hsnanan eelneecns nae Bec aan ae ame ae eee trees Soe me, pie at bir aa = = ersity of Virginia Librar DF552.5 .D55 1925 LD Pater eT o Creare sess heB 3 x yzantine empir istory 0 bh e * l oa peat st il 0 Sn iy Soe eee ne ReeSee sie Slee fan nae ES a coer poeereearte Sa oa i‘ ae Sean ae See ane seniors corer Fae eet a oor See aerae tas oy eet al ee ae te Bee ane hot Se ceed Shots er verre. pet ratte he | erst coe bed SR eee tet tae had eee eh eters ee hl element 1 ete a ted = n i 4 Sr pa Or Oe he — PP TTA Bene ey as a tot a sg ks ee eth eet 1 ee Jt 2. as nue mba Soe ee Se at eee a ieee A Ud re Senha hal peed Oe ee ee Lon od— ores: saaeeeean ee eed ert ie PE ert eee a Cones Oe ee ee ere dave 4, Hiden ee | ee ee ee eee eee tT ——— = ee Se eee eS + o i Hd rt | 1 i i n H ri 8 7 | a f : ‘ 1 ; 7 | 3 | 4 i 7 ‘ to 2 4 H | i P| ' if { , J ; | F | 7 4 5 5 4 my F ‘ 3 a 2 i ; } 4 5 : t Hy 3 | 4 Fi 3 i ee. a)eet ae Te Be Qype Lh cna ddan Fae 1 ad eed” a to ee a ee en _— Se ee ee Stee eee eek OS eee es Cae ewes OF tae ee et ere a pace ir ' ' ‘ i. | ry 4 H = 1 F $ i a eet ee Pee ein bo oe abe DaPe e ca eal ey Qr eee ede es — an tes TEM Oh ere: ta DL — 478 Ree ocr tet ee et mee tit eC eter eed osre ere bee en Tre eee ere te ee eee ee en ee i . r iH ‘i 4s F f > a Fy | 4 "i | } ? " H 7 i 4 it A \ 4 4 ; 4 A | =| 2 . LI u ; ny rs \ 4 } t 4 : } } i ' j j ‘| 1 2 ‘ fe | i H ee ret i. tee Te eweetate rie ea 5 ee ores ts ee ath ie el tS reascew.l a er 7a bet aa eT atin bikes be a Oe at ie Pe teed rae Se ee ee eel BA te be coe 5 deere eet Hi i re = f Crs els =e = erin es eT ents ies Te a Ee oes 4 tee —— Qe = ee ad Sa es De de ete 1) £1 ober ee oat) Pee et eras aa | cod a ae | ret test FPS Ry PB Se pee, ee a ean ota te eA he a tons mene tine Lt ettp p. p. p. p. p. p. p p. EPS TORY: OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE ERRATA Wael 25x, 7, 1. wy and py 33) lh 202 ion Anasta- tius read Anastasius 48, 1. 10: For strategis read strategos 48, 1. 17: For eparchis read eparchies 75, 1. 30: For successve read successive 107, 1. 22: For 1483 read 1453 169, 1. 14: For approved read proved 175, 1. 11: For Leo III, 716-741 read Leo III, 717- 741 191, 1. 21: For Hergenrother read Hergenréther 191, |. 27: For Jirecek read Jiretek festory of the Byzantine EmpireOe ol aes ett dee ee 7 ae tet. SPa ys po— st. Se ee eT oe neni meee 8 A eed 2. ee etd beeen et be ie ' ‘ a 4 Pe r Pe ’ -~ td i eee Se Seni De We hae ee 8 a ee 4 TV Meee eatetetee ee eet tet ae. Le toe pois ts RX ee et Ee a etd ee tent et hemos bd iter FEAHISTORY OF THE Byzantine Empire BY CHARLES DIEHL, MEMBRE DE L’INSTITUT PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY GEORGE B. IVES PRINCETON “Princeton Univ ersity Press MCMxXxV } ' | : 7 a 1 f 1 4 a i 4 a ? 4 | 4 ee ed ots ae a ee eeeBenen INT ee en SH Pte eT toe. Copyright, 1925, Princeton University Press it a ie nett LLP eee ee ft R BIS ae potrrrara es Sa ae ms : “TP Set teres OY hoe ieee ot bere en ee ces ave tet toed ee do bet he el t i 5 it ei b hi eke ee oa th lees ts. 5 —warrreet tank~ a dain een Det) aL | oectes toe PRINTED AT THE PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS, PRINCETON, N. Je THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA be RL Oe tee ane he be ceed “TDM Bae pe) gee St eeet perenne eetes ts he ML a=" eP Pee eek at eePREFACE HE history of the Byzantine Emptre, notwtth- standing the numerous works which have almost re-created it in the last fifty years, 1s still the object of un- yielding prejudices, especially in the West. To many of our contemporaries it still appears, as 1t appeared to Montesquieu and Gibbon, as the continuation and de- generation of the Roman Empire. Through an uncon- scious effect of immemorial jealousies, through a dim recollection of vanished religious passions, we still judge the Greeks of the Middle Ages as did the Crusaders, who did not understand them, and the Popes, who excom- municated them. In like manner, Byzantine art 1s still too often re- garded as a stationary art,— we like to call tt “hieratic,” — powerless to renew itself, and, under the close survetl- lance of the Church, limiting its thousand-year activity to copying over and over again the creations of a few artists of genius. As a matter of fact, Byzantium was something quite different. Although she freely proclaimed herself to be the inberitor and continuator of Rome; although her emper- ors, to the very last, assumed the title of “ Bastleus of the Romans”; although they never abandoned the claims that they asserted to the ancient and glorious capttal of the Empire, yet in reality Byzantium very quickly be- came, and was essentially, an Oriental monarchy. Vv e 4 5 ' ] \ 4 4 Y A a ih F i 3 4 t 1 i ee a rseg ae i a! ra - ’ ] . > " ra fs * ° } a 7 4 .) J hy rial AM rs ad ty t A 4 | Pi » Mj i 4 i 5 b-} ' AM i . 7 . Ps ee i} bi) 6 ‘ u i ‘ a “ =| a AL ite 5 ‘ | i ! if ns a a be ~ ar {' ie hi i. ie a, ® “a. ve Hi} Hi} ' at tn " Pa ee es Sere paper a ia beret Te ee elie Ei Leeman S Eke eet Lets i kek i eens he a ates Pa TOM tenes eg te PREFACE Lt must not be judged by comparison with the over- whelming memories of Rome: in the words of one of the men who has best understood its character and seen it in its true aspect, it was “a medieval state, situated on the extreme frontier of Europe, on the confines of Asiatic barbarism.” This state had its defects and its vices, which it would be puerile to attempt to conceal. It too often experienced palace revolutions and military sedi- tions; it was tremendously fond of the games of the circus, and still fonder of theolo gical disputes; despite the refine- ment of tts civilization, its customs were often cruel and barbarous; and, lastly, it produced in too great abun- dance mediocre characters and base souls. But, such as it was, this state was great. Nor should we Imagine, as we are only too prone to do, that Byzantium declined uninterru ‘ptedly toward de- struction during the thousand years that she survived the fall of the Roman Em pire. The critical periods in which she Was near collapse were followed again and a gain by periods of incomparable splendor, by unexpected regen- erations, when, in the words of a chronicler, “the em Dire, old woman that she is, appears like a young girl, adorned with gold and precious stones.” In the sixth century, under Fustinian, for the last time the Empire was reconstructed as in the glorious days of Rome, and the Mediterranean again became a Roman lake. In the ei ghth century, the Isaurian emper- ors checked the onrush of Islam, at about the same time that Charles Martel saved Christendom at Poitiers. In the tenth century, the rulers of the Macedonian dynasty made Byzantium the great power of the Orient, carrying 1 A. Rambaud, L’Empire Grec, au Xme stécle, p. vii. v1PREFACE their victorious arms even into Syria, crushing the Rus- stans on the Danube, drowning in blood the kingdom created by the Bulgarian tsars. In the twelfth century, under the Comnent, the Greek Empire still made a re- spectable figure in the world, and Constantinople was one of the principal centers of European polity. Thus, for a thousand years, Byzantium lived; and not merely as the result of a fortunate hazard; she lived glo- riously; and that tt should be so, she must have bad within her something besides vices. To direct her affairs she had great emperors, illustrious statesmen, skilful diplomats, and victorious generals; and through them she accomplished a great work tn the world. Before the Crusades she was the champion of Christendom in the Orient against the infidels, and by her military prowess, she saved Europe again and agatn. Face to face with bar- barism, she was the center of a wonderful civilization — the most fastidious, the most refined that the Middle Ages knew in many years. She was the teacher of the Slav and Astatic Ortent, whose peoples owe to her thetr religion, their literary lan- guage, their art, and their government; her all-powerful influence extended even to the West, which received from her immeasurable intellectual and artistic gifts. From her all the peoples who to-day inhabit Eastern Europe descend; and modern Greece especially owes much more to Christian Byzantium than to the Athens of Pericles and Phidias. It 1s because of all this, because of what she did in the past, no less than by what she bequeathed to the future, that Byzantium still deserves attention and tnterest. However far away her history may seem, however tnade- Vil| +} J i | , ay ie ih Hy Hy | a ha A Th | ; tr i ir Ne rie : AM if ¥ rae a) Ar ae aM § Y Hh £ ed, eee ek a sl A cael) Ba hae me TET OE wk PE ee Pz tris PREFACE quately known it may be to many people, it is not a dead history, deserving to be forgotten. Well did Ducange know tt, when, in the middle of the seventeenth century, by bis editions of the Byzantine historians, by the learned commentaries with which he accompanied them, by a number of admirable books, he laid the foundation for the scientific history of Byzantium, and opened broad and luminous vistas in this still unexplored do- main. In the country of Ducange during the last fifty years, the tradition of the studies of which he was the founder has been revived; and without decrying what has been done elsewhere, in Russia and Greece, in England and Germany, it may perhaps be permissible to say that, if the delvers into B yzantine history have earned the Jree- dom of the city in the scientific world, it is chiefly to France that they owe it. Ll have been asked with polite insistence to write a book which we still lack —a brief, condensed manual of By- zantine history. This seemed to me by no means a useless task. Recently I have attem pted tn another volume, which has gust been published, to draw a synthetic picture of what Byzantium was, to explain the deep-seated causes of ber greatness and her decline, and to potnt out the emt- nent services which ber civilization rendered to the world This little book will give the reader a more analytical account of the thousand-year history of the Byzantine Empire. I have endeavored to brin g out the most 1m por- tant 1deas which control the evolution of this history; to present the essential facts, not so much restrictiy g myself to a minute chronological detail, as grouping them by 1 Ch. Diehl; Byzance, Grandeur et Décadence (in the Bibliothéque de philoso- phie scientifique, dirigée par le Dr. G. Le Bon). Flammarion, 1919. VillPREFACE somewhat long periods, which will be more compreben- sive, and will make clearer the significance and scope of the events narrated. The tables at the end of the volume will mare tt easy for the reader to follow the chronological order of the most important events. But it has seemed to me that my book would be more useful to all who desire to bave gen- eral knowledge of this vanished world, if, without omit- ting any of the necessary precision in detatls, I should trace the main outlines, the characteristic features, and the controlling ideas of the history of Byzantine civilt- Zal1ONn. I wish to thank Hachette, who has authorized me to borrow from Scrader’s “Atlas de géographie historique two of the four maps which accompany this book. T he illustrations, which will give some idea of Byzantine life and costume, and of the monuments of art which Byzan- tium produced, are taken from my “Manuel d art byzan- tine’ (Picard, 1910). At the end of the volume there is a brief bibliography of the principal works for reading or reference. Creet Ete Se boas = "543 wes seem verre aor Cs ae nee oh eee 2 ek he ae tr? des | \ 4 rg fi i! 4 Se he eee wae i eet =—rs Uh ee yeti +——— vo en | Oe ee a ett ens ect ea tent qopert ut Sater. ry Lt bes Oe tt eee aed 1 aed ee eet ee eee aie teeth

} l ' f pa hh eet ord ee a oe eed ~~ soe ee a LS Pets et a hhh) eens eee 2ehe 20 fre tr z= ee ll Vb Lemme sO, ak eet kD ee hs eet eteiiss = ries i eee et ee EL eee ee waka ty a a ee ee ee eee! +s ee ed ee eee i. ee eee HESTORY OF EEE BYZANTINE: EMPIRE ee ee ee a ee rs 4 1 uu i] n ‘ h ! i ] d r ' \ 1 “ | f ‘ ee ee Ne ae Pee eS eee ei See a eS ee ee re ert es BO ee eee) Per! eee rnear bait hetnent Bt ae el od tr oT ne ioe bet SOL bod kee? an a) 2 se eee ere eat WP beta 4 eet td eens.) Poeeee os ee Lard t i 4 1 y he eee Te fabs ea 5 Tetra T Pe ed Oe a” hee tie teeee UL ts Pee TT a —— Pa: hs Soe ete eee een Se es RT Reh ed het tg oe | eee th tee dE tt FT he be ie eee LS te re eres ene | a) = TT ppg mag,CH A PO te ie ct The Founding of Constantinople and the Beginnings of the ‘Roman Empire in the East, 330-518 I. THE FOUNDING OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NEW EMPIRE N May II, A.D. 330, on the shores of the Bos- phorus, Constantine solemnly dedicated his new capital, Constantinople. Why did the Emperor, turning his back upon an- cient Rome, remove to the East the seat of the mon- archy? Not only had Constantine no personal liking for the turbulent pagan city of the Ceesars, but he also, and not without good reason, considered it badly placed for meeting the new exigencies with which the Empire was confronted. ‘The Gothic peril on the Dan- ube, the Persian peril in Asia, were imminent; and though the powerful tribes of Illyricum offered admi- rable resources for defense, Rome was too far away to make use of them for that purpose. Diocletian had realized this, and he too had felt the attraction of the Orient. At all events, the Byzantine Empire came into being on the day when Constantine founded “New E34 oI i rn i iM i J * . \ ee ee eee te et ee ee eee re ee > ae aget ah ene eee eet ede Eee heen Lt eee Te ie te a Se eee eRe | be f iH gE E) i 1 PH " ta ie een en eA CO A yy BEA Bk a a ee a bre diabeceaeé BYZANTINE EMPIRE Rome.” By virtue of its geographical situation, where Europe joins Asia, and of the military and economic importance resulting therefrom, Constantinople was the natural center around which the Eastern world could most readily group itself. On the other hand, by virtue of the Grecian stamp which had been imprinted upon it from the very beginning, and especially by virtue of the character which Christianity imparted to it, the new capital differed fundamentally from the old, and symbolized accurately enough the aspirations and the new tendencies of the Eastern world. Moreover, long before this, a new conception of the monarchy had been astir in the Roman Empire. The transformation came about at the beginning of the fourth century, through contact with the Near East. Constantine strove to make of the imperial power an absolute domination by divine right. He surrounded it with all the splendor of costume, of the crown, and the royal purple; with all the pompous ceremonial of etiquette, with all the magnificence of court and pal- ace. Deeming himself the representative of God on earth, believing that in his intellect he was a reflection of the supreme intellect, he endeavored in all things to emphasize the sacred character of the sovereign, to separate him from the rest of mankind by the solemn forms with which he surrounded him; in a word, to make earthly royalty as it were an image of the divine royalty. In like manner, in order to increase the prestige and power of the imperial office, he proposed that the monarchy should be clothed with executive power, strictly hierarchical in form, closely safeguarded, and L 4]FOUNDING OF CONSTANTINOPLE with all authority concentrated in the hands of the emperor. And finally, by making Christianity a state religion, by multiplying immunities and privileges in its favor, by defending it against heresy, and by ex- tending his protection to it under all circumstances, Constantine gave an altogether different character to the power of the Emperor. Seated among the bishops, “as if he were one of them’’; posing as the accredited guardian of dogma and discipline; intervening 1n all affairs of the Church; legislating and giving judgment In its name, organizing and directing it, convoking and presiding over its councils; dictating the formulas of faith, Constantine— and all hissuccessors after him, whether orthodox or Arians—regulated according to one uniform principle the relations of State and Church. This is what came to be called Cesaropa- pism, the despotic authority of the emperor over the Church; and the Oriental clergy, creatures of the court, ambitious and worldly, docile and pliant, ac- cepted this tyranny without protest. All this derived its inspiration from the deeply rooted conception of power dear to Oriental mon- archies, and because of all this, although the Roman Empire endured for another century,—until 476, —although the Roman tradition remained alive and powerful, even in the Orient, until the end of the sixth century, nevertheless the Oriental part of the monarchy was concentrated around the city of Con- stantine and became, so to speak, conscious of 1ts own importance. From the fourth century on, despite the apparent and theoretical maintenance of Roman unity, 1n real- Es aSct eek Le ah itoket sta. 5 toe a hse Rate es foe tee et 2) big a en " ete a tS Senne tt Sete tree hs eet Tt ee eee a eee EN eine a Ld eee a wera t 1 eee | BYZANTINE EMPIRE ity the two halves of the Empire were separated more than once, and were governed by different emperors; and when, in 395, Theodosius the Great died, leaving to his two sons Arcadius and Honortus an inheritance divided into two empires, the separation, which had long been imminent, became definitive. henceforth there was a Roman Empire of the East. Il. THE CRISIS OF THE BARBARIAN INVASION Durinc the long period between 330 and 518, two serious crises, while shaking the Empire to its founda- tions, finally gave it its peculiar form. The first was the crisis of the barbarian invasion. After the third century, on all its frontiers, on the Danube as well as on the Rhine, the barbarians of Germany made their way into Roman territory by a gradual process of infiltration. Some came as soldiers, in small parties, or settled there as agricultural labor- ers; others, in whole tribes, attracted by the security and prosperity of the monarchy, solicited grants of land, which the imperial government willingly gave them. The great migrations which were incessantly taking place in that unstable Germanic world has- tened this onrush of the barbarians, and finally made it formidable. In the fifth century, the Western Em- pire gave way before their irruption; and at first sight one might think that Byzantium was no better able than Rome to withstand their formidable onset. In 376, the Visigoths, fleeing before the Huns, had demanded from the Empire protection and lands. Two hundred thousand of them had settled south of Eto 4FOUNDING OF CONSTANTINOPLE the Danube, in Meesia. They soon revolted; one em- peror, Valens, was killed while attempting to stay them on the plains of Adrianople (378); 1t required all the adroit vigor of Theodosius to conquer them. But after his death, in 395, the danger reappeared. Alaric, King of the Visigoths, descended upon Macedonia; he ravaged ‘Thessaly and central Greece, and forced his way into the Peloponnesus, the feeble Arcadius (395- 408), all the troops of the East being then in the West, being powerless to stop him; and when Stilicho, sum- moned from the West to the succor of the Empire, had surrounded the Goths at Pholoe in Arcadia (396), he preferred to let them escape and to come to terms with their leader. From that time on, during several years, the Visigoths were all-powerful in the Empire of the East, deposing the ministers of Arcadius, im- posing their will on the sovereign, ruling as masters in the capital, and convulsing the state by their re- volts. But the ambition of Alaric led him again toward the West; in 402 he invaded Italy; he returned thither In 410, and captured Rome; and by the definite settle- ment of the Visigoths in Gaul and in Spain, the peril that threatened the Empire of the East was exorcised. Thirty years later, the Huns entered on the scene. Attila, founder of a vast empire which reached from the Don to Pannonia, crossed the Danube in 441, took Viminacium, Singidunum, Sirmium, and Naissus, and threatened Constantinople. The Empire, being de- fenseless, was compelled to pay tribute to him. This notwithstanding, in 447 the Huns again appeared south of the Danube. Again they came to terms. But the peril was still great, and disaster seemed to be at Bai olPONE em me TTD Pe ng PLE TTR ter FTN apy ET PRES been ey ee ey yy Ts Naber pppr a le een Pelee efes “ hee tae 5) A eee ard Lema Soest Oe at caste Le ate omer tee aed ee hee eee BYZANTINE EMPIRE hand, when, in 450, the Emperor Marcianus (450-457) bravely refused to pay tribute. Once more fortune smiled on the Empire of the East. Attila turned his arms to the West. He returned thence, beaten and en- feebled; and a short time afterward his death (453) disrupted the empire he had founded. In the second half of the fifth century, the Ostro- goths, in their turn, entered into conflict with the Em- pire, which was obliged to take them into its service, to allot lands to them (462), and to heap honors and money upon their leaders. And so we find them, in 474, actually interfering in the internal affairs of the monarchy. It was Theodoric who, on the death of the Emperor Leo (457-474), assured the triumph of Zeno over the rival who was disputing the throne with him. From that time on, the barbarians were more exact- ing than ever. In vain did the Emperor attempt to turn the chiefs against one another (479): Theodoric pillaged Macedonia, and threatened Thessalonica, al- ways demanding more and more; obtaining in 484 the title of consul; threatening Constantinople in 487. But he too allowed himself to be tempted by the charms of Italy, where, since 476, the Western Empire had been falling into decay, and which Zeno shrewdly proposed to him to reconquer. Once more the danger was averted. Thus the barbarian invasion had passed along the frontiers of the Eastern Empire, or had encroached upon it only temporarily; so that New Rome re- mained intact, made greater, as it were, by the catas- trophe that had overwhelmed Ancient Rome, and, be- cause of that catastrophe, forced still farther eastward. oeFOUNDING OF CONSTANTINOPLE Ill. THE RELIGIOUS CRISIS WE can hardly understand today the importance in the fourthand fifth centuries of all the great herestes — Arianism, Nestorianism, Monophysitism—which so profoundly agitated the Church and the Empire of the East. We commonly think of them as mere quar- rels of theologians, debating hotly in complicated dis- cussions concerning finespun and trivial formulas. In reality, they had a different meaning and greater scope. More than once they were a cloak for political interests and controversies which were to have far- reaching results on the destinies of the Empire. ‘They had, moreover, a decisive effect in establishing the connection between Church and State in the East, and in determining the relations between Byzantium and the West. For these reasons they deserve to be carefully studied. The Council of Nicaea (325) had condemned Arian- ism and had proclaimed that Christ was of the same essence as God. But the partisans of Arius did not yield under the anathema, and the fourth century was filled with a heated controversy—in which the em- perors zealously took part— between the adversaries and defenders of orthodoxy. Arianism, conquering with Constantius at the Council of Rimini (359), was crushed by ‘Theodosius at the Council of Constanti- nople (381); and from that moment was manifest the contrast between the Greek spirit, enamoured of meta- physical subtleties, and the candid genius of the Latin West; the incongruity between the Oriental episcopate, docile to the will of the prince, and the LAO |era ht oat a 1a ae - Le eae Se td ae aed th nL teen Se Pea en BYZANTINE EMPIRE unyielding and haughty intransigence of the Roman pontiffs. The discussion that took place in the fifth century concerning the union of two natures—human and divine—in the person of Christ emphasized these differences still more, and agitated the Empire the more seriously because politics entered into the re- ligious quarrel. In fact, at the same time that the popes in the West founded with Leo the Great (440- 461) the pontifical monarchy, the patriarchs of Alex- andria attempted in the East, with Cyril (412-444) and Dioscurus (444-451), to establish an Alexandrine papacy. And, in other matters, under cover of these disputes, the old national differences, and the sepa- ratist tendencies, which were still very much alive, found in the war against orthodoxy a propitious op- portunity for showing their heads; and thus political interests and aims were closely intermingled with the religious conflict. In 428, Theodostus IT (408-450) had been reigning for twenty years at Byzantium, under the guardian- ship of his sister Pulcheria. Always a child, he passed his time in painting, and in illuminating or copying manuscripts; hence his nickname, “the Calligrapher.”’ If his memory still lives in history, it is because he built the strong girdle of ramparts which for so many centuries protected Constantinople; and because, in the Theodosian Code, he caused to be brought to- gether the imperial constitutions promulgated since Constantine. But, such as he was, he was destined to show extraordinary weakness and helplessness when confronted by the quarrels within the Church. Nestorius, Patriarch of Constantinople, taught that ie to) aFOUNDING OF CONSTANTINOPLE in Christ 1t was necessary to separate the divine and human personalities— that Jesus was only a man be- come God; and consequently he refused to the Virgin the appellation of Theotokos (mother of God). Cyril of Alexandria eagerly seized this opportunity to be- little the bishop of the capital, and, supported by the Papacy, he caused Nestorianism to be solemnly con- demned at the Council of Ephesus (431); after which, imposing his will upon the Emperor, he reigned su- preme over the Eastern Church. When Eutyches, sev- eral years later, amplifying the doctrine of Cyril, caused the nature of man to disappear more and more completely in the divine nature (this was Monophy- sitism), he found at hand, to defend him, the support of Dioscurus, Patriarch of Alexandria; and the council known as the “Robber Council of Ephesus” (449) seemed to assure the triumph of the Church of Alex- andria. The Empire and the Papacy, being equally alarmed, joined forces against these growing ambitions. The Council of Chalcedon (451), in conformity with the formula of Leo the Great, established the orthodox doctrine in regard to the union of the two natures, and accomplished at one and the same time the ruin of the Alexandrian dream, and the triumph of the State, which dominated the Council, and established more firmly than ever its authority over the Eastern Church. But the Monophysites, although condemned, did not give way before their condemnation. ‘They con- tinued for a long time to establish churches with sep- aratist tendencies in Egypt and Syria—a grave men- [esc ellBYZANTINE EMPIRE ace to the cohesion and unity of the monarchy. Rome, too, notwithstanding her victory in the field of dogma, had to accept, trembling with rage, the extension of the power of the Patriarch of Constantinople, who be- came, under the guardianship of the Emperor, the real pope of the Orient. Herein lay the germ of grave conflicts. In defiance of the Papacy, which was om- nipotent in the West, the Eastern Church, hoping to free itself from the imperial domination, became a State Church, submissive to the will of the prince; and by her use of the Greek language; by her mystical tendencies, at odds with the theology of Rome, and by her ancient grudges against Rome, she tended more and more to establish herself as an independent organism. And thereby, again, the Roman Empire in the East took on an aspect peculiar to itself. The great councils were held in the East; the great heresies were born there; and, finally, the Church of the East, proud in the renown of its great doctors,— Saint Basil, Greg- ory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzus, and John Chry- sostom,—convinced of her intellectual superiority over the West, tended more and more toward separa- tion from Rome. IV. THE ROMAN EMPIRE OF THE EAST AT THE END OF THE FIFTH AND THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTH CENTURY Taxus, about the time of the emperors Zeno (474—491) and Anastasius (491-518), arose the idea of a purely Oriental monarchy. After the downfall of the Western Empire in 476, the Eastern remained the only Roman empire. Al- Lie | RS i i ae cpl Ty a eat Tite ie Te ies em a a a eyFOUNDING OF CONSTANTINOPLE though it retained, for this reason, great prestige in the eyes of the barbarian sovereigns who had carved out for themselves kingdoms in Gaul, in Spain, in Africa, and in Italy; although it still claamed vague rights of suzerainty over them, yet in reality, by vir- tue of the territories that it actually possessed, this Empire was, above all, Oriental. It included the whole Balkan Peninsula, with the exception of the north- western portions; Asia Minor as far as the mountains | of Armenia; Syria as far as the Euphrates; Egypt; and — Cyrenaica. These countries formed sixty-four prov- | inces or eparchies, divided between two prefectures of | the preetorium— that of the East (dioceses of Thrace, Asia, Pontus, the Orient, and Egypt), and that of Illyricum (diocese of Macedonia). Although the government of the Empire was still administered on the Roman model, and based on the separation of the civil and military functions, the 1m- perial power became more and more absolute, after the fashion of Oriental monarchies; and from 450 on, the ceremonial of consecration gave to it, in addition, the prestige of sacred unction and of divine invest- ture. The intelligent solicitude of the Emperor Anas- tasius assured to this empire well-defended frontiers, sound finances, and a more honest administration. And the political acumen of the sovereigns strove to restore moral unity in the monarchy by endeavoring, even at the cost of a rupture with Rome, to bring back the dissenting Monophysites. This was the object of the edict of union (Henotikon) promulgated in 482 by Zeno, the first effect of which was a schism between Byzantium and Rome. For more than thirty years 3ork er ee ee ee Fh eet nt hehe an beeen ts ae ee Pe rereeeeTe, — ea tae or ee Ce eee eh ieee soe arts er ht ee ee hd eens te eee twee 1) - ee enh healt Leal te Se Seen hae td | Cee ee in nee te ea —s 5 lied Sr . Leal et dita ager he ee etn BYZANTINE EMPIRE (484-518), with embittered intolerance, the popes and the emperors— especially Anastatius, a convinced and impassioned Monophysite—waged war; and during these disorders the Eastern Church succeeded in mak- ing herself into a separate body. Meanwhile, the civilization of the Empire took on more and more an Oriental coloring. Even under the domination of Rome, Hellenism had remained vigor- ous and strong throughout the Greek Orient. Large and flourishing cities— Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus —were the centres of a remarkable intellectual and artistic culture. Within their sphere of influence, in Egypt, in Syria, in Asia Minor, a civilization had sprung up which was thoroughly impregnated with the traditions of classical Greece. Constantinople, en- riched by its founder with the masterpieces of Greece, and thus transformed into the most wonderful of mu- seums, cherished no less enthusiastically the memo- ries of Hellenic antiquity. Moreover, the Oriental world had been awakened by its contact with Persia, and had become conscious anew of its ancient tradi- tions; in Egypt, in Syria, in Mesopotamia, in Asia Minor, the old traditional background reappeared, and the Oriental spirit reacted upon the countries pre- viously Hellenized. Because of its hatred of pagan Greece, Christianity encouraged these national ten- dencies. And from the blending of these rival tradi- tions a strong and fruitful activity sprang to life throughout the East. Economically, intellectually, and artistically Syria, Egypt, and Anatolia assumed special importance dur- ing the fourth and fifth centuries: there Christian art, EaFOUNDING OF CONSTA?DTINOPLE slowly, by a succession of scholarly efforts and investi- gations, prepared the way for its superb culmination in the masterpieces of the sixth century; and from that time on, it appeared as an essentially Oriental art. But while the old indigenous traditions and the never-forgotten separatist inclination were thus re- newed in the provinces, Constantinople foreshadowed her future role by receiving and combining the differ- ent elements which diverse civilizations brought to her, by coérdinating the rival intellectual tendencies and the differing artistic processes and methods in such wise as to produce a civilization of her own. Thus the evolution which drew Byzantium toward the Orient seemed to be accomplished; and one could well believe that the dream was near realization, of a purely Oriental empire, despotically governed, well administered, strongly defended, renouncing all polit- ical connection with the West, to fall back upon her- self, and not hesitating to break with Rome in order to reéstablish religious unity in the East, and to set up, under the protection of the State, a church almost independent of the papacy. Unfortunately for the fulfilment of this dream, this Empire, at the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century, was faced by a formidable crisis. After 502, the Persians had renewed the war in the East; in Europe, the Slavs and Bulgarians were beginning their incursions south of the Danube. In the interior, affairs were in extreme confusion. The capital was convulsed by the quarrels of the circus factions — the Greens and the Blues; the provinces, discontented, ruined by the war, crushed by taxes, grasped every BusSe a A SE Rl leet a 1A eens ee ee en a - " eee -* i — aay sd oe a Pri a ee ee ies nde Ts a) Thies tha ey eee Ti here ener Ty7s tab Epa le ee Tele = a oh Deere Cn Lael et kL eee et Eine 9 to ee et es Le BYZANTINE EMPIRE occasion to put forward their national demands; the government was unpopular; a powerful orthodox op- position fought against its policies and furnished a plausible pretext for the revolts of the ambitious, of which the most serious was that of Vitalianus, 1n 514; finally, the persistent memory of the Roman tradi- tion, keeping alive the idea of the necessary unity of the Roman world,—of “Romania,’—turned men's minds incessantly toward the West. ‘To emerge from this unstable condition, there was need of a strong hand, a well-defined policy, with precise and steadfast aims. The reign of Justinian was to supply this need.CHAPTER» bi T he Keign of “Fustinian, and the Greek Empire in the Sixth Century, 518-610 I. THE ACCESSION OF THE JUSTINIAN DYNASTY N 518, at the death of Anastatius, an obscure in- trigue placed upon the throne Justin, commander- in-chief of the imperial guard. He was a Macedonian peasant, who had come to Constantinople some fifty years before, to seek his fortune; a brave soldier, but quite illiterate and without any experience in affairs of state. This upstart, then, who, at the age of almost seventy years, was destined to become the founder of a dynasty, would have been greatly embarrassed in the position of authority to which he was raised, had he not had by his side his nephew, Justinian, to ad- vise him. Justinian, who was, like Justin, a native of Mace- donia,— the romantic tradition which makes of him a Slav is of much later date, and has no historical value, —had come early in life to Constantinople at the sum- mons of his uncle, and had received there an educa- tion wholly Roman and Christian. He had experience in affairs, a ripe judgment, a well-developed character —everything that he required to be the coadjutor of Lrg aBYZANTINE EMPIRE the new sovereign. And, in fact, it was he who, from 518 to 527, governed in the name of Justin, pending the time when he himself should reign—from §27 to 565. Thus for nearly half a century Justinian guided the destinies of the Roman Empire of the East; and he stamped upon the epoch dominated by his power- ful figure so deep an imprint, that his will alone suf- ficed to arrest the natural evolution which was carry- ing the Empire farther toward the Orient. Under his influence, a new political orientation was apparent from the beginning of Justin’s reign. The first thought of the government of Constantinople was to be reconciled with Rome, to put an end to the schism; and, in order to seal the alliance and to give to the Pope pledges of his orthodox zeal, Justinian for three years (518-521) savagely persecuted the Mo- nophysites throughout the East. The new dynasty was strengthened by this reconciliation with Rome. Moreover, Justinian was shrewd enough to take, very cleverly, the measures necessary to assure the strength of the government. He rid it of Vitalianus, its most re- doubtable adversary. Above all, he made it popular by a great show of largess and pomp. But, thenceforth, Justinian had wider visions: he fully realized the importance to his ambition of the reéstablishment_of peace with the papacy. For this reason, when Pope John I visited Constantinople in §25—the first of the Roman pontifts to visit “New Rome’— Justinian arranged a triumphant reception for him in the capital. He knew how much such an at- titude would gratify the West, and what comparisons would inevitably be-drawn_ between the pious em- a SalREIGN OF JUSTINIAN perors who ruled in Constantinople and the barbarous Arian monarchs who held sway in Africa and Italy. And thus he paved the way for the great designs that he was destined to achieve when, in 527, the death of Justin gave him full power. If. JUSTINIAN’S CHARACTER, HIS POLICY AND HIS ENVIRONMENT JusTINIAN resembled in no way his predecessors, the princes of the fifth century. This upstart elevated to the throne of the Czesars chose to be a Roman em- peror, and he was in truth the last of the great em- perors of Rome. Nevertheless, despite his indisputable power of application and love of work,—one of his courtiers called him “the Emperor who never sleeps,” — despite a genuine and sincere desire for an orderly and wise administration, Justinian, by reason of his sombre and jealous despotism, his childish vanity, his pugnacious activity, and because he was often irreso- lute and weak in enforcing his will, would have seemed to be, on the whole, rather a mediocre and ill-bal- anced person, had it not been for his greatness of mind. This Macedonian peasant was the eminent rep- resentative of two great ideas— the imperial idea and the Christian idea; and because he represented those ideas;tis name will endure forever. His mind full of the memories of Roman grandeur,v Justinian dreamed of reconstituting the Roman Em- pire as it was of old, of restoring the incontestable rights of Byzantium, as heir of Rome, over the bar- barous kingdoms of the West, of reéstablishing the in oeSe ee enn eee eee Pee ere Tee — Dene eet en te Sin het aren ere Tee | ] RI 1 if. é A if 4 LU iy i iv if He i | 4 if; BYZANTINE EMPIRE unity of the Roman dominions. Heir of the Ceesars, like them he was resolved to be the living law, the fullest incarnation of absolute power, and also the im- peccable law-giver, the reformer, intent upon main- taining good order in the realm. Lastly, in his pride in his imperial rank, he chose to bedeck it with all con- ceivable pomp and magnificence. By the splendor of his buildings; by the luxury of his court; by the some- what childish manner in which he called the fortresses that he rebuilt, “Justinians,” after his own name; by the cities he restored; by the system of magistracies he established, he aimed to immortalize the glory of his reign, and to make his subjects feel, as he said, their incomparable good fortune in having been born 1n his time. And he had other visions. The elect of God, his rep- resentative and vicar upon earth, he_took it upon ‘himself to be the champion of orthodoxy, whether in the wars that he undertook, whose religious character is incontestable, in the great effort that he made to propagate the orthodox faith throughout the world, or in the fashion in which he governed the Church and combatted heresy. All his life he pursued the realiza- tion of this two-fold dream, at once magnificent and ambitious; and to aid him, he had the good fortune to find capable ministers, such as the jurisconsult Tribo- nian, and the prefect of the praetorium, John of Cappa- docia; good generals like Belisarius and Narses; and, above all, an admirable adviser in “‘the most revered wife whom God had given him,” in her whom he took delight in calling “his sweetest charmer,” the Em- press Uheodora. [ 20 JREIGN OF JUSTINIAN Theodora also was of humble birth. Daughter of a bear-keeper in the Hippodrome, she had, if we are to believe the gossip of Procopius in his Secret History, scandalized her contemporaries by her life as a fash- ionable actress and by the notoriety of her adventures; and even more when she won the heart of Justinian, succeeded in inducing him to marry her, and ascended the throne with him. It is certain that, as long as she lived—she died in 548—she exercised an all-powerful influence over the Emperor, and governed the Empire as much as, and perhaps more than, he. ‘The fact is that, despite her shortcomings—she loved money and power, and, in order to preserve the throne, she was often deceitful, cruel, and implacable in her hatreds— this great ambitious woman had some excellent quali- ties: energy, determination, a strong and resolute will, and a shrewd and far-seeing political genius; and it may be that she had a clearer vision than her imperial spouse. While Justinian dreamed of reconquering the West, of propping the rehabilitated Roman Empire on an alliance with the Papacy, she, like the true Oriental that she was, turned her eyes toward the East, with a more exact appreciation of the realities and necessities of the situation. She would have miti- gated the religious dissensions which were inimical to the peace and power of the Empire, would have con- ciliated the dissident countries, like Syria and Egypt, by opportune concessions and greater tolerance, and, even at the cost of a break with Rome, would have restored the powerful unity of the Eastern monarchy. And we may well wonder whether the empire of which she dreamed, more compact, more homogeneous, and L227PUPP alta a AL EE BYZANTINE EMPIRE stronger, might not have resisted better the attacks of the Persians and the Arabs. At all events, her hand was felt everywhere—in the government, in diplo- macy, in the religious policy; and even to-day, in the Church of San Vitale at Ravenna, in the mosaics that embellish the apse, her image, in all the splendor of sovereign majesty, faces Justinian’s as an equal. III. JUSTINIAN S FOREIGN POLICY Ar the time of Justinian’s accession the Empire had not recovered from the grave crisis through which it had been passing since the end of the fifth century. During the last months of Justin’s reign, the Persians, agerieved by the encroachments of the imperial policy in the Caucasus, in Armenia, and on the frontiers of Syria, had renewed the war; and thus the better part of the Byzantine army was immobilized in the East. In the interior, the feuds between the Greens and Blues fostered a dangerous political agitation, which was aggravated by the deplorable corruption of the government and the resulting discontent. It was most essential for Justinian to do away with these embar- rassments, which delayed the execution of his ambi- , tious designs upon the West. Not seeing, or not choos- ing to see, the extent of the Eastern peril, he signed with the Great King! the treaty of 532, which cost him ' large concessions, but left him entirely free to dispose of his military forces. On the other hand, he took stern measures to repress civil commotion when the formidable uprising of January 532, which has always ' Khusrau I, 531-579. The name is variously spelled Khosru and Chosroes. ea Dd ge een teen tbe tet ent st es See ee ee Aah te me mee ee he eee 7 t] OI + rm] A. a it A a Ls }REIGN OF JUSTINIAN been called Nzka, from the rallying cry of the insur- gents, filled Constantinople with conflagrations and blood during a whole week. In those days of revolu- tion, when the throne was near foundering, Justinian owed his salvation to the courage of Theodora and the energy of Belisartus. But the brutality of the suppres- sion, which strewed the floor of the Hippodrome with 30,000 corpses, resulted in establishing order in the capital for a long time, and in making the Emperor’s power more absolute than ever. In 532, Justinian’s hands were freed. The Rehabilitation of Imperial Authority in theWest.— Conditions in the West favored his projects. In Africa, as in Italy, the tribes, being governed by heretical barbarian rulers, loudly demanded the restoration of the imperial authority; and the prestige of the Empire was so great that even the Vandal and Ostrogothic kings acknowledged the legitimacy of the Byzantine claims. Moreover, the rapid decadence of those bar- baric kingdoms left them powerless against the at- tacks of Justinian, and their dissensions prevented them from making common cause against the com- mon enemy. When, therefore, in 531, the usurpation of Gelimer offered Byzantine diplomacy a pretext for intervening in Africa, Justinian, placing his trust in the formidable instrument of war which he had at hand in his excellent army, did not hesitate, being de- sirous to free the African Catholics from the “Arian captivity,’ and to make the Vandal kingdom once more a part of the imperial whole.fIn 533, Belisarius embarked at Constantinople with an army of 10,000 e234 — = weact oe elie eet seen tae Sos eerie gucane ts 0920 see n ee | a} ? b i i y } Pl ae Seton td BYZANTINE EMPIRE infantry and from 5000 to 6000 cavalry. The cam- paign was as short as it was successful. Defeated at Decimum and Tricamarum, Gelimer, surrounded in his retreat from Mount Pappua, was obliged to sur- render (534). Within a few months, some regiments of cavalry —for it was the cavalry that played the decisive réle, contrary to all expectation—entirely destroyed the kingdom of Genseric. The victorious Belisarius received the honors of a triumph at Con- stantinople. Although it took fifteen years more, from 534 to 548, to put down the revolts of the Berbers and the uprisings of the mercenary and undisciplined troops of the Empire, yet Justinian could fairly boast of having reconquered the larger part of Africa, and could proudly assume the surnames of Vandalicus and Africanus. The Ostrogoths in Italy looked on without raising a hand at the subjugation of the Vandal kingdom. Before long, their own turn came. The assassination of Amalasuntha, daughter of Theodoric the Great, by her husband Theodahad (534) gave Justinian a pre- text for interfering; but this time the war was harder to win, and longer \Belisarius succeeded in conquering Sicily (535), in taking Naples, and then Rome, where he withstood for a whole year (March, §37, to March, 538) a memorable siege by the army of the new King of the Ostrogoths, Vitiges. Later, he took Ravenna (540), and led Vitiges as a captive to the feet of the Emperor But the Goths rallied under the leadership of the shrewd and energetic Totila. Belisarius, being sent again into Italy with very inadequate forces, failed there lamentably (544-548). It required the vig- L 24 JREIGN OF JUSTINIAN orous leadership of Narses to crush the resistance of the Ostrogoths at Taginze (552), to beat down the last opposition of the barbarians in Campania (553), and to rid the peninsula of the Frankish hordes of Leu- tharis and Bucelin (554). It had taken twenty years to reconquer Italy} Again Justinian’s optimism had led him to believe too soon that the conquest was complete; and perhaps, too, he postponed too long the great effort necessary to break the power of the Ostro- goths at a single blow. It was with altogether inade- quate forces—scarcely 25,000 or 30,000 troops— that he undertook to bring Italy back under the imperial authority; and in consequence the war dragged along deplorably. In Spain also Justinian took advantage of favorable circumstances to interfere in the dynastic quarrels of the Visigothic kingdom (544) and to reconquer the southeastern part of the country. } Thanks to his fortunate campaigns, Justinian could flatter himself that his dream had come true./Thanks to his persevering ambition, Dalmatia, Italy, all of eastern Africa, southern Spain, and the islands of the western Mediterranean—Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia, and the Baleares—had returned to the Roman fold: the Empire was almost doubled in extent of territory. By the occupation of Septem (Ceuta) the authority of the Emperor reached as far as the Pillars of Hercules; and if we except the parts of the coast still held by the Visigoths in Spain and Septimania,! and by the Franks in Provence, the Mediterranean was once more a Ro- man sea. It is true that neither Africa nor Italy re- 1In Southern France. Bete al\ } al ra) 4 ie | \ 5! : i iL a; in 4 f a1) ay | a ry | i yi Sent he keene CS cmt estes kee a eee Sa ore ros Ppt cette e4 ee BYZANTINE EMPIRE entered the imperial domain in all its former extent, and they were exhausted and ravaged by so many years of war. But these conquests gave an unquestionable im- petus to the prestige and glory of the Empire; and Justinian spared no effort to solidify it. Reconquered Africa and Italy formed as before two prefectures, and the Emperor strove to exhibit the Empire to the vari- ous peoples in the exact form in which it had formerly been familiar to them. Reparatory measures partially effaced the disasters of the war. Defensive precautions —the creation of great military bodies; the delimita- tion of boundaries (/imites), which were held by spe- cial troops, the soldiers of the frontier (/imitanez) ; the construction of a powerful network of fortresses— guaranteed the security of the country. Justinian might well flatter himself that he had restored in the West that perfect peace, that “perfect order,’ which was in his eyes the symbol of a truly civilized state. The Wars in the East—Unfortunately, these great undertakings had sapped the strength of the Empire, and had caused it to neglect the East; and the East took its revenge in most formidable fashion. The first war with Persia (527-532) was only a fore- runner of the peril that was impending. As neither of the two adversaries chose to go all lengths, the strug- gle was indecisive: the victory of Belisarius at Dara (530) was offset by his defeat at Callinicum (531), and both sides made haste to conclude a halting peace (532). But the new King of Persia, Khusrau Nushir- van (531-579), being active and ambitious, was not 204REIGN OF JUSTINIAN the man to be content with these results. Seeing that Byzantium had her hands full in the West, and, above all, being ill at ease as to the projects of universal domination of which Justinian made no secret, he de- scended upon Syria in $40, and pillaged Antioch; in 541, he invaded the country of the Lazi, and took Petra; in 542, he devastated Commagene; in 543, he defeated the Greeks in Armenia; in 544, he laid waste Mesopotamia. Even Belisarius was powerless to con- quer him. It was necessary to conclude a truce (545), which was renewed several times, and, in 562, to sign a fifty-years’ treaty, whereby Justinian bound him- self to pay tribute to the Great King, and forbade all religious propaganda in Persian territory. Although at this price, he retained the country of the Lazi, the an- cient Colchis, nevertheless the Persian menace, after this long and disastrous war, was no less to be dreaded in the future. Meanwhile, in Europe, the frontier of the Danube gave way before the attacks of the Huns, who in 540 carried fire and the sword into Thrace, Illyricum, and Greece as far as the Isthmus of Corinth, and forced their way even to the neighborhood of Constanti- nople; of the Slavs, who devastated Lllyricum in 547 and 551, and in 552 threatened Thessalonica; of the Huns again in §59, when they appeared before the capital, which was saved with great difficulty by the bravery of old Belisarius. In addition, other barbari- ans, the Avars, appeared upon the scene, insolent and menacing. To be sure, none of these invasions re- sulted in the permanent settlement of a foreign people within the Empire; but the Balkan Peninsula was, E27 alBYZANTINE EMPIRE none the less, terribly ravaged. The Empire paid dear- ly in the East for Justinian’s triumphs in the West) Defensive Measures and Diplomacy.—Justinian, meanwhile, in the East as in the West, endeavored to ensure the defense and security of the imperial do- main. By the institution of high military commands entrusted to the magistri militum; by the creation on all the frontiers of military boundaries (/zmites), occu- pied by special troops (/imitanet), he reconstructed, in face of the barbarians, what was formerly called the “bulwark of the Empire” (pretentura imperit). But, most important of all, he built along all the frontiers a continuous line of fortresses, which covered all the strategic points and formed several successive bar- riers against invasion; behind these, for greater se- curity, the whole territory was covered with strong- holds. Even to this day we find in many places the imposing ruins of these citadels, which were erected by hundreds in all the provinces of the Empire; and they bear eloquent witness to the greatness of the ef- fort by which, according to Procopius, Justinian ver- itably “saved the monarchy.” Lastly, Byzantine diplomacy, supplementing the military measures, did its utmost to ensure the pres- tige and influence of the Empire throughout the whole world. By a judicious distribution of favors and money, by ingenious craft in inciting the enemies of the Em- pire against one another, it brought under the suze- rainty of Byzantium the barbarian tribes that drifted along the frontiers of the monarchy, and made them harmless. By religious propaganda, too, it brought ji 23° 5] een haere ON Nee ee ee etn ee eee be ee ee . - ptcete taser aca er “a ] 4 i a 2 Hi a Le iets tht a edREIGN OF JUSTINIAN them within the Byzantine sphere of influence. ‘The missions that carried Christianity from the shores of the Black Sea to the plains of Abyssinia, and to the oases of the Sahara, were one of the most characteris- tic features of Grecian policy in the Middle Ages. Thus the Empire established for itself a constitu- ency of vassals: Arabs, from Syria and Yemen, Ber- bers from North Africa, Lazi and Tzani from the far- thest confines of Armenia, Heruli, Gepidze, Lombards, Huns on the Danube, even the Frankish sovereigns in far-distant Gaul, where they prayed in the churches for the Roman Emperor. Constantinople, where Jus- tinian received the barbarian sovereigns in magnifi- cent fashion, seemed the capital of the universe. And although it 1s true that, during the last years of his reign, the aged Emperor allowed the military system to become disorganized, and took over-much pleasure in practising a disastrous sort of diplomacy, which, by distributing money among the barbarians, danger- ously aroused their cupidity, on the other hand, it 1s certain that, so long as the Empire was strong enough to defend itself, his diplomacy, supported by military force, seemed to his contemporaries a marvel of pru- dence, wisdom, and good sense (edGBovd ia). Despite the heavy sacrifices which the formidable ambition of Justinian cost the Empire, even his detractors have admitted that “the natural rdle of a high-minded em- peror 1s to seek to aggrandize his empire and add to 1tsrenown.’’”} 1Procopius.FUN Oe te eee a WRG Py PRN et ee tt ee corti te pea le ee en eter tra et eee ee al , f A I) FY Fs j ‘ \ a ‘ My AY i 3 ap } HW ie : ay iy ae a A 4 a i ui P } FY oq 3 Ly BYZANTINE EMPIRE IV. THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT OF JUSTINIAN THE internal government of the Empire gave no less concern to Justinian than did the defense of its terri- tory. Urgent administrative reforms forced them- selves upon his attention. A dangerous religious crisis demanded his thoughtful care. Legislative and Administrative Reform—The Em- pire was in an extraordinarily disturbed condition. The government was venal and corrupt; disorder and destitution reigned in the provinces; the administra- tion of justice, thanks to the obscurity of the law, was arbitrary and partial; and one of the most serious con- sequences of this condition was that the taxes came in very slowly. Justinian had too much taste for order, a too earnest desire for a centralized government, and too great solicitude for the public good, to tolerate such a state of affairs. Besides, he was in constant need of money for his great enterprises. Therefore he undertook a twofold reform. In order to give to the Empire “definite and indisputable laws,” he entrusted an important legislative task to his min- ister T'ribonian. A commission, convoked in 528 to re- form the Code, gathered together and classified in a single body of laws the principal imperial constitu- tions promulgated since the time of Hadrian. This was the Justinian Code, which was published in 529, and of which a new edition appeared in 534. Soon after came the Digest, or Pandects, in which another commission, appointed in 530, brought together and classified the decisions drawn from the works of the 30) IREIGN OF JUSTINIAN great jurisconsults of the second and third centuries— an enormous task, which was completed in 533. The Institutes sammarized in a single manual, for the use of students, the principles of the new Code. Finally, the collection of new ordinances (Novel/e), published by Justinian between 534 and 565, completed the im- posing monument known as the Corpus Furis Civilis. Justinian was so proud of this great legislative work that he forbade it to be touched in the future, or to be modified by any commentary; and that he madeitthe immutable basis of legal instruction in the schools of law established at Constantinople, at Beirut, and at Rome. And, in truth, despite certain defects; despite the haste with which the work was done, entailing repetitions and contradictions; despite the regrettable fashion in which the noblest monuments of the Roman law were torn in pieces, this was a very great work, one of the most fruitful for the progress of mankind. If the Justinian law provided the imperial power with the foundation of its absolute authority, it also, in the civilization of the Middle Ages, conserved, and, later, taught again to the West, the idea of the State, and the principles of social organization. Also, by perme- ating the rigor of the old Roman law with the new spirit of Christianity, it introduced into the law a re- gard, hitherto unknown, for social justice, public morality, and humanity. In order to reform the government and the admin- istration of justice, Justinian, in 535, promulgated two momentous decrees, outlining for all officials the new duties that he laid upon them, and enjoining upon Pai ASy La PE : Ve BYZANTINE EMPIRE them above all else a scrupulous honesty in the gov- ernment of the subject. At the same time, the Em- peror abolished the sale of offices, increased salaries, suppressed useless departments, and, to ensure better order in a whole category of provinces, united the civil and military powers there: a tentative reform which was destined to be fruitful of results in the ad- ministrative history of the Empire. He reorganized the administration of justice and the civil service in the capital; he gave a great impetus to public works throughout the Empire, building roads, bridges, aqueducts, baths, theatres, and churches; and he rebuilt with incredible magnificence the city of Constantinople, which had been partially destroyed in the insurrection of 532. Lastly by a careful eco- nomic policy, Justinian applied himself to developing the industrial wealth and commercial activity of the Empire;! and according to his custom, he boasted of having, “by his brilliant ideas, given a new flower to the State.” As a matter of fact, however, despite the Emperor’s excellent intentions, the administrative reform came to nothing. ‘The heavy burden of expenditure and the constant need of money which resulted from it led to an atrocious fiscal tyranny, which reduced the Empire to destitution, and exhausted its resources. And from this great effort at reform only one thing resulted — the suppression, in 541, for reasons of economy, of the consular office. aE Re al acd hla ed 7 Se oe ed So te aes a Le rad = + + See te tenant od ieee tanec iene et A ope ee ner hee eee el Ea ahh) a i in eee eee ee = ron == me me FTE ee Bhs PR AE BE ee a EL eee * It was in the reign of Justinian, about 577, that two monks brought from China the secret of raising silkworms, which, by making possible the found- ing of the silk industry in Syria, partially freed Byzantium from its depen- dence upon imports from abroad. eeREIGN OF JUSTINIAN The Religious Policy —Like all the emperors who had followed one another on the throne since Con- stantine, Justinian gave much thought to the Church, for reasons of state no less than because of his zest for religious controversy. To show his pious zeal, he had bitterly opposed the heretics: in 529 he had ordered the closing of the University of Athens, where several pagan professors were leading an obscure existence, and he had vigorously persecuted dissenters. More- over, he proposed to rule the Church as its master, and in exchange for his protection and for the favors he had heaped upon it, he despotically and brutally imposed his will upon it, proclaiming himself curtly, “emperor and priest.” However, more than once he was embarrassed as to what course he should pursue. For the success of his Western enterprises he needed to maintain the har- monious relations that he had reéstablished with the Papacy; to restore political and moral unity in the East, 1t was necessary for him to conciliate the Mo- nophysites, who were still numerous and powerful in Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Armenia. Between Rome, which demanded the condemnation of the dis- senters, and Theodora, who advised a return to the conciliatory policy of Zeno and Anastatius, the Em- peror was more than once at a loss what to do; and his hesitating will labored to find, among many antago- nisms, a common ground of understanding, 1n order to solve the dilemma. First, to please Rome, he allowed the Council of Constantinople, in 536, to hurl anathema at the dis- senters, persecuted them relentlessly (537-538), and i. 33.4]Sd eae errant eee ee a ene Se eed LL eet ee eed eee RL a, ie Bogert 4 Bd ere ST Ee tie Ft ie he ee ir ’ 7 ey F A | i a f it ir HY f 1 ue i By ‘ | £ ‘ e f i f Le 7 rhe . 2 5! Cs ‘StL Teepe es Pees ie BYZANTINE EMPIRE attacked their stronghold—Egypt; then, to please Theodora, he allowed the Monophysites to reéstab- lish their church (543), and endeavored to obtain from the Papacy, at the Council of Constantinople, in 553, an ambiguous condemnation of the decisions of Chal- cedon. This was the affair of the “Three Chapters, ? which, for more than twenty years (543-565), con- vulsed the Empire, and provoked schism in the West- ern Church, without bringing peace to the Orient. There was no useful result from all the outlay of se- verity and arbitrariness which Justinian employed against his adversaries, and of which the Pope Vigilius was the most illustrious victim. The policy of union and of tolerance which Theodora advised was, with- out doubt, wise and prudent; but Justinian’s hesita- tion in adopting a definite course of action had no other effect, despite his good intentions, than a revi- val of the separatist tendencies of Egypt and Syria, and an aggravation of their national hatred against the Empire. V. BYZANTINE CIVILIZATION IN THE SIXTH CENTURY THE reign of Justinian is a decisive epoch in the his- tory of Byzantine civilization. Writers of talent, his- torians like Procopius, Agathias, John of Ephesus, and Evagrius, poets like Paul the Silentiary, theo- logians like Leontius of Byzantium, kept alive, not without distinction, the traditions of classical Greek ' So called because the discussion concerned extracts from the works of three theologians, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, and Ibas of Edessa, whose teaching had been approved by the Council of Chalcedon, and had been condemned by Justinian, to please the Monophysites. EL 34 aREIGN OF JUSTINIAN literature; and it was near the dawn of the sixth cen- tury that Romanos, “‘the prince of melody,” created religious poetry, perhaps the most perfect and most original expression of Byzantine genius. The splendor of the arts was still more remarkable. This was the time when the slow evolution that the local schools of art in the East had been passing through for two centuries reached its final develop- ment 1n Constantinople. And as Justinian had a taste for building, as he had the good fortune to find emi- nent artists to carry out his plans and was able to place unlimited resources at their disposal, the result was that the monuments of that perilod—marvels of skill, of audacity, and of magnificence—marked in definitive creations the apogee of Byzantine art. Never has art appeared more varied, more fruitful, more free; all methods of construction, all types of buildings, were found there: basilicas like San Apolli- nare Nuovo at Ravenna and Saint Demetrius at Salonica; churches on the polygonal plan, like those of Saints Sergius and Bacchus at Constantinople, or San Vitale at Ravenna; cruciform buildings crowned by five cupolas, like the Church of the Holy Apostles; architectural works, of which Saint-Sophia—built between 532 and 537, by Anthemius of Tralles and Isidore of Miletus—is still, because of the originality of the plan, the lightness of structure, the skilful audacity of the arrangement, the cleverly managed balancing of the parts, and the rare harmony of the proportions, the unrivaled masterpiece. In the interior of these edifices, the ingenious diver- sity of coloring of the marbles, the delicate carving of EO 36r 2BYZANTINE EMPIRE the sculptures, and the rich decoration of the mosaics on backgrounds of blue and gold, impart an incom- parable magnificence, of which, even to-day, lacking the ruined mosaics of the Church of the Holy Apostles and those which are scarcely visible under the Turk- ish patching of Saint-Sophia, we can obtain some idea in the churches of Parenzo and Ravenna, and in what remains of the beautiful decorations of the Church of St. Demetrius at Salonica. Everywhere, in jewels, fabrics, tvories, and manuscripts, is manifest the same brilliant splendor and solemn majesty that marked the advent of the new style. Under the combined in- fluences of the East and of ancient tradition, Byzan- tine art knew, in the time of Justinian, its first golden age. ee a tee ee ee Pte ee * te een enh eae Dae cate ON rere Sete Me ee ee rd VI. THE DISINTEGRATION OF JUSTINIAN S WORK (565-610) | A a '¥ oe bg Tf f i a) a)! 4 | te F i Ir we consider Justinian’s reign as a whole, we cannot fail to realize its incomparable grandeur and the un- equalled prestige that it momentarily gave to the mon- archy. We may, however, wonder whether this gran- deur was not more apparent than real, and whether this superb effort of imperialism, by arresting the natural evolution of the Eastern Empire, by draining its vigor in the interest of overweening ambition, did not, on the whole, do it more harm than good. In all the enterprises of Justinian, there was always a dangerous disproportion between the end to be pur- sued and the resources available for attaining it; lack i of money was the constant sore spot, which retarded i Bom kk lei rk ot it Eten a Te te eee LedaREIGN OF JUSTINIAN the most magnificent projects, and foiled the most praiseworthy purposes. ‘To remedy this, 1t was neces- sary to increase the exactions of the treasury to the point at which they became intolerable; and inasmuch as, in the last years of his reign, Justinian, in his old age, neglected everything more and more, the plight of the realm when he died, in 565, at the age of 87, was utterly deplorable. The Empire was exhausted both financially and militarily; on all the frontiers grave perils were rising above the horizon; in the 1n- terior, public authority was weakened, in the prov- inces by the development of a great feudal system of landholding, in the capital by the incessant feuds be- tween Greens and Blues; people lived only from hand to mouth; there was great misery everywhere; and contemporaries asked themselves with stupefaction, whither the wealth of the Romans had vanished. A settlement was inevitable; it was difficult and disas- trous. It was the work of Justinian’s successors, his nephew Justin II (565-578), ‘Tiberius (578-582), and Maurice (582-602). They resolutely inaugurated a new policy. Turning away from the West, where, indeed, the invasion of the Lombards (368) had-atready wrested from the eel St - SR a ae ea Empire the half of Italy, Justinian’s successors con- finedthemsetves to organizing there a strong defen- sive, by the creation of the Exarchates of Africa and a 2 ew sae Te a Ravenna- “At this price, they were a le to turn their “attention toward the East, and to assume a haughtier attitude toward the enemies of the Empire. Thanks to the measures that they took for reorganizing the army, the Persian war, which broke out anew 1n 572, Ee a7, 3BYZANTINE EMPIRE and lasted until 591, was ended by an advantageous treaty, by the terms of which Persian Armenia was ceded to Byzantium. And although in Europe the Huns and Slavs savagely ravaged the Balkan Penin- sula, capturing the fortresses on the Danube, besieg- ing Thessalonica, menacing Constantinople (591), and even beginning to make permanent settlements, a series of victories finally carried the war again beyond the frontiers, and led the Byzantine troops to the Theiss (601). Unluckily the domestic crisis ruined everything. Justinian had strained to excess the machinery of absolute government; when he died, the aristocracy raised its head, the separatist tendencies of the prov- inces began to manifest themselves anew, and the factions of the circus to stir up sedition. And, as the government was powerless to reform the financial situation, the disaffection constantly increased, aggra- vated by the administrative disorganization and the mutinous demonstrations in the army. The religious policy made the general dissatisfac- tion even more acute. After a brief trial of toleration, persecution was resorted to, to put down the dissen- ters; and although Maurice put an end to it, yet the inopportune conflict which he allowed to break out between the Patriarch of Constantinople, pretender to the title of Gicumenical, and Pope Gregory the Great, increased the ancient bitterness between the Hast and the West. Despite his genuinely high quali- ties, Maurice, because of his rigid economy, was ex- tremely unpopular; and the relaxation of political eC a eT ee pe Le Oe ne tee re eS mE PN SMe typ it kee ee py eg tebe ee Le oem ra tee ee — Te rate eee ee Re at eet 1S ee ene Tate ta he a a et a en yt < Cd G q i es ‘i ; a er th in A {4 ith) ee ge a ie Bor aREIGN OF JUSTINIAN authority made easy the success of the military revo- lution, which placed Phocas on the throne (602). The new prince, who was a common soldier, could maintain order only by terror (602-610); thereby he completed the downfall of the monarchy. Khusrau II, posing as Maurice’s avenger, renewed the war; the Persians conquered Mesopotamia, Syria, and Asia Minor. In 608, they were at Chalcedon, opposite Constantinople. In the interior, revolts, conspiracies, uprisings, succeeded one another: the whole Empire cried out for a savior. Fle came from Africa. In 610, Heraclius, son of the Exarch of Carthage, overthrew Phocas and founded a new dynasty. After nearly a half-cen tury of agitation, Byzantium again had a leader to guide her destinies. But during that same half-century, Byzantium had been progressively turning again toward the East. The transformation to the oriental form, interrupted by the long reign of Justinian, was now to quicken its pace and be consummated.a) Oe tee ad Na ede eae ie Reine ee od ee tte. os we sek? kee | re - - = ~ =< - ea = Pee el ae Des yk ees ts be ae i! i &! e " ae if :, Ry £ a iF Hh : 4 e } f 1 i 4 " rH nh f, ped ee es La a S a CHAPTER IIl The Dynasty of Heraclius.—T he Arab Peril and theT ransformation of the Em- pire in the Seventh Century, 010-717 HE seventh century was one of the darkest periods in Byzantine history. It was a time of grave uncertainty, a critical moment, when it seemed as if the very existence of the Empire was at stake. Without, formidable perils, first from the Persians, and soon after, the more terrible peril from the Arabs, assailed the exhausted monarchy. Within, a complete transformation took place, which gave to the Byzan- tine State and to the Byzantine world in general a new aspect. Up to that time, the monarchy, in spite of everything, had continued to be in all respects a Roman empire: Latin was still the official language, and the Roman tradition kept alive the titles and the forms that Rome had established. At the begin- ning of the eighth century, on the contrary, a really Byzantine Empire had come into being, all whose forces were concentrated about Constantinople, and which became more and more Oriental in character. fe 4073]DYNASTY OF HERACLIUS I. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE EMPIRE BY HERACLIUS WHEN Heraclius (610-641) ascended the throne, the plight of the monarchy seemed almost desperate. Each year the Persians made greater progress: in 612, they took Antioch, Apamea, Czesarea; in 614, Damas- cus; in 615, they occupied Jerusalem, whence they carried away the Holy Cross and the most famous relics of Christendom to Ctesiphon; in 617, they occu- pied Egypt, and advanced into Asia as far as Chalce- don. Meanwhile, the Avars appeared before Constan- tinople (619); the Lombards gained ground in Italy, and the Empire finally lost its possessions in Spain. Disheartened by all these disasters, Heraclius thought for a moment of leaving Constantinople and transporting the seat of authority to Africa. One man revived his courage by his indomitable energy—the Patriarch Sergius, whose influence was very great in the whole policy of the reign. Impulsive and _high- strung, capable of great enthusiasms, as well as liable to sudden fits of depression, filled with an ardent re- ligious faith, and burning to avenge Christianity for the outrages of the Persians; a courageous soldier too, an excellent administrator, and a great general, Heraclius reasserted himself. The Patriarch placed at his disposal the treasures of the Church; he himself, with untiring diligence, reorganized the army. In 622 he was ready for the struggle. For six years, not allow- ing himself to be turned aside by anything, not even by the formidable attack which the united Persians and Avars launched against Constantinople (626), he ely a]Sere Ee ieee! 2 Le eee eed | 4 ate vera” - ad fh an nat ol 5 ) . aT] PI 0 Bi u rt) A ] BYZANTINE EMPIRE fought the armies of the Great King, carrying the war into the enemies’ territory—into Azerbaijan (623) and into Persian Armenia (625); victorious at Nineveh (627), victorious at the gates of Ctesiphon (628), and entering into legendary history as the first of the Cru- saders. The death of Khusrau II (628), and the revo- lution that followed, finally forced upon the Persians a humiliating peace, by which they restored all their conquests, and especially the Holy Cross, which He- raclius carried back in triumph to Jerusalem (629). After these great military successes, Heraclius en- deavored, by his religious policy, to restore moral unity to the Empire and win back the Monophysites of Syria and Egypt; he strove, in concert with the Patriarch Sergius and Cyrus of Alexandria, to find a formula of conciliation which should bring dissenters back into the orthodox fold. From this sprang the Monothelite doctrine, which the Emperor defined in his exposition of faith known as the Ecthesis (638), and of which he devoted himself to obtaining the ac- ceptance both by the Monophysites and by the Ro- man Church. The Empire, thanks to these efforts, seemed to be rehabilitated: its prestige in the East was restored; its influence, by virtue of the conversion of the Croats and the Serbs, again made itself felt to the northwest of the Balkan Peninsula. But these brilliant seemings only partly concealed actual exhaustion. The condi- tion of the finances was deplorable; the separatist ten- dencies, which had so materially aided the success of the Persians, were not exorcised. Within a few years the Arab invasion was to destroy all the results of the 42;DYNASTY OF HERACLIUS victories of Heraclius, at the same time that his relig- 10us policy was cultivating the germ of long-con tinued dissensions and grave conflicts. Il. THE ARAB PERIL THE beginning of the seventh century was marked by a momentous event—the birth of Islam. In twenty years, through its extraordinary expansion, the new religion conquered the greater part of the Eastern world, and made its way, at the expense of Persia and Byzantium, from the banks of the Oxus to the shores of the Syrtis Major. In 634, the armies of the Caliph Omar attacked Syria. The Byzantine troops were beaten at Ajnadain (634); Damascus fell into the hands of the Mussul- mans (635); the disaster of Yermuk (636) determined Heraclius to bid an eternal farewell to Syria. The tribes, too, being hostile to the Greeks, made haste to go over to the victor. Jerusalem capitulated in 637; Antioch in 638. Then came the turn of Mesopotamia (629), of Egypt, which Amru conquered in two years (640-642), without encountering any great resistance; and Heraclius, aged and ill, died in despair. Under his successor, Constans II (642-668), the Arabs continued their progress. Cyrenaica and Tripoli fell into their hands (642-643); in 647, they invaded Northern Africa for the first time. They ravaged Asia Minor (651), and subjugated Armenia (653). Finally, having built a fleet, they threatened the preponder- ance which Byzantium had held hitherto in the east- ern waters. They conquered Cyprus (649), pillaged E434ne ree he eee ort Ltt eee ae Lotete anne. Th tese cytes Meh ek be ae ee le pet - r Deke’ 8 ee ene ed tr Ria cee Ed | ein a coe ht nents he ied a i Tt H ‘ re a 4 in * a) eta = Sorereeete BYZANTINE EMPIRE Rhodes (654), and in 655, on the coast of Lycia, they inflicted a memorable defeat upon the Greek fleet commanded by the Emperor in person. Constanti- nople itself was in danger, and Constans I, deeming the Orient lost, went westward to pass the last years of his life (663-668). This furthered the designs of the Ommiad caliphs, who had reigned at Damascus since 660. From that time on, an Arab invasion ravaged Asia Minor every year. In 668 the Mussulmans penetrated as far as Chalcedon. At the same time, they assumed the often- sive in the West, established themselves in Northern Africa, where they founded Kairwan (669), and threatened Sicily. Finally, in 673, they made a su- preme effort: they attacked Constantinople. But the new Emperor, Constantine IV (668-685), was an energetic prince. Fruitlessly the Arabs assailed the Byzantine capital by land and sea for five whole years (673-678): they did not succeed in taking it. The Grecian fleet, to which the recent discovery of Greek fire gave an incontestable superiority, forced the Mussulman squadrons to retreat, and inflicted a ter- rible defeat upon them in the bay of Syllzeum. On land, the armies of the Caliph were beaten in Asia. Moaviyah had to resign himself to sign a treaty (678). This was the first check for Islam. Constantine IV might well be proud of his work. The prestige of the Empire was so far restored that all its adversaries of the monarchy bent the knee before it; and, says the chronicler Theophanus, profound tranquillity reigned in Kast and West. 7445 alDYNASTY OF HERACLIUS III. THE RELIGIOUS POLICY AND THE WEST Ar the same time the Emperor restored peace in the Church. The religious policy of Heraclius had had serious consequences. Monothelism had aroused keen disaffection in Africa and Italy, which had found vent in the uprisings of the exarchs of Carthage (646) and of Ravenna (650) against the imperial authority, in the growing discontent of the Italian peoples, and in the ardent opposition of the Roman pontifts. ‘To no purpose had Constans IT endeavored to pacify men’s minds by promulgating the edict called the Type (648); in vain had he caused Pope Martin I (653) to be arrested and condemned; in vain had he gone 1n person to the West. Rome had been obliged to sub- mit; but by favor of these events the Lombards had made new conquests. Constantine IV realized that a different policy was imperative. The loss of Egypt and Syria made it use- less thenceforth to seek an agreement with the Mo- nophysites. In restoring religious tranquillity by an understanding with Rome, the Emperor hoped at one and the same time to bind what was left of Italy more closely to the Empire, and to obtain leisure to devote himself entirely to the political and military affairs of the monarchy. Consequently the Gicumenical Coun- cil of Constantinople (680-681) had the task of re- storing religious unity; and, in full accord with the Papacy, it condemned the Monothelite heresy, and reestablished the orthodox faith. These were important results. When Constantine IV died in 685, the Empire seemed to have emerged ease al=Ftad a } 4 F Pf . A i ¥ 4 iA } iy Bi f i ‘ i ‘ Ay es he ee needa te ee ge ON ee BYZANTINE EMPIRE from the crisis in which it had been very near going to pieces. To be sure, it had emerged terribly curtailed; to be sure, its economic prosperity was seriously 1m- paired by the loss of Egypt, whose grain was one of the chief resources of the Empire, of Syria, whose flourishing industries were one source of its wealth, and of those harbors— Alexandria, Gaza, Antioch, and Beirut—which were the centres of prodigious commercial activity. To be sure, another black cloud was rising above the horizon: since 679, the Bulga- rians, having crossed the Danube, had settled between that river and the Balkans. But, on the whole, the monarchy had resisted the furious assaults of Islam; the defense of its territory had been ensured by great administrative reforms; and the Empire, more com- pact, more homogeneous, freed from the danger of Oriental separatism and from the dead weight of the West (it was to lose Africa in 698, as it had lost Spain and half of Italy), seemed a solidly established organ- ism, capable of surviving in the new and wholly Ori- ental form that it had assumed in the course of the seventh century. IV. THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE EMPIRE IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY AA SUBSTANTIAL transformation had, in truth, taken place. First of all, an ethnographic transformation. In the devastated and depopulated Balkan Peninsula, new tribes had established themselves, little by little. In the northwest, Heraclius had been obliged to toler- ate the settlement of the Croats and Serbs, on condi- 405DYNASTY OF HERACLIUS tion that they should be converted to Christianity, and should become vassals of the Empire. The Slavs had found their way into other districts. There were Slavic cantonments in Mcesia and Macedonia, and up to the gates of Thessalonica, which the barbarians had attacked at different times, but had failed to capture. There were Slavs in Thessaly, in Central Greece as far as the Peloponnesus, and in the islands of the Ar- chipelago; and, if it is an exaggeration to believe, as Fallmerayer maintains, that there was a complete slavization of those regions, the fact remains that many foreign elements had come in, to mingle with the Hellenic peoples, and that these invaders caused much trouble to the emperors of the seventh century, who succeeded only with difficulty in subduing and assimilating them. In the northeastern part of the peninsula, the Bulgarians had, later, settled in a body; and as they came in contact with the Slavic tribes liv- ing in the country, they had gradually become s/av- zed, and had founded a strong state. No doubt, seri- ous dangers to the Empire resulted from all this; but there was also an advantage in this blending of races: the Empire was rejuvenated by this infusion of new blood. About the same time a change in government of great importance had taken effect. In the reign of Justinian, the system of government set up by Rome In certain provinces had been modified by the union of civil and military powers in the same hands. After Justinian, this practice became general, the better to ensure the defense of the frontiers. It was with this end in view that Maurice, at the end of the sixth cen- fe 47)a as ®e a a! g)! r a} if i ty i ‘ ae ee eee Co eee EE te eel BL nat BYZANTINE EMPIRE tury, created the Exarchate of Africa for protection against the Berbers, and that of Ravenna against the Lombards. In the seventh century, similar measures were taken in the East against the Arab and Bulga- rian perils. The successors of Heraclius set up gov- ernments called themes—so called from a word which originally meant an army corps, and was very soon applied to the territory occupied by the corps. In these districts, supreme authority was entrusted to a military chief, the strategis, under whom the ctvil ad- ministration continued, but in a subordinate position. Thus arose in Asia the themes of Armenia, Anatolia, and the Opsikion, and in Europe, that of Thrace. The maritime districts and islands were organized in the same way; they formed the maritime theme. At the end of the seventh century, instead of being divided into eparchis, as in the Roman period, the Empire com- prised seven or eight themes, of considerable size. Car- ried to completion and made general by the emperors of the eighth century, the government by themes was destined to endure as long as the Empire, and it marks the evolution toward a military form of govern- ment which is the characteristic feature of all medi- eeval states. But, above all, in the seventh century the Empire became Hellenized. In the reign of Heraclius, in 627, there appeared for the first time in the imperial proc- lamation, in place of the ancient Roman nomencla- ture, the Greek appelation, ““Basileus faithful in God” (muaros ev Be@ Bacidrev’s), which thenceforth was the style used by all the Byzantine emperors. At the same time, Greek became the official language. Justinian, [ 48 ]DYNASTY OF HERACLIUS in his day, although he still regarded Latin as the “national language” of the Empire, had condescended to promulgate most of his Novel/e in the “‘vernacular, which is Greek,” to make them more intelligible. In the seventh century, all the imperial decrees and all the edicts of the government were drawn up in Greek. In the administration, the old Latin titles disappeared, or were Hellenized, and new ones took their place— logothetes, eparchs, strategoi, drongaires. In the army, where Asiatics and Armenians predominated, Greek became the language of command. And, although the Byzantine Empire continued, until its last day, to call itself the “Empire of the Romans,” Latin was scarcely understood there, and the word “Powpato. meant Greeks. Finally, in place of the refined and slightly artificial language used by the writers of the fifth and sixth centuries, in which they continued the tradition of classical literature, vulgar Greek made its appear- ance, and became the spoken language of most of the peoples of the monarchy. While the Empire was becoming Hellenized, the re- ligious imprint with which it had always been stamped became more profound, because of the larger place that the Church filled in public life and in society. Religious questions held a position of essential impor- tance in the State; the wars of Heraclius were so many crusades, and the emperors were passionately inter- ested 1n theological problems. From that time, ortho- doxy and nationality meant the same thing at Byzan- tum. Moreover, the Patriarch of Constantinople, who had now become the sole head of the Byzantine Church since the Arabs had conquered the patriar- fe 49Oe a ee he Re ee BR, Ee rer Ee oa Pols _ << 5 3 z | 4) rN = ei a 0 A ‘ i Hf ' " BYZANTINE EMPIRE chates of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, took on the aspect of a very great personage, whose influ- ence in the government was often omnipotent. No less significant facts are the development of monasticism, the great number and wealth of the con- vents, the influence which the monks exercised by their direction of men’s consciences and the venera- tion which attached to their persons and to the sacred images which their monasteries possessed. Indeed, Paganism had disappeared since the end of the sixth century, and with it the spirit of antiquity; from the beginning of the seventh century Byzantine literature assumed a form that was almost entirely religious and popular; intellectually and artistically, this period was one of the least productive that Byzantium ever knew. But, with all this, Greek, which was always the lan- guage of the Church in the East, completed its con- quest of the Empire; and as the ambition of the patri- archs of Constantinople offended the susceptibilities of the Romans, the religious policy of the emperors, who antagonized and outraged the popes, and the in- creasing misunderstanding and hostility between the East and the West, paved the way for the rupture be- tween those two hierarchies, and helped to drive the Byzantine Empire back toward the East. Thenceforth the monarchy had two powerful supports, which were to ensure its existence, and to give it its distinctive character for centuries to come—Hellenism and the orthodox faith.DYNASTY OF HERACLIUS V. THE END OF THE DYNASTY OF HERACLIUS AND THE DECADENCE OF THE EMPIRE (685-717) A SINGLE vigorous hand would have sufficed to bring back prosperity to the Empire thus transformed. Un- fortunately, the imprudence and follies of Justinian II (685-695) endangered all the results obtained by his father. War broke out anew with the Bulgarians (689) and the Slavs; it broke out anew with the Arabs, and ended in disaster (692). On the other hand, the re- ligious policy brought on a rupture with Rome, and led to insurrections in Italy. In 695, a revolution over- turned the dynasty of Heraclius and opened a period of twenty years of anarchy (695-717). Six emperors succeeded one another on the throne, following an equal number of coups-d’état; and by favor of these commotions Byzantine Africa fell definitively into the hands of the Mussulmans (693-698). In the East, despite the efforts and temporary successes of ‘Tibe- rius III (698-705), the Arabs ravaged Asia Minor; invaded Armenia, which had revolted against Byzan- tium (703), and Cilicia (711); captured Amasia (712), and Antioch in Pisidia (713); devastated Galatia (714); besieged Amorium (716), and took Pergamum. Meanwhile, in Europe the Bulgarians, whose Khan, Terbel, had restored Justinian II to the throne 1n 705, invaded the Empire (708), and even appeared before Constantinople (712). The monarchy had its back to the wall. The situation at home was scarcely better. A dan- gerous intellectual and moral debasement was mani- fest in the society of this period. During the civil wars a5}a eae eee ee eet Le ee Set ater eres eet ar eee a eee eae a na Sane eee teh fe oe em ~ sae de tke Catan Sh ok ete AY ere aes Se ws SF eae tL eee teers nd eee Sea Sart ernst ee Bete Spree USS te Py LT RT, BYZANTINE EMPIRE a wave of savagery, of cruelty and treachery pene- trated everywhere; incessant revolts, rampant am- bitions, insurrections breaking out on all sides, in Italy as well as in the Chersonese, testify to a growing lack of faith and loyalty. Superstition made formid- able progress: worship of relics, belief in the miracu- lous virtues of the sacred images, in the marvelous and the supernatural,—witness the rdle ascribed to the Virgin at the siege of Constantinople in 626, or the intervention attributed to St. Demetrius in the de- fense of Thessalonica,— the tendency to fatalism, had sovereign sway over men’s minds in those days; and all that we know of the morals of ecclesiastics as well as of the laity bears witness to an extraordinary de- moralization. The influence that the monks exercised and the agitation that they kept alive were another source of disorder. And because of all this, many peo- ple were profoundly perturbed and scandalized, and justly so. The Empire was awaiting, was loudly demanding, a savior and a leader. He appeared in the person of Leo the Isaurian. When, in 717, the strategos of Ana- tolia, in concert with the strategos of Armenia, rose against the Emperor whom the troops of the Opsikion had proclaimed, and marched to Constantinople, everybody— the Senate and the people, the Patriarch and the soldiers—pronounced themselves in his favor. The Isaurian dynasty, which ascended to the throne with him, was to reéstablish order and security in the Empire, and gloriously to rehabilitate it.CHAP LEK 1V T he Lsaurian Emperors and the Iconoclastic Controversy, 717-867 I. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE EMPIRE UNDER THE FIRST TWO ISAURIAN EMPERORS (717-775) HE new Emperor, Leo III (717-740), was a re- markable man. Being an excellent general, he had tried, not without success, to defend Asia against the Mussulmans; being a shrewd diplomat and good organizer, he had all the qualities of a statesman. His son, Constantine V (740-775), whom he early asso- ciated with himself in power, in order to ensure the duration of the dynasty, was an able ruler, notwith- standing the accusations and slanders which his ene- mies heaped upon him, and notwithstanding the nick- names, copronymus (an obscene epithet) and cabalh- nos (ostler), with which they delighted to revile him. He was intelligent, energetic, a great warrior and a great organizer; and although he was even more dicta- torial, violent, harsh, and choleric than his father, it is none the less true that the first two Isaurians were very great emperors, whose glorious memory long re- mained dear to the army and the people of Byzan- tium, and to whom even their adversaries could not i. 53;Pe eae teint | tL) pelea Cee en helen A ol tee See ieee LL a oh ee Poe ert ea | ede ee ees | f 4 F }. | j iT] en Cl trea haw eee rp rtae toe BYZANTINE EMPIRE refuse to do justice. The fathers at the Council of Niczea, while criticizing severely the religious policy of Leo III and Constantine V, praised their bravery, the victories they won, the wise measures they took for the well-being of their subjects, the constitutions they promulgated, their civil institutions—in fact, everything that had earned for them the gratitude of the people. And, in very truth, the first two Isaurians were the glorious artificers of the reorganization of the Empire. The Foreign Policy —A few months after the acces- sion of Leo III, the Arabs appeared before Constanti- nople and attacked it by land and sea; even the win- ter, which was very severe, did not interrupt the oper- ations. But the Mussulman fleets were defeated in several battles; the land army, exhausted by famine, underwent a serious disaster. After a year of useless efforts (from August, 717, to August, 718), the Arabs raised the siege. For Leo III, it was a glorious begin- ning of his reign; for Islam, a great catastrophe; and an event of very different significance from the vic- tory won fifteen years later (732) by Charles Martel, on the plains of Poitiers. The onrush of the Arabs was definitively arrested, and the pious Byzantines might justly be proud to see that God and the Virgin were still loyally protecting the Christian City and Empire. Nevertheless, despite this disaster, the Arabs were still to be feared. After several years of respite, they resumed the offensive, and almost every year Asia Minor suffered from their invasions. But the defeat that the two emperors inflicted upon them at Akroi- E54ISAURIAN EMPERORS non (739) taught them a severe lesson. Constantine V took advantage of it to assume the offensive in Syria (745), to reconquer Cyprus (746), and to carry the war to the Euphrates and into Armenia (751). Also, the internal conflicts that convulsed the Arab Empire —the accession to power of the Abbassides (750), who transferred the capital of the Caliphs from near-by Damascus to distant Bagdad—were singu- larly favorable to the successes of the Byzantines. ‘Throughout the reign of Constantine V, the war went favorably for the Greeks; and after him, his son, Leo IV, was able to invade Syria in 778, with an army of 100,000 men, and in 779 triumphantly to drive the Mussulmans out of Asia Minor. The Arab peril, so portentous in the seventh century, ceased to be a menace to the Empire. Constantine V endeavored, at the same time, to avert the Bulgarian peril. In 755 he took the offen- sive, and in nine successive campaigns inflicted such sanguinary defeats upon the barbarians, at Marcelle (759) and Anchialus (762), that in 764, panic-stricken, they did not even attempt further resistance, and con- sented to make peace. The war that began again in 772, and lasted to the end of the reign, was no less successful; and even if Constantine V did not succeed in destroying the Bulgarian state, he did, at least, re- store the prestige of the Byzantine arms in the Balkan Peninsula. In addition, he suppressed the uprisings of the Slavs in Thrace and Macedonia (758), and, fol- lowing the example of Justinian II, he settled some of their tribes in Asia Minor, in the theme of Opsikion (762). E 5G:btate as BYZANTINE EMPIRE Internal Reform—While they were imposing re- spect for the Empire upon its enemies, the two Isau- rian emperors applied themselves to strengthening it at home. It was a tremendous work of reorganization —administrative, economic, and social. In order to ensure the defense of the frontiers, Leo III and his son began by coordinating the government of the themes, cutting up the huge administrative dis- tricts of the seventh century into a number of circum- scriptions of smaller size and easier to defend; they derived therefrom the political advantage of dimin- ishing the power which the possession of too vast territories gave to the strategoi, and of lessening the danger from the revolts which resulted from it. While the Military Code restored discipline in the army, a careful and often severe financial administration in- creased the resources of the treasury. The Rural Code aimed to restrain the disquieting development of the great domains, to arrest the disappearance of the small free estates, and to ensure to the peasants better living conditions. The Nautical Code encouraged the development of the merchant marine. But, above all, the great legislative reform which was marked by the publication of the civil code called the Ecloga (739) improved the administration of justice, and intro- duced into the law, together with greater clearness, a wholly new and more Christian spirit of humanity and equality. After a half-century of rule, the first two Isaurians had made the Empire rich and prosper- ous, despite the plague which ravaged it in 747, and despite the agitation caused by the iconoclastic con- troversy : i 50.4ISAURIAN EMPERORS II. THE ICONOCLASTIC CONTROVERSY (726~780) In order to complete their reconstructive work, Leo III and Constantine V attempted a great religious re- form. They proscribed the holy images, persecuted the monks who constituted themselves their protectors, and from the serious conflict which they started, called the Iconoclastic Controversy, they have come to be known in history under the name of Iconoclasts. The religious policy of the Isaurian emperors has often been misinterpreted, and its purpose and scope have been but imperfectly understood. The reasons that influenced them were at once religious and polit- ical. Many pious souls, at the beginning of the eighth century, were shocked by the excesses of superstition, particularly by the importance attributed to the wor- ship of images, by the miracles which were expected of them, and by the manner in which they were in- volved in all human actions and concerns; and many good people were justly disturbed by the discredit which these practices brought upon religion. In Asia, especially, the hostile feeling against the images was strong; and Leo III, who was of Asiatic origin, shared in this feeling. Neither he nor his son was, as has some- times been thought, a free-thinker, or rationalist, or precursor of the Reformation or the Revolution: they were men of their own time—pious, believers, even theologians, sincerely desirous of reforming religion and of purifying it of what seemed to them to be idolatry. But they were statesmen, also, intent upon increas- ing the grandeur and tranquillity of the Empire. Now i $74Ee et ie C8 oe = ee ee TE me Ley a Pi 4 3) i i a ee end ae oe ee eet 2 Ube Pe mnyry Tes appr et te o<—- ee ee eee howe s TEL eatin) Adler a ee bree tacs BYZANTINE EMPIRE the greater number of monasteries, the constant growth of monastic wealth, were the source of grave dangers to the State. The immunity enjoyed by the possessions of the Church diminished the resources of the treasury. The multitude of men who entered the cloisters took laborers from the farms, soldiers from the army, and officials from the public service. But, above all, the influence that the monks exercised over men’s minds, and the power that resulted therefrom, made them an element of dangerous unrest. It was this state of affairs which the Isaurian em- perors attempted to counteract: by proscribing the images, they aimed at the monks, who found in the images and in their cult the most powerful sanction for their acts. It is quite true, that, by the strife which they thus inaugurated, the Isaurian emperors started a long era of commotions; it is quite true that this struggle had very grave political consequences. We must not forget, however, if we would judge the icono- clastic sovereigns fairly, that in their undertaking they found numerous supporters among the higher clergy, who were jealous of the influence of the monks; in the army, which was composed mainly of Asiatics; and not only in official circles, but in a portion of the pop- ulace itself; and that the work which they undertook was not without cause or without great importance. In 726 Leo III promulgated the first edict against the images, by which, it would seem, he ordered, not that they should be destroyed, but that they should be hung higher up, so as to remove them from the adoration of the multitude. This act aroused extreme excitement; there were acts of violence in Constanti- RSSISAURIAN EMPERORS nople; a revolt—which was, however, quickly sup- pressed—1in Greece (727); a general uprising in Italy (727); and while Pope Gregory II confined himself to protesting vigorously against the Iconoclastic heresy, his successor, Gregory III, soon inaugurated a bolder policy, and, not content with anathematizing the ad- versaries of the images (731), he sought temporarily the aid of the Lombards against the Emperor. In Syria, John of Damascus thundered with like zeal against Leo III. Nevertheless, the edict seems to have been executed with great moderation; there was no systematic persecution of the defenders of the images; and although the Patriarch Germanus was deposed, and replaced by a partisan of reform (729); although measures were taken against the ecclesiastical schools, the insurrection in Greece, on the other hand, was re- pressed without violence. But the struggle was inevitably destined to become embittered. Questions of principle soon entered into a conflict wherein, in reality, the Emperor’s authority in matters of religion, and the desire of the Church to free itself from the guardianship of the State, were brought face to face. Furthermore, Constantine V, who was more of a theologian than his father, carried into the conflict his personal opinions, which were no longer hostile to the images alone, but to the adora- tion of the Virgin and the intercession of the saints; and, as he was also more vehement in his faith, he conducted the strife with a more fanatical ardor, and with a more systematic and rigorous bitterness. When, after ten glorious and prosperous years, he had made his throne secure, which had tottered mo- fe SO) aFe Re gs a ee 3 i t bY r] rl a F F " I nl earths hehe Se meen Shee ete ree hl, Reeth ee el eee ee ae ead ht Pa Fee PT PRE es yey Pt ee ptabe = PPA eed, Yeni eee tel ae - 5 are a te a ee a ah es bc rene Tee er an ht et a BYZANTINE EMPIRE mentarily before the revolt of Artavasdus (740-742), he convoked a council at Hieria (753), which solemnly condemned the images. Thenceforth, the prince was In a position to attack his adversaries, not only as rebels against the emperor, but as in revolt against God himself. Nevertheless, he flattered himself at first that he might be able to convince his adversaries by argument; so that the persecution did not really begin until 765. The images were destroyed, convents closed or secularized or transformed into barracks and inns; the property of the monasteries was confis- cated; the monks were arrested, imprisoned, mal- treated, and exiled; a few, like Saint Stephen the Younger, were condemned to death; others, in der1- sion, were exhibited in grotesque processions to the people assembled in the Hippodrome. Several high dignitaries of the Empire were executed or banished. The Patriarch Constantine, being first banished, suf- fered capital punishment (767). For five years the persecution raged throughout the Empire; not so terrible perhaps as the adversaries of the Emperor have represented,—death sentences seem, on the whole, to have been rare,— but, never- theless, extremely violent. It seemed, says a contem- porary, that the purpose of the government was to extirpate utterly the monastic order.”’ The monks re- sisted stubbornly; they suffered bravely “for justice and for truth.” But many yielded, and many fled, es- pecially to Italy, so that, as a contemporary,—with some exaggeration, no doubt,— observes, “Byzantium seemed to be left without any monastic order.” It 1s certain that the contest was the occasion of [ 60 ]ISAURIAN EMPERORS acts of indescribable violence and savagery and of nameless cruelties, and that it caused a tremendous excitement in the Empire. It had, moreover, very momentous consequences. Already Leo III, by at- tempting to put down the opposition of the Papacy by force, by detaching Calabria, Sicily, Crete, and western Illyricum (732) from obedience to Rome, and placing them under the rule of the Patriarch of Con- stantinople, had aggravated the discontent of the popes and the disaffection of Italy. When, in 751, the Exarchate of Ravenna succumbed under the blows of the Lombards, Pope Stephen II did not hesitate to detach himself from the Empire,—heretical as it was, and powerless to defend the peninsula,—and to seek with the Franks a protection less onerous and more effective; and he accepted from the victorious Pepin territories formerly belonging to Byzantium, which formed, thenceforth, the temporal domain of the Papacy (754). This meant a rupture between Rome and the Empire. Constantine V spared no pains to punish one in whom he could see only a treacherous and disloyal subject, illegitimately usurping that which belonged to his master. His efforts were fruitless. In 774, Charle- magne, intervening once more in the affairs of the peninsula, solemnly confirmed the donation of Pepin. Byzantium retained nothing in Italy except Venice and a few towns in the southern part of the peninsula. And although, because of this, the diminished Empire was thrown back still a little more toward the East, in this rupture were germinating the seeds of threaten- ing complications and grave perils in the future. EOL 2aa a ‘ ~ _ + - a - sh ener OG ee es be et ee ee ene eek eae rita. - ets - - —- oe Ay 4 ry ae FY , vt it 1 re 4 AVE ti i Ny ua 1 i; a Beli e.! ¢ : art ee BYZANTINE EMPIRE Ill. IRENE AND THE RESTORATION OF THE IMAGES (780-802) TuE religious policy of the first Isaurians had scat- tered abroad many germs of dissension, discontent, and ferment. These became manifest after the death of Constantine V. During his'short tenure of power, Leo IV (775-780) carried on the tradition of the preceding reign. But immediately after his death, his widow, Irene, regent for the young Constantine VI, deemed it more useful for her ambition to rely upon the orthodox, and to restore the worship of the images. In order to devote herself wholly to her great design, she neglected the war against the Mussulmans, who came back in 782 as far as Chrysopolis, opposite Constantinople; and she concluded a most humiliating peace with the Caliph, in 783. On the other hand, she made overtures to the Papacy, and established cordial relations with the Frankish kingdom; above all, at home she de- voted herself to removing from the government the adversaries of the images, and banished her brothers- in-law, the sons of Constantine V; and having thus cleared the path, with the assistance of the Patriarch Tarasius she caused the iconoclastic heresy to be sol- emnly condemned at the C&cumenical Council of Niceea (787), and restored the worship of the images, amid the applause of the faction of bigots, who saw in this trrumph assurance of the proximate complete 1n- dependence of the Church with respect to the State. Intoxicated by her victory, and encouraged by the popularity that her pious zeal won for her, Irene did G2) JISAURIAN EMPERORS not hesitate to enter into a contest with her son, who had reached his majority, and to dispute his claim to the throne. The first time, in face of the discontent of the army, which remained faithful to the memory of Constantine V and, too, was exasperated by the de- feats which the Arabs, Bulgars, and Lombards in- flicted upon the imperial troops, she had no choice but to go into retirement (790). But with persistent craft she paved the way for her return to power: in 797 she overthrew her son, and did not shrink from having his eyes put out. From that time she reigned as a verita- ble emperor (797-802), the first woman who had as yet ruled the Empire in her own name. But although, thanks to her, the Church, rehabili- tated by the struggle, regained its place in Byzantine society; although the monastic and bigoted party, led by men like Theodore of Studion, became more pow- erful and aggressive than ever, yet the too exclusive attention which Irene paid to the religious question entailed consequences disastrous for the Empire. De- spite the temporary successes gained by Constantine VI against the Arabs and Bulgarians (791-795), the Caliphate of Bagdad, under the government of Harun- al-Raschid, triumphantly renewed the offensive in the East, and compelled the Byzantines to pay him tribute (798). In the West, confronted by Charle- magne, the Greek government showed the same weak- ness; and the great event of the year 800, which re- stored the Roman Empire in the West for the behoof of the Frankish King, was a poignant humiliation for the Byzantine Court. Shorn of part of its domain abroad, the Empire was Ee tog 4; ie 4 F} I p Bh) t Le cr ia } ; Wi ¢ + SE ES eee te nee a ee meee BYZANTINE EMPIRE enfeebled at home by the too great partiality which the government showed the Church, by the deep- seated schisms which the Iconoclastic Controversy had left behind, and, lastly, by the bad example which Irene had set, in reopening the era of dynastic revo- lutions. True, the Iconoclastic epoch was marked by great intellectual and artistic progress. ‘Uhe Isaurian emperors were not puritanical: while proscribing the images, they loved ostentation and the worldly glam- our of court life; and for the better decoration of their buildings, they encouraged a profane art, inspired by ancient tradition as well as by Arab models; and by this means, as well as through the prominence of the Asiatics in the eighth century, the Empire had be- come completely orientalized. But, great as was the part which the Empire played as the champion of Christianity against Islam,as guard- 1an of civilization against barbarism, it was, at the end of the eighth century, threatened on all sides by formid- able perils, and it was very weak. The fall of Irene, who was overthrown by the coup-d’état of Nicephorus (802), opened the door to disaster and anarchy. IV. THE SECOND PERIOD OF THE ICONOCLASTIC CONTROVERSY (802-824) NicEpHoRus (802-811) was an intelligent prince, an able financier, desirous of repairing the impoverish- ment of the treasury, even if he were, to that end, compelled to seize Church property. He was moderate in his ideas, and repudiated the violence of the Icono- clasts; but none the less he planned to maintain their L 04 |ISAURIAN EMPERORS reforms; and, above all, he deemed inadmissible the aspirations of the Byzantine Church, which, intoxi- cated by its victory, aimed frankly at shaking off the authority of the State, and regaining its liberty. This is the characteristic aspect of the second phase of the Iconoclastic Controversy; there took place then in Byzantium something very like the Investiture Con- troversy in the West. The monks of the monastery of St. John of Studion, under the leadership of their abbot, Theodore, were the most embittered and the most obstinate in sup- porting the claims of the Church. With equal bitter- ness they combatted the wise opportunism of the Patriarch Nicephorus (806-815), who endeavored to efface the memories of the Iconoclastic struggle, the financial policy of the Emperor, and his authority in respect of religion. The government was obliged to take severe measures against them (809), to disperse and banish them. The monks did not hesitate to ap- peal to the Pope, being ready to acknowledge the pri- macy of the Roman Church, provided that they could, at that price, ensure the independence of the Eastern Church with respect to the State. This attitude in- evitably provoked an Iconoclastic reaction. This was the work of Leo V, the Armenian (813-820), and of the two emperors of the Phrygian dynasty, Michael IT (820-829) and Theophilus (829-842). Again, for thirty years, the Empire was in the throes of a most violent convulsion. In 815 a council assembled at Saint Sophia again proscribed the images and revived in full force the Iconoclastic decrees of 753. Consequently, the de- [O53a ayer ener pe Bet oe) ra a et le heel Ded nee ad ee al at et he came eee a te ee ee Fe Sette TA ek Dele et A ee ae eh enh ld or}? 4 et vy i rr] ¥\ ba 4 i LP J ‘ Pi A : ri es Ne ae 2 eae A ak came Lie BYZANTINE EMPIRE struction of the images recommenced; above all, by means of condemnation, persecution, and exile, they pitilessly suppressed the demonstrations and opposi- tion of the monks. Theodore of Studion died in exile (826); and the persecution was still more severe under the rule of the Emperor Theophilus, an ardent Icono- clast and bigoted theologian. A rigorous edict against the partisans of the images was promulgated in 832, and the Patriarch John, called Lekanomantis, under- took to execute it. Convents were closed, monks were persecuted and imprisoned, and terror reigned anew. But, after one hundred and twenty years of fight- ing, men became weary of this exhausting and futile strife. After the death of Theophilus, the regent Theo- dora, his widow, on the advice of her brother Bardas, decided to bring about peace by restoring the worship of the images. This was the work of the Council of 843, over which the new Patriarch Methodius pre- sided, and whose decisions were proclaimed in a sol- emn ceremony, which, to this day, the Greek Church commemorates on the nineteenth of February, in the annual festival of orthodoxy (Kuptakn 77s 6podo€ias). But, although the images were restored, although the Church was victorious in this respect, the work of the Iconoclastic emperors remained intact as to the essen- tial point. They had aimed to keep the Church indepen- dence on the State, to increase the imperial power over it; the Studites had fought bitterly against these pre- tensions;.they had obstinately denied to the emperor the right to decide concerning the dogmas of the faith, and had unyieldingly maintained theChurch’s indepen- dence of lay authority. On this point the Studites were [ 66 |ISAURIAN EMPERORS vanquished. The Iconoclastic controversy had the undeniable result of making the Church more sub- missive than ever to the authority of the emperor. V. THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE EMPIRE AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE MONARCHY (802-867) Waite the Empire was thus absorbed 1n these religious struggles, grave events disturbed its internal tranquil- lity, and endangered its security from without. The crime of Irene against her son, by removing the Isaurian dynasty from the throne, had reopened the era of revolutions. The coup d'état which placed N1- cephorus on the throne (802) was followed by the pronunciamento that elevated Leo V (813) and the conspiracy which, after assassinating Leo V, put in his place Michael II (820). In addition to the plots that succeeded, there was a long series of attempts that failed, of which the most formidable was the re- bellion of Thomas (822-824), who, seeking support among the lower classes, imparted to his uprising an almost socialistic aspect. For twenty years the coun- try was a prey to anarchy. Affairs were in scarcely better case externally. The treaty of 812, which recognized Charlemagne as Em- peror, confirmed the loss of Italy, where Byzantium retained only Venice and a few districts in the south- ern part of the peninsula. The war with the Arabs, which broke out again in 804, resulted in two grave disasters, the occupation of Crete by Mussulman cor- sairs from Spain (826),—who, from that base, rav- aged, almost with impunity, the eastern Mediterra- is O77os a~m Ps Pee levee TE Ve bt wa 4, FES TS 8 Oe eee TP PR eRe Pees Py Rites ort Oe State here eee ete 6 lati teeta? Ae ae te ep a ee Eee 5 4, a cen i=) nn —— —= 4 E 5 if or n Ad P a I 4 v) iH H i] Hi oi . 4 gE, M4 r 4 3) rs f ' ii] i} | a re it uA p a Py ie] F ; P J = : SE eee Lal Set. a eee ' T BYZANTINE EMPIRE nean,—and the conquest of Sicily (827) by the Arabs of Africa, who, in 831, captured Palermo. But the Bulgarian peril was most to be dreaded, since the re- doubtable Khan Kroumi had extended his empire from the Balkans to the Carpathians. Nicephorus en- deavored to hold him in check by invading Bulgaria; on his return thence, he perished in a sanguinary de- feat (811), and the Bulgarians, again victorious at Adrianople, made their way to the very walls of Con- stantinople (813). The victory of Leo V at Mesembria (817) saved the Empire. But, if we reflect that to all these diverse perils were added the insurrections of half-conquered peoples, like the Slavs of the Pelopon- nesus (807), we can understand that, after twenty years of anarchy, the work of the great Isaurian em- perors seemed to be utterly destroyed. Nevertheless, the Empire survived this crisis. The reign of Theophilus (819-842) repaired in part the disasters suffered in the East, thanks to the increasing weakness of the Caliphate of Bagdad; and even though, in truth, after the defeat at Dazimon (the present lokat), and the capture of Amorion (838), it was necessary to sue for peace to the Arabs, still, through the energy of her internal government, her wise financial administration, and the skill of her di- plomacy, Byzantium recovered her prestige and her prosperity. In the magnificence of its buildings, in the splendor of the Sacred Palace, in the preéminence of its civilization, Constantinople, toward the middle of the ninth century, rivaled the capital of the caliphs. And when, at last, the interminable Iconoclastic Con- troversy was brought to an end, she appeared even CoreISAURIAN EMPERORS more brilliant and powerful. On her emergence from the long period of convulsions, literature and art seemed to take on fresh vigor; and the University of Constantinople, reéstablished in the palace of Mag- naura by Cesar Bardas (about 850), became once more, under the direction of Leo of Thessalonica, the centre of a notable intellectual culture. At the same time, the Church, coming forth reju- venated from the struggle, placed its renewed activity at the service of the State. It restored religious unity, by combatting heresy, especially that of the Pauli- cians, which the government of Theodora persecuted severely in Asia Minor; and by achieving the conver- sion of the Slavs of the Peloponnesus (849); above all, by the work of its missions, it extended wonderfully the influence of Byzantium throughout the East. At the call of the Prince of Great Moravia, Cyril and Methodius, “‘the apostles of the Slavs,”’ carried Chris- tianity to the savage tribes that dwelt in Hungary and Bohemia (863). They did even more: for the benefit of the new converts they translated the Holy Scriptures into Slavic; for transcribing their work, they invented the Glagolitic alphabet, and thus gave to the Slavs both their alphabet and their literary language; they preach- ed in Slavic, they celebrated the offices in the Slavic tongueand witha Slavicliturgy; they strove to organize a Slavic clergy; and by these wise and tactful methods, they won over the Slavic peoples to the orthodox faith. For twenty years (863-885) the two brothers of Thess- alonica pursued their work of evangelization in Mor- avia. Andalthough it finally succumbed beforeGerman hostility and the Magyar invasion, elsewhere these [5 Oorti , i " cy i 3 5 HW Py ‘ el i) P| By ? } ic t) ce ey z 1 fF by PI 4 ' ae t 4 - 4 BYZANTINE EMPIRE same methods procured for Byzantium more durable triumphs. Christianity made its way into the Jewish state of the Khazars, on the banks of the Don. Most important ofall, in 864, Boris, Tsar of Bulgaria, became a convert to the orthodox faith; and, although in the years following the neophyte wavered for a moment be- tween Byzantium and Rome; although he had entered into relations with Pope Nicholas I, to request from him the introduction of ritual into his realm (866), none the less Greek influence became thereafter deeply rooted in Bulgaria. These were great achievements. Undoubtedly the follies of Michael III (842-867), especially after the young prince escaped from the tutelage of his mother Theodora (856) and his uncle Bardas, endangered temporarily the results thus obtained. The piracies of the Arabs of Crete swept eastern waters bare; in Asia Minor, during twenty years (844-863), victories al- ternated with reverses. In the West, the Mussulmans completed the conquest of Sicily between 843 and 859. Finally, the Russians appeared before Constantinople in 860, for the first time; and, in the popular belief, it required nothing less than a miracle of the Virgin to save the capital. Another event of more serious significance marked the reign of Michael ITI. In place of Ignatius, deposed by Ceesar Bardas, Photius had become Patriarch of Constantinople (858). The Pope, Nicholas I, at the en- treaty of the deposed prelate, took cognizance of the affair and charged his legates to open an investiga- tion. The ambition of Photius was at no loss to exploit in marvelous measure the discontent with which for 72 ylISAURIAN EMPERORS centuries the Orient had regarded the pretensions of the pope, and the hostility that it cherished against the West: as against the claims of the Roman pri- macy, he shrewdly succeeded in making his personal cause a veritable national cause. To the excommuni- cation that Nicholas I hurled against him in 863, he responded by breaking with Rome. The Council of Constantinople (867) anathematized the Pope, de- nounced his illegal interference in the affairs of the Eastern Church, and consummated the schism. It was a striking proof of the existence of a national Byzantine sentiment, which showed itself about the same time, in no less unequivocal fashion, in the feel- ing caused by the encroaching policy of Rome in Bul- garia (866). Thus, toward the middle of the ninth century, there really existed a Byzantine nationality, which had slowly taken shape in the midst of passing events; the Empire, at the end of the Iconoclastic Controversy had recovered religious unity, political power, and intellectual eminence; above all, it had become a strictly Oriental Empire. ‘The moment was at hand when this Empire was to reach the apex of its great- ness. When Basil the Macedonian,! the favorite of Michael ITI, and associated with him on the throne, had rid himself of his rival Bardas (866), he next as- sassinated his benefactor (867), and thus raised a new dynasty to power. By this coup d'état he gave one hundred and fifty years of splendor, prosperity, and renown to the Byzantine Empire. 1 This is his usual designation; but we must note that the family of Basil was of Armenian origin, and had been very recently transplanted in Macedonia.GH Aw T Bak The Apogee of the Empire under the ope! Bee ipa = ot = fab eee HE Pe ree ts pee he ee o ii en Sa ches oie A hat Bt ae SS lel aks ae oe oe ml Macedonian Dynasty, 867-1081 I. THE SOVEREIGNS OF THE MACEDONIAN LINE AND THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE DYNASTY ee ee me em Be ROM 867 to_1025 the Byzantine Empire knew nearly one hundred and_sixty years of incompar- able splendor\For a century and a half, it had the good fortune to have at its head a succession of sovereigns nearly all of whom were remarkable men, Basil I, the founder of the dynasty (867-886), Romanus (I) Leca- penus (919-944), Nicephorus (II) Phocas (963-969), John (I) Tzimisces (969-979),—illustrious usurpers, who ruled under the name of legitimate princes,—and, lastly, Basil Il, who reigned for a whole half century (976-1025), were not such men as historians are only too ready to represent the Byzantine emperors to have been. ‘These were vigorous men, of stern mould, often unscrupulous and pitiless, strong-willed and imperi- ous, more intent upon inspiring fear than upon inspir- ing love; but they were statesmen, passionately pre- occupied with the grandeur of the Empire; illustrious warriors, whose lives were passed in camps, among soldiers, in whom they recognized and loved the i 72a ti Mf Hy ay F f H H ae Mu J y ] i E F, He + a eee Te ee eee ke ee “ a = —_ ee Ce te et oe ba Let Pett teMACEDONIAN DYNASTY source of imperial power. ‘They were skilful adminis- trators, of persistent and inflexible energy, who hesi- tated at nothing when the public welfare was in ques- tion. They had no liking for useless expenditure, they were intent solely upon increasing the national wealth; the glittering luxury of the palace, the empty pomp of processions and ceremonials interested them only in so far as these things furthered their policies, and up- held the prestige of the emperor and the empire. Jeal- ous of their authority, they had, generally speaking, no favorites; 1f we except such a powerful personality as the Grand Chamberlain Basil, illegitimate son of Romanus Lecapenus, who was through five reigns and for more than forty years (944-988) the soul of the government, their advisers were in most cases obscure men, whom they employed, and whose masters they always were. Enamoured of renown, and with their hearts filled with the highest ambitions, they aimed to make the Byzantine Empire the predominant pow- er in the Oriental world, champion at once of Hellen- ism and of the orthodox faith; and, by their glorious exploits of arms, by the supple shrewdness of their diplomacy, and by the vigor of their government, they realized their dream, and made of this period an epoch of veritable rebirth, one of the most resplendent moments in the long history of Byzantium. At the moment when Basil I ascended the throne, the situation of the monarchy was still peculiarly dif- ficult. It seemed that the whole state must be made over. The uncultivated peasant, whose crime had ele- vated him to the supreme power, had all the qualities necessary to accomplish this stupendous task: he was 73241Ps 1. a} ah a ie Lt i SER he ea, ye eat Fe See 2 ee weer «1s ERE TT aes Seer tt beeen tye teh ag be ae Ee et go Ta eet A dan ee imme fA eee ee Lote ental a rere ele tee nd ets een Oi en he te ieee, ORT res od Ce oe —— _— —— — = eed et ho ee een Riad tt HAT ae oy BYZANTINE EMPIRE intelligent; equally desirous of reéstablishing good order in the interior of the monarchy and of restoring its prestige abroad; an excellent administrator, a good soldier, ambitious, above all, to establish the imperial authority on a solid foundation. During his reign of twenty years he was able to place the affairs of the empire on a favorable footing, and at the same time, through the prestige of services rendered, to ensure the fortune of his family. His son, Leo VI (886-912), whose reign occupies an important place in the administrative history of the Empire, different as he was from his father by reason of his rough-and-ready character, his pedantic whims, and his weakness in dealing with his favorites, pur- sued with the same tenacity the consolidation of the dynasty. In order to ensure an heir to the throne, he did not shrink from scandalizing his contemporaries by his four marriages, or from entering into a conflict with the Church and its head, the Patriarch Nicholas. But, at this price, there came into being, for the first time in Byzantium, for the benefit of a reigning fam- ily, the idea of legitimation. It was the preéminent work of the first two Macedonian emperors, “to fur- nish,” so writes a contemporary, “robust roots to the imperial authority, in order that the superb branches of the dynasty may spring therefrom.” Thereafter it was more difficult to uproot the tree so firmly em- bedded in the soil; thereafter there was an imperial family, whose members received the name of Porphy- rogeniti; and there grew up a popular attachment, a loyal devotion to that family. In that monarchy, pre- viously kept in a turmoil by so many revolutions, raMACEDONIAN DYNASTY this was a fortunate novelty, pregnant with conse- quences. To be sure, even during this period there was no lack of revolutions. The commotions that marked the disturbed minority of Constantine VII, the son of Leo VI (912-959), enabled Romanus Lecapenus to usurp power for a quarter of a century (919-944). A little later, when Romanus II, son of Constantine VII, died after reigning four years (959-963), the weakness of the government during the minority of his sons, Basi] II and Constantine VIII, led to the uprising which bore Nicephorus Phocas into power (963-969), and to the tragic coup d’état which, by the assassination of Nicephorus, made John T'zimisces Emperor (969-976). But no one of these usurpers dared to exclude from the throne the legitimate descendants of Basil I. Ro- manus Lecapenus officially shared the power with Constantine VII, although in reality he relegated him to the obscure leisure of his studious activity as a scholar. Nicephorus Phocas and John ‘Tzimisces al- lowed the children of Romanus II to reign nominally, and endeavored, by espousing princesses of the 1m- perial family, to give an air of legitimacy to their usurpation. And after them the power devolved again naturally upon the representative, now past his minority, of the Macedonian family—the great Emperor, Basil II. The dynasty was so firmly estab- lished that in this Oriental monarchy even women could reign—the nieces of Basil II, Zoé (1028-1050), who shared the throne with her three successve hus- bands, and Theodora (1054-1056); and these prin- cesses were popular,— witness the revolution of 1042, evs calee eee ee eT eo eer Sea na tae a ee eae dae Sed eee ee ee er Se ree ee se ee hy a e CI oe ar if re yi ! t i 4 H 4 4 "| ft i : 4 7 Bitar = ae lees bi 1 ol ceeeennren Sh Lear 8 hd beri he halen BYZANTINE EMPIRE when Michael V was deposed for attempting to de- throne Zoé, and the disaffection that Constantine Monomachus encountered when he was suspected of wishing to set aside the two’empresses. Nothing of the kind had ever before been known in Byzantium, and public opinion declared openly that “he who finally reigns in Constantinople 1s always victorious’ —which made usurpation not only a crime, but, even worse, a blunder. As it happened, however, that the usurpers also were eminent men and notable generals, the Empire was able to endure without mishap the political in- capacity of a Constantine VII, the dissipation of Romanus II, and the long minority of his sons, and to maintain, during a century and a half, in the con- duct of its affairs, a unity of aims and a firm guidance of which Byzantium had had no experience for many years. Furthermore, by favor of the assistance of collabo- rators of high merit,—generals like the Kurkuas, the Phocases, and the Scleruses, and ministers like the Grand Chamberlain Basil,—the emperors of the Macedonian dynasty were able to bestow upon the monarchy a vast increase of territory and an incom- parable splendor. The offensive resumed on all fron- tiers, and crowned with brilliant successes; diplomacy complementing the military operations and gathering around the monarchy an escort of vassals; the Byzan- tine influence spreading throughout the whole eastern world, and far into the west; a strong government, distinguished by great legislative achievements; a cen- tralized administration, skilful and judicious, which, 7hMACEDONIAN DYNASTY by the common stamp of Hellenism, and by the com- mon profession of the orthodox faith, was able to en- sure to the Empire that unity which the diversity of races seemed to deny it—these things were what Byzantium owed to the hundred and fifty years dur- ing which the Macedonian emperors held sway. And even if they were not able, notwithstanding their efforts, to avert the formidable perils that men- aced this prosperity; to solve the agrarian and social problem, which was distressingly acute; to checkmate the feudal aristocracy, always quick to revolt; to pre- vent the ambitious heads of the Eastern Church from inciting to schism, and, by separating Byzantium from Rome forever, impairing the solidity of the Em- pire; even if the dying Macedonian dynasty left an Empire powerless to oppose the Normans and the Turks, and opened the door to a long period of anar- chy (1057-1081)—nevertheless, for a century and a half, the dynasty founded by Basil I conferred extra- ordinary glory upon Byzantium. In the tenth and eleventh centuries, Constantinople was the most bril- liant centre of European civilization, and, as someone has said, “the Paris of the Middle Ages.” II]. THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE MACEDONIAN EMPERORS (867-1025) The War Against the Arabs——Since the Arabs had conquered Crete, in 826, they had become the scourge of the waters about Byzantium. Candia, the capital of the island, was the lair of Mussulman pirates, and from thence, as well as from Tarsus or from Tripoli in Syria, Arab corsairs ravaged the whole Aigean Sea. BeyeBYZANTINE EMPIRE Despite the efforts of Basil I to reorganize the army and the fleet, the enemy squadrons dominated the Archipelago. In 904, Thessalonica was taken by Leo of Tripoli, and almost its whole population was led away into captivity. Despite a few successes of the Byzantine navy in 907, and later in 924, in the waters about Lemnos, the expeditions against Crete resulted only in disaster (g11 and 949). It was found necessary to send against the island “‘accursed of God” the best general of the Empire, Nicephorus Phocas (960). He succeeded in landing in Crete, and after a siege of several months, he carried Candia by assault (March, 961). The conquered island was converted to Chris- tianity. The mastery of the eastern waters reverted to the Byzantines. At the same time, a happy turn of affairs permitted the resumption of the offensive in Asia Minor. Basil I had already extended the boundaries of the Empire to the upper Euphrates, had recaptured Samosata (873), and had made victorious campaigns in Cappadocia and Cilicia (878-879). The confusion in the Mussul- man world in the tenth century facilitated still more the victories of the Byzantines, especially when, after 927, the Empire was delivered from the Bulgarian peril. ‘The war was actively pressed under illustrious generals—John Kurkuas, who commanded in Asia Minor for twenty-two years (920-942), and deserved to be called “another Trajan, another Belisarius;” then under Bardas Phocas and his sons, Nicephorus, Leo, and Constantine. In 928, Theodosiopolis, the present Erzerum, was taken; in 934, Melitene; in 944, Edessa, whence they bore away in triumph the mirac- i 78MACEDONIAN DYNASTY ulous image of Christ which was preserved there; in 949, Germanikia; in 957, Amida; in 958, Samosata. The Byzantine frontier was advanced from the Halys to the Euphrates and Tigris, and a series of newly or- ganized provinces (the “hemes of Sebaste, Mesopo- tamia, Seleucia, and Lycandos) attested the impor- tance of the Byzantine conquests. Armenia and Iberia shook off the yoke of Islam, and entered the Byzantine sphere of influence. Throughout the tenth century the Armenians were destined to play an 1m- portant part in the affairs of the monarchy, and to supply it with soldiers, generals, administrators, dip- lomats, and even emperors: Romanus Lecapenus and John Tzimisces were both of Armenian origin. A genuine crusading movement impelled the By- zantines against the infidels. In Cilicia and in north- ern Syria Nicephorus Phocas crushed the power of the Hamdanid emirs of Aleppo. He captured Anazarbus, Adana, Mopsuestia (964), Tarsus (965), Laodicea, Hieropolis, Emesa, Aleppo, and, finally, Antioch (968). His successor, John Tzimisces, conquered Edessa and Nisibis in Mesopotamia (974), Damascus and Beirut in Syria (976), and in Palestine approached the gates of Jerusalem. “And the people,” says a chronicler, “feared the wrath of Tzimisces, and the sword of the Christians mowed down the infidels as with a scythe.” Basil II completed this reconquest of the Orient. In 995 he took Aleppo, Homs, and Schaizar. Magnifi- cent triumphs celebrated the downfall of the Mussul- man power; the Empire extended its boundaries in the east, and was powerfully defended against every fresh aggression by a chain of strong fortresses. ‘The E79) Alee aes sesh, “ike ne cial ted del teed nae eee 2 aint” te Semen 22 ee Rete 0) oo eee od hk aie Pe Ree" 4 Leen lahat bitline h! ~~ EEL a i ‘ PL iT Pr i i; an } At! 7} ( | 4 E i ri St eta s rt Ecard cele be a ee Cee ne hi BYZANTINE EMPIRE annexation, perhaps not altogether wise, of the Ar- menian principalities by Basil I] (1020), and the sub- mission of Iberia completed these glorious conquests. Since the time of Justinian, the authority of the Em- pire had never stretched so far toward the East. The War Against the Bulgarians —Even more than the Arab war, the Bulgarian war is of capital impor- tance in the external history of Byzantium in the tenth century. At the beginning of that century the Bulgarian menace was more formidable than ever. Territorially, the Bulgarian state extended from the regions north of the Danube to the Balkan Peninsula, and to the west it reached as far as the peaks of the Pindus. Morally, by the fusion, now complete, of the Bul- garian and Slav elements, Bulgaria formed a homo- geneous state, where the monarchical power was strongly developed; where conversion to Christianity assured unity of faith; where, through contact with Byzantium, the country had risen to quite a high de- gree of civilization. And all this tempted the Bulga- rian sovereigns to dispute with the Byzantine em- perors the hegemony of the Balkans. To realize these ambitious dreams, it was enough that one man should come to the front: this man was the son of Boris, the Tsar Symeon (893-927). Edu- cated at Byzantium, where he had been held as a hostage, and deeply enamoured of the magnificence and the civilization of the Byzantines, he dreamed of conquering Constantinople, and of placing on his own head the crown of Constantine’s successors. For more ie SonaMACEDONIAN DYNASTY than a century a genuine race-war was waged between Greeks and Bulgarians. The war began in 889, and, strange to say, the Causes were economic in their nature. When Leo VI ordered the warehouses of the Bulgarian merchants in Constantinople to be removed to Thessalonica, Sym- eon declared war. An invasion of the Hungarians, sub- sidized by the Byzantines, finally forced the Bulgarian King to retreat (893). But after the death of Leo VI, the disturbances that marked the minority of Con- stantine VII gave him an opportunity to return. In 913 he appeared before Constantinople; in 914 he took Adrianople; 1n 917 he crushed the imperial armies in the battle of Anchialus. Intoxicated by success, Symeon proclaimed him- self “T’sar of the Bulgarians and Emperor of the Ro- mans.’ He installed an independent Bulgarian patri- archate in his capital of Preslav; it only remained for him to take Constantinople. He attempted it in 924. But to take the Byzantine capital, it was necessary to attack it both by land and by sea, and Symeon had no navy. It appears, also, that in the interview that he had with Romanus Lecapenus, like Attila before St. Leo, he submitted to the influence of all the pres- tige and civilization of that ancient imperial majesty. He retreated, he abandoned the golden dream he had cherished. And although, in his own kingdom, espe- cially in Preslav the Great, his capital, Symeon had fostered an intellectual and artistic culture which has earned for him the name of the Charlemagne of Bul- garia, the check at Constantinople marked the down- fall of Bulgarian ambition. When Symeon died (927), coh 1 t H a rf 5 i t i i A f i } ie A 4 ;Rip a a TT PO Le we 1h OE OS pee “Te Te te ee ag ee ee pal Be ceed kde Pa tet ae a 1S a eet pee em Se ee ee Lae eS ea Oe : : 4 ; ir f 4} be rue t v oF : 4 BYZANTINE EMPIRE the decadence had already begun. It continued at in- creased speed in the long reign of his son Peter (927- 968). During those forty years Bulgaria became more and more a satellite of the Empire; and while Byzan- tium grew stronger, her ancient rival grew weaker day by day. In face of the waning royal power, feudalism again raised its head; religious unity was endangered by the heresy of the Bogomiles; the Bulgarian na- tionality was disintegrating. The Byzantines’ hour of revenge was at hand. It struck in 967. Nicephorus Phocas refused the tribute which the Empire had always paid to the Bul- garians, and, with the aid of the Russians under Sviatoslaff, the Grand Prince of Kiev, he attacked Bulgaria. But Sviatoslaff found the conquered land greatly to his taste; he settled there, and refused to leave (968). The death of the Tsar Peter and the assassination of Nicephorus (969) increased the diffi- culties of the situation. When John Tzimisces ascended the throne, the Russian invasion was threatening the Empire itself: Sviatoslaff crossed the Balkans, sacked Philtppopolis (970), and spread panic as far as the capital. Luckily, the Russians were beaten at Arcadi- opolis, the present Lulé-Bourgas (970), and the Em- peror had time to organize a great expedition against them (971). While the Byzantine fleet sailed up the Danube, Tzimisces crossed the Balkans, took Preslav, besieged Sviatoslaff in Dorostol (Silistria), and ob- liged him to submit and to evacuate the country. Bul- garla was annexed to the Empire, and the autono- mous patriarchate was suppressed; victorious Hel- ozMACEDONIAN DYNASTY lenism carried the boundaries of the Empire to the banks of the Danube. Nevertheless, in the Bulgaria of the Pindus, about Prespa and Ochrida, the national element, under the leadership of Count Sischman and his sons, resisted obstinately. Under cover of the commotions that dis- turbed the early days of the reign of Basil II, one of Sischman’s sons, the Tsar Samuel (from between 977 and 979 to 1014) reconstituted Bulgaria. In ten years, from 977 to 986, he liberated Danubian Bulgaria, conquered Macedonia and Thessaly, even forced his way into the Peloponnesus. It required thirty years of war (986-1018) for the Greeks to overthrow this re- doubtable empire, which extended from the Danube to the Adriatic. This was substantially the work of the Emperor Basil II, whose unrelenting energy and cruel victories won for him the terrible nickname of Bulgaroctonos — the slayer of Bulgarians. In 986 Basil II took the offensive and penetrated into Bulgaria; but he was badly beaten at the pass of the Trajan Gate in the Balkans. Ten years passed before the Emperor was able to resume the struggle, and during those ten years Samuel continued to add to the extent of his kingdom, from the Danube to the Adriatic and to the Aigean Sea. But in 996 the T’sar was defeated on the banks of the Sperchtus, and Greece was lost to him; he failed before Thessalonica, and a part of Danubian Bulgaria fell into the hands of the imperial troops (1000). But Western Bulgaria was impregnable. In root, Basil II undertook to sub- due it. One after another, he conquered the adjacent Race— — a ~- — — ee eae PURE Rem he ra ee — ee ene doe Eee dae tad hadi eed hil hae — Pa 1g aes — : oe % s lee Bia iene knee ae AN pe dh a gh a a a oT) £.! a if in H TP i F ' } a lh ee it Eas eee Leal cee oe ak BYZANTINE EMPIRE territories— Berrhoea, Servia, Vodena. Surrounded in the mountains, Samuel extricated himself and sacked Adrianople (1003). But the Emperor pursued him un- relentingly, and drew the net closer, taking Skopi, conquering lower and middle Macedonia (1007), and carrying on the war with savage brutality. Samuel avoided pitched battles; finally, however, his troops were crushed at the pass of Kimbalongou, on the road from Seres to Melnik (July 29, 1014). The Tsar did not survive this defeat: he died a few days later (Sep- tember 15, 1014). This was the end of Bulgaria. To be sure, the successors of the great Bulgarian Tsar, while quarrelling over his throne, continued the war for a further period of four years. But in 1018 the country was wholly pacified and the Emperor, in a trrumphal tour, set about reconstructing it. He did this with wisdom and tact, respecting the customs and governmental methods of the vanquished, trying to win over the great feudal aristocracy, and preserving the ancient religious organization, which had at its head the autocephalous Archbishop of Ochrida. Thus, after many years, Byzantium again became mistress of the whole Balkan Peninsula; and in the journey that he made through Greece, as far as Athens, as well as in the triumph which he celebrated with great pomp at Constantinople (1019), Basil II could fairly boast of having restored the Empire to a height of power it had not known for centuries. The Recovery of Southern Italy and the Byzantine Policy in the West.—While the princes of the Mace- ore alMACEDONIAN DYNASTY donian line were gloriously pushing forward the fron- tiers of the Empire in the East, in the West they re- sumed the ambitious traditions of Byzantine state- craft. The Byzantines had never renounced their claim of dominion over Italy. Memories of Rome, the ancient capital of the Roman sphere, and of Ravenna, the ancient capital of the exarchate, haunted their dreams incessantly. The weakness of the last Carolin- gian emperors, the anarchy in southern Italy, divided between the Lombard princes, and the increasing menace of the Mussulman offensive, gave Basil II the desired excuse for intervention in the peninsula and for attempting to realize his ambitions. The Emperor had taken upon himself the task of reviving the prestige of Byzantium throughout the Mediterranean, of driving the Mussulman corsairs from the Adriatic and from the Tyrrhenian Sea, and of fighting the Saracens of Africa and Sicily. From the time of his accession, then, he pursued a vigorous pol- icy in the West. It is true that he did not succeed in recovering Sicily, where Syracuse fell into the hands of the infidels, in 878. But he restored order in the Adriatic, renewed the Byzantine alliance with Venice, and brought the Croats back into vassalage to Greece. Above all, he reoccupied Bari (876) and Tarentum (860), reconquered Calabria (885), and imposed a Byzantine protectorate upon the Lombard princes. Two new themes, those of Longobardia and Calabria, were formed in southern Italy. It was a notable com- pensation for the loss of Sicily. The weakness of Leo VI endangered momentarily BoyBYZANTINE EMPIRE these fortunate results. Having achieved the conquest of Sicily by the capture of ‘Taormina (902), the Arabs were able to invade Calabria, and even to establish themselves in Campania. The victory of Garigliano (915) assured anew Byzantine supremacy in Italy, and, during a whole century, despite the persistence of Saracen invasions and the rivalry of the German emperors, the Greeks maintained their authority throughout the southern half of Italy. There, too, the glorious reign of Basil II brought to consummation the ambitions of the Macedonian dynasty. The victory of Cannes (1018), won by the imperial troops over the rebellious tribes of Apulia, restored Byzantine prestige, from Reggio and Bari up to the gates of the Papal States. And under the imperial government, skilful in spreading the influence of Hel- lenism, southern Italy, thanks above all to its Greek clergy and Greek convents, became a veritable Gre- cia Magna—a remarkable proof of the power of ex- pansion, and of the force of the civilization that assim- ilates, which constituted the greatness of the Byzan- tine Empire in the tenth and eleventh centuries. But the entry on the scene of the German Em- perors, about the middle of the tenth century, ham- pered to some extent the Byzantine policy. When Otto went down into Italy, when he assumed the title of Emperor, Greek pride endured with impatience what seemed to it a usurpation. It was even worse when Otto extended his suzerain ty over the Lombard princes, vassals of Byzantium; when he invaded Gre- clan territory and attacked Bari (968). Nicephorus Phocas retaliated vigorously. But his death modified EcoMACEDONIAN DYNASTY the Byzantine policy: an agreement supervened, which was confirmed by the marriage of Otto II and Theophano (972). Nevertheless, the good understand- ing lasted only a short time; German ambitions could not be reconciled with the Byzantine demands. But the German emperors had little success: Otto I in- vaded Calabria, and was defeated at Stilo (987); Henry II resisted in vain the Apulian revolt, and failed in his attacks on Greek Italy (1022). At the death of Basil II, Byzantium was all-powerful in Italy, as well as in Asia and Bulgaria. Diplomacy: the vassals of the Empire——Thanks to its great military successes, the Greek Empire, in the tenth century, extended from the Danube to Syria, and from the shores of Italy to the plains of Armenia. But clever diplomacy was destined to extend its sphere of influence far beyond these limits. All about the Em- pire was grouped a succession of vassal states, which formed a first line of defense beyond the frontier, and, above all, spread proudly through the world the political influence and the civilization of Byzantium. In Italy, Venice, wholly Greek in origin and in cus- toms, was the most faithful and the most docile of the vassals of the Empire. The emperors had, therefore, entrusted to her the task of policing the Adriatic; and from the end of the tenth century (992) they had granted her those ample commercial privileges which paved the way for her future greatness. In southern Italy the republics of Naples, Gaeta, and Amalfi re- volved in the orbit of Byzantium; lastly, the Lombard princes of Salerno, Capua, and Beneventum, although [ez 4BYZANTINE EMPIRE of less assured fidelity, accepted, generally the Greek protectorate. In the northwest of the Balkan Penin- sula and along the whole shore of the Adriatic, the Slavic states of Croatia and Serbia, brought back by Basil I to Christianity and the authority of Byzan- tium, were useful allies of the Empire, particularly against the Bulgarians. In the East, on the shore of the Black Sea, Cherson, a vassal rather than a subject state, was a valuable post of observation and means of political and economic action against the barbarian tribes — Khazars, Petchenegs, and Russians — which inhabited the neighboring steppes. In the Caucasus, the princes of the Alani, the Abasges, and Albania, took pride in bearing the titles and receiving the sub- sidies of Byzantium. And, finally, the states of Ar- menia, wrested in the tenth century from Arab influ- ence, furnished the Empire with generals and soldiers by the thousand. The Bagratid King of Armenia, too, as well as the princes of Vasparokan, Taron, and Iberia, were faithful adherents and retainers of the Empire, pending the time when their domains should be annexed, one after another, by Basil II. Ae ee a ee TE A Le 9 FR et ee Lad Me eetgte tte --e~ ae STS p eee Ti tenement ld Cee eee tt ale hte teenie ded een _ rH a Ee §,/ it A P Ht ' Keligious Policy: The Conversion of Russia —But outside of these regions brought under the Greek pro- tectorate, the civilizing influence of Byzantium ex- tended still farther. As always, the missionaries sec- onded the work of the diplomats. Of this fact, the conversion of the Russians to Christianity offers a striking proof. Since the middle of the ninth century Byzantium ecSSelMACEDONIAN DYNASTY had had relations with Russia. Several times after the ageressive enterprise of 860, adventurers from Kiev had threatened Constantinople with their attacks (907 and 941); on the other hand, the emperors freely recruited soldiers from among these fearless fighters, and Russian merchants traded in the Byzantine mar- ket. The visit of the Tsarina Olga to Byzantium (957), and her conversion to Christianity, made these rela- tions even closer. But the conversion of Vladimir, Great Prince of Kiev, at the end of the tenth century, was the most decisive event of all. In 988, in order to subdue the feudal uprisings, Basil I] obtained from the Prince of Sn -itntmenenes™ ee Kiev a force of six thousand mercenaries; in exchange, — Vladimir requested the hand of a Byzantine princess; and, the better to stimulate the wavering will of the imperial court, he seized Cherson. Basil II acceded to the demands of the barbarian prince, but persuaded | him to receive baptism. Vladimir was baptized at Cherson (989), then imposed Christianity upon his people at Kiev. And Russia, thenceforth a Christian nation, formed herself on the model of Byzantine civ- ‘lization; she borrowed from Byzantium, together with the orthodox faith, her art, her literature, ‘and her manners. After Vladimir, his son Yaroslaff (1015— 1054) continued and consummated the work, and — made of Kiev, his capital, the rival of Constantinople, and one of the most beautiful cities in the Orient. Vladimir was the Clovis of Russia; Yaroslaff was her Charlemagne. But both owed to Byzantium all the elements of their greatness. eco)—s 1 es ee eee ee Se Dae A eee Ed em Se a EL eee omits! Sete heel eed Dll FA Fate P3yts Pty TET a es x —— yon he 14 nearer 1 Re line cee a oe A ee | 4 _ . " 4 ae a rf Fe Sadi Cite aE nT teen kd tee Tee BYZANTINE EMPIRE Ill. INTERNAL GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIRE, AND BYZANTINE CIVILIZATION IN THE TENTH CENTURY So it was that, in the tenth century, the Byzantine Empire was truly the universal empire, whose influ- ence and ambition extended over nearly the whole of the civilized world. Its internal organization, as it ap- pears at that time, afforded an equally solid foundation for its power and its prestige. The Government of the Empire—The Greek em- peror — the Basz/eus, as he was officially styled— was, in truth, a very great personage. Heir of the Roman Ceesars, he, like them, was at once the supreme head of the army and the living voice of the law. Through his relations with the Oriental monarchies, he became the all-powerful master (despot, autocrator), the em- peror par excellence, the rival and successor of the Great King. Christianity had given him additional sanctity and prestige. The elect of God, set apart by the consecration of a divine investiture, vicar and representative of God on earth, he partook, in some sort, of his divinity. In the ceremonial of the Court; in the complications of its etiquette, magnificent, and at the same time a bit puerile, whose rites Constantine Porphyrogenitus amused himself by codifying in the "Book of Ceremonies”; in all the manifestations of that policy of ostentation and magnificence by which Byzantium had always boasted of astonishing and dazzling the barbarians, the emperor appeared as a superhuman being. And so, whatever touched his per- son was declared to be “‘sacred,” and art encircled his oor 4MACEDONIAN DYNASTY head with the halo, as it did those of the divine per- sons and the saints. Sovereign by divine right, absolute and despotic, the emperor held in his own hands all authority; and it is easy to see how much the Empire gained by this unity of direction, when it was a strong hand that held the reins; and it often was. In the Byzantine con- stitution there was no balance to this supreme power. The Senate was no more than a council of state, com- posed of docile high functionaries; the people was only a plebeian multitude, often turbulent and factious, which had to be fed and amused. The Church, not- withstanding the high position she held in the Byzan- tine social hierarchy, notwithstanding the danger due to her wealth and ambition, was more submissive than ever to the State after the close of the Iconoclas- tic Controversy. The army alone was a power which had often made itself manifest by military uprisings and revolutions. Without wholly averting the peril from this quarter, the progress of the idea of legiti- macy rendered it less frequent and less dangerous to the dynasty. Byzantine Government and its Achievement.— This despotic government, no less absolute and infallible in the spiritual than in the temporal domain, was served by a trained administrative hierarchy, strongly cen-__ tralized and under admirable discipline. In the capital, surrounding the prince, the ministers, who were the heads of the chief departments, directed the State from above, and transmitted throughout the mon-_ archy the will of the master. Innumerable bureaus EourBYZANTINE EMPIRE worked under their orders, where the details of public affairs were studied, and decisions were prepared. As Rome did in the old days, Byzantium governed the world by the strong organization of its-bureaucracy. In the provinces, where the system of themes had be- come the sole base of the administrative organization (there were thirty themes in the middle of the tenth century, eighteen in Asia and twelve in Europe), all authority was concentrated in the hands of an all- powerful personage, the strategos, appointed directly by the emperor, and responsible directly to him. Thus, from the top to the bottom of the administrative ladder, the whole personnel, being well recruited, well trained, wholly devoted to its task and encouraged to give good service by the advancement vouchsafed by the prince in the shrewdly devised system of offices and dignities, acquitted itself with far-sighted zeal of the double rdle assigned to it by the emperor. The first task of the administration was to supply the government with money—a difficult task; for in Byzantium the receipts of the treasury and the in- numerable outlays caused by the imperial policies and magnificence never balanced; the grandiose projects and the insufficient resources were always out of pro- portion to each other. The other task of the imperial government was, perhaps, still more difficult. The Byzantine monarchy had neither unity of race nor unity of language. It was, as someone has said, “an artificial creation, gov- erning twenty different nationalities, and binding them together with this formula: one master, one faith.” It was the admirable achievement of the gov- fh 0204MACEDONIAN DYNASTY ernment to give to this state with no nationality the necessary cohesion and unity, by the common 1m- print of Hellenism and by the common profession of the orthodox faith. Greek was the language of the government, of the Church, and-ofsociety.It assumed in the cosmopolitan Empire the false aspect, as it were, of a national language. By its skill in propagat- ing Greek culture, by the deft art which it brought to bear in managing and assimilating the conquered peo- ples, the imperial administration placed a common stamp upon the discordant elements that formed the monarchy; and there 1s no stronger testimony to the Empire’s vitality and power of expansion. By the propagation of the orthodox faith, by the shrewd way in which it used the Church to effect a moral conquest of the countries subdued by force, the government succeeded in bringing together and fusing the diverse races ruled by the Basz/eus. It was, in very truth, the stout armor that upheld the monarchy and made of it a strong and homogeneous body. Legislation —The emperors of the Macedonian line strove to strengthen this cohesion even more by a great legislative undertaking: they restored the an- cient body of law created by Justinian, adapting it to the new conditions of social life. Basil I took the 1n- itiative in this great enterprise, by collecting in the Prochiros Nomos (879), the most important portions of the Corpus Furis Civilis, and by having prepared, under the title of Epanagoge (886), a manual of cus- tomary law. His son, Leo VI, completed the work by having published, under the title of Basilica (887- E o3 JBY ZAN TINE- EMPIRE (7 oS niet. ue and summary Of juridical works promuigated durin i the reign of Justinian. The successors of the first two 1 . : ; . > . . : : , + ‘ 1 *? . +g ‘ + + ‘ ~ | ( nus, Was ¢ mSUMMAtcea DY rhe; Ae unda ION, in I JOS, 4 | ' 1 . ‘ : 1 1 . 1 ot the law school of Constantinople, destined to be a +} ‘ he Torecmle “Th nursery for both yur nd public ofhcials. [hus was « ~ ‘ ] an t } Hy ape | al ' ee & tne unity OF the ATIPITS piace upon a hrm foun- . - gal tr} Military Orcanization. The power and prestige of | I aes Jan ; os av - en seem aned bas ; eaoerea AT rne Le) pire were Turtne augmented DV an excellent . . ‘4 . ‘ fn . . erry ‘ irnyniir i ' rrain } m < wenrincec re ‘Tir "1 ‘7 army, ACili LcaWUiy i < we A I LIN j AAS LAC ica princi- ‘ 1 | o 5 ’ 7 7 ¥ | ~ ' + 7 pit 5, all Vi il J ] Cai and pa r1OTIC ] c mre nmr Tr e+ ; ‘ . r m fr 17 } er ft} 17 ‘ : “ ' RCA he \ > cri - » R an eleventh-century writer, tne giory or the Ko- % j 7 ' , , mans. [: LY Luecse tr PS, whom tney re Oarded aS the } , ; ° = 7 1 most Valuable servitors of the m mnarchy, the oreat _ sMiteR eT Amnarne el i Peas ] oi Bo Mmiuitary emperors of the Maced nian dynasty had a ! ! j | mot ~ + } , ‘ - ~ Py ++ ‘ * ‘ tarry iF d CONStTANC a | WaCChiu ude: they aererminec j ' j 4 j . hn “1 that they nouid be assured every privuepe and all sa ° ¥ 1 t 1 4 17 ] iT > ; i1Aars 1 m * ; ohm , ; a ai j H+ POSSIDIC COMSICCTa Tis nat lands should be ALOUCTCU + 4 } 1 . } ° , ae ® oO tnem and their ners: and tnat they should recelve the homage due to the defenders of the Empire and of Christendom. And the wonderful epic of the wars ; : S oacded ens Ors ona tbs: I . ml ; arel ‘ In Asia, the unt oO ruthiessness of the struggie with BN ad at Wee . - a eee the Bulgarians, showed what could be expected from those incomparable troops, inured to the profession of arms, and capable of sustaining suffering, fatigue, ~ _ i ..y ¢ , 7 ¥ *?) tod : peti *?} a ' ry . & «4 i wy i } CAIUI Vs ‘ *? r gor YY : caf . * F yy i ‘ . : \ | } iL ; ' . j ; » «s ‘. " »} ii ! ry! ’ , } r ry ' ‘ ; ' : / Lick é ” 1* i\A . a4 ' f ' ee has vy €A ry 17 Ai Lee "a an ey ray ' |) Ty) » 4 , si Ty 17 p ” >» *4 ' ‘ posea u i 1 | ry Was bil + i ati cll 1 ‘ mv it . \ : ry o> 1 r ; iw Y i wy ‘ A a ll ‘> 1 * ‘* t * } e * } ' , y hrs a ‘ . ‘ - ¥ , 9° ; ,% : : i ’ » |} t ’ . ’ ’ ’ ;> . § ‘ i? ’ . ‘ ‘ ~ * ; ‘ * , + | ; + ry ; ’ ’ i vy ¢ : ‘ , ‘ TAT ‘i fF i ¥ } i ’ + ’ 1 ; » i¢* . ‘ ‘ ry} , DONIAN — ‘ ' . . ’ " t. . ‘ : I | | ‘ : " ; ‘ i . F ; ; . ’ - ; ¥ i ‘ ; .* ’ ‘ ry . . : eae ‘ . ; : 1 } > it} } \ s \ ticki e088 r~ DYNAST) - » r ‘ ' ‘ ‘ , ++ , ‘ » | : ; ' + . — ‘ s , * . i , , ' : . ‘ ‘ > ' - 4 . sy yy , ' ' ’ ; a tT} } int rr) . it itBYZANTINE EMPIRE of its merchants, the power of its navy, and the cen- tres of exchange offered by its ports and its great markets, Byzantium monopolized the wealth of the whole world. Because of her position between the Kast and the West, at the outlet of all the routes of world-commerce, Constantin ple was the great ware- house where all nations gathered, where all the prod- ucts of the universe were exchanged. It has been esti- mated that, in the capital alone, the receipts from traders royalties and from customs brought into the treasury annually 7,300,000 sous in gold— equivalent > than §oo, . to-day. Distinction in Arts and Letters —This devel pment of industrial and commercial life was acc mpanied by | es oe - Lit : of intellectual life. In the re- at } ‘ - ic ; : . + ine on =) : habilitated University of Cons antinople, eminent 1° teachers, under the solicitous patronage of the sov- ereign, taught philosophy, rhetoric, and the sciences; 3 | sot 7 and around their chairs students crowded, coming \ from all points of the Byzantine and Arabian Orient. On emerging from the Iconoclastic Controversy, at the touch of rediscovered antiquity, a new birth took place in all the domains of thought, and the emperors themselves did not disdain to become authors. On the initiative of Constantine (VII) Porphyrogen- itus, the tenth century made an inventory of the riches which the past had bequeathed to it. It was the age of encyclopeedias of history, of law, of adminis- tration, of grammar, of science, of hagi graphy. Upon ~— ‘1920 LC. OoMACEDONIAN DYNASTY re ! salen | ¢ ‘rt . . y ’ ma er, ; ” 4 »* ' * i} i} ie iL OL, aAC aA I ’ ’ ‘ ‘ * ; yy eT : r rye \ia ; mIoOT ry . ; \} ‘ S| has ‘ . i t * 1 »1* mK art Pry j : «} re 4 ’ 'y mm? j ir e} mimrry pel ‘ ‘7% i ii ‘ ‘ ‘ ’ it oe * rt + } >} ** < ‘7 ' . , tart y ‘ a i _ “1 i ' i = t a I . . aa > «i | i I ‘ ‘ ‘ ) suk y , rs ~~. o-~ ry, “*eoe »? go> a | ’ i > ‘ ‘ } ; ' . i + i ’ til .’ : . ae ’ . ‘ ‘ s% ; ‘ ‘ ¢ ¥ rt . : ry + ee ; i im ae et ’ . y ‘ ' 1 ‘ ti 4 |? » ’ mrt — . ‘ ‘ . ‘ i \ ‘ . . i “A } \ , \ ‘ ‘ i . } ‘ ‘ crerho yy , hy rs = ; som ¢ , rary ’ Phy , { \ i : =? j ery gat ’ ‘ \ ’ , ' : 7 rT. 7 ' ~ : ’ * 4 -? > * 5 ’ ‘ > 7 ‘ “4 i « .* } ihe ‘ as : , I \ s*% ‘ ‘ . . . ; » } c) 4 . - sy ,* . : ’ * . rrts ’ . 4 ~\ : “A . , 7! . : ’ ‘ ¥ } } ° 4% ’ r, FT ' sk * | ’ rf y \F ? ma FY , ' nue eC of the revivilica a and p 7% , : ‘ ’ ,7 4 ry ty , ry ' ‘ ‘Be ga ¥ . 4 eT ' y ¢ ' »\ Leal itt) l I | : ‘ enmnr my ‘ : ry .* , . ryt r-} -* e — t Rf ad ‘ : } . ti} bh okt eh ‘ ’ : + : } } | 5 } | \ . ry Tt", ‘Ff f ry rs ' ‘ 5 »?} . : ,¥ WilLICTI bit | I it . 7 Lt i Li i “A j | 1 1) APNEA fIMNN wirTp ti rr mre trae ertliram? Larrtina COL Tiel TLIC "| 7 ii rif ’ e i ’ ‘ A } ‘ * jBYZANTINE EMPIRE Side by side with the religious art there appears a profane art, for the behoof of the emperor and gran- SN ; em ee ~ lees. deriving its inspiration from classical history ) — i i 5 ; and mythology, and finding expression in genre sub- jects and in historical paintings and portraits. In the 7 . , : cs a - ee decoration of the churches, as in that of the palaces, | | ek ; rnere 1s manifest a ronaness for ostentation and amaz- ; a ad : ing magnincence. VI SAICS LIKE thi se 1n the convent of | To : } ? rne master- . f Byzantine art: or th »of St. Sonhia at Kiev pie eC OF DVZa CP alt. OF EROUSC Ul st » OOpiila aU INICV, which attest the immense influence that this art ex- oie a shout the Fast: wonderful manuscript erced ii] wnouw Lille ast: wWonderrmll Manusc | tS, liuminated ror the emperors, line the ¢ ITeyvOry Nazian- Icons representing St. Michael, preserved in the treas- urv of St. Marks: the ivories, too, and the rich fabrics 7 } . ) a } ' ‘ me : : » : ‘ » Ort r¢ Sumce to snow what n asterpleces Byzantine art Was capable of creating at that time. It created something even more remarkabl the skilful disposition of the decorations, which made paintings a means of in- - of the Church: and that new raphy so varied and so rich, which corresponds to the renaissance of the ninth century. And by all these means. Byzantine art exerted its influence po- in Bulgaria as in Russia, + * — a ~~ (7 in Armenia as in Southern Italy. ‘ . } 4 2 | ] “72 r } he Constantinople was the resplendent source of thrs marvelous harvest, the queen of refinement, the capt- [ 9° J> vy , ’ ‘ : } : ? i ‘ | 7 her : a , i * J 7 7y £8 Gr i MACEDONIAN DYNASTY 1 | } ] ; & | , ; 4 , { " + ¥ | r trie vy ‘ ) | \ ‘ A : it ‘ : y 1 ‘ + + ’ (+ i i ‘ i . } ‘ +: i ¥ , : . ™= ¢ ~~ ry . 1) , } . es * ; i ; . ; e 4 . * ? \ : ’ a . — . | y ee : " “ i ‘ ‘ ‘ ; ; } ’ , ‘ y ‘ , — — ’ - # - ~F ‘ ‘ ‘ y , ‘ . . ' * ‘ ; , . . : , } ‘ ; ’ ey ‘ es % ; : ° ‘ ‘ . ‘ ¥ 4 , , ‘ . ‘ y ‘ : 9 i b . : , ‘ . . » : . ’ } . y ; ‘ ’ . ‘ ‘ . ‘ ’ : ; L 1 .*y . ’ ‘ ' : ' : * ’ . 8 , ‘ as ’ * . ~ f+ . ; ' . ; ‘ ‘ : ; | ‘ 4 4 : | * , ; ’ ' * ; , ) ’ sh _ ; ‘ \ i+ ~*~ 1 : ‘ \¥ | : i . 4 ” ’ + ’ . , : ‘ 4 ‘ } ¥ 4 ,* ’ ' ® : . “ + ; i ’ - * \] : ’ 7 | | a7 © ‘ I , i | : > : ; ’ ' y- ¢ ‘ ‘ . : i * | ’ . ¢ , ; ' + i ‘ . i i . I ‘ ‘ ‘ ’ 1% . j > . ‘ ' } i ' as i - ;BYZANTINE EMPIRE IV. CAUSES OF THE EMPIRE S WEAKNESS OTHER more imminent perils threatened the continu- ance of this prosperit The Social Question and Feudal Revolts —At the end of the ninth century, and throughout the tenth, a for- midable social questi n perturbed the Byzantine Em- pire. Iwo classes were face to face the poor (1 TEVNTES) id the powerful dSuvarot : and through the 1 Inces- int encroachments of the latter upon the property and liberty of the former, little by little a preat feudal aristocracy had grown up within the Empire, - espe- cially in the Asiatic provinces,— possessed of vast do- mains, dependents, and v assals, whose influence was still further augmented by the high administrative offices which it held, and by the military commands which placed the army in its hands. Ri ich, powerful, popular, this nobility was a political as well asa social menace to the government. The emperors realized this, and fought with all their might against these undisciplined barons, who flattered themselves that they could impose their will on the Basil/eus, and who, at all events, by the 1m- munities they claimed, d ee shed the resources of the treasury, and by usurp! ng the military fiefs al- lotted to the soldiers, dried | up one of the most fruitful sources of recruitment of the army. Basil I, in this as in everything else, inaugurated the policy of the dynasty, and endeavored to limit the en- croachments of the ankle . His successors carried on his work. A series of decrees promulgated by Romanus [ 100 7MACEDONIAN DYNASTY 1 j ' . ~ by Romanus I], and by N: ephoru Phocas, had for , ee 7s F , , theirobject toensure protection ¢t mali holdings, and . , me , 7. ‘ . ,*% to prevent the feudal noble from swallowing the 7 ' POSSESSIOI r the poor. a nstant renewal oO! , , , these measures prov that the danger was constantly increasing. [he events of the second half of the tenth century were t W th n striking fashion Soon after t nation of Nicenho! Ph ‘ ‘ i ‘ ‘ i a i ‘ ii “ ‘ ‘y y ; ' ») ‘ ++ ‘ ls bh ¢ . » . —" - IpPpre . ‘ *? . ‘ ‘ 2 ‘ ‘ At’ oh » % ¥ a A & 7 : r! cyry ‘ 1 sryle may raat my ‘ J : , F ' rr ’ s* '% ’ sat . * . : : , . it é _ i < ' ry f tr egers ¢ ’ \ ‘ j ; "y ge ‘ Bas ! [| (j a % i { TONG i > , ; mr ri S uy r, » + ’ ‘ Appr ari c Ka Lal , - - ‘ . »% VA } ] } ‘ ‘ : ‘ ‘¥ +? : ‘ : ») -“"’ ' ' ‘ 9 ‘ : tne i€ad it, and, gatn 0 OU ail le Ls y" , 5 , t , tt ’ 1 : e} . ‘ » » » set } ’ . al C4 . ‘4 hil iat ally i ci . ; } yi iif ) i : ) i ° , + , rT ry f ‘ yr o64Y re ° . ' ry } ! ; ’ ‘¥ gain sometning a , ne ade fi elf. ina , ee . Stan yp © - ' " ’ , ae \ . - ) ; , . Pr ’ ‘ v ; The governm appealed another dal lord dm : ; »] , ee . . * eT * ‘ , ‘ } ror he p aga lal pretende! marca n Ls , 1 ; ) . io? + gat ‘ "7 ‘ a ; ‘ ’ . mart cit PCacctl ( i iif Lit ; WJ oA MN «fh il j i «A i hed tl 3 | - + . . « 1 . a * . t eal ici iit I Ll] ‘ 1} 13 . «A I ‘ v\ Tt \ rs Af { : ’ t : , Seemed fo threate! tne arist racy Phe asand ocie “er rus, the foes OFT Ve terday, be aire re nciued, TO Frise a | } avains Tne I] wero! {) Bit rCIMArAaAvDK VIVOT ' I > + x os ieee > Ba il | triumphed everywhere, | nocas, beaten al “ +‘ : . Chry SOpOHs, Opposite Constantinople, to which he ! Eh | Be } ; had aiready laid eye (Ge , Was Killed on the neid ofBYZANTINE EMPIRE Abydos (989); Sclerus was compelled to submit. But the E mperor never forgot these feudal insurrections, and in the decree of 996 he struck at the great usurp- ing barons w ith savage ferocity. It seemed that the crown had taken a decisive revenge upon the feudal rebels of Anatolia. But in fact, all these measures proved unavailing. The government endeavored in vain to restrain the devel: pment f great estates, to crush the barons with taxes, to lessen their influence over the army: nothing lished. The feudal aristocracy was des- tined to triun ph over the imper! al power; anc 1 in the weakness and anarchy which marked the second half 3 that of the Comneni, which ensured the salvation of the ; el ] cwecr oe anna — of the eleventh century, 1t Was a feudal famil ver hs monarcny. The Relisious Aristocracy.—Side by side with lay # ‘ yy ’ t ‘ MACEDONIAN ; a “mm i ' wy . ’ ¥ . ‘ ‘ | > y ® | i j 4 , ' > ; ’ i : . . ; , . + . > € . ’ , ° ¥ ; : + er ' ; + ; § * ’ +P ® r { ) ‘ I ¢ ¥ ’ . . i Ik ! I ‘ ; * ' ’ ‘ i Ty } iy ’ i \ ¥ ’ ‘ 1 ’ se , ry } i a4 . ‘ ik as DYNASTY . . : ‘ ’ . : . } ’ ; j ‘ 1 * ; . ; ' } ‘ t .¥ A.A ’ : | ris : : ’ ; ' ; .BYZANTINE. EMPIRE Basil I inaugurated a different religious policy; the Patriarch was dispossessed, and the Cécumenical Council, held at Constantinople in 869, renewed the union with Rome. Photius, however, was restored to his seat in 877; again, at the Council of 879, he broke with the Papacy; and even though he fell finally in 886, and the union was solemnly renewed in 893, the latent conflict still existed between the two churches, less, to be sure, on account of the secondary questions of dogma and discipline which separated them, than because of the obstinate refusal of the Greeks tO ac- cept the Roman primacy, and because of the ambi- tion of the patriarchs of Constantinople to be popes of the East. From the end of the tenth century the hostility was very bitter; in the middle of the eleventh century, the ambition of Michael Ceroularius was all that was needed to make the rupture complete. V. DECADENCE OF THE EMPIRE IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY (1025-I0061) NorwiTHsTANDING the real perils that threatened the Empire, its prestige and power might have been main- tained by vigorous rulers, carrying on the tradition of a wise and resolute scheme of government. Unluckily, there was a succession of reigns \f women, of common- place and neglectful sovereigns; and this condition of affairs was the starting-point of a new disaster. The deterioration began on the death of Basil II, under his brother, Constantine VIII (1025-1028), and progressed under the latter's daughters: first, Zoe, ~ and the three husbands— Romanus III (1028-1034), TeeMACEDONIAN DYNASTY ichael I\ | LA) M ' : ' . ] Bate rm ft mn TiT : ry Michael | 1024-1041), and Lo antine A.) iViono- | ] ‘ ¥ } | 7 | - ' TT ‘ ,ee } , reat } : Mmacius iVAe a +1 Witil whnon Si it Shia TCU che ' ‘ ‘ , . , ’ ¥ ’ ‘ J ‘ " | a * } ar ih : 3 ’ - h ‘ c Sia A i ‘ ‘ . iv . pict ‘ 1 oh | S4 } | r " » ¢ } ts + , ’ r 4 rr ~ ? ‘ vy ,¥ a? ce + ‘* _— | co). WeCCa eC evi ( lavVTa y tle i¢ arcel } ] i | \1 ‘ \ | + ¢ rT » . ° ; . * ’ ‘ ry t ‘ ry o : che ¢ ( ne via t ivna ye sal itary M4} i / " : , 7 , f : { ry? ' ’ er, ery roo - i4 C#tes 1) cs ( «hal \ { i Lt ‘ ‘ ] ‘ , . : - 1 re ° | | } * ' nvr i f i] ' ri ist rte ’ cyt " SJ / « i cil i \ ii al 4 ‘ ( ¥ «ll it] i ' i ry ’ m fry , / ; .r ry . & ‘ \ Dy as 1 iit . ¥ » >} e- - ge? ; » } ' . ' j | hessa a Wa rea ' } . and al | : | . : ery ' ‘ ¢ wer , oer + > ' . ae) aal mers ii’ ion iif ii) ;* vy «i : & . ‘7 . | if _ ) } , ed ¥ 14 ' 7 * r ' ' 1 ’ ,F ’ ry r ry , . ere My LUG { ,ia , »\ Zal Lili, I¢ lel Cl ‘% . ' ‘ ’ : | ie, 6% i« - y ‘~ sa pl \ ‘ . ‘ ‘* { ‘so ail Teady ( ; ' ‘ Did c\ Cl a L «cit : ‘ ‘ , ; a LiCl at ‘ iL i 4 ne PLT la s ‘ j ‘ ' ; : } ’ ° = , . »? ° * ® ° ’ . ,? rr. appr pria CC] e neritag iit mpire. Bu 4 ad- i ‘ ‘ ’ . »* A - . , , rss ‘i; : ' a | NN ry rmy< Versaries Were csp lily be Greaded ric rans i i, ‘ "4 : ney Thre “~/ 112} rr} rT} \ | hil Lil py cal i ii 4 im Lit . ‘ cl. Cc j ’ C | ‘ 1 } } ; 5 .— 4 ts ,rry ry ’ ‘ ’ . , ry ' ' : | r . wt iC Al —' i rit : aly ALMOLU Lit j CLAN L tit } } 1 ‘ y ‘ . . .y ¢ ‘¥ + r ’ 4 1 a 1 tl ‘ . eleventh century, ana Ippo! Cu Uy if dpa y, LI . 5 ~] L. ) |BYZANTINE EMPIRE ] ] ; Normans, under the leadership of Robert Guiscard, took from the Greek Empire, bit by bit, all that it still possessed in the peninsula. In vain did George Maniakes, the Byzantine Governor of Italy, after ] on ‘ ° -~ #7 avel ; oral ~~ ~ on notable victories over the Arabs of Sicily (1038-1040) j ' ay hrown back by lin fortresses built by } , ? ' hy 3 mT Basil I]. B \ held by Byzantium, i ‘¥ . ‘ + . . -rh 2 - . ‘ .% aT? +> yy oO and aisarrected D AUSE } ne relg1ous persecutions * wh ~} | > VW } a. : ct ‘ mnrart in A } lity CO WILICI) SIil¢ WaS CAD)! CAl WaS OF UNCeTtallh ILIV LIL . ' ’ ‘ . 4 . ‘ - a In 1064. the Turks took Ani, and, soon afterward, Secures and Chones. In wain did the enemeue hi ( esarea and hones. In vain did the energetic KNo- manus (IV) Diogenes try to check their progress: he was defeated at Manzikiert (1071), north of the Lake of Van, and fell into the hands of the infidels. Byzantium never recovered completely from this ¢ ll the eastern part of Asia Minor, Armenia, Cappadocia, all those regions from creat disaster. | hereafter, < 4 \ —_ e j . * . ; 3S A ] Pp ~ = : ~~ which the empire recruited its best soldiers, its most renowned generals, were irrevocably lost. Thereafter, | too |VNIACEDONIAN . ‘ . ' ; . ° } . > . . rhe rr ‘ : 7 , - 4 4 " - ? - ee . ik ¥ + i ’ * . ALA 1 i *} er . . ~? . \ ; i : . A . 4 % ‘ ¢ : : ' ; ‘ rr | : { x ) atone * a ~ 4 ‘ , . . ‘ : : ‘ . Lf ’ . : » Wi) i>\ , . . , ’ : ’ 7 . : . ‘ . A ; , ' “rT . ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ : " & | ai < ‘ 7 q 1. 1 \ « , ‘% , « } ° ‘ \ a . ; ‘ | ‘ . ‘ +} r . ~ ‘ es ‘ | y . i DYNASTY ‘ r . ' ; : i ; ‘ —— ‘ } , ’ ’ ) A | . 7 4 + ; ‘ ‘ ~* 4 ) | ' 9 | : : : ea ¥ ’ ' . . ras ‘ ‘ . \ YY , + . \ ¢ ' " . . + * : ; 1 ‘ ' ‘Y i 7 ! ( ’ Li ii Pi LCA v¥ , ro > . ’ . . 7 . y \ ‘ . ‘ ») r\t ; , 5 . » * , ; y } 1 ¥ . ‘ “i Ys ‘ as , + * ery a4 * 1” : . ° ¥ , + re ¥ . tr ‘ , : . . * ‘ ’ 7 , + ‘ : . . ; ; é se % 4 |BYZANTINE EMPIRE forth no more than schismatics, to whom they owed neither consideration nor tolerance, and whom they had the strongest reasons to distrust. On the other hand, the Byzantines obstinately persisted in their rancorous hatred of Rome. Thereafter the question of the relations between the Papacy and the orthodox Church bore heavily upon the destinies of the mon- Finally, within the Empire, the circumstances which had brought about the schism exhibited, in striking fashion, the weakness of the imperial power f ee against the all-powerful patriarch; Michael Ceroula- rius was not likely CO fi ryet it. But, above all, the feudal peril was becoming more threatening day by day. In order to crush the too \ powerful aristocracy, the vwovernment deemed ita ] y - y t . }. } clever move to comDal } ] ie i 3 ena ords relied, and whose strength was making itself the army, upon w hich the feu- f Lic ii ominously manifest at that very time, by uprisings like that of George Maniakes, the hero of the wars in Sicily and ae 1043), or that of Leo Tornikius 1047). A civilian party was formed, whose task 1t was le Cro PS that they were under SUSPICION. The reign of Constantine Monomachus saw the first to prove tot triun :ph of this party. Under that Emperor, pleasure- seeking and unwarlike, the army was not ably weak- ened: more generally than ever the nation: 1] troops were replaced by mercenaries,—Normans, Scandina- vians, Russians, Anglo-Saxons,—in whom it was be- lieved that more confidence could be placed. The mili- tary budget was pared down, the fortresses were neglected, gener als were put aside or dismissed. The [ 106 |MACEDONIAN DYNASTY Psellus, Xiphil hn M he | 1 » + mel ry r * | ry ce : : i Sé . aa Dilliin, Hifi i AUTODUS, ala i} ILIAC, Lhe I A \ re J covernment was in the hands of men OF iette +y¥ ‘ ; ; > 7 + at ' i ry * : | * . - } i ; ; } | Bi iLica i ; cy i vv al { i A iddea ’ \ er ‘ e} r ‘ rraTy ™ a ry * ; ‘ j i p ' ¥ ‘ ii - : 7 it + : é ¥ «ih . , ; , 1 ‘ ‘ ‘ \ met ’ ry } ,¥ 4 ’ ‘ ’ ' : ‘ : pay »} 4 ‘ i] ‘ wh iA ¥ At ‘7 i <.ii- | | } Vth et rm rr; .% rr} mrs rr, s rie * ’ ,¢ ,¥ ‘ yy \ si 1 i . ‘ i i 4A y « ‘7 \ a i ’ x . ~ A a é i »} . rry> % ‘ ‘ - * * “el : . ' : : : ; iit Al : Y « yy oh ¥ ’ Bit aa ° } “ \ | t i Li s ‘. i+ i ‘ Js i “A . } ; ren ‘ . Teiekh . e | ’ ‘ y 1 a y ry ( “A i Wea 42! A , } yo € ah i I } } ‘ ; ry eit % 1 , .¥ "> . : ey ¥ “«! aa @licw, « i i ri \ . i | I ‘ \ ) tT . 7 , - . . _— ’ . » ; : , WUTC aly. ~ 1 i ) ? | l ; ‘ *) ’ \ r- > *} v4 I { ’ ¥ - * ‘ ’ iit +? yy & 4 Y« A ; 4 i i .? 7 a . . ’ ' e~y ’ ’ . ’ an @ALLACA OF i cl | ee i iit i | reion of Michael VII. v oe ee ee Bi EL pen aero > lo : 4 tA ww 4 \ 77 : : } >? @s , ‘ \e 4S + ss ‘ “ * 5 . ' > : . - . : 5 i rs pal > * ‘% ; , \ ery ns rAvT ‘ mm * . : , vt ey | ' ‘ Li bhi bhahl } a ' il ° sAliy, i I r » a; r- , aet . . r : ' ' , , Lilie MOU TIC et ‘ I bit i Lil ¥ Lf : a chil ’ 1 \ . } ; : : S11e ¢ e T\ rye ‘¥ J ify ge Pe ry i . : a s ir } } \ esl ;VAGe ¥ ‘ ‘ ‘ - ‘ i " 1] . rer yids ry iTernryy-T , ,¥ . , e*F ’ ’ .’* rm CCl iw i v j ‘ 4 A 4 . . . A + ’ . ’ * ; 4 ’ ' , ‘ ‘ ’ ' ' ¥ ry ‘ ' : ,* ¥ ’ Leh AC SDATALEC | yy Zal lijTi. a ae ) i ’ ‘ } . ; ¢ rr 1 re . ‘ ,* ? ga : * } erry ¥ ' . ~ * r s LOC Tal y Lilt i] bcd. LIC a iV. ible ) CT) i) AUS ) i ’ * ¢ . e fy ~% ary ,* ‘ 1 ' ’ . . ery , ‘% Of crit No ii ¥ i} ‘7 | . vy ol 3, i ‘ ii i - . . ‘ . ; ‘ ry eT y . ' ¥ ’ r\a ’ ‘ rT * \ rY r’ , VC i it] iti { Led i ) . - «i i bit I : * ~ . - ~ : — ~ —_—— * =BYZANTINE EMPIRE cephorus Botaniates rose in Asia against Michael Vi; . ' ‘ nius revoited 1n ~~ a — open pad f ~~ — end —_ —>? r rr — - — ; gad / — a ; _- = . , “1 1 os 1 B 7 + — , + ‘ } 4 ! : s14 1O Bur pe (1078). Then. when N cephorus Botaniates ‘ : j ; ee see = 9 ’ y+ \ eh oe reten ] + RB; eCamMe Mmperol I i = 4 ‘ VU Licl precenaers, yd- 1 ' ,* . 1 ry) . . silakes and Melissenus, rose against him. [he mpire, ‘ s : . ; o ; ' a 1 ‘ ' arin Ay + { ’ toa ort rarmn ear ath } ’ a ¢ invaded, CXNAaAUSTCC, CGAISALICCLCG, ( iamMored ioudaly rora Scal\ |W ee | in os > cael Ce ¢ y rT “YT ae “ him mn ene tl ; Ay i TUS I OF by pucone an . 5 me ¢ 4 | =f 1 ‘ » f ’ ry T +}, ¢ 411n | . i . y ‘ + A mL iit rium} ] ~ . . : : : ‘ . ’ ‘ ° i bony : . '- ' et hs -— renee + . a r4 OT cne iCucial al cl y al ‘ Lie army OVE! LHe civil- ° ‘ . ' : . . ’ > + on ++ _ + —— ‘¥ . \ - > “7 7 | nf . lan party, and of the provinces over the capital. But 7 i tf wac ft ‘ t} ryt t y neriod of creatness li Y¥ cho ¥X bi I iw Ch ~ VY I = | i i vViCdat C .Feo Lk ee i . , ‘ , -s © . ' , \ . . * ; . . . , ‘ thls ' , ; ; »>» i ‘ : ‘ \ i j Y« : ‘ . ‘7 ‘ ‘ ‘ 1) 1 | e+ aaet y ‘ . ‘ AT — ; . » ry » : : ‘ , ‘ 7 , , l i , % . we . , : ef . : . , ‘ ; —. * ’ 4% : ¥ ‘ ’ ' LL) Ty ,iy ' ’ ' ¥ ™ * ; ‘ oD ‘ ¥ ‘ ‘ ; . , + y af gay ‘ y » ; a . , ~ * 77 . ‘ . . . ] 2 ,¥ ¥ : . ' . ¥ ’ ~ fey . , ' : i 4 i : , . ‘ é A aA ‘ ’ + ) ‘ \ } 1 rive -. ” , | : , ’ . f Y , ’ ( . y , ‘ hi } ‘ » « . rr ming ‘ yy , ry * ' Ve y rT . i . ‘ . ‘ ' ; — ; - , ’ ‘ i } . ‘ : \ t : ; cre ( ryy me ‘ . @ } ' . ' tt | " it i . : ‘ , . . ’ > \ « ‘ ‘ ‘ } ) ' iT ‘ iT] ‘ { ‘ 1% 4 ( ’ . ; ‘ 1% miy . r% ¥ ' rie CAL AN44 8444454454 Lt i \ j : i 1 17 p \ i i } BrieBYZANTINE EMPIRE people very often recalled the epoch of the Comnent as preéminently brilliant and blest. Descended from a great aristocratic and military family, the emperors of the Comnenus line were, first of all, soldiers. But they were something more. Alexius, founder of the dynasty (1081-1118), was an intelligent man, most astute and determined; a great gener: il, shrewd diplomat, and excellent administra- tor, he came forward, at the critical period of the monarchy, as the man of the hour. And, in fact, he was able to hold in check enemies outside the Empire, and to reéstablish law and order within. John, his son and successor (1118-1142), had no less eminent qua Brought up strictly, of rigid morals, a sworn f We of | luxury and dissipation, of a ] ] ). dee ‘ ° oo > ' gentie and generous dISposition and keen intelli- ~ 1 gence, he merited by his lofty moral character the surname of Kalo-John (John the Good). Being very brave, and eager for military renown, he was thor- oughly aware of the importance of his profession of king, and his political ideals were on a very high plane. His father had defended the frontiers; he dreamed of extending them, of reconquering for the monarchy its lost provinces, and of restoring its ancient splendor. Manuel (1143-1180), son of John, was the most attractive of the Comneni. Intelligent, lovable, gen- erous, he was at the same time a Byzantine dastleus, educated and cultivated,—even a theologian,—and a Western cavalier. Of noteworthy physical courage, he had more inclination to Western customs than any other Greek sovereign; and the Latins, whom he re- i: fig |THE COMNEN! ; , , 7 , Ty } ort 6th Pr 'Yy tek i , ‘ry ta ' ry ry ’ an , , SC il me is cl Y WeVo, All i | ( biel a \ th 7 ‘TYUvT a y 1] 1% ' \ * ’ . ; r ‘% ‘* . r ' '* } COLIC] C 1LpOC Tt . { vy «ih i ’ i i i ‘ : . L i , ] *~}} } } , . in i ryis < rs 7 + > ’ ‘ rs , tty an | . * 4 iri ry cai it \ oh Aiws 4 i i ‘¥ i . ¥ it tif i : ’ '¥ », * . ¥* * t mie () i (reer rs \ : } ry ‘ Y ¢ +7 i Ail ii . i i . os } ah . . : i ; } ' ‘ . ‘ . 4 y ry . 2 most ry +h Lys 4 . . i + 4 > Ff ® ne i ‘ it i i i ‘ 4 . . i } \ . , : ryt MM} hire A ®? : aat ry my \ . ‘ . ry . } ’ ‘ ‘ i ' ‘ ¥ ; } ’¥ 5 , . ‘ } , ; : -* ; ry ey y , ' ’ ’ : . . ~ WI) ii Wea f I A a) l i i i i i : ) ‘ ‘ ' . ‘ ‘ £54 » by ; i ; ry . . . ; , ‘ . ~-* ,* ) : | | , ‘ ' : A 5 «A { Pe : AMA i \ i ,? . : + ' ¢ er ‘ ¥ re ’ ‘ ° . . °F *r : 4 + + -* } rig a : i x , _ : ” + a ’ _ : ‘ ' ‘ . ’ ‘ ; ~* ; i y ¢ ‘ i iA i | i . ? . . ‘ 4 , . ry . ‘ ’ y : , » ’ e . ‘ v 4 : ‘ L | ' , * : : te, . * > = cr ‘ er » } . ° ee I . . 4 a? oe . , ’ ; ‘ - . ‘ iq . + #hy rreeq?t gay ‘ } .* y , ‘ ' ' y Lé | b al : - * i} | ] a a ry iitt coe a A ‘ ‘ ‘ a ; ‘ . . ‘ t ‘ > , : : : + . ‘ : . ; ; na ‘ ( . ut } : . ‘ “ : > critt . Ty ° | 7 ¢ 7 , : , * . 1 , YF * ' — ? . “ . : = . v . ‘ ‘ : ei hg. ’ cy j . 4 , . , . ‘ vy ° ,7 ’ ey . ‘ ’ . A aad ;\ac8 : é ‘ . : 5 ‘ inmrer ry ’ ’ ‘ i ; so 9 . vy ) * , ¥ 1 ’ : , — iA ah L «44.1 ¥ ; ~ % rarnrTirve t ryt iy ‘Tie + - , ; , 1 ee? , ' 4 ’ ia . 4 ' : ” , . d i , ; ; esr. 1ura fi his , ‘ . ' +> a ‘ a “, ’ *} . Ai y 7 5 i] ' us ALi ¥ i al i i ‘ . ’ : C4 i! 1+ ‘ ‘ ? ‘ y ,¥ ¥ r ’ Pos . ify, . ast ‘ Atal : si “as . ‘ . \ 1 ' rmer , yy 2 ’ ’ j ’ ¥ , ’ * . " 4 - ; ‘ ye iii ( it . f iT ; ; _" ’ } } ‘ } . ‘ ; ' . , ‘ ’ ' ; : ’ ¥ tna ecause of nh reat abiltt et hr have bh ‘ » & ‘ i : as Y « i f thea ¥ 1 i ; ; . ' eC 1} 1 | try Try rY*y )* ‘ : irr Ff pure } gat rh ,% ' \ ‘ : E* a4 ‘ se ian 4 a ¥ : : : ind re reAAry ey ,* ' ' ry ‘Y rir I+ . ' » , ; 4 , + eh + at : ‘ } ae ‘ i -&\ ’ +s ‘ i ted ite fall | | rT . . \ ry ‘ + 1 »-* - F ‘ + »} ' 7 ’ ¢ 1 : ATCC) I Lah . bial i. \ cl A Lit at . + ru mr Lr; r , r ; ry { ; reyrnriy ' ‘ ¢ rT) wenty years of anarchy, a | Was takenBYZANTINE EMPIRE 11. THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE COMNENI (1081-1180) The Ralkan Policy —At the end of the eleventh cen- tury, the power f the Empire was seriously impaired ‘n the Balkans. The discontented Slavic vassals began } @ ) hays or ; ~— Sure boas j tg secede from Byzan nm. wlnce 3 6 Croatia had heen an lependent kingdom; Serbia, which had . CAR :: oa. ; nted the (sree! 9 cueuns ; ag 117 re Bis ’ | Tr) . a WLU 1 iit siwa,* Suzeraintcty with reluctance; Danubian Bulgaria was occupied by “ 1 ] > ] 5 = . the Petchenegs. and Western Bulgaria was restive under the Byzantine yoke. In Thrace there was dis- lL, ? nil her : ne bogomli hneresy, . Ete | ] } | ‘ * + > ! ;¥ ‘ . | . + : t} which Nad daevt ped emenaously SINCE ie@ tentn i yrretext for race-antagonism to ch ‘ LIV Ade CAD yet y 5 & I . ’ w — i 1 foe dre hak Doin bt -alyarwecnll decked mani cE its ra »\ cl i .. Bu 5 MOVE all, EV OTIC |, | |) IT) ( | (J lL — ry i DD] { A tO play a i 7 . ) 1} (r - ~ 4 ' . é ro _ place in Balkan aftairs, i | + Ty i ‘ l: 1) ~ |} . | “ : x rm : 1 ts ] ‘alled [In 1084, the heretics in | hrace revolted, and callec the Petch neos TO their aid. Un tWO OCCASIONS (TOO and 1o$ the barbarian hordes crushed the Greek armies. and the latter were forced to sue for peace 29). But the Petchenegs soon came back. This time Alexius ( mnenus inflicted a sey ere defeat upon yanks « f the Leburnion 1Og] a defeat rht have be- ‘ - so complete, that for a generation one m1 lieved that they were exterminated. Nevertheless, in [121 they reappeared. John Comnenus thereupon de- feated them again (1122). Thenceforth, the Petche- negs disappear from history. But for many a year afterward the Byzantines remembered them, and sol- [ 114 J»% t \. ' . . : * 4 ; A . ’ Lj . ; ‘ 5 THE COMNEN! ) |) ; js ’ \ ' i 4 ‘ | ; : ‘ . . . ‘ * ‘ ‘ , ‘ ' e . ‘ ‘ . ' ! ‘ { ' ’ ' ' ‘ ‘ , , ' ; , i \ ; y ' ‘ ’ ‘ / i} - ‘ £ ie, i? ' ‘ ‘ f ‘ i — | oom ~~ *BYZANTINE EMPIRE gave them for their ruler Stephen Nemanya (1163), who proved himself, despite a few escapades, a faith- ful and submissive vassal, at least during the lifetime of the Emperor. He w hipped the Hungarians in a suc- cession of victorious campaigns (1152-1154), and in 1156 forced upon them a peace advantageous to the Empire. Moreover, when King Geisa IT died, Manuel mame Succ ession which fol- } } } Ls ; vies : , lowed, and gave his support against Stephen III to = i i \ ’ 1 ) es . ° the voung Be | wnom he 4 r) thoucht ¢ t making his | y Lee »\ che WET i iS CV Gis I Ak \ I iic KING 11S - ] SOn-1n-i1adW ) ] ! 17 vy = ‘ 5 } *"s -“ <> ‘ But Hun rary WaS |OOK ry more and more 1n the tion of Germany. re reupy rn) Manuel renewed , : ; oth tne war r1O4). “eu min and oirmium fell into the reconquered; the victory of Zeugmin (1167) finally obliged lungary tO MaKe pear e (ITI0d). By this peace, + . fees aoa mart or Croatia. r lived. [hese were important results, but, unfortunately, the y were aestined to be as tf ) le) iy , sry) a +} ,) 2 iL. (Jrientai Pi icy. Asia. evel more than the Balkans, engaged the attention of the Comnent. The continued ( successes of the Seljuk Turks had gradually driven the Greeks from almost the entire Orient. Soliman, a Turkish emir, reigned at Cyzicus and Niczea, and Alexius Comnenus, harassed by other, more urgent cares, was forced to recognize his conquests (1082). In E wie: JTHE COMNENI , ‘ ‘ . ; : a. ' ‘ " \ ' ; ‘ . s P ‘ ' \ ; i } : Y ’ f : ; , : : : t . ~ : ; : ‘ } . , , ) ’ f , ' ~? ‘ th of K , ' » . + . j ; ! f ' : ¥ , ‘ ' ‘ : o : ‘ | ? ' ‘ f 4 ,* \ >» ~~ ‘ = , ; ' ; 4 : . : ‘ 7 ' ~ ' ’ : ' . ~ ‘ \ ’ , } 4 y \ ’ . . . id , ‘ ' ’ ’ :BYZANTINE EMPIRE princes of Cilicia and the Latin states to which the Crusade had given birth in the East, to accept his suzerainty. Early in his reign (1119-1120) he recon- quered the whole region lying between the valley of the Meander and Attalia, thus wiping out the incon- + nt } Vel u ent wed possessions in- ) ‘“ wnee Gama eet ; oxunds ha ies i bet 1 the Byzantine territories in northern . sep a Na ee ie After 1130 he carried the war into Paphlagonia, and ' ] we tk “7 t/ t} > | n+ |e 1i~gir way tO TNE DaNKS of the Halys. Ganera and Kastamuni were retaken irom tne lurks 11°34 and those long-lost re eot Ons : : _ were restored to the Empire. Later on, we shall see . + |, . kKmp _— el Y } ] , | ‘ tt r es + i] Cylici; . | OW LIC shad Ml ‘ bilclit i} > powel reit I) biLN la ANC , 1, A ry and in Svria: how he appeared to the 4 rmenian anc it . | ,* . - + Latin princes in the licht of suzerain and commander, dy to lead them against the infidels. Down to the very end of his reign, the war — t the Masala and the reconquest of Asia wer a ifs chief preoccu- pation. [In 1139 he led an ssrieilit n against Cresarea: in 1142, onthe eve of his death, he was planning to At first, Manuel Comnenus continued his father’s he advanced as far as the walls of [conium. But the invasion of the Normans and the second Crusade forced him to direct his attention : . elsewhere (1147). Not until much later was he able to ° } . Nes turn his eyes toward the Orient. But a though, like his father etic dreamed of imposing his suzerainty \ t} . Rac wae ort Lati Ta Teo ‘ } sicceeded upon the Armenian and Latin states, and succeedec 1 doing so, his policy reg: urding the Turks was more uncertain and feebler. About the setae of the twelfth [" Ae =THE COMNEN] | 1 ‘ ' 7. canon sf 14 , 7 , a ' = ‘ . ‘ rm * ‘ an ’ ' ‘ : \ } ‘ j TC : ‘ Yeo i ¥ i L ihe ii i y «4 * A i on ° ’ ' ’ e 1 &-. \ . , Ba . ,% . : | , ’ : . r- ® ’ er it \ i 4 i “A I i \ i I Lili ’ i ** ‘ . 2 , ; ‘ : ; r | r j ' F 4 : ‘ rm cAt ‘ cA €A hé a4 : ‘ ° » Lal ‘ . i « yy «kh ¥ \ Li “A ‘ ’ 1 7 ' ¥ « ‘ i Ji “ . ‘ : ‘ ' Tr . , oe | + ++ . - ¢ ¥ 4 ’ 4 - ' rs } i j | a4 . i ‘ 4 i \ 1 * : . ’ ‘ ' + gy . ; ’ . + . y + y 1% ry iA TS ’ ‘ i - bt ee Nee ant nium. ] | Arslan T] i i ‘ 5 . ‘ : ‘ ' ‘ ‘ ‘ a » : . ne +, + « ’ , rf ~ # ry i i i . . ’ i 3 » * i 4 } : aA 7 ‘ , ry . y » + = es . . ‘ ' ; ‘ : + . is ‘ 1 ‘ ; gay ’ rc + i . . . 1 ~? 4a » « ‘ : L ‘ ; "7 i\4A i « © 4 ‘+ . . ' ‘ ‘ ‘ ¥ ’ + . Ps : . \ ; ‘ “ i ; » ' ‘ *} | ’ y , : ; 4 . A ‘ ’ i : ‘ . . i ‘ ‘ ‘ rs 1 es * ' * ¥, ‘ . . . ‘ ¥ ’ 4 } » i { * ‘ ‘ p- ’ : . : - ~ ry > F ; . ‘ ; y ‘ : ’ j % ' i 4 ‘ ‘ ; ’ \ 3 ‘ry , \ - * - . ' fl ¥ . . ‘ * . « F ; y ’ ‘ : ’ i ‘ + ry } : : r- . . . ++ ¥ . i . uA ‘ ‘ ‘ : ‘ L & . ’ . ‘ . . . . ; ‘ . : : ‘ . ‘ . \ ad . + | . : | 1 & rT Lig ] | ’ ’ ’ : . ; ; | i Li ; y,iy ‘ ‘ « 3 " ‘ 7 , . ’ ’ ’ .* a ¥ y ‘ ‘ , * . ¥ pa ‘ " \ ‘ i ’ » Yi ‘ ’ r ry . .¥ . - ¢ . -% + . . . a \ +e 2 | ‘ i ; . ' ’ * \ ' i , . ’ . ? ° ’ . i aA . ‘ 7 4 . 77 . ‘ { i i ’ \ i . Y ’ i ; | ' 1% —s ’ ’ . ~ ¢ ’ ’ « . . | ‘ : i f 7 aa 3 is . &\4 ‘ 1 yy : , ' e . . ’ ; ‘ ‘ ¥ ; ) | 4 ’ . as 2 i 4 : . . . ’ ‘ » « i > ; yy ry ‘1% ‘“~ 4 FY i P i . he WY , ‘ y . j 9 ; . j ‘ ; + j fern 4 y. i\ ans and st fan | ' TF , .? , , * : . . . , ; \ : , bial . til At’ i : ’ \ | + 1 ‘ 5 ’ ‘ if YALA ‘ ¥ -y ‘ . + ‘ : ‘ ' . . ' i } 7 ry rey , iy ¥ tt , ‘ : e- 1 , ' ‘ 4 ; ' y lad given Tl | Wma | 4 i 1 ; } 1 ry i } sa ‘ rar Ty } ; . ' 4 ’ +7 ’ t ' Bich cl VV cL iA i i iat i % h b said , ee! 7 2 : y ‘ mroverns 1 «* mf . r , .* ' > rar) ' Ty \ > Net 2S i 4 . ' ‘ ‘ a = ‘ ’ t y £044 . ~ i A 4BYZANTINE EMPIRE shifted, to the great prejudice and great peril of the monarchy. Alexius Comnenus became emperor just as the Normans under Robert Guiscard were landing in Epirus (1081). The Emperor's diplomacy succeeded, by paying dear in other ways, in securing the alliance of Venice against them. But the imperial army was, Nice hc Tins Be ave ek wr ce: . ney ertheless, severely aereated in the ne shborhos id of cay ‘os . ’ Durazzo (1081). which Guiscard soon seized. In the following year, Bohemond made electrifying progress . . o e . E . : s “7 x . Me in [-pirus, Macedonia, and even in Thessaly. Larissa } |< } ‘ ‘ ‘ ° ‘ ry ry f } Ll .% _y* * ‘ ] lee! > } - gelayed him for six months, Nowever; ana iltuie Dy . , . ‘ } , ‘ é - : : little, thanks to the Emperors tenacity, fortune changed sides. The Norman army, decimated by 1ll- ness, weakened by the attacks of the Greeks, and still « dicoroanized bv the imnenal diplom had 4 more CiSOTV a!) ZI »y Gile UMperial GipiomMacy, lad Lt) retreat. At sea, the Venetians destroyed the Norman Heet (TOS). ne deatn Ol IR bert (juiscard 1006) “ 1} } , ‘ z : + . r ’ fnallv rehabilitated the fortunes of Byzantium. The It was, however, destined soon to revive. In 1105, Bohemond, who had become Prince of Antioch, in- cited throughout the West a great crusade against the Greeks, and in 1107 he landed at Valona. The craft of ; ' ; ' Alexius triumphed Once more Over his adversary. In = } ’ be ; . “1° . 1108, the Norman was obliged to sign a humiliating ) = Ww treaty, W hich placed him under the suzerainty of the empire. It was a preat triumph for Byzantium. But, in the years that followed, the Norman king- dom otf the Two Sicilies continued to increase in strength. Roger II was a source of anxiety to John Comnenus, who sought the support of Germanyyy ye ’ 2 ’ i ( bial | | o>? ‘ it iKAC pris ake a. ry) , Ff ’ PUPLUISOUC ' arter | iT \ | “") rain ’ r ‘ry cAfg’ « i 5 *y 4 . ' . ly Ce bidViad : ‘ ‘ ant \r ' ¥ ‘ } - : \ > hee ( ' ‘ »?} . i ‘ 1% 7 ’ Ty} yy i r ’ ’ +? ‘ ' : 7, ; \ 4 : } rs , ¢ , iat 4 ' . 7 4 4 ‘ e | 1 ; , ” ° yy al \ \ ~~) ‘ : a : . * , foe . ; ’ ’ ‘ a ‘ ‘ ; a : . , “url ' Ff 7 4 , : -” e*e i ‘ 11 , ® : yy i ‘ } \ al 4 ’ + ~ ‘ y 7 7 | 7 J ; bh} . y Che Venet ii . ‘ . + mpire ava i ’ i Tris ' + M74 ' i nr) rt ’ { l are ' *} ; CL] i ' ; é ery T Ty ’ LbHE . ’ cn ' . . ‘ ‘ > ‘ . > ™/*, ‘ | ' ' ‘ ' , COMNENI ef . . " . ‘ 1 \ 4 i ‘ i ’ . . ; . ‘ > ¥ ’ . ‘ . , ’ ’ L ; ' ery . + ’ . ‘ . . “ . : ‘ } . } { ' ‘ ' ‘ ’ ; ‘ 4 ’BYZANTINE EMPIRE obliged to yi ield. nevertheless, like his father, he en- deavored to neutralize Venetian influence by treating with Pisa (1136) and with Genoa (1143). Manuel, too, at first sought the aid of Venice against the Normans, and paid her with ample concessions (1148). betw een the two states continued to increase. | he arrogance and Te apacit y of oo But the misunderstandin the Venetians in the East exasperated the Greeks. On Father bavi the Republic viewed with uneasiness Manuel’s ambition with respect to Italy; and when the Emperor occupied Ancona, when he conquered Dalmatia, Venice saw that her domination of the Adriatic was in danger. Thereafter, a rupture was in- evitable. Manuel provoked 1t by causing the arrest of Venetians settled within the Empire (1171); the Republic retorted by sending her fleets to occupy Chios and ravage the Archipelago, and by forming an alliance with the King of Sicily. Manuel yielded 1175): he restored the privileges of the Venetians. But. as with the Normans, relations continued to be rained and tense: and the day was at hand when the oe Ph ae 4. lity Nlormans and Venetians were to make their hostility The Greek Empire and the Crusaders —The antago- nism between the Greek Orient and the Latin Occi- dent was intensified by the Crusades. When the armies of the first Crusade appeared be- fore the w alls of Constantinople (1096), Alexius Com- nenus, who had never solicited the support of the West except to ask for mercenaries, was greatly per- turbed by an expedition whose significance he could [ 122 JTHE COMNENI 1 > rT\T ” ¢ ’ * | : ¥ , ; > «© ’ ’ , / ' : . irT ’ , >? * : , . ; . * , : * , ” © yy ii * that Lime, WaS, LAC Alex us. oreatly aGisturbded DY The ] e- *¢ 1% i] ? h 7 ital f ¢] > r* t appearance under UNC Walls OF IIs 4 cae | or 10Se VaSit armies. led by Conrad III, Kin f Germany, and Louis VII. King of France. With a ( ‘ermans he al- most came to an understanding, and got rid of them quickly: with the French, he had so much difficult ty . the Crusaders thought of taking Con- stantins ple. Lin i r th ( nditions, when the second Crusade came to its disastrous end, it was laid chiefly erfidv of the Greeks, whose rapact ty a in ~_ = } | — . . +" “ (To - t} f. | truth, been inda IS: and, 1n revenge [ol le Tallure } of the We ont for a moment of ( ra 0 By antium (IISO}. Che fact that the imperial policy with regard to the Latins of ' . . i” oo. ” + > } the Orient i1ustihed this distrust, and augmented tne a i. or RS n lity betwe € powers. “3 °F . i . i) | . . i } i) ‘ . : I , is 1 . y y ‘ . ; 7 , . 1 . : i ‘ » * 1 ® ( ‘ * e :¥ i ; = , * ¥ , r i e - : . . . ‘ ‘ ; ' ** , . ¥ ; ; 4 ™r ‘ ‘ . { ; : . i 7 ; * ; ‘ ’ aa i a! , , ¥ : ' ; ; . , ~) - . . "= ; ~ & i : 1 Y , ; } ; iV ban ‘ 4h _y i : y “TY + , 4 : ‘ i 7 ‘ i ' ei rm fy ’ . ii : ' ; i ' | i\ Vi i a > Ai ~ ~} | >" | , aBYZANTI ruined, exp sed the Latins, and | NE EMPIRE ising from the hatred of r ms orave inter- the face of the ] aid ent n¢ _ ‘ .¢ nal Crisis that Was lnminent Il1l. GOVERNMENT OF THE COMNENI, AND BYZANTINE CIVILIZATION IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY 7 . - y ° 1 1 - HE first three Comnen! were absorbed by the task of restoring to the imperial authority its former scope, he t . and to the! na ny its former pr sper CV. hey had , »* , r . . , : made a preat ermort to reorvan c ne army, especially » - - y 1 yy" , : . } a yy a 7 “, > ’ ¥ ; by Introaus YY OTeA umbers of mercenaries, many oO! who! 1 Came from tne \\ est; and, on tne other hand, th > | ry } y r ¢ , +} _+* ee a mre sla tori t} > rr)“ r tney nad, OT a gether wisely, negiected the navy, reiyin LOO MUCH! ntnea ance with \ enice, and the "4 7 . ’ ” } supp rt of her fleets, to ensure their command OF the i 7 ol oe Pe ie sea. (Jn the wh , however, they had succeeded 1n ‘y 4 ° 1 . ] building up a formidable military force, capable both ; fe oh at + |. sae a ine Nieto 4 } IK’ mopire sa oe : wean oF derending the renabd ATCC npire and OF main- taining the enhanced imperial authority. Alexus and j } } : : ] = artAn ¢ the John nad, n equal oree, Given ciose attention CO the fae cs man he laliiaverly #hiaor en he sure. bur nmnances: and alithougn the taxes were, tO de sure, DUI- ] 1 YY } qaensome, and the tyranny oF the treasury hard upon . 4 1 : ' {ns ° be : 1 . his subjects: aitnougn the reign of Vianuel COST the Empire dear because of the expenditure necessitated ‘ lL, ] ] ] ont ray ; by the wars, the d plomacy, and the luxurious tastes me “ry 5 «4 | } a | \ lg ] . ++ of the prince, nevertheless, in the twelfth century, the + L- { ‘ “7 ‘ ‘ | ] ie) ] a . +> + “p< ] - (sreek | mpire was wealthy, and 1ts COMmmerClal pros- i ° * ‘ . 1 ’ ‘ ” . pericty Penulne, aespite the blunders OF an economic licw which allowed fore’ “<< imnercentibiv t policy W uch allowed foreigners imperceptibly to sup- ] > + + | »(5reek in th » TY) 9] + , f ¢] »()rie ie: 1 ‘ > pliant cne \areeKs 1n the Markets OF The riel C, Gespite, too, the increasing rapac L 1+ a4 v of the commercial cities of [25THE ‘ ‘ 1) ’ — ; ‘ ‘ ‘ , : ’ , ' ’ ' t + . a | . COMNEN]I ; , * ’ ‘ ‘ \ + ’ ¢ ’ ' * ’ « } * , ) i es. ’ | 4 . . ' "> ’BYZANTINE EMPIRE ardent and ebullient, was no less interested in the occult sciences, in magic and astrology, than in love —~ . ot 1] dca s i lo attest the high degree of intellectual culture at- tained bv Byzantium in the twelfth century, it 1s nouch to recall the names of writers like Anna Com- ] - ? ‘ if . > ‘ ‘ * naand Nicephi rus Bry ennius, iNICetas Acominatus "s } ia ‘ A hs ™ I 2 . * _ =~ : ‘ . . and Kustathius o! [hessal nica. A soenuine renals- t 1] [We _ | ral - +4 ' - sance of intellectual life and ciassical tradition took lace: and the emperors deemed it an honor to pa- sacn tronize men of letters, scholars as well as theologians . >> ° } | 1 1 a inl “77 ° cur} 2a IAN + Ar rac an . . anda ome ich i ' rat I >. W Il i. i quent h; rangues adorned 17 ] ’ ] ‘ ‘ ly] TI + ’ -_ i; ,7 1? > Lr > Pa » all the gpreat ceremonials, ana COUT poess, IKE 1e0- Se hoce enirited talent exnended itself gore | LT bi LVAD, Wr) 5 >p Tr] CA LeLICN expendaec iLSC€ [ ] r YY — ] \ > ‘ ’ . ¥ Y ‘ , i > e léart OF tie Kas o the farthest limits oF tne West, nana c RB, mantrim hea anniratar f the A1t7TPrCe « | Liia@tlic Wi >V Zeal i bLiAlis Lie CUI aLUI UI Lilt uniIVe®rse ant | : : sy “ + } ‘ tl c Cj 4 Tr) ‘ i LHe \ CAd W I i i Oat eek ah mage In the Latin states of Syria, as well as in Venice and in Norman Sicily, churches and palaces were built, ior ¢ 1 ow the By ntine m nner (Sreek artists VS aqaecorated 1n the DYZantne aller. rrECK ATUISTS CXE- ° . . ! + FP . E } : + ted the mosaics of Bethlehem and Torcello, of the ome of Cefalu. of the Martorana, and of the Palatine ¥ Chapel at Palermo: and even to this day, the monu- ment that gives the most exact picture of the splen- ) ” . } . . . [22 : dors of Byzantium at that time is St. Marks at Venice, with its five cupolas, the richness of its mar- j 17 : oy tis 1" ee) i ; > bles and goldsmithery, its glistening mosaics, and the EN fd worth which it inna refiections Ol purpie and goiad with wnicn 1C 1S a ‘ est alight. Roman art itself borrowed from Byzantium [ ige* | yy on >?) J : . y+ gn y K , — 4 . ‘ 9 } c ¢ | rr ’ ' , ; , ee e ’ ‘ , 7 ¢ vy eT ' . . NA mu + * \ y ' r { ‘ ’ : i \ . ' } . J “iA - —— --* yr) . a4 e- . LAE COMNENI!I ~ * + er ' , ‘ , " + ’ , + Fe, : ' i) " ; ' i} : , ' . ‘ae * . y ‘ y . ‘ 4 i . ‘ ’ - ¥ » , ; , ‘ ’ 1? ‘ . ‘ i ; ’ ’ ‘ . , : ' r * + ; , '* , , i { ’ ‘ ‘ : . ( ‘ — , 4 i } ‘ ‘ 1 7 ‘ > i ‘ : . + ‘ 7 y 7 ’ , : yp . = esBYZANTINE EMPIRE cution was difficult and disastrous. Involving the Em- pire too deeply in Western affairs, while pursuing the unwise visions of a grandiose imperialism, Manuel ( omnenus., at one and the Same time. Was fOO heed- less of the imminent perl in the Orient, and aroused ie apprehension of the Latins, while he drained the monarchy dry. The hatred and rancor that he pro- voked, the rapacious greed that he permitted to burst into fame, were to have ominous consequences when the power fell into weaker hands. Alexius II, son of Manuel, was a child; his mother, the regent Mary of Antioch, a Latin by birth, who ied upon the Latins for support, was unpopular. . . ” , , = i‘ ‘ ,% i y 1% ) ‘ ‘ > + . > _ Andron ( Is C ( ’ , ory 1s ‘ 7 K a ivantave QO] the (r¢ neral . ) , ” : qiscontent to make Nimsell Mmperor [i LO2—-i Loss. ’ y , 7 . , co le yo ywnMer icy ‘ . LOT ‘ os ¢ [he last of the Comne mign have beer a preat oe . . . : « ‘ . Lior 4 raf FH \ _ - . “17 ‘ soverelpon. Le understood tha rie pOowel Ol the teudal } ' ‘ + | ro ] J ] iords WaS a menace TC tle inp re, and ne dealt Se- , - e 1x ith finery . +}, oor irr ra mr f | . \ne | ‘7 verely W 1 them: tne surrection OF i1Saac Angelus 1n Bithy rm] | eh A 1 \ ner in bh] J ] \n 1 a owt ) i\!] cl I J ‘ Was GrOwned I hKOOdi., ANGrONnICUS . . . ‘ . ‘7 2 ‘rrArtvsast vv. ' Try > “ort ! 4 ~v . r . | reorganized the government, reaquced expenses, lioht- ‘ \ Ta ‘ . > } “ © ened the taxes, and wasjwell on the road to popularity, , } 7 } . . \ 5 » “75 + | . Fr yo “ry ar “2 : ‘ when externa events Che Norman War, resulting in the capture of Thessalonica (1185), and the Hunga- . . . , : + 1 e rian war, resulting in the capture of Dalmatia—over- ] ] , i ] ] : threw him. A revolution (1185) placed Isaac Angelus on the throne, and precipitated the downfall of the Empire. Isaac (1185-1195) had none of the qualities necessary to avert this threatening crisis. His brother Alexius III (1195-1203), who dethroned him, was equally worthless. The monarchy was ripe for de- struction.¢ WW il ] non t } ri f iy : : ‘ > , , cy l : i nur . +twVee » ft yr? ’y , Ab ' \ r y Led Lich ( rs Lil es -? 7 rit . > ‘ er Be itt LH ¥ } leq . as : 5 baa 4 ) t ‘ ~% Oe S4 i: ** ‘ CONNEN] . ; ¥ ¥ * , } *) i * * , ’ . \ l a ; + ’ . . ~ , ‘ , , « i * ‘ . ; — + , + | . . . ’ ’ ) " ‘ °F , ‘ . 7” . ¥ ; i i\ . { ( ) \ ’ Licht ( fl t : ¢ »?} » i it ' . I ' } i i‘ * e} » ; ‘ ' ‘ ' 7 4 ‘ i , ’ ' ; . ‘ , ryt ' ‘ — . ~*~ r Va 7) . t i > fF mya ; ' t al ii e 1 \ ia > asBYZANTINE EMPIRE quests, from Belerade to the Black Sea and the - , ) \ 1 ia! 7 - ‘ rr ‘ q hi — eS iblishmen OF a Natl lai ChHUTCil L 204 Jo 1s CONn- . . : ‘ wy ‘ + : ‘ . + "> “~ svtF ‘ ' Pm % ?” , ,4ivy a. > ‘ nored rne U Le] ruln J) Liic VV ¢ i i> WI Z1INISCES and cA - | + | +} > ¢ , ‘ ¢ ¢ 2 y Tr . : " + a ne y YT PoZ. 4 ie i@ GF Gu up! sing that . ‘ = . i ° . , . i a + ’ ry “ct led p LL CU A i . \ : > At 4 : biCy lACA ICU True, tl r . ‘ ‘ . ‘ ‘ , ° c yy? ' > tO VW Al VN a iN ‘\ c . if , Aas L LA L ' I Lito= 7 i j { Ss ‘1 ] j } ‘ r ’ ¢ ‘* ‘ ’ . Schl nica Vy bit i y be ‘\ i Villy n ‘Al y en a had ¢ ' ’ ¢ } 1 | ‘ V 1¢ Ory *" i i\ i 5 ‘ Len Llea ‘ SUCC CCUCU In 3 But the old hostilit 7 ‘ - , : j - + 7 ey ' r rep ng f iny iCcTsS | ‘ I Lilt oid LOSI J Se ee aerial Dead ns on aed Oi ee | between Westerners and Byzantines had been em- : 1 | | | 1: af + _ ‘ 4 . ‘ . ‘ m + . + 4 Pat “” r by eC ( oy rnese eCven»nits. Lhe tactiess pollcy or the a es , ? area on 4,4 o . e 4 i wey oo =} + + aA * mpire with regard to Frederic Barbarossa, at the ’ , ° °F _* time of the third Crusade (1159), had a simular efrect. For a! nt 1 (Gel n Emperor contemplated 4 ‘ i iw ¥ i i¢ i i _ Ji \ k Wd pis Cc. ' 3 } oO 1 taking 4 tantinoy .in concert W th the Serbs and . s ] * , , ugal ns, and tile \ ] ers marcned thr upn the Oe pire li e infuriated enen ies. Henry Vi. Barba- , ) \ » A i , . 1 Sl > + *s . r - ic t : specially i cad . y cA cl ‘ i OF i ws . } CUlec i . A 4 1 ‘ , ' . ‘ ; + . ! . . nm oP np | ‘ ry »o*a ff ' rT) . ; ry mmc mine) ry ‘ti TY Wile BiL\ Lei i i iwi i \ i biw CA [flea Lio CALINA ambitions of ; + 5 = * ‘ r ‘ 4 > > tr t} > Lic Ni I iT) . I be He I ‘ CAL UI a COnQd iTS | Of 4 iC Be Niece ails sclecaels thing factor. S] But \ enice eSpeclally Was a disturbing factor. 5 1e, lammannar innreanrea » the m “re : 4: too, demanded vengeance for the massacres Of I162, and to appease her, Isaac was forced, 1n 1167, to grant L 134 J| A ; \ ’ . i *} ii \s 7% i 4 ’ Hey | , i *) ; es ‘ ; Ty \ LH COMNEN! ‘ ‘ : ; ’ } s | \ ’ ‘ es 1 , ’ \BYZANTINE EMPIRE the Crusaders. Thus the shrewd poli icy of the Doge LD: indol ) diverted to Const anti nop! ie the expediti on prepared { for the deliverance of the Holy Land. Early in 1203 the final compact was signed with the ~ Byzantine pretend er; on June 27, 1203, the Latin fleet aaehared before Constantinople. ‘The city was taken by assault on July 18, 1203, and Isaac Angelus was reseated on his throne, with his son, Alexius IV. But the accord between the Greeks and the West- erners was of short duration. The new emperors were pow erless to keep their promises; the Crusaders ) ESpe- cially the Venetians, made ever-increasing demands On January 255 1204, a national revolution over- threw the pr tép the West, and Alexius (V) Myr- zuphlus, Sends the power. Any s sort of c mpre mise be- came impossible. The Latins resolved to destroy the Byzantine Empire. On April 12, 1204, C nstantinople was taken by assault, and pillaged without mercy. And while what was left of the aristocracy and clergy of Byzantium took refuge in Niceea, to attempt to re- constitute the Empire there, the victors, in accord- ancé with the treaty of partition signed in March, 1204, divided their conquest among them. A Latin > emperor, Baldwin of Flanders, took his seat on the throne of the Comneni (May, 1204); a Latin king, Boniface of Montferrat, reigned at Thessalonica; a Venetian patriarch took possession of the patriarchal throne; over the entire territory of the vanquished t Empire a crop of feudal lordships sprang into being. Above all, the Venetians, like the clever folk they were, made sure of all the places throughout the Orient that were important for the development of E. 230°THE COMNENI mnt ery ’ +o ,* ‘ i : 4 s ich ‘ ‘ *) gy vv «cl ‘ . ’ ‘ . ¥ oe - } 4 , ) yi 7 , , :CHAP TERIA YY ae . © f I. THE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE BYZANTINE®EMPIRI i i i I } } , on, 4 ’ re ’ ‘ on #45 . hy + ( rusad ye HI . i) i DiC » Lit LUsALICIS I | 4 ] 7 . } ls ¢ | f T , } 1} ) | 7 ry “ 17 resu P ay - , et DD) Ll i aALLETa On in ‘ j ° ' ; s+ ¢ \ + + . . , , , > ’ 3 t | sym ft ‘ } + a ) ' \\ | Lt { ) A) . ‘ ‘ ‘ . i ‘ } 1 1 } + , ’ i ‘ ¢ 1 Yr * +1 ( — | I » vi ’ \ WI bit ruSaGe CO } 1% ‘ + , . ’ ' ' I he ] mi + | ’ ry Wns a UC hessait a, ChHCOTrecl- } } ] } 1 ; - ¢ . + ; y rv i¢ 1 4% eo + y ia as fal clo \ ‘ ah i ( I I 1} LWOULLCKU ] he rPOunaInNg o ; ° ‘ . “ > ? . z + of , ea + e tho tee ' te / ‘ ++ ‘ oT ormel La ] J cl , eae Marqu Sa Of Be MonitZa, as ye [9 ae the Lordship of Negeropont, the Duchy of Athens Principality of Achaia or the Morea, which was con- quered by Geoffrey of Villehardouin and William of Champlitte, Champagnards both, and which was I 3 if 198 3ALIN EMPIREBYZANTINE EMPIRE from the rags and tatters of the Empire. It seemed } that cn was the end + | - a0 + ‘ ro But. between these two new organisms hus ushered ? . lade ] re . hn . +hare 1 } hind: NENT } lifter into political existence there WaS a Tfundamentai aliite.%r- i [hb > : ne 197 iw ire oT + cra ngning ft > tar ence. The Latin Empire, notwithstand! g the sterling ,* . . . } : 1 - * . u "so 7 rey ¢ 1c ” qualities of its first two sovereigns, was destined to endure for hardly Nalf a century [204 1201): 1tsS 1ni- tial weakness | t inevitably ephemeral. In the “ ‘ (sreeks, on the contrary, the victory ol the rorelgner } : ‘ ] “met : ' “oiriwern ¢ . ant ha | reawaKene pati sm, and revived the Senti- l oe lers, . } +1 1 ment ( ; »\ shaket* nat > Liityv. A these ie ac aroun | wnon were or uped 9 . le Wy ing rorc es Of the 1 j ] } } 1 S 3 . Greek world, had one and the same ambition—to re- cover \ nstantinopie from the hated Latins. It only = : > * ' > ‘ ins . + 4 ons r¥ ] ( .o . te TY) remained pe seen Wi) 1 or the Two Trl1Val \ore€ekK eCm- 5 pire S. LUA f Nica ad OF that f I; ru would succeed Il. THE LATIN EMPIRE OF CONSTANTINOPLE TuHat the work of the fourth Crusade should have any chance of permanence, it was necessary that the Em- pire Ssnouid hay e a strong government, a ciosely Cen- 7” . . 4.) z } - 7 y . tralized organization. Ni w. in tne purely feudal State .* ] | ) i } } an be - se aoe which the Latins had founded, the en peror was only ie first of the barons. His authority, narrowly re- stricted territorially, was almost nil politically. Bald- win, immediately after his accession, was forced to declare war against his rebellious vassal, the King of Thessalonica: and although a successful effort was made to reconcile them, there was never a durable + 7 understanding between them. t io |contend Or We 1 , *?) ' ‘ auilil i Z 7 es x ‘ rnoem? ‘ rer } Athy , “5 *? ‘rf f ’ chil cti ryité \ ~ * ; \ ‘ rie rye ' ' 4 : i «kh ¥¥ . -. p ‘yi farted ¢! pr ry ‘ } ’ Liicy | . , ) e) . LIC By ‘ , re T, rr , , Ul Ni} ai *7 Tr uy ener Neve t}] bX LiN vy ¢ i seemed . ’ - LATIN ‘ . e* . . ‘ ' . ‘ ‘ ’ ‘ ' ’ ' ; . : ~~ } : ‘ ’ ; 7riTy . , EMPIRE ‘ - y,* ; ‘ : ‘ . ‘ : f Ly ! ; | ' i ‘ ‘ send ‘ } —T } ; ' ; ry * mi. Ff a . "a ‘ ’ » VY mY i © jBYZANTINE EMPIRE 1 +? > & LI i a few weeks, without se \ re S] C - ta + nce. In Asia Minor, : j ] } | ¥ } : Pe : lenry Ol I: landers aereateda tne Gs) E€e€KS at Olmame- . , ] j ae } } ss : : as nun : ind tne ’ e 1 \ i) rn DOWCI | | heodore Lasc aris, « i 1 ; ) 1 : who retall Ct CXCEDI Brou a, seemed on the i ; oo YCIVC UI » Y iCil iit LY co i 2 1Tace yy sb R a ak -~* ¢ . } . I he re L, ~mnits +7 , “+ rne PLiit’ il cl > a 4 \ i * cAl Wilell Za, in rac Ly ‘ . ' } . 1 , 1 . er 1 *) ‘ . ‘wy “> morn 1 . “7 > y at ci nC ic W Ii i( Li | np LC. DeInY well received ; 1 ‘ 1 | - eVer\ where by LHe ITY ‘ni (5ree ™ Subd 1ecTs. Rashly, . » | om I oe — -~ ¢- } |: — r Baldwu and ti - WIth iy aA Tew Ul DS, Ul pero! MAdGWIN and The « i ) . ry aia ae } | ¢ ree > i. rryvir* th . he re | i i ‘ —~ \ Sii« enemy 1€ . , + - 1 Latin army sustained a b ly defeat on the plains j ; ae ‘ ’ be a ; . of Adrianop 206), 1n h Baldwi disappeared. i at . : : ‘ Chen. for two years, the Bulgarian sovereign led his devastating armies through Macedonia, eager to he def hat Basil II had f ly avenge ne rea nat ASL) nad formerly in- - * } = . : : tcf ¢é ) flicted upon his people, and p aiming himself ““Ro- i i i ’ : a1 ) : ad - 1c) conu LyCc! I Re Tr) by Way of retort +, “BR \ . on ‘ > . ,? I] 1 1, ‘ rinrcy I"h . : 1, ,1¢r* ii) PLL’ cel i . \ YY LL.) /\ wt side ie~ssaioniCa chen f rr ly? ‘ 1. t * j bon . he iis ] 117 } ubtedly Wilel » LWLLULIALCLY J i Lit ma Ll S, LAU LIC, U COUDTECILY 7 * assa nated (12 : Lhe iore Lascal > U advantage ol this diversion ‘ oi ta by); }) mel ctral rehan hic , MILA iw. \ I bit Vl Cili ¥ of landers, } . } - ; Don't ; ~ ; 7 brother and successor of Baldwin (1205—1216),—who +1 } " j | . ‘ ° was assuredly the prea ruier that the Latin .mpire i” + 1 ; , ° , \ . > .% 5 q« | . ' ‘ . oust - } ble h; i a ns Anit rit pic CYC iicttl, it Seemed pro ya We { lal . ' ; ' '. . th ’ . + = . 1 Hy . ( Y" rie U 1) : ry mTe IT wn ‘ tT OoLei CO iCwa LC i wy . LLigocltLivl.. Yr Ail CnSure ito UY a 2 , . c | ~ ry > ‘ + _ * ‘> + . . ‘ . or perl anene¢ coe Aft 4 i. LAX ‘ i] Wi |ohannitza, Henry | — ] > | r58 . hi > 1 a + 4 + b> ‘ ~* } 1-s —oe4 conciuded a treaty With Bulgaria, thus delivering the . = - . , . ‘* + ,» > 4 | ,- - > ris + °C pO » Empire irom a source OT serious anxiety; he succeeded fr ! ] . 1 . . e fairly well in reuniting the Latins, and in restoring the d e c imperial authority over his great vassals; he even suc- i+ , ) . , ~ » a \ : \ y's ) tre A , ‘ a ; i j ’ . : a4 % . . ; ' ’ . e : ~ ‘ 4 ‘ . ‘ . - = | ‘ : ‘ ‘ e . } 4 i i gw ‘ ' ‘ __— a? : ; : - = | + ; se" 4 iY ‘ ty . ® . 5 \ ' yi ' eer") ‘ SS ee ' ‘ i \¥ » is ry on 4 } = GH] K . 8 ; . ’ | - . . - — > A » 5 ; ’ ra 4 . \ be ; . | ’ y ? - »/*% , A . ; } | | . ’ ; > ree * ' ‘ . KM PIRI * ‘ : ‘ ‘ ; ! . . ; { ’ is . } , : ; | : . ¢ > TAF if , ;BYZANTINE EMPIRE But one might ask whether the destiny and ambi- tion of the Empire of Niczea would not always be con- fined within the Asiatic pr yvinces of the ancient mon- archy. In Europe, indeed, the despot of Epirus, Theo- dore Ducas Angelus (1214-1230), who succeeded his brother Michael, had largely augmented, at the ex- pense of both Latins and Bulgarians, the states that he had inherited. He had recovered Durazzo and cei rfu fr ym the \ enetians, and had occ upied ( Ychrida and Pelagonia: in 1222, he seized Thessalonica, where young Demetrius, son of Boniface of Montferrat, was reigning; and in this city retaken from the Latins, he , 4 1. 4 was solemniy crowned emperor, amid tne acclama- ] _ Cll ivari- Ans, he ( x I ] n sp! [ iu] hority () he neigh borhs \ Pp ipp polis. and Christopo- is, and it seemed that he would ere long overthrow the Latin Empire. At Serres, in 1224, he defeated the army of the imp tent sovereign, Robert of Courtenay rm rat : ae } : s lL. “ P : (1221-1228), who ruled over the remnants of the But the progress of the Greek Empire in Eur pe was about to be abruptly checked. John Asen, an alert sel a eo cee Al ne and intelligent prince, reigned in Bulgaria from 1218 to 1241. Like Johannitza before him, he had readily taken sides with the Latins against the Greeks: and, when the :mperor Robert died in 1228, he was wholly disposed CO accept the regency of the Latin Empire during the minority of the young Baldwin II | (1228-1261). But the bungling intransigence of the Latin clergy was responsible for the preference over LL ie" , ‘ yrry ‘ y ’ ’ ' '* - * . . Tt. : } Fi . ft \ t 4 . : ‘ » | on i } + if i . r\ , * . . , ¥ * ‘ « . j as i] vy «ll \ | ' | ) ' y i; i . »} * ’ ; io daa te ~ «s i | i \ \ ; +e , 4 ~~ © T . . | . ‘ , | . ' ’ ’ al i i . i? . > . : * . at ; , , 4 gay ¥ ’ : . ‘ ’ } 1 ® : ; ‘ , j r y . i ; | . ’ ‘ , , . — ‘ . 8 —" * ; . a j ; ; ' : ‘ . ¥ ‘ ‘ . ' ‘ ‘ ; bar . ’ \ 7 ¥ \ : ‘ ' : : ‘ ; » i » ; \ ry ‘+ 1 + . ’ . . o > _ a » } 6 ° ‘ ; * y . 1 : } ‘ ; ; y ¥ , ‘ . . ‘ . ' ‘ "> oT re ‘ . iy . ; | } ! : ‘°* * * « ¥ ” * ¥ > Y ‘ ‘ i rior ; ,* ‘ ' ' } - : ' ; . ¥ . 4 : ' ’ . . ‘ ; rr ‘ \ ’ - ‘ ' rT } \. a § ® i y ‘ i \ , t «i . ; . . ‘ : ( ’ ‘ m Per , ry . ‘ ray ,7 ry } ‘ | tit. y vy «ll =o ah} i \BYZANTINE EMPIRE 1e West realized in time that she must be rescued: the maritime cities of Italy and the Prince of Achaia haste ni tO her aid. The capital of the | atin Empire escaped: and thanks to the rupture of | cloanlin i CLOSELY . upon the death of John Asen (1234) the hapless 1 cc , 7 1}* = ] ne | . \ “+ e ; ~aanrea urhHir ry six > rhe (5reco Bul i] ‘ i » pow ~ ) { ici ‘ 4 {DI Onen- . bil L/ i Lit i iwi l I I I 4 Timi | } oI ’ rts ] ini244) nay i * PS il ‘ WA it ~ H+ ,and W 10, _." a . 4} Pe wht, ‘rr = ‘ - ‘ 4 b, » | bn on Km va J : assum rtne I C OF Drocec r Che LatcIn npire )e- ‘suse he hated the Pope. unhesitatinely abandoned cLLI St blk LLEA LOCAL LLIC mJy, UU LIVOILEALILS LY aDANCGdONe( i ~ 4 . ' ° ‘ . ' ( > fantinon . 4 ¢ (sree ‘*hea 4 nrive j th . Kranks j cA | k 7 iv } ii AWA teal eg LAL UC} 2 Cl ‘ ic < im I O] ih . LD pt I oF Lit JV LURK . 44 cLT) Wl Conium [244), 1 4 f +} \I a A cj + ‘ mmfrorre 1 : yCro!| «IN yt 1 1° al) 4 LVN Chul VY cll (At \. i Ait AVLU IL} Pd Invasion In 4 Sla : . : rT* Hy fe le expense of the lurks. ecially active in Furone. The de os JECIALUY ACTIVE If) sUTOPE. 1€ aespotat ; ; . } | ] t [ oo ao - \ ce , of Epirus was a hotbed of anarchy; Vatatzes profited , * 1 . 1 P CoM + by this to compel John Angelus, son of Theodore, to ee, =] a ae ad ee renounce the title of emperor, and to acknowledge ‘ himself a vassal of Nicaea (1242). Four years later, in [ 146 |1946. he L | L 5» +4 . . ' 1 ’ ‘ } ‘ . ss + ° , , &@ r- ’ - 7 ry j j ' 4 . ; "< . 1 ~ * ; ; | ‘ ’ . i ' 4 I } ‘ ’ , , ’ iy . ; ’ \\ | _ - * . ‘ ' ‘ . ’ 1 , i | ' . , ‘ y ' ' | | . : | | i : : . 4 , ‘ ' . j - he , f : ‘ \ ‘ : ‘ ‘ . 4 ‘ y e ' ‘ ! . e ’ ’ « , , 7 ' ’ ! | , IVI Ll, . ; Pala j - 7 ’ ‘ 7 ; . ; vy ) " : ‘ ' 1 , ‘ . ' ‘ ; } { Ee MPIRIBYZANTINE EMPIRE Macedonia, invaded Albania, and inflicted a sangui- nary defeat upon the despot and his allies, on the plain of Pelagonia 12¢9). Thus the despotat of Epirus vanished before the good fortune of the Empire of Nicza. Shortly afterward Palzeologus consummated his achievement by re onquering C nstantinople. In 1261. he crossed the Hellespont, and took from the Latins all that they possessed outside of the capl- tal. With ereat adroitness, he entered into an alliance against the Venetians, who realized a little tardily the necessity of defending Constantinople, with their rivals. the ( en ese. TO whon : by the treacy of Nym- pheum Pen te SAG ple lived himself to grant all the - a . ] | . ‘ —_ ; - ‘ 4 privueges enioved \ he ( mpectictors TT) the Hast. : -. lheretore it needed o! y a propitious opportunity to < i 7 , 1’ | 1 ’ * fc a 2 } ‘colt .o «+ 4 4 * 1 ry, i mmric r=" oO cL . deliver the capita . the hands of the Greeks. July ~~ ' +/ fi " > t » | » | y . rennprTr | t | ¢ } T bee Laeway ULL § Lich MOY Lis MWeMNerais LOOK agvan- tage of the fa t that the \ enetian Heet had tempora- rily left the ( solden LH rn, t cain possession of the a lucky coup de main. Baldwin II had no choice but to flee, followed by the Latin Patriarch and the Venetian colonists; and, on August 15, 1261, Michael Palezeologus made his formal entry into Con- stantinople, and assumed the imperial crown In St. Si phi 1. The Byzantine | mpire seemed to be born ; ; moar the natinnal dui ey) t i+ 4 | <> ipa n, undael he national dynasty of the alzeologi, } bs 1 . who were tO govern the reaim for nearly two centuries. V. THE PRINCIPALITY OF ACHAIA Tue other Latin states that grew out of the fourth Crusade did not all disappear at the same time with’ , ‘ \ a 4 : ici \ _* .* I , : } | | : , » ? re ' ' i yy) a pure * e+ ,77 Luli “ys ‘ 7s , 4) , » WV ¢ ‘ } : Ve i rey y Li «f >. ' i r 1 , il ’ . — ‘ 4 4 i y 4 : ‘ ii GRE] K \ . : r ‘ ' ' , -* ‘ , : } . vy . »? : Ff - ) - , } ' , ' a ‘ ' , . ; \ EMPIRE ; , , ’ \ ‘ | { 7 ' . ‘ , I ° : ‘ i>. ilBYZANTINE / Mistr EMPIRE ] ] ‘oo + + ‘ + or} ‘ ' rHErOAOCOC SD i1¢ rong Teucdal IOTUTesses , ; , . + ¢ ,fTry ry 1f LJ] i} LL rT) i . A t@ A | is nteresting episi aes 1n - ae . + 1X ‘ } : } n which the | } ’ - } ~~ 4 - iro + ntn ¢ ury exerted ' { I + ’ + Pry ‘ ‘ \ ] VWI cA; Ils, : “ay " ’ hare . 17} ( i. nere William of ' 7° : : 4 ; . \ ‘ ; i I i J vi ! | ale j= ¢ * Try rmyvT | . iA = i , it -< i= ‘ } % 4, , ’ 1 } -+ + . to recover Nis liberty, the { | i , t t rir | Y~ Klemutsi, at Karytaina o1 ‘ ~~ t , ,rTy th ‘ ' . i . Maina, we find the ruins o! ' } ] | ¢ Hy oo a i . io? . Dulit DY The re 1 ei) { , © | , - , r ‘ : aoeosuUriCULY J SS | | 3 reyy + i; 1, . , \ y y A ; < I ' , .* , ~~ * , +? ‘ . + ‘ Lh Vl ‘ as _ i 7 + \ a . ** ' In (sreek ] + " 1 ‘ i ’ ALIN VW WtsivAd y < } ’ . I) r | ; } . * + 1 As Ai | : V1] hae » § ‘ : ileal x ‘ + : } } ry} rT ? , i he ‘ , Lie ‘ } " | ‘ t } ' } pa Y O] A | ;* T> 7 -7 7% 8 , French p \ ‘ . ¢ \ 4 } \ \/] Le \ cil ; *?} J ‘ee Ty + ’ ii I ‘ ad } ‘ ch i i = ‘ a i | . ‘ \ t \ ;y¥ i it i | ) ~ ‘ ‘ : L de . ) i ‘ vy ‘ port ( | ' ’ ; rT ‘ . ‘ hee i ; ad r? +? -? + . ; . pl it L Lille L? » « . : r ' yf ‘ ; , ~% i |) i Ll . , Ws Al We « ‘ T° tT ’ ¢ , f Was } ) , h Vi iv i ] ; , ‘ ‘ ; ‘ > y ciecacit CO] DYZ ; . , + 4 + ‘ ¥- ‘ GCsp C iA ¥ Lit vy ip} \cl this f sPITUS cit] i - ile cl, | » SOUrCE I LFIAICLY and Pa Ll] +} I | WW] rine clet Ci l of 1 1 with Latin , OV the tréatv of 1207, ae ) y ro + + . 1, and Vlis ra to lf ere revained a ] iold 1n covernments of women ind the Navarrese es death of Villehardouin . > } ‘ | «1, , 4 : 4 V\ i} iit Su )- liation, to make rapid . to found there, in the - Mor hicl notat of Morea, which 5 tates in the is that the + 1 set- 5 } nstantinople, n by Michael Paleeologus in ied to be a ideniable weak- } . } eo (ycrl CJ iN i QWPaar t oR. ¥ Td (; in | ' ) Great VW | P b (;BYZANTINE EMPIRE three groups of demesnes in Asia, the possessions of the former Empire of Nicea; in Europe, Constantt- nople, with Thrace, and a part of Macedonia, of which Thessalonica was the pring ipal city; and, lastly, several islands as Rh les, Lesbos, Samothrace, and [mbros. And confronting this Empire, shorn of terri- tory, financially exnaust 1, and freebdle MIililtarlily, were > oens rere “ rh1 f +h eave . o is young states, vigorous, Conscious OF their power, Keen ; x ] ) { ‘ [ PS T) { VN 1) By I | rit nevgemony she had once possessed. These states were in the Balkan Peninsula, the second Bulgarian Empire in the thir- teenth century, an the (sreater Serbia of Stephen Dushan in the fourteenth; and, most important of all, ‘ ' : ty j ry ri ¢ wy > rriy lo he rye Ty re one in Asia, ne IrKS, WNOSE a ie bpecame more men- Y / C RR j yj f V/ pi } “ici J / / / / i ila / JUL S I 261 - | wot | ae ~Va ““ . bs sy . oe ’ . 7 soo 41 . > 1282).—To restore the Byzantine Empire in its integ- realizing to the full his far-reaching ambition, he seems, none the less, in respect f the goal that he set before himself, of his genius for administration, and his adroitness, to have been the last of the great em- perors of Byzantium. Immediately after his acc ession, Michael made plain his purpose to recover, from the Greeks as well as the Latins, the provinces wrested from the Empire. He obtained a foothold in Frankish Morea (end of EL tg2 JBYZANTINE EMPIRE possession of Constantinople; that he should have a free hand in the East, and that he should be permitted to combat the Latins themselves there. And, in fact, he did take the offensive in Epirus (1274) against the Angevin troops; he intervened in Thessaly, where he he sieved Neonpatras [278 2 JOU rht the Venetians In T Euboea, and pu hed forward into Achaia, where the Greeks to Rome interfered with these adroit combina- [II had imposed the union upon the ) son } on j - . 2 . « ol ; “- “ae Byzan S Gc y DY Trorces ii pr p sed, in concert pty ! ) : ] ] ) se - with the Patriarch John Beccus (127°). to carry it out . 7 4 i . . . . . el by force. Thereby he succeeded only in stirring up a schism within the UOrtl lox (Church: and the antago- a eg A which he had beleurd Phisill WU yy CC v) ICaliiis, Wil cn iC 1aqd eClleVed } } :. ; | | 1 . 1 that he could abate, became only the more bitter and ' be T + . » , e } . ,* On his part, Charles of Anjou, who was badly dis- } . e . oruntle .. He reorganized his govern- | : hi ment in | pirus (12 won the Papacy over to his Views x sw - ; f rrTryy é ; Witn he me Aanr Vent ‘e a ¥ ii yO pe 1 . cA] i ! i WAL vy i + AL inN cALINVG i\ < } } league to restore the Latin Empire, which league, from hatred for Michael VIII, the Serbs joined and the Bulgarians, and even the Greeks of Thessaly and Epirus. The Byzantine Emperor made head against them all. At Berat he defeated the generals of Charles of Anjou; above all, to shatter the ambition of the 5 Angevin, he instigated the Sicilian Vespers (March, ion, althe ugh by this means he finally held the 1282). Bu West in check, Michael VIII, being too exclusively L 254 ; #THE PALASOLOGI henrhed hy] | he] > e ‘ * ~~ ¢ . ' ° »?) . . . +¥ ci) ‘ iWeu Uy ' iat i ~ YY os ’ , + . } rary ' ’ , ner ay ‘ : 7 £4 . ’ } + Lk wv: i i i \ 7 } if , , . ry : \ ‘ é ‘ . % J ee ; A ‘ ’ \ ' ‘ 7 . ’ yt + , ' y » ‘ ‘ p | \ y , ° - : » 4 ‘ : j | y id ‘ ) : ‘ ‘ } ; ir ve io 7 . | + i y * ; — j ‘4 + . °° . \ i : leon | | Li - “ - ‘ . ; : . c\T | . , . ‘¥ r i ’ ; ’ ’ 4 ii] writ \ i , i * | * + % ’ : ’ ¢ t * ‘ | ; , : . + | ; as . | } *} es * , ’ . ’ ‘ 2 ' * ?} > . ’ . , ‘ . ; } } i li 1) Cu e>y7 ‘ . ; . #e' . 5 | ' . ' q hs m * . . . t | | fi e- \ : ‘ Ps - ’ ‘ \ ¥ . ’ a * . ’ } ‘ LL T ’ +f ' “ ‘ - ; vy i ‘ ; ' Lt ' { ¢ ’ ; J ‘¥ i i | ~ ¥ .BYZANTINE EMPIRE , neither to arrest its degeneration nor to prevent its . ' 1) } destruction: and the latter coulda ao no more than seek death heroically on the ramparts of his capital ] when it was taken by storm. It mattered little, there- . ' ' } j ie > he fore. that during this century and a half the Empire : ] ] : ] } ‘ + . > ° -“<% sometimes had at its head men of worth: events were . , . “1 1 . ae , . sTrone'’ . rnan rhe it vy ] > | be ch witnin and without, make head against the perus whl h menaced the iim- ’ c cae 1 ‘al that it choulaa ; ‘ . = . -hm-4 . pire rom abroad, !} Vas essential ile l Snould Ic unit lL, pDeacerui, and su T al home. On he COon- } } 1 ) ‘ : : “+4 . ° ; « . > = . 4 ++ “oy trarv. the ep f the Palzeologi was filled with revo- ' ° ‘ ] ‘] } : ] e a ‘ . — ee | No rrana , + Andront lit ns i] i Cly\ Ti] : Lit TaANGSON OF 2 naronicus [I, the future Emperor Andronicus III, rose against his grandtather, w! lesigned to deprive him of his ' ° : ‘ ' : : ' i~@Oiltimacte aim. 1 Ul throne: and for severai years .* 1 ry aor interminted hy A asional . 4a Lia . 1a yy «i . ‘ Ll] LA / y Ll« I Lis i * ; _n + : truces ievastated CI i pir to end nnauy in the . ‘ ‘ ’ . apture oF \ tantinopile Dy the insurgen $s, and the ' ‘ , - a os h furl : 8) All ; C rf empel ? LAI , and fo! i ‘ ' 1 j :% : SIX YCal 134] 17) the Greek world was divided into CWO factions, tne aristoci \ upporting the usurper cI E leaiti lern +] ft] and tne pe pie the iepitimate aynastv.—untli the 1 = ° y ir ugh treachery, into the } ry 1e reign of John Cantacuzene (1347-135: c the intrisues of John (V) Palzeologus, for whom they ' ; *?} ' 1 yy THI PAI LOLOG! * * ; . ¥ ‘ . . ’ : ; ‘ ’BYZANTINE EMPIRE restored order and tranquillity in the CIty that had } ] ‘ a ¢ him faken sides avalnst ililn. ) | i 1; ¢ ‘ 1] 4] - — is Re aious conn . Chu Cs} eciallvy to the 1mmemo- alia a ee ate se rial hostility between Greeks and Latins, intensified | deemed it wise, as a mat- 5 ter of policy, to draw nearer to Rome and to renew the ‘ ' . ] aN Ce, aaa }. va de a union between the churches; by so doing, he aroused a ae ee ek Lag Na ee ae ca disaffection so serious, that the first care of his suc- cessor. Andronicus II, was to ma ce his peace with the ( re} } ‘ ] =r 1 | ‘ 1 ot cr) , “ r +h nact nmol: led Lill LA LUIGI ¥e AY SAS Wl LIit ACT CONCIUCETC ce ‘Te ORO a ate, f 15 is ‘ed the : yvacyv. ih ituralivy embittered the an- tagonism between Latins and Greeks, and, in the > ~AaAFT my % + * t ¢ ‘ ar ‘ nm Nery * t| > 9 So ¢ monarcny 1 Cll ie Cd : 1 DETWEEN LE } artisans + : 7 1 . ind adversaries of t nion. A hot polemical con- aa4i i ‘ . 7 tae 4A ‘ ~ VA * ‘ ‘ d } ws SALE ( + ¥- ‘ roy f ‘ '" hy) 1f 1 ’ ir } ‘mM rs? ti} } ; LT Y¥ULIOY : . . i i < - - cl Ls cili i Umperceptu WY transformed all sympathy with Latin ideas into : ee (/nder these condition , the supntest pretext un- leashed the hatred of Byzantine nationalism for the We r Phi Wi Ch) iInderivine cause oF the contro- versy, outwardly purely theoioep ical, Caliea the quarrel ’ -} , . : ‘ 1% i “a + ; . ‘ . : -Te. t} yy Lille Hesychas > WILICH a ated and dGlv1idedad the monks at Mount Ath the adversaries were, 1n real- itv. the Greek mind and the Latin mind—Oriental - j | ] mysticism, represel aqoyY tne Hesychasts anda their lee on Sa he ey oe ae ‘ . champion, Gregory Palamas, and Latin rationalism, ax) : lL, ,% ™! - : ee RB onl os vy ’ } \| _ 1 y . Whose ChalnMpt is LV € ic ra | pd Tiadalld) and ani « MLA YnoOs, aon CR nee a ent ware iy | i oe Leu ted on St. Lhomas Aquinas, and trained in the dlaiec- ie scholiasts: and it was for this reason that 1e quarrel soon took on a political color, Cantacu- [198 Jwa rie 1 Ty d ; oA Y 1 » 4} 4 . , + I a it ‘ | t «4 r 1 ey i Ty! Y bak ‘ , 7 \ ‘ ry i { i yy } "7 LN LITE ) 4% »} .¥ ss , ‘ ; my Y « 2 , ak ' , ; . ’ ' — VIII, . ¢ ’ ’ } b » ‘ ‘ ’ —— ' ; . ; ; \ . , ; ‘ ’ ' ' ‘ 7 ‘ mrsry \ I PHE ‘ ‘¥ ‘ * ‘ 1 7. b ™ * ‘ ; ’ + * ? 1 ; ’ ‘ i . . ij + oY i PAI LOLOG] . i | ' ; | enn. : : — * , , ‘ ' .BYZANTINE EMPIRE crown jewels; money there was none: the treasury was empty. The military deterioration was no less serious: the army, numerically weak, ill-disciplined, and with diffi- ulty kept in hand, became gradually more and more pow erless to defend the Empire. ‘The mercenaries in the service of the government revolted against it, as did, under Andronicus II, the Catalan Grand Com- pany, which, having seized ane besieged Con- ‘ stantinople for two years (1305-1307), and carried its Victorious standards ac , RMiedonts and Greece 1207-1211); as did, in hs middle of the fourteenth century, the Serbian a1 Turkish auxiliaries, who ravaged and sacked the Eniiitehe ithout mercy. At sea there Was the Same helpless: 1eS . Mich: 1e| VIII had endeavored to reorganize the Byzantit fleet: his successors decided that the expense was use- } less. and abandoned the control of the eastern waters the fleets of the Italian republic s. The [:mpire was falling into decay, powerless against the perils that threatened it from without. External Causes of Decadence. Bulgarians and Serbs. After John Asen’s death in 1241, the Wallachian- pita irian Empire, which had been so great a menace tO Byzantium since the end of the twelfth century, had been seriously weakened by t the intestine wars that tore it asunder. [he severe defeat t that the Serbs inflicted upon the Tsar Michael at Velbujd (1330) de- finitively destroyed its power. Nevertheless, the Bul- garians were still unpleasant neighbors to the Empire: they interfered in Byzantine affairs; they took advan- [ 160 JIhe PALASOLOGI o . . e y t} cq : ,Y + ' ¥ + , \; ' i i | ive of the as ance ley pave and "mS , “~ 4 ’ ’ ey ’ a? : . . + . r+ ‘ , : * ra ~ Tr t ‘ ’ rer ‘ . . *) - j ¢*¢ ' ‘ : ; r ; YY « J i. ’ ‘ » we & . b ’ i i > + :¥ . ' , 4 cf “a hil > ‘ ‘ ‘ : , * ¥ ; , ‘ ’ ’ ’ : ' *? , - ' iors { >. i ™~ * eee . | ens rT, ; , Ne ’ : ~-s . ’ ; ’ ’ : A } i ' ‘ 4 . i ; ‘ ’ : . ] ) nelao | : ; Ochrida. Preena \ ca2/ “ } ‘ i . | ahs ; 1» i } : . ; : | . . as ‘ ; - 7 . i? , } | ‘ ers se rry ' ; ° =F ry * ' ’ ™ * ry l ii ‘ AAs ‘ ‘ ’ ' , . ; ‘ ' ' irb ‘ the (41 . “ 4 ; ‘ When Stenhen Dusha: , » | ' ; : i } 1 rr at “errs ey_t ; ty ' ~ ¥ f | day } aa i ‘ ; , i H } : , ; ) * Ty ‘ ' . * F ‘ + , < . ; ™~ fF & , y + : y¥ ‘ ‘ aay . ) ; . 9 » . ; ¢ . ' ‘ ’ ' i C ' ; ,¥* ’ ' , ’ , . ; eh il Ca ( { \‘ ) t cf i ’ rm (ey : ’ é ,¥ ‘ ‘ ; | + y ‘ , ’ , ; , °¥ fr oF i es — @ i ‘ i b | 4 "7 : ' s @ i hal “A sh ft i j .* ' mm ¢ : ' . » ' ' ‘ r * ’ ' } > Cl «tl f ( ‘ i } ‘ i 4 . , - ‘ ion '* > = . - ; ry ror : e} y : 4 ' ’ ; ¥ \la rm) by i pit z- bit iA \\ as ul , | ry ¢ . - » ; , . ) ' ' ‘ ¥ : ’ - 4 443 . ia yy b A Pr L «i 1 «lt al ' iBYZANTINE EMPIRE Valona from the Angevins, and Epirus as far as Janina from the Greeks (1340), he forced his way into Mace- at Ll 1e Byzantines sti held only Thessa- donia, where t lonica and Chalcidice, and where the Serbian frontier he Maritza on the east (1345). And in 1346, in the cathedral of Uskub, Dushan had himself sol- ] emnly crowned “Emperor and Autocrat of the Ser- | mpire now reached from the Danube to the A2gean Sea and the Adriatic. Dushan organized it on the model of Byzantium. He gave it a code of laws (1349); he est iblished a patriarchate at Ipek, in- dependent of Constantinople; having overcome the Greeks (he besieged Thessalonica in 1351), the Ange- Vil he King of Bosnia, and the King of Hungary, | ’ ] t ot 4 | . ry + , (x > . ] 191 ‘— +7 a » Hc 6S | Forth as ne mo power,;ul p! nce 1n The ukans, and the ope prociaimed nim i~gadcer OF tne ‘ ' ‘ . ‘ - } ‘1 _ } r1AACT rhe ur . lt rary mori f ,e Lu: ry in only yy cil ne 1 , il i} \ e LVILIALIIC . & i Li0i chs I , + ° . S , ° 4 % ” ¢ €-> : ‘ ~*% . . + es i «+ ,-- ‘ } \ 1 o { ance ( OnStalh il Mit. He i it . 3 | +S A /y LOUK. J (iT ]- i ee ee sh anople and [’hrace, and died suddenly,—unfortu- * = ‘} . : * - , 7 } 0 : | . | nately for Christendom,—in sight of the city whicn ee a ee ae ar hie deat he had dreamed of making his capital. After his death « i 7 Fee his Empire speedily fell apart. But from this struggle : . + ; . - ? ; w~ ; ,% + ag e tt + of twenty-five years Byzantium emerged a little yy c , Sy ee ] "1 aT ¥. o. at e . ; 5 , The Turks—While the Greek Empire in Europe IN ey EK ATS 1 eat a hes Slanea was thus dwindling before the attacks of the Slavic raf the ( ) mAaANiy fe y | Were y | in y rOMOrecc 17 ole Co Lif sant UrTKS Were ManInyg propress In ‘ 1 : andar el | aoe hy . eh oy ~hief: Asia, under the leadership of the three oreat chiefs, ) ‘ 1 ] } j A Ertoghrul, Osman (1289 1326), and Orkhan (1326- 1359). Despite the efforts, sometimes successful, of | 1062LHI PAI LOLOG!BYZANTINE EMPIRE stronghold that the Byzantines still possessed in Asia Minor - ae (1391) Bajazet (1389-1402) took even more forcible meas- ures in deali ng with the E mpire. He laid close siege to the Greek capital (1391-1395); and when 1 the supreme attempt of the W est to save Byzantium had failed, at the battle of Nicopolis (1396), he made a vigorous at- tack on Constantinople (1397), at the same time that he invaded the Mor ‘ea. Fortunately for the Greeks, the Mongol invasion an the crushing defeat that Timur inflicted one the Turks at Angora (1402) gave the Empire twenty years further respite. But in 142] Murad rT (TAZ Im“IAS I re sumed the offensive. He attacked—without success, it 1s true—Constan- tinople, which resisted vigorously (1422); he took Thessalonica (1430), which the Venetians had bought fr m the Greeks in 1422: One ‘f his generals forced his way into the Mo 1422): he himself carried the war into Boas and Saihan. and extorted tribute from the Prince a Wallachia. The Greek Empire, at its last gas p> had nothing left besides Constantinople and the vicinity, s far as Derkos and Selymbria, except a few scattered ern along the coast Anchialus, Mesembria, Athos, and the Pel ponnesus, which, hav- ing been almost entirely recovered from the Latins, became at this time the centre, as it were, of Greek nationality. Despite the heroic efforts of John Hunyady, who defeated the Turks in 1443 at Kunoviza; despite the resistance of Scanderbeg in Albania, the Ottomans pursued their advantage. In 1444, at the battle of Varna, the last great effort that Christendom essayed [ 104 Ji) ACCO] 1} ] ' by ail Chie the Gre the mo tt * had un gain O] Hie 1 \} i , : we e- ’ ’ . 7 ct iy | er) ii ; ry , ¥ , . ‘ + , i ar% Lk at »?} ‘ 1 rr ry } ’ i , : t ' ‘ * ¢? ’ \ } . *? if — ‘8 ; Ty ‘ oe Se) y | y alla i LHE Ti j ‘ ‘ j yy ' ‘ ‘ ( 1 Pty * ) , , . ae ' / s : i , ‘ ' 4. | S Vi . . ' ‘ PAI LOLOG] - &F ‘ 1) rr? — » €4 - : ‘ m4 % -» , ’ . ' . my ’ \ . 4 s t ‘ ’ ’ ’ y ms? ’ ‘ ‘ . . >; , ' :| ‘ , . Ff ' , { , : ; ~ ; » i ¥ ) is } j ’ : ‘ ; * } ~ . Pict . , 7 + - ‘ * : . . r- ' e? . ( ‘ ri ‘ ry + , - © Fria , : ’ tf ’ , ¢ . ry } e 7 ’ ’ ~ +s ’ j f ’ ‘ mm Pay . ’ ; i ‘ ’ ; ‘ ; rea! i +4 i* ‘ ’ » + , . ive ii | a A ; > a4 yf rrye*y . Pay , . ’ #4 ‘4 + : oe rrt i. ¢ r ’ : Lit itcl | SOVoO 7 , , 7" ry 4 — if I - ak yer rif ’ : si b ii ah Liv, i i ! m4 iWadasSatlila ; ' .r rh ge -_s A » 2ae > © hw . : , > « ; tay : e? » ; «ls i t rit i ¥ + | oo 7? > ae ry, ' e+ y 7 — r °-* © . i ei ‘ . * ‘ 4 (ya RLah, LP 4 . * ? | , 4 A ly act “ ‘ ' } , ¥ \ | ; ¥ ‘ : . . hk ehh il ik? il LT] i | I i . ‘ i i ' } { ) : ~“s i Y ' , rr rorr ‘ i LIlis 1 y" °F , ; * : a i be wh AVI ’ 1 \1 i rs Ts. } . oe) > in ’ : ; 17 } i hye j aA ‘ 8% - + 4 , ‘ i T ‘T ' ‘¥ it LIL? \ 4 | 1 , . reget «A ‘ i iL iWVAl ‘ ’ { TY) Milo, «Al h itil j } rary roe : If | b it A} ita ‘ 17 1s . mT icir nee ntoBYZANTINE EMPIRE : ; . ¢ oT ) ] | 4 j ) A \ \ « Li se i iif i ‘ ] *) TY? } , ii i , « \ ¥ \ ' be } CWC LiiViil y\ ] , . this state of affairs to exploit the monarchy. Venice , ; , - ~ . SET UD a Ct ] Dll n tne waters or tne Levant. + } (senoa orga! oo OO ONnQ rea UU! 5 L347); the 1 » % 1 > + , , ¢ . , " ' rry ‘ ’ ai 4 7 * cl * ‘ Li | . yy \ ‘ 2 | \ »VZan- , ; ,) ¢ . rn ’ , ‘ - i + oo \ . C t| oO Libit » i aay & i ivy > SAS I 1iC Cc, LiLUS ( Led (J oe : O] 3 lp iC. | y ; ‘ ~ |} \\ ‘ ¢ ry oy + ‘ + ih ' e eae va :iv yy ~~ i y 4% ee SV LL CA Olt , , } , x + ; . ¢ + + ‘ ‘ | ~) ; »sat | g | By ik . i i i lL i c Vl Mit UI I i lac id ‘ r 4 ‘~*~ 1 + ; - ; 1 ‘ ye ‘ 1 ‘ . ” + 7, LCLUYOCICU Wd . cl » @& A‘ y >, alld lla Vl | 200 : ‘ ‘ 1 1 ‘ ‘ : ry y ’ f y * ) + ( 7 i rr ryy ri ‘tT It ha L il C clily in Fell i I it} LLC UIKS. L + } i ' _> : ' - re ] ; oie don fo ey ‘ ' es ‘ be non $ Ny Ol biiife il ¥ \ ii \ me ‘ Vl cs A fh iW ' | WLIO, ¢ i ' . . , 1 - . a i ti Oo ibich tl Y LiL ii € LLAL iil iC (lilod Lok GZ a na; moot ; e“rearr 1X '- , ry) ry +t > cl Lig C45. 64 Ls VAs a ; L vy‘ YUaloS ir Lid I J LU) | ,QQ, 1 \ { ' : . ’ } ‘1 5 f . o y ' \ * yy i* mao \ cy mf ‘ Cie ICIS LViell Siicd POUILIVL ALI Lick Meallic itl LiCc- ‘ j } ry 1 " ' rm i " 7 + + . - ¢ + > ré PILI J » cil i = < LT cl i Liat asSdatll » Ui \ 1e i .11°? y¥ sf ¥ , ‘ . \ % : ’ ’ ‘ ‘ . . ' : r / i , « ; , . i ; ) ‘ Ty ' ‘ ’ \ | | ’ 5 } } ’ | ‘ . ~ % \ . ¢ , 7 5 [ i } j : ‘ “4 LHE PAI EOLOG]BYZANTINE EMPIRE Mohammed II succeeded in bringing his fleet into the Golden Horn, and thus threatened another sector of the ramparts. The assault of May 7 failed, also; but a breach was made in the ramparts of the town, near the Gate of St. Romanus. In the night of May 28-29, 1453, the supreme as- sault began. qT wice the Turks were repulsed; then Mohammed hurled the Janissaries into the breach. At that moment, the Genoese Giustiniani, who, with the Emperor, had been the soul of the « before was badly wounded, and was compelled to quit his post, thus dist reanizine the defence. Neve the Em- peror fought gallantly on, until a party of the enemy, forcing t the postern called Xyloporta, assailed the de fenders in the rear. This was the end. Constantine XIII was slain in the breach, like a hero, thus shedding upon Byzantium . But the Turks were masters y* ha 17 ' i yne final ri ay of sple ‘ndo | t a of the city. Then in fallen Constantinople there en- sued pill: ize and massacre; more than 60,000 persons were taken into c apti And on May 30, 1453, at eight in the 1 eniinian ny ummed II made his trium- phal entry into Byzantium, and went to St. Sophia, to return thanks to the God of Islam. III. BYZANTINE CIVILIZATION IN THE TIME OF THE PAL/EOLOGI So great was the vitality of this Byzantine civiliza- tion, even in its decadence, that a last renaissance, literary and artistic, illumined with a ray of expiring glory the epoch of the Pal: eologi. f 105 7pr I sas ' ' ———) —— - out . ' ' , ‘ | * 7 . geo ‘ ¥ B ' “ ' bHE .? ‘* rr ' i >, + . ) -* + . . r . . e i Y« » se PAI + * ‘ — \ 1) } Yo. JF EOLOGI ’ : * & I 7 ‘ . ’ * a , ‘ r i ’ ‘hn ar ' ’ 7 } ’ rf . , + a s ‘ } ‘ ' ® ee ' , f i ; -? — y ' 9 rAT\T ' + ‘ A ’ “ . , : } ’ , ¢BYZANTINE EMPIRE . Tes : . “ 1USTLY be said of { p } ] ‘ renaered no it . LCON) ] my 1] . . * rwyfT cne Sve 4 ie cit I he ° ‘ j mits = yi Ty ~ T } haa LN \ , } 5 eH i } > » {- 7 ’ A ] =" i ’ / + * ¥ ? 4 a" y a R ey | ; ‘ ¥ \ oe ) ] ‘ } } | { Ak . ‘ ‘ + + l | } + ry . , + ‘ : ‘N \ 1 ’ on i i rr oT \ ‘ \ — Li ’ \ 1 ’ Ty ry ft ’ y a! 4 i ‘ , San 1 i Wil ‘ ¥ i pre ¥ . . + Q A] ‘ . i; y } “* , ¢ , «A } V\ if ] . 1 } “s ers (id serbia, 1 1 } . ho VI : Wt) il Lit i ‘ si ry ¢ “Vr 11 \ ‘ Y 4 ’ A . p' } ‘ . : 1 1 a y } ‘ ( i k 4 . ’ i 3 : + y 4 t Que 30 i ; , ry} ’ ¢ Ih 5 By \ . } t 7 ~ it toK ()T) 2 \ \ . : ' 5 why YY rn ' FTenrry yf meriy In Cie Ce nla ¢ , ° ‘ LIOT. cAi1N1 which may be c mpared the fourteenth cen ars of that time that they services than did a Roger very truth, as if, on nustered all her PV ZALILIVIILI Li ne final ray of licht. ok eee qr ne | at the dawn of the niteenth ‘ } ‘ : bh; ‘ awoke to a last new birth. ; ote mane ocalen 3, particularly : . { teat of which the human- ae the infli ence, this art lost es cui oa l me living and pictur- ittic. and charming, 1n turn. j j 1" ! ¥ and ricner life, more my] ned. Color, har- i l, - 7 . was almost 1m- ‘ : } . . + their sources of inspiration 1 . . . hool of ¢ onstantinople ie mosaics of Kahrie-Djam1 the Macedonian school, } a ] Che churches Of Macedonia, } 7 \ Fe t cnul he OT Athos, and of }? y ol | rT) + |, .civt : nth | sc LUIS, t Lit IXtTeent the last representative; the the frescoes of Mistra are un- “piece. i oh “" 17 yea Tr nie I ‘ . se ik S ap] Carance CX lausted, e fourteenth century, as for- ie touch of the ancient trad1- nis potent advance in art, | }° ) ae dea & to the Italian Renaissance of no wav indebteda . +? , *? 3 . ; t £24 ’ ; as . + 5 ‘ ‘ -* * . = } ’ ' ‘ i - + . ‘ mr { + i} \ ‘ i , 7 ra ‘ ; ‘ ‘ ‘ * } i> ; 3 ’ r ; ; ‘ ‘ ‘BYZANTINE EMPIRE came unexpectedly from the lips of the men of the fif- teenth century, who delighted to recall what they did in the old ie “for the public welfare and for their countrv.” The most noted men of the time, Gemistus Plethon and Bessarion, saw in the revival of the Hel- lenic tradition the leaven which wi ould save the Em- pire, and they ac jured the sovereigns to assume, in- stead of the outworn title of Basileus of the Romans, the new and living name of King of the Hellenes, “which, in itself,”’ they said, ““would suffice to ensure the salvation of the Hellenes, and the deliverance of their enslaved brethren.’ Bessaric in reminded the last I the Pala I or f the exp! its O the S ‘ pi arte ins of ok i * i and impl red him to place himself at the head of chair ] ; ] - cal ae cae ‘ = i ‘ ry | fo descendants, in order to free Euro pe from the Turks, and to reconquer in Asia the heritage of his fathers. On the eve of the supreme catastrophe e, Plethon pro- posed to Manuel II a long programme of reforms _ —- for regenerated Hellas. And vain as these illusions mav seem, at the moment when \ toh ammed II was the very gates, it is none the a a remarkable thi this reawakening of the consciousness of the I ell let a sm that sePuces to die; this prophetic vision of the dist: int ee hen, in the words of Chalcondylas, a fifteenth-centu ithor, “a Greek king and his suc- cessors shall one day restore a realm wherein the re- united sons of the Hellenes will administer their own affairs and build up a nation.” It was at the court of Mistra that these aspirations chiefly found expression; and, too, itis in the churches of Mistra—the Metr pole early fourteenth century), the Peribleptos (mid-fourteenth century), and the L, ea.LHE PAL:LOLOGI , + ° FT * ' t .. . ‘ y ts , eh 7 : rr . FF v ¢ . y- ’ tiled i ' . ‘ : , ‘ 1c the Phasis. But. ; Se -oe eh bit bial . aus . ‘ Lt «th * 1 ) 5 ‘ . © *’ °* ’ °F ' . ; ’ r ’ , CALI CI ’ i iit ( . , + ) \ 1 ' , ; try | neg rm P . | . } s 1% ic i L/ i » % 1 . ‘ y é ’ ti ; ‘ ‘ ’ ‘ t) rly » . ty ; . b : ey . ‘ , a: 4 '*% : ate = ; . ryvUeet ‘ } ‘ eh, ( , ‘ ¥ , ; \ y wo OH 8 aif I _A ’ ‘ me th » 7 is bry , r ‘ * ; ' i) os ’ ‘ i i vy j & i vv at ; i Aidt 4 i N\) } ‘ ° ayer? ' 1? , ys ’ , INE VeE®ruIels : Salen’ 1 ] | I ‘ | : 1 é ) - 7 ; * ee ¥ * ly ’ 1uS 129 | , 4 » oA i i iwi iit. | B? Pr 1sq 7 | | i & iJ ond r i * } . * ' . 7 . 5 . f°BYZANTINE EMPIRE III, who embellished his capital with churches and monasteries. Terraced above the sea, among running streams and verdure, immensely rich by favor of her extensive commerce with the interior of Asia, cele- brated for her magnificence and the beauty of her princesses Trebizond was at that time one of the and one of the ‘ : y i. ore ‘ ne ‘ | oreat markets of the worid. | Le palace ol the princes, W : ; a ' ; ‘ + ‘ + 1 : “ ‘vA 6 + . . ‘ 1 ; “TS On a pia eau overlooking the Coast, WaS a Marve of ; . Ao ae cs reoned magnincence:; and the fame of the city, me : Ce Sia ee ro : eae head and eve of all Asia, had spread far and wide | } 1] ( ] ] ; | a } ct “bie ti 7 terry by . «I aar t +ho {++ pp + [ ricit iW wVAL Y » LiWiil Lie . irily Years I LIiC iif eent ] 7 2 ; ‘ ‘orm Tyr 4} . 4 + ? 4 | ( ry r m7 1% } rT 9g oh] r Century, ne COU! OI tile omnenil WaS thorouy y ¢ = d ’ ‘* . . , : . ‘ . ° ro “ey yar « «4 ‘ — ‘ “> ata ++ .rre yt “aT , qemorahized ; its history 1S repiete Wwitil sanpuina®’ry in- / i ~ ¢ ] ‘ . > « Cripu L] (rag ) None the le 5, thanks to The Despotat of Morea and the Empire of Trebt- zond were to survive the fall of Constantinople only a few years. In 1453, the Albanian insurrection in the Peloponnesus had brought the Turks into Morea; and the despots, brothers of Constantine XIII, after sum- I » . | , ‘ ; . - , moning the lurks to their succor, were forced to ac- ] mr MILO VYICUIPE LLiCd SCIVES VaSSdal a crne ouitan. 1en sanate : . , ; ; ; ; . —— ° — 7. + . Henry by HO 7 - +n ¢ + “ti | homas refused O pay ribute, in 1449, the situation y, i < j } a * —" became more serious. ammed I] appeared in per- ’ down all resistance, but failed J son in Morea, breakin “ f to gain possession of tra. Once more the despots had to submit, but soon they rebelled again. There- r i974 :THE PALACOLOGI : a} ; sa | : \ | ] | ‘ NI ] A — - : } ‘ o * : . ‘ i ~*~ \ ‘ Pryor + ’ { . ¥ \ ; ; ; * ‘ ; y ) » 4 ) i ©} ‘ . { [ fay ; — . : . ; , { }y ‘ : ’ et . ’ ; , ' : i yy ) + ' hh ' ’ i } ) i’ . ‘ . ; ,¥ ’ i ‘ ’ : 4 ‘ i ‘ y i \ ’ . i ‘ ry , ’ ‘ ‘ ~ * ‘ i \ ) 4 . . 4 , , y ‘ ’ ’ -_ ’ ’ rr ey ’ . * * \ «A ‘ ‘ «4 ‘ 4 ‘ , : \ ‘ Cal . >f , i i \ ' A H : in a t ; i } BYZANTINE EMPIRE thought, dead history. It has left, even to our own day, deep traces in the progress of ideas and in politi- cal ambitions; it still contains promises and pledges for the future for all the nations that have inherited its possessions. It 1s for this reason that Byzantine civilization doubly merits attention, no less for what ‘t was in itself, than for what remains of it in the his- tory of our own time. . rHE ENDAPPENDIX |! Justin ] Justinian | nil, «¢ IT, Ma io? Ph 602 ry Hey Heracli ( O4 Constantine II] O41-042 — 1 Mee odeT <9 ete ee i ‘ : i | | bi 5 ee — ee ee APPENDIX ] oe en | (onstans II, 642 HO5, hs i a a + £0; Constantine IV, Poronatus, 668-685. tinian Il. Rbinotmetus. 686-696 i Lhchil y ANAESTH MS ‘ )S. roner / Yb Leontius (usurper), Tiberius III (usurper), 698-7 ’ ’ f Justinian II (for the second time), 705-711. Michael II, J a Ran Th ; 20-042 Michael III, the D: 42/ i ; R i * \ { ‘i | ! J i \ IX vi \ ‘ i L| ; . } | i ' } 4 + APPENDIXAPPENDIA |! Greek Emperors 0 f Nic@a Theodore I Lascaris, 1204-1222 John III Vatatzes, 1222-1254. [Theodore II Lascaris, 1 12 John IV Lascaris, 1258-1259. Michael VIII Paleologus (usurper), 1259-1201. Andronicus II, 1282-1328, associated with his son Michael IX, i ‘ . 4 ‘ \ \y f ; rY - ¢ . ; — 1 ay ' John i ; tsk. OVA i A ‘ \ A 4\Jls John VII f And L\ ~ela ae" r r . - rer } 7 JOM ; i i il Liv , MOULPVC! , 1%QoO. i ‘ Manuel II, 1391-1425 i eiitill » 4 54 Lie \ lohn VIII, 1425-1448 5s] bili » ABeS Lal0. Constantine XIII Paleolocus. 1448-1467 Ail Se oll . Lids ++ LAN 4sAPPENDIX I] \ I] tG \ S | ‘ RR ae |) ( , P ¢€ Wi: ( \rA4 SVs C12 Si C20 + ‘ — o > 5 a ‘ 5 5 ‘ \ \ ~ 4 ; ‘ 4 < i ‘ \ + re ‘ Tt cE ‘ + ‘ ‘ + ‘ e ‘ + “+ re s Sy Y % + — 2» ; CCA + £ - > . : [ > B WS. y RB } j »\APPENDIA II Victory over the Arabs. Iconoclastic Council of Hieria. Gift of Pippin to the papacy. Loss of Byzantine Italy. ; . Pp f t fenders of Images. Q f Nicwa Reconstruction of the Roman Empire of the West. Invasion of Krum, the Bulgar Khan. } Che Emperor Nicephorus killed in the war with Bulgars. Cou f ¢ tantinople. and restoration of the ortho- \ of ¢ inti Publicat f the & ica Brea h Sy , the Bulgarian Tsar. Capture of Taormina by the Arabs. Loss of Sicily. | nessaionica captured DY the Arabs. Battle of the Garigliano. Vict y of tne Bulga S Bt nchialus. — cr t m9 11 . en : | Surpation Oj Re manus | ecapenus., L 164 JAPPENDIA 1)APPENDIX I] ) ' F | . ’ . 14 ser) LECVOIT Oo] cach Lon Nnenus. ( alon e W; hian-Bule Kmp 1189 | Barbarossa in the Orient 119 Isaac A lus defeated by the Bulgar 1197-1207 Johannit he Bul in Isa 1204 Capture of Constantinople by the Latins. Foundation of he Latin Emy f Constantinoplh 120¢ 1) fi at of th - Latins at A ir int le. drianoj 1206 Theodore Lascaris crowned Emperor at Nicza. [21 Parliament of Ravennika. 1222 Recapture of Thessalonica by the Greeks of Epirus. [ 186 J4 5 » B Cos kk , a « 4 + 1 IR \ + — ‘ ~*~ f > APPENDIA I i Ls! | | Despot i fM }? ‘\ Di \ B 5 j \ ( B | \ \y \ fl]; \ b \\ LB . : fy IX ( 1] L) l ~ 1} I) L ! 1 |= a > > bt 4 L444 raahy 44 I4c] lA 4° APPENDIX Battle of Angora. ; ¥ 5 . . ‘ ; , by Siege of Constantinople by the ‘ih. wl re 14 loons [he ssaionica soid to Venice. bE xpedition of the Turks in Mor Capture of Thessa Council of Flore: Batt! { f Vari a Turkish invasion in Morea. a DY the I]APPENDIX IIIAPPENDIX II] grad, 1917), covers in its first volume the period from the fourth century to 1081. Finally, one must cite the Ivropia rijs “EAAados of Lambros, of which volumes III to VI Athens, 1692-1906) ; tell the story of t — ( se 4 _ ro 4 + po — + { or — 7% oe) - + 1 I * ” , . . > . . 4 . ; » , y 2+) ’ * - ‘ ,¢ i+) y Area ArfKS " In default of a general nistory of Byzantium, there are some ae ry smh ] t eorhss h eh, } + er . (Selzer qT eget fay Pe a tg 1+] SHOTL IlanudadiS O1 WiliCll il VOCS @aiGe FUIZAl , £4 PhO) GCS UY YVLGSi— + . . ' fas se j , Vii } Ie oy if t} . ] { tl > 171 S CREF \@i j Ul il, Jj/y5 @AL UIC CHa O che ; ; ji r 7 } ; ‘ oat » t } oe ° * , Geschichte der ntiniscl itteratur, by Krumbacher); Jorga, et ee tc | las =) id k — The B oo i fe Hyzanlin i Ipi7 ONC hay Ig - and OOT | ME } VZG7}- a fy I , ¥ bi? i? p/Jait Li i‘ tp AY I . i B ne H oti 40 Peas eh Vi tt p/h Mi D VARESE SiC bs . > i ’ a y y , “7 + : , ry ¥ r rT yr TY ON the otner ha Lh, Yvt h ivC¢ any ¥ 8s COVE!ILIIY I! re Or ] a ) ‘ t . ‘ } 7 Y c B a + 7 T} it 5 Cxten ¥\ | 4S i is i Lit i Y UI »VZal 1ULTT) Ait most ' et ~—* . Important a\e ‘ ‘ » * * - ; ¢ 7 + —¢ . + Kor tl Pp I A i IT} il Cl iV 1) I ul i Centu’y o the end | ) fq) j Ta ] a , f- of the ninth: Bury, 4 History of the Later Roman Empire, from f | j . , } » | 1, | f / ' , } 1} idilu i i | » J» ¥ * ) I} * Tid Si7il fs Ce ia peral Erac Florence, 1905); Schwarzlose, Der Bilderstreit Gotha, 1890): Bréhier, La guerel les 1m Paris, 1904); Lombard, (¢ in V, empereur des Romains (Paris, 1902); Bury, History of the Ea n Roman Empire, 800-867, (London, 1912 For th pe! | from the end of the ninth century to the be- ginning of the thirteenth: Vogt, Basile J (Paris, 1908); Ram- bau l, re j } au X (ec Paris, 1670); Schlumberger, \ a Pi ‘ Pr iris, ] ‘ ~ fe ’ Det }" 771117 a la fin au \ cle, 969-1057 (Paris, 1896-1905, 3 vols.); Bréhier, Le by riental du X1 >cle (Paris, 1899); Neumann, Die Weltstellung des byzantinischen Reiches vor den Kreuzziuugen (Leipzig, 1894; French translation, Paris, 1905); Chalandon, Essai sur le régne d’ Alexis Comnéne (Paris, 1900); Jean II Comnene et Manuel Comnéne (Paris, 1912): Cognasso, Partiti litict e lotte dinastiche in Bit io (Turin, 1912); Isaac Ange ; ] Bessarione, 1915; Luchaire, Innocent III: la question d’Orient (Paris, 1907); Norden, Der vierte Kreuzzug (Berlin, 1898).i ,) ‘7 re J a . - APPEN DIX I]t ‘ : 1) | many? j , *} } ‘ 1904); M Paris, 1 ‘ 5 —— APPENDIX . ; 7 fj , eis 6 , A bee > a eee / i? > ; H i ' 7 ¢ * a ) ‘ J ; » A 1) ; h rT a te . , f , r) , ; , 4 ; IT] fe ’ ; ; : , / / . see ; i ‘i ¢ sheno bis ) — ,)f , , i f 2 — t L . ‘rT + , e ~ 4 i} - . tant ry ‘ ‘ ° V1 irc. ‘ A y * *» . . jas Par , oS ay . , etA4ee 1 ; ( * ‘ sfenv : 17iit71INDEXA ee a i ' : J o ' ; iH i ‘ 7 | s ' ‘ ee an lt an Tt en cent an es ees nr INDEX QR x7 4 Vi. TrTyT ve , f ( R . ' \ 4 ; je a7) Af ” C BO aed + éy sh 19*é a S"as S, 47,55 + Se : ; j * ry * 6 > + # ’LOS _ee ee eee ee eel s fT ' ’ ; ' ‘ Yi ‘ 1'TT y i | LTTT! Yill “* ; ‘ /, 4 ~ ul ' I }s + * i + ~~ 7 INDEX Leo IX, P , Leo II, 8. Leo II], ( Geel «em eemeen, «mee erect «emcee eel | emer eee eee eee eee eel * : “+ ee r pum ff ‘ ‘ rT ae + Ys ; — f Ari / ’ I L 4%). d ' } ; ; Ry 4 j ' ley } ] } , 2 } . \ is (; ' . lasti 4 "> ' a | raf 'i- / ' lay— et Ad a~< West ++ > Yay ’ + ; rec ' ‘ , A+ INDEX + iy . ‘ for LI, Kir reINDEXee i ; bi i ' / i i | i 1 i { i ; ' , ee Ce ee ee eeeUX O00 bhe 931