Scipio prepared to clear himself, not by words but fa^ts. He or-598 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 22. dered all his troops to assemble there, and the fleet to be got in readiness, as though a battle had been to be fought that day with the Carthaginians, by sea and land. On the day of their arrival, he entertained them hospitably; and on the next day presented to their view his land and naval forces, not only drawn up in order, but the former perform- ing evolutions, wThile the fleet in the harbor itself also ex« hibited a mock naval fight. The praetor and the deputies were then conducted round to view the armories, the gran- aries, and other preparations for the war. And so great was the admiration excited in them of each particular, and of the whole together, that they firmly believed that, under the conduct of that general, and with that army, the Car- thaginians would be vanquished, or by none other. They bid him, with the blessing of the gods, cross over, and, as soon as possible, realize to the Roman people the hopes they conceived on that day when all the centuries concur- fed in naming him first consul. Thus they set out on their return in the highest spirits, as though they were about to carry to Rome tidings of a victory, and not of a grand prep- aration for war. Pleminius, and those who were impli- cated in the same guilt with him, when they arrived at Rome, w'ere thrown immediately into prison. At first, when brought before the people by the tribunes, they found no place in their compassion, as their minds were previous- ly engrossed by the sufferings of the Locrians; but after- wards, being repeatedly brought before them, and the hatred with which they were regarded subsiding, their re- sentment was softened. Besides, the mutilated appearance of Pleminius, and their recollections of the absent Scipio, operated in gaining them favor with the people. Plemin- ius, however, died in prison, before the people had comfc to a determination respecting him. Clodius Licinius, in the third book of his Roman history, relates, that this Plemin- ius, during the celebration of the votive games, which Afri- canus, in his second consulate, exhibited at Rome, made an attempt, by means of certain persons whom he had corrupt- ed by bribes, to set fire to the city in several places, that he might have an opportunity of breaking out of prison and making his escape; and that afterwards, the wicked plot having been discovered, he was consigned to the Tulliany.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 599 dungeon, according to a decree of the Senate. The case of Scipio was considered nowhere but in the Senate; where all the deputies and tribunes bestowing the highest com- mendations on the fleet, the army, and the general, induced the Senate to vote that he should cross over into Africa as soon as possible; and that permission should be given him to select himself, out of those armies which wTere in Sicily, those forces which he would carry with him into Africa, and those which he would leave for the protection of the province. 23. While* the Romans were thus employed, the Cartha- ginians, on their part, though they had passed an anxious winter, earnestly inquiring what was going on, and terrified at the arrival of every messenger, with watch-towers placed on every promontory, had gained a point of no small im- portance for the defense of Africa in adding to their allies king Syphax, in reliance on whom chiefly they believed the Romans would cross over into Africa. Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, not only formed a connection of hospitality with the before-named king, wThen Scipio, and Hasdrubal happened to come to him at the same time out of Spain, but mention had also been slightly made of an affinity to take place be- tween them, by the king's marrying the daughter of Has- drubal. Hasdrubal, who had gone for the purpose of completing this business, and fixing a time for the nuptials —for the virgin was now marriageable—perceiving that the king was inflamed with desire, for the Numidians are, beyond all the other barbarians, violently addicted to love, sent for the virgin from Carthage, and hastened the nup- tials. Among the other proofs of joy felt upon the occa- sion, and in order that a public connection might be added to this private one, an oath was taken in confirmation of an alliance between the Carthaginian people and the king, and faith reciprocally pledged that they would have the same friends and enemies. But Hasdrubal, recollecting both the alliance which had been entered into by the king .and Scip- io, and how inconstant and , changeable were the minds of the barbarians, was afraid that, if Scipio were to invade Africa, that marriage would prove but a slight bond cf union; he therefore took advantage of the Numidian while under the influence of the first transports of love, and call-600 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 24. ing to his aid the earesses of the bride, prevailed upon him to send ambassadors into Sicily to Scipio, and by them to warn him " not to cross over into Africa in reli- ance upon his former promises. That he was united to the Carthaginians both by a marriage with a Carthagin- ian citizen, the daughter of Hasdrubal, whom he saw en- tertained at his house, and likewise by a public treaty. That his first wish was that the Romans would carry on the war with the Carthaginians at a distance from Africa, as they had hitherto done, lest he should fye compelled to interfere with their disputes, and join one of the two contending parties, renouncing his alliance with the other. If Scipio should not keep away from Africa, and should advance his army to Carthage, it would be incumbent upon him to fight for the land of Africa, which gave him birth, and for the country of his spouse, for her parent, and house- hold gods." 24. The ambassadors, sent to Scipio by the king with these instructions, met him at Syracuse. Scipio, though disappointed in an affair which was of the greatest im- portance with regard to his operations in Africa; and in the sanguine expectations he had formed from it, Sent the ambassadors back into Africa speedily, before their busi- ness was made known, giving them letters for the king, in which he warned him over and over again " not to violate the laws of hospitality which bound them together; the obligation of the alliance entered into with the Roman people; nor make light of justice, honor, their right hands pledged, and the gods the witnesses and arbitrators of compacts." But, as the coming of the Numidians could not be concealed, for they lounged about the city, and had frequently appeared at the pavilion ; and as, if nothing were said about the object of their visit, there was danger lest the truth, from the very circumstance of its being made a secret, should spontaneously spread the more; and, in consequence, the troops become alarmed lest they should have to wage war at once with the king and the Cartha- ginians, Scipio endeavored to divert their attention from the truth by preoccupying their minds with false informa- tion; and, summoning his soldiers to an assembly, said, " That it was not expedient to delay any longer. Thaty.r. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 601 the kings, their allies, urged them to cross over into Africa with all speed. That Masinissa himself had before coine to Lselius, complaining that time was consumed in delays, and that now Syphax sent ambassadors, expressing his as- tonishment on the same account, namely, what could be the cause of such long delay; and requesting either that the army would now at length be transported into Africa, or, if the plan was changed, that he might be informed, so that he might himself take measures for the safety of him- self and his dominions. Therefore, as every thing was now ready and prepared, and as the business admitted of no further delay, he was resolved, after having removed the fleet to Lilybaeum, and collected here all his forces of foot and horse, with the blessing of the gods to pass over into Africa the first day the ships could sail." He sent a letter to Marcus Pomponius, directing him, if he thought proper, to come to Lilybaeum, that they might consult together as to what legions, in preference to any others, and how large a number of soldiers, they should convey into Africa; he also sent round to every part of the sea-coast, with direc- tions that all the ships of burden should be seized and col- lected at Lilybaeum. When all the soldiers and ships in Sicily were assembled at Lilybfeum, and neither the city could contain the multitude of men, nor the harbor the ships, so ardent was the desire possessed by all of passing over to Africa, that they did not appear as if going to wage waiy but to reap the certain rewards of victory. Particularly those who remained of the soldiers who had fought at Cannae felt convinced that under Scipio, and no other general, they would be enabled, by exerting them- selves in the cause of the sta^e^to put an end to their ig- nominious service. Scipio-was! very far from feeling con- tempt for that description of soldiers; inasmuch as he knew that the defeat sustained at Cannae was not attributable to their cowardice, and that there were no soldiers in the Roman army who had servedjso long, or were so experi- enced not only in the various kinds of battles, but in as- saulting towns also. The legions which had ;f Ought at' Cannae were the fifth and sixth. After declaring %hat he would take these with him into Africa, he inspected :tHem man by man; and leaving those whom he considered unfit Vol. II.—20602 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 25. for service, he substituted for them those whom he had brought from Sicily, filling up those legions so that each might contain six thousand two, hundred infantry and three hundred horse. The horse and foot of the allies, of the Latin confederacy, he also chose out of the army of CannaB. 25. There is a wide difference among historians as to the number of men transported into Africa. In some I find ten thousand infantry and two hundred horse; in oth- ers, sixteen thousand infantry and sixteen hundred horse. In others, again, I find it stated that thirty-five thousand infantry and cavalry were put on board the fleet, making the number more than one-half greater. Some have not added an account of the number; among whom, as the matter is doubtful, I should rather have myself ranked. Caslius, though he abstains from specifying the number, in- creases the impression of their multitude indefinitely. He says that birds fell to the ground from the shout of the soldiers, and that so great a multitude went on board the fleet, that it seemed as if there was not a maa left in Italy or Sicily. Scipio took upon himself the care of seeing that the soldiers embarked orderly and without confusion. The seamen, who were made to embark first, Gaius Laelius, the admiral of the fleet, kept in order on board the ships. The task of the putting on board the provisions was as- signed to Marcus Pomponius, the praetor. Food for forty- five days, of which enough for fifteen was cooked, was put oil board. When they were all embarked, he sent boats round with directions that the pilots and masters, with two soldiers from each ship, should assemble in the Forum to receive orders. After they had assembled, he first ask- ed them whether they had put on board water for the men and cattle sufficient to last as many days as the corn would. When they answered that there was water on board suffi- cient for five-and-forty days' consumption, he then charged the soldiers that, conducting themselves submissively, and keeping quiet, they would not make any noise or disturb the mariners in the execution of their duties. He inform- ed them that he himself and Lucius Scipio, in the right wing, with twenty ships of war, and Caius Laelius, admiral of the fleet, together with Marcus Porcins Cato, who wasy.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 603 then quaestor, with the same number of ships of war in the left wing, would protect the transports. That the ships of war should carry each a single light, the transports two each. That in the ship of the commander-in-chief there would be three lights, as a distinction, by night. He de- sired the pilots to make for Emporia, where the land is re- markably fertile ; and on that account the district abounds with plenty of every thing, and the barbarous inhabitants are unwarlike, which is usually the case where the soil is rich. It was supposed that they might therefore be over- powered before assistance could be brought them from Carthage. After these commands were delivered, they were ordered to return to their ships, and the next day, with the blessing of the gods, on the signal being given, to set sail. 26. Many Roman fleets had set sail from Sicily, and from that very harbor. But not only during this war, nor is that surprising (for most of the fleets went out for the purpose of getting plunder), but even in any former war, never did a fleet, on setting out, exhibit so grand a specta- cle. And yet) if the estimate is to be formed with refer- ence to the magnitude of the fleet, it must be owned that; two consuls with their armies had passed from thence be- fore, and there were almost as many ships of war in those fleets as the transports with which Scipio was crossing; for, besides fifty anen-of-war, he conveyed his army over in four hundred transports. But what made the Romans consider one war as more formidable than the other, the second than the first, was* that it was earned on in Italy, and that so many armies had been destroyed, and tiieir commanders slain. The general, Scipio, also, who enjoyed the highest degree of renown, partly from his brave achieve- ments, and partly from a peculiar felicity of fortune, which conducted him to the acquisition of boundtess at- tracted extraordinary regard. At the same time, the very- project of passing over into the enemy's country, which had not been formed by any general before during that war, had made him an object of admim&dn$ con^mpnly deqlared that he passed Over with the dbjfect of drawing Hannibal out of -Italy* of removing; the^e&fcM war into Africa, and terminating it therei A crowd of604 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 27. persons of every description had assembled in the harbor to view the spectacle; not only the inhabitants of Lilybaeurn, but all the deputies from Sicily, who had come together out of compliment to witness the departure of Scipio, and had followed Marcus Pomponius, the praetor of the prov- ince. Besides these, the legions which were to be left in Sicily had come forth to do honor to their comrades 011 the occasion; and not only did the fleet form a grand sight to those who viewed it from the land, but the shore also, crowded as it was all around, afforded the same to those who were sailing away. 27. As soon as day appeared, silence having been ob- tained by a herald, Scipio thus spoke from the ship of the commander-in-chief: " Ye gods and goddesses who preside over the seas and lands, I pray and entreat you, that what- ever things have been, are now, or shall be performed dur- ing my command, may turn out prosperously to myself, the state, and commons of Rome, to the allies and the Latin confederacy, and to all who follow my party and that of the Roman people, my command and auspices, by land, by sea, and on rivers. That you would lend your favora- ble aid to all those measures, and promote them happily. That you would bring these and me again to our homes, safe and unhurt—victorious over our vanquished enemies, decorated with spoils, loaded with booty, and triumphant. That you would grant us the opportunity of taking re- venge upon our adversaries and foes, and put it in the power of myself and the Roman people to make the Car- thaginian state feel those signal severities which they en- deavored to inflict upon our state." After these prayers, he threw the raw entrails of a victim into the sea, accord- ing to custom, and, with the sound of a trumpet, gave the signal for sailing. Setting out with a favorable wind, which blew pretty strong, they were soon borne away out of sight of the land; and in the afternoon a mist came over them, so that they could with difficulty prevent the ships from running foul of each other. 'The wind abated when they got into the open sea. The following night the same haziness prevailed; but when the sun rose it was dis- pelled, and the wind blew stronger. They were now with- in sight of land, and, not long after, the pilot observed tot.r. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 605 Scipio, that "Africa was not more than five miles off; that he could discern the promontory of Mercury, and that if he gave orders to direct their course thither the whole fleet would presently be in harbor." Scipio, when the land was in sight, after praying that his seeing Africa might be for the good of the state and himself, gave orders to make for another place of landing, lower down. They were borne along by the same wind; but a mist, arising nearly about the same time as on the preceding day, hid the land from them; and the wind fell as the mist grew more dense. Afterwards, the night coming on increased the confusion in every respect; they therefore cast anchor, Jest the ships should either run foul of each other, or be driven on shore. At day-break the wind, rising in the same quarter, dispelled the mist, and discovered th§ whole coast of Africa. Scipio asked what was the name of the nearest promontory, and, on being told that it was called the Cape of Pulcher, he observed, " The omen pleases me; direct your course to it." To this place the fleet ran down, and all the troops were landed. I have adopted the ac- counts given by a great many Greek and Latin authors, who state that the voyage was prosperous, and unattended with any cause of alarm or confusion. Caelius alone, ex- cept that he does not state that the ships were sunk in the waves, says that they were exposed to all the terrors of the heavens and the sea, and that at last the fleet was driven by tempest from Africa to the island iEgimurus, from which, with great difficulty, they got into the right course; and that, the ships almost foundering, the soldiers, without orders from their general, got into boats, just as if they had suffered shipwreck, and escaped to land without arms, and in the utmost disorder. T 28. The troops being landed, the Romans marked out their camp on the nearest rising grounds. By this time, not only the parts bordering on the sea were filled with consternation and alarm, first in consequence of the fleet being seen, and afterwards from the bustle of landing, but they had extended to the cities also. For not only multi- tudes of men, mixed with crowds of women and children, had filled up all the roads in every direction, but therus- tics also drove away their cattle before them, so that you606 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 29. would say that Africa was being suddenly deserted. In the cities, indeed, they occasioned much greater terror than they felt themselves. At Carthage, particularly, the tumult was almost as great as if it had been captured. For since the time of Marcus Atilius Regulus and Lucius Manlius, which was almost fifty years ago, the Carthaginians had seen no Roman armament, with the exception of fleets sent for plundering, from which troops had made descents upon the lands bordering on the sea, and, after carrying away every thing which chance threw in their way, had always returned to their ships before their noise had collected the peasantry. For this reason the hurry and consternation in the city was, on the present occasion, the greater. And, by Hercules! they had neither an efficient army at home, nor a general whom they could oppose to their enemy. Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, was by far the first man in their state in respect of birth, fame, opulence, and, at that time, ate® by reason of an affinity with the king. But they rec- ollected that he had been routed in several battles and driven out of Spain by this very Scipio ;and that there- fore, as a general, he was no more a match for the general of the enemy than their tumultuary army was for that of the Romans. Therefore they shouted to arms, as if Scipio were coming immediately to attack the city; the gates were hastily closed, armed men placed upon the walls, guards and outposts stationed in different places, and the following night was spent in watching. The next day five hundred horsemen, sent to the coast to reconnoitre and in- terrupt the enemy while landing, fell in with the advanced guards of the Romans; for by this time Scipio, having -sent his fleet to Utica, had proceeded a short distance from the sea, and occupied the nearest heights. He had also placed outposts of cavalry in proper situations^ aild sent troops through the country to plunder. 29. These, engaging the body of Carthaginian horse, slew a few of them in the fight, and the greater part of theto as they pursued them when they were flying; among whom was Hanno, their captain, a young man of distinc- tion. Scipio not only devastated the lands in the country round him, but also took a very wealthy city of the Afri- cans which lay nearest to him ; where, besides other thingsT.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 607 which were immediately put on board the transports and sent into Sicily, eight thousand free persons and slaves were captured. But the most gratifying circumstance to the Romans was the arrival of Masinissa just at the com- mencement of their operations. Some say that he came with not more than two hundred horse, but most authors say with a body of two thousand cavalry. But as this man was by far the greatest king of his age, and rendered most essential service to the Romans, it seems worth while to digress a little, to give a full account of the great vicissi- tudes of fortune he experienced in the loss and recovery of his father's kingdom. While he was serving in Spain in the cause of the Carthaginians, his father, named Gala, died. The -kingdom, according to the custom of the Nu- midians, came to CEsalces, th^ brother of the late king, who was very aged. Not long"after, CEsalees also dying, the elder of Ms t^o B6tis^ mmed ^dpusa, the other being quite a hof\ succeeded tohis father's kingdom. But, as he oc- cupied tlie throne more by right of descent than from the esteem in which he was held among his countrymen, or the power he possessed, there stood forth a person named Mezetulus, not unrelated by blood to the kings, of a family which had always been hostile to them, and had continual- ly contested the right to the throne with those who then occupied it, with various success. This man, having roused his countrymen to arms, over whom he possessed a great influence, from the hatred felt towards the kings, openly pitched his cathp, and compelled the king to come into the field and fight for the throne. Oapusa, with many of his nobles, falling in the action, the whole nation of the Massylians came under the dominion and rule of Mezetu- lus. He abstained, however, from assuming the title of king; and, contenting himself with the modest appellation of protector, gave the name of king to the boy Laeumaces, a surviving branch of the royal stock. In the hope of an alliance with the Carthaginians, he formed a matrimonial connection with a noble Carthaginian lady, daughter of Hannibal's sister, who had been lately married to the king, CEsalees; and, sending ambassadors for that purpose^ re^ newed an old connection of hospitality with Syphax, tak- ing all these measures with a view to obtain assistance against Masinissa.608 THE HISTORY OF EOME. [B. XXIX., chap. 30. 30. Masinissa, hearing of the death of his uncle, and af- terwards that his cousin-german was slain, passed over out of Spain into Mauritania. Bocchar was king of the Moors at that time. Applying to him as a suppliant, he succeeded, by means of the most humble entreaties, in ob- taining from him four thousand Moors to escort him on his march, since he could not procure his co-operation in the war. With these, after sending a messenger before him to his own and his father's friends, he arrived on the frontiers of the kingdom, when about five hundred Nu- midians came to join him. Having, therefore, sent back the Moors to their king, as had been agreed, though the numbers which joined him were much less than he had anticipated, not being such as to inspire hiin with suffi- cient confidence for so great an attempt, yet, concluding that by action, and by making some effort, he should col- lect sufficient strength to enable him to effect something, He. threw himself in the way of the young king, Lacuma- ces, at Thapsus, as he was going to Syphax. The troops which attended him having fled back to thetown in con- sternation, Masinissa took it at the first asgaulk tfca royal party, some who surrendered themselves hereceived, others he slew while attempting resistance. The greater part, with the young king himself, escaped during the confusion and came to Syphax, to whom they intended to go at first. The fame of this success, in the commence- ment of his operations, though of no great magnitude, brought the Numidians over to the cause of Masinissa; and tlje veteran soldiers of Gala flocked to his standard from all quarters, from the country and the towns, invit- ing the youth to come and recover his paternal domin- ions. Mezetulus had somewhat the advantage in the numr ber of his soldiers, for he had himself both the army* with which he had conquered Capusa, and also some troops who had submitted to him after the king was slain ; and the young king, Lacumaces, had brought him very large succors from Syphax. Mezetulus had fifteen thousand in- fantry and ten thousand cavalry. With these Masinissa engaged in battle, though he had by no means so many horse or foot. The valor, however, of the veteran troops, and the skill of the general, who had been exercised in they.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 609 war between the Romans and Carthaginians, prevailed. The young king, with the protector and a small body of Massylians, escaped into the territories of the Carthagin- ians. Masinissa thus recovered his paternal dominions; but, as he saw that there still remained a struggle con- siderably more arduous with Syphax, he thought it advis- able to come to a reconciliation with his cousin-german. Having, therefore, sent persons to give the young king hopes that, if he put himself under the protection of Mas- inissa, he would be held in the same honor by him as CEsalces had formerly been by Gala; and to promise Mezetulus,in addition to impunity* a faithful restitution of "all his property; as both of them preferred a moderate share of fortune at home to exile, he brought them over to his side, notwithstanding the Carthaginians studiously ex- erted every means to prevent it. 31; It happened that Hasdrubal was with Syphax at the time these things were taking place. He told the Nu- midian, who considered that it could make very little dif- ference to him whether the government of the Massylians was in the hands of Lacumaces or Masinissa, that " he was very much mistaken if he supposed that Masinissa would be content with the same power which his father Gala or his uncle CEsalces enjoyed. That he possessed a much greater degree of spirit, and a more enterprising turn of mind, than had ever existed in any one of that race. That he had frequently, when in Spain, exhibited proofs to his allies, as well as to his enemies, of such valor as was rarely found among men. That both Syphax and the Carthaginians, unless they smothered that rising flame, would soon find themselves enveloped in a vast conflagra- tion, when they could not help themselves. That as yet his strength was feeble, and such as might easily be broken, while he was trying to keep together a kingdom which was not yet firmly cemented." By continually urging and goading him on, he succeeded in inducing him to lead an army to the f rontiers of the Massylians, and to pitch his camp in a country for which he had not only disputed ver- bally* but had fought battles with Gala, as though it had been his own by uncontested right. He alleged that " if any one should attempt to dislodge- him, whiehi w&fc what 26*610 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., cha*. 32. he most wanted, he would have an opportunity of fight- ing 5 but if the ground were given up to him through fear, lie must march into the heart of the kingdom. That the M^ssylians would either submit to his authority without a contest, or would be inferior to him in arms." 'Syphax, impelled by these arguments, made war on Masinissa, and in the first engagement routed and put him to flight. Mas- inissa, with a few horsemen, effected his escape from the field to a mountain called by the natives Balbus. Several families, with their tents and cattle, -which form their wealth, followed the king; the rest of the Massylian people submitted to Syphax. The mountain which the exiles had seized had plenty of grass and water; and, as it was well adapted, for feeding cattle, afforded an abundant sup- ply of food for men who live upon flesh and milk. From this place they infested all the surrounding country; at first with nightly and clandestine incursions, but after- wards with open depredations. The lands of the Cartha- ginians suffered the severest devastation, because there was not only a greater quantity of booty there thap among the Numidians, but their plunder would: be "safer.h; And now they did it with so much boldness and defiance, that* carrying their booty down to the sea, they sold it to mer- chants who brought their ships to land for that very pur- pose; while a greater number of Carthaginians were slain and made prisoners than frequently happens in a regular \var. The Carthaginians complained bitterly of these oc- currences to Syphax, and urged him strongly to follow up this remnant of the Avar, though he was himself highly in- censed at them. But he considered it hardly suitable to the dignity of a king to pursue a vagabond robber through the mountains. 32. Bocchar, one of the king's generals, an enterprising and active officer, was chosen for this service. Four thou- sand infantry and two thousand cavalry were assigned him ; and having been loaded with promises of immense rewards if he brought back the head o;f Masinissa, or if, which would be a source of incalculable joy, he took him alive; he unexpectedly attacked his party while dispersed and carelessly employed, and, after cutting off an immense quantity of cattle and men from the troops which guardedy.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF BOME. 611 them, drove Majsinissa himself, with a small body of at- tendants, to the summit of the mountain. On this, con- sidering the business as in a manner settled, he not only- sent the booty of cattle and the prisoners he had made to the king, but also sent back a part of his forces, as being considerably more than were necessary to accomplish what remained of the war; and then pursuing Masinissa, who had come down from the top of the mountain with not more than five hundred foot and two hundred horse, shut him up in a narrow valley, both the entrances of which he blocked up. Here great slaughter was made of the Mas- sylians. Masinissa, with not more than fifty horsemen, disengaged himself from the defile by passing through steep descents of the mountains which were not known to his pursuers. Bocchar, however, followed close upon him, and, overtaking him in the open plains near Clupea, so effectually surrounded him that he slew every one of his attendants except four horsemen. These, together wTith Masinissa himself, who was wounded, he let slip, in a man- ner, out of his hands during the confusion. The fugitives were in sight, and a body of horse, dispersed over the whole plain, pursued the five horsemen of the enemy, some of them pushing off in an oblique direction, in order to meet them. The fugitives met with a very broad river, into which they unhesitatingly plunged their horses, as they were pressed by greater danger from behind, and, carried away by the current, were borne along obliquely. Two of them having sunk in the rapid eddy in the sight of the enemy, Masinissa himself was supposed to have perished; but he, with the two remaining, had emerged among the bushes on the farther bank. Here Bocchar stopped his pursuit, as he neither had courage to enter the river nor believed that he now had any one to pursue. Upon this he returned to the king, with the false account of the death of Masinissa. Messengers were dispatched to Carthage to convey this most joyful event, and all Africa rang with the news of Masinissa's death; but the minds of men were variously affected by it. Masinissa, while curing his wound by the application of herbs, was supported for sev- eral days in a secret leave by what the two horsemen pro- cured by plunder. As soon as it was cicatrized, ana he612 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 33. thought himself able to bear the motion, with extraordina- ry resolution he set out to recover his kingdom; and col- lecting not more than forty horsemen during his progress, when he arrived among the Massylians, where he now made himself known, he produced such a sensation among them, both by reason of their former regard for him, and also from the unhoped-for joy they experienced at seeing him safe whom they supposed to have perished, that with- in a few days six thousand armed foot and four thousand horse came and joined him; and now he not only was in possession of his paternal dominions, but was also laying waste the lands of the states in alliance with the Cartha- ginians, and the frontiers of the Massylians, the dominions .of Syphax. Then, having provoked Syphax to war, he took up a position between Cirta and Hippo, on the tops of mountains which were conveniently situated for all his purposes. 33. Syphax, considering this an affair of too great im- portance to be managed by one of his generals, sent a part of his army with his son Vermina, a youth, with orders to march his troops round and attack the enemy in the rear, while he engaged their attention in front. Vermina set out by night, as he was to fall upon the enemy unawares ; but Syphax decamped in the day-time and marched openly, intending to fight a pitched battle. When it was thought that sufficient time had elapsed for those who were sent round to .have reached their destination, Syphax himself, relying upon his numbers and on the ambuscade pre- pared on the enemy's rear, led his troops up the mountain which lay before him, by a gentle acclivity which led to- wards the enemy. Masinissa, relying chiefly on the great superiority he would have over his opponents in respect of the ground, on his part also formed his troops. The bat- tle was furious, and for a long time doubtful; Masinissa having the advantage in point of situation and the courage of his troops, and Syphax in respect of his numbers, which were much the greater of the two. His numerous troops, which were divided, some of them pressing upon the enemy in front, while others surrounded them on the rear, gave Syphax a decisive victory; and, inclosed as they were in front and rear, the enemy had not even a way to escape.y.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 613 Accordingly, all their troops, both horse and foot, were slain and made prisoners, except about two hundred horse- men, which Masinissa having collected round him in a com- pact body, and divided into three squadrons, ordered to force their way through, first naming a place where they were to meet after being separated in their flight. Masi- nissa himself escaped through the midst of the enemy's Aveapons in the quarter to which he had directed his course; two of the squadrons were unable to extricate themselves; one of them surrendered to the enemy through fear; the other, making a more obstinate resistance, was overwhelmed with weapons and annihilated. Vermina fol- lowed Masinissa, treading almost in his steps; but he eluded him by continually turning out of one road into an- other, till at length he obliged him, wearied with the hopeless task, to desist from the pursuit, and arrived at the Lesser Syrtis with sixty horsemen. Here, in the country lying between the Carthaginian Emporia and the nation of the Garamantians, he passed all the time till the coming of Caius Laelius and the Roman fleet into Africa, with the proud consciousness of having made every exertion to re- cover his paternal dominions. These are the circumstances which incline me to the opinion that afterwards also, when Masinissa came to Scipio, he brought with him a smallish rather than a large body of cavalry to succor him; for the large number would seem to suit only with the condition of a reigning king, while the small number corresponds with, the circumstances of an exile. 34. The Carthaginians having lost a detachment of cav- alry, together with the commander, got together another body by means of a new levy, and gave the command of it to Hanno, son of Hamilcar. They frequently sent for Has- drubal and Syphax by letters and messengers, and lastly even by ambassadors, ordering Hasdrubal to brifig assist- ance to his almost besieged country, and imploring Syptiax to bring relief to Carthage, nay to all Africa. At that time Scipio had his camp about five miles from the city of Utica, having removed it from the sea, where he had con- tinued encamped for a few days near the fleet. Hanno, having received the body of horse, which was far from be- ing strong enough, not only to attack the enemy, but even614 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 34. to protect the country from devastation, made it his first business to augment the number of his cavalry by press- ing; and though he did not despise the men of other na- tions, he enlisted principally from the Numidians, who are by far the first horsemen in Africa. He had now as many as four thousand horsemen, when he took possession of a town named Salera, about fifteen miles from the Roman camp. When Scipio was told of this, he said, "What! cavaliy lodging in houses during the summer ! Let them be even more in number while they have such a leader." Concluding that the more dilatory they were in their operations, the more active he ought to be, he sent Mas- inissa forward with the cavalry, directing him to ride up to the gates of the enemy and draw them out to battle; and when their whole force had poured out and pressed upon him with such impetuosity in the contest that they could not easily be withstood, then to retire by degrees, and be would himself come up and join in the battle in time. Waiting only till he thought he had allowed suffi- cient time for the advanced party to draw out the enemy, he followed with the Roman cavalry, proceeding without being seen, as he was covered by some rising grounds, which lay very conveniently between him and the enemy, round the windings of the road. Masinissa, according to the plan laid down, at one time as if menacing the enemy, at another as if he had been afraid, either rode up to the gates? or else, by retiring when his counterfeited fears had inspired them with courage, tempted them to pursue him with inconsiderate ardor. They had not as yet all gone out, and the general was wearying himself with various oc- cupations, compelling some who were oppressed with sleep and wine to take arms and bridle their horses, and prevent- ing others from running out at all the gates in scattered parties and in disorder, without keeping their ranks or fol- lowing their standards. At first, those who incautiously rushed out were overpowered by Masinissa; but then a greater number pouring out of the gate at once in a dense body placed the contest on an equal footing; and at last the whole of their cavalry coming up and joining in the battle, they could now no longer be withstood. Masinissa, however, did not receive their charge in hasty flight, buty.k. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 615 retired slowly, until he drew them to the rising grounds, which covered the Roman cavalry. The Roman cavalry then rising tip, their own strength unimpaired, and their horses fresh, spread themselves round Hanno and the Afri- cans, fatigued with the fight and the pursuit, and Masinissa, suddenly turning his horses round, came back to the battle. About a thousand who formed the first line, and could not easily retreat, together with Hanno their general, were surrounded and slain. The victors pursuing the rest through a space of three miles, as they fled with the most violent haste, being terrified, principally on account of the death of their leader, either took or slew as many as two thousand horsemen more. It appeared that there were not less than two hundred Carthaginian horsemen among them, some of whom were distinguished by birth and fortune. 35. It happened that the same day on which these events occurred, the ships which had carried the plunder to Sicily returned with provisions, as if divining that they came to take another cargo of booty. All the writers do not vouch for the fact that two generals of the Carthaginians, bearing the same name, were slain in the battles of the cavalry; fearing, I believe, lest the same circumstance related twice should lead them into error. Cselius, indeed, and Valerius, make mention of a Hanno also who was made prisoner. Scipio rewarded his officers and horsemen according to the service they had respectively rendered, but he present- ed Masinissa above all the rest with distinguished gifts. Leaving a strong garrison at Saleca, he set out with the rest of his army; and having not only devastated the coun- try wherever he marched, but taken some cities and towns, thus spreading the terrors of war far and wide, he returned to his camp on the seventh day after he set out, bringing with him an immense quantity of men and cattle, and booty of every description, and sent away his ships again loaded with the spoils of the enemyr Then, giving up all expedi- tions of a minor kind, and predatory excursions, he direct- ed the whole force of the war to the siege of Utica, that he might make it for the time to come, if he took it, a position from which he might set out for the execution of the rest) of his designs. At one and the same time his marines at- tacked the city frpm the fleet in that part which is washed616 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 36. by the sea, and the land forces were brought up from a ris- ing ground which almost immediately overhung the walls. He had also brought with him engines and machines which had been conveyed from Sicily with the stores; and fresh ones were made in the armory, in which he had for that purpose employed a number of artificers skilled in such works. The people of Utica, thus beset on all sides with so formidable a force, placed all their hopes in the Cartha- ginians, and the Carthaginians in the chance there was that Hasdrubal could induce Syphax to take arms. But all their movements were made too slowly for the anxiety felt by those who were in want of assistance. Hasdrubal, though he had by levies, conducted with the utmost dili- gence, made up as many as thirty thousand infantry and three thousand horse, yet dared not move nearer to the enemy before the arrival of Syphax. Syphax came with fifty thousand foot and ten thousand horse, and, immediate- ly decamping from Carthage, took up a position not far from Utica and the Roman works. Their arrival produced, however, this effect, that Scipio, who had been besieging Utica for forty days, during which he had tried, every ex- pedient without effect, left the place without accomplishing his object; and as the winter was now fast approaching, fortified a camp for the winter upon a promontory which, being attached to the continent by a narrow isthmus, stretched out a considerable way into the sea. He included his naval camp also within one and the same rampart. The camp for the legions being stationed on the middle of the isthmus, the ships, which were drawn on land, and the mariners occupied the northern shore, the cavalry a valley on the south, inclining towards the other shore. Such were the transactions in Africa up to the close of autumn. 36. Besides the corn collected from all parts of the sur- rounding country by plunder, and the provisions imported from Italy and Sicily, Cneius Octavius, propraetor, brought a vast quantity out of Sardinia from Tiberius Claudius, the praetor, whose province Sardinia was; and not only were the granaries already built filled, but new ones were erect- ed. The army wanted clothing, and Octavius was in- structed to consult with the praetor in order to ascertain if any could be procured and sent out of that province.*.r. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 617 This business was also diligently attended to. One thou- sand two hundred gowns and twelve thousand tunics were in a short time sent. During the summer in which these operations were carried on in Africa, Publius Sempronius, the consul, who had the province of Bruttium, fought an irregular kind of battle with Hannibal in the Crotonian territory while actually on march; they fought.with their troops drawn more in order of march than of battle. The Romans were driven back, and as many as twelve hundred of the army of the consul were slain in this affair, which was more a tumult than a battle. They returned in confusion to their camp. The enemy, however, dared not assault it. But during the silence of the following night the consul marched away, and, having sent a messenger before him to Publius Licinius, the proconsul, to bring up his legions, united his forces with his. Thus two generals and two armies returned to Hannibal. Nor did either party delay to fight, as the forces of the consul were doubled, and the Carthaginian was inspirited by recent vic- tory. Sempronius led his legions into the front line; those of Licinius were placed in reserve. The consul, in the be- ginning of the battle, vowed a temple to Fortuna Primi- genia if he routed the enemy that day, and he obtained the object of that vow. The Carthaginians were routed and put to flight; above four thousand armed men were slain, a little under three hundred taken alive, with forty horses and eleven military standards. Hannibal, dispirited by this adverse battle, led his troops away to Croton. At the same time, in another part of Italy, Etruria, almost the whole of which had espoused the interest of Mago, and had conceived hopes of effecting a revolution through his means, was kept in subjection by the consul Marcus Cor- nelius, not so much by the force of his arms as the terror of his j udicial proceedings. In the trials he had instituted there, in conformity with the decree of the Senate, he had shown the utmost impartiality; and many of the Tuscan nobles, who had either themselves gone, or had sent others to Mago respecting the revolt of their states, at first stand- ing their trials, were condemned; but afterwards others, who, from a consciousness of guilt, had gone into voluntary exile, were condemned in their absence, and by thus with-618 THE HISTORY OF .ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 37, drawing left their effects only, which were liable to con- fiscation, as a pledge for their punishment. 37. While the consuls were thus engaged in different quarters, in the mean time, at Rome, the censors, Marcus Livius and Caius Claudius, called over the Senate roll. Quintus Fabius was again chosen chief of the Senate; seven were stigmatized, of whom there was not one who had sat in the eurule chair. They inquired into the busi- ness relating to the repair of public edifices with diligence and the most scrupulous exactness. They set by contract the making of a road out of the ox-market to the Temple of Yenus, with public seats on each side of it, and a temple to be built in the palatium for the great mother. They established also a new tax out of the price of salt. Salt, both at Rome and throughout all Italy, was sold at the sixth part of an as. They contracted for the supply of it at Rome at the same price, at a higher price in the coun- try towns and markets, and at different prices in different places. They felt well convinced that this tax was invent- ed by one of the censors, out ol reserititient to the people, because he had formerly been condemned by at* ufcjust sentence, and that, in fixing the price of salt, those tribes had been most burdened by whose means he had been con- demned. Hence Livius derived the surname of Salinator. The closing of the lustrum was later than usual, because the censors sent persons through the provinces, that a re- port might be made of the number of Roman citizens in each of the armies. Including these, the number of per- sons returned in the census was two hundred and fourteen thousand. Caius Claudius Nero closed the lustrum. They then received a census of the twelve colonies, which had never been done before, the censors of the colonies them- selves presenting it, in order that there might appear reg- isters among the public records, stating the extent of their resources, both in respect of furnishing soldiers and mon- ey. The review of the knights then began to be made, and it happened that both the censors had a horse at the public expense. When they came to the Pollian tribe, in which was the name of Marcus Livius, and the herald hes- itated to cite the censor himself, Nero said, " Cite Marcus Livius and whether it was that he was actuated by they.R. 548.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 619 remains of an old enmity, or that he felt a ridiculous pride in this ill-timed display of severity, he ordered Marcus Livius to sell his horse, because he had been condemned by the sentence of the people. In like manner, when they came to the Narnian tribe, and the name of his colleague, Marcus Livius ordered Caius Claudius to sell his horse, for two reasons ; one, because he had given false evidence against him; the other, because he had not been sincere in his reconciliation with him. Thus a disgraceful contest arose, in which each endeavored to asperse the character of the other, though not without detriment to his own. On the expiration of the office, when Caius Claudius had taken the oath respecting the observance of the laws, and had gone up into the treasury, he gave the name of his col- league among the names of those whom he left disfran- chised. Afterwards, Marcus Livius came into the treasury, und excepting only the Maecian tribe, which had neither condemned him nor made him consul or censor when con- demned, left all the Roman people, four-and-thirty tribes, disfranchised, because they had both condemned him when innocent, and when condemned had made him consul and censor; and therefore could not deny that they had been guilty of a crime, either once in his condemnation, or twice at the elections. He said that the disfranchisement of Caius Claudius would be included in that of the thirty- four tribes, but that if he were in possession of a precedent for leaving the same person disfranchised twice, he would have left his name particularly among the disfranchised. This contest between censors, endeavoring to brand each other, was highly improper, while the correction applied to the inconstancy of the people was suitable to the office of a censor, and worthy of the strict discipline of the times. As the censors were laboring under odium, Cneius Babius, tribune of the people, thinking this a favorable opportuni- ty of advancing himself at their expense, summoned them both to trial before the people. This proceeding was quashed by the unanimous voice of the Senate, lest in fu- ture the office of censor should become subject to the ca- price of the people. 38. The same summer Clampetia, in Bruttium, was taken by the consul by storm. Consentia and Pandosia,620 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxix., chap. 38. with some other inconsiderable states, submitted volunta- rily. As the time for the elections was now drawing near, it was thought best that Cornelius should be summoned to Rome from Etruria, as there was no war there. He elected, as consuls, Cneius Servilius Caepio and Caius Ser- vilius Geminus. The election of praetors was then held. The persons elected were, Publius Cornelius Lentulus, Publius Quinctilius Varus, Publius JElius Paetus, and Pub- lius Villius Tappulus. The last two were plebeian aediles when elected praetors. The elections finished, the consul returned into Etruria to his army. The priests who died this year, and those who were put in their places, were Ti- berius Veturius Philo, flamen of Mars, elected and inaugu- rated in the room of Marcus JEmilius Regillus, who died the year before: in the room of Marcus Pomponius Matho, augur and decemvir, were elected Marcus Aurelius Cotta, decemvir, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, augur, being then a very young man; an instance of very rare occur- rence in the disposal of the priests' offices in those times. Golden four-horsed chariots were placed this year in the Capitol by the curule aediles, Caius Livius and Marcus Ser- vilius Geminus. The Roman games were repeated dur- ing two days. During two days, also, the. plebeian games -were repeated by the aediles, Publius iElius and Publius Villius. There was likewise a feast of Jupiter on occasion of the games.y.R. 549.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 621 BOOK XXX. Scipio, aided by Masinissa, defeats the Carthaginians, Syphax and Has- drubal, in several battles. Syphax taken by Laelius and Masinissa. Masinissa espouses Sophonisba, the wife of Syphax, Hasdrubal's daugh- ter ; being reproved by Scipio, he sends her poison, with which she puts an end to her life. The Carthaginians, reduced to great extremity by Scipio's repeated victories, call Hannibal home from Italy ; he holds a conference with Scipio on the subject of peace, and is again defeated by him in battle. The Carthaginians sue for peace, which is granted them. Masinissa reinstated in his kingdom. Scipio returns to Rome; his splendid triumph j is surnamed Africanus. 1. CtfEitTS Servilius and Caius Servilius Geminus, the consuls in the sixteenth year of the Punic war, having con- sulted the Senate respecting the state, the war, and the provinces, they decreed that the consuls should arrange between themselves, or draw lots, which of them should have the province of Bruttium, to act against Hannibal, and which that of Etruria and Liguria; that the consul to whose lot Bruttium fell should receive the army from Publius Semprofiius; that Publius Sempronius, who was continued in command as proconsul for a year, should suc- ceed Publius Licinius, who was to return to Rome. In addition to the other qualifications with which he was adorned in a degree surpassed by no citizen of that time, for in him were accumulated all the perfections of nature and fortune, Licinius was also esteemed eminent in war. He was at once a man of noble family and great wealth; possessing a fine person and great bodily strength. He was considered an orator of the highest order, both in re- spect of judicial eloquence, and also when engaged in pro- moting or opposing any measure in the Senate, or before the people. He was also accurately skilled in the pontifical law. In addition to all these recommendations, the consul- ship enabled him to acquire military glory. The Senate adopted the same course in the decree with respect to the province of Etruria and Liguria as had been observed with622 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 2. regard to Bruttium. Marcus Cornelius was ordered to deliver his army to the new consul, and with continued command to hold himself the province of Gaul, with those legions which the praetor Lucius Scribonius had command- ed the former year. The consuls then cast lots for their provinces: Bruttium fell to the lot of Caepio, Etruria to the lot of Servilius Geminus. The provinces of the prae- tors were then put to the lot. Paetus iElius obtained the city jurisdiction; Publius Lentulus, Sardinia; Publius Villius, Sicily; Quinctilius Varus, Ariminum, with two legions which had served under Lucretius Spurius. Lu- cretius also was continued in command, that he might complete the building of the town of Genoa, which had been destroyed by Mago the Carthaginian. Publius Scip- io was continued in command for a period not limited in point of time, but the object he had to achieve, namely, till the war in Africa had been brought to a termination ; and a decree was passed, ordering a supplication to be made that the circumstance of his crossing over into Af- rica might be beneficial to the Roman people, the general himself, and his army. 2. Three thousand men were enlisted for Sicily, and lest any fleet should go thither from Africa, as all the efficient troops that province had possessed had been transported into Africa, it was resolved that the sea-coast of that isl- and should be guarded with forty ships. Villius took with him into Sicily thirteen ships; the rest consisted of the old ones, which were repaired. Marcus Pomponius, the prae- tor of the former year, who was continued in command, having been placed at the head of this fleet, put on board the fresh soldiers brought from Italy. The Senate assign- ed by a decree an equal number of ships to Cneius Octa- vius, who was also a praetor of the former year, with a similar privilege of command, for the protection of the coast of Sardinia. Lentulus, the praetor, was ordered to furnish two thousand soldiers to put on board it. The protection of the coast of Italy was assigned to Marcus Marcius, a praetor of the former year, with the same num- ber of ships; for it was uncertain to what quarter the Car- thaginians would send a fleet, though it was supposed that - they would attack any quarter which was destitute of de-y.K. 549.] THE HISTORY OE ROME. 623 fense. The consuls, in conformity with a decree of the Senate, enlisted three thousand soldiers for this fleet, and two city legions with a view to the hazards of war. The Spains were assigned to the former generals, Lucius Len- tulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus, who were continued in command, and retained their former armies. The opera- tions of the war on the part of the Romans this year were carried on with twenty legions in all, and one hundred and sixty ships of war. The praetors were ordered to proceed to their provinces. Directions were given to the consuls that, before they left the city, they should celebrate the great games which Titus Manlius Torquatus, when dictator, had vowed to be exhibited in the fifth year, if the condition of the state remained unaltered. Accounts of prodigies brought from several places excited fresh superstitious fears in the minds of men. It was believed that crows bad not only; torn with their beaks some gold in the Capitol, but had even eaten it. At Antium mice .gnawed a golden crown. An immense quantity of locusts filled the whole country around Capua, nor could it be made appear satis- factorily whence they came. At Reate a foal was produced with five feet. At Anagnia at first scattered fires appeared in the sky, afterwards a vast meteor blazed forth. At Fru- sino a circle surrounded the sun with a thin line, which was itself afterwards included within the sun's disk which ex- tended beyond it* At Arpinum the earth sank into an im- mense gulf, in a place where the ground was level. When one of the consuls was immolating the first victim, the head of the liver was wanting.; These prodigies (Were ex- piated with victims of the larger kind> The college of pontiffs gave out to what gods sacrifice was to be made. 3. After these matters were finished, the consuls and praetors set out for their provinces. All, however, made Africa the great object of their concern, as though it had been allotted to them; whether it was because,they saw that the welfare of the state and the issue of $19 w^r turn- ed upon the operations there, or that they might oblige Scipio,;on:whqm the whole state was then intent. Accord- ingly, not only from Sardinia, as has been before: mention- ed, but from Sicily also and Spain, clothing and eorjvand from Sicily arips alsoy togethpjwith; 0ye^y kind of stores,624 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 4. were conveyed thither. Nor did Scipio at any time during the' winter relax in any of the various military operations in which he was engaged on all sides. He continued the siege of Utica. His camp w"as within sight of Hasdrubal. The Carthaginians had launched their ships, and had a fleet prepared and equipped to intercept his supplies. Amidst these occupations he had not even lost sight of his endeav- ors to regain the friendship of Syphax, whose passion for his bride he thought might now, perhaps, have become sa- tiated from unlimited enjoyment. From Syphax lie re- ceived terms of peace with the Carthaginians, with propo- sals that the Romans should evacuate Africa, and the Car- thaginians Italy, rather than any ground of hope that he would desert their cause if the war proceeded. For my part, I ani of opinion, and in this I am countenanced by the majority of writers, that these negotiations were car- ried .on through messengers, rather than that Syphax him- self came to the Roman camp to hold a conference, as An- tias Valerius relates. At first the Roman general scarcely allowed these terms to be mentioned, biit rfterwards^ in order that there might exist a plausible pretext forhis emissaries to go frequently into the camp of the en^my;' he rejected these same terms in a more qualified manner, holding out a hope that they might eventually come to an agreement by agitating the question on both sides. The winter huts of the Carthaginians, which were constructed from materials hastily collected out of the fields, were al- most entirely of wood. The iNumidians, particularly, lay for the most part in huts formed of interwoven reeds, and covered with mats, dispersed up and down without any re- gard to order; while some of them, having chosen the sit- uations for their tents without waiting for orders, lay even without the trench and rampart. These circumstances having been reported to Scipio, gave him hopes that he might have an opportunity of burning the enemy's camp. 4. In company with the ambassadors whom he sent to Syphax, he also sent some centurions of the first rank, of tried valor and prudence, dressed as servants, in lieu of soldiers' drudges; in order that, while the ambassadors were engaged in conference, they might ramble through the camp, one in one direction and another in another, and^r.R. 549.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 625 thus observe all the approaches and outlets, the situation and form both of the camp in general and of its parts; where the Carthaginians lay, where the Numidians, and what was the distance between the camp of Hasdrubal and that of the king ; and that they might at the same time acquaint themselves with their customary mode of station^ ing outposts and watches, and learn whether they were more open to stratagem by night or by day. During the frequent conferences which were held, several different per- sons were purposely sent, in order that every circumstance might be known to a greater number. When the more fre- quent agitation of the matter had given to Syphax a daily increasing hope of peace, and to the Carthaginians through him, the Roman ambassadors at length declared that they were forbidden to return to their general unless a decisive answer ^as given, and 'that; therefore, if his! own determi^ nation was now fixed, he should declare it, or if Hasdrubal and the Carthaginians were to be consulted, he should con- sult them. That it was time either that an accommodation should be settled or the war vigorously prosecuted. Whilo Hasdrubal was consulted by Syphax, and the Carthaginians by Hasdrubal, the spies had time to inspect every thing, and Scipio to get together what was necessary for the ac- complishment of his project. In consequence of the men- tion and prospect of a peace, neglect arose among the Car- thaginians and Numidians, as is usually the case, to tako precautions* in the mean time,-that they might not suffer an attack of the enemy. At length an answer was return- ed; and as the Romans appeared excessively eager for peace, advantage was taken of that circumstance to add certain unreasonable conditions, which afforded Scipio a very seasonable pretext for putting an end to the truce ac- cording to his wishes; and telling the king's messeager that he would refer the matter to his council, he answered him next day. He said, that while he alone had in vain endeavored to restore peace, no one else had desired it. That he must, therefore, carry word back that Syphax must hope for peace on no other condition than his abandonment of th$ Carthaginians. Thus he put an end to the tmpej in order that hie might be free to execute his designs; without breaking his faith; and, launching his ships^ lor it now Yol. If.—27626 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 5. the beginning of spring, he £ut on board machines and en- gines, with the purpose of assaulting Utica from the sea. He also sent two thousand men to seize the eminence which commanded that place, and which he had before occupied, at once with the view of turning the attention of the enemy from the design he was endeavoring to effect to another object of concern, and to prevent any sally or attack which might be made from the city upon his camp, which would be left with a slight force to protect it, while he himself went against Syphax and Hasdrubal. 5. Having made these preparations, he called a council, and, after ordering the spies to give an account of the dis- coveries they had made, and requesting Masinissa, who was acquainted with every circumstance relating to the enemy, to state what he knew, lastly, he himself laid before the council the plan proposed for the following night. He gave directions to the tribunes, that wThen, after the break- ing up of the council, the trumpets had sounded, they should immediately march the legions out of the camp. Agreeably to his commands, the standards began to be carried out about sunset. About the first watch they formed the troops in marching order. At midnight, for it was seven miles' march, they came up at a moderate pace to the camp of the enemy. Here Scipio assigned a part of his forces, to- gether with Masinissa and the Numidians, to Laelius, order- ing them to fall upon the camp of Syphax, and throw fire upon it. Then taking each of the commanders, Masinissa and Leelius, aside, he implored them separately to make up by diligence and care for the absence of that foresight which the night rendered it impossible to exercise. He said that he should himself attack Hasdrubal and the Carthaginian camp, but he should not begin till he saw the fire in that of the king. ISTor did this delay him long; for when the fire thrown upon the nearest huts had taken effect, immediately communicating with all those which were within the short- est distance, and those connected with them in regular suc- cession, it spread itself throughout the whole camp. The confusion and alarm which took place, in consequence of so widely extended a fire breaking out during the night, were as great as might naturally be expected; but as they con- cluded that it was the effect of chance, and not producedY.R. 549.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 027 by the enemy, or connected with the war, they rushed out in a disorderly manner, without their arms, to extinguish the flames, arid fell in with armed enemies, particularly the ISTumidians, who, on account of their knowledge of the king's camp, were placed by Masinissa in convenient places at the openings of the passes. Many perished in the flames in their beds while half asleep; and many, tumbling over one another in their haste to escape, were trampled to death in the narrow passages of the gates. 6. When first the Carthaginian sentinels, and afterwards the rest, roused by the terrifying effects of a tumult by night, beheld the light emitted from the flames, they also, laboring under the same delusion, imagined that the fire had originated from accidental causes; while the shout raised amidst the slaughter and wounds, being of a con- fused kind, prevented their distinguishing whether it was occasioned by the trepidation of an alarm by night. Ac- cordingly, rushing out one and all at every gate, each man taking the nearest road, without their arms, as not suspect- ing any hostile attack, and carrying with them only such things as might be useful in extinguishing the flames, they fell upon the Roman troops. After all these had been slain, not only with the animosity of enemies, but also that no one might escape as a messenger, Scipio immediately attacked the gates, which were unguarded in consequence of the confusion ; and, having thrown fire upon the nearest huts, at first the flames blazed forth with great fury in sev- eral places at once, in consequence of the fire having been applied to different parts, but afterwards extending them- selves along the contiguous huts, they suddenly enveloped the whole camp in one general conflagration. Men and cattle scorched with the flames blocked up the passages of the gates, first in a terrible rush to escape, and afterwards with their prostrate bodies. Those who got out of the way of the fire were cut off by the sword, and the two camps were involved in one common destruction. The two generals, however, and out of so many thousand troops only two thousand foot and five hundred horsemen, escaped, half armed, a great many of them being wounded and scorched. Forty thousand^ men were either slain ^er de- stroyed by the flames, and above five thousand catptured.628 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 7. Among the captured were many Carthaginian nobles, eleven Senators, with a hundred and seventy-four military st$n$ards, above two thousand seven hundred Numidian horses, and six elephants. Eight elephants were destroyed either by fire or sword, and a* great quantity of arms taken. All the latter the general dedicated to Vulcan and burnt. 7. Hasdrubai, in his flight, had made for the nearest city of the Africans, accompanied by a few attendants; and hither all those who survived, following the footsteps of their general, had betaken themselves. But afterwards, fearing lest he should be given up to Scipio, he quitted that city. Soon after, the Romans were received there with open gates; nor was any act of hostility committed, be- cause the inhabitants had surrendered voluntarily. Short- ly after, two other cities were captured and plundered. The booty found there, together with what had been rescued from the earpps when burning, and from the flames, was given up to the soldiers. Syphax took up a position in a fortified place about eight miles off, Hasdrubai hastened to Carthage, lest the apprehensions occasioned by the re- cent disaster should lead to any timorous measures.; Bo great was the consternation created there on the first re- ceipt of the news, that it was fully anticipated that Scipio, suspending his operations against Utica, would immediate- ly lay siege to Carthage. The suffetes, therefore, who form with them an authority similar to the consular, sum- moned the Senate, when the three following opinions were given. The first proposed that a decree should be passed to the effect that ambassadors should be sent to Scipio to treat of peace ; the second, that Hannibal should be recall- ed to defend his country from a war which threatened its annihilation 5 the third breathed the spirit of Roman con- stancy under adversity; it recommended that the losses of th# ^rnjy should be repaired, and that Syphax should be ex- horted, not to abandon the war. The latter opinion pre- va9^ tesf,u3e itjvas that which Hasdrubai, who was pres- ent, and ajl the mepibers of the Barcine faction, preferred. After this, the levy commenced in the city and country, and ambassadors were dispatched to Syphax, who was him- self employing every effort to restore the war; for hisy.r. 549.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 629 wife had prevailed upon him, not, as heretofore, by caress- es, powerful as they are in influencing the mind of a lover, but by prayers and appeals to his compassion, imploring him, with streaming eyes, not to betray her father and her country, nor suffer Carthage to be consumed by the same flames which had reduced the camps to ashes. In addition to this, the ambassadors informed him of a circumstance which had occurred very seasonably to raise their hopes; that they had met with four thousand Celtiberians in the neighborhood of a city named Abba, a fine body of young men who had been enlisted by their recruiting officers in Spain; and that Hasdrubal would very soon arrive with a body of troops by no means contemptible. Accordingly, he not only.returned.a kind answer to the ambassadors, but also showed them, a multitude of Numidian rustics, whom he had lately furnished with arms and horses; and at the same time assured them that he would call out all the youth in his kingdom. He said, he well knew that the loss sustained had been occasioned by fire, and not by bat- tle, and that he was inferior to his adversary in war, who was overcome by force of arms. Such was the answer given to the ambassadors; and, after a few days, Hasdru- bal and Syphax again united their forces. This army con- sisted of about thirty-five thousand fighting meti. 8. Scipio, considering that Syphax and the Carthaginians could make no further efforts, gave his whole attention to the siege of Utica, and was now bringing up his engines to the walls, when he was diverted from his purpose by a re- port of the renewal of the war; and,leaving small forces merely to keep up the appearance of a siege by sea and land, he set out himself with the main strength of his' army to meet the enemy. At first he took up his position on an eminence about five miles distant from the king's 6sltnp. The next day, coming down with his cavalry into ar pta:ce called the great plains, which lay at the foot of that emi- nence, he spent the day in advancing up to the outposts of the enemy, and jfrovoking them by skirmishing attacks. During the ensuing two days irregular excursions were • made by both sides alternately, but nothing worthy of no- tice was achieved. On the fourth day both 6idM c^me down in battle-array. The Romans placed theirpnncipes630 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxx., chap. 9. behind the spearmen, which latter formed the front line, and the triarii they stationed in reserve ; the Italian caval- ry they opposed to the enemy in the right wing, the Nu- midians and Masinissa on the left. Syphax and Hasdru- bal, placing the Numidians against the Italian cavalry, and the Carthaginians opposite to Masinissa, received the Cel- tiberians into the centre of their line, to face the Roman legions. Thus arranged, they then commenced the encoun- ter. At the first charge, both the wings, the Numidians and Carthaginians, were together driven from their ground; for neither could the Numidians, who consisted principally of rustics, sustain the shock of the Roman cavalry, nor the Carthaginians, who were also rawr soldiers, withstand Mas- inissa, who, in addition to other circumstances, was render- ed formidable by his recent victory. The Celtiberian line, though stripped of the support of both the wings, stood their ground ; for neither did any hope of safety by flight present itself, as they were ignorant of the country, nor could they expect pardon from Scipio, against whom, though he had deserved well both of them and their nation, they had come into Africa to fight for hire. Surrounded, therefore, on all sides by the enemy, they died with obsti- nate resolution, falling one upon another; and, while the attention of all was turned upon them, Syphax and Has- drubal gained a considerable space of time to effect their escape. The victors, fatigued with the slaughter, which had continued for a greater length of time than the battle, were interrupted by the night. 9. The next day Scipio sent Lcelius and Masinissa, with all the Roman and Numidian cavalry, and the light-infan- try, to pursue Syphax and Hasdrubal. He himself, with the main strength of the army, reduced the neighboring towns, which were all subject to the Carthaginians, some by holding out hopes to them, some by threats, and others by force. At Carthage, indeed, the consternation was ex- treme ; and it was fully anticipated there that Scipio, who was carrying his arms to the different places around, would, after having rapidly subdued all the neighboring parts, suddenly attack Carthage itself. Their walls were repaired and protected w^ith outworks, and every man in- dividually exerted himself to the utmost in collecting fromr,r. 549.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. 631 the country the requisites for holding out against a pro- tracted siege. Mention was seldom made of peace, but not so seldom of sending deputies to recall Hannibal. The majority of them urged that the fleet, which had been equipped to intercept the convoys of the enemy, should be sent tp surprise the ships stationed near TJtica, which were lying in an unguarded state. It was also urged that they might perhaps overpower the naval camp, which was left under the protection of a trifling force. They chiefly in- clined to the latter plan, though they thought, nevertheless, that deputies should be sent to Hannibal; for should the operations of, the fleet succeed in the highest degree, the siege of TJtica would be partially raised, but they had no general remaining but Hannibal, and no army but his which could defend Carthage itself. The ships were there- fore launched the following day, and, at the same time, the deputies set out* for Italy; and, their position stimulating them, every thing was done with the greatest expedition; each man considering that the safety of all was betrayed, in whatever degree he remitted his own individual exer- tions. Scipio, who drew after him an army now incumber- ed with the spoils of many cities, sent his prisoners, and other booty, to his old camp at TJtica, and, as his views were now fixed on Carthage, he seized on Tunes, which was abandoned in consequence of the flight of the garrison. This city is about fifteen miles distant from Carthage, be- ing a place secured both by works and also by its own natural position; it maybe seen from Carthage, and itself affords a prospect both of that city and of the sea which washes it. < i: . ; > 10. From this place the Romans, while diligently em- ployed in raising a rampart, descried the fleet of the enemy on its way to Utica from Carthage. Desisting from their work, therefore, orders for marching were giveny and the troops began to move with the utmost haste, lest the ships which were turned towards the land, and occupied with the siege, and which were far from being in a condition for a naval battle, should be surprised and overpowered. For how could ships, carrying engines and machines, and either converted to the purposes of transports, or brought up to the walls so as to afford the means, of mounting up,G32 THE HISTORY OF ROME; [b. xxx., chap. 10. in lieu of a mound and bridges, resist a fleet, with nothing to impede its movements, furnished with every kind of naval implement, and prepared for action. Scipio, there- fore, contrary to his usual practice in naval engagements, drew the ships of war, which might have been employed in defending the rest, into the rear, and formed them into a line near the land; opposing to the enemy a row of transports, four deep, to serve as a wall; and, lest these same transports should be thrown into disorder during the confusion of the battle, he bound them together by placing masts and yard-arms across them, from one vessel to the other, and by means of strong ropes fastened them togeth- er, as it were, by one uninterrupted bond. He also laid planks upon them, so as to form a free passage along the line, leaving spaces under these bridges of communication by which the vessels of observation might run out towards the enemy, and retreat with safety. Having hastily made these arrangements, as well as the time would permit, he put oil board the transports about a thousand picked men, to keep off the enemy, with a very large sto^ebfweapons, particularly missiles, that they might hold out, however long the contest lasted. Thus prepared and on the Wat6h, they waited the approach of the enemy. The Carthagin- ians, who, if they had made haste, would, on the first as- sault, have surprised their adversaries while every thing was in a state of confusion, from the hurry and bustle at- tending the preparations, were so dismayed at their losses by land, and thereby had lost so much confidence even in their strength by sea, in which they had the advantage, that, after consuming the day, in consequence of the slow rate at which they sailed, about sunset they put in to a harbor which the Africans call Ruscino. The following day, at sunrise, they drew up their ships towards the open sea, as for a regular naval battle, and with the expectation that the Romans would come out to engage them. After they had continued stationary for some time, and saw that no movement1 was made on the part of the enemy, th6n at length they attacked the transports. The affair boi*e ho resemblance to a naval fight, but rather had the appearance of ships attacking walls. The transports had considerably the advantage in respect of height; and as the Carthagin*y.R. 549.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 633 ians had to throw their weapons upward, against a mark which was above them, most of them failed in taking effect; while the weapons thrown from the transports from above fell with increased force, and derived additional impetus from their very weight. The vessels of observa- tion, and even the lighter kind of barks, which went out through the spaces left under the flooring which formed a communication between the ships, were at first run down by the mere momentum and bulk of the ships of war; and afterwards they proved a hindrance to the troops ap- pointed to keep the enemy off; for, as they mixed with the ships of the enemy, they were frequently under the neces- sity of withholding their weapons for fear, by a misdirect- ed effort, they should fall on their friends. At length, beams with iron hooks at their ends, called harpoous, be- gan to be thrown from the Carthaginian upon, the Roman ships ; and, as they could hot cut the harpoons themselves nor the chains suspended by which they were thrown upon their ships, as each of the ships of war of the enemy, being pulled back, drew with it a transport, connected with it by a harpoon, you might see the fastenings by which the transports were joined together rent asunder, and in an- other part a series of many vessels dragged away together. In this manner, chiefly, were all the bridges of communica- tion torn to pieces, and scarcely had the troops who fought in front time to leap to the second line of ships. About six transports were towed away to Carthage, where the joy felt was greater than the occasion warranted; but their delight was increased from the reflection, that, in the midst of so many successive disasters and woes, one event, however trifling, which afforded matter of joy, had unex- pectedly occurred; besides which, it was ^man if est that the Roman fleet would have been well-nigh annihilated, had not their own commanders been wanting in diligence, and had not Scipio come up to its assistance in tima 11. It happened about the same time, that Lselius and Masinissa, having arrived in Numidia after a march of about fifteen days, the Massylians, Masinissa's hereditary kingdom, placed themselves under the protection of their king with the greatest joy, as they had long' wished him among them. After the commanders and garrisons of 27*634 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 11. Syphax had been expelled from thence, that prince kept himself within the limits of his original dominions, but without any intention of remaining quiet. Subdued by the power of love, he was spurred on by his wife and fa- ther-in-law; and he possessed such an abundance of men and horses, that a review of the resources of his kingdom, which had flourished for so many years, was calculated to infuse spirit into a mind even less barbarous and impetu- ous than his. Wherefore, collecting together all who were fit for service, he distributed among them horses, armor, and weapons. He divided his horsemen into troops, and his infantry into cohorts, as he had formerly learnt from the Roman centurions. With an army not less than that which he had before, but almost entirely raw and undis- ciplined, he set out to meet the enemy, and pitched his camp at a short distance from them. At first a few horse- men advanced cautiously from the outposts to reconnoitre, and being compelled to retire, from a discharge of javelins, they ran back to their friends. Then skirmishing parties were sent out from both sides, ancl the vanquished, fired with indignation, returned to the encounter with increased numbers. This is the usual incitement of battles between cavalry, when the victors are joined by more of their party from hope, and the vanquished from resentment. Thus, on the present occasion, the action commencing with a few, at last the whole body of the cavalry on both sides poured out to join in it, from the zeal excited by the contest. While the cavalry only were engaged,it was scarcely pos- sible to withstand the numbers of the Massesylians, which Syphax sent out in immense bodies. But afterwards, when the Roman infantry, suddenly coming up between the troops of horse, which made way for them, gave stability to their line, and checked the enemy, who were charging furiously, at first the barbarians slackened their speed, then halted, and were in a manner confounded at this novel kind of battle. At length, they not only retired before the in- fantry, but were unable to sustain the shock even of the cavalry, who had assumed courage from the support of the infantry. By this time the legions also were approach- ing; when, indeed, the Massesylians not only dared not await tlieir first charge, but could not bear even the sighty.it. 549.] THE HISTORY OF ROME 635 of the standards and arms ; so powerful was either the recollection of their former defeats, or their present fears. 12. It was then that Syphax, while riding up to the troops of the enemy to try if, either by shame or by expos- ing his own person to danger, he could stop their flight, be- ing thrown from his horse, .which was severely wounded, was overpowered, and, being made prisoner, was dragged alive into the presence of Lselius—a spectacle calculated to afford peculiar satisfaction to Masinissa. Cirta was the capital of the dominions of Syphax; to which a great number of men fled. The number of the slain in this bat- tle was not so great as the victory was important, because the cavalry only had been engaged. Not more than five thousand were slain, and less than half that number were made prisoners in an attack upon the oamp,.ta which the multitude, dismayed at the loss of their king, had fled; Masinissa" declared that nothing could be more highly gratifying to him than, having gained this victory, to go now and visit his hereditary dominions, which he had re- gained after having been kept out of them so long .a time ; but it was not proper, in prosperity any more than in ad^- versity, to lose any time. That if Lselius would allow him to go before him to Cirta with the cavalry and the captive Syphax, he should overpower the enemy while all was in a state of consternation and dismay; and that Laelius might follow with the infantry at a moderate rate. Laelius as- senting, he advanced to Cirta, and ordered the principal in- habitants to be called out to a conference. But as they were not aware of what had befallen their; king, he was unable to prevail upon them, either by laying before them what had passed, by threats, or by persuasion, until, the king wras presented to their view in chains. A general lamentation arose at this shocking exhibition, and while some deserted the walls in a panic, others^. who sought to ingratiate themselves with the victor, suddenly came to an agreement to thpw open the gates. Masinissa, having sent troops to keep guard near the gate,3, and at. such, parts of the wall as required it, that no one might haveapas^ sage out to escape by, galloped off to seize the palace. While entering the porch, Sophqoisba, tjip wifeo£"Syphax£36 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [u. xxx., chap. 12. and daughter of Hasdrubal the Carthaginian, met him in the very threshold, and seeing Masinissa in the midst of the armed band, for he was distinguished both by his arms and also by his habiliments, she concluded, as was really the case, that he was the king; and, falling down at his knees, thus addressed him: " The gods, together with your own valor and good-fortune, have given you the power of disposing of us as you please. But if a captive may be al- lowed to give utterance to the voice of supplication before him who is the sovereign arbiter of her life or death; if she may be permitted to touch his knees and his victorious right hand, I entreat and beseech you by the majesty of royalty, which we also a short time ago possessed; by the name of the Numidian race, which was common to Sy- phax and yourself; by the guardian deities of this palace (and oh ! may they receive you more auspiciously than they sent Syphax from it!), that you would indulge a sup- pliant by determining yourself whatever your inclination may suggest respecting your captive, and not suffer me to be placed at the haughty and merciless disposal of any Roman. Were I nothing more than the wife of Syphax, yet would I rather make trial of the honor of a JSTumidian, one born in Africa, the same country which gave me birth, than of a foreigner and an alien. You know what a Car- thaginian, what the daughter of Hasdrubal, has to fear from a Roman. If you can not effect it by any other means, I beg and beseech you that you will by my death rescue me from the power of the Romans." She was re- markably beautiful, and in the full bloom of youth. Ac- cordingly, while she pressed his right hand, and only im- plored him to pledge himself that she should not be deliv- ered up to any Roman, her language assuming the character of amorous blandishment rather than entreaty, the heart ^of the conqueror not only melted 'with' compassion, but, as theNumidians are an excessively amorous race, he became the slave of his captive ; and giving his right hand as a pledge for the performance of her request, withdrew into the palace. He then set upon reflecting in what manner he could make good his promise; and not being able to hit upon any expedient, his passion suggested to him an inconsiderate and barefaced alternative. He ordered thaty.K, 549.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 637 preparations should be instantly made for celebrating the nuptials that very day; in order that he might not leave it at all open to Lselius, or Scipio himself, to adopt any measure respecting her as a captive who had become the wife of Masinissa. After the nuptials were concluded, Laelius came up; and so far was he from dissembling his disapprobation of the proceeding, that at first he would even have had her dragged from the marriage-bed and sent with Syphax and the rest of the captives to Scipio: but afterwards, having been prevailed upon by the entreaties of Masinissa, who begged of him to leave it to Scipio to decide which of the two kings should have his fortunes graced by the accession of Sophonisba, he sent away Sy- phax and the prisoners; and, aided by Masinissa, employed himself in reducing the rest of the cities of Numidia which were occupied by the king's garrisons. 13. When it was announced that Syphax was being brought into the camp, the whole multitude poured out, as if to behold a triumphal pageant. The king himself walked first in chains, and a number of Numidian nobles followed. On this occasion every one strove to the ut- most to increase the splendor of their victory, by magni- fying the greatness of Syphax and the renown of his na- tion. " That was the king," they said," to whose dignity the two most powerful nations in the world, the Roman and the Carthaginian, had paid so much deference, that their own general, Scipio, leaving his province of Spain and his army, sailed into Africa with only two quinque- remes to solicit his friendship ; while Hasdrubal, the Car- thaginian general, not only visited him in his dominions, but gave him his daughter in marriage. That he had in his power two commanders, one a Roman and the other a Carthaginian, at the same time. That as both the con- tending parties sought the favor of the immortal gods by the immolation of victims, so had they both equally so- licited his friendship. That he had lately possessed such great power, that after expelling Masinissa from his king- dom, he reduced him to such a state, that his life was protected by a report of his death, and by concealment, while he supported himself in the woods on prey, after the manner of wild beasts." Thus signalized by the ob-638 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 14. servations of the surrounding multitude, the king was brought into the pavilion before Scipio, who was moved by the former condition of the man compared with his present, and particularly by the recollection of their rela- tion of hospitality, his right hand pledged, and the public and private connection which had been formed between them. These same considerations inspired Syphax also with confidence in addressing the conqueror; for when Scipio asked what had been his object in not only re- nouncing his alliance with the Romans, but in making war against them without provocation, he fully admitted "that he had indeed done wrong,and acted like a mad- man; but not at that time only when he took up arms against the Roman people; that was the consummation of his frenzy, not its commencement. Then it was that he was mad; then it was that he banished from his mind all regard for private friendship and public treaties, when he received a Carthaginian wife into his house. It was by the flames kindled by those nuptial torches that his palace had been consumed. That fury and pest had by every kind of fascination engrossed his affections and obi scured his reason ; nor had she rested till she had with her own hands clad him with impious arms against his, guest and friend. Yet, ruined and fallen as he was, he derived some consolation in his misfortunes when he saw that that same pest and fury had been transferred to the dwelling and household gods of the man who was of all others his greatest enemy. That Masinissa was neither more prudent nor more firm than Syphax ; but even more incautious by reason of his youth. Doubtless he had shown greater folly and want of self-control in marrying her than he himself had." 14. These words, dictated not merely by the hatred nat- urally felt towards an enemy, but also by the anguish of jealousy, on seeing the object of his affections in the pos- session of his rival, affected the mind of Scipio with no ordinary degree of anxiety. His accusations against Mas- inissa derived credibility from the fact of the nuptials having been celebrated in the most violent hurry, almost amidst the clash of arms, without consulting or waiting for Lselius, and with such precipitate haste, that on ther.R. 549;] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 639 very day oil which he saw the captive enemy he united himself with her in matrimony, and performed the nuptial rite in the presence of the household gods of his enemy. This conduct appeared the more heinous to Scipio, be- cause, when a very young man in Spain, he had not allow- ed himself to be influenced by the beauty of any captive. While ruminating on these circumstances, Lselius and Masinissa came up. Without making any distinction be- tween them, he received them both with a cheerful coun- tenance, and, having bestowed upon them the highest com- mendations before a full assembly of his officers, he took Masinissa aside and thus addressed him: " I suppose, Masinissa, that it was because you saw in me sdme good qualities that you at first came to me when in Spain, for the purpose of forming a friendship with me, and that af- terwards in Africa you committed yourself and air your hopes to my protection. But of all those virtues, on ac- count of which I seemed to you worthy of your regard, there is not one in which I gloried so much as temperance and the control of my passions. I could wish that you also, Masinissa, had added this to your other distinguished qualities. There is not, believe me, there is not so much clanger to be apprehended by persons at our time of life from armed foes as from the pleasures which surround us on ail sides. The man who by temperance has curbed aiid subdued his appetite for them has acquired for him- self much greater honor, and a much more important vic- tory, than we now enjoy in the conquest of Syphax. I have mentioned with delight, and I remember with pleas- ure, the instances of fortitude and courage which you dis- played in my absence. As to other matters, I would rath- er that you should reflect upon them in private, than that you should be put to the blush by my reciting them. Sy- phax was subdued and captured under the auspices of the Romaii people; therefore he himself, his wife, his kingdom, his territories, his towns and their inhabitants, in short, every thing which belonged to him, are the booty of the Roman people; and it was proper that the king himself and his consort, even though she had not been a citizen of Carthage, even though we Aid not see her father commanding the armies of our enemies,should be sent to640 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 15. Rome, and that the Senate and people of Rome should judge and determine respecting her who is said to have alienated from us a king in alliance with us, and to have precipitated him into war with us. Subdue your passions. Beware how you deform many good qualities by one vice, and mar the credit of so many meritorious deeds by a de- gree of guilt more than proportioned to the value of its object." 15. While Masinissa heard these observations, he not only became suffused with blushes, but burst into tears; and after declaring that he would submit to the discretion of the general, and imploring him that, as far as circum- stances would permit, he would consider the obligation he had rashly imposed upon himself, for he had promised that he would not deliver her into the power of any one, he retired in confusion from the pavilion into his own tent. There, dismissing his attendants, he spent a considerable time amidst frequent sighs and groans, which could be distinctly heard by those who stood around the tent. At last, heaving a deep groan, he called one of his servants in whom he confided, in whose custody poison was kept, ac- cording to the custom of kings, as a remedy against the unforeseen events of fortune, and ordered him to mix some in a cup and carry it to Sophonisba; at the same time in- forming her that Masinissa would gladly have fulfilled the first obligation which as a husband he owed to her his wife ; but since those who had the power of doing so had deprived him of the exercise of that right, he now per- formed his second promise, that she should not come alive into the power of the Romans. That, mindful of her fa- ther, the general, of her country, and of the two kings to whom she had been married, she would take such meas- ures as she herself thought proper. When servant came to Sophonisba bearing this message and the poison, she said, "I accept this nuptial present; nor is it an un- welcome one, if my husband can render me no better serv- ice. Tell him, however, that I should have died with greater satisfaction had I not married so near upon my death." The spirit with which she spoke was equalled by the firmness with which she took and drained the chalice, without exhibiting any symptom of perturbation. Wh^hY.lt. 549.] THE HISTORY OF EOME. 641 Scipio was informed of this event, fearful lest the high- spirited young man should, in the distempered state of his mind, adopt some desperate resolution, he immediately sent for .him, and at one time endeavored to solace him, at another gently rebuked him for expiating one act of temerity with another, and rendering the affair more trag- ical than was necessary. The next day, in order to divert his mind from his present affliction, he ascended his tri- bunal and ordered an assembly to be summoned, in which, having first saluted Masinissa with the title of king, and distinguished him with the highest encomiums, he pre- sented him with a golden goblet, a curule chair, an ivory sceptre, an embroidered gown, and a triumphal vest. He increased the honor by observing that among the Romans there was nothing more magnificent than a triumph, and that those who triumphed were not arrayed with more splendid ornaments than those with which the Roman people considered Masinissa alone, of all foreigners, wor- thy. He then bestowed the highest commendations upon Lgelius also, and presented him with a golden crown, and gave presents to the other military characters proportion- ed to their respective merits. By these honors the king's mind was soothed, and encouraged to hope that he would speedily become master of all Numidia, now that Syphax was removed. 16. Scipio, having sent Caius Laelius with Syphax and the rest of the prisoners to Rome, with whom went also ambassadors from Masinissa, led his troops back again to Tunes, and completed the fortifications which he had be- fore begun. The Carthaginians, who had experienced not only a short-lived but almost groundless joy, from their attack upon the fleet, which, under existing circumstances, was tolerably successful, were so dismayed at the account of the captur* of Syphax, in whom they reposed almost greater confidence than in Hasdrubal and his army, that now, listening no longer to any who advocated war, they sent thirty of their principal elders as deputies to solicit peace. With them the council of elders is held in the highest reverence, and has supreme power even to control the Senate itself. When they came into the Roman camp and entered the pavilion, they prostrated themselves after642 THE HISTORY OF ROMS. [b. xxx., chap. 16. the manner of those who pay profound adoration to kings, adopting the custom, I suppose, from the country from which they derived their origin. Their language corre- sponded with such abject humiliation, for they dLd not en- deavor to deny their guilt, but charged Hannibal and the favorers of his violent measures with being the originators of it. They implored pardon for their state, which had been now twice brought to the brink of ruin by the te- merity of its citizens, and would again owe its safety to the indulgence of its enemies. They said, the object the Iioman people aimed at in the subjugation of their ene- mies was dominion, and not their destruction; that he might enjoin what he pleased upon them, as being pre- pared submissively to obey. Scipio replied, " That he had come into Africa with the hope, and that hope had been increased by the success he had experienced in his operations, that he should carry home victory, and not terms of peace. Still, though he had victory, in a man- ner, within his grasp, he would not refuse all accommoda- tion, that all the nations of the world may know that the Roman people both undertake and conclude wars with justice." The terms of peace which he prescribed were these: "That they should restore the prisoners, deserters, and fugitives; withdraw their armies from Italy and Gaul; give up all claim to Spain ; retire from all the isl- ands between Italy and Africa; deliver up all their ships of war except twenty; and furnish five hundred thousand pecks of Wheat, and three hundred thousand of barley." Authors are not agreed as to the sum of money he de- manded. In some I find five thousand talents; in others .five thousand pounds' weight of silver; in others, that double pay for the troops was required. " Three days," he said, "shall be allowed to deliberate whether you ac- cept of peace on these terms. If you do accept it, make a truce with me, and send deputies to Rome to the Sen- ate." The Carthaginians being thus dismissed, as they thought it proper to accept of any conditions of peace, for their only object was to gain time for Hannibal to cross over into Africa, sent some ambassadors to Scipio to conclude a truce, and others to Rome to solicit peace; the latter taking with them a few prisoners, deserters,y.R. 549.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 643 and fugitives, in order to facilitate the attainment of peace. 17. Laelius, with Syphax and the principal ISTumidian prisoners, arrived at Rome several days before, and, laying before the Senate all the transactions which had occurred in Africa in order, the greatest joy was felt for the present, and the most sanguine anticipations formed of the future. The sense of the Senate being then taken upon the subject, they resolved that the king should be sent to Alba to be kept in custody, and that Laelius should be detained until the arrival of the Carthaginian ambassadors. A supplica- tion for four days was decreed. The Senate breaking up, and an assembly of the people being then called, Publius iElius the praetor, accompanied by Caius Laelius^ mounted the rostrum. There, on hearing that the armies of the Carthaginians'had been routed, that a king of the greatest renown had been vanquished and made prisoner, that all Numidia had been overrun with brilliant success, the peo- ple were unable to refrain from expressing their delight, but manifested their transports by shouts and all the other means usually resorted to by the multitude. The prae- tor, therefore, immediately issued orders that the keepers should open all the temples throughout the city, and that the people should be allowed during the whole day to go round and make their adoration to the gods, and return their thanks. The next day he brought the ambassadors of Masinissa before the Senate. They, in the first place, congratulated the Senate on the successes of Scipio in Africa, and then thanked them, not only for having saluted him with the title of king, but for having made him one; by reinstating him in his paternal dominions, where, now that Syphax was removed, he would reign, if it was the pleasure of the Senate, without fear or opposition. Next, for having bestowed upon him the highest commendations in the assembly, and decorated him with the most mag- nificent presents, of which Masinissa h$d endeavored, and would in future endeavor, to render himself worthy. They requested that the Senate would by a decree confirm the title of king with the other favors and benefits conferred by Scipio, and, if it were not troublesome, they saidi.-that Masinissa further requested that they would send home644 THE HISTORY OP ROME. [a. xxx., ciiap. 18. the Numidian captives who were detained at Rome; for that this boon would procure him the esteem and honor of his countrymen. On these points the Senate replied to the ambassadors, " that they reciprocated the congratulations of the king on the successes in Africa. That Scipio was considered to have acted properly and regularly in saluting him with the title of king, and that the Senate applauded and approved of every thing else he had done which was gratifying to Masinissa." They appointed, by a decree, what presents the ambassadors should carry to the king; they were, two purple cloaks, each having a golden clasp, and each accompanied with vests and broad purple borders, two horses arrayed with trappings, two suits of equestrian armor with coats of mail, together with tents and other military apparatus such as those usually provided for a consul. These the praetor was directed to send for the king. The ambassadors were severally presented with not less than five thousand asses, their attendants with one thousand. Two suits of apparel were presented to each of the ambassadors, and one to each of their attendants and to the Numidians, who were discharged from custody and given back to the king. In addition to these, dwellings, reserved by the state for such purposes, grounds, and en- tertainment, were assigned to the ambassadors. 18. The same summer during which these decrees were passed at Rome, and these transactions took place in Afri- ca, Publius Quinctilius Yarus, the praetor, and Marcus Cor- nelius, the proconsul, fought a pitched battle with Mago the Carthaginian in the territories of the Insubrian Gauls. The legions of the prgetor were in the first line; Cornelius kept his in reserve, riding forward into the front himself, and the praetor and proconsul, leading on the two witigs, exhorted the soldiers to attack the enemy with the utmost vigor. Finding they produced no impression upon the en- einyj Quinctilius said to Cornelius: "The battle, as you perceive, does not proceed with spirit; the enemy, having succeeded in their resistance beyond expectation, have be- come callous to fear, and there is danger lest it should be converted into boldness. We must stir up a tempest of cavalry if we wish to disorder and drive them from their ground; therefore, either do you sustain the fight in front,y.r. 549.] THE HISTORY OF HOME. and I will lead the cavalry into the action; or else, I will act in the front line, and you send out the cavalry of the four legions against the enemy." The proconsul offering to take whichever part of the service the praetor pleased, Quinctilius the praetor, with his son, surnamed Marcus, a spirited youth, went off to the cavalry, and, desiring them to mount, instantly led them to the charge. The confusion occasioned by these was increased by a shout raised by the legions; nor would the line of the enemy have stood un- broken, had not Mago, as soon as he saw the cavalry in motion, immediately brought into action his elephants, which he kept in readiness. The horses were so terrified at the snorting, the smell, and appearance of these animals, that the aid of the cavalry was rendered ineffectual. As the Roman horseman had the advantage in point of effi- ciency in a close fight, when he could use his javelin and sword hand to hand, so the Numidians had the advantage when throwing their darts from a distance upon enemies borne away from them by their terrified horses. At the same time, the twelfth legion, though a great number of them were slain, maintained their ground through shame rather than a reliance on their strength; but they would not have continued to do so longer, had not the thirteenth legion, brought up into the front line from the reserve, taken up the doubtful conflict. Mago, also, bringing up the Gauls from his reserve, opposed them to the fresh legion. The Gauls being routed without any great effort, the spearmen ef the eleventh legion formed themselves into a circular body and charged the elephants, which were now disorder- ing the line of infantry; and as scarcely one of the javelins which they threw upon them failed of taking effect, as they were close together, they turned them all upon the line of their own party. Four of them fell overpowered with wounds. It was then that the front line of the enemy gave ground, the whole body of the Roman infantry at the same time rushing forward to increase the panic and confusion, on seeing the elephants turn their backs?. 'As Jong as Mago stood in front, the troops stepped back slowly, pre- serving their ranksj and not relaxing their ardor ii> fights ing; but when they saw him, falling, from a WiQund thigh, which was transfixed, and carried off the fieklalmost646 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., ciiap. la lifeless, in an instant they all betook themselves to flight. As many as five thousand of the enemy were slain, and twenty-two military standards captured on that day. Nor did the Romans obtain a bloodless victory. Two thousand three hundred of the army of the praetor, by far the great- er part of whom belonged to the twelfth legion, were lost. Two military tribunes, Marcus Gosconius and Marcus Mse- nius, of the same legion; and of the thirteenth legion also, which joined in the action at its close, Cneius Helvius, a military tribune, fell in restoring the fight; and about twenty-two distinguished horsemen, together with several centurions, were trampled upon and killed by the elephants. The contest would have continued longer, had not the ene- my conceded the victory, in consequence of the wound of their general. 19. Mago, setting out during the silence of the succeed- ing night, and marching as far at a time as his wounds would allow him, reached the sea-coast in the territory of the Ingaunian Ligurians. Here ambassadors from Car- thage, who had put into the Gallic bay a few days before, came to him with directions to cross over into Africa with all speed, informing him that his brother Hannibal—for to him also they said ambassadors had gone with similar di- rections—would do the same, for the affairs of the Car- thaginians were not in a condition to admit of their oc- cupying Gaul and Italy with armies. Mago, not only in- fluenced by the command of the Senate and the danger which threatened his country, but fearful also lest the vic- torious enemy should be upon him if he delayed, and lest the Ligurians themselves, seeing that the Carthaginians were leaving Italy, should pass over to those under whose power they were likely soon to be placed; at the same time hoping that his wound would be less irritated by the motion of sailing than marching, and that he would have greater facilities for the cure of it, put his troops on board and set sail. But he had scarcely cleared Sardinia when he died of his wound. Several also of his ships, which had been dispersed in the main sea, were captured by the Roman fleet which lay near Sardinia. Such were the transactions by sea and land in that part of Italy which is adjacent to the Alps. The consul Caius Servilius, with'/r.R. 549.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 647 out having performed any memorable achievement in Etruria, his province, and in Gaul, for he had advanced thither also, but having rescued from slavery, which they had endured for now the sixteenth year, his father, Oaius Servilius, and his uncle, Caius Lutatius, who had been taken by the Boians at the village of Tanetum, returned to Rome with his father on one side of him and his uncle on the other, distinguished by family, rather than by pub- lic honors. It was proposed to the people that Caius Ser- vilius should be indemnified for having filled the offices of plebeian tribune and plebeian sedile contrary to what was established by the laws, while his father, who had sat in the curule chair, was still alive, he being ignorant of that circumstance. This proposition having been carried, he returned to his province. The towns Consentia, Uffu- gum, Vergse, Besidiae, Hetriculum, Sypheum, Argentanum, Clampetia, and many other inconsiderable states, perceiv- ing that the Carthaginian cause was declining, went over to Cneius Servilius, the consul in Bruttium. The same consul fought a battle with Hannibal, in the territory of Croto. The accounts of this battle are not clear. Vale- rius Antias states that five thousand men were slain. But this is an event of such magnitude, that either it must be an impudent fiction or negligently omitted. It is certain that nothing further was done by Hannibal in Italy; for ambassadors from Carthage, recalling him into Africa, came to him, as it happened, at the same time that they came to Mago. 20. It is said that when Hannibal heard the message of the ambassadors he gnashed with his teeth, groaned, and scarcely refrained from shedding tears. After they had delivered the commands with which they were charged, he said : " Those who have for a long time been endeavoring to drag me home, by forbidding the sending of supplies and money to me, now recall me, not -indirectly, but open- ly. Hannibal, therefore, hath been conquered, not by the Roman people, who have been so often slain ^and routed, but.' by. the Carthaginian Senate, through envy and der traction; nor will Publius Seipio exult atid glory in this unseemly return so much as Hanno, who has crushed our family, since he could not effect it by any other means,'648 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 2L by the ruins of Carthage." Already had his mind enter- tained a presentiment of this event, and he had according- ly prepared ships beforehand. Having, therefore, sent a crowd of useless soldiers under pretense of garrisons into the towns in the Bruttian territory, a few of which con- tinued their adherence to him, more through fear than at- tachment, he transported the strength of his army into Africa. Many natives of Italy who, refusing to follow him, into, Africa, had retired to the shrine of Juno Lacinia, which had never been violated up to that day, were bar- barously massacred in the very temple. It is related that rarely any person leaving his country to go into exile ex- hibited deeper sorrow than Hannibal did on departing from the land of his enemies; that he frequently looked back upon the shores of Italy, and, arraigning both gods and men, cursed himself and his own head that he did not lead his troops, while reeking with blood from the victory at le, the soldier, discon- certed at the liberties which the citizens took, thus address- ed them: "Having left you when nine years old, I have returned after a lapse of thirty-six years. I flatter myself I am well acquainted with the qualifications of a soldier, having been instructed in them from my childhood, some- times by my own situation, and sometimes by that of my country. The privileges, the laws, and customs of the city and the Forum you ought to teach me." Having thus apologized for his indiscretion, he discoursed largely con- cerning the peace, showing how inoppressive the terms were, and how necessary it was. The greatest difficulty was, that of the ships which had beett seized during the truce nothing was to be found except the ships themselves: nor was it easy to collect the property, because those who were charged with having it were opposed to the peace. It was resolved that the ships should be restored, and that the men, at least, should be looked up ; and as to whatever else was missing, that it should be left to Scipio to put a value upon it, and that the Carthaginians should make compensation accordingly in money. There are those who say that Hannibal went from the field of battle to the sea- coast; whence he immediately sailed in a ship, which he had ready for the purpose, to King Antiochus; and that when Scipio demanded above every thing that Hannibal should be given up to him, answer was made that Han- nibal was not in Africa. 38. After the ambassadors returned to Scipio, the quaes- tors were ordered to give in an account, made out from the public registers, of the public property which had been in the ships*; and the owners to make a return of the private property. For the amount of the value twenty-Jive thou- sand pounds of silver were required to be paid down; and a truce for three months was granted to the Carthaginians. It was added* that during the time of the truce thfcy should not send ambassadors any where else than to Rome ; and that, whatever ambassadors came to Carthage, they shouldTHE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 38. not dismiss them before informing the Roman general who they were, and what they sought. With the Carthaginian ambassadors, Lucius Veturius Philo, Marcus Marcius Ralla, and Lucius Scipio, brother of the general, were sent to Rome. At the time in which these events took place, the supplies sent from Sicily and Sardinia produced such cheapness of provisions, that the merchant gave up the corn to the mariners for their freight. At Rome alarm was excited at the first intelligence of the renewal of Iiqs- tilities by the Carthaginians; and Tiberius Claudius was directed to conduct the fleet with speed into Sicily, and cross over from that place into Africa. The other consul, Marcus Servilius, was directed to stay at the city until the state of affairs in Africa was ascertained. Tiberius Clau- dius, the consul, proceeded slowly with every thing con- nected with the equipment and sailing of the fleet, because the Senate had decided that it should be left to Scipio, rather tl)»U to the consul, to determine the conditions on which the peace should be granted. The accounts also of prodigies which arrived just at the time of the news of the revival of the war, had occasioned great alarm. At Cunise the orb of the sun seemed diminished, and a shower of stones fell; and in the territory of Veliternum the earth sank in great chasms, and trees were swallowed up in the cavities. At Aricia the Forum and the shops around it, at Frusino a wall in several places, and a gate, were struck by lightning; and in the Palatium a shower of stones fell. The latter prodigy, according to the custom handed down by tradition, was expiated by a nine days' sacred rite; the rest with victims of the larger sort. Amid these events an unusually great rising of the waters was converted into a prodigy; for the Tiber overflowed its banks to such a de- gree, that as the circus was under wrater, the Apollinarian games; were got up near the temple of Yenus Erycina, without the Colline gate. However, the weather sudden- ly clearing up on the very day of the celebration, the pro- cession, which had begun to move at the Colline gate, was recalled and transferred to the circus, on its being known that the water had retired thence. The joy of the people and the attraction of the games were increased by the res- toration of this solemn spectacle to its proper scene.T.B.550.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 673 39. The consul Claudius, having set out at length from the city, was placed in the most imminent danger by a violent tempest, which overtook him between the ports of Cosa and Lauren turn. Having reached Populonii, where he waited till the remainder of the tempest had spent itself, he crossed over to the island Ilva. From Ilva he went* to Corsica, and from Corsica to Sardinia. Here, while sailing round the Montes Insani, a tempest much more violent in itself, and in a more dangerous situation, dispersed his fleet. Many of his ships were shattered and stripped" of their rigging, and some were wrecked. His fleet thus weather-beaten and shattered arrived at Cara- les, where the winter came on while the ships were drawn on shore and refitted. The year having elapsed, and no one proposing to continue him in command, Tiberius Claudius brought back his fleet to Rome in a private ca- pacity. Marcus Servilius set out for his province, having nominated Caius Servilius Geminus as dictator, that he might not be recalled to the city to hold the elections. The dictator appointed Publius JElius Psetus master of the horse. It frequently happened that the elections could not be held on account of bad weather, though the days were fixed for them ; and, therefore, as the magis- trates of the former year retired from their offices on the day before the ides of March, and fresh ones were not ap- pointed to succeed them, the state was without curule mag- istrates. Lucius Manlius Torquatus, a pontiff, died this year. Caius Sulpicius Galba was elected in his room. The Roman games were thrice repeated by the curule aediles, Lucius Licinius Lucullus and Quiritus Fulvius. Some scribes and rtinners belonging to the aediles were found, 011 the testimony of an informer, to have privately conveyed money out of the treasury, and were condemned, not with- out disgrace to the sedile Lucullus. Publius JSlius Tubero and Lucius Lsetorius, plebeian sediles, on account of some in- formality in their creation, abdicated th^eir office, after hav- ing celeibrated the games, and the banquet 011 occasion of the games, in honor of Jupiter, and after having placed in the Capitol three statues made out of silver paid as fines.; The dictator and master of the horse celebrated the gam^s in honor of Ceres, in conformity with a decree of the Sehate. Vol. II.—296H THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 40. 40. The Roman, together with the Carthaginian ambas- sadors^ having arrived at Rome from Africa, the Senate was assembled at the Temple of Bellona; when Lucius Veturius Philo stated, to the great joy of the Senate, that a battle had been fought with Hannibal, which was deci- sive of the fate of the Carthaginians, and that a period was at length put to that calamitous war. He added what formed a small accession to their successes, that Vermina, the son of Syphax, had been vanquished. He was then ordered to go forth to the public assembly, and impart the joyful tidings to the people. Then, a thanksgiving hav- ing been appointed, all the temples in the city wTere thrown open, and supplications for three days were decreed. The ambassadors of the Carthaginians, and those of King Phil- ip, for they also had arrived, requesting an audience of the Senate, answer was made by the dictator, by order of the fathers, that the new consuls would give them an au- dience./ The elections were then held. The consuls elect- ed were Cneius Cornelius Lfentulus and Publius iElius Psetus. The praetors elected were Marcus Junius Pennus, to whose lot the city jurisdiction fell, Marcus Valerius Falto, who received Bruttium, Marcus Fabius Buteo, who received Sardinia, and Publius iElius Tubero, who re- ceived Sicily. It was the pleasure of the Senate that nothing should be done respecting the provinces of the consuls, till the ambassadors of King Philip and the Car- thaginians had been heard; for they foresaw the termina- tion of one war and the commencement of another. Cne- ius Lentulus, the consul, was inflamed with a strong desire to have the province of Africa, looking forward to an easy victory if there was still war, or, if it was on the point of being concluded, to the glory of having it terminated in his consulate. He therefore refused to allow any business to be transacted before the province of Africa was assign- ed him; his colleague, who was a moderate and prudent man, giving mp Ms claim to it, for he clearly saw that a contest with« Scipio for that honor would be not only un- just but unequal. Quintus Minucius Thermus, and Mani- us Acilius Glabrio, tribunes of the people, said that Cneius Cornelius was endeavoring to effect the same object which had been attempted in vain by the consul Tiberius Claudi-it.R. 550.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 67B us the former year. That, by the direction of the Senate,* it had been proposed to the people to decide whom they wished to have the command in Africa, and all the thirty- live tribes had concurred in assigning that command to PubJius Scipio. After many discussions, both in the Sen- ate and popular assembly, it was at length determined to leave it to the Senate. The fathers, therefore, on oath, for so it had been agreed, voted, that as to the provinces, the consuls should settle between themselves, or deter- mine by lots, which of them should have Italy, and which a fleet of fifty ships. That he to whose lot the fleet fell should sail to Sicily, and if peace could not be concluded with the Carthaginians, that he should cross over into Africa. That the consul should act by sea, and Scipio by land, with the same right of command as heretofore. If an agreement should be come to, as to the terms of the peace, that then the plebeian tribunes should consult the commons as to whether they ordered the consul or Publi- us Scipio to grant the peace; and if the victorious army was to be brought home out of Africa, whom they order- ed to bring it. That if they ordered that the peace should be granted by Publius Scipio* and that the army should be brought home likewise by him, then the copsul^ should not pass out of Sicily into Africa. That the other con* sul, to whose lot Italy fell, should receive two legions from Marcus Sextius, the praetor. 41. Publius Scipio was continued in command in the province of Africa, with the. armies which he then had. To the praetor Marcus Valerius Falto the two legions i*i Bruttium, which Caius Livius had commanded the prece- ding year, were assigned* Publius iElius, the praetor, waf* to receive two legions in Sicily from Cneius Treraellius. To Marcus Fabius was assigned one legion, which. Publius Lentulus, propraetor, had commanded, to be employed in Sardinia; Marcus Servilius, the consul of the former year, was continued in command in Etruria, with his own two legions likewise. As to Spain, it appeared that Lueius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus had been there for now several years. It was resolved, therefore, that the consuls should make application to the plebeian tribunes to take the opinion of the people, if they thought676 * THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 42. proper, as to whom they ordered to have command in Spain ; that the person so ordered should form one legion of Roman soldiers out of the two armies, and also fifteen cohorts of the allies of the Latin confederacy, with which he should occupy the province. That Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus should convey the old soldiers into Italy. To Cornelius, the consul, was as- signed a fleet of fifty ships formed out of the two fleets, one of which was under Cneius Octavius in Africa, the other employed in protecting the coast of Sicily, under Publius Villius. He was to select such ships as he pleased. That Publius Scipio should still have the forty ships of war which he before had, or if he wished that Cneius Octavius should command it, as he had commanded a fleet there be- fore, that Octavius should be continued in command for a year as propraetor; but if he appointed Laelius to the com- mand of it, Octavius should retire to Rome, and bring with him the ships which the consul did not want. To Marcus Fabius also ten men-of-war were assigned for Sardinia. The consuls were directed to enlist two city legions, so that the operations of the state might be carried on this year with fourteen legions, and one hundred men-of-war. 42. Then the business relating to the ambassadors of Philip and the Carthaginians was considered. It was re- solved that the Macedonians should be brought before the Senate first. Their address comprehended a variety of subjects, being employed partly in clearing themselves from the charges relative to the depredations committed against the allies, which the deputies sent to the king from Rome had brought against them; and partly in preferring accusations themselves against the allies of the Roman peo- ple, but particularly against Marcus Aurelius, whom they in- veighed against with much greater acrimony; for they said that, being one of the three ambassadors sent to them, he had staid behind, and levying soldiers, had assailed them with hostilities contrary to the league^ and frequently fought pitched battles with their prefects; and partly in preferring a request that the Macedonians and their gen- eral, Sopater, who had served in the army of Hannibal for hire, and having been made prisoners were kept in bond- age, should be restored to them. In opposition to theseT.R. 550. J THE HISTORY OF ROME. 677 things, Marcus Furius, who had been sent from Macedonia for the express purpose by Aurelius, thus argued: he said " that Aurelius, having been left behind, lest the allies of the Roman people, wearied by devastations and injuries, should revolt to the king, had not gone beyond the bound- aries of the allies; but had taken measures to prevent plundering parties from crossing over into their lands with impunity. That Sopater was one of those who wore purple, and was related to the king; that he had been lately sent into Africa with four thousand Macedonians and a sum of money to assist Hannibal and the Carthagin- ians." The Macedonians, on being interrogated on these points, proceeded to answer in a subtle and evasive man- ner; but without waiting for the conclusion of their reply they were told "that the king was seeking occasion for war, and that if he persisted he would soon obtain his ob- ject. That the treaty had been doubly violated by him, both by offering insults to the allies of the Roman people, by assaulting them with hostilities and arms, and also by aiding their enemies with auxiliaries and money. That Publius Scipio was deemed to have acted properly and regularly in keeping in chains, as enemies, those who had been made prisoners while bearing arms against the Ro- mans ; and that Marcus Aurelius had consulted the interest of the state, and the Senate were thankful to him for it, in protecting the allies of the Roman people by arms, since he could not do it by the obligation of the treaty." The Mace- donian ambassadors having been dismissed with this un- pleasant answer, the Carthaginian ambassadors were called. On observing their ages and dignified appearance, for they were by far the first men of the state, all promptly declared their conviction that now they were sincere in,their de- sire to effect a peace, Hasdrubal, however, surnamed by his countrymen Hsedus, who had invariably recommended peace, and was opposed to the Barcine faction, was regard- ed with greater interest than the rest. On these accounts the greater weight was attached to him when transferring the blame of the war from the state at large to the cupidity of a few. After a speech of varied character, in which he sometimes refuted the charges which had been brought, at other times admitted some, lest by impudently denying*?8 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 43. what was manifestly true their forgiveness might be the more difficult, and then, even admonishing the conscript fathers to be guided by the rules of decorum and moder- ation in their prosperity, he said that if the Carthaginians had listened to himself and Hanno, and had been disposed to make a proper use of circumstances, they would them- selves have dictated terms of peace, instead of begging it as they now did* That it rarely happened that good for- tune and a sound judgment were bestowed upon men at the same time. That the Roman people were therefore in- vincible* because when successful they forgot not the max- ims of wisdom and prudence ; and indeed it would have been matter of astonishment did they act otherwise. That those persons to wThom success was a new and uncommon thing, proceeded to a pitch of madness in their ungoverned transports in consequence of their not being accustomed to it. That to the Roman people the joy arising from victory was a matter of common occurrence, and was now almost become old-fashioned. That they had extended their em- pire more by sparing the vanquished than by conquering. The language employed by the others was of a nature more calculated to excite compassion; they represented from what a height of power the Carthaginian affairs had fall- en. That nothing besides the walls of Carthage remained to those who a little time ago held almost the whole world in subjection by their arms; that, shut up within these, they could see nothing anywhere on sea or land which owned their authority. That they would retain possession of their city itself and their household gods only, in case the Roman people should refrain from venting their in- dignation upon these, which is all that remains for them to do. When it was manifest that the fathers were moved by compassion, it is said that one of the Senators, violently incensed at the perfidy of the Carthaginians, immediately asked with a loud voice, by what gods they would swear in striking the league, since they had broken their faith with those by whom they swore in striking the former one ? By those same, replied Hasdrubal, who have shown such determined hostility to the violators of treaties. 43. The minds of all being disposed to peace, Cneius kentulus, whose province the fleet was, protested againsty.R. 550.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 679 the decree of the Senate. Upon this, Manlius Acilius and Quintus Minucius, tribunes of the people, put the question to thev people, whether they willed and ordered that the Senate should decree that peace Should be made with the Carthaginians ? whom they ordered to grant that peace, and whom to conduct the army out of Africa? All the tribes ordered respecting the peace according as the ques- tion had been put. That Publius Scipio should grant the peace, and that he also should conduct the army home. Agreeably to this order, the Senate decreed that Publius Scipio, acting according to the opinion of tho ten deputies, should make peace with the Carthaginian people on what terms he pleased. The Carthaginians then returned thanks to the Senate, and requested that they might be allow- ed to enter the city and converse with their countrymen who had been made prisoners and were ia jcustody of tho state; observing, that some of them were their relations and friends, and men of raiik, and some, persons to whom they were charged with messages from their relations. Having obtained these requests, they again asked permis- sion to ransom such of them as they pleased; when they were desired to give in their names. Having given in a list of about two hundred, a decree of the Senate was pass- ed to the effect that the Carthaginiaii ambassadors should be allowed to take away into Africa to Publius Cornelius Scipio two hundred of the Carthaginian prisoners, select- ing whom they pleased; and that they should convey to him a message, that if the peace were concluded, he should restore them to the Carthaginians without ransom. The heralds being ordered to go into Africa to strike the league, at their own desire the Senate passed a decree that they should take with them flint-stones of their own, and ver- vain of their own; that the Roman praBtor should com- mand them to strike the league, and that they should de- mand of him herbs. The description of herb usually given to the heralds is taken from the Capitol. Thus the Car- thaginians, being allowed to depart from Rome, when they had gone into Africa to Scipio concluded the peace on the terms before mentioned. They delivered up tKeir men- of-war, their elephants, deserters, fugitives, and four thou- sand prisoners, among whom was Quintus Terentius Cul-680 THE HISTOBY OF KOME. [u. xxx., chap. 44. leo, a Senator. The ships he ordered to be taken out into the main and burnt. Some say there were five hundred of every description of those which are worked with oars, and that the sudden sight of these, wThen burning, occasion- ed as deep a sensation of grief to the Carthaginians as if Carthage had been in flames. The measures adopted re- specting the deserters were more severe than those re- specting the fugitives. Those who were of the Latin con- federacy were decapitated; the Romans were crucified. 44. The last peace with the Carthaginians was made forty years before this, in the consulate of Quintus Luta- tius and Aulus Manlius. The war commenced twenty- three years afterwards, in the consulate of Publius Corne- lius and Tiberius Sempronius. It was concluded in the seventeenth year, in the consulate of Cneius Cornelius and Publius iElius Psetus. It is related that Scipio frequently said afterwards, that first the ambition of Tiberius Clau- dius, and afterwards of Cneius Cornelius, were the causes which prevented his terminating the war by the destruc- tion of Carthage. The Carthaginians finding difficulty in raising the first sum of money to be paid, as their finances were exhausted by a protracted war, and in consequence great lamentation and grief arising in the Senate-house, it is said that Hannibal was observed laughing; and when Hasdrubal Hsedus rebuked him for laughing amidst the public grief, when he himself was the occasion of the tears which were shed, he said: "If, as the expression of the countenance is discerned by the sight, so the inward feel- ings of the mind could be distinguished, it would clearly appear to you that that laughter which you censure came from a heart not elated with joy, but frantic with misfor- tunes. And yet it is not so ill-timed as those absurd and inconsistent tears of yours. Then you ought to have wept, when our arms were taken from us, our ships burnt, and we were forbidden to engage in foreign wars, for that was the wound by which we fell. Nor is it just that you should suppose that the measures which the Romans have adopt- ed towards you have been dictated by animosity., ~No great state can remain at rest long together. If it has no enemy abroad it finds one at home, in the same manner as over- robust bodies seem secure from external causes, but ares.n. 550.] THE HISTORY OF ROME. 681 encumbered with their own strength. So far, forsooth, we are affected with the public calamities as they reach our private affairs; nor is there any circumstance attending them which is felt more acutely than the loss of money. Accordingly, when the spoils were torn down from van- quished Carthage, when you beheld her left .unarmed and defenseless amidst so many armed nations of Africa, none heaved a sigh. Now, because a tribute is to be levied from private property, you lament with one accord, as though at the funeral of the state. How much do I dread lest you should soon be made sensible that you have shed tears this day for the lightest of your misfortunes !" Such were the sentiments which Hannibal delivered to the Car- thaginians. Scipio, having summoned an assembly, pre- sented Masinissa, in addition to his paternal dominions, with the town of Cirta, and the other cities and territories which had passed from the kingdom of Syphax into the possession of the Romans. He ordered Cneius Octavius to conduct the fleet to Sicily and deliver it to Cneius Cor- nelius the consul, and directed the Carthaginian ambassa- dors to go to Rome, that the arrangements he had made, with the advice of the ten deputies, might be ratified by the sanction of the fathers and the order of the people. 45. Peace having been established by sea and land, he embarked his troops and crossed over to Lilybseum in Sic- ily ; whence, having sent a great part of his soldiers by ships, he himself proceeded through Italy, which was re- joicing, not less on account of the peace than the victory; while not only the inhabitants of the cities poured out to show him honor, but crowds of rustics thronged the roads. He arrived at Rome and entered the city in a triumph of unparalleled splendor. He brought into the treasury one hundred and twenty-three thousand pounds of silver. He distributed to each of his soldiers four hundred asses out of the spoils. By the death of Syphax, which took place but a short time before at Tibur, whither he had been re- moved from Alba, a diminution was occasioned in the in- terest of the pageant rather than in the glory of him who triumphed. His death, however, was attended with cir- cumstances which produced a strong sensation, for he was buried at the public expense. Polybius, an author by no682 THE HISTORY OF ROME. [b. xxx., chap. 45. means to be despised, asserts that this king was led in the triumph. Quintus Terentius Culleo followed Scipio in his triumph with a cap of liberty on his head, and during the remainder of his life treated him with the respect due to him as the author of his freedom. I have not been able to ascertain whether the partiality of the soldiers or the favor of the people fixed upon him the surname of Afri- canus, or whether, in the same mariner as Felix was ap- plied to Sulla, and Magnus to Pompey, in the memory of our fathers, it originated in the flattery of his friends. He was, doubtless, the first general who w^as distinguished by a name derived from the nation which he had conquered. Afterwards, in imitation of his example, some, by no means his equals in his victories, affixed splendid inscriptions on their statues and gave honorable surnames to their families.INDEX. The numerals refer to the books, the figures to the chapters. Abelox, a Spaniard, contrives to put into Scipio's hands the hostages left by Hannibal at Saguntum, xxii. 22. Aborigines, united to the Trojans, lose their king* Latinus, in battle, i. 1, 2. .. Acerrae, city, admitted to the freedom of Rome, viii. 17. Sacked and burned by Hannibal, xxiii. 17* Rebuilt, xxvii. 3. Achaeans, assisted by Philip against the iEtolians, xxvii. 29. Gain a victory, at Messene, 32. Achaeron, river of Molossis, viii. 24. ---, or Acherusia,. river in Italy, viii. 24 Achaia, xxv. 15. Achradina, see Syracuse. Acilius, historian, his work translated into Latin by Claudius, xxv. 39. -Glabrio, Man., plebeian tribune, xxx. 40. He defeats Antiochus and the iEtolians at Thermopylae, reduces Heraclea, xxii. 24. Reduces the iEto- lians to submission, 28; and composes the affairs of Greece, 35. -■, Q., commissioner of a colony, xxi. 25. Acrae, town, xxiv. 36. Acrillae, city, xxiv. 35. Adherbal, defeated at sea by Laelius, xxviii. 30. Aclria, Tuscan colony, v. 33; xxvii. 10. Adriatic Sea, i. 1; v. 33. Adultery, punished by a fine, x. 31. iEbutius, L., consul, dies of a pestilence, iii. 6. ---Elva, M., commissioner of a colony, iv. 11. --Cornicen, Postumus, consul, iv. 11. --—, T., consul, and master of horse, ii. 19. .JMiles, plebeian, iii. G. Are ordered to keep the decrees of the Senate in the Temple of Ceres, and their persons are declared inviolable, 55. -, curule or patrician, vi. 42; vii. 1. Commence a practice of ornamenting t he Forum on festivals, ix. 40. JMitui, xxx. 17. JIMuans, people of Gaul, v. 34. iEgates, islands, xxi. 10,41, 49 ; xxii. 54» 50 ; xxiii. 13; xxx. 32. iEgimurus, island, xxix. 27. At the mouth of the harbor of Carthage, xxx. 24. . . iEgina, island, xxvii. 30, 33; xxviii. 5. ^E^ium, sea-port, xxviii. 7,8. iElius Pastus, L., plebeian aedile, x. 23. ----, p., one of the first plebeian quaestors, iv. 54. --, P., praetor, xxx. 17, 21. -Paetus, P., consul, viii. 15. Master of horse, resigns on his election ap- pearing faulty, ix. 7. Augur, x. 9. --, P., praetor, xxix. 38. -Tubero, P., praetor, xxx. 40. -Paetus, Q., xxii. 35; xxiii. 21. •-Tubero, Q., historian, iv. 23 ; x. 9. iEmilian law, ix. 33, 34. JSmilius, consul, compels Cleonymus to re-embark, x. 2. --, C., consular tribune, v. 20. A second time, 32. --, L., consul, ii. 42. A second time, 49. A third, 54. ■----, consular tribune, vi.l. A second time, 5. A third, 21. A fourth, 22. A fifth, 32. -, interrex, vii. 17. Being again interrex, he holds the election of consuls, viii. 23. -;-Mamercinus, L., consul, vii. 1. A second time, 3. Master of horse, 21. --— Mamercinus, L., master of horse, vii. 39. Consul, viii. 1. Dicta- tor, 16. A second time consul, 20. Again dictator, ix. 21. --, L., ambassador to Carthage, xxi. 18. ---Paullus, L., a second time con- sul, xxii. 35. Is slain at Cannae, xxiii. 21. --, Mamercus, consular tribune, iv. 16. Dictator, 17. Triumphs over the Veians, 20. A second time dicta- tor, 23. He shortens the term of the censorship, 24. A third time dicta- tor, 31. He triumphs over the Veians. 34. --, Maui us, consul, iv. 53. Con- sular tribune, 01. A second time cqri-684 sal, v. 1. A third time consular trib- une, 10. JEmilius, Man., consular tribune, v. 32. -Papirius, Man., dictator, ix. 7. -Paullus, Man., master of horse, x. 3. ./En aria, island, viii. 22. JEneas, i. 1, 2. ---Sylvius, third king of Alba, i. 3. ^qui, or iEquicolae, i. 3. They invade Latium, ii. 30. Are defeated, 31. A quarrel, and furious battle, between them and the Yolscians, 40. They make war on the Romans, and harass the Latins, 43, 53, 58. Are conquered, 60. Are defeated by Servilins, iii. 2. Again, 3. Again, 5. In conjunction with the Volscians, they ravage the lauds of the Romans and Hernicians, 6. Are routed by Lucretius, 8. Seize the citadel of Tusculum, and suffer a severe overthrow, 23. Obtain peace, 24. Surround the consul Minu- cius in his camp, 26. Are surround- ed and sent under the yoke, by Q. Cincinuatus, dictator, 28. Are again defeated, 31. They defeat a Roman army, 42; after several losses in bat- tle, 60, 61, TO; iv. 26. They obtain a truce of eight years, 30. They join the Lavicans, and waste the lands of Tusculum, 45. Are driven out of that country, 47; and from Yola, 49. At- tack Lavici, v. 16. Are compelled to retire with loss, 28. Suffer the same fate at Vitellia, 29,31. Are almost en- tirely cut off in battle, ix. 45; and are finally subdued by C. Junius, dictator, x. 1. How they were enabled to re- cruit their armies, v. 12. iEquimselium, iv. 16 .• xxiv. 47. uErarii facti, disfranchised, iv. 24. yEs grave, iv. -41, 60. JSsculapius, brought from Epidaurus to Rome, xxix. 11. -<53sula, its citadel, xxvi. 9. ^Etua, Mount, xxvi. 29. iEtolians, form an alliance with the Ro- mans, xxvi. 24. Make war on Mace- donia and Acarnania, 25. Ravage Achaia, xxvii. 29. Are defeated by Philip, 30. Dislodged from Thermop- ylae, xxviii. 7. Make peace with him, xxix. 12. Africa furnished with a strong army by Hannibal, xxi. 22. The consul, Ser- vilius, is unsuccessful there, xxii. 31. It is ravaged by M. Valerius Messala, xxvii. 5. Scipiagoes into Africa, xxix. 26,27. See Scipio, Hannibal. African wind, xxvi. 41; xxx.24. Agathocles,king of Syracuse, went into Africa, xxviii. 43. Agathyrna, town in Sicily filled with miscreants, xxvi. 40 ; xxvii. 12. Agrarian law, first proposed by Cassius, ii. 41. Disputes concerning it, iii. 1; iv. 4S ; vi. 11, etc. Agrigentum, xxiv. 35; xxv. 23. Is sur- rendered to the Romans, xxvi. 40. Agrippa, king of Alba, i. 3. Aius Locutius, v. 50. Alba Longa, built by Ascanius, i. 3. De- molished, 29. Alba Sylvius, fifth king of Alba, i. 3. -, a colony among the ./Equaus, x. 1. Alban lake, v. 15, 22. Albans wage war with the Romans, i. 1, 22, 23. Combat of the Horatii and Cu- riatii, 24. Mettius punished, 28. Al- bans removed to Rome, 29. Their chiefs brought into the Senate, 30. Albinius, L., carries the vestal virgins in a wagon to Caere, v. 40. ---, M., plebeian consular tribune, vi. 30. Albius Calenus, C., a leader of the mu- tiny at Sucro, xxviii. 24. Put to death, 29. Albula, old name of the Tiber, i. 3. Alexander, king of Epirus, comes into Italy, viii. 3. Makes peace with the Romans, 17. His actions and death, 24. His wife sister to Alexander the Great, 24. --the Great, contemporary with the preceding, viii. 3. Compared with the Roman generals of that age, ix. 17,20. Alexandria, in Egypt, founded, viii. 24. Algidum mount, iii. 2-68; iv. 26; v. 31; xxi. 62; xxvi. 9. Aliphera, xxviii. 8. Allia river, v. 37; vi. 28; vii. 13. Allienus, L„ plebeian sedile, iii. 31. Allifse, viii. 25; ix. 38. Allucius, Celtiberiau prince, receives his spouse from Scipio, xxvi. 50. Alorcus and Alcon mediate between Hannibal and the Saguntines, xxi. 12, 13. Alps, i. 1. First passed by the Gauls, v. 34. Crossed by Hannibal in fifteen days, xxi. 38. Impassable in winter, xxvii. 36. Altar, greatest, dedicated to Hercules by Evander, i. 7 ; ix. 29. Ambassadors, ought to be considered as inviolable, ii. 4. Ambassadors from enemies were admitted to audience in the Temple of Bellona, xxx. 22. Ambigarus, king of the Celts, v. 84. Ambracian gulf, xxiii. 14. Amiternian lands, xxi. 6. The inhabit- ants promise soldiers to Scipio, xxviii. 45. Amulius, dethrones his brother Numi- "tor, i. 3. Is slain, and Numitor re- stored, 5, 6. Amynander, king of Athamania, xxvii. 30; xxix. 12.Anagnia, xxvi. 23; xxvii. 4; xxix. 14. Anapus river, xxiv. 36. Ancilia, the sacred shields that fell from heaven, i. 20 ; v. 52. Ancius, Sp., Roman ambassador, slain by order of Tolumnius, iv. IT. Ancus, king of Rome, his acts, i. 32, 33. Death, 35. Andranodorus, son-in-law of Hiero, king of Syracuse, and guardian of his son Hieronymus, xxiv. 4. Seizes the island and citadel, 21. Is made praetor, 23. Slain, 24. Anio, river, i. 27, 30; iv. 17; vi. 42 ; xxx. 28. Anitorgis, xxv. 32. Annals of the magistrates, ix. 18. An- cient annals confused, ix. 15. Uncer- tain, 44, 45; x. 2,17. Inconsistent, 30. --of Acilius, xxv. 39. Annius, L., praetor of the Latins, sum- moned to Rome, viii. 3. Demands that one consul and half the Senate of Rome may be chosen out of Latium, 5. —--, T., commissioner of a colony, flies to Mutina from an insurrection of the Boians, xx. 25. Antemnatians, l. 9,11. Antenor, Trojan, i. 1. Antesignani, xxii. 5; xxvii. 18. Antians, make war on the Romans, vi. 6. Are conquered, 8. Renew hostil- ities, viii. 1. Their ships are taken from them, with the prows of which the pulpit in the Forum is ornament- ed, 14. Hence called Rostrum. Anticyra, island, taken by the Romans, and delivered to the JStolians, xxvi. 26; xxviii. 28. Antistius L., plebeian tribune, iv. 42. Plebeian consular tribune, vi. 30. —;--, M., xxi. 63, -—, Sex., xxvii. 36. Antium, ii. 33. Surrendered to the Ro- mans, ©5. A colony settled there, iii. 1. A new colony, viii. 14. Antonius, M., master of horse, viii. 17. --— Merenda, Q., consular trib- une, iv. 42. ---—,T., made a decemvir by Appius, iii. 35. Anxur, afterwards Tarracina, taken by the Romans, iv. 59. Surprised by the Volscians, v. 8. Recovered, 13. A col- ony sent thither, viii. 21. Apennine mount, v. 33. Hannibal at- tempts to pass over it, xxi. 5S. Apollinarian games, their origin, xxv. 12. Vowed perpetual, xxvii. 23; xxx. 38. ---circus, iii. 63. Apollo Pythins, consulted, i. 56; v. 15. A tenth of the spoil offered to him, 23. A golden vase sent to Delphi, 25. See iv. 251 v. 13, 15; vii. 20; xxiii. 11; xxv. 12; xxix. 10, etc. 685 Apollo's promontory* xxx. 24. Apollonia, attacked by Philip, xxiv. 40; xxvi. 25 ; xxix. 12. Apparitors, i. 40; iii. 38. Appeal to the people established by law, ii. 8; iii. 55; x. 9. Not allowed from a ' dictator, ii. 18,29. Nor from the decem- virs, iii. 22. Nor at a greater distance from the city than one mile, iii. 20. Submitted to by a dictator, ii. 18, 29. Appian road made^ ix. 29; xxii. 15, xxvi. 8. Appuleius, L., plebeian tribune, prose- cutes Camillus, v. 32. ---> Q.j consul, x. 6. Apronius, C., plebeian tribune, iii. 54. Apulia, vi. 42; vii. 26; ix. 2,12, etc. Apulians, form an alliance with the Ro- mans, viii. 25. Revolt to the Cartha- ginians, xxiir 61. Apustius, L., xxiii. 38. Aquilii, brothers, conspire against the commoliwealth, ii. 4. Aquillius, C., consul, subdues the Her- nicians, ii. 40. --Corvus, L., consular tribune, vi. 4. Aquilonia, x. 38. Taken by the Romans, 41. Plundered and burned, 44. Aquinean territory, xxvi. 9. Aquitania, xxi. 23. Arar river, xxi. 31. Aratus, chief of the Achaeans, xxvii. 31. Arbacala, xxi. 5. Arcadia, i. 5. Archimedes, the famous mathematician, baffles the attacks of the Romans on Syracuse, xxiv. 34.. Is slain, xxv. 31.. Ardea, besieged by Tarquinius Super- bus, i. 57. In a dispute between the Ardeans and Aricians, the Romans make a scandalous decision, iii. 71, 72. The Ardeans revolt, iv. 1. The alli- ance is renewed with them, 7. A col- ony led to Ardea, 11. The Ardeans, under the command of Camillus, at- tack the Gauls, v. 43. Ardonea, xxiv. 20. Arennins, C. and L., plebeian tribunes, xxvii. 6. ----, L., prefect or general of the allies, xxvii. 26, 27. Arethusa, fountain, xxv. 30. Argei, places appointed for the perform- ance of sacrifices, i. 21. Argiletum, hill, adjacent to Rome, i. 19. Aricea, i. 50 ; ii. 14,26. Ariminum, xxi. 51; xxiv. 44. As a prov- ince, xxviii. 38. Aristo, actor of tragedies, xxiv. 24. Aristodemus, tyrant of Cumae, detains the Roman ships to gratify Tarquin- ius, ii. 34. Aristomachus, leader of the populace at Croto, betrays the city to Hannibal, xxiv. 2,3.686 Arraes, Carthaginian commander at New Carthage, xxvi. 49. Armilustrum, a festival, and a place so called, xxvii. 37. Army* Roman, and all its parts, de- scribed, with the arms and method of marshalling and fighting, viii. 8; Compared with the Macedonian, ix. . 19. Arnus, river, its overflowing very much obstructs Hannibal's march, xxii. 2, 3. Arpi, xxii. 9, 12; xxiv. 3; xxv. 15. Is taken by Q,. Fabius, consul, xxiv. 46, 47. Arpinum taken from the Samnites, ix. 44. Arretians, meditate a revolt, but are kept in awe by Marcellus, xxvii. 21. Are compelled to give hostages, 24. Promise supplies to Scipio, xxviii. 45. Arsian wood, ii. 7. Aruns, son of Tarquinius, ii. 6. -, son of Porsena, ii. 14. -, Clusian, advises the Gauls to be- siege Clusium, and acts as their guide, v. 33. Aruspices brought from Etruria, xxvii. 37. . Arvernians, v. 34. Join Hannibal, xxvii. 39. Ascanius, son of ^Eneas, builds Alba Longa, i. 3. Assembly of the centuries elect con- suls, i. 60. Consular tribunes, v. 52. Praetors, x. 22. Passes the laws of the twelve tables, iii. 34; and others, tries persons accused of treason* vi. 20. ----of the tribunes elects plebeian magistrates, ii. 56,57. Excludes patri- cians, 60. Its orders bind all ranks, iii. 55; viii. 12. —-of the curias determines on military affairs, v. 52; ix. 3S. Astapa besieged, xxviii. 22. The in- habitants set fire to the city, and put themselves to death, 23. Asylum, sanctuary opened by Romulus, i. 8. Atella, sides with the Carthaginians, xxii. 61. Surrenders to the Romans, xxvi. 16. The inhabitants are re- moved to Calatia, xxvii. 3. Atellan farces, vii. 2. Aterius, A., consul, iii. 31. Plebeian trib- une, 65. Athamanians, xxix. 12. Athanagia, xxi. 61. Athenians, send ambassadors to com- promise disputes between Philip and the ^Etolians, xxvii. 30. Athens, ambassadors sent thither from Rome to collect laws, iii. 31. Atilius, C., praetor, brings succor to L. Manlius, xxi. 26. Stands for the con- sulship, xxii, 35. Dedicates the Tem- ple of Concord, xxiii. 21. Atilius, L., consular tribune, v. 13. ---, one of the first consular trib- unes, iv. 7. ----, plebeian tribune, ix. 30. -- Regulus, M., consul: marches against the Sidicinians, viii. 16. --—-, consul, x. 32. De- feated by the Samnites, 35. Defeats them, 36. -^ L., quiestor, slain at Cannaa, xxii. 49. —-, governor of Locri, xxiv. 1. --Regulus, M., a second time con- sul, xxii. 25. Conducts the war ac- cording to the advice of Fabius, xxiii. 21. Censor, xxiv. 11. Abdicates, 43. -——— M., praetor, xxiv. 43. Clears the city of foreign religious rites, xxv. 1. Ambassador to Ptolemy, xxvii. 4. --Serranus, C., praetor, xxi. 62. Pontiff, xxii. 35. Atintania, xxvii. 30; xxix. 12. Atrins Umber, C., leader of a mutiny at Sucro, beheaded, xxviii. 24, 29. Attains, king of Asia, xxvi. 24. Winters at ^Egina, xxvii. 30,33. Takes Opus, where he narrowly escapes being sur- prised by Philip, and returns to Asia, xxviii. 7. He escorts the Roman am- bassadors to Pessinus, and gives them the sacred stone Cybele, xxix. 11. Attius Tullius, Volscian general, ii. 35. Entertains Coriolanus, inflames his countrymen against the Romans, 38. Is joined in command with Coriola- nus, 39. The iEquans refuse to act under his command, 40. Atys, king of Alba, i. 3. Aufidus, river, xxii. 44. Augurs, their college formed by Numa, iv. 4. At first, three in number, x. 6. Five plebeians added, 9. Ceremonies at taking auguries, i. 16. Augustus Caesar, shut the temple of Ja- nus, i. 19. Built and repaired many temples, iv. 20. Finally subdued Spain, xxviii. 12. Aulius Cenetanus, Q., consul, viii. 37. A second time, ix. 15. Master of, horse, he kills the Samnite general, and is himself slain, 22. Aurelius Cotta, C., praetor, xxx. 26. -—----, M., plebeian aedile, xxiii. 30. Governor of Puteoli, xxv. 22. Commissioner of sacrifices, xxix. 38. Ambassador to Philip, xxx. 26. Aurinx, or Oringis, city in Spain, xxiv. 42. Aurunca Suessa, viii. 15. A colony set- tled there, ix. 28. Auruncians, make war on the Romans, ii. 16, 17, 26. Surrender themselves, viii. 15.Aurunculeius, C., praetor, xxvii. 6. Mil- itary tribune, 41. Ausetanians, subdued by Hannibal, xxi. 23. Roused to insurrection against the Romans, by Indibilis, xxix. 2. Are conquered, 3. Ausonians defeated by the Romans, viii. 16. Exterminated, ix. 25. Auspices, attended to on all occasions, i. 36 ; vi. 41. Confined to the patri- cians, iv. 6, 41. Neglected, xxi. 63. Falsely reported, x. 40. Aventine, mount, i. 6. Added to the city, and given to the Latins, 33. Seized by the seceding populace, iii. 50. Aventinus, king of Alba, i. 3. Avernus, lake, xxiv. 13. Axes, never, after Publicola, carried be- fore the magistrates in the city, xxiv. 9. Badius, Campanian, challenges Crispi- nus, and flies, xxv. 18. Baebius Tamphilus, Cn., plebeian trib- une, brings an action against the censors, xxix. 37. -, M., ambassador from Scipio to Carthage,, xxx. 25. --Tamphilus, Q., ambassador to Hannibal, xxi. 6. To Carthage, 18. ---Herennius, Q., plebeian tribune, inveighs against the Senate and the ; augurs, xxii. 34. Bsecula, xxvii. 18; xxviii. 13. Bsetica, xxviii. 2. Baetis river, xxviii. 22. Balearic isles, xxii. 23; xxiii. 4; xxviii. 3T. ——--slingers, xxi. 21, 55; xxii. 87; xxviii. 37. Bantius of Nola, inclined to favor Han- nibal, is engaged by the kindness of Marcellus, xxiii. 15. Barcine family, xxiii. 13 ; xxviii. 12,41. ---- faction, xxi. 2, 9. parley given, instead of wheat, to co- horts that lost their standards, xxvii. 13. Beard, not shaved by the ancient Ro- mans, v. 4. Afterwards suffered to grow long in time of mourning, vi. 16. Bellona, viii. 9. Victorious, x. 19. Bellovesus, fiephew of Ambigarus, king of the Celts, leads a body of them into Italy, v. 34. Beneventum, formerly Maleventum, ix. 27 ; xxii. 13; xxv. 17 ; xxvii. 10. Bithynia, xxvii. 30; xxix. 12. Bituriges Gauls, y. 34. Blasius surrenders Salapia to Marcellus, xxvi. 38. Blosii, two brothers in Capua, detected in a conspiracy against the Romans, xxvii. 3. Bocchar, king of Mauritania, xxix. 30. ——«—-, ail officer sent by Syphax , against Masinissa, xxix. 32. 687 Boeotia, xxvii. 30xxviii. 8 ; xxix. 12. Boinilcar, Carthaginian admiral, sails to Locri, xxiii. 41. To Syracuse, xxiv. 36. See xxv. 25, 27., Books, linen, deposited in the Temple of Moneta, iv. 20. —^--of the magistrates, iv. 7, 20. --Sibylline, inspected, iii. 10, etc. Bostar, Carthaginian governor of Sa- guntum, xxii. 22. Ambassador to Philip, xxiii. 34. Bovianum, ix. 28. Taken by the Ro- mans, 31. Taken from the Samnites, x. 12,43. Bovillae, x. 47. Brenmis, leader of the Gauls, defeats the Romans at the Allia, v. 38. His inso- lence when weighing the ransom of the capital, 48. Bridge, Sublician, built, i. 33; ii. 10. Bridges broken down to retard Hanni- bal's march, xxvi. 9. Brixia, Cenomanian Gauls settle in that quarter, v. 35. Brundusium, promontory, x. 2. -, harbor, xxiii. 83. The in- habitants commended by the Romans, xxvii. 10. Bruttian states revolt to the Carthagin- ians, xxii. 61. Proceedings of the Carthaginians in Bruttium, xxiv. 1. Bruttians take Croto, 2. See xxv. 1; xxvi. 12; xxvii. 41. Brutulns Papius, who had advised the Samnites to 1>reak the truce with the Romans, avoids, by a voluntary death, being sent prisoner to Rome, viii. 39. Busa, Apulian woman, entertains at Ca- ll usium the remains of the defeated Roman army, xxii. 52. Cacus, slain by Hercules, i. 7. Caecilius MetelluSj L., after the battle of Cannse, proposes to abandon Italy, xxii. 53. Is disgraced by the censors, xxiv. 18. ——--, M., plebeian sedile, xxvii. 36. . Prsetor, xxviii. 10. Am* bassador to Attalus, xxix. 11. --, Q., plebeian tribune, iv. 16. - Metellus, Q., pontiff, xxiii. 21. Plebeian sedile, xxvii. 21. Master of horse, xxviii. 10. Consul and dicta- tor, xxix. 11. Caedicius, centurion, at the head of some Roman fugitives at Yeii, routs the Etrurians, v. 45, 46. --, lieutenant-general, x. 40. Cjeninensians defeated, i. 10. Caenoffianians, the only Gallic tribe that did hot revolt to Hannibal, xxi. 55. Caere, entertains the Roman priests and vestals, v. 40. An alliance of hospi- tality is formed With the inhabitants, and afterwards war declared against them, vii. 19. Peaee is granted to688 INDEX. them, 20. They assist Scipio in fitting oat a fleet, xxviii. 45. Caeso, s«e Duilius, Fabius, Quintius. Calabria, xxiii. 34. Calatia, ix. 2, 28. Taken by the Sam- nites, 43. Joins the Carthaginians, xxii. 61; xxiii. 14. Surrenders to the Romans, xxvi. 16; xxvii. 3. Calavii charged with setting fire to Rome, xxvi. 27. Calavius, Pacuvius, acquires an ascend-, ency over the Senate and people of Campania, xxiii. 2,3. Hinders his son Perolla from killing Hannibal, 9. Calendar published by Flavius, ix. 46. Cales taken by the Romans, and a col- ony established, viii. 16; xxii. 15; xxiii. 31; xxiv. 45; xxvi. 9,16; xxvii. 9; xxix. 15. Callicula, mount, xxii. 15,16. Callifae, viii. 25. Calor river, xxiv. 14; xxv. 17. Calpurnius, C., xxii. 61. ---Piso, C., praetor, xxv. 41. Again, xxvi. 10, 15, 21. Governor of Capua, xxvii. 6. Camertians, in Umbria, xxviii. 45. Campania, ii. 52. Campanians and Sidicinians, overpow- ered by the Samnites, vii. 29. Im- plore aid from the Romans, and are refused, 30, 31. Surrender themselves as subjects to the Romans, viii. 11. Are deprived of a part of their lands, and made citizens of Rome without right of suffrage, 14. Misconduct of their Senate and populace, xxiii. 24. They suffocate the Roman soldiers, and invite Hannibal, xxv. 15. Are besieged bjr the Romans, xxvi. 4. At the instigation of Vibius Yirius, twen- ty-seven Senators poison themselves, 14. Punishment of their Senate, 15, 16. A conspiracy of the Campanians discovered, xxvii. 3. A part ofi their lands sold, xxviii. 46. Canna, river, xxv. 12. Cannae, town, xxii. 43. Battle, 47, etc. Roman troops engaged there banish- ed to Sicily, xxiii. 31. They beseech Marcellus to employ them, xxv. 6. The Senate inexorable towards them, 7. The knights who fled thence dis- graced, xxvii. 11. Cantherium in fossa, xxiii. 47. Canuleius, C., plebeian tribune, pro- cures a repeal of the law which pro- hibited the intermarriage of plebeians with patricians, jv. 6. —-:—, M., plebeian tribune, iv. 44. Canusium affords shelter to the Roman fugitives from Cannae, xxii. 50,52, Capena, town, xxii. 1. ---gates, i. 26; vii. 23; x. 23; xxiii. 32; xxv. 40; xxvi. 10. Capenatian war, v. 8. Capetus, king of Alba, i. 3. Capitol vowed by Tarquinius Priscus, i. 38. Built by Tarquinius Snperbus, 55. Is seized by Herdonius, a Sabine, with slaves and exiles, iii. 15. Recovered, 18. Besieged by the Gauls, v. 43. Saved by geese, 47. The siege raised, 49. The lower part built with hewn stone, vi. 4. Capitoline hill, i. 10. Given to the Sa- bines for their residence, 33. Caprse marsh, i, 16. Capua, formerly Vulturnum, iv. 37. Re- markable for luxury, vii. 38. Prefects appointed by the Romans to govern it, ix. 20. Hannibal spends the win- ter there, xxiii. 18. It is besieged by the Romans, xxv. 20, 22; xxvi. 1, 4. Taken, 14. Capusa, son of (Esalces, king of Numid- ia, succeeds his father, and is slain, xxix. 29. Capys, king of Alba, i. 3. -who gave name to Capua, xiv. 37. Carales, xxiii. 40; xxx. 39. Carinae, part of Rome, xxvi. 10. Carmenta, prophetess, i. 7. Carmental gate, ii. 49. Carmentis,'a craggy hill, v. 47. Carnutians, v. 34. Carseoli, colony, x. 3, 13. Refuses its proportion of troops, xxvii. 9; xxix. 15. Carteia taken by Hannibal, xxi. 5. -, a sea-port on the Atlantic Ocean, xxviii. 30. Carthage, New, described, attacked by Scipio, xxvi. 42. Taken with im- mense booty, and the hostages of all the Spanish* states, 46,50. Carthaginians, send an army into Sicily, iv. 29. Their treaty with the Romans, vii. 27. Renewed, ix. 43. They be- siege Saguntum, xxi. 6. And take it, 14. War is declared by Rome, 18. The Carthaginians are finally van- quished by Scipio, and compelled to submit to his terms of peace, xxx. 35, 37. See Hannibal, Mago, Hasdrubal. Carthalo, Carthaginian general, con- ducts the prisoners to Kome, and is ordered to quit Italy, xxii. 58. Carvilius, L., plebeian tribune, xxv. 3. —--, Sp., curule aedile, x. 9. -, advises to choose half the Senate out of the Latins, xxiii. 22. Dies augur, xxvi. 23. Casilinum, xxii. 15. Its remarkable siege, xxiii. 17, 20. It is recovered by the Romans, xxiv. 19. Casinum, colony, ix. 2S ; xxii. 13; xxvi. 9. Cassandrea, xxviii. 8. Cassius, Sp., consul, takes Pometia, and triumphs, ii. 17. Is the first master ofhorse, 18. A second time consul, 33. A third time; he first proposes an Agrarian law, is found guilty of trea- son, and executed, 41. Castor, a temple vowed to him, ii. 20; viii. 11. Castulo, a strong city in Spain, joins the Romans, xxiv. 41. Reunites with the Carthaginians, xxviii. 19.# Surrenders to Scipio, 20. Catana, xxvii. 8. Catapuitee, engines, xxi. 11; xxvi. 47. Catius, Q., plebeian sedile, xxvii. 6. Car- ries an offering to Delphi, xxviii. 45. Caudium, and the Caudine forks, ix. 2, 5,10, 2T. Caulonia, besieged by order of Fabius, xxvii. 12. Relieved by Hannibal, 15. Celeres, instituted by Romulus, i. 15. Their tribune Brutus, 59. Celtiberia, xxviii. 1. Celtiberian mountains, xxi. 43. Celtiberians, shake off the yoke of the . Carthaginians, xxii. 21. Are engaged by the Roman generals, on the same terms that they had stipulated with the Carthaginians, xxiv. 49. They desert Scipio, xxv, 33. Are subdued* by M. Silanns, xxviii. 2. Celts, v. 34. Cenchrese, port of Corinth, xxviii. 8. Cenomanian Gauls, settle in Italy, v. 35. Are attached to the Romans, xxi. 55. Censors, created, iv. 8. First plebeian, vii. 22. A censor disgraced by his colleague, xxix. 37. Term of the of- fice reduced from five years to one year and a half, iv. 24; ix. 33. Census, general survey, instituted, i. 42, 43. Centenius, C., proprietor, xxii. 8. ----, M., remarkable centurion, xxv. 19. Centuries of knights, three chosen by Romulus, i. 13. Their numbers doub- led by Servius Tullius, 42. The peo- ple divided into centuries by the same, 42. Prerogative century, v. 18; x. 22; xxiv. 7; xxvi. 22, Ceaturiou, chief, or first, primipilns, vii, 41; viii. 8. . Cercina, island, xxii. 31. Ceres, ii. 41. Her temple, iii. 55. Games, xxx. 39. Cessation of business proclaimed, iii. 3, 27; iv.26, 31; vi. 2, 7; vii. 6, 28. To continue eighteen days, x. 21. A vol- untary cessation, ix. 7. Chair, curnle, i. 8 ; ii. 54; Yii. 1; x. 7. One sent to King Syphax, xxvii. 4. Chalcis in Eubcea, whence the people of Cumse derive their origin, viii. 22. Garrisoned by Philip, xxvii. 30. At- tempted by the Romans, xxviii. 6. Charilaus surrenders Palsepolis to the Romans, viii. 26. 689 Ciminian forest penetrated by a Roman army, ix. 36, 37. Cincius, an ancient historian, commend- ed, vii. 3. -—■— Alimentus, L., taken by Hanni- bal, xxi. 38. Pnetor, xxvi. 23; xxvii. 7. ---, M., plebeian tribune, sent to Scipio, xxix. 20. Circe, i. 49. Circeii, colony, i. 56 ; ii. 39 ; xxvii. 9 ; xxix. 15. Circus, principal, built by Tarquinius Priscus, i. 35. Goals first placed in it, viii. 20. -, Apollinarian, iii. 63. Overflow- ed, xxx. 38. -, Flaminian, iii. 54. The altar of Neptune therein, xxviii. 11. Cirta, capital of Syphax, surrenders to Masinissa, £xx. 12. On whom Scipio bestows it, 44. Civil law published by Flavins, ix. 46. Clampetia taken by the Romans, xxix. 38; xxx. 19. Classes of the: people, i. 43; iv. 4. Clastidium betrayed to the Carthagin- ians? xxi. 48 ; xxix. 11. Claudia Qninta, Roman matron, re- ceives the Idaean Mother, xxix. 14. Claudian family always zealous cham- pions for the patricians, vi. 41. And opposers of the plebeians, ix. 34. --tribe, ii. 16. --camp, xxiii, 31, 39, 48; xxv. 22. Claudius, historian, viii. 19; ix. 5. Translated the annals of Acilius, xxv. 39. ---Asellus encounters Jubellius Taurea, a Campanian, xxiii. 46, 47. --, Appius, formerly Atta Clausus, removes from Regillum to Rome, with a large number of clients, who are ad- mitted citizens, and is made a Sena- tor, ii. 16. Consul, 21. ---, son of Appius, ii. 56. Is sent against the Volscians, and his army, through dislike to him, fly be- fore the enemy, 59. ---, decemvir, iii. 33. His ambition, 35. Violence, 36. Lust, 44. He abdicates the decemvirate, 64. And puts himself to death in prison, 58. --, son of the preceding, military tribune, iv. 54. ---, grandson of the de- cemvir, opposes the admission of plebeians to the consulship, vi. 40. Is made dictator, vii. 6. 3}i?es consul, 25. ----, in the officc of censor, makes the famous road and agneduct: through his advice, the Potitian fami- ly commit the charge of the rites of Hercules to public slaves, and become690 extinct, ix. 29. He is made consul, 42. Interrex, x. 11. Consul a second time, 15. Praetor, 22. His proceed- ings against the Samnites, 31. Claudius, Appius, military tribune, xxii. 53. Prfetor, xxiii. 24. Commands in Sicily, 30. Consul, xxv. 3. Is w ound- ed at the siege of Capua, xxvi. 1. ---f C., son of Appius, consul, iii. 15, 40, 58 ; iv. 6. „---Cicero, C., prosecutes the con- sul Romillius, iii. 31. ----Centho, C., interrex, xxii. 34. Dictator, xxv. 2. Prastor, ib. —---Nero, C., xxiv. 17. Commands in Spain, and is baffled byllasdrubal, xxvi. 17. Is made consul, xxvii. 34. Encounters Hannibal Several times, 41, 42. Goes against Hasdrubal, 43. Orders Hasdrubal's head to be thrown in the enemy's view, 51# Triumphs, xxviii. 9. Is made censor, xxix. 37. --~, M., client of the decemvir, claims Virginia as his slave, iii. 44. Goes into exile, 58. —-Marcellus, M., praetor, xxii. 35. Is sent, after the battle of Canliae, to collect the remains of the army, 57. Defeats Hannibal at Nola, xxiii, 16, Is chosen consul a second time, and abdicates, 31. As proconsul, repulses- Hannibal, 46. Is made consul a third time, xxiv. 9. Commands in Sicily, 21. Besieges Syracuse, 33. Takes it, xxv. 23,24. Triumphs on the Alban mount, and enters the city in ovation, xxvi. 21. Is consul a fourth time, 22. Worsted by Hannibal, xxvii. 12. De- feats him, 14. Is made consul a fifth time, 21. Ensnared by a stratagem, and slain, 26, 27. »■; - -----, soil of the consul, military tribune, xxvi. 26; xxix;. 11, — 20. • ■ ' ---, P., prefect of the allies, xxvii. 41. -----, Q., plebeian tribune, xxi. 63. --—e--Flariien, <^., praetor, xxvii. 21. -------Asellus, Tib., military tribune, xxvii. 41. Praetor, x:xviii. 10. Plebeian sedile, xxix. 11. _—— Nero, Tib., praetor, xxix. 11. Cleonymus, Lacedaemonian general, brings an army into Italy, and takes Thuriae, but is driven out by the Patavians, x. 2. Cleopatra, consort of Alexander, king of Epire, viii. 24. —-f queen of Egypt, xxvii. 4. Cloacina, iii# 48. Cloak, embroidered, sent to Cleopatra, xxvii. 4. -of the Grecian fashion, charged as an instance of effeminacy on Scipio, xxix. 19. C'selia, ii< 13. Cloelius, Gracchus, ^Equan general, van- quished, and taken by Q. Cincinnatus, iii. 28. --Tullius, Roman ambassador, murdered by order of Tolumnius, iv. 17. --, Titus, one of the first consular tribunes, iv. 7. --, <£., consul, ii. 21. --Sictilus, Q., censor, vi. 31. --, P., consular tribune, vi. 31. Cluiliah trench, i. 23; ii. 39. Cluilius, Volscian general, iv. 9. —-—-, C., chief magistrate at Alba, i. 22, 23. Clusium, formerly Camers, x. 25. Cluvia, takenby the Samnites,recovered by the Romans, ix. 31. ———and Oppia, Campanian women, have their liberty and property re- stored, xxvi. 34. Ccelian mount added to the city, i. 30, 33. Ccelius, ancient historian, xxi. 38 ; xxii. 31; xxiii. 6; xxvi. 11; xxvii. 27; xxix. 27# Collatia taken from the Sabines, i. 38. Collatinus. See Tarqninius. Colline gate, ii. 11; iii. 51; vii. 11; viii. 15 ; xxvi. 10. Combulteria, xxiii. 39; xxiv. 20. Cominium besieged, x. 39. Burnt, 44 • xxv. 14. Comitium, part of the Forum where the curias assembled, vi. 15. Covered, xxvii. 36. Comitius, Post., consul, ii# 18. Again, 33. Commentaries of Nnma, published by Aliens Marcius, i. 32. -----of Servius Tullius, i. 60. ——-■--— of the pontiffs, iv. 3; vi. Compsa, given up to the Carthaginians,> xxiii. 1. Recovered by the Romans, xxiii. 20. Concord, her temple, ix. 46 ; xxii. 33; xxvi. 23. Altar, xxiv. 22. Conscript Fathers, so named, ii. 1. Colisentia, viii. 24; xxv. 1; xxviii. 11; xxx. 19. Consualia, games of Neptune, i. 9. Consuls first created, i. 60. Decemvirs, iii. 33. Consuls again, 54, 55. Con- sular tribunes, iv. 6, 7. One plebeian consul admitted, vi. 35, 42. Both con- suls plebeian, xxiii. 31. Contenebra taken by the Romans, and plundered, against the will of the com- manders, vi. 4. Cora, colony, viii. 9. Refuses contribu- tion, xxvii. 9. Corbiot ii. 39; iii. M. Corcyra, island, xxvi. 24. Corinth, xxyil 33. • Corinthian bay, xxvi. 26; xxviii# 7. .Corioli taken "by Marcius, ii. 33. Cornelia forced to drink the poison which she had prepared for her hus- band, viii. 18. Cornelius Barbatus, chief pontiff, ix. 46. —---» A., quaestor, iii. 24. Chief pontiff, iv. 27. Consular tribune, vi. 86. Again, 42. ---Arvina, Aul., dictator, viii. 38. -;----, herald, delivers up to the Samnites the sureties for the convention of Caudium, ix. 10. --— Cossus, Aul., military tribune, kills Tolumnius, king of the Veien- tians, v. 19. And oners the grand spoils, 20. Is made consul, 30. Con- sular tribune, 31. --*---• ■ • ---, dictator, vi. 11. Overthrows the Volscians, 13. Impris- ons M. Manlius for sedition, 16. -----—master of horse, vii. 19. Again, 26. Consul, 28. Van- quishes the Samnites, and triumphs, 36, 38. The first who waged war with the Samnites, x. 31. --— Mammula, Aul., propraetor, commanding in Sardinia, xxiii. 21. ———, C., consttlar tribune, vi. 5. ---Cossus, Cn., consular tribune, iv, 49. Again, 61. -------, consul, iv. 54. Consular tribune, 58. Again, v. 10. ---Dolabella, Cn., king in relig- ious rites, xxvii. 36. --- Lentulus, Cn., military trib- une, xxii. 49. Quaestor, he fights Han- nibal with doubtful success, xxv. 19. Curule aedile,. xxix. 11. Consul* xxx. 40. Protests against the decree of the Senate giving peace to the Car- thaginians, 43. --—=— Scipio, L., sent by his brother against Haedrubal, xxi. 32. His ac- tions, 60, 61; xxii. 19,21. He acts in conjunction with his brother, xxiii. 26,29,48, 49; xxiv. 41-49. Commands against Hasdrubal Barcas, xxv. 32. Deserted by the Celtiberians, he and his army*are cut off, 36. ----Lentulus, L., consul, viii. 22. Advises to accept the terms dictated by Pontius, at Caudium, ix. 4. —---Maluginensis, L., consul, iii. 22,23,40. --—— Scipio, L., interrex, vii. 2. Consul, 23. --Scipio, L., consul, x. 11,25,26. —--Caudinus, L., curule aedile, xxvii. 21. - Lentulus, L., chief pontiff, xxii. 10. i---9 commander in religious affairs, xxv. 2. Praetor, 41. Lieutenant-general, xxvii. 14. -—-——---succeeds Scipio in the government of Spain, xxviii. 38. 691 Defeats Indibilis, who is slain, xxix. 2,3. Is curule aedile, 11. Cornelius Scipio, L., brother of Publius, takes Oringis, xxviii. 3. --Cossus, M., consul, iv. 51. ———— Maluginensis, M., decemvir, iii. 35, 40,41. Consul, iv. 21. Censor, v. 31. Consular tribune, vi. 36. Again, 42. ; . • --Cethegus, M., chief pontiff, xxv. 2. Praetor, 41. Commands in Sicily, xxvi. 21, Censor, xxvii. 11. Consnl, xxix. 11. Proconsul, defeats Mago, xxx. IS. --Cossus, P., consular tribune, iv. 49. Again, 56. Dictator, 57. Con- sular tribune, 58. Again, v. 24. ---- Arvina, P., consul, ix. 42. Cen- sor, x. 47. Again consul, xi. 24. -----Malugiriensis, P., consular tribune, iv. 61; v. 16. ---Scipio, P., master of horse, v. 19. Consular tribune, 24. Inter- rex, 32. Again, vi. 1. One of the first curule aediles, vii. 1. Dictator, ix. 44. --Lentulus, P., praetor, xxiv. 9. Commands in Sicily, 10, and xxv. 6. ----Scipio Asina, P., consul, xx. 56. Interrex, xxii. 34; xxvi. 8. --, P., consul, xxi. 6. At- tempts in vain to overtake Hannibal in Gaul, 32. And hastens back to the Po, 39. Is defeated, and wounded at the Ticinus, 46. Recommends to his colleague to avoid fighting, 52, 53. Sails to Spain, and joins.his brother, xxii. 22. Marches against MagOj xxv. 32. Is defeated and slain, 34. ---, son of the preced- ing, rescues his father from imminent danger at the Ticinus, xxi. 46. After the battle of Cannae, he breaks up a conspiracy, formed for abandoning Italy, xxii. 53. At twenty-four years of age is sent proconsul into Spain, xxvi. 18. Acts in Spain with extraor- dinary success, xxvii. 17,18: xxviii. 1, 4,12,16. Passes over to Africa, on a visit to Syphax, 17. Dines at the same table with Hasdrubal, 18. (Quells a mutiny at Sucro, xxiv. 29. Van- quishes Mandonius and iBdibilis, 32, 34. Form s an alliance between the Bo- mans and Masinissa, 35. On his re- turn to Rome is elected consul, 3S. Goes to Sicily, 45. Prepares for a descent on Africa, xxix. 1. Passes over thither, and meets with great success, 24-85. Overthrows Syphax and Hasdrubal, xxx. 3, 9. Reproves Masinissa's conduct towards Sopho- nisba, 14. Confers with Hannibal, 29, 31. Defeats him, 32, 85. Dictates terms of peace, &7. Returns to®o»ie, triumphs, and assumes the surname of Africanus, 45. "692 Cornelius Scipio Nasica, P., son of Cor- nelius, not yet of quaestorian age, is judged the best man in Home, and sent to receive the Idaean Mother, xxix. 14. --Sulla, P., praetor, xxv. 2, 3. The first that solemnized the Apolli- narian games, 12,19, 22. --, Ser., consul, ii. 41. Flamen Q,uirinalis dies of the plague, iii. 22. --Maluginensis, Ser., consular tribune, v. 36. Again, vi. 6. A third time, 18. A fourth, 22. A fifth, 27. A sixth, 36. A seventh, 38. Master of horse, vii. 9. ---,'Ser., military tribune, xxix. 2. ----Lentulus, Ser., cnrule jedile, xxviii. 10. Corniculum taken by Tarquinius Pris- cus, i. 38. Cornns, capital of Sardinia, taken by T. Manlius, xxiii. 40. Corsica, island, xxii. 31; xxx. 39. Cortona solicits peace with the Romans, a truce is granted, ix. 37. Cosa, commended for fidelity, xxvii. 10. Its harbor, xxii. 11; xxx. 39. Cosconius, M., military tribuue, xxx. 18. Cremera, river, ii. 49. Cremona, its lands wasted, xxviii. 10,11. Cretans, xxiv. 30. Creusa, mother of Ascanius, i. 3. Crito, of Beroea, ambassador from Philip to Hannibal, xxiii. 39. Croton, i. 18. Revolts to Hannibal after the-battle of Cannae, xxii. 61. Its in- habitants remove to Locri, xxiv. 3; xxix. 36; xxx. 19. Crown of gold presented in the Capitol to Jupiter by the Latins, ii. 22; iii. 57. See iv. 20; vii. 38. Soldiers honored with golden crowns, vii. 10,20, 27 ; x. 44. --, civic, vi. 20; x. 46. --, obsidional, vii. 37. -, mural, vi. 20 ; x. 46. -, vallarian, x. 46. .--, laurel, xxiii. 11; xxvii. 37. Crustumerium, colony, founded by Ro- mulus, i. 11. Taken by Tarquinius, 38. By the Romans, ii. 19; iii. 42. Crustuminians, i. 9,11. Cumae, ii. 9; iv. 44; ix. 19. Besieged by Hannibal, and defended by Gracchus, xxiii. 36. The siege raised, 37. Its lands ravaged by Hannibal, xxiv. 13. Curatins, P., plebeian tribune, accuses two military tribunes, v. 11. Curiatii fight the Horatii, i. 24, 25. Curiatins, P., consul, iii. 32. Curio, the first plebeian, xxvii. 8. Curtian lake, i. 13; vii. 6. Curtius, O., consul, iv. 1. >-, M., leaps into a gulf in the Fo- rum, vii. 6. Cyllene, xxvii. 32. Cyprian street, i. 48. Cyrenae, xxiii. 10. Cyrus, king of Persia, ix. 17. Dardanians, xxvi. 25. Ravage Mace- donia, xxvii. 33. Are invaded by Philip, xxviii. 8. Dasis. of Salapia, favors Hannibal, xxvi. 38. Dasius Altinius, of Arpi, a traitor, thrown into prison by the Romans, his family burned by Hannibal, xxiv. 45. - of Brandusium betrays Clasti- dium to Hannibal, xxi. 4S. Dassaretians, xxvii. 32. Debts very great at Rome; disturbances and secession in consequence, ii. 23, 33. Debts contracted by rebuilding, vi. 27. Commissioners (mensarii) ap- pointed to regulate matters respect- ing debts, vii. 21. A law passed against imprisoning debtors, viii. 28. Decemvirs, appointed to form a body of laws, iii. 32. A new set elected, 35. Their cruelty and tyranny, 36, 37. They retain the power after their time had expired, 38. Are compelled to abdicate the office, 54. Two of them die in prison : the rest are banished, and their goods confiscated, 58. --, commissioners of religious matters, half patrician, and half ple- beian, vi. 37,42. Decimation of soldiers, ii. 59. Decimius Flavus, C., military tribune, repulses Hannibal's elephants, xxvii. 14. Decius Mns, P. , rescues the legions from a desperate situation,vii. 34, 35,36. Is chosen consul, viii. 3. Devotes him- self for the army, ix. 10. ---, consul, ix. 28, 29. A second time, when he commands in Etruria, 41. Censor, 46. A third time consul, x.14. Proconsul; he performs great exploits, 16-20. A fourth time consul, 22. He devotes iiimself for the army, 28. Decuman gate, iii. 5; x. 32. Dedication of a temple must be perform- ed by a consul or general, ix. 45. Delphi, i. 56; v. 15,16,28. Delphic oracles, i. 56; v. 15, 16, 28.; xxix. 10. Demaratus, father of Lucumo, i. 34. Demetrias, in Thessaly, xxvii. 32; xxviii. 5, 8. Demetnum, xxviii. 6. Demetrius of Pharos, xxii. S3. Deserters scourged, and thrown from the rock, xxiv. 20. Devoting law, iii. 55; vii. 41. One of the iEqnans and Yolscians, iv. 2(5. The principal elders in Rome devotethemselves, on the approach of the Gauls, v. 41. A consul, dictator, or praetor, may devote either himself or any soldier regularly enlisted for the army, viii. 10. Diana of Ephesus, and her temple on the Aventine, i. 45. A lectisternium in honor of her, xxii. 10. Her grove, xxvii. 4. Festival Of three days at Syracuse, xxv. 23. Dianium, i. 48. Pice played with, ix. 17. Dictator, first created, ii. 18. No ap- peal from him, 29; iii. 20. Ail in- stance of an appeal by Fabius, viii. 33. Dictator nominated to drive the nail, vii. 3; viii. 18. The first plebe- ian, vii. 17. Dictator not allowed to use a horse without leave of the peo- ple, xxiii. 14. Two dictators at one time, 22, 23. Warm disputes about the nomination of dictators, iv.56; xxvii. 5. Digitius, Sex., claims a mural crown, on the capture c 1 New Carthage, xxvi. 48. Dimallum taken by iEmilius, xxix. 12. Dimocrates, Macedonian general, xxiii. 18. Dihomenes, life-guard of Hieronymus, conspires against him, xxiv. *7. Is made praetor at Syracuse, 23. Diomede's plains, xxv. 12. Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily, gets posses- sion of the citadel of Croton, xxiv. 3. An expression of his, 22. Discipline, military, severely enforced by Manlins, viii. 7. Supported by the dictator Papirius, 34, 35. Its gradual improvement, ix. 17. Disfranchised (aerarii facti), iv. 24; xxiv. IS ; xxix. 37, etc. Dodonsean Jupiter, his caution to Pyr- rhus, viii. 24. Dornitius, Cn., consul, viii. 17. ---Calvinus, Cn., curule sedile, x. 9. Dorimachus, ^Etolian, xxvi. 24. Doris, its towns taken, xxviii. 7. Druentia, xxi. 31. Dry season, remarkable, iv. 30. Duilius, Caeso, iii. 35. Consul, viii. 1G. ----—plebeian consular tribune, v. 13; vii. 21. Duillius, M., plebeian tribune, ii. 58. Prosecutes Ap. Claudius, 61. His good conduct respecting the decemvirs, iii. 52, 54. He procures the passing of a law allowing an appeal from the con- . suls, 54. Opposes his colleagues, who wish to continue in office^ 64. Re- duces the rate of interest, vii. 16. Duumvirs, judges of capital offenses, i. 26; 2a ——~——, commissioners in religious affairs, keepers of the Sibylline books, 693 iii. 10; v. 13. Their number increased to ten, vi. 37. Duumvirs, naval, ix. 30. Dymae, xxvii. 31. Dyrrachium, xxix. 12. Ebutius, L., consul, iii. 6. --Elva, M., commissioner ora col- ony, iv. 11. --Cornicen, Postumus, consul, iv. 11. --, T., consul, and master of horse, ii. 19. Ecetra, iii. 10 : vi. 31. Ecetrans, peace granted to them, and part of their lands taken from them, ii. 25. They revolt to the ./Equans, iii. 4. Eclipse of the sun, xxii. 1; *xx. 2, 38. --of the moon, custom of making noise on it, xxvi. 5. Edesco, a celebrated Spanish general, joins Scipio, xxvii. 17. Egeria, nymph, i. 19. Egerius, son of Aruns, so named from his poverty, i. 34,38. Egnatius, Gellius, Samnite general, ad- vises war with the Romans, x. IS. In- vites the Umbrians to join him, and tempts the Gauls, 21. Is killed, 29. Egypt, viii. 24. See Ptolemy, Cleopatra. Elatia, xxviii. 7. Elders, Roman, slain by the Gauls, v. 41. Elders obliged to undertake the guard of the city, v. 10; vi. 2, 6. Cohorts formed of elders, x. 21. -, Carthaginian, thirty form the principal council of state, xxx. 16. Eleans, wage war with the Achseans, xxvii. 31-33. Machanidas resolves to attack them during the Olympic games, xxviii. 7. Elephants, confuse their own party, xxvii. 14. Are conveyed over the Rhone, xxi. 28. Method of killing them invented by Hasdrubal, xxvii. 49. • • Elicius, Jupiter, i. 20. Elis, xxvii. 32. Elitovius, Gallic chief, crosses the Alps, v. 35. Emporia, country, xxix. 25,89. Emporias, city in Spain, founded by Pho- caeans, xxi. 60; xxvi. 19; xxviii.42. Emporium, fort near Placentia, xxi. 57. Euna seized by the Romans,,xxi v. 39. Ennius, Q., his observation respecting Fab. Maximus, xxx. 1&6. Epicydes sent by. Hannibal, with his brother Hippocrates, ambassador to Hieronymus, xxiv. 6.23. Both eleeted praetors at Syracuse, 27. They seize Syracuse, 32. Epicydes commands in th e city when besieged by the Romans, 35. He leaves it, xxv. 27. And goeg to Africa, xxvi. 4.0.694 Epicycles Sindon, killed at Syracuse, xxv. 28. Epidaurus, x. 47. Epipolae, part of Syracuse, xxv. 24. Epirus, viii. 3; xxix. 12. Equestrian estate, v. 7. ---spoils, viii. 7. ---statue, ix. 43. Eretum, iii. 29 ; xxvi. 11,25. Eropus, xxvii. 32; xxix. 12. Erycine Venus, xxii. 9, 10. Erythrae, xxviii. 8, Eryx, mount, xxi. 10, 41. Esquiliae, i. 44; ii. 28. Esquiline hill, i. 48. _----gate, ii. 11; iii. 66, 68; vi. 22. Etovissa, xxi. 22, Etruria, i. 23, 30. Subdued by Fabius, consul, ix. 41. Renews hostilities, x. 3. Is laid waste, 12, 30, 37. Its gen- eral assemblies, iv. 23; v. 17 ; x. 10. etrurians, besiege Rome, ii. 11. Recom- mence hostilities, 44. Are displeased at the Veiaus for electing a king, v. 1. Make war on the Romans, vi. 2-4. Prepare again for war, vii. 17. Are defeated, ix. 35. Obtain a truce, 41. Defeat the Romans, x. 3. Are routed, 4, 5. See 10,18,30. Meditate a revolt, xxvii. 21. Are checked, 24. Eubcea, island, xxvii. 30; xxviii. 5. Enripus, strait of Euboea, xxviii. 6. Euryalus, hill at Syracuse, xxv. 25,26. Evander, Arcadian, introduces the use of letters in Italy, i. 5, 7. Exodia, interludes, vii. 2. Fabiae, daughters of M. Fab. Ambustus, vi. 34. Fabian family, ii. 45. Undertake the war with the Veians, 48. Are all cut off except one, 50. Fabius Pictor, a very old writer, i. 44; ii. 40; viii. 30 ; x. 37; xxii. 7. C., consul, wages an unsuccess- ful war with the Tarquinians, vii. 12, 15. Is made interrex, 17. Master of horse, ix. 23. -, Caeso, quaestor, accuses Sp. Cas- sius of treason, ii. 41. Is made con- sul, 42. A second time consul, when his troops refuse to conquer, 43. He . and his brother renew the fight, 46. Is chosen consul a third time, 48. Leads his family against the Veians, 49. -1— Ambustus, Caeso, quaestor, iv. 54 Consular tribune, 61. Again, v. 10. A third time, 24. Dorso, C., during the siege of the Capitol, passes through the Gauls to perform sacrifice, and returns safe, v. 46. r-, L., envoy from Scipio to Car- thage, xxx. 25. --—, M., brother of Caeso, consul, ii. 42. Again, 43. Refuses a triumph. 47. Fabius, M., chief pontiff, dictates the form of words in which the Roman elders devote themselves on the ap- proach of the Gauls, v. 41. -Ambustus, M., whose daughter's envy of her sister occasioned the con' sulship to be opened to plebeians, consular tribune, vi. 22. Again, 36. ------} consul, honored with an ovation over the Hernicians, vii. 11. Again consul, 17. Dictator, 22. Argues in favor of his son against Papirius, viii. 33. Master of horse, 38. -Dorso, M., consul, vii. 28. --Vibulanus, M., consul, iv. 11. Consular tribune, 25. ---Buteo, M., dictator, without a master of horse, created for the pur- pose of filling up the Senate, xxiii. 22. ---, curule aedile, xxx. 2G. Praetor, 40. --Ambustus, Numerius, consular tribune, iv. 58. --Vibulanus, Numerius, consul, iv. 43. Consular tribune, 49. Again, 57. -"t—, Q., consul, ii, 41. Again, 43. Slain in battle, 46. ——:——, the only survivor,of the dis- aster at Cremera, consul, iii. 1. Again, 2. A third time consul, he conquers the Volscians, and is made one of the decemvirs for forming laws, 36. He is banished with his colleagues, 58. ---, ambassador to the Gauls, kills one of their leaders, and is made consular tribune, v. 35, 36. He, with his brother, is called to an account for his conduct towards the Gauls, and dies, vi. 1. - Ambustus, Q., consul, iv. 52. Master of horse, vii. 28. Dictator, ix. 7. * --Gurges, Q,, consul, x. 47. -Maximus Rullianus, Q., curule aedile, viii. 18, Master of horse, 29. Fights the Samnites contrary to th<* order of the dictator, Papirius, and id successful, 30, His dispute with the dictator, 30-36. He is made consul, 3S. Interrex, ix. 7. Dictator, he de- feats the Samnites, 23. Again consul, he defeats the Etrurians, 35. Though at enmity with Papirius, nominates him dictator, 38. A third time consul, he overthrows the Samnites and Um- brians, 41. Censor, he distributes the lowest rabble among the four city tribes, and thence gains the surname of Maximus, 46. A fourth time con- sul, he overcomes the Samnites, x. 13, 14. Is made consul a fifth time. 22. Triumphs, 30. .Fabius Vibulanus, Q., consul, iv. 37. Consular tribune, 49, -Maximus Verrucosus, Q., ambas- sador to Carthage, xxi. 18. Prodic- tator, xxii. 8. His cautious method of conducting the war, 11-17. He sells his estate to ransom prisoners, 23. Saves from total defeat his master of horse, who had fought Hannibal con- trary to his judgment, 28,29. His ad- vice to the consul JSmilius, 89. He is made chief pontiff, xxiii, 21. A third time consul, 31. His actions, 46, 48. Is consul a fourth time, xxiv. 8. Acts as lieutenant-general under his son, 44. Is made consul a fifth time, xxvii. 7. Prince of the Senate, 11. He takes Tarentum, 15. Effects a reconciliation between the consuls Livius and Nero, 35. Opposes Scipio's design of carrying the war into Afri- ca, xxviii. 40; xxix. 19. Dies, xxx. 26. -, Q., son of the preceding, pne- tor, xxiv. 9. Consul, 43. Makes his father dismount on approachinghim, 44. Takes Arpi, 46. —--:—, lieutenant-general, dispatch- ed to the Senate by Livius, xxviii. 9. Pictor, Q., sent to consult the oracle at Delphi, xxii. 5T. Returns, xxiii. 11. Fabraternians taken into protection by the Romans, viii. 19. Fsesulse, xxii. 3. Faith solemnly worshipped, by order of Nutna, i. 21. Falerians, or Faliscians, assist the Veians and Fidenatians, iv. 17. At- tack the Roman camp at Veii, v. 8,13. Are defeated by Camillus, their camp taken, and their city besieged, 19, 26. The treacherous schoolmaster is pun- ished, and the town surrenders, 27. They revive hostilities, vii. 17. Ob- tain a truce, 22. War is proclaimed against them, x. 45. A truce granted, 4&. Falerjne tribe added, ix. 20. Falernian lands, as far as the river Vnl- turnus, divided among the commons of Rome, viii. 11. Fasces do not attend both consuls in the city, ii. 1. Lowered, in compli- ment to the people, by Publicola, 7. Fathers, Conscript, ii. 1. See Senate, Patricians. Faustulns saves Romulus and Remus, i.4,5. Ferentine grove, i. 50, 52. Water, 51, Source of it, ii. 53, Ferentum, taken by the Romans, x. 34. Feronia, her temple, i, 30. Her temple and grove, xxvi. 12; xxviL 4. Feseimne verses, vii. 2. Ficulnea, i. 3. Ficulnean, or Nomentan, road, iii. 52. 695 Fidenae, colony, i. 27; iv. 17. Revolts, and is reduced, 22,33, 34. Fidenatians make war on the Romans, and are conquered, i. 14. Again, 27. Are besieged, ii. 19. Kill Roman am- bassadors, iv. 17. Are subdued, 33, 34. Field of Mars, i. 4; ii. 5; vi. 20. Fig-tree, Ruminal, i. 4; x. 23. Fires, great, at Rome, xxiv. 47; xxvi. 27. Flamen of Jupiter must not spend one night out of the city, v. 52. Flamens instituted by Numa, i. 20. Flaminian circus, iii. 54. --meadows, iii. 54, 63. Flaminius, C., a second time consul, xxi. 57. Goes privately to Ariminum, where he assumes the office, 63. Is killed in the battle of Thrasimene, xxii. 4,6. —----, qnajstor, xxvi. 47. Flavius, Cn.f a notary, made curule jedile, and opposes the ilatricians; publishes the civil law, and exhibits the calendar in tablets hung round the Forum, ix. 46. --, M., makes a distribution of flesh meat, viii. 22. Is made plebeian tribune, 37. --, a Lucanian, betrays Tib. Grac- chus, xxv. 16. Flavoleius, M., centurion, ii. 45. Fleet launched in forty-five days after the timber was brought from the wood, xxviii. 45. Floronia, a vestal convicted of inconti- nence, xxii. 57. Flume ii tan gate, vi. 20. Fonteius, T., xxv. 34; xxvi. 17. Formians made Roman citizens, with- out right of suffrage, viii. 14. Fortuna Primigenia, xxix. 36. Fortune, her temple at Rome, xxv. 7. At Prieneste, xxiii. 19. That of Fors Fortuna, xxvii. 11. Of Female For- tunei ii. 40. Forum, Roman, i. 12. Adorned with the gilded shields of the Samnites, ix. 40. -boarium, or cattle-market, xxi. 62; xxvii. 37; xxix. 37; ———v olitorium, or herb-market, xxi. 62. , ■.» ■' piscatorium, or fish-market, xxvi. 27. Fostius, M., consular tribune, iv. 25. ———- Flaccinator, M., consul, ix. 20. Master of horse, 26, vAgain, 28. Fregellae, colony, viii. 22. Seized by the Samnites, ix, 12. Recovered, 28, Its fidelity to the Romans, xxvii. 10. Bravery of its horsemen, xxvi. 27. Frusinians mulcted a third part of their lands, x. 1. Frusino, or Frusinum, xxvii, 3ff,698 Fucine lake, iv. 57. Fulcinius, C., Roman ambassador, kill- . ed by order of Tolumnius, iv. 17. Fulvius Curvus. C., plebeian aedile, x. 23. --, Cn., consul, x. 11. Defeats the Samnites, and triumphs, 12. Proprae- tor, he overthrows the Etrurians, 26, 2T, 30. ---—, quaestor, delivered up to Hannibal by the Liguriaus, xxi. 59. ----, lieutenant-general, xxvi. 14, 33; xxvii. 8. --<— Centumalus, Cn., curule aedile, made praetor, xxi v. 43. Consul, xxv. 41; xxvi. 1. Is defeated by Hannibal at Herdonea, and slain, xxvii. 1. ■--Flaccus, Cn., praetor, xxv. 2. Is intoxicated with success, 20. Defeat- ed by Hannibal at Herdonea, 21. Cull- ed to account for misconduct, xxvi. 2. He goes into exile, 3. --} L., consul, viii. 3S. Master of horse, ix". 21. --,*M., military tribune, killed in battle, xxvii. 12. --Paetinus, M., consul, x. 9. —-—, Q , curule aedile, xxx. 39. --Flaccus, Q., pontiff, xxiii. 21. Praetor, xxiv. 80. Master of horse and consul, xxv. 2. Takes Hanno's camp, 13, 14. Lays siege to Capua, xxvi. 4. Follows Hannibal on his route to Rome, 8-10. Beheads the Campanian Senators, 15. Is accused by the Cam- panians, 27, 33. Created dictator, xxvii. 5. Consul a fourth time, 6. His reputation loses its lustre, 20. He is continued in command at Capua, 22. -—r- Gillo, Q., lieutenant-general under Scipio, xxx. 21. Fundae, its inhabitants made Roman citizens without right of suffrage, viii. 14. Funeral orations, ii. 47, Gl. Allowed to matrons, v. 50. Often misrepresent facts, viii. 40. Fnrius and Fusius, the same, iii. 4. --, lieutenant-general, brother of the consul Sp. Furius, killed by the iEquans, iii. 5. -r-- Agrippa, iii. GG, 70. Consular tribune, v. 32. -• Pacilus, C., consul, iv. 12. Cen- sor, 22. Disfranchises Mamercus iEmilius, 24. Is made consular trib- une, 31. Consul again, 52. -, L., consul opposes the Agrarian law, ii. 54. --., consular tribune with Camil- lus, vi. 22. Dispute between them, 23, 24,25. ---, plebeian tribune, ix. 42. -Camillus, L., dictator, restores the consulship to the patricians, and is elected consul, vii. 24. Defeats the Gauls, 26. Is made dictator, 28. Furius Camillus, L., consul, takes Pe- dum, and triumphs, viii. 13. Consul a second time, 29. -Medullinus, L., a person or per- sons of this name held the following offices, but the accounts are obscure: Consular tribune, iv. 25, 35. Again, 44. Consul, 51. Again, 54. Consu- lar tribune, 57. Again, Gl. A third time, v. 14. A fourth, 16. A fifth, 24. A sixth, 26. A seventh, 32. - Purpureo, L., military tribune, xxvii. 2. - Camillus, M., consular tribune, v. 1. Again, 10. A third time, he ravages Campania, 14. Interrex, 17. Dictator, 19. Defeats the Faliscians, and takes Veii, 25. Opposes the de- sign of removing to Veii, and is made consular tribune a fourth time, 26. Sends back to the Falerians their children, and the traitor who brought them to his camp, 27. Interrex, he is accused by Apuleius ; goes into exile, and is fined, 32. Is recalled, and made dictator, 46. Utterly vanquishes the Gauls, and triumphs, 49. Dictator a third time, he takes the Volscian camp, vi. 1. Consular tribune a fifth time, 6. His services, 7-10. Consu- lar tribune a sixth time, 18. A sev- enth, 22. His moderation towards his colleague, and success in war, 23, 25. Dictator a fourth time, 38. A fifth* he triumphs over the Gauls, 42. His death, and character, vii. 1. --, M., defends M. Aurelius against charges made by Philip, xxx. 42. -, P., consul, ii. 56. -- Philus, P., praetor, xxi. 35, 55. Returns, wounded, from Africa, xxiii. 11. Is made censor, xxiv. 11; and acts with severity, 18. Is accused by Metellus, plebeian tribune, and dies, 43. —-, Q., chief pontiff, ii. 54. ---, Sex., consul, ii. 39. -, Sp., consul, ii. 43. —:--, consul, worsted by the ^Equans, and surrounded in his camp, iii. 4. Is relieved by T. Quintius, 5. --, consular tribune, vi. 31. —-Camillus, Sp., son of Marcus, first praetor, vii. 1. Fusius, Sp., pater patratus, i. 24. Gabian road, iii. 6. Gabians, iii. S; vi, 21. Gabii taken by the treachery of Sex. Tarqninius, i. 53, 54; xxiv. 10; xxvi. 9. Gabine oincture, v. 46; viii. 9 ; x. 7. Gades, xxi. 21 ; xxiv. 49; xxvi. 43; xxviii. 1. Gaetulian troops, xxiii. IS.Gala, king of Numidia, xxiv. 48, 49; xxix. 29. Gallic tumult, vii. 9,11. Bay, xxvi. 19; XXX. 19. Games, Roman, or great, exhibited by Romulus, i. 9. Established by Tar- quinius. Priscus, to be performed an- nually,^, - -, Capitoline, v. 50. --Apollinarian, instituted, xxv. 12. Established, xxvii* 23. ii,;? ■, y Circensian, xxx. 27. ...■ ? T., Megalesian, xxix. 14. —-, Plebeian, xxiii. 30. ——Funeral, remarkable, exhibited by the sons of JSmilius Lepidus, xxiii. 30. -, (Olympic, xxvii. 35. --, Nemaean, xxvii. 30, 31. . Garatnantians, xxix. 33, Gates of a Roman camp, decuman or . quaesto rian, in the rear, iii. 5; x. 32. -r-- of the city of Rome: , Capuan, or Capeua, i. 26; iii. 22. Garmental, or Wicked, ii. 49. Colline,.i. 51; ii. 11. EsquiMae* it 11; iii. S6. jauttwmtaiii vi. 20. Nsevian,ii.lt Nu men tan, vi. 20. Trigemina, iv. 16. Gaul, province, called Ariminum, xxviii. Gauls, enticed by the delicious fruits and wines, had come into Italy 200 years before the taking of Rome, v. 17* Their several migrations, 33-35. The Senones besiege Clusium, 35. Quarrel with the Romans, 36. March to Rome, and gain a victory at the Allia, 37, 38. : Burn Rome, 41. Are utterly defeated by Camillus, 49. Are again routed by Camillus, vi. 42. Ad- vance within three miles of Rome, viiy9.. On their champion being slain by Ma^lius, retire in dismay, 9, 11. Various engagements with them, 12- 15, 23, 24;- viil. 20. The combat of Valerius CorMSf ViL 26. , The Gauls, for a large Sum of money, make peace with the Etrurians, x. 10. They, in conjunction With the Etrurians, Sam- nites, and Umbrians, are. defeated by the Romans, 27, 29. The Senones cut off a Roman legion, 26. Character of the Gauls, v. 37-46; and x. 28. Trans- alpine Gauls join Hannibal, xxi. 20- 28. ■ ■ Gaurns, Monnt, vii. 32* - •' : , Gee&e Aavft the Capitol, v. 47. , Geganiaa : family, Alban, admitted among Roman patriciahe, i. 30< Geganius, L., consular tribune, vi. 31. .... j. .y M., consular tribune, vi. 42. -— Macerinus, M.y consul, quash- es the combination of the plebeian VOL. II.—30 697 tribunes against the patriciansj Iii. 65. Is made consnl a second time, iv. 8. He overthrows the Volscians, sends them under the yoke, and tri- umphs, 10. Is a third time consul, 17. Censor, 22. See ix. 33,34. Geganius, T., consul, ii. 34. Gefo, son of Hiero, favoring the Cartha- ginians, is carried off by a sudden death, xxiii. 30. Hischaracter, xxiv. 5. Geminius Metius, Etrurian, his single combat with T. Manlius, viii. 7. Genius, a deity, xxi. 62. Genua, xxi. 32. Taken by Mago, and demolished, xxviii. 40. Rebuilt by the Romans, xxx. 1. Genucius, plebeian tribune, killed in his own house, ii. 54. --, Cn., plebeian consular trib- une, v. 13. A second time, when he falls in battle, IS. ---, consul, vii. 3. -—.—-, one of the first plebeian augurs, x. 9. -—, L., plebeian consul, vii. 1. A second time, 4. Is slain in battle with theHernicians, 6. —„-, plebeian tribune, proposes a law against usury, vii. 42. -—,--consul, x. 1. --, ambassador to Sjphax, xxvii. 4. ---, M., consul, iv. 1. —--—, T.:, plebeian tribune, proposes an Agra rian law, and accuses T. Me- lienius, ii. 52. Makes a-heavy charge on the consuls of the preceding year, and is put to death, 54. U J- .; ~ --—s, decemvir, iiL33. r Geronium, xxii. 18, 24,39. Gisgo, Carthaginian ambassador to Philip, xxiii. 34. --, arguing against peace, is treated roughly by Hannibal,.xxx. 37. Gladiators exhibited, xxiii. 30; xxviii. . 21. • .. : ' -——-—- called Bamnites by the Cain- panians, ix. 40. Gods, celestial and infernal, x. 28.: ——i—Indigetes, and Novensiles, viiL 9. i . Maijes, viii. 6, fr; x. 28. -Penates, or household, 1.1. —Tutelar, of Home, iifc ——- the custom of cSuliit# tbefcv out from the town of an enemy, and the ceremoniefl ;uwd>to iemovi»g their images,v. i t. Gold, vicesimaryyxxvii. 1& lOOGpoiwd^weightstilitrtatedas the rangoirt of the Romaft people, v. ,48i ^Retalsen, placed tfiider the throne of Jupiter, 50. Goods ol* Porsenna for sale, wfteto^ the phrase arose, ii. 14.; Gown* bordered; with purplfc, pratexta, . borrowed from the EtruriSansf U 8. -698 Gradivus, Mars, ii. 45. His priests Salii instituted by Numa, i. 20. Grecian arts first admired by the Ro- mans, xxv. 40. --fleet infests the coasts of Italy, vii. 25, 26. Another, under Cleony- mus, a Spartan, is compelled to retire by the Patavians, x. 2. -- man and woman buried alive in the Forum, xxii. 57. Greece, the Farther, vii. 26. —:—, the Greater, revolts to Hannibal, xxii. 61. Greek fables, xxviii. 48. Trench, 46. Gulf in the Forum closes, on Curtius leaping into it, vii. 6. Hadrumetum, city in Africa, xxx. 29, 35. IIanT£e, near Cumse, the camp of the Campanians, is surprised there by Gracchus, xxiii. 85. Hamilcar, forming plans for a war against the Romans, dies, xxi. 1, 2, 5. This happened at a place in Spain called Highfort, xxi v. 41. ---, son of Bomilcar, defeated by ; the Scipios, xxiii. 49. -----, son of Gisgo, given up to the Romans, with the isle of Melita, xxi. ,51. Hampsicora, Sardinian chief, meditates a revolt, xxiii. 32. Kills himself, 41. Hannibal, about nine years old, . swears perpetual enmity to the Ro- mans, xxi. 1. Is appointed general in the place of Hasdrubal, 3. His char- acter, 4. He besieges and takes Sa- guutum, vi. 14. Passes the Iberus and Pyrensean mountains, 23. Cross- es the Rhone, 31.; The Alps, 32. The number of his forces, 42. He defeats the Romans atTicinus, 46. Again at the Trebia, 54.: Again at Placentia, . 59. Again at the lake Trasimenus, xxii. 4. Escapes out of a defile by the stratagem of tying fagots to the horns of oxen, 16. Worsts Minucius, who is saved by Fabius, 29. Pre- tends flight, but his scheme is detect- ed, 42. Distressed and perplexed, h? removes to Cannae, 43. There over- throws the Romans with great slaugh- ter, 49. Goes to Capua, xxiii. 7. Is defeated at Nola by Marcellus, 16. His men enervated by the luxury of Capua, 18. Are long resisted by a small body of Presnestines, at Casili- num, which at last surrenders, 19. He gains possession of Tarentum by treachery, xxv. 8-10. Defeats Cn. Fulvius, prsetor, at Herdonia, 21. Re- solves to lay siege to Rome, xxvi. 7. Encamps within thiSee miles of that city, 10. Failing in his attempt, he retires, 11. Vanquishes Cn. Fulvius, proconsul, at Herdonea, xxvii. 1. He surrounds Marcellus, who is slain, 27. After the death of Hasdrubal, he re- tires into Bruttium, 51. Worsted by Scipio, he retires from Locri, xxix. 7. Is recalled from Italy, xxx. 19. Holds a conference with Scipio, 29. Is con- quered at Zama, and flies to Adriune- tum, 35. Hanno, head of the faction which op- osed the Barcine, insists that Hanni- al ought not to be sent into Spain, xxi. 3 ; but to be given up to the Ro- mans, 9. After the battle of Cannae, he recommends making proposals of peace to the Romans, xxiii. 13. -, son of Bomilcar, distinguishes himself in the passage of the Rhone, xxi. 27, 28. -defeated and taken in Spain by Cn. Scipio, xxi. 60. —-driven out of Lucania by Sem- pronius Longus, xxiii. 17. Persuades the Grecian cities in Bruttium to join him, xxiv. 1. Fights a desperate bat- tle with Gracchus, 14, 15. Flies to Bruttium, xxv. 14. Commands the garrison of Metapontum, xxvii. 42. —- succeeds Hasdrubal Barca as . commander in Spain, xxviii. 1. Is made prisoner by the Romans, 2; and sent to Rome, 4. -, an officer under Mago, is routed by L. Marcius, xxviii. 30; -, general of cavalry, falls in bat- tle, xxix. 29, 35. -, son of Hamilcar, defeated and slain by Masinissa, xxix. 34. Harmonia, daughter of Gelon, put to death, xxiv. 24, 25. Hasdrubal, son-in-law and successor of Hamilcar, killed by a savage, xxi. 2. --/brother of Hannibal, is left commander in Spain, xxi. 22. Is de- feated by the Scipios, xxiii. 29. Cuts off the two Roman generals, with the greatest part Of their men, xxv. 32. Baflles Nero, xxvi. 17. Is defeated by Scipio, xxvii. 18, 19. Passes into Gaul, and over the Alps, 36, 39. Lays siege to Placentia, 43. Is vanquished at the Metaurus, and slain, 48, 49. His head is thrown into Hannibal's camp, 51. ---—, Calvus, is sent into Sicily, xxiii. 32,34. Defeated and taken, 40, 41. --—, son of Gisgo, commands in Spain, xxiv. 41. Is overthrown by Scipio, xxviii. 15,16. Flies into Africa, 17. He and Scipio dine together in the house of Syphax, 18. He gives his daughter in marriage to Syphax, xxix. 28. He and Syphax are defeat- ed by Scipio, xxx. 5, 6. --Hffidus, advises the Cartha-ginlans lo conclude a peace, xxx. 42. Reproves Hannibal's laughter, 44. Health, her temple, ix. 43 ; x. 1. Hegeas, commander of Neapolitan cav- alry, xxiii. 1. Helorus, xxiv. 35. Helvius, Cm., military tribune, killed, xxx. 18. Heraclea, in Greece, xxviii. 5, 7. --—, in Italy, i. 18; viii. 24.. --- Minor, in Sicily, xxiv. 35; xxv. 40. Heraclitus Scotinus, Philip's ambassa- dor to Hannibal, xxiii. 39. Hersea, xxviii. 7, 8. The direction of the Heraean, or Junonian games, is conferred on Philip, xxvii. 30. Herbessus taken byMarcellus, xxiv. 30, 35. Hercinian forest, v. 34. Herculaneum taken by Carvilins, x. 45. Hercules, in Latium, i. 7. A lectister- nium, or banquet, in honor of him, v. 13. His ministers Potitii, i. 7; ix. 29. His pillars, xxi. 43. Herdonea, xxv. 21. Is taken by Hanni- bal, and the inhabitants are expelled, xxvii. 1. Herdonius, Ap., a Sabine, seizes the Capitol, iii. 15. Is killed, 18. ----1 Turnns, inveighs against Tarquinius, i. 5. Who procures his death, 51. Herennius Bassus, and Herius Pettius Nolans, confer with Hanno, xxiii. 43. —---Pontius, Samnite, ix. 1. His opposite opinions respecting the Ro- mans at Caudium, 3. Hermandica stormed by Hannibal, xxi. 5. Herminius, Largius, consul, iii. 65. —-—, T., assists Horatius Codes in defending the bridge, ii. 10. Is slain at Regillus, 20. Hernicians, prepare for war, ii. 22. Are conquered, 40. Their lands are wasted by iEquansand Yolscians, iii. 6. They revolt from the Romans, vi. 2. Who are defeated by them, vii. 6. They are subdued by C. Plautins, 15. They make war again, iv. 42. Surrender, 43. Hexapylon, at Athens, xxv. 24, 32, 39. Hiero, king of Syracuse, promises corn and clothing to the Roman legions, xxi. 50. After the defeat at Trasi- menus, he sends ample supplies to the Romans and a golden image.of vic- tory, xxii. 37. Dies, xxiv. 4. " Hieronymus, Hiero's gi'andson and suc- cessor, his character, and a conspira- cy formed against him, xxiv. 4,5. He sneers at the Roman ambassador, 6. Is slain by the conspirators, 7. Himera, river, xxiv. 6 ^ xxv. 49. Himilco, leads $n army into Sicily, xxiv* 699 . 35, 36. Retires to Agrigentnm, 39. Brings supplies to Syracuse, and dies of the plague, xixv. 26. Hippo Royal, in Africa, xxix. 4, 32. Hippocrates, in conjunction with the Carthaginians, carries on war against Marcellus, xxiv. 35. Is defeated, 36. Brings supplies to Syracuse, and dies, xxv. 26. Hirpinians, xxii. 13. Join the Cartha- ginians, 61; xxiii. 1. Their towns are taken by the Romans, 17. They sub- mit, xxvii. 15. Honor and Virtue, their temples, xxvii. 25. Hope, her temple, ii. 51. Horatii, brothers, fight the Curiatii, i. 24,25. Horatius Codes maintains the Snblician bridge, leaps into the river, and es- capes, ii. 10. ---, C., consul, fights the Etrurians, ii. 51. --Pulvillus, C., consul, routs the JEquans, iii. 30. Dies augur, 32. --- Barbatus, L., warmly opposes the decemvirs, iii. 39. Drives Ap. Claudius out of the Forum, 49. Is made consul, 55. Defeats the Sabines, and triumphs without leave of Sen- ate, 61, 63. See iv. 6. ---— Pulvillus, M., consul, ii. 8; vii. 3. . ,',M., consular tribune, vi. 31. -, P., labors to save his son from the punishment, incurred by killing his sister, i. 26. Horses, public, given to the knights, u 43; v. 7. Taken from some oy the censors, xxiv. IS; xxvii. 11. Hostages of the Tarentines, attempting an escape, are seized, and put to death, xxv. 7. - -of the Spanish states are re* stored to their friends by Scipio, xxvi- 49. -requiredfrom the Carthagini \ ans, xxx. 31. Hostilian Senate-house, i. 30. Hostilius Cato, two of this n^me, A; an^ C., xxvii. 35. - v --Tubulus, C., praetor, xxvii. 61 Defeats Hannibal, 40. Is continued in command, xxviii. 10. ? ——% -are conquered by Anciis Marcius, arid many removed to Rome, i. 32,33. Their wars with Tarquiiiius Priscus, 35,38. Atreaty concluded with them, 50, 52.. They sufifer a severe over- throw at the lake Regillus, it. 19,20. Are admitted in to alliance, 83. They . assist the Rofttans against the JSquans and Volscians, iii. 7. Revolt, vi. 2. Obtain peace, vii. 12. Ravage Sam- nium, viii. 2. Require a consul, and half the Senate of Rome, to be chosen out of Latium, 5. The Romans de- clare war, and entirely subdue them, 6-14. Latinus, king, forms an alliance and af- finity with ./Eneas, i. 1. -— Sylvius, king of Alba, ii 8. Latona, v. 13 ; xxv. 12. Laurentians, the treaty with them re- newed annually, ten days after the Latin festival, viii. 11. Lautia, entertainment furnished to am- bassadors, xxviii. 39; xxx. 17. Lantulae, vii. 39; ix. 23. Lauturnise, xxvi. 27. . - Lavinia married to JSueas, and Lavin- ium built, i. 1. Law, divine and human, i. 18. -, civil, published by Flavins, ix. 46. Laws of the twelve tables, iii. 34,57. Lectisternium, or banquet of the gods, the first at Rome, and^the ceremonies used, v. 13; vii. 2, 27 ; *iifc24? jSJdt, 1, 10, etc.; one at Caere, xxi. fiB. Legion, and its divisions, des«ribed,viii. 8. Linen legiou of theSamnites, x. 38. Lemnos, island, xxviii. 5. Leontini, Hieronymus is slain there, xxiv. 7. The city is occupied by Hip- Bocrates and Epicydes, 29. Taken by [arcellus, 30. Leptis, xxx. 25. Lencas, promontory and island, xxvi. 26. Levy of troops not made out of the whole people indiscriminately, iv. 46.?02 INDEX. Levy of volunteers, ix. 10. -of all kinds of men, x. 21. ;—of slaves, xxii. 57; xxiii. 14 -made with difficulty, xxv. 5. See xxii. 37, 88 ; xxiv. 11; xxvi. 35; xxvii. . 38. Liber and Libera, their temple, iii. 55. Liberty, temple of, xxiv. 1(5. Court in - which the Tarentine hostages were kept, xxv. 7. Libuah Gauls, xxi. 38. Liburnians, a savage people, x. 2. Liby^hcenicians, xxi. 22xxv. 40. Licinius Macer, who wrote a history of , Rome, iv. 7, 20, 23; vii. 9; x. 9, etc. —--—, plebeian tribune, ii. 33. -, consular tribune, vi. 31. First plebeian master of horse, 39; x. 8. - Galvus Stolo, C., plebeian, mar- ried to the daughter of Fab. Ambus- tus, is made plebeian tribune, vi. 35. Being plebeian tribune a tenth time, he effects the passing of his laws against the patricians, vi. 42. Is con- sul, ix. 2. Again, 9. Is condemned on one of his own laws, 16. , C., ambassador to Carthage, xxi. 18, -,L., prietar,?cxvi.<8. - Pollio, L., xxvii. 27. - Lucullus, L., curule sedile, xxx. -—-, M., military tribune, slain, xxvii. 12. ...... Calvus, P., first plebeian consu- lar tribune, v. 12. The same post be- ing offered to him again, he requests it may be conferred on his son, 18. --, consular tribune, v. • 18,20. --Crassus, P., chief pontiff, xxv. 5. Master of horse, xxvii. 5. Censor, 6. Praetor, 21. Consul, xxviii. 38. He and his army suffer by sickness xxix. 10. He and the consul Sem- - pronius defeat Hannibal, 36. -----Varus, P., curule sedile, xxvii. 6. Pnetor, 21. Ligui'iaus, v. 35. Ambassadors sent to them from Rome, xxii* 33. They pre- Sare aid for, Hasdrubal, xxvii. 39. oin Mago, xxviii. 46; xxix. 5. Lilybseum, promontory, xxv. 31; xxvii. 5. Sea tight near it, xxi. 50. Linen books, iv. 7. Lingonians, v. 35. Linternum, xxii. 16; xxiii. 35. Liparje islands,, xxi. 49. Liparensian pirates, v. 28. Liris river, x. 21; xxvi. 9, 34. Litana, wood, where the Gauls destroy a Roman army, xxiii. 24. Livius, poet, first who wrote comedy on a regular plot, vii. 2. *---, C., pontiff, xxvi. 23. Curule . sedile, xxix. 38, Praetor, xxx. 26.. Livius Denter, M., consul, x. 1. One of the first plebeian pontiffs, 9. Dic- tates to Decius the form of devote ing himself, 2S. -, M., ambassador to Carthage, xxi. 18. Eight years after a severe sen- tence had been passed on him, he is brought back to Rome, and, against his will, made consul a second time, . xxvii. 34. He vanquishes Hasdru- bal, 46, 49. Triumphs, xxviii. 9. Is made dictator, 10. Censor; he ac- quires the surname Salinator; ami maintains a shameful dispute with his colleague, xxix. 37. , defends Tarentnm, xxiv. 20. Is obliged to retire into the citadel, xxv. 10,11; xxvi. 39. A dispute about him in the Senate, xxvii. 25. —■— Macatus, M., xxvii. 34. , T., wrote in the reign of Augus- tus, xxviii. 12. See iv. 20. Locri, revolts to the Carthaginians, xxii. 60; xxiii. 30. Is besieged by Crispinus, xxvii. 25. Retaken by Scipio, xxix. 6, 7. Is put under the command of Pleminius, 8. His con- duct there, 8-21. Its laws and liberty are restored by the Seriate, 21. Locris, in Greece, xxvi. 26; xxviii. 6. Locusts waste Campania, xxx.*ll. Longula, ii. 33; ix. 39. ]^ua, mother, viii. 1. Luca, xxi. 59. Lucanians, support the Samnites against Alexander of Epirus, viii. 17. M&ke an alliance with the Romans, 25. Revolt, 27. Are suppressed, x. 11,18. Several of their towns are taken by the Romans, xxv. 1. They submit, xxvii. 15. Luceres, tribe, i. 13; x. 6. ---, century of knights, i. 13,36. Luceria, ix. 2. Roman hostages kept there, 12. Is taken by the Romans, 15. Lost, and recovered, and settled as a colony, 26. Is attacked by the Samnites, x. 35. Lncretia, wife of Collatinus, i. 57. Vio- lated by Sex. TarqUinius, she kills herself, 58. Lucretius Tricipitinus, Hostus, consul, iv. 30. Flavus, L., consul, defeats the JEquans, v. 29. Consular tribune, he defeats the Volsinians, 32. Tricipitinus, L., consul, van- quishes the Volscians, and triumphs, iii. 8, ,10. ----, consulartribnne, iv. 4. A second time, 21. A third, 22. -, L., quaestor, betrayed to Han- nibal, xxi. 59. ---—, M., plebeian tribune, xxvii. 6. --, P., consul, ii. 15.Lucretius Tricipitinus, P., consular trib- une, iv. 44. Again 47. —--P., governor of Rome, iii. 24. -, Sp., father of Lucretia, i. 58. Dies in the consulship, ii. 8. —---praetor, xxviii. 38. Is con- tinued in command, xxix. 13. Again, —---, T., consul, ii. 8. Again, 10. Lucumo, son of Demaratus, removes to Rome, where he is called Tarquinius, i. 34. -— debauches the wife of Aruns of Clusium, v. 33. Luperca), i. 5. Lusitania, xxi. 43; xxvii. 20. Lustrum. See Survey. Lutatius, On., made prisoner by the Boians, xxi. 25. Is restored to liber- ty sixteen years after, xxx. 19. ---, Q,., consul, xxx. 44.. Lycean Pan, i. 5. Lyncus, xxvi. 25. Macedonia, i. 1; ix. IS. Macedonian army compared with the Roman, ix. 19. ■. ia., phalanx, ix. 19. Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta, makes war on the Achaeans, xxvii. 30; xxviii. 5,7. Jtfaecian tribe added, viii. 17. Maecilius, Sp., a turbulent plebeian trib- une, iv. 48. Maedians, Thracian, xxviii. 5. Maedica, xxvi. 25. Maelius, P., consular tribune, v. 12. Again, 18. i ! ;. , Q., plebeian tribune, ix. 8. --, Sp., aspires to absolute power, iv. 13. Is summoned to attend the dictator Cincinnatus, and slain by Ser- vilius AJiala, 14. His house is demol- — ished, 16. Maenius, C., consulf triumphs over the Aricians and Lavmians, viii. 13. Dic- tator; he abdicates, is accused, and acquitted, ix. 26, 34. ---, L., plebeian tribune, regulates the interest of money, vii. 10. •--, M., proposes an Agrarian law, and obstructs the levies, iv. 53. <-, plebeian tribune, in the commotions excited by Maulius, sub- mits to the direction of the Senate, vi. 19; and prosecutes Manlius, 20. —--, military tribune, falls in a battle with Mago, xxx. 18. --, P., consular tribune, v. 12 Meesian wood, i. 33. Magalus, Boian ehief, xxi. 29. Magistrates, curule, iv. 7. Their elec- tion, prevented during five years by the plebeian tribunes, vi. 35. Auspices are not observed at the election of plebeian magistrates, vi. 41. 703 Magius, On., medixtuticus, or chief magistrate of Campania, xxiv. 19. ■'" ;, Decius, Oapuan, maintains his fidelity to the Romans, and takes ref- uge in Egypt, xxiii. 7, 10. Mago, brother of Hannibal, xxi. 47, 54; xxii. 46. Carries to Carthage an ac- count of Hannibal's successes* xxiii. 12, 13. Is sent into Spain, and de- feated at Illiturgi, 82, 49. He levies troops, xxiv. 42. In conjunction with Hasdrubal Gisgo, defeats P. Scipio, xxv. 32, 34. His camp is taken by Marcius, 39. He joins his brother, Hasdrubal, xxvii. 20. Is obliged to fly, xxviii. 2. Sails to Italy, and takes Genoa, 37, 46. Is defeated by the Romans, xxx. 18. Dies, 19. -, Carthaginian ambassador to Philip, xxiii. 34. -, Barcine, made prisoner in Sar- dinia, xxiii. 41. -—, governor of New Oarthage, sur- renders to Scipio, xxvi. 44, 46. Maharbal, son of Himilco, xxi. 12, 45. Pursues the Romans flying from Tra- simenus, xxii. 6. Advises Hannibal, after the battle of Cannae, to march directly to Rome, 51; xxiii. 18. Maleventum, ix. 27; x. 15. Malian bay, xxvii. 30. Mamertines, xxviii. 28; xxx. 31. MamiliusVitulus, C., first plebeian chief curio, xxvii. 8. Ambassador to Phil- ip, xxx. 26. ————, L., dictator, of Tusculum, as- sists the Romans, iii. 18, 29. ---, Oct., of Tusculum, descended from Ulysses and Circe, marries the daughter of Tarquinius the Proud, i. 49. Entertains him in his exile, ii. 15. Raises thirty states against the Ro- mans, 18. Is wounded at Regillus, 19. -■-, Q., plebeian aedile, xxvii. 36. --Thurinus, Q., praetor, xxviii. 10. Mandonius, xxii. 22. Brother of Indi- bilis, chief of the Ilergetians, xxvi. 49. He joins the Romans, and his wife and children are restored to him, xxvii. 17. He goes over to the enemy, xxviii. 24. Is defeated, 33; and pardoned by Scipio, 34. Rebels, is taken and put to death, xxix. 3. Manduria taken by Fabius, xxvii. 15. Manes, the rites proper for appeasing them are directed by the chief pontifj", i. 20. Decius devotes himself to the gods, manes, and the earth, viii. 9. Manicius, praetof *>f Prsetfeste, xxiii. 19. Manilms, Sex., a leader in the secession of the soldiers,'iii. 5. Manipulus, a company of soldiers, i. 52; vii. 24; viii. 8. Manlian orders, iv. 29; viii. 7. Manlius; Aul., consul, Is accused, ii. 51.10i His accnscr is murdered, and lie is made decemvir, iii. ,33. Manlitts^ul*,. consular tribune, iv. 61. A second time, v. 8. A third, 10. Sent with a golden basin to Delphi, is taken by Liparsean pirates, and set at liberty, 28. -——t—, Capitolinus, A., consular trib- une, vi. 1. Again, 11. A third time, 21. A fourth, 36. --, A., military tribune, killed, xxvii. 27. ———-—consul when the first Punic war was terminated, xxx. 44. —.--, 0., consular tribune, vi. 30. -—, Gn., consul, ii. 43. —-, consul, defeats the Tibur- tians, vii. 12. Again consul, 16. In- terrex, 17. Censor, 22. Master of horse, 28. --—— Imperioshs, L., dictator, vii. 3. His severity to his son, and the dutiful conduct of the latter, 4, 5. -— Capitolinus, L., consular trib- une, iv. 42. —-—— Torquatus, L., lieutenant-gen- eral, slain by the Gauls, x. 26. —|i.v pi«6tori is defeated by the Boian Gauls, xxi. IT, 25. 5 * - Acidinus, L., praetor, xxvi. 23. Commands an army at Narnia, xxyii. 43,50. Succceds Scipio in the province of Spain, xxviii. 38. His conduct there xxixw2,3,13. -, M., consular tribune, iv. 44. - Capitolinus, M., consul, v. 31. He saves the Capitol, 47. Is made in- terrex, vi. 5. His ambition and sedi- tious behavior, 11-18. He is brought to trial, condemned, and thrown from the Tarpeian rock, 20. -—, P., consular tribune, vi. 30. Dictator, 38. . —-—— Yulso, P., praetor, xxvi. 23; xxvii, 6. -, T., son of L., an example of filial duty, vii. 5. He kills a Gaul in single combat, and is named Torqua- tus, 10. Is made dictator, 19. A sec- ond time, 26. Consul, 27. Again, 28. A third time, viii. 3. Puts his son to death, 7. -—r- Torquatus, T., consul, dies, in consequence of a fall from his horse, x. 11. ---——-—r—•—-, votes against ransoming the prisoners taken at Can- ii 8e, xxii. 00. Is sent governor of Sar- dinia, and subdues the island, xxiii. 34, 40, 41. Is a candidate for the post of chief pontiff, xxv. 5. Refuses the consulship, xxvi. 22. Is made dicta- tor, xxvii. 33. Manjy gown, xxvi. 19. Mannus, a slave, discovers a plot of the Calavii to burn Rome, xxvi. 27. Mantua, xxiv. 10. Marcian shield, xxv. 39. Marcius, C., signalizes himself in the taking of Corioli, and is surnamed Coriolanus, ii. 33. Warmly opposes the plebeian tribunes, 34. Goes into exile, 35. Is mad« general of the Volscians, 39. Is prevailed on by his mother to retire from Rome, and dies, 40. ——~—:—, plebeian tribune, prose- cutes Q. Faoius for taking part in a fight against the Gauls, vi. 1. --Rutilus, C., consul, triumphs over the Privernians, vii. 1&' First plebeian dictator, he triumphs with- out leave of the Senate, 27. Consul a second timey 21. First plebeian cen- sor, 22. A third time consul, 28. A fourth, 38. -, C., augur, x. 9. ---— Rutilus, C., consul, ix. 33. Takes Allifse, 38. Is pontiff, x. 9. Censor, 47. --, L., chosen general by the sol- diers on the death of the two Scipios in Spain, xxv. 37. He takes the two camps of the enemy, 39. He gives of- fense to the Senate, xxvi. 2. Takes Astapa, xxviii. 22. --—, M., xxvii. 6. --Ralla, M», prator, xxix. 11; xxx. 38. - ■ M --, Numa, pontiff, i. 20. —--, a soothsayer, xxv. 12, v Marica's grove, xxvii. 37. Marius Blosius, praetor, at Capua, favors Hannibal, xxiii. 7. Marius Statilius detects a stratagem of Hannibal, xxfi. 42. Maronea, in Samnium, xxvii. 1. Mars Gradivus, i. 20; ii. 45. Mars's field dedicated, i. 44; ii. 5. Marsians, viii. 6. Revolt, ix. 41. Are conquered and fined, x. 3 ; xxii. 9. They furnish seamen, xxviii. 45. Marucinians, viii. 29; ix. 45; xxii. 9. Masaesylians, subjects of Syphax, xxiv. 48; xxviii. 17; xxix. 32; xxx. 11. Masinissa, king of the Masylian Nu- midians, overthrows Syphax, xxiv. 48, 49. In alliance with the Cartha- finians, he gives much trouble to P. cipio, xxv. 34. Confers, and forms a treaty with him, xxviii. 16, 35. Com- plains of Scipio*s delay, xxix. 4. His various turns of fortune, and expul- sion from his kingdom, 29-452. He joins Scipio, 33. Burns the camp of Syphax, xxx. 5. Recovers his king- dom, 11. Marries Sophonisba, ana, being reproved by Scipio, sends her poison, 12, 14,15. Receives a large addition to his dominions, 44. Massilians, a colony from Phocaea, v. 34. Inform the Romans of Hanni-bal s passing the Iberus, xxi. 25. Act as guides to Scipio, 26. Massiva, nephew of Masinissa, is taken prisoner, and sent back to his uncle by Scipio, xxvii. 19 ; xxviii. 35. Master of horse, the first, Sp. Cassius, ii. 18. The first plebeian, C. Licinius, vi. 39. Master of horse raised to an equality of power with the dictator, xxii. 25. A dictator without a mas- ter of horse, xxiii. 22,23. Matienus, P., military tribune, abused by Pleminius, xxix. 6, 8. Matrons mourn a year for Brutus, ii. 7; and for Publicola, 10. Bring all their gold and ornameuts to the treasury, v. 25. Make a contribution towards satisfying the Gauls, 50. Are repaid, vi. 4. A dispute between the patricians and plebeians, x. 23. They dedicate a brazen statue to Juno on the Aventine, xxi. 62. Also, a golden basin, xxvii. 37. Receive the mother of the gods, xxix. 14. Matuta, Mother, v. 21; xxv. 7; xxix. 37. Mauri, or Moors, auxiliaries to Hasdru- bal in Spain, xxi. 22; xxfiii.17. Es- ■ cort 1 Maurusians, xxiv. 49. Mavors, Mars, xxii. 1. Mecilius, L., plebeian tribune, ii. 58. Mediolanum founded by the Gauls, v. 34. Medixluticus, title of the chief magis- trate of Campania, xxiv. 19; xxvi. 6. Medullia, i. 33,38. Megalesian games, xxix. 14. Megalopolitans, xxviii. 8. Megara, in Sicily, xxiv. 80, 35. -, in Greece, xxviii. 7. Mele, or Meles, xxiv. 20; xxvii. 1. Melessum, xxviii. 3. Melita, island, xxi. 51. Menenius, Agrippa, consul, ii. 10. He brings home the commons from the sacred mount, 32. Dies, 33. —_——___-} commissioner of a colony, iv. 11. _--— Lanatus, Agrippa, consul, iv. 13. Consular tribune, 45. Again, 47. —,, , c., consul, iii. 32. -~--Lanatus, L., consul, iv. 12. —--, L., consular tribune, vi. 5. Again, 2. —_——, T., consul, ii. 51,52. Meninx, island, xxii. 31. Menijipus, Macedonian general, xxvii. 32 ; xxviii. 5i Metis. Mind,H temple dedicated to her, x^ii. 10; xxiii. 81. Mefcsarii triumviri, commissioners of the public accounts appointed for the liquidation of debts, vii. 21; xxiii. 21. Mercenary troops first employed by the Romans, xxiv. 49. 30* 105 Merchants, a college of them, ii. 27. Mercury, ii. 21; v. 13. Mercury's hill, xxvi. 44 Promontory, xxix. 27. Mericus, a Spaniard, betrays the Island, a part of Syracuse, to the Romans, xxv. 30. Is rewarded with the free- dom of Rome and a golden crown, xxvi. 21. Messana, in Sicily, xxi. 49 ; xxiv. 1; xxix. 7. 9. Messapians, viii, 24. Messene, in Peloponnesus,.xxix, 12. Metapontines, after the battle of Can- nae, revolt to Hannibal, xxii, 61; xxv. 15; xxvii. 10. Metapontine lands, xxiv. 20. Metapontus, i. IS; viii. 24; xxv. 11; xxvii. 1. Metaurus river, xxvii. 47. Metellus, Q., curule sedile; xxvii. 36. Argues in favor of P. Scipio, xxix. 20. MetiMus, M., plebeian tribune, inveighs against Fabius, xxii. 15. Proposes to give the master of horse equal author- ity; Mth .the dictator, 25. --, Sp., plebeian tribune, iv. 48. --Croto, T., lietitenant-general, xxiii. 31. Mettius Curtius, i. 12,13. --Fuffetius, dictator of Alba, i. 23. His treachery, 27. Punishment, 28. -——, Vectius, Volscian, distinguished himself highly in battle, iv. 28. Mevania, ix. 41. Mezentius, king of Etruria, i. 2. Mezetulus, Numidian, disputes the throne with Capusa, xxix. 29. Is obliged to fly, 30. Milionia, x. 3,34. Milvian, or Mulvian bridge, xxvii. 51. Mincius, river, xxiv. 10. Minerva discovered the use of numbers, vii. 3. Min^s in a siege, v. 19, 21; xxiii. 18. Minii Celeres entertain Hannibal in Capua, xxiii. 8. Minoa Heraclea, xxiv. 85. Minors, their money lent to t^e public, xxiv. 18. Minturnae, viii. 11; ix.J25. A colony settle there, x. 21; xxvii. 38. Minucia, a vestal, buried alive; viii. 15. Minucius, L., consular tribune, his bad conduct, iii. 25, 20. He is relieved by the dictator Cincinnatus, and ordered to abdicate, 29. —-, decemvir, iii. 35. —-, director of the market, discovers to the Senate the designs of Mselius, iv. 13. Is rewarded, 16. ———, M., consul, ii. 21. Again, 34 -, plebeian tribune, v. 11. --Fessus, M., plebeian augur, x. 9, H ---Rufns, M., master of horse to706 Fabius, xxii. 8. Censures his caution, 14. Is invested with equal authority, ,26. Engages Hannibal, and is saved by Fabius from a total defeat, 28, 29. < Acknowledges his misconduct, 30. Is ; killed at Cannae, 49. Minucius, M., plebeian tribune, xxiii. 21. -r---—j Q-i consul, iii. 30. Lieuten- ant-general, xxvi. 33. —--, T., consul, defeats the Sam- nites, ix. 44. Misenum, promontory, xxiv. 13. Molossis, viii. 24. Moneta, Juno, vi. 20. Money lent out of the treasury secured by mortgages and bonds, xxii. 60. -of widows and minors lent to the ; public, xxiv. 18. Mopsian faction, at Compsa, xxiii. 1. Mother, Idaean, xxix. 10. Mucian meadows, ii. 13. Mucius, C., mistakes Porsenna's secre- tary for the king, and kills him, burns < his right hand, and is thence called Scaevola, ii. 12,13. --Scaevola, Q,., praetor, xxiii. 24. Mtmda, xxiY. 42. Murcia* goddess, 1. S3. Murgantia, in Samnium, taken, x. 17: --, in Sicily, xxiv. 17y 36; xxvi. • 21. Mutina, xxi. 25; xxvii. 21. Mutines, having learned the art of war under Hannibal, is very troublesome to the Romans in Sicily, xxv. 40; xxvi. 21. Is ill-treated by Hanno, 40. Surrenders Agrigentum to the Ro- mans, xxvii. 5. Mutiny of Roman soldiers, iv. 50; xxviii. 24, etc. My la, river,* xxiv. 30,31. Nabis, tyrant 'of Lacedaemon, xxix. 12. Nadagara, a conference there between Scipio and Hannibal, xxx. 29. Naevian gate, ii. 11. Naevius Crista, Q., prefect of allies, drives Philip out of his camp atApol- < Ionia, xxiv. 40. Nail driven by a dictator, vii. 3; ix. 28; viii. 18. Narnia, colony, x. 9, 10. Refuses sup- plies, xxvii. 9; xxix. 15. Narnian tribe, vi. 5 ; xxix. 37. Nasos, or Island, part, of Syracuse, xxv. 24. Taken by the Romans, 30. Naupactum, xxvi. 26; xxvii. 30. Nautius, C., consul, ii. 52. Again, iii. 25. He routs the Sabines, xxvi. 29. -— Rntilus, C.. consul, iv. 52. -, Sp.v consul, ii. 39. --Rutiltts, Sp., consular tribune, iv. 35. Again, 45. V- ——-, commands the co- horts of the allies, x. 41. Is honored • for his bravery, 44. Navius, Accius, i. 36. --, Q., advises to mix footmen with the cavalry, xxvi. 4. His brave con- duct,^. Neapolis, viii. 22. Its ambassadors offer gold to the Romans, who accept the. smallest basin, xxii. 32. Its lands are ravaged by Hannibal, xxiv. 13. Nemean games, the direction of them given to Philip, xxvii. 30, 31. Nepete, is taken by the Etrurians, and recovered by the Romans, vi. 9,10. A colony is settled there, 21. It refuses supplies, xxvii. 9. Is punished, xxix. 15. Neptune, equestrian, i. 9. A lectister- nium to obtain his favor, v. 13 ; xxii. 10. Nerulum, stormed by theRomans, ix. 20. Nicaea, city, on the Malean bay, xxviii. 5. Nicias, Achaean praetor, xxviii. 8. Nico forms a conspiracy, and betrays Tarentum to Hannibal, xxv. 8, 9. Kills D. Quintius, xxvi. 39. Is killed in the capture of Tarentum, xxvii. 16. Nola, taken by the Romans, ix. 28. Is besieged by Hannibal, xxiii. 14, 26. Again, 43, 46. The plebeian party in- vite Hannibal, xxiv. 13. Nomentan road, iii. 52. Nomentum, taken by Tarquinius Pris- cus, i. 38; iv. 22. Norba, Roman colony, ii. 34. Is at- tacked by the Priveriiians, vii. 42. Maintains constant friendship with the Romans, xxvii. 10. Nortia, Etrurian goddess, vii. 3. Novendiale sacrum, or nine days' festi- val, i. 31; xxi. 62; xxv. 7; xxvi. 23, etc. Novensiles, deities, viii. 9. Nuceria, ix. 38. , Is taken by Hannibal, xxiii. 15,16. The inhabitants are re- moved to Atella, xxvii. 30. Numa Pompilius, is chosen king, i. 18. His various religious institutions, 21. His commentaries, 32. Numerius Decimius, Samnite, xxii. 24. Numicius, river, i. 2. ——-, L., Latin prastor, summoned to Rome, viii. 3. - Priscus, T., consul, defeats the Volscians, ii. 63. Numidians, xxi. 22-; xxiv. 48; xxix. 23, 31, 34; xxx. 12. Numisius,,Latin general, viii. 11. Numitor, king of Alba, i. 3, 5. Numitorius, L., chosen tribune in an assembly of the tribes, ii. 58. Nursiahs promise soldiers to Scipio, xxviii. 45. Nymphius betrays Palsepolis to the Ro- mans, viii. 25, 26. Ocriculum, ix. 41; xxii. 11. Octavius Metius, x. 41. -, Cn., prsetor, xxviii. 38. Hecaptures eighty Carthaginian ships, 46. . . . (Esalces succeeds his brother Gala in the kingdom of Numidia, xxix. 29-31. Ofilius Calavius, a Campanian, his opin- ion of the silence of the Romans go- ing home from Caudium, ix. 6. ——, Cn. and Q., plebeian tribunes, propose a law to open the priesthood to plebeians, x. C.' Are curule aediles, 23. ——, M., is sent into Etruria to pur- chase corn, xxvii. 3. Olba, in Sardinia, ravaged by Hamilcar, xxvii. 6. Olcades, islands, conquered by Hanni- bal, xxi. 5. Olympia, xxvi. 24. Olympian games, xxvii. 35; xxviii. 7. --Jupiter, xxi v. 21. Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great, viii. 24. Olympium, temple, near Syracuse, xxiv. 33. Opimia, a vestal, buried alive, xxii. 57. Opimius Pansa, L., quaestor, x. 32. Op pi a, a vestal, condemnedfor a breach of chastity li» 42, : ; r —— and Clavia, Campanian women, their liberty and goods are restored by the Romans, xxvi. 33, 34. Oppius, C., plebeian tribune, iii. 54. --, M., leader of the seceding sol- diers, iii. 51. --Cornicen, Sp., decemvir, iii. 35. Is left in Rome with Ap. Claudius, 41. Endeavors to assist him, 49. Assem- bles the Senate, 50. Accused, and or- dered into prison, he lays violent hands on himself, 58. Opus, is sacked by Attalus, xxviii. 7. Its port Cynus, xxviii. 6. Oracle of Delphi, i. 56; v. 15 ; xxix. 10, ---- of Jupiter, at Dodona, viii. 24. Orbitanium, xxiv. 20. Orestis, xxvii. 33. Oretans, xxi. 11. Oreum, xxviii. 5, 7, 8. Taken by the Romans, xxviii. 6. Oricum is taken by Philip, and. retaken by the Romans, xxiv. 40; xxvi. 25. Oringis, or Aurinx, xxviii. 3. Orsua and Corbis determine, in single combat, their dispute about the throne, xxviii. 21. Ortona, ii. 43. Oscians, inventors of the Atellan farce, ... ■ vii. 2. ■ .rt ■ Ostia, built at the mouth of the Tiber, by Ancus Marcius, i. 33; xxii, 11, 27; xxiii. 38; xxv. 20 v xxvii. 22; xxiX. 14. Otacilius, T., praetor, xxii. 10. Is sent as propraetor with a fleet to Sicily, xxiii. 32. Is disappointed in a near prospect of the consulship, by Q. Fa- 101 bius, xxiv. 7, 9; xxv. 31; xxvi. 1, 22, 23. Ovation, iii. 10, etc. Ovile, inclosure in the field of Mars, where the centuries gave their votes, xxvi. 22. Ovius Paccius, Samnite priest, directs the ceremonies in devoting the sol- diers, x. 8. Pachynum, promontory, xxiv. 27, 35; xxv. 27. Pactius and Vibius, brothers, men of eminence in Bruttium, apply to Q. Fabius, xxvii. 35. Padus, now Po, river, v. 33, 35; xxi. 43, 47,52. Paestum, viii. 17; xxii. 36; xxvi. 39 ; xxvii. 10. Palaepolis, viii. 22» Surrendered to the Romans, xxv. 26. Palatine hill, i.5.7,33; ii. 10; xxix. 37. Palm branches first given in. token of victory at the Bonian games, x. 47. Palurabmum taken by the Homans, x. ■. 4$.. i. v " Pan,XyCBeaH, called by the Romans In- uus, l. 5. Pandosia, viii. 24. Is surrendered to the Romans, xxix. 38. Panormus, in Sicily, xxiv. 36; xxix. 1. Paphlagonia, i. 1. Papirian tribe, viii. 37. --— cruelty, x. 3. Papirius Crassns, C., consular tribune, vi. 18. , ---Maso, C., xxi. 25. Dies pon- tiff, xxv. 2. —--, L., consular tribune, vi. 22,38. --, praetor, viii. 17. --, a detestable usurer, viii. 28. ——-Crassus, L., consul, iv. 21,30. ---.- dictator, viii. 12. Consul, .16. Again, 19. Master of horse, 36. —---Cursor, L., consular tribune, vi. 5. Agaiu, 11. He was censor when the "city was taken, ix. 34. -—----, master of horse, viii. 12. Consul, 23. Dictator, 29. Determines to punish Fabius, his master of horse, for fighting contrary to orders, 30, 34. On the request of the people, forgives him, 35. Is made consul a see/nid time, ix. 7. He takes Luceria, ana sends the Samnites un- der the yoke, 10. Is a third time con- sul, 15. Triumphs, 16., Is made con- sul a fourth time, 22. Afifth, 28. Dic- tator a second;)jime; he triumphs over the Samnites, 40. -----consul, x. 9. Pays little attention to auspices, 40._ Tri- umphs over the Samnites, 46. Is chosen pnetor, 47. - ' . , .70S Papirius MugUlanus, L., consul, iv. 7. The first censor, 8. Is consul a second time, 30. Consular tribune, 42. In- terrex, 43. ...:j : -—-, consul, viii. 23. ---, M., one of the elders, slain by the Gauls on their entering Rome, v. 41. .—-, a commissioner for the liquidation of debts, vii. 21. ———— Atratinus, M., consul, iv. 52. ——- Cras'sus, M., consul, iv. 12. Dictator, viii. 17. ~—--Mugillanus, M,, consular trib- une, iv. 45. Again, 47. —--, Sp., praetor,vi. 22. Again, 27.# -—--, informs his uncle, the con- sul, of a defect in the auspices, x. 40. Parthians, ix. IS. Parthinians, xxix, 12. Patavium, x. 2. Patrician chastity, its chapel, x. 23. Patricians, why so called, i. 8; x. 8. They insist that they only have the power of taking auspices, and consequently a right to magistracies, and the com- mand of arjnies, iii. 1; vi. 41; vii. 6. Their contest with the plebeians about the consulship, iv.l. Is com- promised, 6. Renewed, vi. 34; vii. 18- 28; x. 15. They claim the offices of praetor and curule senile, vi. 42; vii. 1. They have the power of appointing an inter rex, vi. 41. Are not eligible to f)lebeian magistracies, iv. 25. The aw is repealed which forbade their intermarrying with plebeians, iv. 6. Pedanius, T., centurion, throws the standard among the enemy, and forces the Carthaginian camp, xxv. 14. Pedum taken by Coriolanus, ii. 39; vii. 12. By Camilljis, and the inhabitants made citizens of Rome, viii. 13. Pelagonia, xxvi. 25, Pelignians, viii. 6, 29. Revolt, and are defeated, ix. 41. Peace is granted to them, 45; x. 30. Pella, xxvi. 25. Pelliti, tribe of Sardinians, xxiii. 40. Peloponnesus, i. 7r. Pennine summit of the Alps, v. 35; xxi. 38. Pentrian tribe of Samnites, ix. 31; xxii. CI. Peparethus, island, xxviii. 5, Pergamusjxxix. 11. Perolla resolves to kill Hannibal, xxii. 8. Perseus, Macedonian general, xxvi. 25. Persians, ix. ,18,19. Perusia, ix. 37, 40; x. 3ft, 31, 37 • xxiii. 17; xxviii. 45. Pessinus, xxix. 10,11. Petelia, xxiii. 20,30; xxvii. 20. Peteline grove, vi. 20. Phalanx, Macedonian, compared with Roman troops, viii. 8; ix. 19. Phalera, xxvii. 30. Pharealus, iii. 35, Phileas, Tarentine, xxv. 7. Philemenus betrays Taren turn to Han- nibal, xxv. 8, 9; xxvii. 16. Philip, king of Macedonia, xxii. 33, Forms an alliance with Hannibal, xxiii. 33, 39. Commences hostilities by taking Oricum, and is obliged to fty from Apollonia, xxiv. 40. Makes sev- eral incursions on the Thessalians and others, xxvi. 25 ; xxii, 30; xxviii. 7. Demands the Macedonian prison- ers, who had served under Hannibal, and is refused by the Senate, xxx. 42. -, praetor of Epirus, Xxix. 12. Philodemus betrays Mount Euryalus to the Romans, xxv. 25. Phlius, xxviii. 7. Phocis, xxviii. 7. Phcenice, in Epirus, xxix. 12. Phragandae, xxvi. 25. Phrygia, xxix. 11. Picenian territory, xxii. 9. Picenum, xxi. 62; xxvii. 43. Pinarii, priests of Hercules, i. 7. Pinarius, L., governor of Enna, sup- presses ail insurrection, xxiv. 37, 39. --—, consul, ii. 56. ——-t— Mamercinus, L., consular trib- une, iv. 25. -, L., master of horse, vii. 3. Praetor, 25. _ Pisae, xxi. 39. Piso, the historian, i. 55; ii. 58; ix. 44; x. 9; xxv. 39. Pithecusae, island, viii. 22. Pityusa, island, xxviii. 37. Placentia, colony, xxi. 56. The Roman troops take refuge there, 57,59. It is besieged by Hasdrubal, xxvii. 39. The siege raised, 43. Plains, Old, name of a place, xxv. 16. Plator, Macedonian, governor of Ore- um, gives it up to the Romans, xxviii. 6, 7. Plautius, C., consul, vii. 12. Master of horse, 17. —-:-, consul, vii. 27. Again, viii. -, consul, triumphs over the Privernians, viii. 20. Censor, ix. 29, 33. „ Plebeian nobles, xxii. 34, 35. Pleminius, Q., propraetor, takes one of the citadels of Locri, xxixi 6. Is ftp* pointed by Scipio governor of the city, displays great cruelty and avarice, and robs Jhe Temple of Proserpine, 8. Is sent to Rome in chains, 21; Plestina taken by the Romans, x. 3. Pleuratus, king of Illyria, xxvi. 24; xxvii. 30; xxviii. 5. Politorium, i. 33.Pollian tribe, viij, 37. Polusca, ii. 33. Polyaenus, of Syracuse, his free and mod- erate address to his countrymen, xxiv. 22. Polybius, a writer deserving great cred- it, xxx. 10,45. Polyphantes, a Macedonian general, xxvii. 32 ; xxviii. 5. Pomaerium, i. 26; 44. Pometia, see Suessa. Pompeii, ix. 38. Pomponius, L., prefect of allies, xxv. 1. ----, an infamous farmer of the revenues, 3. ----Matho, Man., master of horse, abdicates, because his appoint- ment proved to be irregular, xxii. 33. Praetor, 35; xxii. 55; xxiii. 24; xxvi. 23. --—---—-■, plebeian aedile, xxviii. 10. --——} M., deputed to car- ry an offering to Delphi, xxviii. 45. Praetor, xxix. 11. Appointed to com- mand a fleet, xxx. 2. ---, Sex., xxi. 51. ---, M., plebeian tribune, &Cr cuses L. Manlius, whose son deters him from the prosecution, vii. 45. Pomptlne tribe, vii. 15. -lands, ii. 34; iv. 25; vi. 5, 21. Pontiff, chief, created by Numa, his du- ties and privileges, i. 20; iv. 44. In- ferior pontiffs, xxii. 57. Pontiflcius, Ti., plebeian tribune, pro- poser of the Agrarian law, ii. 44. Pontius CominiuSj swimming down the Tiber, conveys intelligence from Ca- millus to the besieged in the Capitol, v. 46. -—, C., Samnite general, shuts up the Roman army m the defiles or Caudium, and sends them under the yoke, ix. 1-15. Popilius Laenas, M., consul, overthrows the Tiburtians, vii. 12. Again consul, 17. A third time, 23. A fourth, 26. -—,M., consul, ix. 21. --P., ambassador to Syphax, xxvii. 4. --—, T., xxvi. 6. Porcian law, x. 9. Porcins Licinius, L., lieutenant-general, xxvi. 6. Plebeian aedile, xxvii. 6. -——— Cato, M., quaestor to Scipio, xxix. 25. Porsenna, Lar, or Lartes, king of Clu- sium, entertains the Tarquins, and makes war on the Komans, ii. 0. Be- sieges Rorne, 11. Restores the hos- tages, and concludes a treaty of friend- ship with the Romans, 15. Porsenna'8 goods for sale, whence the phrase, ii. 14. Postumia, a vestal, rebuked for too much attention to dress, iv. 44. . 709 Postumius, A., dictator, vanquishes the Latins at Regillus, and triumphs, ii. 19, 20. Is made consul, 21. -- Albus, A., consul, iii. 4. Ambassador to the iEquans, is af- fronted, by their general, 25. ----Regillensis, A., consular tribune, overpowers the Tarquinians, v. 16. Again consular tribune, vi. 22. ----— Tibertus, A., master of horse, iv. 23. Dictator; defeats the JEquans and Yolscians, 26,29. --Albinus, L., consular trib- une, vi. 1. .Again, 22. --- Megellus, L., consnl, tri- umphs over the Samnites, ix. 44. Pro- praetor, x. 26. Again consul, 32. Tri- umphs over Etruria, in opposition to the Senate and people, 37. —-L., consul elect, cut off with his army in the wood Litina, xxiii. 24. --—, M., consular tribune, iv. 31. Fined 10,000 asses, 41. ---Albinus, M., consular trib- une, v. 1. —---- Regillensis, M., consular tribune, iv. 49. Stoned by his army, 50. --Pnrgensis, M., a contractor for supplying the armies, outlawed, and his property confiscated, for fraud- ulent practices, xxv. 3, 4. -—-—-, P., consul, triumphs over the Sabines, ii. 16. ---, Sp., consul, iii. 2. Decemvir, 33. -----Albus, Sp., consular tribune, v. 26. Overcomes the ^Eqnans, 28. --- Sp., consul, viii. 16. Censor, 17. Master of horse, 23. Again con- sul, ix. 1. Is sent under the yoke at Caudium, 6. ----Regillensis, Sp., censor, vi. 27. ■ - ■ : Potidania, xxviii. 8. Potitian family, priests of Hercules, i, 7. Delegate the office to slaves, and the family becomes extinct, ix. 29. Praeneste, vi. 29; vii. 12. Praenestines revolt, vi. 21. Are conquer- ed, and the statue of Imperial Jupiter is removed to Rome, 28. They aid the Pedans, and are punighed, vjtii. 12, 14. Five hundred Praenestines defend Casilinum, xxiii. 17,19. Are reward- ed, 20. - - ' Prerogative century, v. 18 ; x. 22. Praetor, chosen out of the patricians to administer justice in the pity,, vi. 42 ; vii. 1. Was elected under the same auspices, and considered as & col- league of the consuls, iii. 55; viii 32. The first plebeian, viii. 1. V Praetorium, general's pavilion, yii. 12. Praatutian lands, xxii. 9; xxvii. 45. Priests chosen by Numa out of the pi*.710 INDEX. tricians, i. 20. Plebeians added, x. 6, 8. Primigenia, Fort una, xxix. 36. Prince or chief of the Senate, the mode of choosing him altered, xxvii. 11. Prison, first, built in Rome, i. 33. Pri- vate prisons, vi. 36. Privernum, the inhabitants ravage the Roman territory, vii. 15. Are defeat- ed, and their city taken, by C. Mar- cius, 1G. Renew the war, are conquer- ed, and two parts of their lands taken from them, viii. 1. Again commence hostilities, are conqueied, and their Senate banished beyond the Tiber, 19, 20. Undaunted reply of one of their ambassadors, 21. Procas, king of Alba, i. 3. Proconsul, first mentioned by Livy, iii. 4. The first who was continued in command on the expiration of his consulate, Publilius Philo, viii. 26. Proconsuls had no authority in the city, xxvi. 9. Proculus Giganius Maurinus, consul, iv. 12. ——— Julius, i. 16. -Virginius, consul, his contest with his colleague about the Agrarian law, ii. 41. Prodictator, Q. Fabius Maximus, xxii. 8. Prosecution, capital, ii. 52. Pecuniary, xxvi. 3. Proserpine, xxiv. 39. Her temple at Locn robbed by Pleminius, xxix. 7. Complaint made by the Locrians, IS. See xxix. 20, 21. Ptolemy Philopater, king of Egypt, his statue affords refuge to Magius the Capuan, xxiii. 10. He renews a treat v . of friendship with the Romans, xxvii. 4. Publicans, farmers of the revenue, fur- nish supplies to the troops at their own expense, on being promised pay- ment when money should come into the treasury, xxiii. 48,49. Fraudulent practices and turbulent behavior of - some of them, xxv. 3,4. Publicius Bibulus, C., plebeian tribune, ' his charges against Marcellus and the patricians, xxvii. 21. ■ —---, L., military tribune, xxii. 58. Publilian tribe added, vii. 15. Publilius, C., confined for his father's debts, viii. 28. -—--- Volscus, L., consular tribune, v. 12. -—--—, Q., plebeian tribune, during the dissensions excited by Manlius, supports the cause of the Senate, vi. 19; and commences a prosecution against Manlius, 20. — Philo, Q.s consul, defeats the Latins, is nominated dictator, pro- cures laws to be passed in favor of the commons, viii. 12. He is the first plebeian praetor, 15. Is made master of horse, 16. Censor, IT. Con- sul a second time, 22. He is the first person continued in command on the expiration of his consulate, and the first that triumphed when out of of- fice, 26. v Consul a third time, ix. 7. He vanquishes the Samnites, 13-15. Publilius, T., plebeian augur, x. 9. Yolero, a plebeian, refuses to enlist in the army, and appeals to the tribunes and to the people, ii. 55. Is chosen plebeian tribune, 56. Pro- poses a law, that plebeian magistrates should be elected in assemblies of the tribes; is re-elected tribune, ib. Yolero, consular tribune, v. 13. Pupinian district, xxvi. 9. Pupius, Cn., a commissioner to build a temple of Concord, xxii. 33. -, P., one of the first plebeian quaes- tors iv. 54. • Puteoii, xxiv. 12; xxv. 22; xxvi. 17i Attacked in vain by Hannibal, xxiv. 13. Pylaemenes, king of the Heneti, i. 1. Pylos, xxvii. 30,; •• > Pyrene, promontory, xxvi. 19. Pyrgus, fort, xxvii. 32. Pyrrhias, praetor of iEtolia, defeated by Philip, xxvii. 30. Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, his kind treat- ment of Roman prisoners, xxii. 59. His dishonorable death a punishment for robbing the temple of Proserpine, xxix. 17. Pythagoras, the Samian philosopher, posterior to Numa, i. 18. Pythian Apollo, his answer brought by Fabius Pictor the historian, xxiii. 11. Quadrants, contributed by the people to bury Valerius, iii. 18. Qnadrigati, coin so called, xxii. 52. Quadrireme, galley of four banks of oars, xxx. 25. Quadruplator, a term of reproach, iii* 72. Quaestorium, part of a camp taken by the Samnites, x. 32. Quaestors, first mentioned by Livy, iii 41. Their, number doubled, iv. 43. First plebeian, 54. Quinquatrus, feast of Minerva, lasting five days, xxvi. 27. s Quinquereme, five-banked galley, xxi. 17. • Quintian family, iii. 12. Meadows, 26. Quintii, Albans made Roman Senators, i. 30. Quintilis, month, the nones appointed for the Apollinarian games, xxvii. 23.r Calling magistrates into office, v. 82. Knights reviewed, ix. 46. Quintflius Varus, xxx. 1. ——-, Cn., dictator, to drive a nail in the Capitol, viii. 18. -——-— Varus, M., consular tribune, v.l. ■-, M., xxx. 18. —--Varus, P., praetor, xxix. 38; xxx. 1. Defeats Mago in Insubrian Gaul, 18. -—;—, Sextus, consul, iii. 42. Quintius Cincinnatus, consular tribune, iv. 49. --, Cseso, warmly opposes the tribunes, iii. 11. Is falsely charged with murder, is the first that gives bail to the people, goes into exile, 13. -■-Flamininus, Cseso, commis- sioner to build a temple of Concord, xxii.33. --Cincinnatus, C., consular tribune, vi. 32. ---Capitolinus, Cn., first curule aedile, vii. 1. ——---, D., of obscure birth, remark- able for bravery and conduct, com- mander of a Roman fleet, is killed in a sea-fight with the Tarentines, xxvi. 39. ----, L., military tribune, viii. 25. --Cincinnatus, L., supplicates the people in favor of his son Cseso, iii. 12. Consul, 19. Refuses to be re- elected consul, 21. Is called from the plough to the dictatorship, 26. Sur- rounds and vanquishes the iEquans, and sends them under the yoke, 27, 28. Is presented by hid army with a golden crown, and triumphs, 29. A candidate for the decernvirate, fails, 35. Executes the business of censor with moderation, iv. 6. Is again dic- tator, 13. •--L., sou of Cincinnatus, con- sular tribune, iv. 16. Master of horse, IT. Consular tribune, 35. Again, 44. A fourth time, vi. 6. Again, 32. Re- covers Tusculum, 33. ---Capitolinus, L., consular trib- une, vi. 11. --Flamininus, L., augur, xxv. 2. ————Cincinnatus, P., consular trib- une, iv. CI. ———-—, Q., consular tribune, vi. 36. --—- Barbatus Capitolinus, T., con- sul, appeases the fury of the populace, ii. 56. Is thanked by the Senate, 57. A favorite of the soldiers," 60. Is raised again to the consulship by the patricians, and by a stratagem defeats the Volscians, 64. Commissioner of a colony, iii. 1. Consul a third time, 2. Proconsul, rescues the consul from im- minent danger, 4,5. Pleads in favor of Cseso Quintius, 12, 13. Quaestor, m arriaigns Vblscius, off whose evidence Cseso had been condemned, 25. A can- didate for the-censorship, is disap- ' pointed, 35. A fourth time consul, 66. His character, 69. He defeats the ./Equans and Volscians, 70. Interrex, iv. 7. A fifth time consul, 8. A sixth, he nominates L. Quintius Cincinnatus dictator, 13. Supplicates the people in favor of T. Quintius, son of Cincinna- tus, 41. Quintius Cincinnatus Pennus, T., iv. 26. His disputes with his colleague, and activity in the field, 27, 29. Again con- sul, 30. Consular tribune; unsuccess- ful at Veii, 31. Shares in victory with the dictator, 32, 33. Is brought to trial, and acquitted, 41. --Capitolinus, T., son of Capito- linus, consul, iv. 43. Consular trib- une, 61. --Cincinnatus, T., consular trib- une, vi. 4. Again, 18. Dictator; he subdues the Prsenestines, 28,29. And in his triumph conveys to the Capitol the image of Imperial Jove, brought from Prseneste, 29. ---Capitolinus, T.,%consular trib- une, and master of horse, vi. 11. -, T., consular tribune, vi. 38. --Pennus, T., master of horse, vi, 42. --, T., dictator, vii. 9. Master of horse, 11. Consul, 18. --Pennus, T., consul, vii. 22. -r-——, T», chosen as leader by the troops in mutiny, vii. 39,41: —-, commissioner of a colony, viii. 16. -— Crispinus, T., appointed by Marcellus to the command of a fleet, xxiv. 39. Praetor, xxvii. 6. Consul, 21.' Is wounded, 27. Disconcerts a scheme of Hannibal, 28. Dies of his wound, 33. 1 ---:his singular en- counter with Badius, a Campaiiian, xxv. IS. Quirinal flamen created by Numa, i. 20. —-hill added to the city, i. 44. Quirinus, i; 20; v. 52 ;<»fiii. 9. • ffis tem- ple, iv. 21. > Dedicated/ And adorned with spoils of the enemy, *£ 46. - Quirites, why so called, i. 13. Quiritian trench made by Atic. Marciue, i. 33. f. Rabuleius, Man., decemvir, iii. 35. Racilia, wife of Quintius Cincinnatus, iii. 26. Ramnenses, or Rammes, one of the first tribes, and a century of knights, i. 13, 36; x. 6. iReate, xxv. 7; xxvi. 11. Promises sol- i diers to Scipio, xxviii. 45. ;Red-rocks, ii. 49. . -112 Regillnm, town of the Sabines, ii. 16. Regilns^lake, near which Postumius routedthe Latins, ii. 19, 20; vi. 2. Religion established by Numa, i. 19. A passion for foreign religions rites pre- vails, iy. 30, Religious worship per- formed with more piety than magnifi- cence, iii. 57. The bad consequences of introducing foreign modes of wor- ship, xxv. 1. Remus, made prisoner, and given up to Amulius; assists in restoring his grandfather, and is slain by his broth- er, i. 5. Retius, M., ambassador to Gaul, xxvii. 36. Revenue managed by the censors, iv. S. Rhaetians, v. 33. Rhea Sylvia, i. 3, 4. Rhegium, faithful to the Romans, xxiii. 30. Attempted by the Carthaginians, xxiv. 1; xxvi. 12; xxix. G. Rhion, or Rhium, strait between Nau- pactum and Patrse, being the entrance to the bay of Corinth, xxvii. 30; xxviii. 7. Rhodians, send ambassadors to compose disputes MSMmfeo Philip *»d^the Mto~ lians, xxvii. 30; xxviii, Defeat his fleet, commanded by Hannibal, xxiii. 24, Again, in conjunction with the Romans, defeat Polyxenidas, 30, Rhone, xxi., 31; xxvii. 39. Crossed by Hannibal, xxi, 26, Rings laid aside in mourning, ix. 7. Rome, built by Romulus, i. 16, Aug- mented by the destruct ion of Alba, 30. Surrounded with a stone wall, 38. Besieged by Porsenna, ii. 11. Sacked and burned by the Gauls, v. 41, 42. Rebuilt. 55, and vi. 4. Its situation and advantages described, v. 54. Doubled by the accession of the Sa- bines, i. 13. Attempted by Hannibal, xxvL 10. Suffers much by fire, xxiv, 47 ; xxvi. 27. Romans, their magnanimity, iv. 6. Love of liberty, ii. 15; vi. 19. Moderation in prosperity, xxx. 42. Fortitude in adversity, ix. 3. Love of their country, xxiii. 49; xxiv. 18; xxvi. 36. Grati- tude to, its friends, ii. 10, 13; v. 47. Justice, v. 27. Regard to religion, i. 21. Military , abilities, ix. 17, 19. See Army, Camp, Discipline. They long held poverty in honor, see Poverty. Jt is the character of a Roman, both to act and to suffer with fortitude, ii. 12. RomiUus, T., consul, brought.to trial on a charge made by CI. Cicero, iii. 31. Decemvir, 33. Romular, afterwards Ruminal, fig-tree, i. 4. Romulea taken by the Romans, x. 17. Romulus Sylvius, king of Alba, i, 3. •---, son of Rhea, kills his brother Remus; builds a city On the Palatine hill, and, from his own name, calls it Rome, i. 16. Forms the government, enlarges the city, opens a sanctuary, and forms a Senate, 8. Orders the seizure of the Sabine women, 9. Over- throws the Cseninians, killing, their king, offers the grand spoils to Jupiter Feretrius, and dedicates to him the first temple in Rome, 10, Defeats the Antemnians and Crustumnians, 11, Distressed iii battle with the Sabines, vows a.temple to Jupiter Stator, 12. Makes peace with the Sabines, and divides the city into thirty curias, 13. Conquers the Fidentians and Veians, appoints. three hundred celeres to guard his person, 15. Dies, and is esteemed a divinity, 16. Rorarian soldiers, viii. 8. Roscius, L., Roman ambassador, killed by order of Tolumnius, iv. 17. Ruscino, where some states of Gaul as- sembled, with intent to oppose Han- nibal, xxi. 24. ——=—a sea-port in Africa, xxx. 10. Rnsellan lands, x. 4. Wasted, and the city taken, 37. Rutilius Crassus, Sp., consular tribune, iv. 47. Rutulians vanquished by JSneas, i. 2. By Tarquinius the Prond,57. Sabatine tribe, vi. 5. Sabatines, xxvi. 33. Sabellan cohorts, x. 19. Country, viii. 1. Sabine women seized by the Romans, i, 9. Put an end to the fight between the Romans and Sabines; their names giyen to the curias, 13. Sabines make war on the Romans, i. 9, 10. Seize the citadel, 11. Maintaiu a furious fight, aud afterwards make a peace, 13. Are attacked and conquer- ed by T. Hostilius, 30; 31. Those who removed to Rome with Tatius reside on the Capitol and citadel, 33. The Sabines are attacked, and defeated by Tarquinius, 36,37. Make preparations for war, ii. 16. Sue for peace, IS. Make a predatory inroad as fftr as the Anio, and are dispersed, 26, Renew the war, and are defeated, 31, Join the Veians against Rome, and are overthrown, 53. Advance to the gates of the city, 63,64. Recommence hos- tilities, iii. 26.30. Are defeated, 63. Sacred Mount, ii. 32; iii. 52, Street, ii. 13. Rites, foreign, forbidden at Rome, xxv. 1. Shocking rites of the Sam- nites, x. 38,39. Sacrifices, several extraordinary, per- formed by direction of the Sibylline books, xxii. 57. The anniversary sac- rifice of Ceres omitted after the bat tie of Cannae, xxii. 56.Sacriportus, harbor, near Tarentum, xxvi. 39. , Sagmina, veryain, i, 24; xxx. 43. Saguntum, an opulent city on thelberas, xxi. 7. Besieged and taken by Han- nibal, the inhabitants throw their valuables and themselves into a lire, 14,15. Spanish hostages are kept at Saguntum, xxii. 22. It is retaken by the; Romans, and restored to its old inhabitants, xxiv. 42; xxviii. 39. Sagantines, threatened by Hannibal, send ambassadors to Rome, xxi. 2,6. Show great firmness in supporting the siege, 11. Send an embassy to Rome with thanks to the Senate, xxviii. 39. Another embassy, xxx. 21. Salapia, xxiv. 20, 47. Surrendered to Marcellus with the Carthaginian gar- rison, xxvi. 38; xxvii. 1. Salapians overreach Hannibal, xxvii. 28. Salarian street, vii. 9. Salassians dwelling on the Alps, xxi. 38. . * ' Salera, in Africa, xxix. 34. Salii, twelve priests of Mars instituted by Numa, i. 20. Twelve more vowed by Tullus, and called Agonales, or Colline, 2T. ' Salinator, why Livius was so surnamed, xxix. 37. Sallentines conquered, ix. 42. Some of their towns revolt to Hannibal, xxv. 1. Their country, x. 2; xxiv. 20; Salonius, P., alternately military trib- une and chief centurion, entreats the Senators not, on his account, to refuse the demands of the mutinous soldiers, " vii. 41. Salpinians infest the R6man lands, v. 31, 32. Salsula, viit 19. Salyi, or Salyes, or Salluvii, people of Gaul, v. 35. Their mountains, xxi. 26. Samnites, form an alliance with the Ro- mans, vii. 19. Origin of the war be- tween those states, 29. Ambassadors sent to. the Samnites, receive a rude and menacing answer, 31. War is proclaimed, 32. A furious battle, in which the Samnites are defeated, 33. Are again defeated in Samnium, 36. A third time, 37. They send ambas- sadors to sue for peace, viii. 1. The old treaty is renewed, 2. They join the Lucanians against Alexander of Epire, 17. Answer with haughtiness the expostulations of the Romans, 23. Are expelled Palsepolis, 26. Defeated by Fabius, master of horse, 30. A gain, by . Papirius, dictator, 36. Hake a truca for a year, break it, and, after a desperate engagement, are defeated, 38, 39. Entrap the Roman army at the Candine forks, ix. 2 ; and after violent exertions, and suffering many 713 defeats, 13-16,21-23,27, 31,40,41, they submit, and are sent under the yoke, 42. Their gold and silver shielded battalions, 40. The old treaty is re- newed with them, 45. They take arms again, and, are worsted, x. 12. Fight a furious battle, and are obliged to fly into Etruria, 16. Are again de- feated, 19. Again, and their general taken, 20. They join the Etrurians, Umbrians, and Gauls, 21. With the Gauls invade the Roman territories, 27; and are defeated, 29. Their char- acter as soldiers, 28. They are defeat- ed in a bloody battle, 31. They as- sault the Roman camp, 32; and are repulsed, 33. Seven thousand of them are sent under the yoke, 36. They, excepting the Pentrians, revolt to Hannibal, xxii. 61. Their country se- verely ravaged by Marcellus, xxiii. 42. Samnites, gladiators so called* ix. 40. Samnium, vii. 32. Sardians, or Sardinians, xxi. 16. Send a secret embassy to the Cartbaginians, xxiii. 32. Are vanquished by the Ro- mans^. Entirely subdued, 41. Sardinia, island, xxi. 1; xxii. 31. Rav- aged by a Carthaginian fleet, xxvii. 6. Saticula, vii. 32, 34. Besieged by the Romans, ix. 21. Taken, 22. Its terri- tory, xxiii. 14. Its inhabitants com- mended by the Romans, xxvii. 10. Satricum, taken from the Romans by Coriolaiius, ii. 39. By the Romans from the Volscians, vi. 8,. By the Praenestines and Volscians, 22. Burn- ed by the Latins, 33. The Antians set- tle a colony there, and the Romans sack and burn the city, vii. 27. The Volscians take post at Satricum, viii; 1. It is taken by Papirius, ix. 16. Saturae, interludes, vii. 2. Saturnalia, instituted, ii. 21. Proclaim- ed to last a day and a night, and to be observed forever, xxii. 1. Saturn's temple, ii. 21. Sacrifices and a lectisternium at it, xxii. 1. Scajvola. See Mutius. Scantinius, P., pontiff, xxiii. 21. Scaptian tribe added, viii. 17. Scaptius, P., persuades the Roman peo- ple, in a case where they are arbitra- tors, to assume to themselves some lands in dispute between the Ardeans and Aricians, iii'. 71. Scarcity, and consequent disturbance?, ii. 34; iv. 12. Scerdilsedus, king of Illyria, xxvi. 24; xxvii. 30; xxviii. 5. Scissis, xxi. 60. Scopas, praetor of the iEtoliane, xxvi. 24. Makes war on the Acarnanians, 25. ' - Scorpionis, engines, the number found in New Carthage, xxvi. 47.714 Scotiissa, xxviiL 6,7. Scribouius, L., deputy from the Roman prisoners,--'taken: by Hannibal, xxii. 61. —; Libo, L., commissioner of the , Exchequer, xxiii. 21. See xxii. Gl. Praetor, xxix. 11. Seamen supplied by private persons, xxiv. 11. Secession of the commons to the Sacred Mount, ix. 32, 33; to the Aventine, iii. 50, 51; and thence to the Sacred Mount, 52. Of the soldiers, viii. 39, 52. Sedentary occupations, people of, sum- - monedrto take arms, viii. 20. Sedetanian country wasted by MandO- . niua, xxviii. 24 ; xxix. 2. Seditious commotions at Rome, ii. 23, 28, 56; iii. 66, etc., etc. JSellius, A., plebeian tribune, iv. 42. Sempronius Blaesus, quaestor, is slain with one thousand of his men, xxii. 31. ---—, A., consul, ii. 21. Again, 34. -,'.t ! xxx. 1. Goes over to Sicily in - pursuit of Hannibal, but is recalled by a dictator appointed for the purpose, 24. Servilius Geminus, Cn., consul, xxi. 57 ; xxii. 1. He ravages the island of Ma- ninx, 31. Follows the plan of Fabius ; in conducting the war, 32,43. Is slain at Canute, 49. ———- Structus, L., consular tribune, iv. 47. --, M., augur, xxvi. 23. Curule aedile, xxix. 387 Master of horse, xxx. 24. Consul, 26, 27. Is continued in command, 41. --— Geminus, M., master of horse, xxx. 24, 27. ---, P., consul, ii. 21. Not pleasing either to the patricians or plebeians, 27. ——-——consul, iii. 6. Dies,!. --7-, Q., consul, ii. 6. Again; and is sent against the ^Equans, iii. 2. --, quasstor, prosecutes M. Vol- scius for false evidence against C«eso, iii. 24. _____— Priscus, Q., dictator, iv. 21. Routs the Etrurians, and takes Fide- nae, 22. Calls on the tribunes to make the consuls name a dictator, 26. Is made dictator, 46. Defeats the ^Equaus, 47. ——— Fidenas, Q., consular tribune, v. 8. Again, 14. Interrex, 17. Con- sular tribune a third time, 24. A fourth, 36. A fifth, vi. 4. A sixth, 6. ---, Q., consular tribune, xi. 22. Again, 31. A third time, 36. ---Ahala, Q., consul, vii. 1. A second time, 4. Dictator; he, by di- rection of the Senate, vows the great games, and after several services, ab- dicates, 11. Is made interrex, 17. -, Q., master of horse, vii. 22. Consul, 38. --, Sp., consul, repulses the Vei- ans ; is afterwards worsted by them, and saved by his colleague, ii. 51,52. -—-h— Priscus, Sp., consul, vi. 3L Consular tribune, 38. Servius Cornelius, consul, ii. 41. --, Tullius, i. 18.- Son of a pris- oner taken at Corniculum, 39, and iv. 3. Advanced to the throne by the Senate, 41. Marries his daughters to the Tarquins, 42. Institutes the cen- sus, 42; and closes the lustrum, 44. Is murdered, 48.r His commentaries, 60. <■ ' . ' ' - ■ : • Sestius Capifeolinus, P., consul, iii. 22. Decemvir, 33. —-, P., a patrician, brought to*trial before the people by C. Julius, decem- vir, iii. 33. --, quaestor, iv. 50. Setia, colony, vi. 30. Plundered by the7W Priverfriaas, vii. 42; xxvi. S; xxx.14. Refuses supplies, xxvii. 9. Decree of the Senate on the occasion, xxix. 15. Setiahs inform of the revolt of the Pri- vernians, viii. 1. Sewer, great, constructed by Tarquinius the Proud, i. 65. Sextilius, .C., a plebeian consular trib- une, vi. 30. —----, M., of Fregellae, answers for eighteen colonies, that they, would supply troops, xxvii. 10. Sextius, L., plebeian tribune, iv. 49. -—, plebeian tribune, proposes laws concerning debts, concerning lands, and the admission of plebeians to the consulship, and prevents the election of curule magistrates, vi. 35. Being a tenth time tribune, he is made the first plebeian consul, 42. -•--—- Sabinus, M., prsetor, xxx. 26. Ships, long, or ships of war, v. 28. -, light, xxi. 28. ——transport, xxii. 11. -, praetorian or chief commander's, xxix. 25. beaked, xxviii. 45, 46; xxx. 10. -scout, XXX. 1^ " o -— conveyed over land at Tarenttwn, xxv. 11. Ship-race, annual, at Patavium, x. 2. Shops of the silversmithsln the Roman Forum set up to sale by Hannibal, xxvi. 11. Sibarfs, xxvi. 39. Sibyl, i.T. Sibylline books, iii. 10; v. 13, etc. Siccius, L., murdered by contrivance of the decemvirs, iii. 43. Sicilians, their affairs regulated by Mar- cellus, xxiv. 40. They complain to the Senate of Marcellus, xxvi. 29. The humble supplication of the ambassa- dors to him, 33. Sicilian war, xxiv. 36 ; ,xxv. 40. Strait, ■ i. 2. Sicilius, who had excited the Hirpinians to a revolt, beheaded, xxiii. 37. Sicily, ^Eneas arrives there, i. 1. . Corn is purchased there by the Romans, ii. 34. The Carthaginians first send an army thither, iv. 29. A fleet sent, as supposed by Livy, by the tyrants of Sicily, infests the Tuscan sea, vii. 25. The island is abandoned by the Car- thaginians, xxvi. 40. '* Its affairs ad- justed by Scipio, xxix. 1. Sicinius, C., advises the secession to the Sacred Mount, ii. 32. Is one of the first plebeian tribunes, 33. See iii. 54. -, L., plebeian tribune, vi. 6. ———, T., consul, ii. 40. Defeats the Volscians, 41. ——--, proposes that the Romans should remove to Veii, v. 24. Sicyon, xxvii. 13. Sidicinians, attacked by the Samnites, procure the assistance of the Campa- nians, vii. 29. Wish to surrender themselves to the Romans; and, be- in^ rejected, are reduced by the Lat- . ins, viii. 1, 2. Wage war with the Auruncians, 15. Are conquered by the Romans, 16,17. Sidicinian lands ravaged by Hannibal, xxvi. 9. Signia, colony, i. 55; ii. 21; viii. 3. Faithful to the Romans, xxvii. 10. Sigovesus, leader of the Celts in Italy, v. 34. Silenus, a Greek writer, xxvi. 49. Silius, Q., first plebeian quaestor, iv. 54 Silpia, xxviii. 12. Silver accruing from fines, by which brazen images were purchased, and set up in the temple of Ceres, xxvii. 6; and xxx. 39. ——contribution of, to the treasury, xxviii. 38 ; xxx. 45. -— mines in Spain, xxviii. 3. Sinope, afterwards Sinuessa, x. 21 ; xxvii. 38. . Sinuessa, viii. 11. Colony, x. 21; xxii. 14. Sinuessan waters, xxii. 13. Sipontum taken by Alexander of Epirus, Slingers, xxi. 21; xxviii. B7. Soldiers, Roman, first receive pay. iv. 59. Donations usually made to taem by a general at his triumph, x. 44. Their verses, iii. 26; iv. 40. See Army and Legion. Solon's laws, copied by the Romans, iii. 31. Sopater made praetor at Syracuse, xxiv. 33. ---, one of Philip's generals, car- ries four thousand men to Africa, xxx. 26. Is refused to the demand of Philip's ambassadors, 42. Sophonisba, daughter of Hasdrubal, wife of Syphax, marries Masinissa, xxx. 12. Swallows poison, 15. Sora, taken by the Romans, vii. 28. In- habitants Kill the Roman colonists, and join the Samnites, ix. 23. It is taken by the Romans, by means of a deserter, 24. Retaken by the Sam- nites, 43. Recovered by the Romans, 44. A colony settled there, x. 1. De- cree of the Senate on its refusing sup- plies, xxix. 15. Sosis and Theodotus, as soon as Hie- ronymus was slain, hasten to Syra- cuse, xxiv. 21. ■~, sent by Marcellus to the governor of the fort Euryalns, xxv. 25. Wears a golden crown in Marcellus's tri- umph, and is rewarded with the free- dom of Rome, xxvi. 21. Sosistheus Magnus, ambassador of Philip to Hannibal, xxiii. 39.Sosjpita, Juno, Viii. 14. Sotimus, page to Alexander of Epirns, viii. 24. Spain, divided between the Romans and Carthaginians by the river Iberus, xxi. 2. Cn. Scipio the first Roman who headed an army there, xxi. 32 ; xxv. 3T. The first conquest attempted on the continent, and the last completed, xxviii. 12. The inhabitants restless, and fond of change, xxii. 21. Spies, employed by Hannibal, taken by the Roman guards, are, by the order of Scipio, conducted through all parts of the camp, and dismissed, xxx. 29. Spoils, grand, offered by Romulus to Ju- piter Feretrius, i. 10. Offered again by Corn. Cossus, iv. 20, 82. ——, equestrian, viii. 7. ■ ■ burned in honor of Vulcan, i. 37. Spoletum attempted in vain by Hanni- bal, xxii. 9; xxiv. 10. The inhabit- ants commended by the Romans, xxvii. 10. Spurius Nautius Rntilus, consular trib- une, iv. 61. See Nail tius. of the Carthaginians discovered at brae, had his hands cut off, and was sent awa^, xxii. 33. Statilius Manius, a Lucanian, detects a stratagem of Hannibal, xxii. 42, 43. Statius Metius, commander of the cele- brated garrison of Casilinum, xxiv. 19. —-, T., plebeian tribune, accuses Sp. Servilius, ii. 52. *-Gellius, Samnite general, is taken by the Romans, ix. 44. ---Minatius, Samnite general, is made prisoner, x. 20. Stator. See Jupiter. Statorius, Q., left with Syphax to disci- pline his troops, xxiv. 48; xxx. 28. SteMatian plains, ix. 44; x. 31. Stellatine tribe, vi. 5. Stenius Minius Celer, one of Hannibal's hosts at Capua, xxiii. 8. Streets, cause of their irregularity, v. 55. Sub-centurion, a, conquers a Latin cen- turion,viii.8. Sublician bridge, v. 40. Subnrra, part of Rome, iii. 13. Suessa Pometia, taken from the Vol- scians, i. 41. Revolts, ii. 10. Is taken, ■■■ Aurunea, viii. 15. Colony, ix. 28. Refuses supplies, xxvii. 9. De- cree of the Senate in consequence, xxix. 15. Suessetans, people of Spain," xxv. 34. Their lands wasted by Mandonius, xxviii. 24. Suessula, vii. 37; xxiii. 14,17; xxiv. 46; xxv. 7, 22 ; xxvi.9; xxviii. 9. Suessulans are complimented with the - freedom of Roth© without light of suffrage, viii. 14. ; • Suffetes, title of the chief magistrate at Carthage, xxviii. 37; xxx. 7. Sulmor xxvi. 11. Sulpicius Camerinus, C., abdicates the censorship, vi. 27. -— Longns, C., consul, viii. 15. Again, 37. A third time, ix. 24. De- feats the Samnites, 27. —--, C., lieutenant-general, van- quishes the ^ernicians, vii. 7. Proba- bly the same with C. Sulpicius Paeti- cus, consul, vii. 2. Again, 9. He takes Ferrentinum, 9. Is made dictator, and defers coming to action, to the dissatisfaction of his army, 12. His stratagem, 14. He defeats the Gauls, and triumphs, 15. Is made interrex, and a third time consul, 17. A fourth time, 19. A second time interrex, and a fifth time consul, 22. —----, prjetor, xxv. 41. ---Severns, P., consul, triumphs over the JEquaus, ix. 45. Censor, x. 9. -— Galba, P., before he had held any curule office, made consul, xxv. 41. Is sent into Apulia, and thence to Macedonia, xxiv. 22, 28. His exploits, xxvii. 10, 31, 32; xxviii. 5, 7. Dicta- tor, xxx. 24. --—-, Q, lieutenant- general under A. Postumius, dictator, iv. 27. ——-Camerinus, Q., consular trib- une, v. 8. Again, 14. —--- Longus, Q., consular tribune, v. 36, 47. Makes terms with Brennus for raising the siege of the Capitol, 48. • '; ' Galba, Servius, curule sedile, xxvii. 21. Ambassador to Attalus, Xxix. 11. Pontiff, xxx. 26. ————, Servius, consul, ii. 19. —i.—-—-} chief curio, iii. 7. ———-—, consul, iii. 10. Dep- uty to Athens, to collect laws, 31. Decemvir, 33. Deputy to the seceding troops on the Aventine, 50. ——-- Camerinus, Servius, -consul, vii. 2S. —--Ruftis, Servius, consular trib- une, vi. 4. A second time, 18. A third time, vi. 21. --—, Servius, consular tribune, vi. 22. Again, 32. Retakes Tusculum, 33. His wife daughter of M. Fabius Ambustus, 34. Consular tribune a third time, 26. A fourth, 38. Sunium, promontory, xxviii. 8. Suovetaurilia, i. 44; viii. 10. Sura, P., lieutenant-general, xxii. 31. Surrentines revolt to the Carthaginians, xxii. 61. - Survey, general, instituted by Ser. Tul- lius, i. 42. * - ;V:;' Performed, i. 44. dumber rated, 80,000 -^ iii. 3 — 124,214 - • iii. 24 — . 132,41)9118 Performed, x. 9,47. No. rated, 262,322 - xxvii. 36. — 187,108 - xxix. 37. . — 214,000 Sutrian lands, xxvi. 34. Sutrium taken by Etrurians, and retaken by Camillus, vi. 3. The city is be- sieged by the Etrurians, and relieved, 9. Considered as the key of Etruria, and again besieged, ix. 32, 85. See x. 14. Refuses supplies ^as a colony, xxvii. 9. Decree of the Senate in con- sequence, xxix. 15. Swine used in confirming a treaty, i. 24: ix. 5. Sylvanus, supposed to have uttered a loud voice from the Arsian wood, ii. 7. Sylvius, surname of the Alban kings, i. Syphax, king of Numidia, solicited by Scipio, forms a treaty of amity with the Romans, xxiv. 48. Defeated by Masinissa, he flies to the Maurusians, 49. Sends an embassy to Rome, and receives one from thence, xxvii. 4. Is visited by Scipio and Hasdrubal, , and makes an alliance with Scipio, xxviii. 17,18. Marries a daughter of Hasdrubal, and renounces the friend- ship of Scipio, xxix. 23. His war with Masinissa, 33. His camp is burned by Scipio and Masinissa, xxx. 5. He ad- vances against Masinissa and Laelius ; is defeated and taken, 11. His dis- course to Scipio on being brought to the Roman camp, 13. He is sent to Rome, 17, and dies in confinement, 45. Sypheum comes over to the Romans, xxx. 19. Syracuse, suffers great disturbances af- ter the death of Hieronymus, xxiv. 21, 27, 28. Falls under the command of Hippocrates afid Epicydes, 33. Is be- sieged by Marcellus, and defended by Archimedes, and the siege turned into a blockade, 34. The city is taken, xxv. 23, 31. The spoils carried to Rome, 40. Syracusans put their city under the pa- tronage of Marcellus, xxvi. 32. Syrtis, lesser, xxix. 33. Tables, twelve, of laws, iii. 34, 87. En- graved in brass, and hung up in pub- lic, 57. . Tagus, river, xxi. 5; xxvii. 19. Talassio, whence the practice of repeat- ing this word at weddings, i. 9. Tanaquil, wife of Lucumo, skilled in au- gury, i. 34. Advises her husband to give the best education to Servius Tullius, 39. Conceals the death of Tarquinius until Servius secures the throne, 41. See 47. Tarentines engage the Lucanians in a war against Rome, viii. 27. Their in- solent embassy derided by Paparius, ix. 14. They join the Carthaginians, xxii. 61. Send ambassadors to Han- nibal, xxiv. 13. Their hostages, ap- prehended in flight from Rome, are thrown from the Tarpeian rock, xxv. 7. They join the enemy, 8, etc. Their fleet defeats that of the Romans, while the Romans defeat their army on land, xxvi. 39. Tarentum betrayed to Hannibal, xxv. 8, 9. Taken by Fabius Maximns, xxvii. 15. The citadel besieged by Hannibal, xxv. 11. Its defense pro- vided for by the Romans, 15. --—, country of, xxvii. 40. Its harbor, xxiii. 33. Tarpeian mount, i. 55. Rock, vi. 20. Tarpeius, Sp., commander in the citadel of Rome ; his daughter, bribed by T. Tatius, admits the Sabines into the fortress, i. 11. . ---, accused, on the expiration of his consulate, iii. 31. Is one of the deputies sent to the seceders on the Aventine, 50. Made plebeian tribune, 65. Tarquinians, take arms in favor of Tar- quinius the Proud; and, after a battle with the Romans, ii. 6, return home,7. Ravage the Roman territory, are de- feated, and treated with severity for having massacred Roman soldiers, 19. A truce of forty years is granted to them, 22. The Tarquinians and Ta- liscians defeat the consul Fabius by means of snakes and burning torches, vii. 17. Tarquinii, i. 34; xxvii. 4. Tarquinius Priscus, L., appointed tutor to the king's sons, forms designs on the throne, i. 34. Is elected king, adds one hundred to the Senate, wages war with the Latins, 35; with the Sabines, 36. His works, 38. Death, 40. --, L., aspires to the crown, i. 46. Instigated by his wife, seizes it by force, 47. Puts the principal Senators to death, secures his person by a strong guard, neglects the practice of consulting the Senate, courts the fa- vor of the Latins, marries his daughter to Maailius of Tusculum, is surnamed the Proud, 49. Is severely censured by Herdonius, 50, whose death he pro- cures, 51. He makes war on the Vol- scians, and takes Suessa Pometia; takes ,;Gabii by stratagem, 53, 54. Builds^he temple of Jupiter Capitoli- nus, and executes other works, 55. Lays siege to Ardea, 57. Is dethroned, and banished, 60. Attempts to recover the kingdom by the aid of the Veians and Tarquinians, ii. 6; then of Porsen- na, and is wounded at the battle of Regillus, 19. Dies, 21.Tarquinius, Aruns, son of the Proud, sient to Delphi, i. 56. Falls in battle, together with his antagonist, L. J. Brutus, ii. 6. --L., soil of the Proud, i. 56. Is present in the battle of Regillus, ii. 19, 20. . ————, Sex., son of the same, betrays Gabii to his father, i. 53,54. His treat- ment of Lueretia, 58. He is killed at Gabii, 60. -Aruns, brother of the Proud, mild in disposition, is murdered by his wife, i. 46. --Collatinus, L.-, son of Egerius, husband of Lueretia, i. 57. Is made consul, 60. Abdicates, and goes into exile, ii. 2. Tarquitius, L., master of horse, iii. 37. Tarracina, formerly Anxur, iv. 59. Col- ony, pleads exemption from sea-serv- ice, xxii. 15; xxvii. 4; xxviii. 11. ---, river, xxiv. 44. Tarraco, xxi. 61; xxii. 19; xxvi. 17, 51. Its harbor, xxii. 22. An assembly of all the Spanish allies is held there by Scipio, xxvi. 19. ' Tartessians, Spanish people, xxiii. 26. Tatius, T., i. 10,11,13,14. Taurea, see Jubellius. Taurine forest, v. 34. Taurinians, their capital city taken by Hannibal, xxi. 39. , Taxes, remitted to the commons of Rome, ii. 9. Imposed for payment of the army, and collected.in spite of the tribunes, iv. 60. Are collected with difficulty, v. 10,12. A tax for building a wall of hewn stone, vi. 32. Another for paying the army, x. 46. Double taxes imposed, xxiii. 32. Teanians, ix. 20. Teannm, city in Apulia, xxiii. 24. In Sidicinia, xxii. 57. Telesia, taken by Hannibal, xxii. 13. Stormed by the Romans, xxiv. 20. Tellense, i. 33. Tellus, goddess, x. 28. Her temple, ii. 41. Tempanius, Sex., decurio of horse, by making the cavalry dismount, pre- vents a total defeat, iv. 38. His pru- dent answer respecting the consul Sempronius, 41. He is made plebeian tribune, 42. Terentillus Arsa, C., plebeian tribune, proposes the creation of live commis- sioners to compose laws for restrain- ing the power, of the consuls, iii. 9. Terentine tribe, x. 9. Terentius Varro, C., of mean birth, pro- poses an order of the people, giving the master of horse authority equal to that of the dictator, and is made con- sul, xxii. 25, 35. His speech to the Cainpaiiian deputies, xxiii. 5. He is 719 continued in command during several years, xxv. 6; xxvii. 35. Sent ambas- sador to Philip, xxx. 26. Terentius, Q., deputy to the consul Fla- minius, xxi. 63. - Culleo, Q., a Senator, after having been long a prisoner of the Carthaginians, is restored to his coun- try, xxx. 43. Follows Scipio in his triumph, 45. Terina taken by Alexander of Epire, viii. 24. Terminus, deity, i. 55; v. 54. Tessera, ticket, mode of conveying or- ders, vii. 35; ix. 32 ; xxvii. 46; xxviii. 14. Testudo, fence, formed of close shields, x. 29,43. Tetraj>hilia delivered from Macedonian garrison, xxviii. 1. Thanksgiving of one day, iii. 7. Two days, x. 23. Three days, xxvii. 51. Four days, xxix. 14. Five days, xxx. 21. Thebes, capital of Boeotia, its ruins, ixi.18. -—-, in Phthiotis, xxviii. 7. Themistus, son-in-law of Gelon, accom- plice of Andranodorus, put to death, xxiv. 24,25. Thensae, carriages for the images of the gods, v. 41; ix. 40. Theodotus, one of the conspirators against Hierbnymus, when put to the torture, conceals his accomplices, and falsely accuses Thraso, xxiv. 5. Has- tens with Sosis to Syracuse, after the death of Hieronymns, 21. Thermopylae, straits, xxviii. 5, 7. Thesprotian bay, receives the river Acheron, viii. 24. Thessalian cavalry, ix. 19. Thessaly, xxvii. 30, 32. Thrasimene, or. Trasimenc, lake, the battle near it, xxii. 6,7; xxiv. 13. Thraso, intimate friend of Hieronymus, king of Syracuse, falsely accused as a conspirator, and put to death, xxiv. 5. Thunder, being heard while an assem- bly is held, vitiates the proceedings, xxiii. 31. Thurise, or Thurii, ix. 19 : x. 2. Having revolted to Hannibal, returns to its former friendship with Rome, xxv. 1. Revolts again to Hannibal, the Roman garrison being treacherous-, ly exposed to Hannibal's stratagem, 15. Thyrium, xxvi. 11. Refusing an alliance with Antiochus, is besieged by him, but the siege is soon raised, 12. Tiber, or Tiberinus, river, formerly Al- bula, until king Tiberinus was drown- ed in it, i. 3. Frozen so hard that the navigation is stopped, v. 13. Re* i ; markable floods in it, xxiv. 9; xxx. i 38.720 Tiberiiia, iNaiid, ii. 5. Tiberinus,,tenth king of Alba, i. 3. Tibur, xxii. 12. Tibnrtians, war declared against them by the Romans, vii. 9, who gain a vic- tory over them, 11. They come in the dead of the night to the walls of Rome, and are defeated, 12. Compelled to submit to the Romans, 19. They sup- port the Pedians, viii. 12. Are con- quered by L. Furius, 13. And strip- ped of part of their lands, 14. Tichius, a summit of Mount (Eta, xxvi. 16,18. Ticinug, river, v. 34. Tifata, mount, vii. 29; xxiii. 36; xxvi. 5. Tifernum, ix. 44; x. 14, 31. Timasitheus, commander of the Lipa- rean pirates, protects the Roman am- bassadors, v. 28. Titienses, a century of Roman knights, and an old tribe, i. 13,36; x. 6. Titinius, L., consular tribune, v. 12. Again, he is unsuccessful against the Faliscians, 18. --M., plebeian tribune, iii. 54. . ).■>;„» master of horse, x. 1. Tolumnins, L^irs, Kingof the Yeians, or- ders the Roman ambassadors ta be slain, iv. 17. Is killed, in battle by Cor- nelius Cossus, military tribune, 19. Torquatus, see Manlius. Tralliane, Illyrian, xxvii. 32. Treasury, ii. 23; iv. 22; xxiv. 18; xxvi. 36. Trebellius, Q., centurion, claims the mu- ral crown at New Carthage, xxvi. 48. Trebia, taken by Coriolanus, ii. 39. —--, river, where Hannibal defeats the Romans, xxi. 48. Trebius procures the surrender of Compsa to Hannibal, xxiii. 1. Trebonian law, v. 11,12. Trebonius, C., plebeian tribune, v. 11. -—-, lieutenant-general, x. 40. --•—r-, L., plebeian tribune, a bitter adversary to the patricians, thence surnamed Asper, iii. 63. --—, M., consular tribune, vi. 21. .frebula stormed by Fabius, xxiii. 39. Trebulans lnade free of Rome, x. 1. Tremellius Flaccus, C., ambassador to Attains, xxix. 11. Prastor, xxx. 26. ——-, C., commissioner of lands, xxii. 4. —--— Flaccus, C., plebeian sedile, xxx. 26. Triarian, veteran soldiers, ii. 4T; vii. 23; viii. 8. Tribune of the celeres, i. 59. Tribunes, military, on the secession of the soldiers, are appointed by the troops, iii. 51. ——-, military, at first appointed by the generals, afterwards in part by the people, vii. 5 ; ix. 30. Tribunes, Consular, three in number, first elected, iv. 67. Four elected, 3l' Six are elected, 61. Eight are elected, v. 1. All patricians during forty-four years, vi. 37. The first plebeian, v. 12. , plebeian, first created, ii. 33. Their persons inviolable, iii. 55. Mag- istrates of the commons not of the people at large, ii. 35, 56. Ordered to be elected m an assembly of the tribes, and three added to their num- ber,50, 58. The number increased to ten, iii. 30. The office laid aside on the creation of decemvirs, 32. Re- stored, 54. Two are brought in by choice of their college. 64, and v. 10. This mode of co-optation forbidden, iii. 65, and v. 11. A plebeian tribune orders his beadle to seize a consul, ii. 56. The tribunes threaten to impris- on the consuls, iv. 26. Do the same to the consular tribunes, v. 9. Prevent the election of curule magistrates dur- ing five years, vi. 35. Their power confined within the walls of the city, iii. 20. Tricorian people, xxi. 30. Trigemina gate, iv. 16. Triphylia restored to the Achaeans by Philip, xxviii. 8. . Tripudium Solistimuni,when the chick- ens eat greedily, x. 40i Tritonon, xxviii. 7. - Triumph of Tarquiuius PriscUs, the first mentioned by Livy, i. 38. ———, iii. 29. The dress of generals in triumph, x. 7. The granting of a triumph belongs properly to the Sen- ate, iii. 63. A triumph ordered by the people, without the approbation of • the Senate, iii. 63; vii. 17. One with- out an order of either, x. 37. » —-——, a, not allowed to a commander, who was not invested with any mag- istracy, xxviii. 88. ---—of Scipio Africanus, xxx. 45. Trogilii harbor, xxv. 23. Troilium, x. 46. Trojan district, i. 1. Tromentirie tribe, added, vi. 5. Troy taken; two other places named Troy, i.l. Tubero, Q., historian, i v. 23; x. 9. Tullia, two of the name, daughters of Servius Tullius, king, i. 46-59. Tullianum, prison, xxix. 22. Tullius, Man., consul, ii. 19. -, Sex., chief centurion a seven time, addresses the dictator Sulpicius on his protracting the war, vii. 13. Shows extraordinary bravery in bat- tle, 16. Tumult, Gallic, vii. 9. Tunes, a strong city, fifteen miles dis- tant from Carthage, taken by Scipio, xxx. 9,16.Tufdetails, or Turdulians, a restless people in.Spain, xxi. 6. Are entirely subdued by the Romans, sold by auc- tion, and their city razed, xxiv. 42. Their lands tributary to Saguntum, xxviii. 39. Turnus, king of the Rutulians, i. 2. Tuscan sea, v. 83; xxvi. 19. --— street, in Rome, ii. 14; xxvii. 39. Tuscans, see Etrurians. Tusculans send succors to Rome, iii. 18. War declared against them by the liomans, which they avoid by peacea- ble demeanor, obtain peace, and priv- ileges of Roman citizens, vi. 25, 26 ; viii. 14,37. Tusculum, ii. 15,16. Taken by the Lat- ins, and recovered, vi. 33. Shuts its gates against Hannibal, xxvi. 9. Its hills, iii. 7,8. Citadel, 23, and vi. 33. Tutia river, xxvi. 11. Tycha, part of Syracuse, xxiv. 21; xxv. 25. IJfens river, v. 35. Ufentine tribe added, ix. 20. Uffugum revolts from the Carthaginians to the Romans, xxx. 19. Ulysses said to be the progenitor of Oc- Mamilius, i. 49. Umbria, x. 1. Part of it called the Materine tract, ix. 41. Another part the Sappinian tribe, xxi. 2; xxii. 9; xxvii. 43. Umbrians are driven out of their coun- try by the Boians, v. 35. They, and the Etrurians, are defeated by the Ro- mans at the Cirninian forest, ix. 37. Utterly overthrown, 39. They boast . that, they will attack Rome, are van- quished, and compelled to give up the advisers of their revolt, 41. They join the ; Etrurians, Samnites, and Gauls, against the Romans, x. 21, 27. Usurers, fined, vii. 28; x. 23. Their practices, viii. 28. Utens river, see Ufens. Utica, its lands ravaged by Otacilins, xxv. 31. Again wasted, xxvii. 5. Again by Valerius Lsevinus, xxviii. 4. Scip- io encamps near it, xxix. 28. Lays siege to it, and retires, 35. Besieges it again, xxx. 3, 5, 8. His fleet is at- tacked by the Carthaginians, 9,10. Vaccseans, people, Spanish, conquered by Hannibal, xxi. 5. Vacciprata, viii. 19. See Vitruvius. Vadimon lake, a furious battle fought there by the Romans and Etrurians, ix. 39. « ; . Valerius Antias, historian, iii. *5. Re- gardless of truth, xxvi. 49. Quoted xxv. 39; xxix. 35 ; xxx. 19, 29, etc. ---1 Flaccus, military tribune, xxv. ^Yql. II.—31 721 Valerius, C., consular tribune, vi. 30. ----, consul, viii. 18. ——— Potitus, C., consular tribune, iv. 49. Consul, 53. Consular tribune a second time, 57. A third time, 61. -Flaccus, C., made flamen of Ju- piter, against his will, assumes a seat m the Senate, xxvii. 8. --, L., quaestor, accuses Spurins Cassius of treason, ii. 41. Is made consul, 42. Again, 61. Wages war with the JUquans, G2. -:--, interrex, v. 17. —;--, deputed to carry to Delphi an offering to Apollo, is taken by pi- rates, and' set at liberty, v. 28. --, master of horse, viii. 18. ---, Poplicola, L., consular tribune, v. 20. A second time, vi. 1. A third time, 5. A fourth, 21. A fifth, 27. -Potitus, L., commences an op- position to the decemvirs, iii. 39, 41. With M. Horatius, drives Appius out of the Forum, 49. Is deputed by the Senate to the commissioners, 53. Made consul, he procures laws in fa- vor of the commissioners, 55. His conduct in war, 60,01. He triumphs by order of the people, without con- sent of the Seuate, 03. Refuses to be continued in office, 64. See iv. 6. ------consular tribune, iv. 49. A second time, 58. A third, v. 1. A fourth, 10. A fifth, 14. Consul, he defeats the JSquans, and triumphs, 31. , _—_—-_-, interrex, v. 32. Again, vi. 5. --, M., herald, ratifies a treaty in form, i. 24. —---, Man., brother of Publicola, consul, triumphs over the Sabines, ii. 16. Is slain at Regillus, in attempting to kill Tarquinius, 20. -—, not the first dictator, ii. 18. --1 son of Volesus, dictator, ii. 30, Triumphs over the Sabines, and, not being suffered to fulfill the hopes that he had given to the commission- ers, abdicates, 31. -, quaestor, iii. 25. Consul, 31. —--, military tribune, gains the surname, of Corvus, from being aided by a crow in a single combat with a Gaul, and is made consul at twenty- three years of age, vii. 26. A second time consul, he triumphs over the Volscians, 27. A third time consul, 28. Is- beloved by the soldiers, 33. . Triumphs over the Samnites, 38. Dic- tator, 39. Composes a mutiny of the troops, 40, 41. A fourth time consul, he triumphs oyer the Ausonians, viii. 16. Interrex, 17, and ix. 7. * Dictator a second time, x. 3. Triumphs, 5.722 Consul a fiftb time, 6. A sixth time, 11. Valerius Maxirous, M., consular tribune, v. 14. Agaiu, 24. -•—----—, ix. 28-. Lieuten- ant-general, 40. Praetor a fourth time, 41. --Poplicola, M., master of horse, vii. 12. Consul, 17. Again,. 19. --Falto, Man., ambassador to At- tains, xxix. 11. Cttrule ledile, xxx. 26. Praetor, 40. --Laevinus, M., praetor, xxiii. 24, 30, 31, 37. Proprietor, he guards the coast at Bnmdusium, xxiv. 10. His exploits in Greece during the Mace- donian war, 40, and xxvi, 24, 26. He is chosen consul in his absence, 22. Exchanges provinces with Marcellus, 29. Persuades the Senators to con- tribute their gold, silver, and money to the treasury, 36. Drives the Car- thaginians quite out of Sicily, 40. Disputes with the Senate about the nomination of a dictator, xxvii. 5. Proconsul, he passes from Sicily into Africa, xxviii. 4. Is sent ambassador to Altai usj xxix. 11. Proposes resti- tution of the money contributed by private citizens, 16. --Messala, M., admiral, sails to Africa, and ravages the coast, xxvii. 5. -, P., son of Volesus, accompa- nies Collatinus to Lucretia, i. 58. Swears after Brutus, 59. Is made con- sul in the place of Collatinus, ii. 2. Overcomes the Tarquinii in battle, 6. Is accused of aiming at sovereignty, clears himself, compliments the peo- ple, and is suruamed Publicola; is also made consul, 8. A third time, 15. A fourth, he defeats the Sabines, triumphs, and,dies so poor as not to leave sufficient money for his funeral, 16. -—, P., consul, ii. 52. ---Potitus, P., consular tribune, vi. 6. A second time, 18. A third, 27. A fourth, 32. A fifth, 36. A sixth, 42. ---- Publicola, P., interrex, iii. 8. Consul, 15. Attempts to recover the Capitol from Herdonius, and is slain, 13. ---, consul, vii. 21. Prsetor, 23. Dictator, 28. Master of horse, viii. 17. --F1 accus, P., ambassador to Han- nibal, xxi. 6. Lieutenant-general un- der Marcellus, xxiii. 16. Commander of the fleet, 34, 38. See xxvi. 8. -T., lieutenant-general, xxiv. 40. Vatican lands, x. 26. Veian lands are divided among the com- mons of Rome, v. 30. Veians, make incursions on the Roman territories and are routed by Romttlrre, 1. 15. Again, by Tullus, 27. See 30,42. They assist Tarquinius, ii. 6. Waste the lands of the Romans, 43. Chal- lenge the Romans to battle, 45. Are defeated, 46, 47. After cutting off the Fabxi, 50, are vanquished by the Ro- mans, 51. Are defeated again, 53. They kill the ambassadors sent from Rome, and renew the war with bad success, ir. 17-19. Force the Romans to retire, 31; but are afterwards routed, 33. Obtain a truce of twenty years, 35* Their Senate gives a haugh- ty answer to Roman ambassadors, 58; on which the Romans declare war, 60. The Veians elect a king, which dis- gusts the Etrurians, v. 1. Veii, is besieged by the Romans, !v. 61. A winter encampment before it, v. 2. Transactions of the siege, 7-21; when it is taken by Camillus after a siege of ten years, 22. A design formed at Rome of removing to Veii causes great commotions, 24, 25, 29; is laid aside, 30. The relics of the fight at Caunae; fly to Veii, 37. Cam ill its marches- thence to recover Rome, 46, 4a The proposal of removing to Veii is re- newed* 49, 50; rejected, 55. Such as had! gdne thither, are recalled, vi. 4. A tenth part of the spoils of Veii vowed to Apollo by Camillus, v. 21. See 23, 25, 28. Vela brum, a street in Rome, xxvii. 37, Velia, a city in Lu'cania, xxvi. 39. -, a district in Rome, ii. T. Velitrse, ii. 30. A colony, 31. Augment- ed, 34. Velitrans, revolt, vi. 13, 21. Are sub- dued, 22, 29. Attack Tusculum, and are invested by the Romans, 36-42. Plunder the Roman territory, vii. 15. Revolt again, viii. 3,12. Are treated with severity on account of their many revolts, and banished beyond the Tiber, 14. Veneti, in Italy, descended from the He- neti and Trojans, i. 1. Live round the bottom of the Adriatic Gulf, v. 33 ; x. 2. • • Venus, i. 1. Her tempTe, near the Circus, built out of fines levied for breach of chastity, x. 31. -Cloacina, iii. 48. -Erycina, xxii. 9; xxiii. 30, 31; xxx, 38. Venusians, give a hospitable reception to the fugitives from Cannae, xxii. 54. Maintain their loyalty to the Romans during a general defection, xxvii. Id. Veragnans, an Alpine tribe, xxi. 38. Vercellius, beheaded for promoting a re- volt of the Hirpinians, xxiii. 37. Vergae, xxx. 19. Vergiliae, constellation, xxi. 85.INDEX. 723 Vermina, sonofSyphax, forces Masinissa to fly, xxix. 33. Brings succors to the Carthaginians, xxx. 30. Veronal, v. 35. Verrugo, iv. 1, 55, 56; v. 28. Verses* Fescennine, vii. 2. Verulans, ix. 42. Prefer th«ir own laws to the rights of Roman citizens, 43. Vescia, viii. 11. Comes into the hands of the Romans, ix. 25. VesCian people, x. 20. ---lands, xxi. 31. Veneris, river, viii. 8; x. 28. Vesilius, mount, iii. 50. Vesta, a couch for her at a feast of the gods, xxii. 10. The fatal pledge of the Roman empire is kept in her temple, which is saved by Some slaves from being burnt, xxvi. 27. Her fire is ex- tinguished, xxviii. 11. Vestal, Rhea Sylvia, mother of Romulus, is made one, i. 3,4. --virgins, chosen by Numa, have a stipend appointed, aud many privi- leges are conferred on them, i. 20. —---, with the sacred stores, are carried to Caere by L. Albiuius, v. 40. —, a, accused, is dismissed, with a charge to be more serious in conver- sation, and more grave in her dress, iv. 44 , convicted of a breach of chas- tity, is buried alive, viii. 15. ■----, who had the charge of the sa- cred fire, when it was extinguished, is (scourged to death, xxviii. 11. Of two vestals found guilty of incontinence, one is buried alive attheCollinegate, the other kills herself, xxii. 5T. Vestia Oppia, a woman of Atellae, who had offered daily sacrifices for the prosperity of the Romans, is restored to her liberty and property, xxvi. 33,34. Vestians, join the Samnites, are routed and dispersed, viii. 29. An alliance is granted on their petition, x. 3. Vesuvius, mount, viii. 8. Veturia, mother of Coriolanus, prevails on him to retire from Rome, ii, 40. Veturian century, xxvi. 22. Veturitts, C., consul, is charged with mis- conduct, iii. 31. Is made an augur, 32. --consular tribune, vi. 82. Again, 36. --—, L., decemvir, iii. 38. consular tribune, vi. 38. i——— Philo, L., dictator to hold elec- tions, xxii. 33. Censor, xxvil. 6. -----, curule sedile, xxvii, 6. Praetor, 7. Propraetor in Gaul, 22. lieutenant-general, xxviii. 9. Consul, 10. Master of horse, xxix. 11. Is sent home from Africa, and recounts the exploits of Soipio, xxx. 38,40. M.« consular tribune, v. 13. Vetarius, Phiio, T-, damen of Mar?, xxix. 38. ---Calvinus, consul, viii. 16. Again, ix. L Is sent under the yoke of Uaudium, 6. Offered as prisoner to the Sa.bines, 19. - Geminus, T., consul, routs and disperses the Volscians, iii. 8. Is hon- ored with an ovation, 10. Vetusius, C., consul, ii. 19. T., consul, it 28. Marches against the ^quans, 30. Vibius Accuseus, prefect of a Pelignian cohort, throws the standard into the enemy's camp, xxv. 14. Virius, one of the Campanian ambassadors to the consul Varro, per- suades his countrymen to join the Car- thaginians, xxiii. 6. Exhorts the Sen- ators to put an end to their lives, xxvi. 13. He and twenty-seven Senators swallow poison, 14. -, a Bruttian of distinction, comes ambassador to Rome with offers of submission, xxvii. 15. Vibo, its lands, xxi. 61. Vicaepota, or Victory, her temple, ii. 7. Vidimus, Jupiter, xxiv. 44. Victims of the larger kinds, xxx. 2L Victory, her temple, built with money accruing from fines, x. 33. Her tem- ple on the Palatine, xxix. 14. A gold- en image of Victory, weighing three hundred and twenty pounds, sent by Hiero to the Roman Senate, xxii. 37. Mount of Victory, xxiv. 41. Victumviae, sea-port, xxi. 45. Is taken with great slaughter of the inhabitants 57. Villa pnblica, house for lodging ambas- sadors and strangers of note,T)uilt, iv. 22. Villius Tappulus, L., plebeian sedile, xxv. 2. --, P., plebeian tribune, iii. 54. Tappulus, P., is raised from the office of plebeian sedile to that of prae- tor, xxix. 38. Viminal hill added to Rome, i. 44. Vindicius, a slave, discoversa conspiracy formed for restoring the Tarqninii, ii. 4. Is rewarded with liberty, and a sum ofmoijey, 5. Virbian hill, i. 48. Virginia, daughter of Anlua, a patrician, married to Volumnius, a plebeian con- sul, being excluded from the temple of Patrician Chastity, dedicates a chapel and altar to Plebeian Chastity, x. 23. -, daughter of Lncins, her unfor- tunate beauty, lamentable death, and the punishment of her persecutors, iii. 44,48,58. Virginius, A., consul, ii. 28. Routs the Volscians, 30.12t IND Virginius, A., soil of Appius, consul, ii. 63, ----— Rtitllus, A., consul, ii. 51. . • • | A., commissioner of lands, iii. 1. --—} plebeian tribune, com- mences a capital prosecution against C0SSO Quintius, which causes violent contentions, iii. 11,13. -—----is brought to trial and lined, for having in his tribuneship favored the Senate, v. 29. --f jj., father of Virginia, chief centurion, iii. 44. His contest with Appius about his daughter, 47. He kills her, 4S. Commotions in conse- quence, 49,50. He advises the soldiers to elect ten military tribunes, and re- fuses to be one, 51. Is made plebeian tribune, 54. Prosecutes Appius, 56; and orders him to be imprisoned, 5T. Remits the capital punishment of Claudius, who had claimed Virginia, 5S. ---, consul, iv. 21. Again, 23. ---, consular tribune, out of enmity neglects assisting his colleague Servius, v. 8. Both? are compelled to resign the office, 9. He" ii1 brought to trial by a plebeian tribune, and lined, 11, 12.. ---j L.j consular tribune, vi. 1. --Opiter, consul, with his col- league, takes Pometia, and triumphs, ii. 17. . -—----, consul, ii. 54. ———- Proculusj consul, maintains a contest with his colleague about the Agrarian law, ii. 41. -—, Sp., consul, iii. 31. --, T., consul, ii. 21,48. ---Rutilus, T., augur, iii. 7. ---Ccelimontanns, T., consul, iii. 65. Virtue, her temple vowed byMarcellus, xxvii, 25. Dedicated by his son, xxix. 11. Visceratio, distribution of flesh, viii. 22. Vitellia, taken by Coriolanus, ii. 39. A Roman colony, taken by the J3quans, v. 29. Vitellii, brothers, conspirators in favor of the Tarquinii, ii. 4. « Vitruvius Vaccus, of Fundse, general of the Privernians, viii. 19. Is scourged, and put to death by the Romans, his house razed, and his property confis- cated to Semo Saliehus, 20. The site of his house on the Palatine is called Vacciprata. Vocontians, xxi. 31, Volte, or Boise,belonging to the^Equans, iv. 49, 51; vi. 2. Volatenne, x. 12. The inhabitants prom- ise Seipio rigging for his ships, and corn, xxviii. 45. Volcans oppose Hannibal's passing of the Rhone, xxi. 26. Volero, see Publilius. The tribunes call- ed Voleros by Appius Claudius, ii. 58. ■ Volones, slaves enlisted in the armies, xxii. 57; xxiii. 32; xxiv. 11. Gracchus promises them liberty, on condition of their bringing the heads of the ene- mies, xxiv. 144 They are set free, 15. Gracchus orders their public feast, at Beneventum, to be represented in painting ; Hangs up the picture in the temple of Liberty, 16; xxv. 20; xxvii. 3S; xxviii. 46. Volscians, are attacked by Tarqninins Superbus, i. 53. Corn is purchased from them, ii. 9*. They prepare to as- sist the Latins, but give hostages, yet secretly prepare for war, 22; and march to attack Rome, 24. Are de- feated, 25. Renew the war, and are conquered, 30. Deprived of part of their lands, 31. Again defeated, 33. Are ordered to quit Rome, 37. They invade the Roman territory, are utter- ly routed, and the nation is almost extirpated, iii. 7, 8. They renew the war m conjunction with the iEquans, 10. Arc vanquished, 12, 60. They lay siege to Ardea^ areeurrounded by the Romans, iv. 9. Beaten, arid sent under the yoke, 10. They again join the JEquans against the Romans, 26. Attack the consul's camp, 27. Their own camp is taken, and all the pris- oners, except Senators, are sold as slaves, 29. Again they renew hostili- ties, 37, 55, 56. Suffer a defeat, 57. Take Venugo, 58. Are again worsted in battle, 61. They besiege Anxur, v. 16. Obtain peace, 23. Break the peace, and are reduced to submission by Camillus, vi. 2. Meet the same fate in two subsequent efforts, 6, 8,11, 13. Join the Prsenestines, and take Satricum, 22. Suffer several discom- fitures, 23, 32; vii. 17 ; viii. 1. They desert Hannibal, and submit to the Romans, xxvii. 15. ---and iEquans, so often con- quered, still found recruits for their armies ; this is accounted for, vi. 12. ---r, people In -Spain, their much- approved answer to the Roman am- bassadors, xxh 19. Volscius Fictor, M., appears as a wit- ness against Caeso Quintius, iii. 13. Is prosecuted for false evidence by the qiifestors, 24. Condemned and ban- ished, 29. Volsinians, make inroads on the Roman territory, v. 31. Are defeated, and ob- tain a truce of twenty years, 32. They use nails, fixed in the temple of the goddess Nortia, as a registry of theyears, vii. 3. They suffer several de- feats, ix. 41; x. 37. Voltumna, goddess, her temple, iv. 23; v. IT. A general assembly of Etruria is summoned thither, iv. 23, 25; v. IT. A conspiracy against the Romans is formed there, vi. 2. Volumuia, wife of Coriolanus, ii. 40. Volnmnius, L., consul, gets the better of the Sallentines, ix. 42. A second time consul, x. 15. He leaves his own province to succor Appius Claudius, and, after some altercation, they gain a glorious victory, 18, 19. He sur- prises the Samnites who had plunder- ed Campania, 20, 21. Shows remark- able moderation and prudence at the elections, 21. Is continued in com- mand, 22; and acts with success in Samnium, 30, 31. ---, P., consul, iii. 10. Ambas- sador to the iEquans, he is insulted by their leader, Gracchus Cloelins, 25. Voluntary contribution to the treasury by the Senators, xxvi. 36. Volunteer soldiers, v. 16; xxvii. 46; xxviii. 45; xxix. 1, etc. Vulcan, the arms and spoils of the ene- my dedicated to him, and burned, i. 37; viii. 10. His temple in the field of Mars, xxiv. 10. Arms of the Car- thaginians, offered to him by Scipio, xxx. 6. Court of his temple, ix. 46. Vulcan's islands, xxi. 49, 51. Vulturnus, river, viii. 11; x. 20,31; xxii. 14; xxiii. 14, 19. Fort at its mouth, afterwards a city, xxv. 20, 22. --, a city of the Etrurians, seized by the Samnites, and called Capua, iv. 5T. ■- wind blows dust into the eyes of the Romans at Cannae, xxii. 4G. Walls built round Rome, i. 6,38,36,44; vi. 32. War, the mode of declaring it, i. 32. Watches, the night divided into four, the first, v. 44. Second, vii. 35. Third, ix. 44. Fourth, ix. 3T. ---, mounted by Senators, iii. 6. -, posted iti all the streets of Rome, x. 4. Water brought into the city, ix. 29. Waters of Sinuessa much celebrated, xxii. 13. Wicked street, i. 48. --field, viii. 15. Widows, their taxes assigned to the maintenance of horses for the knights, 725 i. 43. Their money lent to the public, xxiv. 18. Wine for sacrifices supplied by the pub- lic, x. 23. --allured the Gauls into Italy, v. 33. Winter campaign at Veii, v. 2. --, uncommonly severe, v. 13. Wolf, said to have suckled Romulus and Remus, i.4. Images of the wolf and infants, x. 23. -, sacred to Mars, x. 2T. Wood, the Arsian, ii. T. ---Ciminian, ix. 36. --Maesian, i. 33. --Malitions, i. 30. ---Litana, xxiii. 24. Writers quoted by Livy: Acilius's Annals, xxv. 39. Cincius,vii. 3. Claudius Quadrigarius, viii. Clodius Licinius, xxix. 22. Licinius Macer, iv. T. Piso, i. 55. Silenus, xxvi. 49. Tubero, iv. 23. Valerius Antias, iii. 5. Linen books, iv. T. Books of the magistrates, iv. 20. Commentaries of the pontiffs, vi. 1. See iv. 3. Xanthippus, Lacedaemonian general, xxviii. 43. Xenophanes, head of an embassy from Philip to Hannibal, is taken by a party of Romans, and escapes through an artful fiction, xxiii. 3. Year is divided by Numa into twelve lunar months, i. 19. Years reckoned among the Volsinians by nails fixed in the wall of a temple, vii. 3. Yoke, military, iii. 28. A Roman army sent under it, ix. 5. A Samnite army, 15. See x. 36. Youth, a goddess, v. 54. A feast of the gods in honor of her, xxi. 62. Zacynthus, island, xxi. T. Is taken by Lsevinus, xxvi. 24. Zama, five days' journey from Car- thage: here Scipio defeated Hanni- bal, xxx. 29. Zoippus, son-in-law of Hiero, guardian of Hieronymus, xxiv. 4,5. Being sent ambassador to Egypt, he remains in voluntary exile, and his wife and daughters are murdered by the Syra- cusans, 26. THE ENDThis book is a preservation facsimile produced for the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. 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