THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO SOCIOLOGICAL SERIES Editorial Committee E.LiswortTu Faris Roserr E. Park Ernest W. BurGEssTHE GANGTHE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY NEW YORK THE MACMILLAN COMPANY OF CANADA, LIMITED TORONTO THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA TOKYO, OSAKA, KYOTO, FUKUOKA, SENDAI THE COMMERCIAL PRESS, LIMITED SHANGHAITHE GANG A Study of 1,313 Gangs in Chicago BY FREDERIC M. THRASHER, Px.D. Professor of Sociology, Illinois Wesleyan University Sometime Fellow in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, The University of Chicago RAYMOND UHL THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO ¢ ILLINOISTee SS. oct 21' = Lou CopyRIGHT 1927 By THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO All Rights Reserved Published January 1927 Second Impression April 1927 Bureau of Public Administrations Bex 1667 University Station Chastettedviile, Virgin's « € ¢ ’ ¢ Ge 4 ‘ « - F . : ; na oS G ¢ GG ice Ce ¢ € \ x $ es c Gere Us Gree 6: -¢ € . c € C ¢ € c ¢ cc OC ee ¢€ « c « ¢ ce € & eG. € G. Pi ce c € t Qe ee oh G&S ‘ ¢ c Bo 8 4c674 : CG & ¢ 4 ©. ¢ FOG g c Ce 2g ec § s COG Ceo ¢ Sc eG axe a ¢ L . CO. be ‘ Ga. , e "as Composed and Printed By The University of Chicago Press Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.TO MY MOTHER EVA LACY THRASHER AND MY FATHER MILTON B. THRASHER THIS BOOK IS | GRATEFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATEDwe EDITOR’S PREFACE The title of this book does not quite describe it. It is a study of the gang, to be sure, but it is at the same time a study of ‘“‘gangland’’; that is to say, a study of the gang and its habitat, and in this case the habitat is a city slum. Gangs are not confined to cities, nor to the slums of — cities Every village has at least its boy gang, and in __ the village, as in the city, it is composed of of those same foot-loose, prowling, and predacious adolescents who herd and hang together, after the manner of the undomesti- cated male everywhere. Gangs flourish on the frontier, and the predatory bands that infest the fringes of civiliza- tion exhibit, on the whole, the same characteristic traits displayed by the groups studied in this volume. The thir- teen hundred gangs investigated in Chicago are typical of gangs elsewhere. Gangs are gangs, wherever they are found. They represent a specific type or variety of soci- ety, and one thing that is particularly interesting about them is the fact that they are, in respect to their organiza- tion, so elementary, and in respect to their origin, so spontaneous. Formal society is always more or less conscious of the end for which it exists, and the organization through which this end is achieved is always more or less a prod- uct of design. But gangs grow like weeds, without con- sciousness of their aims, and without administrative machinery to achieve them. They are, in fact, so spon- taneous in their origin, and so little conscious of the pur- ix; ae = oes z Q x EDITOR’S PREFACE poses for which they exist, that one is tempted to think of them as predetermined, foreordained, and ‘‘instinc- tive,” and so, quite independent of the environment in which they ordinarily are found. Indeed, social life is so necessary and so fundamental to the existence of human nature that society has some- times been conceived to be an innate trait of the individ- ual man. This is so far true that human beings have at any rate shown themselves capable of creating a society out of the most umpromising materials. Children, aban- doned to their own resources, find companionship in dolls, make friends with dogs and cats, and, if necessary, create imaginary personalities, with whom they are able to live on the very best of terms. Solitary persons, on the other hand, establish intimate and personal relationships with their physical environment and find ‘‘sermons in stones, books in running brooks.” It is therefore to a certain extent true that the society in which we live is predetermined and innate. We spin our social relations, somewhat as the spider spins its web, out of our own bodies. On the other hand, the specific character of our soci- ety, the type, is always more or less determined by the sort of world, physical and social, in which we happen to live. And so gangs, like most other forms of human associa- tion, need to be studied in their peculiar habitat. They spring up spontaneously, but only under favoring con- ditions and in a definite milieu. The instincts and tend- dencies that find expression in any specific form of asso- ciation are no doubt fundamentally human, but it is onlyEDITOR’S PREFACE xl under specific conditions that they assume the forms and exhibit the traits that are characteristic of any existing type. And this is true of gangs. It is this that makes them worth studying; it is this that assures us that they are not incorrigible and that they can be controlled. It is not only true that the habitat makes gangs, but what is of more practical importance, it is the habitat which determines whether or not their activities shall as- sume those perverse forms in which they become a men- ace to the community. Village gangs, because they are less hemmed about by physical structures and ‘social in- hibitions of an urban environment, ordinarily do not be- come a social problem, certainly not a problem of the dimensions and significance of those which constitute so obvious and so obdurate a feature of city life. The gangs here studied are not a product of the city merely, but they are at the same time the product of a clearly defined and well-recognized area of the city, par- ticularly of the modern American city. It is the slum, the city wilderness, as it has been called, which provides the city gang its natural habitat. The slum is a wide re- gion, which includes various other characteristic areas, each inhabited by its own specific type. The slum is not simply the habitat of gangs, but it is the rendezvous of the hobo, and Hobohemia, already described by Nels Anderson, in an earlier volume of this series, is a minor division of the city slum. The slum includes also the areas of first settlement to which the immigrants inevitably gravitate before they have found their places in the larger urban environment. The racial ‘‘ghettos,” which now shelter and set apartor) << a ek: ie - xil EDITOR’S PREFACE from the rest of the community Negroes and Chinese as they once sheltered and segregated Jews, are invariably located in the slum. The Jewish ghetto still exists, but the slum, as far as the Jew is concerned, is at present only ‘an area of first settlement. Negroes and Chinese, on the other hand, still find it difficult to live beyond the pale. It is because this study of the gang is at the same time the study of an urban area and of a type of urban life, that it falls naturally within the series of ‘‘Studies in Urban Sociology.” ROBERT E. PARK~ AUTHOR’S PREFACE This volume is designed to present the sociology of the gang as a type of human group as it has been revealed in a study of 1,313 gangs in Chicago. It will probably have considerable interest for the general reader in that it deals with the relation of the gang to the problems of juvenile demoralization, crime, and politics in a great city. It may be used also as a supplementary textbook in courses of study dealing with the city, collective behavior, juvenile delinquency, and social pathology. Such formulations as are presented, however, must be regarded as tentative hypotheses rather than as scientific generalizations. Certain of the suggestions made here may prove fruitful in dealing with the practical problems which the gang foments, but the investigation has proba- bly raised more questions than it has answered. Too great precision, furthermore, must not be claimed for the mate- tials collected, although every effort has been made to render them accurate. The study is primarily an explora- tory survey designed to reveal behavior-trends and to present a general picture of life in an area little under- stood by the average citizen. It is hoped that the book will encourage additional study in this field and indicate some interesting lines for further research. The task of collecting and preparing the data pre- sented, which occupied a period of about seven years, was only brought to a successful culmination through co- operation from a great variety of sources. Limitations of xiii $X1V AUTHOR’S PREFACE space do not permit definite acknowledgments to all the social agencies and individuals who have rendered assist- ance. The author is deeply indebted to the Chicago boys’ work agencies, both public and private, for their friendly interest in the investigation and their frequent co-opera- tion in some special phase of the study. He is also under obligation for assistance in making the study and in pre- paring the manuscript for publication to the Local Com- munity Research Committee of the University of Chi- cago. Particular thanks are due the following persons, all of whom co-operated in some special way: William L. Bodine, O. J. Milliken, I. D. Stehr, J. C. Parrett, Wallace W. Kirkland, G. B. Stephenson, O. Wander, Joseph L. Moss, Benjamin Blinstrub, Ed. Borcea, G. M. Mar- tin, Mrs. W. L. McMaster, Jessie Binford, Mary Mc- Dowell, Harriett Vittum, Donald F. Bond, Judith Strohm, Joel D. Hunter, Winifred Raushenbush, Robert D. Klees, John H. Witter, Francis D. Hanna, Charles F. Smith, H. B. Chamberlin, Jack Robbins, C. H. English, Roy E. Dickerson, Herbert Asbury, Clifford R. Shaw, Albert E. Webster, Claudia Wannamaker, Edwin A. Olson, Ruth Shonle, Ferdinand Kramer, Leon F. Whit- ney, Nels Anderson, Paul B. Bremicker, George B. Mass- lich, V. K. Brown, Theodore J. Szmergalski, and Allen E. Carpenter. More specific acknowledgments are made in the text where possible. The following agencies (of Chicago, if not otherwise indicated) have co-operated with the author: Better Gov- ernment Association of Chicago and Cook County, Boys’ Brotherhood Republic, Boys’ Club, Boys’ Court, BoyAUTHOR’S PREFACE XV Scouts of America, Central Council of Social Agencies, Chicago—Cook County School for Boys, Parental School, Public Schools, Crime Commission of the Association of Commerce, Department of Compulsory Education, De- partment of Public Welfare, Federation of Settlements, Juvenile Court of Cook County, Juvenile Detention Home of Cook County, Juvenile Protective Association, Municipal Court, Park and Playground Systems, Police Department, Railroad Detective Departments (Private Police), Social Settlements, Union League Boys’ Club, United Charities, United Jewish Charities, University of Chicago, and Young Men’s Christian Association. The author is under especial obligation to Robert E. Park, editor of this series, who read the manuscript and the proofs and who has made many suggestions of great value with reference to the interpretation of the materials and the preparation of the manuscript. He wishes also to express his deep gratitude to Ernest W. Burgess for his unfailing interest in the study and for many valuable suggestions, and to William I. Thomas and Ellsworth Faris for valuable suggestions and standpoint. FREDERIC M. THRASHER Cuicaco, ILLINOIS November 1, 1926et Naga td as aa ieee! “ae tone ee —_ i$ ne eee é TABLE OF CONTENTS List oF ILLUSTRATIONS : : : : ; : - Maps AND DIAGRAMS . 4 : : . ; 5 : TABLES . : 5 ; ; ' PART I. THE NATURAL HISTORY OF THE GANG INTRODUCTION. jo eee : : aes ehe ule TAGANGUAND, © 5920 0 ee II. GANGING di 0 see Cae atge at ican s Manet meets III. Wuat Is A GANG? IV. TypES OF GANGS . é i s ‘ ; é PART II. LIFE IN THE GANG INTRODUCTION , , woe, eee FOR NEW EXPERIENCE . . A pe Movies AND THE Dime NOVEL \ . HE ROLE OF WHE ROMANTIC# =) \y 8 a VIII. PLAYGROUNDS OF THE GANG - Se giel nie ae) AND THE RAILROADS 2 . . XX. WANDERLUST. . : ee ae Xl GANG) WARFARE) 18 THE GANG South and east of the older portion of Bridgeport is a Lithuanian colony in which many of the boys belong to lawless gangs, which break windows, steal, and hold up children and drunken men on the street. West of the odorous expanse of pens and packing- houses of the Union Stock Yards is an immigrant colony, dominantly Polish, known as “Back-of-the-Yards.” In the northern portion of this area is one of the grimiest, most congested slums of the city. Here, besides the nu- ‘merous street groups, there are a large number of gang clubs which rent rooms in times of prosperity but give them up in summer or when work is slack. Some indulge in gambling, ‘‘moonshine,” and sex irregularities as well as in athletics. In this general region and south of it, a long-enduring gang, the XX X’s, carries on beer-running and other criminal activities, and holds its power by means of bribery, intimidation, and murder. Southwest of the “Back-of-the-Yards” area proper, the majority of gangs, organized as athletic clubs, center their activities around Cornell Square, a small park and playground. East of this group and south of Forty- seventh Street are numerous gangs of the “hard-boiled” variety—such as the much feared ‘White Rocks” and the ‘““Murderers.’* This region is called the “Bush,” and its reputation is such that policemen are sometimes put on duty there, it is said, for punishment. East and southeast of the Bush is an Irish community including a part of the territory of the ‘““Dukies.”’ This is the aristocracy of gangland. Gangs of all kinds are numer- ous in the South Halsted Street vicinity and around t See document 18, p. 62.GANGLAND 19g Sherman Park. Many of the well-known athletic clubs, such as Ragen’s Colts, are influential in this region where they own or rent clubrooms. The South Halsted Street district is also the operating territory of another major gang of notorious criminals and rum-runners, the YYY’s. This group has at times warred with the X XX’s for control over the affairs of the under- world. BORDERLANDS AND BOUNDARY LINES In addition to the three major divisions of gangland, certain boundary lines and borderlands between the non- gang areas of the city develop gangs. Threads of social disintegration tend to follow alongside rivers, canals, railroad tracks, and business streets whose borders are manifestly undesirable for residential purposes and per- mit gangs to thrive in the interstices between very good residence areas. In Hyde Park, one of the best residential districts in the city, there are a number of gangs along the business streets and in the sections adjacent to the Illinois Central Railroad. On Fifty-fifth Street, where a rather hetero- geneous, congested population lives above the stores and behind the business buildings, we find about a dozen gangs, including the ““Kenwoods,” who have been a prob- lem in the community for years. On Lake Park Avenue the situation is similar; on Forty-seventh Street are the “Bat-Eyes,” while Sixty-third has the ‘Dirty Dozen.’ These interstitial areas formerly comprised a salvon district with, it is said, a gang in every two blucks. One of these, meeting on Lake Park Avenue, had a cave with 1 See document 13, p. 46.20 THE GANG a subcellar used for keeping stolen goods and disciplining unruly members. There were benches around the walls where members sat in solemn conclave, each in his ap- pointed place. About fifty boys were included in this group." APPENDED GANGLANDS In the satellite communities near Chicago, areas de- velop, under certain conditions, not unlike those of the central empire of gangland. Purely residential and well- organized suburbs of the better type such as Oak Park and Evanston, are practically gangless, for the activities of the children are well provided for in family, school, church, and other established institutions. Even in these regions, however, gangs develop in interstitial zones. In Evanston, along Railroad Street and in “Toad Town,” are found characteristic interstitial groups such as “Honey’s” gang.? In “‘West-Town,” on the contrary, where life is not well organized there are more gangs on the order of the “Hawthorne Toughs” and the ‘‘hard-boiled Crawfords.” West-Town, with a population of 55,000, while an integral part of Chicago socially, has a separate municipal gov- ernment, which seems unable or indisposed to cope with lawless elements. When Chicago’s criminal gangs first be- gan to find life difficult within the city limits, they in- grafted themselves into West-Town, and made it “‘wide- open” with saloons, cabarets, gambling houses, and vice resorts. South and east of Chicago in the industrial suburbs, 1S. P. Breckinridge, The Child in the City, p. 434. 2 See document 146, p. 240.Photo by Author PICTURESQUE FIGURES IN GANGLAND Photo by Author the other a green 1 instrument, in xes, In one a musica The man at the left has on his back two interesting bo bird. The bird picks out envelopes containing “fortunes”? and bearing numbers which entitle the buyer to a cheap but gaudy print. The fakir at the right is reading the future for a quarter. He places a blank sheet of paper in the mystic tube t comes out with a “fortune” written on it. . tations, 1 and after many strange incan22 THE GANG such as Blue Island, South Chicago, and West Pullman, gangs are numerous in the immigrant colonies. Ham- mond, Indiana, an industrial satellite of larger size, has twenty-six gangs, among them the “Bloody Broom- sticks,” the ‘‘Night Hawks,” the “Pirates,” and the ‘“Buckets-of-Blood,” who duplicate the activities of Chi- cago gangs in little kingdoms of their own." GANGLAND IS AN INTERSTITIAL AREA The most important conclusion suggested by a study of the location and distribution of the 1,313 gangs investi- gated in Chicago is that gangland represents a geographi- cally and socially interstitial area in the city. Probably the most significant concept of the study is the term inter- stitial—that is, pertaining to spaces that intervene be- tween one thing and another. In nature foreign matter tends to collect and cake in every crack, crevice, and cranny—interstices. There are also fissures and breaks in the structure of social organization. The gang may be re- garded as an interstitial element in the framework of so- ciety, and gangland as an interstitial region in the layout of the city. The gang is almost invariably characteristic of regions that are interstitial to the more settled, more stable, and better organized portions of the city. The central tripar- tite empire of the gang occupies what is often called “‘the poverty belt’”—a region characterized by deteriorating neighborhoods, shifting populations, and the mobility and disorganization of the slum. Abandoned by those seeking homes in the better residential districts, encroached upon * Unpublished study by J. C. Parrett.GANGLAND 23 by business and industry, this zone is a distinctly inter- stitial phase of the city’s growth. It is to a large extent isolated from the wider culture of the larger community by the processes of competition and conflict which have resulted in the selection of its population.’ Gangland is a phenomenon of human ecology.” As better residential dis- tricts recede before the encroachments of business and industry, the gang develops as one manifestation of the economic, moral, and cultural frontier which marks the interstice. This process is seen, too, in the way in which a busi- ness street, stream, canal, or railroad track running through a residential area tends to become a “‘finger’’ of the slum and an extension of gangland. Borderlands and boundary lines between residential and manufacturing or business areas, between immigrant or racial colonies, between city and country or city and suburb, and be- tween contiguous towns—all tend to assume the character of the intramural frontier. County towns and industrial * The prevalence of gangs in the so-called “‘poverty belt” or “‘zone of transition” is further indicated by a survey (made by a private agency) of 173 eighth-grade boys attending schools in one of these areas. It was found that over 82 per cent of these boys (from twelve to fifteen years of age) were not connected in any way with constructive recreational activities. ““With the exception of a small number of boys industrially occupied, this 82 per cent passed their leisure time in streets and alleys, shooting craps, playing ‘piggy wolf,’ and other games, participating in gang activities, or were members of independent unsupervised clubs of their own. While boys would hesitate about acknowledging membership in a ‘gang’ when it was called by that name, practically all of them did belong to groups that were essentially gangs.” 2 See E. W. Burgess, ““The Growth of the City,” and R. D. McKenzie, “The Ecological Approach to the Study of the Human Community,” in Robert E. Park, et al., The City. See Figure 1, p. 24.24 THE GANG suburbs which escape the administrative control and pro- tection of the city government and whose conditions of life are disorganized, as in the case of West-Town, develop = NS SS SS x \ ae ae \ ow \ = + ~ \ \ < x : » : ‘ mS \ ONE OF. ZONE ORKINGHENS, ' \ IN 1 HOMES WY a (RESIDENTIAL , }. 2ZORE / / 7 / / j / / 7 A TERS J OIONE RESTRICTED RESIDENTIAL DIST™ Fic. 1.—TuHeE PLace oF CaIcaco’s GANGLAND IN THE URBAN EcoLocy The shaded portion indicates the approximate location of the central empire of gangland, which has been superimposed upon E. W. Burgess’ chart showing urban areas in the development of the city. (See E. W. Burgess, “The Growth of the City,” Robert E. Park, et al., The City, p. 55.)GANGLAND 25 into appended ganglands. The roadhouses fringing the city, and those occupying positions between its straggling suburbs, represent an escape from society and become im- portant factors in maintaining the power and activities of the gang. The region of 155th Street and South Hal- sted has been representative of these conditions in the southern part of Cook County. The city has been only vaguely aware of this great stir of activity in its poorly organized areas. Gang con- flict and gang crime occasionally thrust themselves into the public consciousness, but the hidden sources from which they spring have not yet been understood or regu- lated. Although their importance in the life of the boy has sometimes been pointed out, the literature of the subject has been meager and general. This region of life is in a real sense an underworld, through whose exploration the sociologist may learn how the gang begins and how it develops, what it is and what it does, the conditions which produce it and the problems which it creates, and ultimately he may be able to suggest methods for dealing with it in a practical way.CHAPTER If GANGING The beginnings of the gang can best be studied in the slums of the city where an inordinately large number of children are crowded into a limited area. On a warm sum- mer evening children fairly swarm over areaways and sidewalks, vacant lots and rubbish dumps, streets and al- leys. The buzzing chatter and constant motion remind one of insects which hover in a swarm, yet ceaselessly dart hither and thither within the animated mass. This end- less activity has a tremendous fascination, even for the casual visitor to the district, and it would be a marvel in- deed if any healthy boy could hold himself aloof from it. In this ubiquitous crowd of children, spontaneous play-groups are forming everywhere—gangs in embryo. Such a crowded environment is full of opportunities for conflict with some antagonistic person or group within or without the gang’s own social milieu.’ The conflict arises on the one hand with groups of its own class in disputes over the valued prerogatives of gangland—tterritory, loot, play spaces, patronage in illicit business, privileges to ex- ploit, and so on; it comes about on the other, through op- position on the part of the conventional social order to the gang’s unsupervised activities. Thus, the gang is faced with a real struggle for existence with other gangs and with the antagonistic forces in its wider social environ- ment. * Compare Franklin Chase Hoyt, Quicksands of Youth, pp. 113-14. 26GANGING 27 Play-groups easily meet these hostile forces, which give their members a “‘we”’ feeling and start the process of ganging so characteristic of the life of these unorganized areas. TWILIGHT LIFE IN A GANGING AREA 3. On a brisk day in May we visited the Hull-House region. Streets and open spaces were alive with boys. With very little di- rection, there were under way energetic games of all sorts. At one side of the Goodrich school grounds the “‘Peorias’’ were matching skill with a ‘“‘pick-up” team, the nucleus for some future gang, in a game of playground ball. The “Peoria Strangers,” the younger satellites of the group, looked on. In an adjoining portion of the yard, the ‘“Tanners” were playing the “Forquers” for a “pool” of $3.75 which had been put up by the opposing teams. A fight was narrowly averted when the umpire made a “bum” deci- sion and the boys massed about him in a threatening way. At the other end of the lot two more teams were playing. Small groups here and there were engaged in conversation or side play. Not far away a man was playing “‘rummie”’ with four or five young boys with no attempt to conceal the money. A fight in the alley caused a stampede in which the whole “‘field” rushed precipitately to the fence to see what was the matter. At the corner of Blue Island and Forquer we found a lively game of ball between the “Reveres’” and the “loogins’” (second team) of the ‘‘Red Oaks.” The first team was rooting lustily for its protégés. A gang of little boys had a camp fire in the alley about which they played in Indian fashion. Their fantastic motions gave us an insight into the imaginative world of adventure in which gang boys often live. Crossing Halsted on Forquer, we met the ‘‘Orioles” playing a game of handball against the wall of a building. Although they had developed great skill in dodging, they were greatly handicapped by the interference of vehicles and pedestrians. In the Dore school- yard the ‘‘Guardian Angel Alley Gang” was playing a similar group at ball. Crawling through a hole in the fence, we found the “‘Arabi-28 THE GANG an Nights,” the ‘Taylors,’ and the ‘‘Comets.”’ At the conclusion of their play, they sang their paeans of victory, like college ‘‘pep”’ songs. On our return journey, we met the ‘“‘Black Circles”’ playing on the corner of Polk and Halsted. Our final stop was at the clubroom of the “Red Oaks,” a newly formed social and athletic club which had purchased the charter and equipment of an older organization. The members were sitting quietly about the room playing cards and talking.? THE GANG AND THE PLAY-GROUP There is a definite geographical basis for the play- group and the gang in these areas. GEOGRAPHICAL BASIS OF GANGING 4. In the more crowded sections of the city, the geographical basis of a gang is both sides of the same street for a distance of two blocks. The members are those boys who have played together while their mothers and fathers, as is the custom in those regions, sat in front of their homes and gossiped during the long summer evenings. They know each other as well as brothers or sisters, and as they grow older continue to play together. An investigation showed that groups playing in the schoolyard after school hours are composed of boys living in the vicinity, many of whom do not at- tend that school during the day. The school is not the basis of this type of gang. In the less crowded sections where the parks are available, the play-groups which frequent them usually live within a radius of only a few blocks. The whole group has simply transplanted itself to the park. The same thing is true of groups playing on vacant lots: they all come from nearby streets. One may see a group from one section playing against a group from another area, but never parts of two groups from different sections on the same team. From t Observations by the author.GANGING 29 childhood up, members of these play-groups and gangs have been together; they would be in an unnatural atmosphere, were they to play in any other group. The majority of gangs develop from the spontaneous play-group. As the boys or older fellows of a block or a neighborhood come together in the course of business or pleasure, a crowd, in the sense of a mere gathering of per- sons, is formed. A POOLROOM CROWD 5. The new poolroom which came to the neighborhood was a great attraction to the boys. The beginning of the gang came when the group developed an enmity toward two Greeks who owned a fruit store on the opposite corner. The boys began to steal fruit on a small scale. Finally they attempted to carry off a large quan- tity of oranges and bananas which were displayed on the sidewalks, but the Greeks gave chase. This was the signal for a general attack, and the fruit was used as ammunition. The gang had a good start from this episode.? On this basis of interests and aptitudes, a play-group emerges whose activities vary from “‘hide-and-go-seek”’ to crap-shooting. AUNT SARAH’S BUNCH 6. This was a group of about nine boys, whose ages varied from sixteen to twenty years. There were both Protestants and Catholics, some of whom attended school, while others worked. Their hang-out was in the front room of the home of one of the members, whose mother, known as ‘“‘Aunt Sarah,” allowed the boys the freedom of her house. Two of the number were piano-players. The boys sang, jigged, played cards, or just talked. There was no formal organization, no one was considered as leader, but the word t Unpublished study by an experienced boys’ worker in gangland. 2 Records of the Juvenile Protective Association.30 THE GANG of one or two had more weight than that of others. There was a . group-consciousness and most of the wishes of the members were met in the bunch; yet there was no antagonism to outsiders; they never intruded. During the years the bunch lasted no new members were taken in. It disintegrated as members grew up and moved away or married. Such a play-group may acquire a real organization. Natural leaders emerge, a relative standing is assigned to various members and traditions develop. It does not be- come a gang, however, until it begins to excite disapproval and opposition, and thus acquires a more definite group- consciousness. It discovers a rival or an enemy in the gang in the next block; its baseball or football team is pitted against some other team; parents or neighbors look upon it with suspicion or hostility; ‘‘the old man around the corner,” the storekeepers, or the “‘cops’” begin to give it ‘“shags” (chase it); or some representative of the com- munity steps in and tries to break it up. This is the real beginning of the gang, for now it starts to draw itself more closely together. It becomes a conflict group. It would be erroneous, however, to suppose that a gang springs immediately from an ordinary street crowd? like Minerva, full-grown from Jove’s forehead. The gang has its beginning in acquaintanceship and intimate rela- tions which have already developed on the basis of some common interest. These preliminary bonds may serve to «Unpublished manuscript by an experienced boys’ worker in gang- land. 2The policeman is ordinarily the natural enemy of the gang and knows no other method of dealing with it but to break it up. 3The formation of a gang from a corner crowd is illustrated in document 13.GANGING 31 unite pairs or trios among the boys rather than the group as a whole. The so-called “‘two-boy gang”’ is often a center to which other boys are attracted and about which they form like a constellation. Thus, the gang may grow by additions of twos and threes as well as of single indi- viduals. The notorious Gloriannas were originally a two- boy gang.’ THE CORNELL ATHLETIC CLUB 7. Our gang was the outgrowth of a play-group formed by nine boys living in the same block, who became acquainted through the usual outdoor games. Then we began to meet in Tommy’s at- tic. For greater privacy, we built a shack on the alley where we could temporarily isolate ourselves and smoke without the inter- ference of our parents. When my parents were away, we used our basement for a rendezvous, but we were careful to enter by a win- dow so as to escape the attention of the housekeeper. This desire to escape family supervision marked the beginning of our feeling of solidarity. Our first loyalties were to protect each other against our parents. Sometimes the latter were regarded with great dislike by the gang. The mother of one of the boys, who was very unkind to him, viewed us with equal hatred and once threw a pan of dishwater on us when we were whistling for our pal. First it was the gang against the members of our households, and then it was the gang against the neighbors. One Saturday morning when we were playing “ditch,” Mrs. Apple called the police and told them that we were molesting her property. It proved that we had only run across her lawn, and the cop laughed and said that she was too crabby to be living. Our collective enterprises soon gave us the name “Cornell Crowd,” but we preferred to call ourselves the “Cornell Athletic Club” or the ‘‘C.A.C.” We took in only two new members during our six years’ existence, but for them we devised a special initiation, copying some of our stunts from the “Penrod and Sam” stories by Tarkington. tSee document 215.32 THE GANG Our solidarity was greatly augmented by our clashes with other gangs, whether in raids or football games. On one occasion when we beat the Harper gang at football, the game ended in a free-for- all fight. We licked them, and after that they were much more friendly, even though we continued to raid each other’s hang-outs. We formed an alliance with the Dorchester gang against the “‘Ken- woods,” who called us “‘sissies” and “‘rich kids,” and when the latter stole the stove out of the Dorchester shanty, we joined forces and invaded Fifty-fifth Street to bring it back. Danger from other gangs was always sufficient to eliminate internal friction and unite us against the common enemy. On one Hallowe’en, two of our members engaged in a fight, and no argu- ment or pulling could get them apart. Just then another gang came along and hit Tommie with a soot bag, whereupon the combatants immediately forgot their quarrel and helped us chase and beat up the invaders.* THE GANG AND THE FORMAL GROUP Curiously enough, the gang sometimes develops with- in a group which is quite different from it in every way. A number of boys, perhaps entire strangers, are brought together by some interested agency and a club is formed. A conventional form of organization is imposed, and ac- tivities are directed and supervised. Friendships within the group begin to develop on the basis of common inter- ests and lead to factions and cliques which oppose each other or incur the hostility of the directors. In either case, the clique may serve as the basis for a gang, and its mem- bers may begin to meet without supervision at other than the regular times. 8. A group of Irish, Jewish, and Italian boys were enrolled in classes for dancing and dramatics at the settlement. As a result of the new friendships and activities which developed, the Italian boys t Manuscript prepared by a former member of the gang.Puoto by Author INNOCENT AND WHOLESOME Above is a play-group composed of fourteen boys from seven to fourteen years of age living in one block in a residential area. Although without a name, this group has a definite structure with a first and second leader and a definite status assigned to every member and five “fringers.” If it were located in a slum, this group would probably be a “gang in embryo.” Below are the Blue Valleys or Young Morgans, a group that has gone beyond the play-group stage and calls itself a “club.” Yet it is often from such little “clubs,”’ innocent enough in their beginnings, that the delinquent gang develops. (See chap. ii.)34 THE GANG soon formed a gang which, although leaderless, held closely together and carried on many exploits outside the settlement, including civil war with rival gangs. A strong group spirit arose, and the loyalty of the members to each other became marked, manifesting itself es- pecially in times of unemployment. The settlement saw its oppor- tunity and accepted the new group, directing its activities along the lines of hiking and camping.? It often happens that boys expelled either as individu- als or as a group from some formal organization are drawn together to form a gang. They have become outlaws, and it is the old story of Robin Hood against the state. OUTLAWS 9. A group of eight boys, who had been associated with a club as individuals from two to five years, were suspended because they broke an agreement not to play other baseball teams for money. Twelve sympathizers left the club and joined the outlaws who with their hangers-on now number about one hundred. They met first in a candy store and later rented a cottage. They play baseball for as much as $100 a game. They plan a basket-ball team, equipment for which they will buy from proceeds of a raffle and a dance. Their problem is to get access to a gymnasium; the playgrounds are full.? 10. About twenty Polish boys, “‘canned”’ from the settlement, organized a gang that they called the “Corporation.”” The common object of the group was to do away with the settlement which was notified to this effect. Their hang-out was at a Greek fruit store. Only half of them worked at a time. They shared their spending money but not their earnings. They all tended to work at the same place, quitting as a group. They stole balls from the settlement, broke gymnasium windows, and put fake notices on the bulletin boards, but did not cause any serious trouble. Their other activities were robbing fruit stands, cheap holdups, gambling, and baseball. 1 Study by a settlement worker (manuscript). 2 Interview with a club director.4 ot ak 3 ae oe aan = ee — GANGING 35 Some of them saw service in the war, which seemed to steady them. Many of them are now drivers of taxicabs and North Side busses, but they still hang together on the street corners. In all cases of this type, the function of the common enemy in knitting the gangs together is clearly indicated.” INSTABILITY AND DISINTEGRATION The ganging process is a continuous flux and flow, and there is little permanence in most of the groups. New nuclei are constantly appearing, and the business of coa- lescing and recoalescing is going on everywhere in the con- gested areas. Both conflict and competition threaten the embryonic gangs with disintegration. The attention of the individual is often diverted to some new pal or to some other gang that holds more attractions. When delinquen- cy is detected the police break up the group and at least temporarily interrupt its career. Some new activity of settlement, playground, or club frequently depletes its membership. DISINTEGRATION 11. There were several factors in the break-up of our gang. Two of the members and later others became interested in a boys’ club. Dissension then arose because the fellows in the club would not swear and play dice. Mutual dislike came out of this division of interest. Another factor was the building of a Y.M.C.A. on the lot where the gang had its playground.3 More often the families of the boys move to other neighborhoods, and unless connections are tenacious the 1 Interview with a settlement worker. 2 A discussion of the gang as a conflict group is presented in chap- ter xi. 3 Gang boy’s own story.36 THE GANG old gang is soon forgotten in alliance with the new. One boy joined an enemy gang when his family moved into hostile territory, because he “did not feel like walking so far.” | CHANGING ALLEGIANCE 12. When we lived on Nineteenth and Paulina, I joined the “Nineteenth Streeters,” a gang of twelve or thirteen Polish boys. We would gather wood together, go swimming, or rob the Jews on Twelfth Street. When we moved to Twenty-first and Paulina I joined the “Wood Streeters.”’ It was like this. I met a kid and got in a scrap with him. He got two more kids and tried to lick me. A couple of days later on the way to school the same kid came up and said, ‘““Got any snuff?” “Sure!” “Shake a hand!” ‘Sure! You’re the kid who hit me.”’ Then we were friends, and I joined the gang. Then we moved to Twenty-third and Wood, then to Hoyne, next to a suburb, and finally back to Twenty-third and Wood. At each of these places I usually went with a different gang. Sometimes a quarrel splits the gang, and the dis- gruntled faction secedes. It is interesting to note that marriage is one of the most potent causes for the disintegration of the older groups. The gang is largely an adolescent phenomenon, and where conditions are favorable to its development it occupies a period in the life of the boy between childhood, when he is usually incorporated in a family structure, and marriage, when he is reincorporated into a family and other orderly relations of work, religion, and pleasure. For this reason, the adult gang, unless conventionalized, is comparatively rare and is the result of special selec- tion.? From this point of view also, then, the gang ap- * Gang boy’s own story. 2 This position seems to be supported by age figures on 1,213 gangs, Pp. 74.GANGING 37 pears to be an interstitial group, a manifestation of the period of readjustment between childhood and maturity. Most gangs are in a condition of unstable equilibrium. Those which endure over a period of years are relatively rare in comparison with the great number of rudimentary forms. It is important to note, however, that the volume of gang life and the sum total of gangs does not change appreciably with changing personnel. With few excep- tions, the old gangs are replaced by new ones. THE ROOTS OF THE GANG Gangs represent the spontaneous effort of boys to cre- ate a society for themselves where none adequate to their needs exists. What boys get out of such association that they do not get otherwise under the conditions that adult society imposes is the thrill and zest of participation in common interests, more especially in corporate action, in hunting, capture, conflict, flight, and escape. Conflict with other gangs and the world about them furnishes the occasion for many of their exciting group activities. The failure of the normally directing and controlling customs and institutions to function efficiently in the boy’s experience is indicated by disintegration of family life, inefficiency of schools, formalism and externality of religion, corruption and indifference in local politics, low wages and monotony in occupational activities, unem- ployment, and lack of opportunity for wholesome recrea- tion.t All these factors enter into the picture of the moral and economic frontier, and, coupled with deterioration in housing, sanitation, and other conditions of life in the slum, t See Frederic M. Thrasher, ““The Gang as a Symptom of Community Disorganization,” Journal of Applied Sociology, XI (1926), pp. 3-21.38 THE GANG give the impression of general disorganization and decay. The gang functions with reference to these conditions in two ways: It offers a substitute for what society fails to give; and it provides a relief from suppression and dis- tasteful behavior. It fills a gap and affords an escape. Here again we may conceive of it as an interstitial group providing interstitial activities for its members.’ Thus the gang, itself a natural and spontaneous type of organiza- tion arising through conflict, is a symptom of disorganiza- tion in the larger social framework. These conclusions, suggested by the present study, seem amply verified by data from other cities. New York’s juvenile gangland is well illustrated where condi- tions of life are greatly disorganized ;? and gangs are typi- cal of certain portions of the Lower East and West Sides and other interstitial areas. The story of the early gangs, which fills such a color- ful page in New York’s history, bears out the same point. The old Five Points section, described by Charles Dickens in his American Notes as containing slums of the utmost depravity and “‘all that is loathsome, drooping and decayed,” was the breed- ing place of most of the early gangs and was the scene of many of the most famous of the gang wars. * The limits of space prohibit the full elaboration of these principles. They will be illustrated, however, throughout the study. 2 William L. Chenery, “How the Greatest City Neglects Its Chil- dren,”’ New York Times, September 14, 19109. 3 See Corey Ford, ““New York’s Junior Gangland,” New York Times Book Review and Magazine, January 1, 1922, p. 16, and Ruth S. True, “Boyhood and Lawlessness,” in Pauline Goldmark, West Side Studies. See also the writings of Jacob Riis. 4 Herbert Asbury, ‘“The Passing of the Gangster,” American Mercury, March, 1925. |GANGING 39 The tenement areas in the South End of Boston have numerous gangs.* In Minneapolis the best residence dis- tricts and the better middle-class sections are free from such groups, but in the North, East and South Town dis- tricts, industrial areas, there seem to be a good many de- structive gangs.? In Cleveland the down-town business district, the lake shore east, sections of the west side near the river, the middle east side, and the Harvard-Broad- way section, which constitute disorganized interstitial areas, have been especially favorable to the development of gang life. The gangs of Los Angeles are to be found in the industrial and east side sections where conditions of life are similar to those in Chicago ganglands.‘ It is in the disorganized river districts of St. Louis that the city’s juvenile gangs have flourished. These conditions are re- peated, with variations due to local conditions, in New Orleans, Denver, San Francisco, and other American * Robert A. Woods, The City Wilderness, pp. 114 ff., and Americans in Process, pp. 154-55 and 184. 2 Letter from a social worker dealing with boys in Minneapolis. 3 Henry W. Thurston, Delinquency and Spare Time, Cleveland Recreation Survey. 4Emory S. Bogardus, The City Boy and His Problems: A Survey of Boy Life in Los Angeles, chap. vi, ’’The Boy and the Gang.”’ An extensive and careful study of the boy in Los Angeles was made in the summer of 1925, under the direction of Professor Bogardus and the department of sociology of the University of Southern California. It is interesting to note that the data on gangs obtained in that study indicate that gang phenome- na in Los Angeles almost duplicate the situation in Chicago, but on a smal- ler scale. The most significant difference seems to be that, owing to the newness and mobility of the population in the western city, the gangs are not so numerous in proportion or so permanent as those in Chicago. There is, however, a general corroboration of the principles established by the Chicago study. ><40 THE GANG cities in which the economic, moral, and cultural frontier is in evidence. In foreign cities the formation of gangs is correlated with disorganized conditions. Cyril Burt points out that the poverty areas of London show a larger amount of juvenile delinquency than other districts and are charac- terized by the formation of delinquent gangs." One of these areas, Hoxton, was called the “leading criminal quarter of London, and, indeed, of all. England.’ Charles Booth describes these ‘“‘youthful bands that once terror- ized the streets of Hoxton—a part still notorious for its juvenile gangs.’ Russia’s 100,000 neglected children are said to travel in gangs, winning a precarious living by stealing and find- ing shelter in deserted buildings and in Moscow and other cities in the sewers and catacombs.’ In Moscow a gang of boys twelve and thirteen years of age organized a raid on the Lubianka Christmas market, developing a riot of such proportions that the mounted police were called out. A group of eighteen boys and girls from ten to sixteen years lived in a frozen sewer emptying into the Moscow River and maintained themselves by robbery. A gang of ten children under fifteen made it a practice to kidnap better-- dressed children for their clothes. In Odessa a gang of eight homeless children all under fourteen years waylaid t The Young Delinquent, pp. 67-76; 445-49. 2 Charles Booth, Life and Labour in London, Third Series, Vol. II, DaLaL: 3 Ibid., pp. 114-15. 4 Walter Duranty, correspondent for the New York Times, quoted in the Literary Digest, February 6, 1926.GANGING AI - a boy of ten, forced him to undress, cut his throat and then stabbed him twenty times.’ THE GANG AND THE FRONTIER That the conception of the gang as a symptom of an economic, moral, and cultural frontier is not merely fanci- ful and figurative is indicated by the operation of similar groups on other than urban frontiers. The advance of civilization into a wild country is heralded by marauding bands which result both from relaxed social controls and attempts to escape authority. The impenetrable Ever- glades of Florida long sheltered the dreaded Ashley- Mobley gang. The history of Jesse James and his gang of outlaws is an epitome of a type of life that was common enough in the opening up of the great West.? The most in- famous of frontier gangs was that led by Joaquin Murieta, a Mexican, who, before the end of his picturesque career, had planned to sweep through the entire state of Cali- fornia with five hundred men and reduce it to a wilder- ness. The settling of Australia was marked by the ac- tivities of numerous gangs of bushrangers, of which the most notorious was probably the Kelly gang whose cap- ture cost the government £120,000./ The frontier history of Illinois is permeated with gang activities.‘ The political frontiers of many nations exhibit the t Chicago Tribune Press Service, December 28, 1925, March 15, 1926. 2 See Robertus Love, The Rise and Fall of Jesse James. 3 George C. Henderson, Keys to Crookdom, pp. 108 ff. 4For a brief account of this gang, see C. L. M. Stevens, Famous Crimes and Criminals, chap. xv, ‘“The Last of the Bushrangers.”’ 5 See Milo M. Quaife, Chicago’s Highways Old and New: from Indian Trail to Motor Road, pp. 188-89.42 THE GANG same phenomena. Lawless gangs on our own borders in- clude smugglers, rum-runners, and the border bandits of the Mexican boundary.’ Canadian and Mexican border groups, of which the Imperial Valley gang is probably best known, have specialized in stealing automobiles.? Where social organization is undeveloped or has broken down within a nation, whole regions may be characterized by this type of life; this was well illustrated in Mexico in the cases of numerous bands of guerrillas, of which the outstanding example was that of Francisco Villa; in China where horse bandit gangs from the Chang Pei Shan re- gion, closed to the public by the government, prey upon native and foreigner alike;} and in Italy where the bandit chief levies a tax on neighboring populations. The Thugs, a secret society of strangler-robbers in India, ‘‘doubtless sprang into existence at some time when the Delhi gov- ernment was so disorganized as to give predatory gangs unusual opportunities for plundering.’* The period be- fore and following the Civil War has been called the ‘‘era of banditry,” so numerous and so desperate were the out- law gangs. And what are pirates but “gangs of the seas,”’ which, with some of their lonely or lawless coasts, rep- resent interstitial reaches that fall beyond the scope of organized authority and civil society?s * For an interesting account of some of these smuggling gangs both past and present, see A. Hyatt Verrill, Smugglers and Smuggling. 2 George C. Henderson, Keys to Crookdom, pp. 36-37. hae Nakazawa, ‘Horse Bandits and Opium,” Forum, April, 1926, P- 579. 4J. N. Farquhar, Modern Religious Movements in India, p. 424. 5 The first known use of the term gang in the English language in the common disparaging sense was with reference to pirates (1623). See Murray’s A New English Dictionary (Oxford).GANGING 43 IS THERE A GANG INSTINCT? The traditional explanation of the gang and one sup- ported by the older type of individual psychology has been to dismiss gang behavior as due to an instinct. ““... The gang instinct ... . is a natural characteristic of our social order, and it would be impossible to uproot itor destroyit. = 4. x “The gang Instinct . . . . is recog- nized in the formation of the small group clubs. .... a “Somewhere about the age of ten, the little boy.... begins to develop the gang-forming instinct.’ These are typical statements of the “gang-instinct” explanation. Other writers consider ganging as a special form of the “social instinct’’—a difference in phrasing only.4 Theoretical psychology no longer supports instincts as the bases of human behavior. Man has fewer instincts than other animals. His nature is plastic and he excels in his capacity to adapt himself to a multiplicity of situa- tions for which instinct could not fit him. He is primarily a creature of habit, but the pattern of his habits may be infinitely varied in varied circumstances.° t Franklin Chase Hoyt, Quicksands of Youth, p. 120. 2 Annual Report, Chicago Commons, 1919, p. 19. 3 J. Adams Puffer, The Boy and His Gang, p. 72. 4N. E. Richardson and O. E. Loomis, The Boy Scout Movement Applied by the Church, pp. 206-7. 5 The reaction against the use of “‘instinct”’ as an explanatory con- cept in the social sciences is indicated in part by the following books: J. R. Kantor, Principles of Psychology; L. L. Bernard, Instinct; John Dewey, Human Nature and Conduct; C. H. Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order (rev. ed.); John B. Watson, Behaviorism; Floyd H. Allport, Social Psychology; and W. I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Girl. For com- parative statements of the present-day schools of psychology, see The44 | THE GANG What writers on the gang have attributed to instinct is the result of pervasive social habits" arising out of the human struggle for existence and social preferment. It is apparent also that use of the phrases ‘“‘gang instinct’? or “social instinct” in the passages quoted is made without much attempt at a thoroughgoing analysis of the complex conditions underlying the formation and behavior of the gang. The gang, as has already been indicated, is a function of specific conditions, and it does not tend to appear in the absence of these conditions. Under other circum- stances the boy becomes a “‘solitary type,” enters into a relation of palship or intimacy with one or more other boys in separate pairs, or is incorporated into play-groups of a different sort or into more conventional or older groups. What relationships he has with others are deter- mined by a complex of conditioning factors which direct his interests and his habits. It is not instinct, but experi- ence—the way he is conditioned—that fixes his social relations. Psychologies of 1925, Powell Lectures in Psychological Theory, Clark University, 1926. C. K. Ogden, in The Meaning of Psychology, presents the simplest and best brief account of various psychological standpoints. * Compare Hulsey Cason, ‘‘Gregariousness Considered as a Common Habit,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, April-June, 1924, pp. 96-105. See also Allport, op. cit., pp. 77-78.CHAPTER III WHAT IS A GANG? What is a gang? What characteristics does it possess which distinguish it from other forms of collective be- havior such as a play-group, a crowd, a club, a ring, or a secret society? This is a question which is not answered either by the dictionary or by the scanty literature on gangs. The answer must come from a careful examination of actual cases and a comparison of them with related social groups. THE INDIVIDUALITY OF GANGS No two gangs are just alike. The cases investigated present an endless variety of forms, and every one is in some sense unique. In this respect the gang exhibits the principle, universal throughout the natural world, that, although like begets like, the single instance is variable. Wide divergency in the character of its personnel com- bined with differences of physical and social environment, of experience and tradition, give to every gang its own peculiar character. It may vary as to membership, type of leaders, mode of organization, interests and activities, and finally as to its status in the community. This fact of individuality must be recognized both by the student who attempts to classify it as a form of collective behavior and by the social worker who deals with it as a practical problem. 4540 THE GANG A DESCRIPTIVE DEFINITION OF THE GANG Yet science proposes to discover what is typical rather than what is unique and does so, first of all, by making classifications. Interest centers, therefore, not so much in the individual gang for itself as in the characteristics which set it off from other types of collective behavior, discoverable through its natural history. The “Dirty Dozen” may be considered a fairly typical group.’ THE DIRTY DOZEN 13. The Dirty Dozen began merely as the result of a dozen or more fellows (from sixteen to twenty-two years of age) meeting casually on a street corner at the entrance of one of Chicago’s parks and later on in “‘Mike’s” poolroom a short distance away. Most of the boys were loafers, who spent their time swimming, playing base- ball and football, shooting craps, or sitting around and talking. They liked brawls and fights, and the gang helped to satisfy these wants with less personal discomfort than might occur if one fellow alone started hostilities or tried to steal something. Of their various activities, some form of conflict seems to have been the chief. There was war between the gang and the police, for even though the latter did not always have any particular offense for which the fellows were wanted, they did try to break up the group whenever it congregated on the corner. * The selection of such a case is difficult. The problem is analogous to that of the anthropologist who is searching for an example of a pure racial type in the mélange of modern European stocks; there has been such a widespread intermingling of racial groups that types have been swamped in a myriad of hybrid forms (William Z. Ripley, The Races of Europe, pp. 107, 108). The gang, likewise, is so often hybridized that it presents distinct earmarks of other kinds of social groups. There are, moreover, so many closely related and marginal forms that it is often ‘very difficult to place an individual case clearly in one category or another.WHAT IS A GANG? 47 The gang as a whole often came into direct conflict with other gangs. One night at the old Imperial Theater, the Dirty Dozen found themselves seated opposite the “Chi” gang, their rival in football and baseball. During the show, which was poor vaudeville, the fellows started to hurl remarks at each other. The verbal con- flict grew into a near-riot, which continued until the police came. The Dirty Dozen, however, was capable of collective action against other enemies than rival gangs. One night while the race riots of 1919 were at their height, the gang, armed with revolvers, blackjacks, and knives, started out to get the “niggers.” At Thirty-fifth and State streets, five miles or more from their own territory, and after some preliminary skirmishes, ‘‘Shaggy”’ Martin threw the trolley of a street car filled with colored people. The rest of the gang, which had increased to about twenty by this time, piled on. “‘Shaggy,”’ who was left alone at the back to hold the trolley-rope, was standing there with it in one hand and a billy in the other when a colored woman slashed him across the heart with a razor. Then someone hit her, and another fellow “got” her husband. Shaggy died in the patrol on the way to the hospital. “Swede” Carlson, the only fellow the police caught at that time, said that his last words were, ‘‘What will mother say?” The gang took up a collection for flowers, but the direct result of the episode was a desire for revenge. They killed two negroes and “beat up” five more after the death of Shaggy. The standing of each fellow in the gang was determined by competition and conflict within the group itself. Each member was trying to outdo the others in football and everything else. There was always a struggle for the leadership, which usually went to the best fighters. “Slicker” Charlie and Ellman were for some reason or other “on the outs,” and a fight was arranged to see who was better. The encounter came off in the park. Each fellow had his second, and the time of the rounds was set just as if it were a regular prize fight. Ellman, who won, mauled Charlie severely, and the latter fell into disgrace, at least in his own opinion.48 THE GANG This feeling of his own belittlement caused Charlie much re- sentment toward the victor and led to another fight in which Charlie struck Ellman with a lead pipe. The blood shot out of a big gash in his head. After they had taken him to the emergency hospital, a cop came in and wanted to know how it had happened, but Ellman would say nothing except that he had fallen and his head hit a rock. The code of the gang was that honor forbade squealing. With this incident the feud came to an end. An example of conflict of the play type, which had a very tragic outcome, occurred one day in the park. About eight of the fellows went to the lagoon and piled into two tiny rowboats. It was a warm summer evening, and the bunch was feeling pretty good, so they decided to have a battle. Splashing soon led to striking with oars. The battle was raging when one of the boats went over. In it was a fellow called ‘Steam,’ who could not swim. The others struck out for the shore, but Steam went down. As soon as they discovered that he was gone, they went out and dived for him until one of them succeeded in getting the body. The fire department came and a pulmotor was used, but to no avail. Before the funeral a collec- tion was taken up, and an expensive floral piece was purchased. The gang turned to the good for one day, and every member went to the church. Steam was never spoken of afterward, for each one of them felt a little bit responsible for his death. Members of the gang often engaged in shady exploits as indi- viduals or in pairs. Ellman and “Dago” were always managing to make some money in one way or another. At one time Ellman told me of the “booze” ring, for which he and Dago did the delivering. Where they got the booze I never found out, but they made $25 or $30 apiece for a night’s work and gambled it away at a place which was a regular Monte Carlo, with tables for crap-shooting, and caller’s chips which were purchased from the cashier. The same pair were involved in the robbery of a golf shelter. Owing to Ellman’s carelessness, he was followed and arrested. He was convicted of petty larceny and put on probation, but the police could not make him reveal the name of his pal. By keeping mum he saved Dago a lot of trouble.WHAT IS A GANG? 49 Another example of loyalty was an incident which occurred when the gang went to Detroit. Dago gave the money which he was to use for carfare home to a younger fellow. Although it was winter, he himself rode the blind. Since the train took water on the fly, he was frozen to the train when it pulled in. The gang also enjoyed many quiet evenings. It was the rule for the fellows to meet at Mike’s on winter nights to shoot pool and talk. In the summer their hang-out was on the corner at the entrance to the park. There was a tendency to stick together at all times in play, just as in other activities. They often went swim- ming. Every year they played football, for which they tried to keep in training, and they developed a good team. The older fel- lows were the leaders in their athletic activities. One of the exploits of the gang was a migration from Chicago to Detroit when high wages were being paid to automobile-workers. They rented a house there and the whole gang lived together. Even though they were making fabulous wages, they did not save a cent, and finally came back to Chicago—broke. It was this Detroit ad- venture that made bums out of most of them. They had drinking orgies almost every night at their house, and the crap games took their money. The gang controlled its individual members, particularly when the group was together. As individuals, and in other group rela- tionships they were not so bad, but in the gang they tried to act as tough as possible. The man who danced, who went out with girls, or who was well-mannered was ostracized. Charlie used to act hard- boiled, and he even wore his cap so that it made him look tough. Ellman, who liked to give the impression that he was a ruffian, was going with a girl on the sly. When he was with the gang he was one of the meanest fellows in it, but when he went out with his girl he was very courteous, quitting his loud talk and dropping his braggadocian air. In the last few years the gang has disintegrated. There has been a tendency for its members to be incorporated into the more conventional activities of society. The majority of them seem to have become more settled in their mode of life. Some have moved50 THE GANG away. Even the fellows who have changed, however, are still pretty low under the polished surface. Gang habits and influences still persist.* The first fact to be observed about the Dirty Dozen, a characteristic which may be regarded as typical of all gangs, as distinguished from more formal groups, is its spontaneous and unplanned origin. Unlike a college club or labor union, its beginnings were unreflective—the nat- ural outgrowth of a crowd of boys meeting on a street corner.” Another significant mark of the gang is its intimate face-to-face relations. Sometimes its members actually live together in a place of common abode. Although many of its enterprises may be carried on by small groups, the majority of the bona fide members of a real gang must get together periodically if it is to continue its corporate exist- ence. ORGIASTIC (EXPRESSIVE) BEHAVIOR The most rudimentary form of collective behavior in the gang is interstimulation and response among its own members—motor activity of the playful sort, a “‘talkfest,” the rehearsal of adventure, or a “‘smut session.” It may be mere loafing together. It may assume the character of a common festivity such as gambling, drinking, smok- ing, or sex. It is in this type of behavior that the gang dis- plays and develops at the outset its enthusiasms, its spirit, its esprit de corps. If it behaved only in this way, how- ever, it would remain a merely orgiastic or festive group such as the ‘‘Fusileers.” * Manuscript prepared by a former associate of the gang. ‘The cases presented in the preceding chapter illustrate the same point.WHAT IS A GANG? 51 THE FUSILEERS 14. The Fusileers were college fellows with a few congenial friends and some women attached, who stuck together closely for two or three years. They were bound together by ties of sincere friendship and by common standards of conduct. Several of them were fraternity men, but they dared not let their “‘brothers” know of this relationship. They were hard drinkers and rounders, and they wanted complete freedom from traditional morality. The chief activities and interests of the group were of the festivity type. The first year they held frequent parties on the south shore at the home of one of the members whose parents were away for the summer. One autumn, two or three nights a week, they collected at the Smiths’ before starting out in their cars to make the rounds of the cabarets. The Smiths, who were a middle- aged couple, liked to have the crowd come to their home to sing and dance and bring something along with them to drink. It was absolutely necessary that there be plenty of liquor; otherwise the party did not feel in good spirits. There was an unwritten law among the men not to interfere with each other’s women, and this was carefully observed, for what was one girl more or less? The girls were, for the most part, well- to-do and moved in the best society. College women were tabooed because there was nothing in it for the boys. They went with girls who smoked, drank, and had about as loose morals as their own. The wilder the women were, the better they got along with the Fusileers. In order to protect the reputations of their women and them- selves they started to look for a flat where they could continue to carry on their parties unmolested by society and its conventions. - The rendezvous must be located in a tough neighborhood where the people were used to wild, drinking orgies. Finally they managed to secure a six-room furnished apartment where the occupants of two or three other flats were in the habit of giving similar parties. There were two classes of members: those who lived in the hang-out and those who just helped to finance it. One member acted as the bookkeeper and took charge of collecting the funds.52 THE GANG Another was acquainted with the policeman on the beat, who was brought in several times for a few drinks. The sergeant in the terri- tory was treated likewise; so they had almost complete protection. Another member was acquainted with many politicians around town. They did not need to worry, therefore, about the down-town police or the detective bureau. They could furnish their own musicians and entertainers for their parties. These festivities were very much cheaper than caba- ret excursions and lacked none of their attractions. The boys cooked most of their own meals, giving regular dinners occasionally. If any of the group got too drunk to go home, there was always room to sleep somewhere. The idea was such a success that there was a party almost every afternoon or evening for the first three weeks. During this time they consumed over thirty gallons of wine alone. Later on, however, they settled down to a couple of parties a week. They had their own initiation, grips, and similar contrivances. Be- sides, they composed their own songs and poems. When they were not singing, they were having a dancing contest or some other special stunt. These affairs would continue most of the night. Although this group developed spontaneously, was unconventional in its behavior, and possessed tradition and a natural structure, its chief activity was exploiting the senses rather than linear action and conflict. It was primarily a feeling, rather than an action, group. It sought to avoid hostile forces, whereas the gang ordinarily welcomes a fight. This is quite a common type of social group, of which many examples have come to the atten- tion of the investigator.* * Manuscript prepared by a member of this group. 2 The origin of the sect has been attributed to a certain type of orgiastic group. ‘‘Just as the gang may be regarded as the perpetuation and permanent form of the ‘crowd that acts,’ so the sect, religious and political, may be regarded as a perpetuation and permanent form of the orgiastic (ecstatic) or expressive crowd.” (R. E. Park and E. W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, p. 872.)WHAT IS A GANG? 53 THE GANG AND THE MOB When the gang becomes inflamed it may behave like a mob. Moreover, it may become the actual nucleus for a mob, as is shown by the Dirty Dozen’s invasion of the Black Belt. The superior organization, solidarity, and morale of the gang give the mob an unwonted stability and direct its excited activities to greater destruction. The less active elements in the mob, on the other hand, and even the mere spectators, give moral support to or provide an appreciative audience for the more active nucleus—the gang. This is well illustrated in the case of the Chicago race riots of 1919, when gangs frequently served as nuclei for mobs. THE RACE RIOTS OF IQ19 15. The mob inits entirety usually did not participate actively. It was ‘‘one” in spirit, but divided in performance into a small ac- tive nucleus and a large proportion of spectators. The nucleus was composed of young men frp)n sixteen io tvventy-cne or twenty-two years of age. Sometimes orly four would be active, while fifty or one hundred and fifty looked on, but at times the preportion would be as great as tweniy-five in two hundréd cr fifty in tliree hundred. Fifty is the largest number reported for a mob nucleus. ... . The fact that children were frequently a part of mobs is one of the thought-provoking facts of the Chicago riot..... Though the spectators did not commit the crimes, they must share the moral responsibility. Without the spectators mob vio- lence would probably have stopped short of murder in many cases. An example of the behavior of the active nucleus when out of sight of the spectators bears this out. George Carr, negro, was chased from a street car. He outstripped all but the vanguard of the mob by climbing fences and hiding in a back yard. This concealed him from the rest of the crowd, who by that time were chasing other negroes. The young men who followed Carr left him without strik-54 THE GANG ing a blow, upon his mere request for clemency. In regard to the large non-active elements in the crowds, the coroner said during the inquest, ‘It is just the swelling of crowds of that kind that urges them on, because they naturally feel that they are backed up by the balance of the crowd, which may not be true, but they feel'that way... . 2 ACTION AND CONFLICT IN THE GANG To become a true gang the group as a whole must move through space (linear action) and eventually, as has been shown in the preceding chapter, must meet some hostile element which precipitates conflict.2 Movement through space in a concerted and co-operative way may include play, the commission of crime,—such as robbing or rum-running—and migration from one place to another with change of hang-out or resort—for example, the mi- gration of the Dirty Dozen to Detroit or of the “‘Ratters”’ from Toledo to Chicago. Conflict, as. already: indicated, comes in clashes with other gangs.or with common enemies: sich as the police, park officials, ‘and se'on. It:takes place under a multi- plicity of ci ircumstances and assumes a variety of forms, of which, perhaps, open attack and defense are the most common. Whether the gang aiways fights openly as a unit or not, it usually seems to carry on warfare against * Chicago Commission on Race Relations, The Negro in Chicago, Dp: 22-25. 2See chap. xi. William McCormick regards the gang as a conflict group; he says, in The Boy and His Clubs, ‘“YVhis is the day of gangs in boys’ work. A gang can never thrive without another gang to fight with.” J. Adams Pufler also defines a gang as a number of boys who go together and “will stand by each other,” implying the conflict test. See Puffer, “Boys’ Gangs,” Pedagogical Seminary, XII (1905), 175.WHAT IS A GANG? 5s its enemies co-operatively. It is as the result of collective action and particularly of conflict that the gang, especial- ly in its solidified form, develops morale.’ Many gangs seem capable of reflective behavior—dis- cussion and planning, leading to co-operative action. As in the case of the individual, this collective thinking on the part of the gang seems to arise as a response to a crisis situation, and has for its purpose an attempted adjustment of the group. DEVELOPMENT OF TRADITION AND GROUP-AWARENESS If the gang has had any degree of continuity of experi- ence, the collective behavior and common purposes lead to the development of a common tradition—a heritage of memories which belongs more or less to all its members and distinguishes the gang from more ephemeral types of group such as the crowd and the mob. Reactions of the gang’s members which indicate a feel- ing of distinctness from other groups arise in part through the possession of this common tradition, but they are even more the result of the integrating effects of conflict.? In * Morale refers to that quality—of an individual or of a group—of unwavering pursuance of an aim in the face of both victory and defeat. Gangs vary widely in the possession of morale. For those of the more unstable type, it may be easily shattered. For those with a long history, however, which has included the vanquishing of common enemies and the acquiring of more effective organization and solidarity, morale may be- come very strong. As a tactical maneuver the gang may scatter before its enemies, but that does not mean necessarily that it has lost its morale; it may mean simply that it is achieving its purpose by some other method than overt fighting. 2See R. E. Park and E. W. Burgess, op. cil., p. 51. “Group self- consciousness,” which is produced in the process of conflict, may be described behavioristically as the positive responses of a group or its56 THE GANG the case of the Dirty Dozen the hostile forces were “‘out- groups,” such as competing athletic teams, rival gangs, the despised “‘niggers,” and the police whose meddlesome interference represented the moral and legal standards of the larger community. Symbols: SS > > > >< SS, ? & SS ence 1. CIRCULAR 2. LINEAR MOVEMENT 3. COMBATIVE 4. DISPERSIVE MOVEMENT (Two types) MOVEMENT MOVEMENT Includes all forms a) Parallel type 6) Co-operative Includes conflict Includes panic of mutual excita- includes such type includes behavior of a_ type of behavior, tion, such as mill- movements as a gang exploits group, such asa_ such asa rout or ing, “talkfests,” rush for seats or such as roaming, gang battle, war, a stampede. “rough-housing, foraprize. (Typ- migration,attack, or feud. games, dancing, ified in “Gold stealing, games, parties, picnics, etc. Rush”) etc. (Typified in Indian War Dance) Fic. 2.—Typres oF COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR IN THE GANG The circular type of movement takes place in the gang, as well as in other social groups. It is linear movement of the co-operative type, however (which implies a certain amount of unity or solidarity) that particularly characterizes the gang (AS. gang =going). Circular movement may be regarded in many cases as a preparation for action (linear type), as is illustrated in the preliterate dance which precedes going on the war-path. Linear movement often eventuates in combat involving one or more enemies; thus combat becomes the end of the group act. Combat serves the purpose of further integrating the gang and augmenting its solidarity. Dispersive movement represents the break-up of the gang’s morale and the temporary dissolution of its cohesion. Dispersive behavior often fol- lows unsuccessful combat, while success in a fight may lead to the type of circular move- ment involved in a celebration of victory. In this way it is possible to make out a sort of sequence for these various types of collective behavior. It should be noted, however, that this formulation is tentative and is merely offered as a suggestion for further investi- gation. OTHER CHARACTERISTICS Like its beginning, the organization of the gang is non- conventional and unreflective. The réles and status of the members to symbols standing for the group (collective representations) such as the group name, flag, slogan, password, and grip, or some tradition representing past common experience.WHAT IS A GANG? 57. members are determined, not by formal standards, rea- soned choices, or voting in the ordinary sense, but through the mechanisms of interaction in social situations. So the gang represents a social order which is natural and cres- cive rather than enacted. The Dirty Dozen, like other gangs, is an interstitial group, detached and free from the social anchorages or moorings which hold the more conventional types of group within the bounds of social control. A final characteristic which the Dirty Dozen possesses in common with most other gangs is its attachment to a local territory, within which is its accustomed hang-out. Gangs like to roam about, and sometimes their exploits carry them far afield—in this case the excursions into the Black Belt and the trip to Detroit—but they usually have their home territory, with every nook and corner of which they are thoroughly acquainted, which they regard as par- ticularly their own, and which they are ready to defend against the encroachments of outsiders. A definition of the gang, then, based upon this study of 1,313 cases, may be formulated as follows: The gang is an interstitial group originally formed spontaneous- ly, and then integrated through conflict. It is characterized by the following types of behavior: meeting face to face, milling, move- ment through space as a unit, conflict, and planning. The result of this collective behavior is the development of tradition, unreflective internal structure, esprit de corps, solidarity, morale, group aware- ness, and attachment to a local territory.CHAPTER IV TYPES OF GANGS If conditions are favorable to its continued existence, the gang tends to undergo a sort of natural evolution from a diffuse and loosely organized group into the solidified unit which represents the matured gang and which may take one of several forms. It sometimes becomes a spe- cialized delinquent type such as the criminal gang, but usually it becomes conventionalized and seeks incorpora- tion into the structure of the community, imitating some established social pattern such as a club, but in reality retaining many, if not all, of its original attributes. The gang may also acquire the characteristics of a secret soci- ety. Once developed, gangs sometimes form federations among themselves or make alliances with rings or political machines. The following case shows a group passing through several of these stages." THE APACHES’ ATHLETIC ASSOCIATION 16. A crowd of about fifteen Polish lads from fourteen to six- teen years old were accustomed to meet on a street corner in front ofastore. From loafing, smoking, and “‘rag-chewing,” they turned to shooting craps, which excited hostility toward them. “igs, de bulls!” someone would shout, and they would scat- ter. As the group grew, business men and residents regarded as a nuisance the crowd which blocked the way on the sidewalk, inter- fered with traffic on the street and hung about at night, keeping tA play-group or club which attempt to imitates a gang without really acquiring its essential characteristics may be called a “pseudo- gang.” 58TYPES OF GANGS 59 people awake with their noise. The crowd had now become a rudi- mentary gang. The next step in their development was to organize a ball team to which they gave the name “Pershing Tigers.” With a name, group-consciousness increased, for they could say proudly, “We belong to the Pershings!” One night the Altons, a gang from another neighborhood, swooped down for a raid and attempted to “clean out” their corner. Bitter enmity developed, and the Pershings cleaned out the Altons’ alley with rocks, guns, and daggers. With about six months of fight- ing the gang became fully solidified. Observing the athletic clubs with their large-lettered names on the big plate glass windows, one of the boys suggested that the gang organize a club. The idea made a big hit, they became the Apaches’ Athletic Association and rented a room in back of a store at $5.00 a month. This required dues and more members, and the roster was brought up to seventy-five. The one officer was the treasurer, who collected the dues. The gang had now become conventionalized and had gained a definite standing in the neighborhood. Interest in the new organi- zation was so great that suits were purchased for its ball team, and a schedule of games was secured with other clubs and gangs. second-hand billiard table was bought for the clubroom, and the boys spent their time there with pool, dice, and cards. Interest was aroused in pugilism, and the best boxer finally became the leader of the gang. THE DIFFUSE TYPE Many gangs, however, do not grow beyond a rudi- mentary stage. Their solidarity is not lasting; the loyal- ties of their members to each other and the gang cannot be counted on too far; the natural leaders may not be recognized definitely as such by the rest of the group.’ t Gang boy’s own story and other interviews. 2 The following case is given by William Healy (William Healy and Augusta F. Bronner, Case Study 8, Series I Judge Baker Foundation60 THE GANG OLAF’S CROWD 17. Olaf’s crowd consists of about twenty members, ranging from twelve to sixteen years of age. It was never a real gang with an organization; some of its members associated somewhat with other crowds. There were no special meetings or meeting places; the boys congregated on the street corners, or in by-places, or in the neighborhood of poolrooms. There have been no recognized leaders, although some boys have naturally had more influence than others—the boys whose exploits had been more daring or who have set them forth with most gusto. Younger boys have been recruited from time to time but not in any deliberate or formal fashion. While they spoke of each other as belonging to the Downey Street crowd, they were boys who merely lived in the same dis- trict, not in the same street. Not only the main but apparently the sole bond that held these boys together has been the recounting and committing of delinquencies. The latter were practically always carried out by two or more of the crowd who would then tell their adventures to the others. The idea thus acquired would rapidly spread and be acted upon. They had no other interests in common, neither secret club activities, athletics, antagonism to other gangs nor anything elser es". | Thieving in stores was carried on extensively, at one time by a system—groups of three or four going into a store and getting away with anything they could. The articles were distributed or Studies, pp. 16-17, 15a-17a) to illustrate what he calls the “delinquent crowd.” On account of its loose organization he attempts to differentiate it from the gang (p. 9a). This group possesses, however, in a rudimentary way the essential attributes of a gang. It seems better to reserve the term “crowd” for a mere agglomeration of individuals that may fortuitously happen together (as in the popular sense) or to restrict its use to that phase of group-behavior which has the peculiar mental unity described by LeBon as belonging to the “psychological crowd” (Gustave Lebon, The Crowd). Healy’s case is a very good example of the diffuse type of gang. |TYPES OF GANGS 61 sold to the other boys; there was never any systematic sharing of booty. -... It was always merely a small portion of the crowd that entered into any delinquency at one time—there was no great crowd contagion, although ideas did permeate the whole group. Satisfaction was clearly obtained not only in the committing of the delinquency and through the enjoyment of the booty but also in the recounting of their adventures in delinquency. .... Among these boys there has been considerable loyalty, al- though, again, not imposed by any agreement. The only case of “squealing” that we know of was when H gave information to the police about Olaf and M. The psychology of such a crowd is comparatively simple and by no means belongs to the realm of the abnormal. Even with the loose-knit organization of this particular crowd, appearance in court and commitment together to X led to development of some group- consciousness and group-loyalty. The members are held together by forces so general as sometimes to be called instincts—gregarious- ness, imitation, rivalry, desire to appear well to one’s fellows, curi- osity, the love of novelty, and the desire for acquisition or posses- sions. Several hundred diffuse gangs were found in Chicago, each varying in some particular, perhaps, but conforming to the general type presented above. THE SOLIDIFIED TYPE In antithesis with the diffuse gang is the solidified type, which is the result of a longer development and a more intense or more extended conflict. A high degree of loyalty and morale and a minimum of internal friction contribute to a well-integrated fighting machine, by means of which the gang presents a solid front against its foes." 1 See documents 162 and 165. The superior solidarity of this type of gang over a formal group is illustrated in document 163, Pp. 280.62 THE GANG THE MURDERERS 18. Shortly after the race riots of 1919, residents in the vicinity south of the stock yards were startled one morning by a number of placards bearing the inscription “The Murderers, 10,000 Strong, 48th & Ada.” In this way attention was attracted to a gang of thirty Polish boys, who hang out in a district known as the Bush. The pastimes of the boys were loafing, smoking, chewing, crap- shooting, card-playing, pool, and bowling. Every evening they would get together at their corner or in their shack near by to “chew the rag” and talk over the events of the day. The new mem- bers who were taken in from time to time were congenial spirits who had shown ability to elude the police or gameness in a fight. A favorite rendezvous of the gang was a large sand pile near the railroad tracks. Here they had great fun camping, flipping freights, and pestering the railroad detectives. Most of them were “bumming away from home,” sleeping under sidewalks or in the prairies. They had little difficulty in swiping their food; the milk and bread wagons were a source of abundant provisions. They broke into box cars and “robbed” bacon and other mer- chandise. ‘They cut out wire cables to sell as junk. They broke open telephone boxes. They took autos for joy-riding. They purloined several quarts of whiskey from a brewery to drink in their shack. Most of them were habitual truants, and they acknowledged their commitments to the parental school with great pride. Many of them had been in the juvenile detention home and the jail. Their “records” were a matter of considerable prestige in the group. Although leadership shifted with changing circumstances, the best fighter, who ‘“‘knows how to lead us around the corner and pick a scrap,” was usually in command. A high degree of loyalty had developed within the gang, and its members repeatedly refused to peach on each other in the courts. They stuck close together in most of their exploits, for their enemies were many and dangerous. They used to “get” the “niggers” as they came from the stock yards at Forty-seventh and Racine. ‘‘We would hit them and knock them out of the cars.” They claim to t See p. 18.TYPES OF GANGS 63 have killed negroes during the riots. The police too were their ene- mies, for the “cops were always picking us up and we liked to get them going.” Their chief animosity, however, was directed against the Aber- deens, a rival gang that “was always punching our kids.” They were forced to defend their sand pile on the tracks against this gang and several others, for it was not only a source of fun but a place where they could pick up coal for use at home. Many a rock battle was waged here and on the streets. They formed an alliance with half a dozen gangs for mutual aid and protection, and they counted about an equal number as their special enemies. The Murderers had the reputation throughout the whole dis- trict of being a very tough outfit. When the other boys of the area would hear of their inroads, they would “quiet down like little birds when a hawk is sailing over them.” The store keepers of the vicinity were indignant at their rudeness and thievery, and the neighbors regarded them as an awful nuisance. It is not surprising that, with so many hostile forces about, this gang became well organized and acquired considerable solidarity." THE CONVENTIONALIZED TYPE The dominant social pattern for the conventionalized gang in Chicago is the athletic club.? It may take other forms, however, such as dancing, social, or pleasure clubs, pool and billiard clubs, and benevolent associations or political societies. About one-fourth (335) of the groups enumerated in this investigation are clearly of the con- ventionalized type. x It must not be concluded from the fact that most of the groups in the case-studies exhibit delinquencies, that the gang is inherently evil. It is a spontaneous group and usually unsupervised; its activities tend to follow the line of least resistance. See chap. xiv. 2 See footnote 2, p. 73. 3 It has been estimated that there are at lIcast five hundred athletic clubs of the gang type in Chicago.64 THE GANG | The tendency toward conventionalization usually manifests itself first at the period from sixteen to eighteen years of age. In many cases the gang takes this step on its own initiative, but often it is encouraged to do so by a politician, a saloon-keeper, or some welfare agency. In this way it attempts to achieve social standing and make its activities legitimate in the eyes of the community (be- comes an accommodation group). It may adopt a con- stitution and by-laws, provide for the election of officers and the payment of dues, require the observance of rules of order, or take on other formal features. It often incor- porates, receiving its charter from the state or buying it from some defunct organization." Beneath the external earmarks of a club, gang charac- teristics often persist. The result is a sort of social hybrid. If supervised and backed by wholesome influences, the gang club may become thoroughly socialized; otherwise it may function as a destructive and demoralizing agency in the community, or it may lose its vitality and enter upon a period of disintegration. THE TIGERS 19. Our gang numbered about seven boys of grammar-school age, who were drawn together into a gang by need of protection against Mickey O’Brien, a roughneck from State Street and the neighborhood bully. At the first encounter between the gang and Mickey, “Spike,” one of our members, noting our overwhelming numbers, fingered his nose at the enemy. After a lively exchange of words, Mickey decided he was no match for us and retreated. A few days later he saw Spike alone and chased him down an alley. Spike’s whistle for * Before prohibition it was necessary to incorporate in order to get special bar permits.PEs iiby ikon THE “MURDERERS,” LITTLE AND BIG Above are the Little Murderers playing their Sunday morning games. Below diago- nally across the street from them the Big Murderers are amusing themselves. This gang (in the customary two divisions, junior and senior) received its forbidding name at the time of the 1919 race riots when it is said to have disposed of several Negroes. (See docu- ment 18.)66 THE GANG help brought the entire gang from their cave in a vacant lot and Mickey was chased, caught, and beaten. After that we were all for one and one for all. We now thought we ought to organize the gang, and held a preliminary meeting in our dugout. Bill, our ringleader, wanted only one officer, the “gang leader,” a position which he thought he would be able to fill. I stood out for several officers. Finally we compromised by combining both suggestions and decided to have a captain (Bill’s job), a president, a vice-president, a secretary, and a treasurer. We decided also to have a council for the boys who were not officers, and we finally appointed Johnnie, who was only a little “punk,” as caretaker of the cave. Everybody was satisfied. since everybody had an office. With our new-formed organization, which we called the “Tigers,” enthusiasm waxed apace, and we built a new shack where we could cook some of our meals. The news of our success spread through the neighborhood, and we were soon besieged with applica- tions for membership. After discussion, three new boys were ini- tiated into our group. Then our trouble began. We had become more of a club than a gang. Discontent was brewing and two cliques were formed. Eventually the three most active in organiz- ing the original gang were expelled, and the new members moved the headquarters to their own neighborhood. Finally the old gang came back to us, but our unity had vanished and we divided our property and called it quits. THE CRIMINAL TYPE If the gang does not become conventionalized or in- corporated in some way into the structure of the com- munity as its members grow older, it often drifts into habitual crime and becomes completely delinquent. JOE’S GANG 20. Originating with a dozen adolescent truants in the vicinity of Halsted and Harrison streets, Joe’s gang has been a solid group * Manuscript prepared by a former member of the group.==> THE Ss SPORTSMANS BAG THE LEADING SPORTING CLUB PUBLICATION VOLUME 1 Tx r a — SPORTSMAN SUBJAGATE RAGENS. 7—6 THE POPULAR MASTER SPORTSMAN “DIAMOND {OE” ESPOSITO OFFICIATES AT OPENING CEREMONIES ARMANDO'S SHOE STRING GRAB SPECTACULAR! What eppeared to be @ clowdy disagreeable of comfortable warmth and pleassct rays. Diamond Joe Esposito the grand old sport of philan= thropic and political fame, amid the rousing cheer of a thousand rosring fans strode to the mound, and tock. his position on the sab with a broad grin characteriatic of his friendly disposition and with the masthy technique of « ball artist lobbed a perfect strike over the pan’ into! the expectant bants of Lord Lib. “— The Park became a reality. The game was called after @ most Cecilia of "paliee Cacsar Post 119 {American Legien) a a testimonial of its wood wishes for a successful se 0 Sporteman’s Field was “ake scene of « lively contested ball game lact Sunday, both teams forging to the front with unmistaken zeal for victory at veriows timer throughout the pastime, the visitore pally suce Loure hit.peppered sight ioniog attac The loose play of both teams In the field was to be expected in early season, bat et bat the Sporte- man looked Dewey's flotilla on long range firing rampage. It is the concensus of opinion that the Sperteman have a seal ball club and well founded arperstions for « first division Berth in the Mid-West League. The Ragen’s although not playing finished ball loom as «trong contenders, and no doubt will trouble the league leaders. The fielding of Finch and clout- ing of Weber for the visitors placed the home club on the defensive and their work was only offset by the flest-footed, ground-geining,. Mingo Armando whore gloved hand scooped the victory from Ragen beats Parenti, Rabbit Libenatl and Burns played steady ball. Sullivan and Cargano coming in for their share of the honors, Mann seemed ao bit wild in spots. Koop and Stone are likely stare with the war ‘clob, All in all the team. looks dammed in- Cererting. W S. SPORTSMENS vs. RAGEN A. C. RHO!AE RHOAE Selliven SS. 123 1 ' Finch 28. 01420 Lisonati LF 12200 MeCory RF 11220 Pereste 2B 225115 Weber CF 13200 Armando F (1.300 Reo fl B $F190 Burns 3B. OF 032 Henry L F.41200 Cargano RF 0023 0 Mulhound B.0 103 9 Stone 1 BO 1 26Q0 Ls Por SS.00000 Kopp Co 12409 Jacobs 1oso0' Mann P. 91020 GreisbsumP 10022 Coldwaithe 00000 —— Totale 66 24 103 Totals 71327 104 SCORE BY INNINGS: Ragens A.C. 3$ 00003 0 0 0-6 Spottemens “1 0 Tho ety Or eS) Two base hits: Kopp (2) Henry Molhound Sacrifice hits: Finch. Pevente——Stolen baace: Armando, Weber 1923 Baseball Season at Sportsman's @ Libonati, ~ CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, JUNE tat 1923 —Balk: Coleen i out by Mann 4—Creie baum 5 —.Basts on balls off Creishaum | — offi Mano 4. May Geb 1923 ERROR PACED SPORTSMAN SUCCUMB BEFORE KVETON ONSLAUGHT Parenti and Armando stege « field day with the” war club, but in vain. Kreisinger’ homer with the stations jammed in the Seventh cinched the contest for the Visitors, Keney'« pladter of Paris whip wouldn't cut down woode nlegged men hopping to first on crutchers Burns, Peresti and Armaodo show class in the field. Swanson stars qn slab with skilled change of pace and admirable speed. ——_ SPORTSMAN vs. KVETON BOOSTERS RHOAE RHOAE Largano 22300 Kraft SS. 00020 Libonati LFLO 1101 Hurley CF 12300 Pereste 2B. 14320 Kisus 2B. 1 12°00 Armando 03200 Bato 3 B 2IELOO Burne 3B. 07300 Wegner LF 72200 Quigley LB.01200 Kroistoor T 72100 Keney SS. 01043 Yore 02700 Medill © 60601 Brctnes! 18021104 Swanson P.O 1040 Breichley P, 1 1040 Coldwaithe OO 010 ed Tote 9 Totele 31527115 7m TR hs SCORE BY INNINGS; Kveton Boosters 000203400—9150 Sportemen 21000000 0—3 155 Home runs: Kreisinger — Three base hits: Baichley, Kency — Two base hits: Kreisinger, Parente .Ar- mand — Sacrifice hite: Libeonati — Btolen Basest Wagner, Hurley, Parente — Wild pitch: Baichley — Strvels owt by Baichley 7—By Swanson 5, Bases on ball off; Baichley } — Off: Swanson 2.— Pessed Balls: Yore — Double Play: Keney, Parente, Quigley, Hurley, Klaus. SUNDAY MAY 1 Sportsman take tight game from Pirates 6—4 Parenti slams long homer ig the 4th. Gargano tluge out two doubles. Swanson retires ten men on strikes ond performs as « star YQ d YK AR x Ve oe Sa 4 =~ OP oe we xy Ns en x Wy 8 Ss ay WG > S WS NS . \ aS S Cy av FORT ws WA, EV ERAL AY HAVE _IN ITA 5 . SR ‘ we S : S s © %& ji » Q By : a may EE z SPONTANEOUS PLAY GROUP MAY BECOME A £.6. TWO-B0r GANG FAMILY INTIMACY (CASUAL) CAOWO £6 0B LINEAR ACTION) ( TYPE (EXPRESSIVE) (CRCULAR ACTION) (2 ORGIASTIC is- ” , PSYCHOLOGICAL CROWD > BECOME A is designed to represent roughly stages in the natural h ypes of collective behavior. At the left are groups representing the end products of gang development and the more inclusive formation of what Le Bon calls the “psychological crowd acterize these groups at any stage in their development; it species of group. (See chaps. ii, iii, and iv.) TAY Vin Fic. 4.—NAaTuRAL History or THE GANG MAY BECOME A This diagram, without claiming logical accuracy, tory of the gang and its possible relations to other t either of the action or of the orgaistic type, may char represents a type of recurring behavior rather than a the gang in its embryonic stages; at the right are groups into which the gang may ultimately enter. TheTYPES OF GANGS 71 gang entered high school, a change in the organization soon took place. The new principal tried to shut out all activities and make high school a routine. The opposition of the gang was intense, but they dared not openly defy him. The result was a new organization, composed of thirteen boys, all but three of whom had been members of the T.A.C. It was called the ‘““Hoodlums,”’ and its fundamental purpose was to oust the new principal. It had no formal initiation or organization, but of necessity it was a genuine secret society. The Hoodlums now became a secret political faction in opposi- tion to the high-school fraternities, and succeeded in capturing a large number of high-school honors for our men. We put on several dances, but our chief interest was in gathering material “on the principal.” We finally sent a committee to the school board and presented our case against him with such success that he had to resign. When the new principal arrived, we took him into our confi- dence and came out into the open. The Hoodlums now became con- ventionalized in the “Forum,” and took up the réle of a debating club and a high-school boosting organization. We backed all worth- while activities, sending cars to haul the teams, rubbing the men down in the gymnasium, getting out placards, and so on. During this time we continued to function as a wire-pulling faction and the nucleus for a political party in the school. It was a rather curious fact that we now acquired all the elabo- rate formulas that characterized the high-school fraternities— pledging with a period of probation, a pin, and a ritual of initiation, in which our faculty advisor at first participated. This was made up of three parts: questioning, a solemn ceremonial with presenta- tion of a pin of our own designing, and finally a “‘roughneck”’ initia- tion. The rough-neck initiation gave closer unity to the group and made each new man feel more at one with the brothers. The older men looked forward to giving it to the Freshmen, and the latter anticipated it with great eagerness in spite of the “punishment”? it involved. Contrary to the state law, there were in the high school a num- ber of secret fraternities. Largely to combat these, rules were now passed that all high-school clubs would have to hold their meetingsoo THE GANG in the schoolrooms; they could give, during the year, only one dance, to be held in the gymnasium and to close at ten-thirty ; money must be handled through the school auditor; and pledging was to be abolished. The school further decreed that each club should take up some one line like debating, art, or literature, which we regarded as “‘bunk’”’ for high-school students. After some difficulty we got permission to hold the Forum meetings in the evening, but the principal kept forgetting to leave the building open, and in disgust we finally served notice that the club was disbanded. Again we had been driven under cover, and again we became a genuine secret society, this time a local Greek- letter fraternity. The group is now a perpetual organization of from thirty to thirty-five members, with an alumni council which at- tempts to keep up its moral standards. All our men are pushed in school activities, in which they occupy places of prominence. Dances and banquets are frequent, and meetings are held in the ‘ boys’ homes.t AGE TYPES Somewhat loosely correlated with the type of gang is the age of gang members. This sort of grouping tends to fall within a larger geographical one. AGE GROUPINGS _ 22. A new crop of youngsters in a district plays together and the older group passes on. Here there is some intermingling, how- ever, precocious boys tending to get into a group a little older than they are, but remaining within the same geographical boundaries. One may see as many as four different age groups playing in the same street at the same time. There are some games that nearly all the groups can play together; other games eliminate the younger groups and the older ones play them alone. The age grouping is really a smaller division within the geographical.? * Interview with a former member of the group. ? Unpublished study by an experienced boys’ worker in gangland. The geographical grouping seems to be more important in determining the associations and loyalties of the gang than does that of age. “For,TYPES OF GANGS 73 A study of the age statistics of the gangs of Chicago indicates four general types as shown in Table I. Many gangs of a mixed type include two or more of the fore- going ranges of ages. The adolescent or the adult who has become somewhat seasoned in a life of crime is usually referred to as a “‘gangster.’* These distinctions are im- portant because of the different characteristics of gangs of different age types. The general plan of the book will TABLE I Approximate Member Re- Type of Gang Ranke of Ages |ferred to in This (Years) Study as ChildhoodFye stare 6-12 Gang child Farlier adolescent....... II-17 Gang boy Later adolescent........ 15-25 Gang boy GUI Er ertec ea freien 21-50 Gang man be to deal with the younger gangs in the earlier chapters and to progress to the older as the theme is developed.? however much the older generation may have been detached by migration and movement from their local associations, the younger generation, who live closer to the ground than we do, are irresistibly attached to the localities in which they live. Their associates are the persons who live next to them. In a great city, children are the real neighbors; their habitat is the local community; and when they are allowed to prowl and explore they learn to know the neighborhood as no older person who was not himself born and reared in the neighborhood is ever likely to know it.”—Robert E. Park, et al., The City, p. 112. t This is the common usage in the newspapers and popular literature dealing with gangs. 2 Lack of space has necessitated the omission of a detailed description of how the older gangs became conventionalized in the form of athletic and other clubs. For a discussion of this subject see the author’s forth- coming article on “The Gang and the Club,” in the American Journal of Sociology.74 THE GANG Statistics for the gangs upon which age figures are available (1,213 cases) are shown in Table II giving the approximate distribution. Childhood gangs are usually of the mischievous, neighborhood kind; they are embryonic and diffuse in their organization, being closely related to the play-group: they usually meet on the streets, in yards, or in other open spaces of the neighborhood. Adolescent gangs are usually TABLE II Tiypeloh Gane Rene uke Nuniber of perventare of Tem GniUGhOOGs. «26 666 ose ee 6-12 18 1.48 2. Karlier adolescent........ LI—17 455 B55 5h 3. Later adolescent......... 16-25 305 25505 PPMNU LC rsrirre ieee CG fo. science 21-50 38 Bas Rem XCC es cree cin fe % ote Wider range 154 12-70 6. Athletic or social clubs. ..| (Late adolescent or adult) * 243 20.03 otal Panes: 58. ale ies aaa: te 2m 100 * Athletic and social clubs upon which more exact age figures are available have been included under types 3, 4, and 5s. unsupervised and semi-delinquent; they are better organ- ized than those of younger boys, and they ordinarily have a more definite hang-out—on a special street corner, in a prairie, or in a cave, shack, or barn. The older adolescent gang often meets on the streets but usually tends to hang out in a poolroom, saloon, or store of some sort. When gangs of this type become conventionalized (probably as- suming the name of an athletic club), they attempt to get some definite quarters where they will be welcome to loaf, or to rent a clubroom, oscillating between it and the streets or poolrooms as economic pressures dictate. Un-TYPES OF GANGS 75 supervised groups of this sort commonly lead an irregular sort of life and often drift directly into criminal practices. The adult gang may assume the form of a club with defi- nite quarters or a common hang-out; otherwise, it is usu- ally of the criminal type, with a special rendezvous such as a roadhouse or a poolroom, or meeting by appointment. The ordinary assumption that gangs tend to be defi- nitely segregated on the basis of age, boys from twelve to fourteen, for example, preferring exclusive association with other boys of the same ages, is not readily sup- ported." HETEROGENEOUS GROUPINGS 23. The gangs of this region seem to be organized on the basis of physical ability rather than size or chronological age. In one group the oldest boy is fifteen and in second-year high school, while the youngest is only eleven. The eleven-year-old can play baseball and other games better than the older boy who is rather clumsy. If this older boy were at all clever, his size would permit him to enter an older gang which uses the same street. In one of these gangs there has been a boy quite small and t An example of this sort of error is contained in the following para- graph: “The gang age, from twelve to sixteen, is a very definite stage in a boy’s life. Before it, he is interested in his surroundings; later, he be- comes a squire of dames. Between twelve and sixteen he plays group games. He is interested in neither girls nor rabbits; he learns loyalty and team play. That is the purpose of the gang: by that association he learns the great social virtues.’”—Corey Ford, ‘“New York’s Junior Gangland,” New York Times Book Review and Magazine, January 1, 1922, p. 16. See also Paul H. Furfey, The Gang Age. Another slant on the so-called “gang age’? comes from one of the administrative departments of the city of Chicago which deals with boys. It is maintained by the head of this department that the gang age is from sixteen to twenty-one. Since his department only has jurisdiction over boys until they are sixteen, he naturally has no gang problem to deal with. That is the business of the police.46 THE GANG younger than any of the others, who could put on the boxing gloves with a boy nearly twice his size and handle himself very creditably. Another small boy, however, in the same gang cannot fight or do anything strenuous because of a bad leakage of the heart, yet he, too, is a member in good standing.’ 24. These gangs as we have found them have been composed of a very heterogeneous group as far as occupation is concerned. For instance, in a group we found this past year there were boys reaching all the way from fourteen to twenty-three years of age. The twenty-three-year-old young man who was the adviser for the group was a tramp who had tasted all the rottenness that could be found from coast to coast. Eight of the boys were members of churches. Six of them were grade school boys. Seven or eight of them were working boys employed in different industries in the district, and there were three or four who were out of work and just hanging around.? A wide range of ages is indicated in 154 cases in the present study. A gang of older fellows includes a few young adolescents or even a little boy or two, or vice versa. If numbers are sufficient, a differentiation may be made by the boys themselves, on the basis of age, into “midgets,” ‘juniors,” and “seniors,” or more often just ‘Guniors” and “seniors.” In these cases, however, the younger groups still retain an intimate relationship to the older. In conventionalized gangs, a definite rule with re- gard to age is customary; this, however, is usually not enforced, or if it is, boys of the barred ages may still be hangers-on, “‘fringers,”’ or an affiliated group. The older gang often likes to use the younger boys, who can make themselves serviceable in many ways, and many times it seems to enjoy the rdle of protector or patron. t Unpublished study by an experienced boys’ worker in gangland. 2 Letter from Paul B. Bremicker regarding the gangs of Minneapolis.Eola ne LIFE IN THE GANGINTRODUCTION The problem of dealing with the boy can be stated very largely in terms of his leisure hours. Ordinarily school and work, either at home or elsewhere, fill a large portion of his day. The period after school or work, vaca- tions, and periods of unemployment—spare time—are the real problem.’ The most important agency in directing the spare- time activities of the boy is the family. In_the under- privileged classes, family life in-etargenumber of cases— ~cither through negtect; misdirection, or suppression—fails— to provide for or control the leisure-time behavior of the -adalescent. School, church, and the recognized agencies _ of recreation, which might supplement this lack, are woe- fully inadequate to the need in gang areas. The boy with time on his hands, especially in a crowded or slum envi- ronment, is almost predestined to the life of the gang, which is simply a substitute, although 2 most satisfactory one from the boy’s point of view, for activities and con- trols not otherwise provided. The problem is greatly intensified in gangland areas by the allurements of already existing gang tradition and gang activities. Once a boy has tasted the thrilling street life of the gang, he finds the programs of constructive agencies insipid and unsatisfying. Gradually the gang usurps time usually given to school and work, and, by * Compare Henry W. Thurston, Delinquency and Spare Time. 7980 THE GANG supplanting home, school, church, and vocation, becomes the primary interest of the boy. The lure of the gang is undoubtedly due in part to the fact that the gang boy is in the adolescent stage which is definitely correlated with gang phenomena. Although this period has no exact limits for any individual, it includes broadly for the boy the years from twelve to twenty-six. It js a time of physical and social development—an inter- tion 18 generally marked by conflicts consequent to the attempts of the growing personality to adjust itself in its larger social milieu which represents a new world for the emerging child.’ If these new needs forexpresstorrare net_ rovided for by the convent ey will be poser weve It is just here that the gang functions for the boy. Even in the disorganized areas of life in a great city, the young child, necessarily dependent, is incorporated in the family or some other child-caring institution. Girls, too, are usually much more carefully supervised and protected in these regions. The adult man, also, even though he has passed through the adventures of gang life, usually marries and “‘settles down,” or becomes otherwise articu- lated in a conventional group. The adolescent of the un- derprivileged class, however, is particularly prone to the «See Henry R. Stedman, Mental Pitfalls of Adolescence, p. 7. Froma strictly sociological standpoint, adolescence begins with the first struggle of the child to organize his life for himself, to emancipate himself from adult control, and ends when he has completed such organization and is capable of formulating and following his own program and philosophy of life. See also Healy and Bronner, of. cit., Case 9, pp. 134-154. 2 For example, the Italian system of chaperonage for girls.INTRODUCTION 81 gang mode of life because he finds in the gang the types of behavior which appeal to him and which are not pro- vided in an effective way by the conventional agencies. From the standpoint both of spare time and of ado- lescence, therefore, the gang is an interstitial phenomenon which almost ideally meets the demand for types of ac- tivity which particularly appeal to the boy. It is proposed in Part II to present a picture of some of these activities which make life in the gang.CHAPTER V THE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE How to break the humdrum of routine existence—this is a problem for the boy. It is the problem of life generally and a great deal of human energy is expended in the flight from monotony and the pursuit of a thrill. “Our leisure is now mainly a restless search for excitement.”* William I. Thomas has classified the various forms of behavior of this type under the caption, ‘““The Wish for New Experi- ences. The quest for new experience seems to be particularly insistent in the adolescent, who finds in the gang the de- sired escape from, or compensation for, monotony. The gang actively promotes such highly agreeable activities as rough-house, movement and change, games and gam- bling, predatory activities, seeing thrillers in the movies, sports, imaginative play, roaming and roving, explora- tion, and camping and hiking. The gang, moreover, stimulates the boy to an even greater craving for excitement. His adolescent interest in that which thrills becomes reinforced by habit; ordinary 1 See Robert E. Park, et al., The City, pp. 117-18. 2 See William I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Girl, pp. 4, 5. This together with his three other wishes—for security, for response, and for recogni- tion—may be thought of as class terms for four persistent types of human behavior. Reasoning backwards, we arrive at the wishes conceived of as fundamental human needs. 3 Compare G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence, p. 368. 82THE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE 83 business and pleasure seem tame and dull in comparison with the adventures of the gang. Habituation to this type of life in adolescence goes a long way toward explaining behavior in the young-adult gangs and even of the hard- ened gangster. THE BIMBOOMS 25. When I first moved into the neighborhood I met two broth- ers who took me one night with the rest of the gang—about thirteen boys eleven to twenty-two years old. We stayed out till nine, pitch- ing pennies on the corner. They showed me their hang-out up ina barn, where there was an electric light, and we began to stay out till two or three every morning, We used to bring up pop and candy to eat, and play cards. It was a big room, with furniture and everything. The people had stored an old dining-room set, a library table, a kitchen table, and an army bed up there. We had to go up a ladder, through a trap- door. It was lots of fun. It was not really a club, just a hang-out. Some of the big fellows got to bossing it, and we called them the “Bimbooms.” Then they called the whole gang the “Bimbooms.” We loved baseball and sometimes we would all play hooky from school to go to a game. When we had our own team, we called it the “‘Congress Athletic Club.” On the corner, we would pitch pennies and then it got to be quarters. We played Rummie and Seven-and-a-half for money. I wanted to learn how to play Stud-poker, but no one would teach me. Oftentimes we shot dice for pocket-trash. Sometimes when we were hollering and playing games, the flying-squad would chase us away. The horse-cop would run us like anything, but we were too fast for him. Then he’d throw his club and we'd throw it back again at his horse’s feet to make him prance. We’d call him “Old Mickey Cop.” In the wintertime, we’d hitch boards to street cars, and it was a lot of fun to see the fellows hit a switch and get spilled off. I never liked to go to Union Park with the family, but to go with the gang on the “L” platform and blow up pigeons through their beaks or smash stolen eggs in the kids pockets.84 THE GANG We used to keep pretty much to ourselves, and if another gang got fresh with us, a couple of guys would go down and get the Winchesters,to come up and help us. One gang of fifteen or sixteen kids would, try to run us off our corner just to be smart. They had a double-barreled shotgun, which they would load with rock salt. And when it hit you, would it hurt! You tell ’em, boy! We built a fort in a vacant lot on the corner to keep them from shooting us. Then they’d throw rocks and knock the boards off, so they could hit us. They would usually come around raiding about three times a week. We had beebee guns and a 22-rifle, in which we shot blanks to scare them, but we might have shot something else if we’d had it. I like to fight, and I took training at a down-town gymnasium with “Kid Joe.” Several of our gang belonged down there. I won medals for boxing. The wish I’d like to have most in the world is a big club, with all kinds of sporting equipment.! ROUGH-HOUSE Sheer physical activity of a random sort is character- istic of gang behavior.” The gang boy is not afflicted with “spectatoritis,” which someone called the great American disease; for he likes to be in the thick of the play, and the bigger the mélée, the better he enjoys it. With the gang, he is as full of energy as an electric dynamo. ORGANIZING A BASEBALL TEAM 26. The ostensible occasion for my visit was to organize a base- ball team. The members of the gang played pool for a while. At ™ Gang boy’s own story. “Reference has been made to crowds that act, but crowds do not always act. Sometimes they merely dance or, at least, make expressive motions which relieve their feelings. ‘The purest and most typical ex- pression of simple feelings,’ Hirn remarks, ‘is that which consists of mere random movements.’”’ (R. E. Park and E. W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, p. 870.)THE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE 85 first the games went smoothly enough, but soon they became characteristically riotous. We adjourned to the adjoining room to organize the team. It was very difficult to get the positions assigned because the boys would not remain in one place long enough to tell ‘who was who.” They were constantly being diverted by all sorts of horseplay and loud noises. It kept me busy most of the time chasing them off a miniature stage. I wore out my voice trying to keep them quiet. I finally gave it up and asked the captain to give me a list of his players and their positions.? BEDLAM IN A SETTLEMENT 27. There was not much equipment for this gang to use and not much supervision. The most accurate description of the be- havior of the twelve or fifteen boys who usually hung out together is pandemonium. The noise was deafening. Only once, in several weeks’ experience, did I get them quiet enough to say a few words. They were constantly chasing each other about the room, in and out of doors, and around the block. Everybody seemed to be hit- ting everybody else or striking out in all directions at the same time. They could not hold steady long enough to play a game of pool; at about the third shot, the balls would begin to fly off the table. Agility was at a premium, and lucky was he who escaped injury. Eventually the pool balls began to fly across the room, with bad results to the plaster.’ This ceaseless activity without apparent purpose or direction, this chaotic expenditure of energy, may be re- garded as a form of “milling” typical of the gang. MOVEMENT AND CHANGE Behavior in the gang often takes the form of move- ment and change without much purpose or direction. Al- most anything which possesses novelty suffices—until its newness wears off. Activity may lead in the direction of ' Observations by the author. 2 Observations by the author.86 THE GANG delinquency or anywhere else, so long as it keeps the gang boy “‘going.” A surprising instability of interest is often manifested, and new contacts and alliances are made with amazing rapidity. ADVENTURES WITH THE “BOY” 28. I was supposed to go to school, but Eddie said do I want to come wid him. I went wid him. We met Mike and went to the “Boy.” I do not know his name, but Eddie had seen him out in South Chicago. The Boy, who was about sixteen, had been in St. Charles. When we met him he was working in a wienie shop on Sixty-third. We were about twelve and thirteen then. The Boy brought us some buns, and then we went to Jackson Park. On the way back we went to a show. When we came out, we bought some candies. We slept that night with the Boy, in a little shed. The next day we spent in the park. About four o’clock that afternoon, we helped the Boy, but we left the door of the store open so we could come back later. In the evening we went to a show. About midnight we met the Boy and came back and robbed the store. We got about $46 in there. Then we went back to our shed to sleep. The next day we all went to Twelfth Street, where we bought tennis slippers, four hats, four mouth organs, some cuff buttons, some bananas, and some soft drinks. The Boy always held the money. Then we went down town toa show. Afterward we bought some candies. Then the Boy bought himself one of them there collars [Van Heusen]. The Boy had a train ticket and we went to Forty-third Street on the Illinois Central. We got tired of sitting down, so we got off there and walked to Sixty-third. The Boy bought a package of cigarettes. We went to Jackson Park. The Boy had some guff [golf] sticks and we started playing around on the links. Then it was about eight o’clock, and we went to the show again. We bought some candies. That night we robbed another wienie store where the Boy had worked.THE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE 87 The next day we went out to Jackson Park again and went boat riding. We stayed in the park till noon, picking up guff balls and making tips for finding them. We was wid another boy out there. Mike stole the guff clubs on us and ran away back to South Chicago. We went boat riding in the afternoon, and that night we went to a show on Sixty-third. That night we slept in the same shed again. ‘he Boy had a big trunk full of stuff there. The next morning we sneaked out and went back to Jackson Park boat riding. We went to the guff grounds again and got balls and sold them. We started out looking for stores to rob that night. In the afternoon we went to another show. That night we tried to break in the door of a store. The boy took a rock and tried to break the lock, but he couldn’t. Finally the little boy grabbed it and broke through. We went in and got cigars, cigarettes, a search- light, and a gun. We found a lot of ice-cream, but most of it was salty. We spilled all the cones out of a big box. Then we took all the gum, candy, and a lot of O’Henrys. Went back to our shed. We smoked and ate candy the whole night. The next morning we bought two loaves of bread for breakfast. We went boating again. In the afternoon we went to White City and spent $6.00. We came from there to a restaurant and bought some meat. After playing around on Sixty-third, we went to a show. Then we went again to our shed to sleep. Our beds were some old coats and paper trash. .... The next morning we were up early and jumped from the shed. We went to Commercial Avenue and bought some wienies, coffee, and pop. We tried to get boats on Calumet Lake but had to come back. We hung around Commercial Avenue till about noon and then went to Eighty-ninth Street, where the Boy shot off some bullets. We went back to Commercial Avenue and bought some pie and coffee. Then we went.to a quarry at Ninety-fifth Street to play, and finally came back to sleep in a shed by the Boy’s house. That night we robbed a grocery store. We got some money, a gun, some canned shrimps, candies, cigars, cigarettes, stockings, cuff buttons, and bananas. We slept in the store on a shelf till about five o’clock in the morning, and then got out through the88 THE GANG back. Then we went to the Boy’s brother’s shed, where we fetched all the stuff. We went out again and got ourselves some eats. We went to a movie show. Then we went out to the quarry again to ketch minnies with a little hook and bait. That night the Boy gave his brother a box of cigars. When his brother found he was sleeping in the shed, he asked him why he did not come home. Then his brother took all the stuff from the shed into the house and kept it. That night we went and tried to rob an A. and P. store. We were hungry and did not have nothing to eat no more. When we got in we found we’d made a mistake and it was a barber-shop instead of the grocery. Finally, me and Eddie and the Boy went back to his brother’s shed to sleep, and Johnnie went to his own shed. In the morning Johnnie came early and waked us and said that a man from the police had been around there. The boy got his brother’s pay check, took it to the bank, changed it, and kept the money. Then we bought eats and candies. We also bought a bar of soap and went to the quarry to wash ourselves. Then we took a hike to the Calu- ment River. When we were out there, two policemen went by in a flivver. They stopped and asked us what we were doing. They knew the Boy; for they had been looking for him a long time. So the police- men robbed the Boy and found his revolver. They took it and tried to shoot into the air, but it had no bullets and was broke. Then they robbed us and got all our stuff, dice, cigarettes, and $6.00. They took us to the station, where they finally brought Eddie and Johnnie. And that was the end of our sport.! GAMES AND GAMBLING Games and gambling afford another form of thrill and relief from dullness and routine. Most popular in the gang are games involving action, rivalry, and chance. Popular outdoor games are Hide-and-seek, Tag, Blindman, Tackle, Leapfrog, Horseshoes, Run-sheep-run, Buck- * Gang boy’s own story.THE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE 89 buck, Fingers Down, Old Man’s Last Step, Spanish Fly, Red Light, Ditch, and “Tut, Tut, How Many Fingers are Sticking Up?” Most of these involve movement, rivalry, and some form of escape and pursuit. The game of Cop- pers and Robbers, in which the robbers attempt to escape and the “coppers” to catch and put them into prison, is significant as representing the thrill which the boys get in carrying out a real robbery. Indoor games like cards, dominoes, checkers, Par- chesi, and Lotto are played in the hang-out, particularly in bad weather. In one case a gang of small boys stole the entire game outfit from a social settlement and in- stalled it in their clubroom under a sidewalk. Pit, Bunco, Rook, Old Maid, and Flinch are sometimes played, and all the apparently harmless games are used for gambling. Games of chance, like many athletic sports, may be regarded as one form of conflict behavior involving risk. In gambling the gang simply follows a social pattern prev- alent among all ages in gangland. Rummie, Poker, Sixty-six, and Seven-and-a-half are by far the most popular games for gambling. War, Hearts, Twenty-one, Casino, Dog, Blackjack, Fantan, Five-up, Whist, and Pinochle (or “Knuckles,” as the boys call it) are also favorites. Other card games, which the gang boy plays for money, are Joker, Bridge, Sweep, Stud Poker, Cheat-the-cheater, High-low-jack-and-the-game, Pigs, Steal-the-deck, Deuces Wild, Frisco, Thirty-one, * See chap. xi. See also William I. Thomas, ‘“‘The Gaming Instinct,” American Journal of Sociology, VI, 760. Thomas suggests that gambling owes its widespread appeal to the pleasure-pain sensations of conflict activity which it promotes, as well as its lack of drudgery and incidental gains.90 THE GANG Thirty-six, Forty-five, Pooch, Seven-eleven, Two-up, Nickbones, Show-down, Four Points, and Pitch. Other forms of gambling are employed for the sake of variety. Marbles ‘“‘for keeps” and pitching coins for a crack are common. Put-and-take, which is played by spinning a hexagonal top with numbers on the flat sur- faces, is popular. Special methods are sometimes devised by the more ingenious or the more enterprising. GAMBLING IN THE NEWS ALLEYS 29. A man in one of the newspaper alleys had a paper game with horses on it and powder strips. You would light it, and the horse on the strip that burned out first would win. The boys would bet on these horses. The man who was doing this was just a bum who hung around down there. The cops would not see the games. When the watchman would swing his stick and chase the kids out, they’d wait a little bit and then begin all over again. Another fellow had a board with six lines on it. It had spaces with numbers in them. You would put your money on the space you thought would win and then shoot three dice. If you won, you would get twice the amount on your space. The kids lost a lot of money this way." Crap-shooting, or “indoor golf,” which has been called the African national game, is learned by gang boys, both white and colored, as soon as they are old’ enough to handle the dice. Since it is a favorite sport on Sunday mornings, the boys often call it “Sunday School.” Losses sometimes mount to several hundred dollars on a single game. Raffles constitute a popular way of raising money. The formation of pools, to be given the winning side of a baseball game, isa common custom among the gangs. Betting—on elections, on races, on athletic contests, or * Gang boy’s own story.Me ee ee, L. A STREET GANG AT “SUNDAY SCHOOL” Photo by Author oc oS f the gan Ing occupation o Shooting craps (the boys call it ‘Sunday school’’) is the favorite Sunday morni (See p. go.) land—frame cottages, built up from the street, usually with room for a family underneath the stairway. Several of these cottages may be placed on a single lot, so that no yard space remains for the children. pe of housing in gang Gay, This row of houses illustrates the dominan92 THE GANG on anything else where chance is involved—is a favorite pastime among the older gangs.’ PREDATORY ACTIVITIES Stealing, the leading predatory activity of the ado- lescent gang, is as much a result of the sport motive as of a desire for revenue. It is regarded as perfectly natural and entails no more moral opprobrium for the ordinary gang boy than smoking a cigarette. ‘“C’mon, let’s go rob- bin’,” is the common invitation. The response might be, “Naw, too tired,” or ‘Too busy,” but never, “T’ain’t right.” Unless under conventional pressure, these boys do not regard such delinquencies as misconduct. “NOT A TOUGH GANG” 30. I asked Jimmie if his was a tough gang. After his indigna- tion at the question had cooled, he resumed his usual good-natured smile. “Well, what does your gang do, then?” I ventured. “Oh,” came the naive reply, “We go robbin’ mostly.’ Two types of things are usually stolen: those that the boys can use and enjoy and those for which there is a ready market. Thievery in the gang takes a great variety of forms.3 “LET’S GO ROBBING” 31. Our gang started by robbin’ the fruit peddlers. A kid would ask for a peck of potatoes and then run with the basket. Then when the peddler chased him, the other kids in the gang would strip his wagon. * Gambling has been definitely suggested as the consequence of monotony of labor in British industry. See the Annual Report of the Industrial Fatigue Research Board of Great Britain, 1924. 2 Interview with a gang boy. 3 Cases of stealing in the gang could be multiplied indefinitely.THE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE 93 One day we robbed watermelon. We would spread it around and let the other kids in on it. We could not do anything with eighty watermelons, but it was fun robbing them. We would go over the Red River for swimming. We'd loaf at the boathouse, and one day we copped a motor boat without know- ing how to run it. When we ran out of gas we got picked up by the police. We robbed the Jews on Maxwell Street. We’d go into a china store and ask how much a plate was and then drop it. Then the Jew would throw plates. My mother sold some suits to a Jew. The gang followed in a Hudson and robbed the suits. We used to go robbing at a wholesale grocery. Five of us went there one night; we had been in twice before. We knew there was money in the safe, but we was afraid to take it because the safe might have ’lectricity. So we filled a big bag with sardines, matches, candles, etc.t Burglary is a common type of gang enterprise. ““MAKING” STORES 32. My gang used to go out nearly every night looking over stores to decide which ones to make [rob] on Sundays. We would select the gamest in the gang to do the job. If we took the whole gang it would look funny; and besides there would be too much noise and running around the store. In most cases when we went robbing, somebody would ditch or stool on us. Then if a store happened to be robbed in our neigh- horhood, the cops would always grab one of the gang for it. We got away with it a lot of times without getting caught. I was shot through the wrist once [shows scar], but only some real good members of the gang [inner circle] ever found out I was hurt [shows pride at having been wounded].? Breaking into merchandise cars and general thievery from the railroads is also quite common in the gang. t Gang boy’s own story. 2 Gang boy’s own story. 3 See chap. ix.94 THE GANG Robbing drunken men, variously known as “jack- rolling,” “rollin’ de bums,” “rollin’ de dinos,” etc., is a universal practice among the gangs. The little boys like it because of the ease with which they can handle their victims. The big boys are attracted by the large sums which drunken men often carry. Sometimes the victim is knocked down and his bank roll taken away from him; or a little boy lures the “bum” to an appointed place, a bigger boy puts his arm around the man’s throat from behind, while a third boy goes through his pockets. A gang sometimes respects racial lines in jack-rolling, and to carry on such enterprises in some other gang’s territory is likely to precipitate a war. Much in the way of vandalism’ accompanies junking and robbery; there is usually an utter disregard for the conventional rules set up to protect property. ROBBERY AND VANDALISM 33. Our gang used to go robbing stores almost every day. When trucks would come along, we’d jump on and throw the stuff off. Sometimes we’d raid ice-cream wagons. If the driver saw us, he would jump off and give us a shag. If he caught us, he would usually kick us in the pants and let us go. When we wanted to steal a bicycle, we’d jump into the chains, destroy the brakes, or file the lock. We'd go in a store robbing a poor old lady. We’d ask her for an empty box and steal everything she had while she was gone. Or we’d all take an apple and start eating; then we’d say we did not like the fruit, throw down a nickel on the counter, and run out with a lot more stuff. We did all kinds of dirty tricks for fun. We’d see a sign, “Please keep the street clean,” but we’d tear it down and say, “‘We don’t * See pp. 113-14 for a discussion of the influence of the “funnies.”THE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE = 95 feel like keeping it clean.”” One day we put a can of glue in the engine of a man’s car. We would always tear things down. That would make us laugh and feel good, to have so many jokes.* VANDALISM AND MALICIOUS MISCHIEF 34. This type of activity seemed to be the particular delight of one gang of whose depredations the officers of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad complain bitterly. Not only do the boys carry off merchandise from the cars, but they wantonly destroy it. In one case they scattered meal all over a car with damage resulting to the amount of about $500. The social settlement whose corner was the favorite rendezvous of the gang was a frequent object of vandalism. During one whole summer the chief interest of the gang seemed to be in breaking windows. They would also break locks and damage property on every occasion. As a result, the equipment of the settlement was usually in a very dilapidated condition. The boys would indulge in perfect orgies of rough-housing in which all the furniture, es- pecially boxing gloves and pool cues, figured. On one occasion when one of the boys found that the cards with which they were playing belonged to the settlement, he started to burn them one by one in a little bonfire of matches which he had made on the sidewalk. Activity of this sort often has a special purpose. It may be indulged in to satisfy a grudge, ‘‘to get even.” When it takes place as the result of a ‘‘general soreness against the world,” it may be regarded as a kind of juve- nile sabotage. It may be practiced in order to get a shag (enjoy the thrills of a chase), to demonstrate marksman- ship or some other skill, or to provoke the usual responses enjoyed by the practical joker at the expense of his victim. COMMERCIALIZED RECREATION All forms of commercialized recreation capitalize the wish for variety and thrill. One of these is the poolroom ™ Gang boy’s own story. 2 Interviews and observation.96 THE GANG A few years ago a study was made of four hundred ’ Chicago poolrooms, indicating pretty well the activities indulged in, in such places, by the gang boy or young man who frequents them. CHICAGO POOLROOMS 35. Gambling was observed in 108, or over 25 per cent of the poolrooms visited. Poker, dice, gambling wheels, baseball pools, and betting on billiard games were the favorite forms. On Twenty- second Street in the old vice district, twelve minors under eighteen years of age were illegally present in a poolroom where gambling went on in connection with the games. In a hall on Sixty-third Street, six minors were seen manipulating a gambling-machine, at which they lost several dollars. This establishment was also a poll- ing-place, and voting-booths had been deposited for an election. In nineteen halls immoral or disorderly conduct was noted. On the West Side, acts of perversion were suggested to the investi- gators by a young boy. On the South Side, overt immoral conduct by the proprietor and a woman was witnessed. In scores of places, indecent verses appeared on the walls and show cases. The lan- guage of patrons was frequently obscene and profane. Liquor was illegally sold in four halls. In two places whiskey was purchased, while in the other two, bottled beer, on which ap- peared the original labels, was sold.t In spite of the curfew regulation of the ordinance ex- cluding minors from poolrooms, and of the friendly co- operation of the Illinois Billiard Association in enforcing the law, gang boys still manage to hang out in or before poolrooms. The data of the present study show fifty-two gangs meeting regularly in poolrooms, and there are un- doubtedly many more. The leaders or patrons of older t Bulletin, Juvenile Protective Association, September, 1919. See also, Juvenile Protective Association of Chicago Twenty-first Annual Re- port, 1921-22, p. 13.P.& A. Photo GANG LOOT Here is the loot (in process of being sorted by police officials) recovered from a single predatory adolescent gang, which had been engaged ns, y-seven cravat pl cluding two dozen watches, twent , in The picture shows the great variety of articles collected half a dozen necklaces, an equal number of rosaries, two or three dozen rings, a dozen or more bracelets, a dozen brooches, opera glasses, watch its. plo leving ex xtensive th ine s one of the major activities i or oS brator. Stealin ic Vi llaneous assortment of other articles including an electr of the undirected gang or gang club. (See documents 30-34.) Yet these boys are fundamentally wholesome and only require a red isce their energies into socially approved channels. ars, lorgnettes, and a mi or ° ins, ci cha f Irection o98 THE GANG gangs are often the owners. One of the city’s most notor- ious groups, which has terrorized a whole community for years, has as its rendezvous a poolroom owned by one of its leaders. In another case such a hang-out was nick- named “The House of Crime.” It is said that the major- ity of Chicago’s holdups are planned in places like this, which are often raided by the police in search of crimi- nals. The influence of the older poolroom gang was mani- fest in the case of Itschkie’s “‘Black Hand Society.’” Other forms of commercialized amusement which have a prominent place in the gang boy’s world are carnivals, arcades, amusement parks, and vaudeville and burlesque theaters. In these places, gang boys come in contact with a questionable class of people, see salacious pictures, hear vulgar and indecent jokes, and become fa- miliar with numerous gambling devices. THE GANG BOY AND THE SPORT WORLD In the realm of sports the gang boy is most complete- ly assimilated to the dominant social order. He knows the standing of the big ball clubs, follows the world-series, and has a special admiration for the wrestlers and the “pugs” (pugilists). Jack Dempsey, “Charley” White, and ‘Strangler’? Lewis and local boxers are often his heroes. Sports and athletics provide the gang one quite whole- some and very popular form of new experience and escape from ennui. They are the mechanisms through which secondary conflict is substituted for the primary type.’ «See document 188, p. 310. The “movies” are discussed in the fol- lowing chapter. 2 See document 107, p. 186.THE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE 99 Indoor baseball or playground ball is the most popular sport among the gangs, primarily because it is easy to play in the small spaces of congested neighborhoods and is less dangerous to life and property than ‘‘hard’’ ball. Welfare and commercial agencies in the city have been able to deal extensively with the gangs by organizing this interest and forming leagues. THE TWILIGHT LEAGUE 36. The director of the Jewish People’s Institute organized the “Twilight League,” for playground ball during the early evening. Five large gangs of the neighborhood became interested and par- ticipated in the series the first year. This was primarily for the older gangs, composed of working boys. In order to keep the young- er groups from being contaminated by the rougher fellows, he organized the ‘‘Junior League.’ THE SANDLOT LEAGUE 37. The “Sandlot League” was first formed on the Southwest Side in 1922, with twenty teams. Five hundred trophies were donated to make the competition interesting. The teams signed up for baseball in their respective classes, about half of them juniors under sixteen, and half seniors between sixteen and nineteen. About forty teams have been added to the league since that time. In this way the leaders have been able to systematize conditions of competition and exercise a general supervision. Another ‘Sandlot League” was organized under the direction of a city newspaper. Sporting-goods houses have also been inter- ested in stimulating this movement for the purpose of selling their products. This has led to commercialization of the plan.? Other sports enjoyed by the gang are swimming, skat- ing, fishing, football, basket-ball, wrestling, and boxing. Of these, football and boxing are the most popular. Foot- t Interview with a settlement worker. 2 Interviews. RAYMOND UHL100 THE GANG ball is of intense interest because the conflict it involves is personal, direct, and dangerous. The same is true of boxing, which represents the nearest approach to fighting that has social sanction and which can be carried on in a very limited space within the gang’s own hang-out. Al- most every gang has its pugs, and a flattened nose, a cauliflower ear, or an otherwise battered “‘phizz,”’ like the scars of student duels in Germany, are marks of distinc- tion. It is curious to note that the Polish boxers often assume Irish names in the ring, and that the Irish some- times take English ones. LOAFING In the absence of an opportunity for active excite- ment, the gang resorts to loafing. The loafing gang, like Mr. Micawber, is always “waiting for something to turn up” and spends its time recounting its adventures, rag- chewing, telling dirty stories, indulging in low horseplay, or annoying passersby. It is likely at any moment to cease its loafing réle, however, and embark on some enterprise if opportunity arises. STIMULANTS The use of tobacco in every form is a universal habit in the gang. It is not uncommon to see little ‘“punks’”’ of five or six ‘‘dragging”’ at a cigarette or puffing a big cigar. The use of snuff is very common; a gang of boys in knee pants, for example, all kept their supplies in improvised tin boxes which they carried in the knees of their knicker- bockers. One important element in the fascination which smoking holds for the boy is that it is ordinarily contrary to parental wishes and hence is a sign of emancipationTHE QUEST FOR NEW EXPERIENCE tor from all the restraints of home control. It gives a feeling of self-direction and independence which is very agree- able to the adolescent. In the consumption of alcoholic beverages, the gang is simply following the customs of most of the immigrant groups from which the gang boy usually comes. The par- ents have their own stills and drink at home; the young men of the neighborhood follow suit; and the boys imitate their big brothers. The secret of the gang is not that it initiates new inter- ests; the impulses to which it gives expression are so ele- mental and immediate that they are bound to find an out- let somewhere. It is not that the gang gives a direction and pattern to impulses that might find expression else- where; its movements are altogether too random and ill defined. The gang’s patterns of activity are determined largely by the environment and the patterns that it dis- covers in the world about it. The fundamental fact about the gang is that it finds in the boys who become its members a fund of energy that is undirected, undisci- plined, and uncontrolled by any socially desirable pat- tern, and it gives to that energy an opportunity for ex- pression in the freest, the most spontaneous and elemental manner possible, and at the same time intensifies all the natural impulses by the process of cumulative stimula- tion. t See chap. xiv.CHAPTER VI THE MOVIES AND .THE DIME NOVEL The movies have supplanted the dime novel. They provide a cheap and easy escape from reality, and they furnish the gang boy with patterns for his play and his exploits. The more than one hundred gang boys inter- viewed on this point attended on an average of three times a week, while thirty of them went every day.* One of them, in an appended gangland, followed a favorite picture to three different communities. The gangs become very adept at sneaking into theaters and it has been neces- sary for some managers to hire attendants to chase the intruders out or to keep order among them when they pay. WHAT THE GANG BOY LIKES IN PICTURES The gang boy likes best a hair-raising scene which brings him right up out of his seat. Pictures of the “wild west” type, featuring cowboys, were the favorite with forty-eight out of more than one hundred boys. Other kinds of thrillers, involving fighting, shooting, adventure, racing, war, or some kind of “rough stuff,” received twenty-nine votes. Next in popularity came the comedies t Another study of 100 boys committed to institutions, made by the Juvenile Protective Association, showed that “their attendance ranged all the way from several times a day on the part of one boy, to once a week. The average for sixty boys was three times per week.” Three- fourths of the boys interviewed in this investigation were known to be members of gangs. Albert E. Webster, Junk Dealing and Juvenile De- linquency, p. 17. 102THE MOVIES AND THE DIME NOVEL 103 of the slap-stick, pie-throwing kind. Mystery plays and serials, and rapid thrillers like Do or Die or The Mine of Menace, were also popular. The gang boy is rarely interested in society drama, news reels, and romantic pictures, many of which he does not understand. ‘The love plays hain’t very good,” de- clared one boy. On one occasion the writer offered to take a gang leader twelve years of age to see Enemies of Women, the only picture available in the neighborhood. The boy suppressed his indifference until the theater was reached, when he burst out, ‘‘Aw, let’s go to de park. I don’t like dem stale pitchers!” THE GANG BOY’S MOVIE HEROES A study of the gang boy’s movie heroes throws con- siderable light upon the character of his social world. Douglas Fairbanks, William S. Hart, Eddie Polo, Pearl White, Charles Chaplin, Harold Lloyd, and Buck Jones stand out prominently in the list, but by far the most popular of them all is Tom Mix, who received about three times as many votes as his nearest competitor. Tom Mix is thus described by one of his admirers: TOM MIX 38. I like Tom best because he always plays in a picture of western life. It is none of this sissy stuff that most actors play in. These pictures interest me most because I like Tom’s horse Tony. Tom gives thrills by catching runaway horses, fighting Mexicans and bandits, and riding under horses holding on with two feet. He jumps from horses into autos and aeroplanes, and leaps from docks onto boats leaving shore. At first Tom always has the hard part. Fighting a gang of Indians or bandits is Tom’s favorite sport.104 THE GANG Most of the time he gets shot and captured. Other players always seem to have a party of friends come to the rescue. If there is a better actor than Tom, I would surely like to see him.? The question has been raised as to the effect of these “blood-and-thunder” pictures on the adolescent. The city of Chicago through its censorship machinery sought to prohibit the exhibition of a Tom Mix film, The Dead- wood Coach, a picture with much shooting in it—calcu- lated to delight the heart of the gang boy and others. A circuit court decision restrained the city from interfering with the picture. The appellate court, however, reversed the decision, holding that “Where gun play or the shoot- ing of human beings is the essence of the play and does not pertain to the necessities of war, nor to the preserva- tion of law and order; when it is for personal spite or revenge, and thus becomes a murder, the picture may be said to be immoral; it inculcates murder.” THE GANG BOY’S READING The average gang boy is primarily an action type, and even when he has access to books he does not read unless ““dere’s nuttin” else to do. The occasional gang boy who makes books a hobby, usually turns to stories of adven- ture. A member of Itschkie’s “Black Hand Society” t Letter from Wm. M. to Sally Joy Brown, Chicago Tribune, August 15, 1923. A survey of the eighth-grade boys in several public schools in gangland (conducted by a private agency) indicates Tom Mix, William S. Hart, and Charlie Chaplin as the universal film favorites. Saturday afternoon serials with their thrilling adventures were also popular. 2 Editorial, ‘““The Deadwood Coach,” Chicago Tribune, March to, 1925. 3 See document 188, p. 310.THE MOVIES AND THE DIME NOVEL 105 made a collection of Zane Grey’s works and was also fond of the books of James Oliver Curwood. Sometimes reading becomes a substitute for the life in which he is denied participation, for instance, when he is sent away to an institution, as he usually is, sooner or later. Books of adventure—involving motors, jungles, pirates, Indians, pioneer days, train robbers, war and fighting, aeroplanes, athletics, the sea, horses, outdoor life, ‘“smashups,” wrecks, or anything “‘real exciting” or portraying action—attract his interest. He is also fond of fairy tales and interested in spirits and ghosts, witches, detectives, radio, invention, and even college; but for the most part he turns to the thrillers. The books most frequently mentioned by gang boys in institutions’ were the series of Tarzan, the “Boy Scouts,” the ‘Rover Boys,” “Tom Swift,” and “‘Dave Porter.” Individual favorites were Robinson Crusoe, Robin Hood, Huckleberry Finn, Buffalo Bill, and Tom Sawyer. The works of Horatio Alger and Zane Grey? were also popular. THE DECADENCE OF THE DIME NOVEL The dime novel, or the “‘Penny Dreadful” as it was called in England, which was once so popular among ado- lescent boys,’ has passed almost completely out of vogue. * More than a hundred such boys were interviewed on this point. 2 Zane Grey is regarded as so valuable to juvenile literature that he has been engaged to produce “preventive” books for the Boy Scouts. ‘“‘Not only does he know baseball, but he knows a West that ought to be, even if it isn’t” (Literary Digest, September 15, 1923). Many of his stories have been made into picture plays of the type that please the gang boy most. 3See document 2, p. 17.106 THE GANG Among the gang boys who were interviewed not one men- tioned this type of story. One reason for the disappearance of the dime novel is that the favorite books of the gang boy, enumerated above, are just as exciting and are written in a more subtle and ingenious manner than their flashier predeces- sors. Another and perhaps a more important reason is that the movies, which present the same subject matter more vividly than any novel, required much less effort than reading, and can be enjoyed by the whole gang at once." BEHAVIOR PATTERNS IN THE MOVIES AND READING The extent to which gang behavior is influenced by the movies and by reading of both books and newspapers is a mooted question. Dime novels in particular have come to be regarded as harmless, and the exhibit of dime novels in the New York Public Library has been spoken of as ‘‘an object lesson; a pathetic display of a defunct bogey” of a past generation.? Nevertheless, criminolo- gists are inclined to regard picture shows and reading as possible sources of delinquent and anti-social behavior. t Several reasons have been suggested for the passing of the dime novel. The Indian, and the life portrayed by the older writers, is now said to be dead, and the boy finds his romance in the automobile, the airplane, and the radio. The dime novel was a literary form whose formula was “a thrill to every other paragraph;” but it could not keep » pace with the cheap magazine and the yellow newspaper. Better pro- vision for play and higher educational standards were partly responsible. Economic causes, however, like the panic of 1893, and mail-rate rulings of the post-office department, are said to have played an important part in its demise. See the New York Times, July 15, 1923. 2 Edmund L. Pearson, Books in Black or Red, p. 133.THE MOVIES AND THE DIME NOVEL 107 Details of the execution of suicides and crimes strike the imagi- nation and can awaken the spirit of imitation... . . I have ob- served that especially in cases of assassination, infanticide, abor- tion, and of perjury the accused base the execution of the crime frequently upon the account of similar crimes. I believe that ac- counts of crime should appear only in legal papers. It is a bad thing for young men and women to find every day unwholesome images and excitations in the accounts of vice and crime detailed in the columns of the daily papers. Picture shows are even more important than literature in pre- senting copies, making vice and crime attractive, and determining imagery. Again and again boys caught in delinquencies have made the explanation: “It looked so easy in the movies, and we thought we could get away with it, too.” And these stories come from such distant places and in such different connections that one is justified in believing that some of them are true. A gang of boys in Urbana, Illinois, made that explanation when finally captured after a long series of burglaries, auto thefts, holdups, and pilferings. A girl ar- rested in Chicago for stealing jewelry had carefully copied the meth- ed shown in one of the current picture shows.? Many of the exploits of the gang undoubtedly involve imitating the movies. A group of boys, eight, nine, and ten, re-enacting a film they have seen the day before, hold up a man in wild-west fashion with a realistic-appearing toy pistol. A boy of thirteen hangs himself in an attempt to imitate something which he saw on the screen; he was “wild about the movies” and had the greatest imagination his parents had ever heard of in a boy. One gang adopts a name, “Alley Rats Knights of the Round Table,” sug- gested by a picture. * Louis Proal, Le crime et la peine, p. 214. ? Edwin H. Sutherland, Criminology (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co.), p. 167.108 THE GANG MOVIE PATTERNS 39. Two lads under twenty years of age murdered a local drug- gist in a Michigan city in order to rob his branch post-office. The case in court brought out both the movies and the cheap literature the boys had been reading as furnishing the patterns for the crime. Their first idea was entirely that of adventure. They chloroformed the man and, then fearful lest he could commit them for robbery, clubbed him to death. The boys were sentenced to life-imprison- ment. The result was a closer censorship for the movies in this city. 40. A dozen blackmail letters received by wealthy residents and demanding on threat of death sums as high as $15,000 were explained when a thirteen-year-old grammar-school pupil admitted he was the author. He said he had seen the thing done in the movies and thought he would try it.? 41. A gang of four boys, thirteen, fifteen, and sixteen years of age, confessed to seventeen burglaries, most of which involved opening safes. The technique of cracking a safe, presented in a film shown at a local movie about three months before, looked easy. Furthermore, it promised adventure. The boys obtained a drill like the one used in the picture. They found it worked at the first safe, at the second, and so on. The man in the picture had used nitro- glycerine to get his safes open, but the boys found that all they needed to do was drill a hole and then the knobs pulled off. Only once or twice did they find safes that would not respond to this treatment.3 There is little doubt that the gang boy’s reading, like the movies, provides him with heroes and with plots for exploits. Together with the movies it helps furnish him with phantasies and daydreams, which may play a very important part in determining, or at least coloring, his future behavior. t Interview. 2 Chicago Herald and Examiner, January 15, 1925. 3 Chicago Tribune, March 20, 1926. A picture of the group is pre- sented on the opposite page.reece paeapapenerearenresene PaSeeAeT aioe AN IDEA FROM THE MOVIES g of youthful safeblowers blame their downfall on the movies, from which they say The average adolescent gang is predatory. This gan . (See document 41.) ive d by the detecti ing Cxamine bei dea for the burglar tools received the i theyIIO THE GANG RICHARD LOEB’S READING 42. Richard Loeb, who dreamed and played at crime for many years before the spectacular dénouement of his career in the kid- naping and murder of young Robert Franks, was very fond of mystery and detective stories of which he had collected a consider- able library. According to the report of alienists who examined him, the book which made the most profound impression upon him was The Beloved Traitor, or something like that, which he read before his tenth year. This story dealt with the adventures of a notorius criminal. One of the incidents, indeed, depicted the kid- naping of a boy, the very crime for which Loeb was sentenced. Loeb himself declared that this early reading started him along the line of criminal phantasy and play which led to his undoing. He read also the stories of “Sherlock Holmes” and many others dealing with detectives, mystery, and crime." Reading furnished a pattern for behavior even more clearly in the case of Roy L. Schultz, who sent an extor- tion letter to a wealthy banker. The idea of the threat was borrowed from a detective story and from the Franks case about which Schultz had read in the papers. A por- tion of the letter was copied verbatim from the story: FOLLOWING A PATTERN 43. Having received a degree of doctor of medicine and bacteri- ology at Heidelberg in 1909 I came to the United States to study a most curious disease prevalent in several mountain states. I was joined in this enterprise by four others who also have degrees in medicine and bacteriology. Together, I am happy to state, we have found a prophylactic which destroys any number of these germs if applied within six days of infection. We have picked out two hundred persons of wealth and your name among others was chosen by fate. By opening this letter you have liberated millions of the virulent bacteria of this disease and you are infected by this time.? « Reports of psychiatrists and observations by the author. 2 Arthur B. Reeve, War Terror. Quoted in a news item.THE MOVIES AND THE DIME NOVEL u11 Many times the influence of a book on the behavior of a group is quite direct as in the case of the “Penrod and Sam”’ gang, but so many stories are made into picture plays nowadays that it is very difficult to separate the influence of these two factors. Patterns of behavior presented in the newspapers are followed in much the same way as those that appear in the movies and in books;? yet such imitation does not ordinarily come to public attention unless it involves tragedy or has sensational value. Three little boys were killed playing “Collins-in-a-Cave.” The influence of the story of the suicide of Robert Preston, a Northwestern University student, has been noted in two cases, one in Chicago and one in Milwaukee. In each case clippings of the Preston story were found among the possessions of the boy committing suicide. There can be little doubt that knowledge of criminal activities and technique is often disseminated through the newspapers, many of which seem to thrive best by featur- ing crime news and playing it up for its last shred of emo- tional appeal.? Such persistent featuring of crime has much the same effect in inducing imitative conduct as is produced by the constant advertising of commercial prod- ucts. It seems to fire the imaginative activities of the adolescent and stimulate him to follow the pattern thus presented, enshrined as it often is in a glamorous setting of adventure and romance. *Frances Fenton, The Influence of Newspaper Presentations on the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity. ? See William I. Thomas, “The Psychology of Yellow Journalism,” American Magazine, March, 1908, p. 4o1.I12 THE GANG CHICAGO CRIME NEWS 44. A gang of three young men in a town of 30,000 operated from a grove near the city. Their chief activity was burglary of stores in small neighboring towns. They used stolen cars as means of transport, keeping one of these hidden in their woodland hang- out. In their cache were found goods and supplies of every descrip- tion, varying from plug chewing-tobacco to infants’ silk stocking- caps. It was definitely ascertained by the prosecutor in the case that these boys had been encouraged to embark on this venture, although rankest amateurs in crime, by reading crime stories in the papers. They mentioned having read and obtained ideas in particular from a newspaper which tends to feature crime news.' - Certain epidemics of crime have been ascribed to spectacular patterns presented in the newspapers. A large class of epidemics of various sorts—suicide, bank and highway robbery, kidnaping, “black hand,” etc.—have been as- cribed to newspaper suggestion in this country and abroad. In- stances of this type occurring in foreign countries were cited from Sighele and Proal. An unusually large number of suicides occurring in Des Moines in 1907-8 is believed to have been largely due to newspaper suggestion. The Pat Crowe kidnaping incident in Omaha of about the same time was followed by an epidemic of kidnaping in Omaha and in other places. Similarly the kidnaping of Willie Whitla in Sharon, Pennsylvania, in 1908, which was re- counted in great detail in the newspapers of the country, was closely followed by many others. The “Black Hand” epidemic of 1908-9 has been attributed to the same cause.? Following the Loeb-Leopold case, which received such wide and sensational publicity in the press, there was an epidemic of similar affairs, many of them crudely executed by adolescents. Many Chicago men of wealth were then victimized by blackmailers and kidnapers, who have 1 Press accounts and an interview with the prosecutor in the case. 2Frances Fenton, op. cil., p. 77.THE MOVIES AND THE DIME NOVEL 113 threatened harm to their loved ones. Not only were these attempted “perfect crimes” perpetrated in Chicago but in California and Minnesota, and even in foreign coun- tries where accounts of the Loeb-Leopold case had been printed.’ Newspaper presentations of gang life sometimes fasci- nate the adolescent. Play-groups often imitate some gang which they have read about, and become pseudo-gangs. In one case a boy calling himself ‘‘Scarfinger Ted”’ con- fessed to a dozen crimes which he had not committed, but of which he had read accounts, and was sentenced to twenty-five years in an Iowa penitentiary.” From the comic “strip” or supplement, the gang boy also receives suggestions. There are several gangs of ‘““Gumps,” “Spark Plugs,” and “‘Rinky Dinks.” One gang called its baseball team the ‘‘Comanche Indians.” They “found it in the funny paper, where it said, ‘Don’t yell like Comanche Indians.’ ”’ Here too are found incidents which can be easily imitated, much to the discomfiture of family, neighbors, and the community in general. Van- dalism, or wanton destruction, has also been attributed to the influence of the comic strip or supplement which shows boys engaged in all sorts of deviltry whose purpose is discomforting others. It may be that the gang boy is predisposed to respond to these suggestions because he is already “sore”’ at the agencies which hamper his exploits. * Two university students in Sicily, for example, committed a crime which was a detailed imitation of the Franks case. Their lawyers based their defense on the plea that these two boys had been fascinated by the Loeb-Leopold crime. This was reported by Larry Rue, Chicago Tribune Foreign News Service, Chicago Tribune, October 29, 1924. 2 Chicago Herald and Examiner, January 18, 1925. News item.114 THE GANG In accounting for the apparent influence of the movies and reading, it must not be overlooked that the delin- quent, seeking to avoid the consequences of his miscon- duct, may formulate rationalizations in which he readily blames his misdeeds upon suggestions from the movies or his reading. In many cases, however, direct evidence pre- cludes this explanation. NEW CONTROLS NEEDED Every new invention which facilitates human mobility both as to rapidity and range of locomotion- -every new device which increases the vividness, the quickness, and the spread of ideas through communication—has in it the germs of disorganization. This is because such innova- tions as the newspapers and the movies, us well as the automobile and the radio, tend to disturb social routine and break up the old habits upon which the superstruc- ture of social organization rests. Nobody would think of abolishing the automobile or the radio. Neither can the newspaper nor the movies be suppressed. To continue in the enjoyment of the benefits of modern inventions, we must learn to get along with them and eventually to control them. There is no question but that news is fremendorely stimulating, not merely to boys but to everyone who habitually reads. Public men say that it scarcely ever happens that their names are mentioned in the press, but they are flooded with letters from all sorts of persons, mostly cranks. The Chicago papers have a combined daily and Sunday circulation of 4,300,000. They are bound to have tremendous influence, but they cannot beTHE MOVIES AND THE DIME NOVEL 115 suppressed; that would be like turning out the light. Or- dinary individuals are capable of building up a certain amount of resistance to demoralizing suggestions con- tained in the press. The fact that gang boys seem more suggestible probably does not indicate temperamental variations, but more likely is a consequence of the dis- organized state of their social milieu and their own lack of contact with organizing influences.CHAPTER VII THE ROLE OF THE ROMANTIC Adolescent fancies cast over the world—too often trite and ugly to the adult—the rosy light of novelty and ro- mance. Even what has become most commonplace to the sophisticated, holds a genuine fascination for the gang boy.t He sees in a broken sewer a sea on which sails the Spanish Armada. A sour basement becomes an ogre’s cave; a dank areaway, a glorified castle. To him the piles of rubbish in the city dumps or the mud hills along the drainage canal are mountain fastnesses, while stretches of wasteland become prairies of the Golden West. He hoists the “skull and crossbones”’ over an old boiler as a perfect pirate ship. He digs an Ali Baba’s cave in the forest pre- serve and is discovered only when he brings in a bit of spring water to be tested by the city bacteriologist. A PIRATE GANG 45. Visions of treasure islands, Spanish galleons, and pieces of eight flitted forever for ten young freebooters last night when two policemen lodged them in the juvenile detention home. The leader of the gang, who is only fifteen, had found a cave in the river bank near Racine Avenue, organized his band, and started out to fly the Jolly Roger against the walled cities along the drainage canal. Cutlasses and marlin spikes were needed, not to mention a revolver or two, so the boys looted an army and navy goods store in the vicinity Sunday night. Monday night they stocked up with t For an interesting psychological discussion of the play of children and the play world and the real world in relation to childhood, see C. K, Ogden, The Meaning of Psychology, pp. 138-48. 116THE ROLE OF THE ROMANTIC 117 ice-cream cones and candies from a convenient confectionery. They devoted Memorial Day to plundering a grocery. All they lacked was the pirate ship. They were to have seized that last night. “And at the rate they were going,” said one of the coppers, “they would have had a whole fleet before the end of the week.’’! While gangs vary in this respect, one boy who re- sponds imaginatively will liven up the most sodden group. THE OLD ROPE CAVE 46. I lived on the lower side of town, where the “‘tough-mugs” were. Being more imaginative than the rest of the gang, I amused them with my fancies and furnished the idea for many an adven- ture. I used to listen by the hour to the tales of a circus performer, who told me of a mysterious rope cave located along a neighboring cliff. This spot became enshrined in our imaginations as the quin- tessence of romance, and to discover it became our greatest ambi- tion. We got a man to show us the place where it was supposed to be. I organized the boys like Alpine explorers. With a clothesline about our waists tying us together, we scaled the cliff. At last we discovered the cave, and there, sure enough was the old rope hang- ing out, just as the circus man had told us. We dug the recess deeper, and made it our rendezvous. We never succeeded in finding the hidden treasure, but we had a wonderful time up there.? IMAGINARY CHARACTERS Not only does the gang boy transform his sordid envi- ronment through his imagination, but he lives among soldiers and knights, pirates and banditti. His enemies are assigned special réles: the crabby old lady across the alley is a witch; the neighborhood cop becomes a man- killing giant or a robber baron; and the rival gang in the t News item. 2 Interview with a former member of the group.118 THE GANG next block is a hostile army. Sometimes he creates com- panions where they are lacking. THE SILENT THREE 47. My pal and I belonged to the Silent Three. The third member, who made us a gang, was a very terrible and mysterious personage. He was really the dominant figure in our triumvirate although he was entirely imaginary. We had a cave in which solemn conclave was held. Secret ceremonies of the most diabolical charac- ter took place there, including cursing and spitting on the American flag. We were at odds with the world, to which we felt ourselves superior. To protect our secrets we developed a series of symbols and writings which nobody else could possibly fathom. We also had hidden places where we buried our treasures with the utmost solemnity. Adolescence is also an age of hero worshiping; and the gang boy acts out the rdles of the fictitious or real persons whom he most admires: Robin Hood and Captain Kidd, or “the big gun around the corner’”—a notorious criminal, a prize fighter, the most vicious boy in the neighborhood, or even a tramp. To boys the tramp is not a problem, but a human being, and an interesting one at that. He has no cares nor burdens to hold him down. All he is concerned with is to live and seek adventure, and in this he personifies the heroes in the stories the boys have read. Tramp life is an invitation to a career of promise and a chal- lenge. A promise that all the wishes that disturb him shall be ful- filled, and a challenge to leave the workaday world that he is bound to.? It is heroes like these whom he may surround with a halo of glory and emulate as he grows older. * Manuscript prepared by a former member of the group. 2 Nels Anderson, The Hobo, p. 85.THE ROLE OF THE ROMANTIC 119 IMAGINATIVE EXPLOITS “Be blythe of heart for any adventure’? might well be the slogan of the gang boy. The sport motive provides one key to the interpretation of the behavior of the gang. The imaginative interest affords another. Exploits and activities which are nonsensical or merely mischievous to the adult have an entirely different meaning to the boy in quest of adventure. THE ALLEY RATS KNIGHTS OF THE ROUND TABLE 48. The boys in my gang, which numbered about fifteen, have played with each other since we were wee little fellows. One day we discovered a large chicken coop in the alley behind the home of one of the boys. I saw immediately that it had possibilities for a clubroom, which had long been a cherished ambition of the gang. We moved in at once with such furniture as we could drag through a little three-by-four door. We became the “Polar Bears’”’ and ex- cited the envy of all the other boys in our suburban community. Our rivals now got busy and established a club of their own in the attic of a grocery store. I thought I was pretty tough then. I smoked, shot with a revolver, and fought. When we had our gang fights we would make up a lot of stuff about armies. Most of the kids would stay away from home during the period of hostilities. We were interested in a lot of things beside fighting. One older boy, who was making an aeroplane, excited great admiration among us. He worked on it for four years and got everything just right. When he tried to fly it, it would not go in the air more than twenty-five feet. He used to fly along the ground. I think he was a-scared to go higher. One day when we came back to our hang-out, we found the chicken coop nailed up. We found a new rendezvous in a basement under the old police station. We played in the old police cells and had a great time down there. We found a lot of stuff stored away, ' William Dunbar.120 THE GANG and helped ourselves freely. Among other things, there were flag- staffs, which we converted into swords for dueling. We went to the movies about every other day, and it was from a picture that we got the suggestion for our new name—“‘The Alley Rats Knights of the Round Table.’”’ Our new hang-out was near a bakery where they kept a lot of pineapple. We would get it from the kegs, and a lot of peaches and other stuff, for our feasts. There were very few boys in the gang who did not steal. In the summertime we liked to cook our food in the open. We would go out where there were not many houses and get eggs and chickens every Sunday. One time the sister of one of the boys swiped a chicken for us, and stuck it under her coat. We took it to the foundations of an old house, where we twisted its head off, made a fire, and cooked it. We ate it, although it was hardly done enough. At harvest time we’d go to a haystack and slide down and climb around on the great piles of baled hay. We like to make little huts and we’d go out in the cornfields and build them out of the stalks, so that we could smoke without being disturbed. They are getting too many houses out there now—they spoil the prairies. We had certain special places that we liked to go. One of these was Wasp Jones’s gravel pit, where we liked to swim. There was a big bull there, and we had a lot of fun with him. We would always tie our clothes in the legs of our pants, so that if we saw him coming, we could grab them and run. One day the bull came before we got them tied up, and all seven of us had to shin it up a tree. Another place we liked to go to was a monastery near a pond where the cows drank. After school we’d go swimming there. We called it the ‘‘Pope’s pond,” and I had a bicycle on which I would ride three boys, and we called that the ‘‘Pope’s taxi.” Another favorite place was what we called the ‘‘Willows,” near which was the haunted house. Inside, the wall was broken in big cracks and the plaster was falling off. The first time I went in, the boys tried to scare me. They slammed a door when I was in the attic. I jumped out onto the roof and got away. We liked to go in there for the man to chase us, but one day when we came heTHE ROLE OF THE ROMANTIC 121 had a gun. It was a lot of fun there; whenever the plaster would fall it would scare you. We used to flip the freights and go to the water-tower to play. I ran away twice with some of the boys. We wanted to stay on the freights, but we got caught at Waukegan and were sent home. Mother does not want me to stay out at all, but one day we ran away to Desplaines and slept there all night. We took lots of clothes with us for a long trip, but a man with a star saw us when we tried to catch a train, and told us to go back or we would be put in Parental [School]. We went back half way to Chicago, and then we got a freight that took us a hundred miles the other side of Elgin. The gang finally got caught and sent away for a robbing ex- pedition.* The wanderings of the gang? become great imaginative enterprises for the boys, for they are exploring the myster- ies of worlds which are new to them. The leader of a gang of adolescents, who were hiking west from the city, told the rest of the boys they would soon reach the Mississippi. All of them, with the exception of “‘one big Swede,”’ knew that they would not succeed in doing that for they had not come to Joliet, but they got a great thrill out of pre- tending, just the same, and they all hurried so that they could reach the great river, “‘where the covered wagons went through,” before nightfall. NIGHT The best time for the romantic exploits of the gang is at night. “The night hath a thousand eyes,” and they are all winking their invitations to boys to come out and play. Danger and adventure lurk in every dark corner. Oppor- * Gang boy’s own story. 2 See chap. x.122 THE GANG tunity for daring is increased a hundred fold. Under the mantle of darkness the gang can do its mischief and make its escape. A common complaint of parents is that the gang boy stays out at all hours of the night. In certain areas, like South State Street, Maxwell Street, and South Halsted Street, it is a frequent observation that the boys actually suffer from lack of sleep, so great are the night attractions of those regions." NIGHT RANGING 49. It got too dark to continue gambling at Rummie on the street corner, and the gang started to move. After several unsuc- cessful attempts to “shake” me, they gave it up and permitted me to range about the neighborhood with them. It was a warm evening and children were swarming under every light. We went first to see an oil fire, which had been burning all day. I wanted to proceed farther, but one of the boys said, “Don’t go that way, that’s niggertown; it ain’t safe!” Then we wandered through dark alleys toward Maxwell Street. The boys kept running hither and thither, giving each other the slip in the darkness and emerging at unexpected places. When we got to the market, we purchased “polly” seeds [roasted sunflower seeds, tasting something like pistachio nuts]. After-several trips up and down the crowded business street, it was decided that we should eat chop suey, that is, if I agreed to pay for it. I wanted the boys to go into a Chinese place and sit down at the tables, but this seemed quite a foreign notion to them. “Oh, you want to go where de dukes are,” said one of them. “Tat’s where de rich people go—where you have to go in and sit down! Not me!” Then there followed a great flood of protestations from the gang. They’d take their chop suey in a bucket and eat it in the open, or not at all. See documents 55 and 56, pp. 132 and 134.THE ROLE OF THE ROMANTIC 123 After our feast we continued from one place of interest to an- other. When I left the gang, it was very late, but I was convinced that the adventures of the night had just begun.t THE REALM OF ADVENTURE Every gang has its own domain, which may be con- ceived best in terms of the imaginative world in which the gang boy lives. This is a realm of adventure centering in the hang-out, which the gang boy regards as his castle. The area immediately surrounding this cherished spot is home territory, beyond whose borders lie the lands of the enemy and the great unknown world. In addition there are special playgrounds of the gang where the boys find unusual opportunities for amusement and adventure. Most of the activities of the group have a definite relation to this geographical division of its world. THE GANG BOY’S CASTLE The hang-out is the hub of the gang boy’s universe. It is a place to loaf and enjoy good fellowship. Exploits are planned and loot is divided there. Boys sleeping away from home frequently find in it a haven where rest and food may be obtained. It is also an asylum from officers of the law. Whether it be a cave in a mud hill, a prairie, a deserted shack, or just a street corner, it is dear to the gang boy’s heart and is to be protected against marauders at all costs. It is his palace and citadel combined, and from its turrets he looks out and sees in all the dreary raggedness of the slum a world full of adventure and romance. ™ Observations by the author.124 “THE GANG In the present investigation, data with reference to the hang-outs of the gang were secured in 1,288 cases. THE HANG-OUTS OF CHICAGO’S GANGS 50. Approximately 726 gangs have their hang-outs out of doors; 535 of these are street gangs which usually meet on the corners. In many cases they choose their vantage points because of proximity to such interests as ballgrounds, garages, moving-picture theaters, poolrooms, fire departments, stoneyards, roundhouses, and swimming pools. Others select their meeting places near some business which may afford victims for teasing, or chances to “GOD supplies; viz., fruit stores, groceries, drug stores, saloons, breweries, and railroad tracks. Alleys are found to be the favorite rendezvous of 24 gangs; more fortunate are 44 others that meet in open spaces like vacant lots, fields, and prairies, which afford better opportunities for games. Ten of the out-of-door gangs frequent athletic fields, church yards, or the frontage along canals, rivers, and the lake. In 102 cases they meet in or near parks, playgrounds, schoolyards and social settlements. Nine gangs hold forth under bridges, viaducts, and the elevated tracks. While all gangs like the open and most of them roam about on occasion, nevertheless this study reveals 562 whose chief hang- outs are indoors. There is hardly a street gang that does not aspire to have, be it ever so humble, a clubroom of its own. Eight are content with caves, holes and dug-outs; 24 boast shacks, shanties, sheds, and huts; 4 dwell in barns; and 22 reside in basements. Thirty-one gangs have their headquarters in homes, cottages, flats, or storerooms of one description or another. In some cases they are welcomed in a business place which may enjoy their patronage; thus there are 30 hanging out in barber shops, candy stores, soft- drink parlors, delicatessens, cigar stores, hotels, and lunchrooms. Some of the social influences which play upon the gangs may be inferred from the fact that 3 meet regularly in bowling alleys, 6 in saloons, 7 in dance halls, and 52 in poolrooms. Our investiga- tion indicates that 368 of the 562 gangs which have indoor hang-Tt Pholo by uthor RENDEZVOUS Above is a bit of the “city wilderness” which served as a camping ground for the “Tent Gang.” (See document 57.) The bridge over the reserve canal links territories of rival gangs and is often the scene of pitched battles. Gangs of adolescent freebooters burrow into the mud-hills along the canals in these areas of “no-man’s land.” Below is the “broke-down” cave of the Rinkus gang. The hole at the right of the picture was formerly its castle, but the police or an enemy gang came through one day and “broke it down.”126 THE GANG outs have the use of some sort of clubroom, either rented or do- nated, but the exact nature of these accommodations is not speci- fied. Most of this group are gangs of the so-called athletic club type, which rent quarters or have them furnished by politicians and others dependent upon their patronage. HOME TERRITORY The home territory, usually the immediate neighbor- hood in which the boys are living, may extend for a block or two in crowded sections or may cover the whole local community in the sparsely settled suburban areas. The boys know every foot of ground, every nook and corner, of this region which they regard as exclusively their own and will defend valiantly against invaders. In some cases the gang has very definite ideas as to the boundaries of its home territory. Just as among na- tions borderline disputes sometimes precipitate disastrous wars, So gangs may be mobilized and led to battle on the same issue.” ENEMY TERRITORY Beyond the frontiers of the gang’s home territory lie the domains of the enemy, Rival gangs hold sway in these regions. ENEMY GANGS 51. The group to the east of us, we called ‘Snodgrass’ bunch,” . though it was commonly known as the “Fifty-seventh gang”’ be- cause of the number of the block. Snodgrass was the leader, and the gang was composed of about six boys, all from that block. They met any place in the summer and by appointment in the winter, though Brady’s barn was the favorite hang-out. They went in for ™See Clara E. Laughlin, newspaper article, ‘Jack Robbins’ Scrap- book,” for an interesting description of a boundary war in Maxwell Street.THE ROLE OF THE ROMANTIC 127 athletic games, gang mischief such as getting shags and hitching, and occasional arguments with our group. The “‘Fifty-nines,” on the other side of us, we usually called “the next block gang.”’ They were the least closely organized of the various groups. Their activities were much the same as the Fifty-sevenths, and their habitual meeting place was in the shed in back of their leader’s home. The Ontarios lived on the street of that name, and were fairly good friends of ours. They met in a shed, and we exchanged amities and occasional hostilities across the alley. "They drew their gang from several blocks, and had about ten boys, altogether. They were a little older than our bunch and played a good deal of pool in the attic of the home of one of the boys. They had an athletic club in the shed. The Park Avenue gang was the toughest. Park Avenue was the business street, and these fellows lived above the stores; they hung out back of the grocery for which their leader delivered goods after school. They were about seven in number and indulged in a great deal of mischief. We exchanged hostilities with them often but never came to actual blows but once. The last of the groups was the Catholic gang. Our gang was Protestant, and these Catholic boys from the north, coming through our territory on their way to school, made us their enemies. They had a remarkable disregard for other people’s property, and we first became provoked at them when they got the habit of picking up souvenirs when they went through our yards on their way home. We had many battles with them, and often chased them out of our block. To the narrow outlook and inexperience of the ado- lescent gang boy, unforeseen dangers lurk in these outside regions. Many of the groups of smaller boys never stray beyond their own neighborhood, although as they get older their horizon gradually expands. In enemy territory the authorities and the police are more formidable; these * Manuscript prepared by a former member of the group.128 THE GANG regions, moreover, are often in possession of other races, nationalities, or social strata; they are decidedly unsafe, particularly if a boy is alone. THE WOLVES 52. If you come into the neighborhood of the Wolves, who have their rendezvous in the Black Belt, they stop you up and the first thing they ask is, ‘‘What’s your name?” Then, ‘Where do you live?” If you say you live on Fifty-fifth Street, they say, “Don’t you know you haven’t any business here?” Biff! and you like to never get out alive! Nor are the dangers to be encountered in enemy ter- ritory confined to the adolescent gangs. The same thing applies in general to the older groups.” Individuals from rival areas are often stopped and held up. 53. A group of Bridgeport people went for a picnic, in auto- mobile trucks. They had to pass through Cicero on the way. Cicero gangs stopped some of the machines and took money, pop, and edibles. In retaliation four cars of young men from Bridgeport made a raid in Cicero. Any time they heard of a Cicero man coming to Bridgeport they would mob him. Gangs in both regions were involved, and the police had to put a stop to it by picking partici- pants up and putting them into the “paddy” wagons. THE UNSEEING ADULT It is hard for the grown-up with all his responsibilities and practical necessities to retain an understanding of the boy’s imaginative outlook on life. Unless he is an “‘ado- lescent hold-over,” he becomes too thoroughly conven- tionalized and incorporated in the social machinery of his community. He loses sympathetic touch with youth and * Gang boy’s own story. 2 See chaps. xi and xii. 3 Interview.THE ROLE OF THE ROMANTIC 129 becomes a scoffer at the precious dreams and sentiments which are such an essential part of boyhood. On this ac- count he rarely has a complete understanding of the boy.” Autobiographical materials (life-histories) are coming to have a prominent place in the scientific literature of child study. It is being recognized that methods of deal- ing with behavior problems of children must be evaluated chiefly in terms of their effects upon the internal attitudes and sentiments of the child rather than his immediate ex- ternal behavior and the formal theories underlying such methods. Such materials as have been collected? indicate how differently children respond to situations from the ways in which adults respond to the same situations and from the ways in which adults expect the children to respond. The additional development of this type of ma- terial will serve to illuminate the whole field of juvenile delinquency and make methods of dealing with problem children more intelligent and more effective. The “channels of communication,” as Jane Addams points out, between youth and the adult are often closed. COMMUNICATION CLOSED 54. “There is great difficulty in keeping open the channels of communication between the younger generation and those of us who go back to the mid-Victorian or early Victorian in our experi- ENCES 7 94h ans t For a statement of the present adult attitude, see E. C. Foster, ““Do You Remember When You Were a Boy?” Survey, January 21, 1922. 2 See Clifford R. Shaw’s vivid case of A Problem Boy; Nels Ander- son, “The Mission Mill,” American Mercury, VIII (August, 1926), 489- 95; and Opal Whitely, The Story of Opal: the Journal of An Understanding Heart. 3 See chap. vii.130 THE GANG Then when we come to the crime wave, “one is very much bewildered.” Miss Addams cited two incidents in support of the point that “‘here again the channels of communication are closed.” One was that of a fourteen-year-old girl thief who could not believe that an understanding interrogator had not herself had experience in crime. The other was that of a girl brought into the Juvenile Court—a girl who had just stood at a corner, had been asked by a man to take a ride in his automobile, and had been out all night. A social worker remonstrated that she had stood on corners but had never been asked to take such an automobile ride, and the girl said, “Well, just chase yourself to a looking-glass and you’ll find out why.” Miss Addams told several other incidents illustrating how diffi- cult it is to comprehend their views when one tries to talk with some of the boys of today. She told of five boys “in one neighborhood who had stolen a tire from a car of a teacher.” The teacher said that he would not prosecute them if the boys paid him $15.00. The boys said: “We only got $2.00 for the tire; why should we pay $15.00?” “A boy of sixteen in our club boasted that he had $6,000 in the bank. His bank book showed that this was so. He said he had earned it by driving a ‘“‘booze wagon” twice a week from Chicago to Joliet. He got $200 a trip because there was so much danger from hijackers. He had saved his money, had gone to a university _and was quite sure his $6,000 would more than put him through. There again it was hard to make the boy understand. He cited, as with bootleggers, the men supposed to be buying, and he “painted all with one brush.’”: Although so much of the gang boy’s life is fanciful, it often has the utmost reality for him, and many times he does not distinguish between what is real and what is not. He interprets his own social situations in his own terms and with the utmost seriousness. A boy wants to t Report of an address on ‘“‘The Spirit of Youth Today,” City Club Bulletin, December 28, 1925.THE ROLE OF THE ROMANTIC 131 save his family from foreclosure; so he steals the mortgage on his father’s home and burns it. His motive is not un- derstood, and he is sent to a reform school. By crawling a mile and a half in a sewer, he escapes, “‘stows away” on a Danish ship, spends six months starving in France and Germany, finally lands in London, is deported to New Orleans, and bums his way home on the blinds. Two boys “playing Indian” burn their companions at the stake. A boy of thirteen, carrying on a feud for over a year, deliberately shoots and kills his enemy, a boy of twelve. Although he often covers up his feelings, the ado- lescent boy is usually very sensitive. Boy suicides because of slights or injustices are frequent... Many runaways leave home because of hurt feelings.” To understand the gang boy one must enter into his world with a comprehension, on the one hand, of this seriousness behind his mask of flippancy or bravado, and on the other, of the réle of the romantic in his activities and in his interpretation of the larger world of reality. t See document 211, p. 372. 2See Mary E. Hamilton, “The Runaway,” The Policewoman, chap. viii, pp. 89-102.CHAPTER VIII PLAYGROUNDS OF THE GANG The playgrounds of the gang are areas where gang boys find unusual opportunities for amusement and ad- venture, not offered in their home territory. The most im- portant of these are certain streets, the canals and the river, the lake front, the Loop, the newspaper alleys, the amusement parks, the forest preserves, and the railroad tracks. . PICTURESQUE BUSINESS STREETS Two business streets kaleidoscopic in their movement of life and with numerous possibilities for petty thievery along their crowded thoroughfares are South Halsted and Maxwell. | SOUTH HALSTED STREET 55. South Halsted is an area of excitement and mobility. The quarter is too congested for privacy, and the ordinary taboos of social intercourse are largely absent. Even the passer-by may ob- serve the intimate life of its residents. In one of the Greek coffee-houses one may see a wedding in plain view of the public. There is no room for it at home, and the coffee-house is equipped with a stage and three musicians. Here thirty guests of a nuptial party are regaling themselves. Every- body is there, from “granny” down to the youngest. A little farther along a horse has keeled over on the sidewalk. Somebody from the crowd is massaging its abdomen. ‘‘What’s the matter?”’ we inquire. ‘‘Why, the horse has a belly-ache,” is the matter-of-fact reply. Stolen goods are being disposed of in a restaurant where an 132PLAYGROUNDS OF THE GANG 133 excited crowd is hunting bargains. This is a neighborly sort of place, with someone playing a piano at the back of the room. Cheap movies abound, and the gangs travel from one to an- other. A “wild wop,” crazed with moonshine, dashes madly from a side street, followed by a crowd of his countrymen who are attempt- ing to restrain him. They catch him, but he breaks away, and starts after a woman with a small and demure male escort. The little man surprises the crowd by knocking the giant into the gutter with a heavy blow well planted between the eyes. The wild man jumps up and starts running again, with his friends in noisy pursuit. An additional chapter of a Greek gamester’s feud is enacted openly. A man seats himself on a doorstep. An unknown assailant, thought to be a retainer of the murdered “King George,” a gam- bling chieftain, shoots him with a rifle fired from a second-story window on the opposite side of the street. Incidentally a few stray bullets pass through a plate-glass window where some innocent social workers are having a conference. Picturesque gypsies go hither and thither in their bright cali- coes and gaudy beads. Many “parlors” have been established for fortune telling and palm reading. Romantic tales are related, too, of gypsy love, gypsy gold, and gypsy hate, and occasionally the “kings” of the tribe air their quarrels in the city courts. It was in one of these lairs on Halsted Street not so long ago that a father sold his fifteen-year-old girl to the highest bidder, for the sum of $1,660. At another place a great crowd of people jam the sidewalk. ‘“‘What’s the matter here?” we ask. ‘‘Oh, a lady shot herself right in her belly-button!’’ comes the answer. “Her husband has a crip- pled arm, and they have had some trouble with their daughter.” Sights and stories like these are an everyday matter with the chil- dren, who are usually the first to be attracted by any disturbance.! Gangs are attracted from all directions by the pic- turesque and lively sights to be found on Maxwell street t Observations by the author and others.134 - THE GANG and not infrequently come long distances to tease and rob the Jewish tradesmen. THE MAXWELL STREET MARKET 56. The Maxwell Street Market, which stretches for about five blocks along Maxwell and centers at Halsted, is the great Rialto of the poorer class of Jewish tradesmen. Begun in the nineties, the market has expanded until today it is said that $1,000,000 worth of business a month is transacted there. Investigation has revealed, too, that thousands of dollars worth of stolen goods have been sold each year through numerous “fences’’ [receivers of stolen goods]. The market extends between low, dilapidated tenements, the first floors of which are used as stores and shops of all descriptions. The sidewalks and streets are lined with stands and carts, from which every conceivable commodity is sold—from “kosher” meat to moonshine stills. What space is left in the middle of the street is crowded with an unending throng of pedestrians and some few vehicles, struggling through the surging mass of bargain-hunters. Weary old men and worn young children stand behind the little carts. As an observer was jotting down a few facts beside one of the fish stands, he heard a weak voice from a boy of fifteen, “What statistics are you taking down? Write my name there too— I want my name in the paper.” As he was passing by another stand, a tired-looking little girl remarked, “I know what you are doing, you want to know about human people in the Ghetto.” In the streets, piled high beside the little carts, are crates con- taining anything from live poultry to eggs and oranges. In the stalls or dumped right out on the pavement are all sorts of wares— hardware, toys, trinkets, fresh fish and fowls, groceries, shoes, and furniture. It is an endless display of an endless variety of things. The Jewish tradesmen who conduct the business of the market are very enterprising and eventually they usually move out of the Ghetto to more prosperous communities. Occasionally a store- keeper becomes overeager for business, and resorts to “‘pulling.” A complaining witness in one of these cases tells his story to the court:PLAYGROUNDS OF THE GANG 135 “T didn’t need no suit, but he grabs me by the arm, drags me inside, and tells me if I don’t take advantage of a bargain sale and buy a suit he’ll crack me in the eye. I told ’im those suits would be all right for guys that carry umbrellas and he hit me.” The air is filled with the odor of fresh fish and garlic, and there is a ceaseless din—noise of victrolas, parrots, men crying out their wares, women calling to each other, hens cackling, roosters crowing, and babies crying, all at once. Old men and women in the costumes which they have worn for generations look like pictures from some old copy-book. An old patriarch stands beside the little charcoal oven where he roasts corn or bakes potatoes. His gray beard reaches almost to his knees, his long black overcoat sweeps the ground, and his cap is pulled tightly over his ears. On another corner we see a group of children gathered about a big farm-wagon to watch a fake Indian-charmer give an exhibi- tion. In the middle of the street, beneath a large umbrella, sits an old man having his toenails cut. A man in a green coat, a pack on his back, comes along with little birds that “pick out your for- tune.” Occasionally gypsies pass to and fro, adding color to the scene." RIVERS, CANALS, AND LAKE FRONT The wastelands and prairies adjacent to the city’s numerous canals and slips, along the various branches and forks of the Chicago River, and near the unimproved por- tion of the lake front make ideal “camp grounds.”’ Good hiding places for games are found here and boating, wad- ing, and swimming even in polluted waters attract the gang boys. THE TENT GANG 57. The Tent Gang, which grew out of the Tigers’ Club, had about fourteen boys, from fifteen to seventeen years old. We de- cided the best place to pitch our camp was a waste space by the Illinois and Michigan Reserve Canal. 1 Observations by the author and others.136 THE GANG We had blankets, a jug for water, two chairs and a table, a bench, a deck of cards, and some dice. We brought our fishing- tackle and bathing-tights—if we could find any. We had lots of eats stored away in the tent, for some of the boys had been working and they would buy stuff. We got a lot of canned goods from the railroad cars. Sometimes we would go robbing, but I always got caught; I only got away with it a couple of times. We’d get bread from the bread-boxes in front of stores; we had duplicate keys. This was a common way of getting food when we were bumming from home. The Tent Gang was Dago and Polish, and our leader, ‘“‘Bow- legs,” was the oldest and brainiest kid in the gang and was with us everywhere. He led us all up and down the canal, looking for adventures. We went fishing and swimming too. Whenever we’d get a shag [get chased], we’d hide along the canal. The watchman from the Santa Fe would always shag us and shoot a couple of times into the air, but he could never catch us for there was always plenty of good places to hide. Sometimes we got in trouble for robbing or breaking windows. We used to fight the West Siders, who lived north of the canal, and who were mostly Bohemians. We only got to keep our tent about three weeks, for one rainy day the squads [police] came through and broke it down. The whole gang was there and they wanted to know who owned the tent. Most of the gang was sent to the Parental [School for truants] for bumming school. What was left of us hung out at a street corner after that, to wait till our pals came back. Gangs like the ‘‘Hillers” live like cliff dwellers, in caves among the mud hills formed by the excavation of the canals. These regions are usually gang frontiers and borderlands, which are often the scene of bitter conflict by rival claimants. Like the gullies of Cleveland or the wharves of New York, they are neglected areas that con- stitute a sort of no man’s land. Not infrequently squatter t Gang boy’s own story.FASCINATING STREET LIFE The many gypsies who have moved into the South Halsted Street area constitute a colorful element in gangland. They carry on their ancient customs, even to child-selling, in their fortune-telling booths and palmistry “parlors.” (See document 55.) Below is a group of children on Maxwell Street. The street educates with fatal precision. These in- formal aspects of education are far more vital in the life of the child than the conventional types. Children in these areas are usually prematurely sophisticated. (See document 157, p. 265. Photo by Author138 THE GANG families in shacks or house boats defy all the minions of the law. Lawlessness is common among them and litiga- tion is often necessary for eviction. In these regions gangs which escape social control may lead an irresponsible or criminal life. THE MUDLAKERS 58. The “Mudlakers” built themselves a shack in one of the hills thrown up in digging the old Illinois Lockport Canal. This was a rough bunch, with about forty members, aged sixteen to nineteen, and mostly Bohemian in nationality. In case of an offense in this neighborhood, they were always the first whom the police suspected. A few of them worked, but some were always loafing. Most of them had police records. All of them gambled. Some of them were expert crap-shooters and would clean up as much as $40 in an afternoon by means of loaded dice. They engaged in a good many fights, usually fistic. They used to cause trouble by setting the wooden bridge on fire at Lawndale Avenue. They would also break windows and break into school buildings. In one case they stole pencils, ink, story-books, and light bulbs, and ripped the telephone off the wall trying to get the nickels out. They also broke up the furniture. Later in their development, they rented a room in a cottage and called themselves a club. The undeveloped portion of the lake front has limit- less opportunities for swimming, fishing, gambling, and unsupervised play. The “McMullens” attracted atten- tion by burning a fiery cross there. Another gang stoned a man almost to death when he remonstrated with them for scaring the fish away. In a clash on one of these un- patrolled beaches the race riots of r919 had their origin. In the down-town area along the lake, gang boys come 1 Interview.PLAYGROUNDS OF THE GANG 139 into contact with ne’er-do-wells and hobos who come there during the summer months. A JUNGLE ON THE LAKE FRONT 59. Grant Park, east of Michigan Avenue, is a loafing place for hobos with time on their hands. They gather here from all parts of Hobohemia to read the papers, to talk, and to kill time. For men who have not had a bed, it is a good place to sleep when the sun is kind and the grass is warm. In the long summer evenings Grant Park is a favorite gathering-place for men who like to get together to tell yarns and to frolic. It is a favorite rendezvous for the boy tramps.* THE LOOP The Loop (Chicago’s central business area) with all its crowds, its bustle, its excitement, and its bright lights, attracts gang boys in twos and threes, but usually not the gang as a whole. There is too much danger of suspicion from watchful eyes. The two portions of the Loop most frequented by the boys are the South State Street dis- trict and the newspaper alleys. SOUTH STATE STREET 60. South State Street is fundamentally a man’s street, and its business caters largely to the transient element in the masculine population. It is the playground of Hobohemia as well as of the gangs.” It is the haunt of foot-loose country boys and lonely sailors. Gang boys, little Arabs of the street, may be seen at night wander- ing about in twos and threes. Streetwalkers pass quickly along, glancing furtively from side to side. Cheap jewelry stores run auc- tion sales, at which raucous-voiced spielers crack jokes at the ex- pense of sleepy hobos. The swinging doors of the missions beckon to the sinful or despairing. There is a penny arcade showing the t Nels Anderson, The Hobo, p. to. 2 Nels Anderson, op. cit., pp. 7, 8.140 THE GANG more spicy pictures, like Milady’s Bath, for a nickel. A tattooing parlor has many customers and puts the eternal stamp of an anchor, a spread eagle, or an undressed woman on a brawny arm or a hairy chest, for a very modest sum. Pictures of naked girls loom on all sides in front of the cheap burlesque theaters, where men only (and boys) may see the latest Bowery beauties specializing in legs and shapes and tights (or lack of them). THE NEWSPAPER ALLEYS Wherever a chance for excitement is coupled with the opportunity to pick up an easy living, the gang is doubly sure to appear. This has been the situation in the “al- leys,” really distributing rooms, of some of the down-town newspapers. Here is a focus of great mobility, which has long had a disorganizing effect upon boys.’ A PORT OF MISSING BOYS 61. Into each of these two distributing rooms came nightly, during the time of the inquiry, from forty to eighty men and boys. They began to arrive at about 6:00 p.M.; and while they waited for the 9:45 edition they gambled, fought, drank, boasted, and swore the time away..... Among the alley lodgers and frequenters, our investigator found runaways from all parts of the country: from New York, from Ohio, from Oklahoma, from Montana, from California. Seven youths had “bummed” to Chicago from the West. A homesick Italian boy who had run away from Buffalo and wept intermittent- ly for several days was sent home by the Juvenile Court. There t Observations by the author. 2“Tn the spring of 1916, so many delinquent boys, engaged in work here, were brought into the Juvenile Court that Judge Pinckney, in conference with the managements of the night edition papers, induced them to prohibit the employment in night work in the alleys of boys under sixteen.”—Elsa Wertheim, Chicago Children in the Street Trades, P- S-PLAYGROUNDS OF THE GANG I4I were also many Illinois boys who had run away from Pontiac, St. Charles, the Parental School, and other correctional institutions. Abandoned space under the sidewalk and the opportunities for eluding capture offered by adjoining low buildings made the “port of missing boys” a natural refuge for those who wished to escape the inquiries of their relatives, the truant officers, or the police. In both the alleys indecent stories prevailed. .... Two of the frequenters of the alleys, men in charge of news stands, openly boasted of their success in acting as panderers for streetwalkers. . .. . Indecent songs were sung. There was much thieving among the men and boys, both inside and outside the alleys..... Young boys offered bargains in arti- cles stolen inside the department stores. They would go into the stores in groups, and while one of their number made a trifling purchase, the rest would elbow goods off the counter to the floor, and get away with it to the alley. Gambling was a regular practice in the alleys..... The boys often lost so much in gambling that they were obliged to stint themselves in food the next day. Many of the boys drank heavily. This was undoubtedly caused in the case of those who lived in the alleys by an insufficient, irregu- lar, and improperly balanced diet... .. The filthiness of most of the boys in the alleys was extreme. Many of them were verminous. .... Few of the boys were above begging for money, clothes, or whatever they needed.* As a result of special policing, boys under sixteen were kept out of the news alleys for a time. The stories of several gang boys, procured in connection with the pres- ent study, however, indicate that these places still harbor floating youth and that as yet the gangs have not forsaken them. Many boys have been observed loafing in the al- leys, in one of which a crap game was in progress in a small court directly behind a policeman’s back. * Elsa Wertheim, op. cit., pp. 5-7.142 THE GANG LIFE IN THE NEWS ALLEYS 62. I was walking along one day on my way to the playground when I asked a guy if I could sell papers. He gave me a corner at Grand and Halsted. When I wanted to go home the driver said, ‘What do you think I give you a good corner like this and you go home so early?” So I usually sold till two or three in the morning. I was afraid to go home after the first night for fear of getting licked and I stayed away a month. There were lots of boysin gangs at the . . . . news alley, usually twenty to thirty all the time. Most of them, who were away from home, would sleep up in the bundle room. The watchman would let us, but there was another guy who chased us down. As soon as he closed the door, we would climb up again and go to sleep. The boys who sold late would usually sleep there all day. We used to shoot craps a lot and play cards for money, some-. times all night, or at two or three in the morning. Some of the mean guys would always want to be dealer, and then if the others would win, they would not pay. We would sneak into the movies through the back. When we needed money we would sell papers. Gang excursions to ‘““Jewtown” [Maxwell Street] for purposes of robbery were frequent. We liked to eat in the Piggly Wiggly restaurant and in the newsies’ restaurant, which was sometimes raided by the boys. Sometimes the coppers would get a load of us and take us to the station, but most of the boys would usually get off free.* PARKS AND FOREST PRESERVES The playgrounds and the parks are often used by gangs, and gang boys frequently go ew masse for over- night hikes or camping expeditions to Fox Lake, the Desplaines River, and the various forest preserves adjoin- ing the city. The forest preserves, like the river and canal regions, tend to become areas of escape from social control and t Gang boy’s own story.PLAYGROUNDS OF THE GANG 143 may shelter squatter families as well as gangs, all living according to their own inclination. CAMPING OUT 63. About twenty of the Woodstreeters used to go out to the forest preserve to camp. I bought a tent from my uncle for $1s, for which he had paid $179. It was big enough for about eleven boys to sleep in. We did lots of fishing out there, and there was an old German who used to swear a lot because he wouldn’t get any fish. His son got a big eighteen-pound carp. We’d go swimming and rowing too. We’d take a boat a fellow had, use it, and then put it back. When we got hungry we used to go around to the farmers’ orchards and strip their pears. Each boy would take a hundred- pound potato bag, and we’d load these with apples and pears to carry home. Sometimes we’d go robbin’, breaking into stores and box cars in the freight yards. One time we found a little cave by the river with human bones in it. My brother found in a shed the body of a man with his arms and head off. When we heard about these things they would scare us, but we liked it. The forest preserve sometimes provides a hiding place for a criminal gang. A GANG OF AUTO THIEVES 64. Three fellows and a girl, all happy-go-lucky nomads whose only home for the last several weeks had been an army tent in a forest preserve, were forced to pitch camp in the Hudson Avenue police station late Saturday night. They were charged with operat- ing an extensive automobile theft scheme, in which more than fifty high-priced machines are said to have been stolen from Grant Park and the Loop during three months. Before their arrest the wandering quartet had pitched their tent in the forest preserve at Eighty-seventh Street and Western Avenue. Two policemen who have been traversing the region for several days made the arrests. * Gang boy’s own story.144 THE GANG The stolen cars taken to the camp were remodeled and re- painted in the silence of the forest. The leader of the gang, who was the “star-salesman,” disposed of the revamped machines. Twelve cars were recovered by the police. The girl, who asserted proudly that she was the sweetheart of one of the men, was the housekeeper, and looked after the tent while the rest of the gang were in the city." THE ‘SITUATION COMPLEX” The structure and behavior of a gang is molded in part through its accommodation to its life conditions. The groups in the Ghetto, in a suburb, along a business street in the residential district, in a midwestern town, or ‘na lumber community vary in their interests and activi- ties not only according to the social patterns of their re- spective milieus but also according to the layout of the buildings, streets, alleys, and public works, and the gen- eral topography of their environments.’ These various conditioning factors within which the gang lives, moves, and has its being, may be regarded as the “situation com- plex,” within which the human nature elements interact to produce gang phenomena. So marked is the influence of such factors as bodies of water, prairies, hills, and ravines in determining the loca- tion and character of gang activities that in Cleveland juvenile delinquents have been classified on this basis. GEOGRAPHIC AND SOCIAL LINKAGES IN CLEVELAND 6s. The delinquents may be roughly divided into two main groups—the one including those whose delinquencies are primarily connected with streets, street corners, and business or residence « News item. 2 See Ellen C. Semple, The Influence of Geographic Environment, p. 2.Photo by Author “PRAIRIES” WHERE GANG BOYS PLAY The boys call these neglected open spaces, numerous in gangland, “prairies.” That they are full of rubbish and discarded objects only makes them more interesting as play- grounds. Below is shown the ball diamonds of the Rinkus gang on property being held for industrial purposes.146 THE GANG districts, and the other, those whose escapades are primarily con- nected with the lake shore, the railroads, and the gullies. Of course this is not an exclusive grouping; but it will help the reader to understand the spare-time habits of the delinquents if he keeps this general distinction in mind. The distinction is really a geo- graphical one, as gullies and railroads are for some not easily reached, while to others they are easy of access..... Soon after a personal acquaintance with the delinquents of this study began, it became apparent that the gullies absorb a great deal of the spare time of many boys. The gullies have great possibilities for good; their influence for ill is greatest in combina- tion with tramps and railroads..... The city ought to have some- where a large relief map of them all, lying flat upon the floor, with a railing around it. Everybody could then see at a glance all the windings and convolutions of these gullies, in which the scores of railroad tracks, the adolescent boys, and the hoboes never cease to meander.* A change in the setting of a gang is likely to result in an alteration in its program of activities. THE BEARCATS 66. The Bearcats, who are a mixture of four or five nationali- ties, meet in an old tenement. Their activities are sports and games, teasing drunks, and stealing fruit, melons, and chickens, which are available in the neighboring countryside. They did not begin to shoot craps until the new sewer from Gary into the Calumet River spoiled their fishing and swimming hole.’ The man-made factors in the gang’s impersonal en- vironment are of equal importance in their influence upon the location and nature of its activities. In New York, where boys have such restricted play space and where the tenement provides the chief form of housing for the poor, t Henry W. Thurston, Delinquency and Spare T ime, pp. 17-19. 2 Interviews.PLAYGROUNDS OF THE GANG 147 adolescent gang life differs from that in Chicago. Chicago, comparatively young and free from tenements, sprawls over a large territory and most of its congested areas have many ramshackle buildings and hide-out places for the gangs. Railroads and sources of junk, such as empty houses, alleys, and rubbish dumps, also condition the life of Chicago gangs in important respects. A blind street, a hemmed in or isolated housing situation, a group of dwell- ings fronting on an inclosed court or private street, or a large number of flats above the first story in an exclusive- ly business area like South State Street give a particular trend to the group life of the boys living within their con- fines. These are but a few of the many cases where tech- nic situations condition the gang; illustrations of the working of this principle are to be found in the various case-studies presented throughout the book. * See following chapter.CHAPTER IX JUNKING AND THE RAILROADS An activity of the gang which provides ample oppor- tunity for excitement and revenue is the gathering of junk. Junking is representative of the intimate relation- ship existing between the activities of a group and its immediate physical, technic, and social environment. THE PRESENT STATUS OF THE JUNK BUSINESS 67. .... The junk business was seen to have passed through successive stages, changing in form until it became stable in three types—the wagon, the retail shop, and the wholesale shop. .... The wagon peddler comes into direct relation with the boy and represents the chief point of contact between junk-dealing and juvenile delinquency. There are between 1,700 and 1,800 of these wagon peddlers in Chicago. In the past five years they have dou- bled in number, while the retail junk shops have increased only so per cent. One important factor in the situation is the presence of numerous junk-dealers of whom many are anxious to buy from boys. PURCHASING JUNK FROM CHILDREN 68. Frank said he rode with his father when he went collecting and that ‘sometimes on the North Side as many as twenty-five boys come to the wagon to sell things—rags, brass, and bottles. On the West Side, sometimes three to five boys sell things to my t Albert E. Webster, Junk Dealing and Juvenile Delinquency, an investigation made for the Juvenile Protective Association of Chicago by Harry H. Grigg and George E. Haynes. 148JUNKING AND THE RAILROADS 149 fatherinia dayne ae They come to the house from six o’clock in the evening on until eight.”’ Frank said that his father never re- quired the boys to bring any written paper from their parents. Junkmen sometimes actually instigate robberies on the part of the gang boy or his group—a direct encourage- ment to delinquent habits. INSTIGATING ROBBERIES 69. A dealer lent a saw to a gang of boys on the Northwest Side and instructed them to saw out the lead pipes in a vacant house and bring them to him. Both the junk man and the boys were apprehended and taken into court. In a newspaper report, the existence of a ‘‘robber band” operat- ing in three cities was indicated. The confession of a member— only twenty-one years old—named a West Side junk man as the head of the band. The report stated that the junk-dealer regularly met the young fellows in a poolroom on Twelfth Street, where the robberies were planned and the assignments given out. According to the police, the value of loot from Chicago robberies alone during the past sixty days amounted to over $100,000.! Junking may be one of the first steps in the gradual process leading to the complete demoralization of the gang boy. The distinction between picking up some dis- carded object to sell and appropriating the unguarded property of others can hardly be very clear to the ado- lescent in a gangland environment. Experience in junking also affords some knowledge of the technique of crime such as familiarity with fences, learning to recognize mer- chandise cars, etc. Junking, in other words, becomes a directly educative process in the wrong direction.? t Webster, op. cit., p. 36. 2 The control of the city of Chicago over junk-dealers and the junk business in general has been seriously menaced by a declaration of the Illinois Supreme Court (June, 1925) that a city ordinance exacting a150 THE GANG SOURCES OF SUPPLY Opportunity to sell junk is one important element in the situation. Opportunity to procure junk to be sold constitutes the other. While the alleys and the rubbish dumps contribute material for this purpose, the chief sources of supply are empty houses and the railroads. EMPTY HOUSES AND JUNKING 70. Anthony, a fifteen-year-old youngster, with three com- panions, broke into an empty house. In cutting out the lead pipe, they did $200 damage, but the junk-peddler who purchased the loot gave the boys only $1.50 each. The dealer was afterward ar- rested for receiving stolen property. This gang also robbed freight cars. A gang of nine boys entered an empty flat above a theater on the Northwest Side, picking the lock with a button hook. The flat, which was steam heated, was made their rendezvous. Here they loafed, smoked, and planned robberies. No railroad yards were visited, but the attention of the gang was concentrated on holdups and junking vacant houses. Jimmie, a fifteen-year-old member, entered an empty house, removed the lead pipe, and sold it for $3.00 to a peddler. His experiences, like that of scores of other boys, ended in a court and commitment to an institution.t THE RAILROADS Plundering merchandise cars has become so flagrant that the railroads employ special watchmen and police whose best efforts seem almost futile in coping with the problem. license fee of $200 from junk-dealers and peddlers is unconstitutional. The decision in the case, which was pushed by the Junk Dealers Protective Association, may cost the’city $1,000,000 annually in revenue as well as intensify the problem of the gang and juvenile delinquency in the junking areas. t Webster, op. cit., pp. 40-41.JUNKING AND THE RAILROADS 151 CAR-ROBBING 71. Five of my gang would go on a car-robbing expedition at once. Two would watch to give “jiggers’ on either side of the track, while the other three of us would break the seal on the car. We’d usually try to get into a green seal car because that kind has merchandise and lots of cigarettes. It is a heavy offense to break government seals, but we always wanted to get good stuff. We wouldn’t take suits because they had names in them, but we’d get lots of chickens and other stuff to eat and wear. I had a five- bushel wagon which we would load up with our “haul.” Then we’d take it around and sell it to our regular customers. Lots of private families stock up that way. We’d get caught plenty of times, but the railroad police would often let us go. They robbed too, “betcha,” when they were small. When kids get started this way, - they go right on. They take the blame for each other. “I never saw a guy who never stole yet!’”: The mere accessibility of railroad tracks indicates the importance of the technic environment in determining the direction of the gang’s activities. THE RAILROADS AND JUNKING 72. That a significant relation exists between juvenile junking and railroads has already been indicated. Twenty-eight out of the 100 boys studied were accustomed to secure junk from railroad yards or tracks, and 22 had at some time taken it from railroad cars. It has also been shown that in the case of 86 boys, 48, or over 50 per cent of them, lived less than 6 blocks from the tracks, while the average distance from the railroad for the entire group was only 5 9/43 blocks. This accessibility was thought to have an important bearing on the practice of securing material from railroad yards and cars.? JUNKING IN THE GANG Practically every gang in the areas where these oppor- tunities exist goes “hunting with a gunny-sack”’ when in * Gang boy’s own story. 2 Webster, op. cit., p. 36.152 THE GANG need of revenues. The investigation of the Juvenile Pro- tective Association, which included a study of 100 delin- quent boys committed by the court to an institution, showed that 88 of them made it a practice to collect and sell junk,’ and that 75 of the total number belonged to boys’ gangs, practically all of which were unsupervised.’ The study of gang boys for the present investigation showed that most of them went junking on occasion. JUNKING GANGS 73. Tino’s gang was engaged in robbing the railroad cars. They would take a hammer and break the seals. Tino borrowed a horse and wagon from a married friend, telling him he was getting apples to sell from South Water Street at $2.00 a barrel. In reality he procured them and other commodities from the merchandise cars. The gang would back the wagon up, load it, and peddle the loot. Tino got half the profits. He became paralyzed in the arm as the result of being shot by a watchman, but he was never caught. 74. A gang of five boys, who hung out in a poolroom in Chicago, operated along the Belt railroad as far as Hammond, Indiana. They were from fourteen to nineteen years of age and Polish, Irish, and Italian in nationality. They would board a mov- ing freight train and with a rope ladder go over the side and break into a car. The stuff they wanted would be thrown from the train, picked up by their confederates and taken back to the city to be. sold to the owner of the poolroom where they hung out.4 A gang which becomes organized around junking as its chief interest is likely to develop into a semi-criminal group, acquiring a special technique for securing and dis- posing of its loot without the interference of the law. t Webster, op. cit., p. 13. 2 [bid., p. 17. 3 Interviews. 4 Interview with a railroad detective.JUNKING AND THE RAILROADS 153 A GANG OF BRASS THIEVES 75. A gang of about six young Lithuanians living together in a lodging house are professional brass thieves. They take the brass bearings or journals from the trucks or journal boxes of the railroad cars. To accomplish this feat, considerable expertness is required, for the car must be jacked up to relieve the weight that holds the journals in place. The rolls themselves weigh about ten pounds apiece. The gang works in twos and threes on cold nights in winter when there are few watchmen about. In the summertime they ship out of the city or work about the ragshops for the junk dealers. THE RAILROAD POLICE AND THE GANG Railroad detectives employed by the companies have a hazardous vocation at best, for there is nobody on the tracks to see what happens to the watchmen. It is alleged that the city police and the courts do not co-operate with them as well as they might. It is alleged, on the other hand, that when boys are caught on the tracks the railroad police are not over- careful in the use of their firearms. 76. A policeman appeared as chief witness in the trial of a seventeen-year-old boy who was charged with the burglary of a freight car. During the hearing it developed that the officer with a brother detective had surprised the boy with another boy of fifteen in the vicinity of a freight car, and that the policeman shot and killed the latter when he failed to halt when ordered.? Gang boys often show scars received in such esca- pades. ROBBING HAZARDS 77. About six of us went robbin’ government property on the railroads. A man with a bullshiner and a 45-automatic said “Stand!” He fired his revolver and the bullet grazed my leg [shows 1 Interview with a railroad detective. 2 News item.154 7) THE GANG scar]. The kids took me away. I would have swam the river, but I was afraid of getting disease in my wound. That night about twelve of the gang went back. We found another little kid near the tracks, badly wounded. We made him confess and took him to where he could get some stitches. We got five boxes, each containing eight sweaters, from a merchandise car. Somebody saw us, so we had to hide them and run for it. That night about twelve I went back to get the sweaters. I could hear the midnight train a-whistlin’. Two watchmen saw me and cornered me by the river. I would have taken the river, but I was afraid of getting cut by a grain steamer. I tried to climb up a ladder to get out, but could not make it. Finally I ran down a hill through some iron trestlework and made my get-away, but the watchmen were shooting to kill, and I heard the bullets whistlin’ past my head! THE ATTITUDE OF THE PARENTS The attitude of the parents is often one of condone- ment and even encouragement of the boys in their steal- ing from railroad tracks. In some cases the families of the boys act as receivers for the stolen goods. RECEIVERS OF STOLEN GOODS 78. A gang of from six to ten boys about fourteen years of age hung about on Jefferson between Twelfth and Sixteenth streets. They were involved in at least nine burglaries of railroad cars. The parents of all the boys, who lived in the immediate vicinity of the tracks, were arrested and fined, but only about $150 worth of stuff was recovered. Nine different railroads were involved in the case. Most of the loot was taken to the homes and disposed of through the parents. Cases of electric irons, which had been ob- tained by the boys six years before, were found in one of the homes. Fifteen yards of stolen linen was found in a cradle under an infant, and the mother of the baby was wearing stolen shoes. Dozens of t Gang boy’s own story.JUNKING AND THE RAILROADS 155 cases of salmon, cartons of cigarettes, and boxes of shoes stolen three or four years before were discovered. Among other things recovered, were a hundred car seals, which were used as a means of covering up merchandise car breakage. The boys did not know how to discriminate between the seals of different roads, however, and put those of the New York Central on cars routed over other lines.? The general point of view of the parents in these com- munities seems to be that thievery from a railroad is not wrong because it is a big corporation. Whole neighbor- hoods sometimes engage in stealing from the tracks. NEIGHBORHOOD MORES 79. The whole neighborhood turns out to steal from the cars at Western and Twenty-fourth. The juvenile officers are lenient in this connection, because they know how much a part of the neigh- borhood mores this has become, and they do not blame the children for following the pattern of the group. The mothers do not under- stand English and this increases the difficulties encountered by the railroad police in dealing with the situation.? Representatives of the railroads believe that the effi- ciency of the Juvenile Court could be increased in dealing with railroad matters by placing more responsibility on the parents. HOLDING THE PARENTS RESPONSIBLE 80. The old method of fining the parents is superior to the system of dealing with juveniles, which is tinctured with so much self-restraint and sympathy that treatment is not effective. Fining the parents will strengthen the home; whereas, dealing directly with the delinquent tends to break it. The boys would know then to whom they are responsible. One case was handled very satis- t Interviews with railroad detectives. 2 Interviews with railroad detectives.156 THE GANG factorily in this way. The parents of the members of the gang each had to pay $100 cash restitution. The boys were paroled and are now working to help pay the fines. The attitudes of these families toward stealing from the railroads have undergone a complete transformation. A gang activity closely akin to junking is fuel gather- ing, which, especially in the case of coal from the railroads, seems to be a neighborhood tradition in most immigrant communities near the tracks. THE RAILROAD TRACKS AS A PLAYGROUND Aside from their junking interest, the railroads pro- vide one of the best-liked playgrounds of the gang. There is something about a moving train, whether used as a target or to ride on, that fascinates the boy. PLAYING ON THE TRACKS 81. Along the C. B. & Q. one group was accustomed to throw- ing stones at passenger trains and to “flipping” freights. It was more a matter of devilment and adventure than a desire to do wrong. Going upon the tracks has become somewhat less popular in the past year or so, owing to the custom of the railroad detectives of complaining directly to the parents and teachers of the children. The boys, too, have become more cautious since one of them lost a hand, another an arm, another a leg, and still another his life. The use of the tracks as a playground may also imperil the lives of others. | DANGERS TO LIFE AND LIMB 82. The Hoyne Avenue gang of twelve boys between ten and sixteen years of age gathers on the tracks every day after school. t Interviews with railroad detectives. 2 Interviews with railroad detectives.JUNKING AND THE RAILROADS 157 A railroad officer would not dare to show himself singly there, for fear the gang would pelt him with stones. They are a rough bunch. One of them threw a switch two weeks ago, derailing an engine on the side of a hill. Only a miracle saved the locomotive from falling on a carnival which was in progress below.? Habituation to life on the tracks and flipping freights is likely to lead to later disorganization such as vagrancy and habitual crime. Here again familiarity with oppor- tunities for delinquency is an important factor. EFFECTS OF EARLY EXPERIENCE AND INSIDE INFORMATION 83. The leader of the Conkey gang, composed of fellows from seventeen to nineteen, had been stealing from the tracks since he was twelve. He and the other boys lived near the railroad and got used to riding the cars. The group had a system worked out for merchandise stealing. They would board the cars just outside the yards in the southwest clearing. On the way to Hawthorne they would pry open the door of a merchandise car and throw off the loot, which would be gath- ered up by a confederate with a horse and buggy. He would haul the stuff to the home of one of the members where it would be disposed of. One of the boys had been a switchman during a strike; another had been a railroad clerk and knew how to identify a merchandise car. Some of the men to whom the goods were taken were car inspectors for the railroad. Most of the loot, however, was sold to four other railroad employees, who bought shoes, pants, linen, and other commodities at one-eighth of the regular price.” The data with regard to junking and the railroads afford another illustration of how elements in the situa- tion complex turn the gang’s activities in a particular 1 Interviews with railroad detectives. 2 [Interviews with railroad detectives.158 THE GANG direction. Not only is the impersonal environment favor- able to the development of junking and consequent de- linquency on the part of the boys, but the more directly social environment which includes junk dealers, fences, and attitudes of parents, property owners, and police now enters into the situation. All these factors working to- gether furnish opportunities for types of behavior which may ultimately lead to more serious demoralization.* *Compare Healy and Bronner, of. cit., Series I, Case 1, pp. 13a and 15a.CHAPTER X WANDERLUST The quest for new experience in the gang often be- comes “wanderlust,”—roaming, roving, and exploring ac- tivities. Wanderlust, however, must not be regarded as peculiar to the gang boy, or even to the tramp. Even those of us who seem to have settled down quite com- fortably to exacting routine are sometimes intolerably stirred by the wanderlust. It comes upon us unawares, and often we cut away and go. There are automobiles, railway cars, steamships, aero- planes—serving little other purpose, really, than the gratification of wander tendencies. Usually we do not say it so openly, of course; we make good reasons for traveling, for not “staying put.” Many a business man has developed a perfect technique for escaping from his rut; many a laborer has invented a physical inability to work steadily that lets him out into the drifting current when monotony sets in on the job. Life is full of these moral side doors; but we need not view man’s rationalizing power cynically, merely under- standingly. The escapes he contrives are a damaging critique of the modern mode of life. We may infer from them the superior adjustments we strive so blindly toward.t Great cities have always attracted the country and the small-town boy. The skyscrapers, the beaches, the elevated, the theaters, the crowds, and many other won- ders beckon to him. The Missing Persons Bureau of the New York Police Department deals with more than 3,000 runaway youngsters every year. The problem in Chicago ‘ Rexford Tugwell, “The Gypsy Strain,” Pacific Review, pp. 177-78. Quoted in Nels Anderson, The Hobo, p. 82. 159160 THE GANG is similar, although not on so large a scale. Girls, too, are lured to the cities in great numbers, and it is estimated that 65,000 girls disappear in the United States within a year, without leaving a trace." CITY GYPSIES Gang boys travel about in search of excitement in twos and threes, or in larger groups. They become gyp- sies. roaming the city wilderness. Not infrequently they are away from home and from school for weeks at a time. The gang assists individuals or smaller groups living away from home by providing fellowship, food, a place to sleep, and even clothing. Often they steal machines for purposes of transportation or for “joy-riding” at a fifty-mile clip.” Sometimes they beg carfare or bum rides, but often they walk. Thus they travel from place to place in the city, picking up a precarious living as best they can. Certain areas of Chicago are well known as hang-outs for gang boys living away from home. Gang boys are found in Hobohemia.? In the summer, which is the best time for roaming, they sleep in ‘‘Pussyfoot” park, in the neighborhood of Montrose and Western avenues. They also frequent the alleys of certain down-town newspapers at most seasons of the year. A GYPSY GANG 84. My gang first met in a playground, but we used to wander about over the city and hang away from home, especially in the tSee Mary E. Hamilton, The Policewoman, p. 99. 2E. S. Bogardus has pointed out the importance of the automobile in mobilizing the gangs of Los Angeles. The automobile, he says, often becomes a tertiary hangout. See The City Boy and His Problems, p. 92. 3 See Nels Anderson, The Hobo, chap. i, ‘“Hobohemia Defined.”Photo by Author ADVENTURE BOUND A Jewish fragment of the Winchesters, a street gang. These three boys are adventure bound in the Loop. Gang boys often travel in search of excitement, but usually in twos and threes; larger groups excite suspicion, except in native play places. (See p. 160.) a ae" Photo by Author PART OF THE FISK STREETERS Four of the Fisk Streeters were interrupted at a game of cards long enough to have their pictures taken. The expressions on their faces do not indicate a high degree of con- fidence in the photographer.162 THE GANG newspaper alleys. There were eight of us who would sleep in the alleys, in empty boxes, or in a place where they threw the old papers, called the ‘‘ashbox.”” On Saturday and Sunday nights we slept in the bundle-room, entering through an open window, which was closed at other times. Here we got up on top of the papers and piled them around us so that nobody could see we were there. I did not like to stay at home because my stepmother was mean to me, and then the rest of the gang would call me “‘yellow baby” if I did not go with them. I was at the .. . . news alley three different times before I got put away—the first time for two weeks, the second for one, and the last for eleven days. The first thing when we awakened in the mornings we were hungry. Then we’d go out looking for barrels in alleys and back yards. We would dump out the garbage or trash, and take them to a barrel factory to sell. Those we got from the barrel house we sold for fifty cents apiece. Having picked up a little money in this way, we had breakfast. When we needed clean clothes we’d go out to the house of a member of the gang, whose mother was working away from home, and help ourselves. He always had plenty of clothes, and he would give me a waist. We also got eats from his house. Another way to get money was to sell papers and help the wagon drivers. We got from sixty to seventy cents for two or three hours’ work, helping the men throw off the papers as they dis- tributed them over the city. Sometimes the wagons would drop us off at an outlying point, and we would get eighty cents for every hundred papers sold, and four cents each for Sunday papers. During the day we seldom hung around the alleys, for we’d have to be out getting barrels to make some money. Sometimes we would rob autos or little trucks and take them out to have some fun.? MARCO POLOS OF THE GANG As the immigrants are drawn to America by the glow- ing accounts given them by relatives and friends, so gang t Gang boy’s own story.WANDERLUST 163 boys are led to wander by the fascinating tales of travelers who have sojourned in strange lands. These stories are oral literature and part of the adventure of the city is that one occasionally meets men whose lives are like books or novels. “SCOTTIE” 85. There is an interesting Scotchman in the... . news alley. He is thirty years old, is hunchbacked, and claims his father was captain in the Life Guards in the Boer War. He is a sort of shiftless wanderer, who has crossed the Atlantic eleven times without paying a cent of passage money, having worked his way as steward or cabin-boy on such lines as the Cunard, Anchor, and White Star. He had done light farm work, and one time saved as much as $70, on which he intended to pass the winter at ease in Chicago, but which, owing to some bad com- panions, went, in four days, for drink. He has traveled around the world, making the trip by way of Gibraltar, Suez Canal, the Indian Ocean, Yokohama, across the Pacific, around Cape Horn, and thence across the Atlantic. He says that he plans to make a trip to London soon, to see his mother. The circus—the very embodiment of novelty and ad- venture—has always whetted the gang boy’s appetite for travel. RUNAWAYS 86. Twelve out-of-town youngsters were picked up in New York while the circus was here, and eight while it was in Brooklyn. Where do they sleep? Anywhere, everywhere. Doorways offer fine shelter, but to them nothing else quite so comfortable as the sub- ways. A nickel provides them with a seat and warmth for the night. When they think the conductor is eyeing them, they change trains.? The tramp, like the circus-performer, tells the gang boy strange tales of distant parts. The intellectual com- t Juvenile Protective Association, unpublished manuscript. 2 News item.164 THE GANG munity of the gang boy with the hobo will be noted later with reference to his argot and his songs. This is more than a mere accident, for the gang boy is thrown with the tramp at home as well as on the road. Parks, railroad yards, river and lake fronts are the rendezvous of tramps as well as of gangs.’ The appeal of hobo tales to the boy and his consequent disillusionment are expressed in tramp poetry. THE BIG ROCK CANDY MOUNTAINS On a sunny day in the month of May A hobo came hiking. He came to a tree, and “Oh,” said he, “This is just to my liking.” In the very same month, and the very same day A farmer’s son came hiking, Said the bum to the son, ‘‘Oh, will you come, “To the big Rock Candy Mountains?” Chorus “T will show you the bees, And the cigarette trees, And the soda water fountains; The lemonade springs, where the bluebird sings, In the big Rock Candy Mountains.” So they started away on the very same day The mile posts they were counting; But they never arrived at the lemonade tide Or the big Rock Candy Mountains. tSee Nels Anderson, “The Juvenile and the Tramp,” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, XIV, No. 2, p. 300.WANDERLUST 165 The punk rolled up his big blue eyes, And he said to the hobo, “‘Sandy, I’ve hiked and hiked this whole day long, But I haven’t seen no candy. I’ve hiked and hiked till my feet are sore, I'll be doggoned if I hike any more; I'll be a home guard with a lemonade card, At the big Rock Candy Mountains.’ Thrilling stories of far-away places read in books and magazines are likely to have the same effect upon the boy.2 The Bureau of Missing Persons asks, as one of its first steps in locating runaway boys, what they have been reading. Or, what sort of thing have they been talking to their friends? And the answers to these questions usually provide valuable clues. YOUNG ‘‘COWBOYS”’ 87. A few months ago three high-school boys vanished from home. The distraught fathers and mothers had no idea where their boys had gone or why they had left. The officer on the case got hold of some of the other fellows in the school and asked what the boys had talked most about in the weeks before their disappear- ance. ‘“‘Cowboys and the Wild West” was the response. ‘Then go to the leading sport goods shops and see if you can find any trace of them,”’ I told my man. The clerk in the first store he visited recalled three lads who filled the description. They had some money which they had earned and saved, and they had spent it for hunting knives, pup tents, and other frontier paraphernalia. The next move was to the railway station. Laden with camp equip- ment, they had attracted the attention of the ticket agent, who recalled that they were bound for San Antonio, Texas.3 t Nels Anderson, An Anthology of Outcast Verse: A Sociological Inter- pretation. Unpublished manuscript. 2 See chap. vi. 3 Report of the work of the Missing Persons Bureau, New York City.166 THE GANG To the gang boy who has not traveled, the great out- side world is a place of mystery and mythical wonders. FLORIDA 88. The boys in our gang, who were all hanging away from home, were planning to go to Florida. They were going to stay there forever. How would they live? Oh, they’d get money. They’d help the farmers. At first they said they were going to California, but then they thought you’d have to have a picture of yourself or something to get into California. Florida was better, anyway, because there was a lot of wild stuff there—alligators, snakes, and monkeys! They’d go hunting when they got there.* NOMADIC GANGS Usually the gang becomes fairly well attached to a definite locality and wanders only occasionally beyond its frontiers. Some groups, however, become nomadic, cut- ting loose almost entirely from home and family attach- ments, going from place to place, and shifting for them- selves. In such cases they hang away from home for weeks or even months at a stretch visiting the various play- grounds of the gang,” often migrating to other localities, or simply “traveling.” THE ROUGH STARS 89. When I moved in from a farm and started going to public schools, I met two of the Rough Stars, and they told me all about their gang. They were all bumming from school, and they started throwing things at me and calling me a sissy, until I joined them. I was out of school then fifty-six days. t Gang boy’s own story. 2 See chap. viii. 3It will be noted that a number of cases throughout the study present the migrations and wanderings of the gang.WANDERLUST 167 The first evening, the gang took me up to their hang-out in a barn. They had plenty of chewing, cigarettes, and cards, and we shot craps and had a lot of fun. Then they told me to stay with them. So the next day I did not go to school. Early in the morning we flipped a freight and went out to Faith Horn, a place several miles south. We jumped on and off the box cars and played all the way out. Finally we got off and went to a place like a big scrap yard. Then we began tramping through the woods, where we had a devil of a good time. We caught a lot of fish and crabs in the stream, and gave a man who was passing eight bullheads in return for three sandwiches which we divided. We went swimming till two o’clock, when we went back into the woods to climb trees and look all ovér for nests. Then we’d monkey around a lot wrastling and rolling. We came back on a freight, and I told my mother I got all dirty coming home from school. She did not suspect that I was bumming. I chopped some wood for her, and then went out again with the gang. My older brother met me and asked me if I was away from school. He was very suspicious about it. The next day my brother started to school with me to ask if I was playing hooky. We met the gang and [I started to run, with him after me till the gang stopped him. I was away for three days then. Each day we would go swimming at Faith Horn and then sleep in our hang-out at night or in a near-by basement. The kids were monkeying around too much in the night, pinching and fighting. One day my mother saw me on the tracks, and said she would not do me anything if I’d come home. I was home for three weeks, while the rest of the gang were away. Finally, they got caught and came home again. Then it started all over. They began calling me again, and we would go out into the country. One time we worked four days for some farmers, but when they found we had run away, we all quit. We sometimes slept in a deserted farmhouse. When we were hun- gry we’d watch for the trucks on the road, and then we’d climb on them and take off the stuff we wanted.2 * Gang boy’s own story.168 THE GANG THE “CALL OF THE ROAD” Trips out of the city are frequently no farther than to the forest preserves, which afford an interesting place for camping and exploration. The members of the gang often work for truck farmers in the summer,’ sleeping wherever they can, and earning some money for good times. Early, however, they learn to flip freights and ride the blinds. One Chicago gang known as the ““V— A.C.’s,” composed of about twenty boys eighteen to twenty years old, has had seeing the world as one of its goals and has traveled within a radius of 1,000 miles in all directions from the city. Gang boys are often successful in picking up rides from motorists, who are usually accommodating to the young pedestrian on country roads. SEEING THE WEST go. I heard three of the older boys talk about seeing the West, and all that, and I decided to go with them. We were away from home altogether three months. When we got to Dixon, Illinois, we were picked up by the police, who telephoned home to our mothers. The mother of one of the guys sent him car fare and he went home, but the folks of the rest of us did not answer, and so we three went right on west. We bummed our way on freights, stopping at division points, and got as far as Omaha. We were too small to get jobs there, and since we had only ninety-two cents, we decided to come right back. The trip back took about three days; we were out of the city about eight or nine days in all. The rest of the time we bummed around the streets, sleeping where we t Boys of this type have not been used very successfully as farm workers. They are not permanent nor dependable toilers, and they often destroy more valuable material than their work is worth. Some farmers, on the other hand, especially those who get the boys from institutions, overwork their charges. Most gang boys, however, know where they can obtain work of this sort in the summertime, and use it as a makeshift source of income when away from home.WANDERLUST 169 could. “Skinny” finally quit us, but “Stinker” and me worked in a bowling alley a while before going home. I was put away once before for running away. | Tramp life, because of its freedom from responsibility and its manifold opportunities for new experience, holds great attractions for the gang boy. It is said that one fourth of the tramp class in the United States is composed of boys under twenty-one.” Once the gang boy gets “‘on the road” he soon learns the language and the technique of the tramp, and this he carries back to his gang when he returns home. THE “CALL OF THE WILD” Outdoor life makes a decided appeal to most boys who have not been coddled. The gang boy finds in it an un- diluted joy. Tramping in the woods, fishing, camping— reminiscent of pioneer days with all their robust tradition —provide real sport. The freedom of the out of doors, the hunting, the exploring of new regions, the mysteries of the forest, and the dangers of unknown enemies all play their part.4 A TRIP TO FOX LAKE gi. The gang bummed school two weeks to take a camping trip to Fox Lake. We did not have no money; we must think up a scheme to get some. We knew it would be no use to ask our parents, so we went into a grocery store and asked for canned olives. When the guy was busy we slipped around to the drawer and got $10, which paid our way to Fox Lake and bought us some eats. * Gang boy’s own story. 2 Nels Anderson, ‘The Juvenile and the Tramp,” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, XIV, No. 2, p. 293. 3 [bid., p. 301. 4 For illustrations of the response of the gang to the “call of the wild,” see documents throughout the study.170 THE GANG The father of one of the gang had a cottage at Fox Lake, where he came on the week-ends; so we went there to camp. When his father came out on Saturdays and Sundays, we would take to the woods, where we had a lof of sport sleeping in the open. One day when we got hungry we stole a chicken and a duck from a yard. Billie, who was the cook, fixed it for us. He did not get it done enough. I did not like it, but I was so hungry Late it any- way, putting a piece of it in a half a loaf of bread. Then I was full. That was a great trip out there. We had great fun swimming, fishing, and tramping in the woods. Finally we decided to come home, and had to walk the tracks for fifteen miles. Jimmie stole a Ford on the way back, but we left it in some rich man’s drive at Highland Park. We never did get caught for anything we did on this trip.* A rather unusual interest in cooking has been dis- covered by social settlements among gang boys. A gang taken into Hull-House as a club lost interest in settlement activities but returned when cooking classes for boys were started. To know how to cook well is a real asset when hanging away from home. THE PROBLEM OF SUBSTITUTION Wanderlust behavior represents a response to a two- fold stimulus situation: it is, on the one hand, an attempt to escape or to compensate for what is dull or uninterest- ing; while on the other, it is a quest for novelty and ad- venture impelled by previous experience and further stimulated by the movies, reading, and personal narra- tives. The general notion of the censors and the efforts of the older generation to protect the younger is that if they could suppress imagination all would be well. This is a t Gang boy’s own story.WANDERLUST 171 doubtful expedient unless the energy can be transferred to an object of greater, though perhaps less immediate, in- terest. Suppression alone intensifies the interest sup- pressed; but mere release is waste of moral energy and leads to vagabondage and fanaticism. The mere seeking of novelty, often over-stimulated in the gang and the general environment of the gang boy, tends to be demoralizing unless there is some goal in view or some value created.* This is illustrated in the case of the hobo. The trouble with the hobo mind is not lack of experience, but lack of a vocation. The hobo is, to be sure, always on the move, but he has no destination, and naturally he never arrives. Wanderlust, which is the most elementary expression of the romantic tempera- ment and the romantic interest in life, has assumed for him, as for so many others, the character of a vice. He has gained his freedom, but he has lost his direction. Locomotion and change of scene have had for him no ulterior significance. It is locomotion for its own sake. Restlessness and the impulse to escape from the routine of ordinary life, which in the case of others frequently marks the beginning of some new enterprise, spends itself for him in movements that are expressive merely. The hobo seeks change solely for the sake of change; it is a habit, and, like the drug habit, moves in a vicious circle.? Locomotion for its own sake—interest in mere change and movement—is an extensive activity in the undirected gang, where it readily assumes the character of a vice. * That desire for excitement may become a vice with the boy is well illustrated in document 28, p. 86. 2 Robert E. Park, et al., The City, p. 158. 3“This restlessness and thirst for adventure is, for the most part, barren and illusory, because it is uncreative. We are seeking to escape from a dull world instead of turning back upon it to transform it. “Art, religion, and politics are still the means through which we172 THE GANG Aside from their usual lack of adjustment to the for- mal demands of conventional social codes, however, gang boys are ordinarily wholesome. They are not morbid or psychopathic as is sometimes the case with boys who are subject to the repressions and punishments of a more arti- ficial situation.? The problem is to control the stimuli which play upon the gang boy, in such a way as to provide him with new experience which shall be personally and socially educative. In brief, it is a problem of susbtituting organizing activities for those that are demoralizing with- out eliminating all the thrill in the process. participate in the common life, but they have ceased to be our chief concern. As leisure-time activities they must now compete for attention with livelier forms of recreation. It is in the improvident use of our leisure, I suspect, that the greatest wastes in American life occur.”— Park, et al., The City, p. 118. It has been suggested that only children are likely to be “spoiled” or to develop ego-centric traits. See John C. Cameron, “Data on the Alleged Psychopathology of the Only Child,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, January, 1926, p. 441.CHAPTER Xa GANG WARFARE The gang is a conflict group. It develops through strife and thrives on warfare. The members of a gang will fight each other. They will even fight for a “‘cause,”’ as when a Chicago gang of some note sent a number of young men down into Oklahoma to help a former governor in his struggle against the Ku Klux Klan. Gangsters are im- pelled, in a way, to fight; so much of their activity is out- side the law that fighting is the only means of avenging injuries and maintaining the code. GANG FIGHTS g2. Jimmie, the leader of the gang, is a bad actor. He would kill a policeman, if necessary, to get away. Most of the bunch are getting rounded up now, on account of their robbing expeditions. The greatest sport of the gang was fighting, and Jimmie would lead the boys to battle on the least pretext. One Fourth of July the bunch had a big fight with Danny O’Hara’s gang. We had about two hundred on our side, and there were about as many there for Danny. Danny got hard with Jimmy and told him that he was trying to start a fight or something. First Jimmie busted Danny in the nose, and then the whole gang started fighting. We had the traffic blocked on the boulevard for a long time, and finally the patrol wagons came, but they did not get any of the gang. We had wars with lots of other gangs. We fought the Dead- shots, and there were about a hundred in the fight. Jimmie got bounced on, and when he saw our enemies were too big for us, he beat it. 173174 THE GANG We fought the Jews from Twelfth Street, but they had too many for us. They’re pretty good fighters. We knew they had more than we did, so we went down with clubs and everything. Another time we went to Garfield Park to lick the Thistles. We had only about seventy-five guys. They had said that they could lick Jimmie and the rest of the gang, and right away he want- ed to go down there to fight them, but he got beat up as usual. There were too many of them for us, and half of them were men about twenty years old. We also had a war, starting over a baseball game at the park, with the Coons from Lake Street.” THE STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE In its struggle for existence a gang has to fight hostile groups to maintain its play privileges, its property rights, and the physical safety of its members. Its status as a gang among gangs, as well as in the neighborhood and the community, must also be maintained, usually through its prowess in a fight. FIGHTING FOR A PLACE TO PLAY 93. The Sixteenth Streeters and the Woodstreeters, to whom I belong, fought against the Robeys, the Hoynes, and the Westerns. The latter used to pick on our kids as they were going to school. They’d get funny and hit them, and then we’d get more guys and have a rock fight. Most of the trouble with the other gangs was over the grounds where we used to play ball. Finally the man who owned the lot died, and one of the Robeys sneaked in and stole the deed. The police have not been able to get it. It will be worth money if the railroads want the land for a roundhouse. My old man tried to buy it off of the kid who copped it, but he would not sell. The other gangs have been trying to take this ground away from the Robeys, but they haven’t succeeded yet.? t Gang boy’s own story. 2 Gang boy’s own story.GANG WARFARE 175 Gang warfare is usually organized on a territorial basis.* Each group becomes attached to a local area which it regards as peculiarly its own and through which it is dangerous for members of another gang to pass. ENEMY TERRITORY 94. There are a number of gangs in the vicinity, the two most prominent being the Marshfield and the Gross avenue gangs. Ash- land Avenue is the dividing line between the territory of these gangs and if one boy crosses into enemy territory he does it at some peril. Armed invasions are not infrequent.? The older gangs engaged in the illicit liquor business also haye their own territories within which they may receive certain police or political protection, and over which they often wield political control. THE GANG FEUD Gangs of the semi-criminal type composed of older boys and men engage in a struggle for existence which takes the form of frequent and bitter feuds. The beer- runners’ wars are usually of this sort. Not only does the desire for revenge for injuries once sustained enter into such situations but there is also a definite wish for the security of certain economic interests vested in the exploi- tation of some illicit business. A GAMBLERS’ WAR 95. An internecine warfare within the ranks of the gambling, beer, and booze overlords of Cicero got definitely under way yester- day when one faction tried to dynamite the Hawthorne Park Inn, owned by a recognized leader of another of the controlling groups. Sixteen sticks of dynamite, linked by two-inch fuses, were « See chap. vii. ? Interview with a social worker.176 THE GANG placed under a section of the inn at nine o’clock in the morning. The two men who lighted the fuse were seen. One of the employes of the place plucked the fuse before an explosion could take place, while the others gave chase to the vandals and captured them. They were engaged in beating them into unconsciousness when the Cicero police arrived. During the past week the owner of the inn received four ’phone warnings to close his business.’ The original causes for such a war may be forgotten and an extended feud may develop between hostile gangs. Anger, hatred, and thirst for revenge are continually stimulated by repeated insults and aggressions. A killing by one side calls for a killing by the other. THE RATS-JELLYROLLS WAR 96. One of the most vicious gang wars on record occurred be- tween the Rats and the Jellyrolls, two notorious St. Louis gangs.” It lasted over a period of years, resulted in many killings, and as- sumed such acute form at one time that the whole city of St. Louis was aroused to indignation. A man reputed to be the brains of the Rats gang under its old leader, a constable, was entrusted by the latter with bringing up some booze from New Orleans. He came back, however, with neither the liquor nor the money, saying that the vessel and her cargo had been sunk in the Mississippi. It is said that the consta- ble did not believe this story, and as a result his lieutenant deserted to the Rats’s bitterest enemies, the Jellyrolls. Not long after this event the Rats’s leader was murdered and the Jellyrolls received the blame. The Jellyroll lawyer, who was supposed to have hired the assassins, was now marked for death and dispatched by the Rats’s firing squad. The most dangerous t News item, Chicago Herald and Examiner, August 23, 1924. 2 A new gang war resulting in fifteen fatalities occurred in St. Louis in 1926. It was between the Cuckoo gang, starting with a group of “tough kids” and Syrian sneak thieves, and a gang of Sicilian bootleggers.GANG WARFARE 177 man in the Jellyrolls, who had been wounded in a skirmish, now took every opportunity to taunt the Rats. He was next executed and found with twenty-six bullet holes in his body. The next step in the war was the wounding of the Rats’s leader by Jellyrolls who sneaked up on him in a curtained car. This so enraged him that he gave out a list of sixteen Jellyrolls who were to be hunted out and killed. The gang could not find the Jellyrolls immediately, so they shot up the leader’s home. The Maxwelton club, the hang-out which the Rats had established on a country road, now took on the appearance of an arsenal; $50 a day was spent for the ammunition used in target practice. Two gangsters, imported by the Jellyrolls from New York, were shot by the Rats. A little boy was crippled in one of the affrays, and the gang made up a purse of $500 and gave it to him. The warfare finally became so desperate that the president of the board of police commissioners and the chief of police, unable to cope with the situation by ordinary methods, had a conference with the Rats’s leader and the whole gang in their hang-out and warned them that the war would have to stop or the state militia would be called out.t The leader of each side signed an agreement to end the war.? The Rats merely laughed at this procedure and were told that while they were to stop hunting the Jellyrolls, they were to shoot them on sight. After the truce was signed the Jelly- roll leader was spied on the street and the Rats’ “redhots’’ noti- fied. The result was that a cousin of the intended victim and a * According to a statement by a well-informed citizen of St. Louis, this paragraph probably “represents conditions out of their true setting. The act of the Chief of Police and the President of the Board of Police Commissioners aroused widespread protest and it was not until the repre- sentatives of the St. Louis Star obtained written pledges from the leader of the Egan gang [the Rats] and the Hogan outfit [the Jellyrolls] that the murderous gang feud was stopped. It was a clear cut instance of a news- paper doing what no civil or state agency was willing or capable of doing.” —July ro, 1926. * A similar peace-treaty is said to have been signed by Chicago gang leaders on October 22, 1926, after the machine-gunning of Weiss and Murray.178 THE GANG Missouri state representative with whom he was talking were both killed; the Jellyroll leader saved himself by stepping into a doorway. The Rats merely laughed off this double murder as a miss, and hos- tilities were continued but with less vehemence owing to the fear of public action.? | CRISIS IN THE GANG The common enemies against whom gangs struggle include rival gangs or alliances of gangs; members or groups of different races or nationalities; the police; rail- road detectives; school authorities, such as principals and truant officers; storekeepers and officials of businesses upon which the gangs prey in one way or another; and neighbors or parents. The relations of a gang to these hostile forces can best be interpreted in terms of the cycles of war and peace, of conflict and accommodation, which they undergo. The periodical equilibrium between the gang and its social environment seldom lasts long. A slight indignity, a casual clash, the breaking of a window, or the discovery of some new source of revenue or pleasure creates tensions and unrest which precipitate a crisis. One gang picks on individual members or little boys belonging to another. 97. We used to fight three other gangs with bricks. Some one of them boys would hit one of ours. Then the boy that got hit would come and tell us and we would start fightin’. Sometimes one of us would get hurt with a brick and then we would stop and go away. We would be afraid of trouble if anyone got hurt.? « A condensed statement prepared from various sources, but chiefly from an account of the Rats gang by Ray Renard published in the Sé. Louis Star from February 24 to March 31, 1925. Renard, a former mem- ber of the gang, made his confession while serving a sentence in the Atlanta penitentiary. 2 Gang boy’s own story.GANG WARFARE 179 An invasion of a rival gang and the stealing of supplies calls for a return raiding trip and finally an open battle of retaliation.* Gang feuds arising in some such way may result in bitter hatred and hostility lasting for years. Occasionally the family feud is carried over into the quarrels of the boys. FAMILY FEUDS 98. Miss X, principal of a school of 2,500 pupils in the heart of the Italian district in New York, states that the boys in this neighborhood begin ganging very early. There are many feuds be- tween rival gangs, the origins of which are probably due to family influences. The young gangsters often carry dangerous weapons, and there are serious encounters going to and from school. 99. A juvenile vendetta yesterday sent Tony , ten years old, to the county hospital with a knife wound in his side. The police believe the stabbing was done by a fourteen-year-old boy in the same neighborhood. It is alleged that the two boys have long been enemies, their animosity resulting from a family feud.3 By a process of summation repeated crises are precipi- tated, each a little more serious than the preceding. Un- rest is fomented and tensions are increased until the con- summation of the series is reached in some event that attracts community attention or necessitates the inter- vention of the authorities.4 Such was the case in Chicago’s North Side jungles, where the “Drakes,” the “Spauld- ings,” and the “Westerns,” Polish gangs known collec- * See Corey Ford, “New York’s Junior Gangland,” New York Times Book Review and Magazine, January 1, 1922, p. 16. 2 Interview. 3 News item. 4 Franklin Chase Hoyt, Justice of the Children’s Court of New York, corroborates this view from his study of New York gangs. See “The Gang in Embryo,” Scribner’s Magazine, LXVIII (August, 1920), 146-54.180 THE GANG tively as the “Belmonts,” joined together to fight the “Elstons,” composed of Irish and Swedish boys making up the “Big Hill” gang north of the railroad tracks. Minor clashes between these two groups had taken place for two years before the final crisis was reached. THE BELMONTS VS. THE ELSTONS 100. Edmond Werner, fifteen, self-styled leader of the roving Northwest Side gang which carries the cognomen of the ‘“‘Bel- monts”—and pockets of darnicks—prefaced his story of the gang fighting between the Belmonts and the Elstons, which Saturday resulted in the death of Julius Flosi, eleven, with this bitter state- ment today. He told me of the innumerable battles of fists and bricks which have been staged for the possession of the lonesome bit of railroad trackage at California and Elston avenues, in the last two years, and describes how, when the two gangs realized the impotency of bare knucks and ragged stones, each turned to firearms. In the show-down scrap Saturday between Werner’s Belmonts and the Elstons, Flosi was killed by a bullet from a 22-caliber rifle. He was an Elston. ‘Dey picked on us for two years, but even den we wouldn’t a shot if ‘Stinky’—the big guy and the leader of the Elstons— hadn’t jumped out of his dugout in a coal pile Saturday and waved a long bayonet wid a red flag on one end of it and an American flag upside down on de udder and dared us to come over de tracks.” Werner and six other Belmonts are in cells as a result of Flosi’s death, and an eighth is being held until the police find his brother. Four are at the Shakespeare Avenue station.’ PRIMARY CONFLICT The conflict which follows a crisis in the gang is usually of the primary type: The gang, for the most part, falls t Unsigned article in Jack Robbins’ Scrapbook, dated October 27, 1919.GANG WARFARE 181 outside the influences of the laws and customs which are designed to provide methods of negotiating difficulties. Gang warfare is ruthless.’ “Treat ’em rough and tell ’em nuttin’!” is the slogan of a Chicago gang leader of fifteen years. The treatment of prisoners held by the gang is often brutal and inhuman: severe beatings are common- place; and in one case a gang, using a penknife, peeled strips of skin from the back of an unfortunate captive and rubbed in salt before releasing him. Fatalities are only too frequent in clashes between rival gangs. FATAL WARFARE tor. Thomas Kelly, eighteen, died at the German Deaconess Hospital early today from a skull fracture which he suffered when he fell in an alleged gang fight at Root Street and Union Avenue. Stockyards police were called by neighbors when ten or more young men engaged ina fight. At the approach of the patrol wagon, all but Kelly fled. He was found unconscious, his head on the curb- ing.? The law of the gang in its wars is “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.” THE END OF THE NOTORIOUS ‘“‘KID DROPPER” 102. A stripling with a gun took the law out of the hands of the New York police today and wrote a dramatic finis to the career of Jack Kaplan, alias ‘“Kid Dropper,” notorious gunman and leader of the East Side “Dropper” gang. The gangster chief, on whom the police had been trying to fasten something for months, swaggered at noon from the Essex Market Court. He had just defeated the latest effort to connect him with the shooting of two members of a rival gang..... A slim figure that had been lurking behind the cab straightened * The machine-gun became the standard weapon of Chicago gangs in their internecine warfare in 1926. 2 Chicago American, September 4, 1923.182 THE GANG up, drew a pistol, and fired through the back window of the cab. The Dropper slumped in his seat with two bullets in his head. He and his assailant were taken to the court building, where Kaplan died in a few minutes. The man who did the shooting made the following statement in reply to the questions of the police: “An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. If I hadn’t gotten him, he’d have gotten me. “I met the Kid about eight months ago. He was friendly with all his gang until a few weeks ago, when I got a note from his bunch saying the Kid would have to get $500. How could I give it to him? I’m a poor man, working for $25 to $30 a week.” The attack on the Dropper may have saved the lives of several policemen and possibly innocent bystanders, for in the round-up made by detectives in the crowd that gathered after the slaying, half a dozen armed members of the Dropper’s gang were taken.! PROCESSES OF ACCOMMODATION Occasionally gangs agree to a conventional substitute for the more primary form of group conflict, in the nature of a joust between two individual champions selected by their respective retainers. ORDEAL OF BATTLE BY CHAMPIONS 103. The West Division Street district was for a time terrorized by two rival gangs who alternated their thieving raids on the local merchants with pitched battles. The police were helpless to control the situation. When group fighting proved unsatisfactory the leaders made a truce and held a parley. They decided to take matters in their own hands and fight it out for the gangs, just the two of them. Backed by their respective gangs they made application to use the * New York Times. According to press dispatches the feud between the “Little Augie” gang and the “Dropper” group was still taking its toll of lives in 1926.GANG WARFARE 183 hall of the Northwest City of the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic for the purpose of the scrap which was to constitute a decision for both gangs. The intercession of a few grown-ups averted the combat, how- ever, and a peace was negotiated.! Outsiders who have a real interest in boys, and who are possessed of considerable tact and patience, are some- times successful, through diplomatic negotiation, in bring- ing about an accommodation between enemy gangs. NEGOTIATING A PEACE TREATY 104. As a result of a number of complaints of fighting, a probation officer assigned to discover the reason, found that the gangs on two streets, Ninth and Tenth avenues, were engaged in incessant warfare, endangering the safety of outsiders and destroy- ing property. In spite of many arrests the feud had continued. The probation officer, after a good deal of preparatory work, gained the confidence of members of both gangs and called a con- ference to negotiate a treaty of peace. A large number of boys gathered in a school auditorium where the proposals of the proba- tion officer for peace were carried with uproarious enthusiasm. Suspecting that something was wrong when two gangs could agree at once on so many resolutions, the probation officer inquired how many boys were from Ninth Avenue and found that not a single boy belonging to the other gang had attended the meeting. It was found upon investigation that the Tenth Avenue gang, believing the meeting a trap set by the Ninth Avenues for their un- doing, had failed to attend. After some further work to secure a better understanding on both sides, a treaty of peace was actually signed by both leaders. The warfare was ended and gradually the boys learned to mingle and even to fraternize with their former enemies.? t Abridged from an article in Jack Robbins’ Scrapbook. 2 Abridged from Franklin Chase Hoyt, Quicksands of Youth, pp. II4-17.184 THE GANG Through conventionalization’ the gang may become accommodated to society (socialized) and may assume a recognized place in the larger community. As an athletic club or other acceptable organization, it may associate and co-operate with other recognized groups in the com- munity; or it may lose its identity and be assimilated into some larger social unit. It is always a question, whether assimilation, which usually substitutes a secondary for a primary group, is desirable.? In most instances, however, assimilation does not take place and accommodation is usually far from complete. Genuine accommodation is often lacking and conven- tionalization represents merely a compromise with the social order in an effort to gain security and prestige. The old gang traits persist, while the formal acquisitions are largely superficial. ALLIANCES AND ENTENTES Like nations, gangs are prone to form federations for defensive and offensive purposes. These larger groups also tend to pass through general cycles of war and peace, conflict and accommodation. DUKIES VS. SHIELDERS 105. I was with the Shielders in their war against the Dukies. There were about seventy-five Shielders and they would all bum t See footnote 2 on p. 73. 2 This is best illustrated, perhaps, in the case of the child of the immigrant who becomes superficially Americanized. In so doing he loses the controls of the primary group to which his parents belong. He is likely to become disorganized because his new urban secondary relation- ships are not of a kind to enable him to organize his own activities in harmony with the demands of the larger community.GANG WARFARE 185 school at once just to fight. The Dukies went to the Mark Sheridan and the Healey schools, while most of the Shielders went to the Ward School. There were several gangs on each side. Hostilities would begin when some of the Shielders would cross the tracks into the enemy’s territory and start a fight. Then when the Dukies caught one of the kids alone, they would hit him, and he would get their big gang after them. The battles took place over the tracks or under the viaducts and rocks and coal were used as missiles. The flivver squads would interfere to stop the fighting when it got too hot. One time there was a nigger on the Shielders’ side. He had a big razor and was going to kill one of the Dukies when a copper shot and killed him. He did not mean to kill the boy, but there was peace after that for a while. The fighting has begun again now in spite of warnings by the police. SUBSTITUTES FOR CONFLICT BEHAVIOR For uncontrolled pugnacious behavior can be substi- tuted conventionalized but exciting forms of rivalry which divert interest and energy from the more brutal kinds of fighting. In such cases primary conflict is replaced by secondary or the purely “play” type, mollified by protec- tive rules and ethical standards, a substitution which is one criterion of social progress in general and of socializa- tion of the gang in particular. It is usually possible to crystallize the bellicose propen- sity of the gang into some sort of athletic team which may be pitted against its rivals. Undirected athletics, how- ever, particularly if a pool is at stake, may end in a free- for-all fight, and a gang often undertakes its revenge as an aftermath of a fair fight. In this way, secondary con- flict as determined by the rules of the game breaks down and is followed by the primary type. * Gang boy’s own story. See document rrs, p. 201.186 ‘THE GANG A BASEBALL FIGHT 106. At the park we had a big gang fight, which grew out of a baseball game with the colored guys from Lake Street. The score was a tie, but it was getting dark and the niggers did not want to play no more. They started a fight about the money that was up on the game—ten dollars on each side. We thought we’d beat them up, but we did not like to try it on their own grounds. The next day when our leader heard about it (he was not at the baseball game), he went right over to Lake Street. He got bounced on the first thing and knocked out in an alley. Then the niggers hid in ambush, and we could not find where they were hiding. A few days later we got even with them when they came swimming in Union Park. We got some of them in there and nearly drowned them.? CONVENTIONALIZATION OF CONFLICT In the following case social direction of the behavior of the gang has made of it an accommodation group. A FIGHTING FOOTBALL GANG 107. About seven or eight boys living within a radius of two blocks started in school together, and by the sixth grade the group was further increased by four new boys. The gang was formed as a result of nutting expeditions, camping trips, and such deviltry as is usual among youngsters. In the sixth grade we started a football team, and the natural leaders, Steve and Rocky, did the organizing. This leadership held in general for all the years we were together. Among the earliest associations of the gang were those of our field meets. Whenever there was a big track and field contest either at the high or the normal school, the boys living in our section of the city always put on their own meet in a handy vacant lot. We: proceeded to get letters, but that was almost as far as the organiza- tion of the South Sixth Street Athletic Club went. When, during our sixth-grade year, we were able to beat the grade-school teams, we began to think that we were a pretty good bunch, and group-consciousness developed. During the rest of the t Gang boy’s own story.GANG WARFARE 187 grade-school years and through high school we were able to keep the gang intact. The greatest incentive to pass in school was to keep in the class with the gang. When we entered Teachers Col- lege, competition was keen, and not all of us made the team, but by the end of the third year eight of the old bunch were playing regularly, or were at least on the squad. | Following the selection of the squad by the coaches the incom- ing men of our old bunch were initiated into a senior social organi- zation called the ‘“‘“Funnel Gang.” This group was unorganized but had three or four recognized leaders. The initiation consisted sim- ply in taking the new man along with the group and trying his nerve on party refreshment raids, or perhaps in having him sing to the best of his ability a number of ballads late at night in front of the principal women’s dormitory. The gang was a unit not only during the football season, but throughout the whole year. Steak roasts, roller skating parties, sleigh rides, and other social or quasi-social functions were regular affairs of the team as a whole. The emotional solidarity of the gang is illustrated by the follow- ing incident: During a game “Cookie” was deliberately ‘“‘kneed” by an opponent. The effect was instantaneous. A cold-blooded rage that made every man play to kill came over us. Not a word was said, but a feeling of unity of purpose (for revenge) dominated the group. Every time a man pitched into an opponent he had the feeling of getting satisfaction for a personal injury. Feelings of physical pain were almost wiped out by the dominant sentiment. I came out with three broken fingers and never knew when I had hurt them. The solidarity of the group was greatly augmented by the conflict situation in football. There was a decidedly pleasant feeling in combating the out-group with our own side. This did not come from the feeling that the “bleachers” were watching, for no one thought of the crowd except in the most detached sort of way. In 1917, when war was declared, none of us entertained the idea of enlisting. As the situation became clearer, however, and men began to leave for the camps, we began to talk over the matter among ourselves. Always the discussion was what shall we do?188 THE GANG Whatever we did, we knew would be done as a group. At the end of the season Steve suggested that we enlist as a body (the whole team), and leave at once. Some wanted to join the marines ; some the army; but a vote decided on the navy. In order to stay to- gether, we went to the Great Lakes Naval Training Station and enlisted as a group of apprentice seamen, even though some of us could have received ratings had we been willing to quit the others. THE CONFLICT CYCLE The cyclical process of interaction, pointed out above, in which there are alternating periods of conflict and ac- commodation may now be stated more fully. The situations underlying most human relationships, if analyzed far enough, will probably prove to be of the struggle pattern. Even man’s play tends to take this form. Life is a struggle not merely for existence, but for the gratification of all human desires. Every group, as well as every person, is a self-appropriating organism at- tempting to wrest from its environment the fullest meas- ure of satisfaction.? Although tastes are directed toward a variety of different “goods,” rarely is there a sufficient amount of any one of these for everybody who desires it. The supply of any tangible or intangible thing which meets a human need (with the exception of a very few “free goods’’) is limited, and struggle is the inevitable consequence. Society may be regarded as a complex sys- tem of accommodations in which these competitive rela- tions are defined, standardized, and rendered stable. As a result of this struggle, all human relations tend * Manuscript prepared by a former member of the group. Compare Ludwig Gumplowicz, Der Rassenkampf, pp. 158-61. 3See Thomas N. Carver, ‘“‘The Economic Basis of the Problem of Evil,” Harvard Theological Review, I, 99-101.GANG WARFARE 189 to undergo cycles of conflict and accommodation that have definite stages of development and consummation. The typical pattern of such a cycle is presented in brief outline form: Equilibrium of Conflicting Interests Disturbed by New Conditions Results in Unrest Tensions Increase Crisis is Precipitated Conflict the Response to Crisis, May Take Either of Two Forms: Primary Conflict Secondary Conflict Either of These May Be Followed by the Other. Conflict Is Followed by Accommodation First There Is a Tentative Adjustment Process of Accommodation Continues Ultimately There Is a Final Adjustment This Represents a New Equilibrium. This notion of the struggle pattern of life provides a valuable key to the explanation of the gang—its behavior, its relations within the larger framework of social life, its structure, and the status of each of its members with reference to each other. WAR AND PEACE It is important to distinguish warfare from mere mis- chievous or predacious behavior. When there is war there is an issue. The war is carried on, partly because it 1 The various phases of conflict have been discussed in many socio- logical treatises. See chapters and bibliographies on “Competition,” “Conflict,” “Accommodation,” and “Assimilation,” in Robert E. Park and E. W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology. The conflict theories of the German sociologist, Georg Simmel, are interesting in this connection. See ‘The Sociology of Conflict,” translated by Albion W. Small, American Journal of Sociology, 1X, 490-525; 672-89; 798-811; and Nicholas J. Spykman, The Social Theory of Georg Simmel190 THE GANG is exciting and gives free play to impulses otherwise con- trolled, but its outcome is presumed to settle the issue. In this warfare there usually grows up a code; when the battle is fought under the rules, that is to say, in the manner that is regarded as usual and expected, it tends to assume regulated ceremonial character. Then arises the notion of permitting the leaders to fight it out. This is the beginning of accommodation, but now there results a struggle for precedence and prestige. A ball game may be fought with much the same motives as a battle, but rules and standards, not necessarily form- ulated, grow up. Presently the outside world, the larger group, is invited in to act as arbiter: to see fair play and to define the rules. Under these conditions struggle tends to assume the form of regulated play in which the interests are merely subjective—superiority, prestige, etc. It may take the form, however, of a political struggle in which the inter- ests are real rather than ideal. This is the point at which the outsider representing the public and the community may play a réle. He may function in the direction of regulation of conflict in the interest of the larger community. The temptation of the outsider, however, is to make the whole struggle innocu- ous and harmless and so to deprive it of any real meaning. But in Chicago there is evidently a disposition to form a wider organization of gangs, embracing a wider and ever wider territory in which the gangs involved will constitute their own public and regulate their own lives. This tends to result in a junior republic, or rather, a feudal organiza- tion on a grand scale.CHAPTER XII RACE AND NATIONALITY IN THE GANG The gang in Chicago is largely, though not entirely, a phenomenon of the immigrant community of the poorer type.’ Of the 880 gangs for which data have been secured TABLE III RAcES AND NATIONALITIES OF GANGS IN CHICAGO Race or Nationality PGaneeet lu uraan Geass Mixed nationalities..... 351 39.89 Polishte-? ven oe 148 16.82 Italianies Fe. boon 99 Lh 25 IriSHe Rte he eh ha ae 75 nb INGETON er rc ee 63 7.16 American—white....... 45 er Mixed negro-white...... 25 2.84 Jewish yr e ee 20 Dea Slavicnte haere ee 16 1.82 Bohemians vec. ee 12 1.36 Germans sor. vecrele nce: 8 .QI Swedishh ic suana eee ec: 7 .79 Wathuanianeene. sie: 6 69 Miuscellaneousy... sy. 71-% 5 5) Total eee ee. Vey: 880 100 as to race and nationality, only 45 are given as wholly American; while 63 are negro; and 25, mixed colored and white. Of those remaining, 351 are of mixed white nation- alities, while 396 are dominantly or solidly of a single na- tionality group. A few of the members of these gangs are t See chap. i. I9I1g2 THE GANG foreign born, but most of them are children of parents one or both of whom are foreign-born immigrants. Comparison of the percentages of gangs of foreign ex- traction, made up dominantly of one nationality with the TABLE IV GANGS OF SINGLE FOREIGN NATIONALITY IN CHICAGO* oe Number of | Percentage of |PoPulation of|Percentage of aad Gangs | Total | peoretiont | aatactos OUST ere emis. - - 148 BESTT 318,338 16.4 MEAN ANG eee de scsi 3 99 25.00 124,457 6.4 WTSI Pee cee cio cisrs oss 75 18.94 199,956 10.3 ewisDee sees... ss 20 5-05 159,518 8.2. DIAM ICR eet rit I 16 4.04 77,3001 3-9 BonhemMIaADE re oss... 12 3.03 106, 428 aS Germania ets se ss 3 8 2.02 431,340 22.2 SWweaisterr ec... 7 Mee7i7 121,386 6.2 Mth wanian ees «00 - 6 1252 44,0605§ 233 Others ke. fs. 5 1.26 363,501 18.6 Total gangs domi- nantly of one na- fionality.c.. 3) 396 I0O 1,946,298 | 100 * The members of these gangs are largely the sons of foreign-born parents. t The figures for the population groups of foreign extraction have been derived from the census tables on mother-tongues of foreign white stocks as affording the best basis for comparison, with the exception of the Irish figure, which was necessarily derived from Census Table 9 (p. 926) on country of origin of foreign white stocks. See U.S. Census, 1920, Vol. II, Population, pp. 1006-11. t This figure includes Slovak, Russian (including some Russian-speaking Jews), Ruthenian, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, and Bulgarian stocks. § This figure includes Lettish stocks. percentages of persons of each ethnic stock in the total population of foreign extraction in Chicago indicates that the Polish, Italian, and Irish furnish many more gangs than might be expected from their population groups, while among the Swedish and Germans there are rela- tively few gangs.RACE AND NATIONALITY 193 That these figures do not give a fair estimate of the contribution of each foreign stock to Chicago gangs is evident from the fact that there remain 351 gangs of mixed nationality in which the proportions of the vari- ous stocks are unknown. TABLE V NEGRO, FOREIGN, AND AMERICAN GANGS IN CHICAGO Percentage Chicago’s ° Boy Bop Rese Number of|Percentage an ee otal boy 4 |Population Gangs of Total Years of |from ro to Age 24 Years Inclusive | of Age Inclusive American (native white parent- AGE) faces cb, ci eet, se el 45 5.26 83,075| 25.70 INCRT ONG ie es eet aes 63* oe) T2202 |e 7/7, Horeignvextractiony 5 cee 6. 747 877537227501 7ONsO Other races than white or Negro. oot 0.00 416 .14 Motalee ce ee ec 855 100 323,194] 100 * The twenty-five gangs of mixed negroes:and whites are necessarily omitted. t+ A number of Chicago Chinese are members of tongs, which are very similar to gangs. The number of such groups is not known. A comparison of the percentages of gangs of negro race and of white foreign and native extraction with the percentages of boys (ten to twenty-four years old) of these groups in Chicago shows that the gang is largely a phe- nomenon of the immigrant community; that the negro population of the city provides more than its share of such groups; and that the native white population of native parentage, which has 25.70 per cent of the boys, contributes only 5.26 per cent of the gangs. The small contribution of the American element is further empha-194 THE GANG sized by the fact that large portions of the forty-five gangs returned as American are undoubtedly of foreign extrac- tion. OLD WORLD ANTAGONISMS Chicago has the character of a vast cultural frontier— a common meeting place for the divergent and antago- nistic peoples of the earth. Traditional animosities are often carried over into gangs and color many of their con- flicts in Chicago. It should be pointed out at the outset, however, that conflict between gangs is organized primarily on a terri- torial rather than on a racial or nationality basis.‘ Re- gardless of race, fighting goes on over the imaginary lines along streets, alleys, canals, rivers, railroad tracks, and elevations, which constitute boundaries between gang ter- ritories. In the bitter Hamburg-Canaryville wars partici- pants on both sides were largely Irish. HAMBURG VS. CANARYVILLE 108. If you’ve ever lived back of the yards, you’ve heard of Hamburg. And, of course, if you’ve heard of Hamburg, you’ve heard of Canaryville. Hamburg ran from Thirty-first to Fortieth. And south of Fortieth was Canaryville. The deadline was the old street-car tracks. No Hamburg lad, unless he thirsted for a fight, crossed the dead line. Vice versa for the Canaryvillians. But sometimes—on Saturday nights—there was mutual thirst. And the broken noses and black eyes that were seen the following Sunday were too numer- ous to count. That was sheer boyhood stuff. The political aspect was found in that other noted feud that raged between Tom Carey’s “Indians” and Mike McInerney’s gang—Mike, the old gray wolf as they t See p. 175.RACE AND NATIONALITY 195 called him in the days when he trained with Roger Sullivan. Carey’s bunch ruled west of Halsted. Mike’s held undisputed sway east of it.? Where an area is dominantly of one nationality, soli- darity is national as well as territorial, and old world antagonisms are carried over into gang wars. Among the most bitter of these intercultural enmities transplanted from the old world is that between the Jews and the Poles. This is particularly marked during periods when the Jews in anti-Semitic countries are suffering from pogroms. The two most important Jewish-Polish fron- tiers in Chicago are those between the Jewish settlement of Lawndale and the Polish colony to the southeast across Ogden Avenue and Douglas Park, and between the ex- tensive Polish community concentrated about Milwaukee Avenue and the large Jewish colony extending westward to Humboldt Park.? In the border strife between these regions the gangs have taken an active part. DIVERTING A PARADE rog. An interesting collision occurred in the winter of 1920-21 shortly after the tension in public opinion over the Russian-Jewish massacres. The Poles proposed on one of their holidays to hold a parade down Division Street through Jewish territory. Jewish poli- ticlans went to the city hall in an attempt to get an injunction against the parade, but their efforts were unavailing. A gang of Jewish lads, seventeen to twenty-three years of age, then took the matter into their own hands. They armed themselves with guns and barred the way of the parade, which then chose the Milwaukee Fred D. Pasley, “Early Days Recalled ‘Back o’ the Yards,’ ” Chicago Herald and Examiner, 1924. 2 See map folded in back of book,196 THE GANG Avenue route. Members of the gang were hailed into court on ac- count of their participation in the affair.* At about the same time the WWW’s are alleged to have successfully stemmed an invasion of Lawndale from the southeast by Polish gangs intent on following the example of their kinsmen across the seas and holding a pogrom in the Jewish residential area. Similar clashes are a common occurrence on the Lawndale frontier, especially in and about Douglas Park whose privileges are used by both Poles and Jews. WARFARE ON A JEWISH-POLISH FRONTIER 110. In the summer of 1921 it was rumored that a few Jewish boys had been assaulted when passing through the Polish communi- ty to the southeast. Thereupon a gang of young Jews (considered “sluggers” in the neighborhood) assembled and, led by ‘‘Nails”’ ——, made for the Polish district to seek apologies. They went to the street corners indicated by the boys who had been attacked and started a free-for-all fight. After a sufficient amount of physical punishment had been administered, they withdrew. During the period that followed clashes were frequent. One Saturday a group of Jewish boys, who were playing baseball in Douglas Park, were attacked by a gang of about thirty Polish lads. Everything from rotten tomatoes to housebricks was used for am- munition in the onslaught. The news of the affray reached the poolroom hang-outs and brought the much needed reinforcement. Men like ‘‘Nails” and ‘“‘Nigger” went into the fight for revenge. A good many others including high-school boys, amateur prize fighters, and hangers-on of the poolrooms were eager for the fun of “helping the Hebes lick the Polocks.” Their slogan was “Wallop the Polock!” and they rushed fifty strong to the scene of battle. Finally, policemen dispersed what was left of the Polish gang. t Interview with a social worker.RACE AND NATIONALITY 197 It was dangerous for Jewish boys to travel unprotected through Polish territory or through Douglas Park, which was a sort of “‘no man’s land” on the frontier between the two regions. On one oc- casion a young Jewish boy was sent on an errand by his mother, and came back with a hole in his head, made by a broken milk bottle hurled by a hidden Polish sharpshooter. Use of the privileges afforded by Douglas Park, which was a common meeting place of the two groups, has always been a bone of contention. There is a refectory and boathouse in the northern portion of the park, which under normal circumstances is open to members of any race or creed. During this period, however, it was a different story. Some days the Jews dominated, but when a gang of Poles larger in number approached, the former would leave. On one occasion the two gangs were of about the same size and the result was a pitched battle. Not only did the gangs along Roosevelt Road participate in these encounters, but also the social and “‘basement”’ clubs of Lawndale found a good opportunity for sport in the “Polock hunt.” A club starting out on such an expedition would almost certainly pick up other gangs and become the nucleus for a mob before it finished. Usually the Jewish boys involved were not personally ac- quainted with their enemies. It was enough that they were Poles, and vice versa. It was a matter of racial, cultural, and religious solidarity.t Even the Orient brings its animosities to Chicago, as is illustrated in clashes between Syrian and Assyrian Per- sians. PERSIAN BATTLES 111. For several years there has been an unwritten law that no Syrian Persian be allowed north of Huron Street on Clark Street. Five members of the race wandered into a coffee shop there and sat down at a table to play cards. In a short time six Assyrian Persians entered the place and saw them. They walked to the table, it is said, and remarked that the Syrians had better get off t Manuscript prepared by a resident of the area.198 THE GANG the street. At that the five Syrians started to fight. In a moment other men in the place drew knives and advanced on the battlers. Chairs were overturned and windows broken. The fight led out to the street. Finally more than two hundred had taken it up..... : NEW NATIONALITY FRICTIONS When nationalities and races become segregated into relatively homogeneous groups such as immigrant colo- nies, antagonisms are likely to develop irrespective of pre- vious relations in other countries or localities. GERMANS AND HUNGARIANS VS. ITALIANS 112. A gang of about twenty German-American boys, includ- ing a few Hungarians, lived in a German-Hungarian community adjacent to the northern boundary of Little Sicily in the North Side jungles. Across this boundary lived the enterprising Black- hawk gang composed of boys of about the same age, twelve to fourteen years. These two groups possessed a natural enmity for each other in which the nationality factor played a large part. The German-American gang fixed up a clubroom in a coal shed, which became a target for attacks from the invading Italians. The result of a severe stone fight was the complete rout of the German- Americans, whereupon the Italian forces seized the hang-out and broke up all the furniture.? POLES VS. GREEKS AND ITALIANS 113. The industrial, railroad, and river region about Western Avenue and Twenty-sixth Street has long been a frontier between hostile immigrant colonies. Formerly street-fights, in which gangs from the rival territories took a leading part, were common in the neighborhood. They are said to have been participated in by from one hundred to fifteen hundred people. The residents of a Polish colony to the northeast, lead by such gangs as the “‘Hillers,” who * News item, Chicago Tribune, July 11, 1922. 2 Interview with a social worker.RACE AND NATIONALITY 199 dug themselves in along the canals, would wage pitched battles with many Greeks and Italians from the southwest. A boy was shot through the heart in one of these fights.* CULTURE CONFLICTS AND GANG SUCCESSION In the growth of Chicago it has repeatedly happened that one immigrant or racial group has invaded the terri- tory of another, gradually driving out the former, only to be itself displaced later by a still different cultural or racial group. This process of invasion and succession is both personal and impersonal and involves both com- petition and conflict. Accompanying this succession of communities is a cor- responding succession of gangs, although gang names and traditions may persist in spite of changes in nationalities. GANG SUCCESSION IN THE VALLEY? 114. The population of the Valley [southwest of the Ghetto], beginning with the fifties and continuing after the fire of ’71, was dominantly Irish. Fighting was prevalent, burglaries were numer- ous, and the boys of the neighborhood looked up to their leaders as the Robin Hoods or Jesse Jameses of their times. Asa result the Maxwell Street police court had the highest number of cases of any court in the country with the exception of one in New York (this was in the period between 1870 and 1895). There was one noteworthy Irish gang that began to dominate in the eighties and nineties, the M gang. This group, composed of twelve members between nineteen and thirty years of age, hung out at Newberry and Fourteenth streets. They had headquarters in a saloon owned by the M family, about which the gang seemed to center. They began, however, as a street gang; among their activities were raiding fruit and vegetable cars on the tracks t Interview with a park director. 2 See p. 14 and map in back of book. RAYMOND UHL200 THE GANG and molesting peddlers. Their members included saloon-keepers, fences, thieves, and political fixers. Two or. three of the M—— family have committed murder, but no one has been hanged for it owing to close-mouthedness and political influence. The Germans began to invade the neighborhood as early as the fifties and sixties and the Jews began coming in about 1880. The Irish gangs terrorized the Germans and Jews until about 1900 when they lost their majority in the district, although they retained some degree of political control until about 1908. The Germans and Jews, who were more industrious, gradually pre-empted the better houses and became so important numerically and politically that they could make a protest against the sandbagging proclivities of the Irish. The result was that the Irish went to prison, changed their habits, or moved out, and the district became quiet about 1900. A still later invasion of this territory has been the Lithuanian. Gangs of Lithuanian boys and some Russians have become active and the Maxwell Street district possesses a number of Jewish gangs. The Irish and the Jews have come to a sort of accommodation in the course of their dwelling together in the district. The Jew lets the Irish do his fighting and Irish women often get employment from Jews, working in Jewish homes on Saturdays. The Old World antagonism between Lithuanian and Jew, however, has been car- ried over and the Lithuanian and Jewish elements clash in Stanford Park, which the non-Jewish gangs call ‘“Jew Park” and which they claim is monopolized by the Jews.* A similar process has taken place in Bridgeport where the original Irish population has given way before the Germans, who are in turn being displaced by the Poles.’ Interterritorial feuds often become traditional, and quarrels are handed down long after the racial complexion of the regions has changed and the original causes of the dispute have been forgotten. Such is the case of the t Interview with a social worker, long a resident of the district. 2 Interviews with social workers in the district.RACE AND NATIONALITY 201 Dukies and the Shielders (together known as the “‘Mick- ies”), who occupy long strips of rival territory on either side of the railroad tracks along Stewart Avenue in the South Side badlands.* THE DUKIES VS. THE SHIELDERS 115. In the earlier days when the northern portion of the Mickies’ domain was Irish with a mixture of Swedes, there were nothing but cabbage patches and prairies where the White Sox ball park stands at present. “De furder y’ go, de tougher it gets— I live at Toity-Toid an de tracks, De last house on de corner, An dere’s blood on de door,” has been a kind of ditty since 1898. Fighting was common among the Irish gangs of those days, who thought nothing of throwing stones and shooting. Groups like the “Bearfoots,” the “Ham- burgs,”’ and the “Old Rose Athletic Club,” organized by a distillery of that name, were formed in this period, and out of them have come many vigorous politicians and some world-famed athletes. It is said that the names ‘‘Dukies” and “Shielders” are a heritage from these older gangs. The traditional hostilities between the territories have been kept up, however, in spite of the radical changes that have taken place. The Irish and the Swedes in the northern section have given way before the Italians who are now the dominant nationality. What was formerly a Swedish church, for example, is now an Italian ink factory. When Armour Square was organized in 1906 the Dukies went in to take charge of and run the park; this brought an inevitable conflict with the Shielders. Despite their animosities, however, they have united on occasion and, as the ‘“‘Mickies,”’ have engaged in hostilities more or less continuously with the negro gangs to the east of them. The race riots of 1919 were to some extent a culmination of this warfare. * See document Ios, p. 184. ? Interviews.202 THE GANG THE RACIAL FRONTIER There are two kinds of neighborhoods in Chicago oc- cupied by negroes.’ In one type the negroes and whites have become adjusted to each other and friction is either non-existent or negligible. In the other or non-adjusted neighborhoods there is opposition, either organized or unorganized, which often gives the area of friction the character of a frontier between white and black districts. The most important colored-white frontier in Chicago is that on the western boundary of the Black Belt. Clashes occurred along this boundary for many years be- fore the race riots of 1919 and they have continued since.’ RACE RIOTS AND THE GANG The events immediately preceding the riot illustrate the development of a culminating crisis, while the riot itself represents the following period of conflict. Through- out this period the gangs played a very important part. GANG ACTIVITIES IN THE RACE RIOTS OF I9QIQ 116. Gangs and their activities were an important factor throughout the riot. But for them it is doubtful if the riot would have gone beyond the first clash. Both organized gangs and those which sprang into existence because of the opportunity afforded, seized upon the excuse of the first conflict to engage in lawless acts. It was no new thing for youthful white and Negro groups to come to violence. For years, .... there had been clashes over baseball grounds, swimming-pools in the parks, the right to walk on certain streets, etc. Gangs whose activities figured so prominently in the riot were t The Chicago Commission on Race Relations, The Negro in Chicago, p. 108. 2 The Chicago Commission on Race Relation, of. cit., p. 115.RACE AND NATIONALITY 203 all white gangs, or “athletic clubs.”” Negro hoodlums do not appear to form organized gangs so readily. Judges of the municipal court said that there are no gang organizations among Negroes to com- pare with those found among young whites. The stock yards district, just west of the main Negro area, is the home of many of these white gangs and clubs; . . . . Thestate’s attorney, .... referred to many young offenders who come from this particular district. A police detective sergeant who investi- gated the riot cases in this district said of this section, “It is a pretty tough neighborhood to try to get any information out there; you can’t do it.” A policeman on the beat in the district said, “There is the Canaryville bunch in there and the Hamburg bunch. It is a pretty tough hole in there.” .... Gangs operated for hours up and down Forty-seventh Street, Wells, Princeton, Shields and Wentworth avenues and Federal Street without hindrance from the police. A judge of the municipal court said in testimony before the Commission: “They seemed to think they had a sort of protection which entitled them to go out and assault anybody. When the race riots occurred it gave them something to satiate the desire to inflict their evil propensities on others.”’! THE BLACK HAND AND ITALIAN GANGS In addition to precipitating conflict between gangs, differences of race and nationality affect other phases of gang life. The so-called “Black Hand,” for example, represents an American adaptation of an institution or at least a tradition indigenous to southern Italy and Sicily. In America it is a secret gang, whose chief purposes seem to be blackmail, private vengeance, and domination of the * Chicago Commission on Race Relations, of. cit.; see pp. 11-17 for an account of the part played by gangs and clubs in the riots.204 THE GANG Italian-American community by intimidation and vio- lence. ; 117. It is certainly true that the spirit of mafia, camorra, and vendetta, the most notorious of the Italian heritages, which devel- oped here into the Black Hand activities, has had a paralyzing effect upon the development of Italian life. Before 1905, in New York, Chicago, New Orleans, Pennsylvania, Ohio, wherever Ital- lans were congregated, systematic blackmail and murder produced a feeling of insecurity and terror unfavorable to all constructive activity. The Italian community had no power of organization to com- bat a practice which was traditional and operated like one of the laws of nature. The Italian press got as much news value as possi- ble out of the situation, and threw the blame on the Americans, claiming that they admitted too many Italian criminals and that the American police and court system were defective in comparison with the Italian. But gradually as the practice became epidemic, affecting all classes of Italians and involving Americans also, the Italian community and the American police were forced by public opinion into an alliance which succeeded in abating the evil. Although no detailed study of this problem has been made, there are many indications that numerous secret Black Hand gangs ply their trade in Chicago. Twelve murders were attributed to Chicago Black Hand groups for the first six months of 1925. One informant who has long lived in “‘Little Sicily”’ declares that there have been three hundred Black Hand murders here in the past forty- five years. To speak about the Black Hand is bad form among the Italians,’ but the educated Italian slyly winks * Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, Old World Traits Trans- planted, p. 241. 2Park and Miller, of. cit., pp. 248-49. For the story of the reform movement, see pp. 250-57. 3 Park and Miller, of. cit., pp. 247-48.RACE AND NATIONALITY 205 when he tells the investigator that there is no Camorra in Chicago. The Black Hand often takes advantage of Italian family solidarity in levying its blackmail tribute. Its victims may be driven to yield to its demands or to com- mit crimes for it for fear that their sisters will suffer ab- duction and outrage." The police take a rather fatalistic attitude toward this type of killing on account of the lack of co-operation by those who might give information.? The general code of gangland is one of silence even with regard to one’s own assailant; the gangster prefers to get his vengeance in his own way. It seems to be a matter of national habit with southern Italians in Chicago not to see or hear anything which could throw any light on the commission of a crime; and this undoubtedly is a matter of self-preservation, as well as the result of a desire to keep these matters out of the hands of American police and court officials. Another Italian institution, of Corsican origin, which to some extent has been transplanted to America, is the t Interview with a teacher in a gang area. 2 This attitude of resignation on the part of the authorities was some- what modified when in February 1926 the Federal government through its Bureau of Immigration began a drive to deport all alien gangsters, directing its efforts particularly against the Sicilian criminal element in Chicago. This move came after a venire of three hundred men had been exhausted in a futile attempt to get a jury in a murder case in which Italians were defendants. It was said that fear of future vengeance at the hands of the gang deterred the veniremen from serving on the jury. The method of deportation was adopted because of the supposed magical effect of a similar drive in stopping tong wars. 3See Marie Leavitt, “Report on the Sicilian Colony in Chicago” (manuscript), quoted in Park and Miller, op. cit., p. 248.206 THE GANG vendetta. This is similar to the blood-feud in the Ken- tucky mountains, in Montenegro, among Greek gambling factions in Chicago, and elsewhere. The ritual of the ven- detta, it is said, involves the dipping of the hand into the blood of a murdered kinsman, prior to a campaign of vengeance. ITALIAN BLOODTHIRSTINESS 118. Judge of the Chicago Criminal Court brought out in the course of a trial the custom of the Italian knife-fighter who is about to engage in conflict, of drawing blood by breaking the skin of the roof of his mouth with his index finger, his desire being to see and taste blood so that he may fight better. The name “Black Hand’’ is often copied by adolescent gangs of all nationalities, because of its diabolical con- notation.? The vendetta, too, is enacted in juvenile gangs. The burial customs of the Italians, whose costly funerals confer prestige, are carried over into the elaborate rites conducted for murdered Italian gangsters. The Italian system of chaperonage is another instance of an immigrant custom that has a bearing on the gang. Italian girls above twelve years of age are not permitted on the streets or in the company of members of the other sex outside of the family unless accompanied by a female relative. When they reach marriageable age, they are married off to approved suitors. In this way many of the problems of the boy during the same period are avoided. There is no possibility of the entrance of Italian girls into gang relationships, because they are so thoroughly in- corporated during adolescence into the family structure. t Student’s manuscript on the court system in a gang area. 2 See the story of Itschkie’s ‘‘Black Hand Society,” document 188, p. 310.NERAL rT 4 A GANGSTER FLU dely advertised through the spectacular aspects of gangster funerals. The photograph shows ri Chicago’s supposed ‘‘crime wave” has been w the great crowds which attempted to get a glimps people sought to attend the funeral, which s. Fifteen thousand ester l gan x truck-loads of flowers banked the grave. The gang, ob ed cameras, smashed plates, and assaulted photographer y rliva ang leader assassinated by € e of the $10,000 casket of a g ject- y-si twenty , 1 to have cost $100,000 is saic S: is Occasion, seiz spaper photographs on th ing to new208 THE GANG The boys, on the other hand, are free and on the cultural frontiers the gang comes to occupy an important place in their life. Sex hostility and morbid sex practice in some Italian gangs have sometimes been attributed to this rigid system of chaperonage which prevents wholesome con- tacts of Italian boys with girls of the same nationality. THE TONGS AS CHINESE GANGS Although tongs are said to have existed and to have arisen first in the Straits Settlements, most observers agree that the tongs are the product of the Chinese- American community; and some say that they originated in California and Nevada at the time of the Gold Rush. THE NATURE OF THE TONGS 119. To start with, practically all Chinese tongs that resort to the use of gunmen are merely blackmailing organizations. Self- respecting Chinese don’t belong to them. Contrary to general be- lief, the tongs are an American product. They did not come to us from China. They originated in California and Nevada during the early Gold Rush, and had their inception in the theory that might makes right. The meaning of the word tong is “protective society.”’ For a yearly fee, one tong will guarantee protection to its members against any enemies they may happen to have in a rival tong. As a side issue of their protective operations, most tongs exercise monopolies either in gambling, slave dealing, drug smuggling, or some similar line. All tong killings are paid murders and all tong gunmen are paid killers. In order to maintain prestige, the tongs maintain a regular pay-roll for killers in peace time. Because the officials of the tongs involved in the killings put up the price for these killings, they are more responsible for the murders than their paid killers, who get out and do their bidding. Every tong murder committedRACE AND NATIONALITY 209 is with the full knowledge of tong officers, and for every murder they pay out cash..... x 120, The tong, which is as American as chop suey, started when California, in the Gold days, needed plenty of Chinese labor. It began as a benevolent association or a trade union or a social club. Then tong men found they could make money by intensive organization, plus hatchets. The idea spread through the years and the tongs grew because even the most peaceable Chinese would rather perish at the hands of fellow-countrymen than be saved by asking the white man to interfere. How many tongs there are in America few men know, if any man. New York has had three big ones, but there have been traces of others here now and then.? | There can be no question but that the tongs function in the Chinese-American community in much the same way as do the more indigenous criminal and semi-criminal gangs of our great cities. Even the Chinese have recog- nized the relationship of the tongs to American groups. A Chinese official in San Francisco makes the following statement: 121. The man who runs a tong is usually an old man, of course, born in China, but about half the men in tongs are young men. They would correspond to your Ragen Colt gangs, I think.3 The tong in America is a symptom of disorganization in the Chinese-American community; or it may be thought of as an attempt to organize in defense of certain interests, chiefly illegal in their nature. 1 Sergeant Jack Manion, head of the Chinatown squad, San Fran- cisco Police Department, quoted in the Literary Digest, December 13, 1924, p. 13. : , “New Style Highbinder Fights Tong Wars Today,” New York Times, October 19, 1924, p. 4. 3Interview with a Chinese official, San Francisco, October, 1924, by Winifred Raushenbush.210 THE GANG THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE FIGHTING TONGS 122. Somewhat different from the highbinders, are the “fight- ing tongs.” They were organized for the most part about 1870 when the Chinese in California were being attacked. They have become traditional defense organizations which may have been partly patriotic in their origin, but which now function in helping the Chinese when they get in trouble in this country, for example, when they have to go to court. The original patterns for them be- gan in the United States. They were district, rather than family organizations. The On Leongs, who control the Twenty-second Street district in Chicago, were the first to come and are the richest group in this country. The Hip Sings, who control the South Clark Street area and who came from the mountainous regions, are a younger and a poorer group. The trouble in the most recent Chinese tong war, which in- volved the whole country, was that a certain On Leong wanted to be president of the tong. Failing in this, he bolted to the Hip Sings, where he built up a group of gunmen. About one-half of the Chinese in San Francisco are alleged to be members of tongs. The tongs get their chief income from some form of illegal business, fleecing their own countrymen rather than members of other races. Their members are engaged in or are ac- cessory to traffic in dope, smuggling Chinese into this country, dealing in Chinese slave girls, and gambling. It is said that all Chinese gamblers are tong men, necessarily so from the standpoint of protection. Since the tong is often a blackmailing organization, it is somewhat analogous to the American-Italian black hand, which preys upon wealthy Italians. The Chinese, however, are more help- less than the Italians in a similar situation because American cus- toms and institutions are even more foreign to them, and there is no superior authority to settle their disputes, which cannot be handled without great difficulty in American courts.! It is thought by some observers that the so-called “Highbinder” tongs developed out of the fighting tongs. «Largely from an interview with Winifred Raushenbush, an authority on the Chinese in America.RACE AND NATIONALITY 211 This is analogous to the growth of the American gang of professional thugs and gunmen from a group first devel- oped in conflict and then gradually turning to crime and attracting criminal elements to it. THE HIGHBINDER TONGS 123. It is not possible at the present time to say what the origin or history of the present highbinder tongs has been. Newspaper records show that there were feuds and killings at a very early time. As there has always been illegal business of one kind and another, it may be assumed that these killings were, for the most part, between underworld characters. It is quite clear that through the creation of fighting tongs composed of young men who represented the interest of a district or family association, but not directly connected with it, an attempt was made to keep the feud confined to something like a soldiery. The highbinder tong probably arises where this “‘soldiery”’ be- comes professional in character. Some clever business man, dealing in the more profitable and illicit forms of business, who was also what is known in a Chinese village as a bully, must have seen the advantage to be gained by terrorizing a city community with his gang of professional soldiers, as the bully terrorizes the village with his gang of hangers-on. This cursory examination of the Chinese tongs indi- cates their generic relationship to the gang: their origin in a conflict situation and subsequent professionalization to carry on or protect some illicit business. The tong represents a cultural frontier, for Chinese social organiza- tion is inadequate in so foreign an environment as Amer- ica. It represents a moral frontier as well in the case of the highbinder tong, which operates through blackmail and * Winifred Raushenbush, “Preliminary Notes on the Organiza- tion of the Chinese in the United States” (manuscript).212 THE GANG thrives on illegal enterprises which escape American social control. GANGS AMONG OTHER NATIONALITIES Among the Irish, fighting has been described as a sort of national habit. Bricks are popularly known as “Trish confetti.” The Irish make good politicians and good po- licemen. It is said that the Jews own New York, but the Irish run it. Irish gangs are probably the most pugnacious of all; not only do they defend themselves, but they seem to look for trouble. Irish names are the favorites for Jewish and Polish “pugs” who assume them for prize fighting. Irish athletic clubs are probably the most nu- merous and most vigorous in Chicago. There is probably a historical as well as the stereo- typed temperamental explanation for the “‘chip-on-the shoulder” attitude of the Irish. It is a culture complex. THE IRISH CHIP-ON-THE-SHOULDER ATTITUDE 124. Our immediate ancestors, fathers and grandfathers, felt the iron heel upon their necks in their early lives, and in our child- hood we were fed with stories of eviction, landlord oppressions, and religious persecutions which sent us to bed night after night in fear and trembling lest before morning some Englishman should get into the house and snatch the children away in chains and slavery. Growing older we went into the world and met, more often than not, petty persecutions at the hands of those who did not under- stand us and the things we held sacred. We saw in it all, translated to this side of the Atlantic, the same spirit of persecution which drove our fathers from the land of their birth, and we have come to manhood carrying chips on our shoulders because of the things which men have done to us on account of our race and religion. Herbert A. Miller, Races, Nations, and Classes (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co.), pp. 108-9. Quoted from the letter of an Irish president of an American school board.P.& A. Photo TONGMEN Such Chinese tongs as the Hip Sings and On Leongs, which have carried on extensive and fatal warfare with each other, constitute what ivities llegal act ing i in promoting and protect The tongs are essentially interested ican community. corresponds to gangs in the Chinese-Amer such as trade in slave girls and opium, as well as blackmailing. (See documents 119-23, pp. 208-11.)214 THE GANG The Jews, in contrast with the Irish, do not form gangs so readily. Their family and religious life, even among the poorest classes, is better organized and pro- vides more adequately for the activities of the boy. More- over, their cultural heritage, while it has necessarily in- cluded racial and religious solidarity, has lacked the tradi- tion of territorial and political unity—they are interna- tional rather than national. A Jewish ideal, especially as exemplified in business, seems to be individual aggression and success, for they have long abandoned the idea of a native political state and only recently has it been re- vived in the Zionist movement. It is partly for these reasons that Jewish gangs are not formed except under conditions of relatively great disorganization or pressure (such as Polish opposition). Jews are not as great fighters with their fists as the Irish; they prefer to carry on their conflicts with argument, to which they have necessarily been restricted in those coun- tries where anti-Semitism has flourished. Hence, a de- bating society makes a great appeal to Jewish lads. Ado- lescent Jewish gangs are predatory rather than combative in type. In spite of their general backwardness in physical combat, however, their freedom from external control has led them to respond to the hard, rough life with which they have been confronted in the West Side wilderness, and there they have developed several older gangs such as the WWW’s and the TTT’s than which there are no “tougher” in Chicago. About one fourth of the member- ship of the WWW’s is composed of professional prize fighters, and more than once this gang has struck terror into the hearts of overaggressive Polish groups. JewishRACE AND NATIONALITY 215 leadership of gangs of other nationalities, dependent on wit rather than physical prowess, is not uncommon, al- though Jewish boys probably more often follow an Irish leader. DEMOCRACY AND AMERICANIZATION IN THE GANG Of the 880 gangs upon which data are available as to race and nationality, 396 are dominantly of single nation- alities, while 351 are of mixed nationality. While gangs of the former type often carry into their quarrels Old World feuds and antipathies, it is a striking fact that where conditions are favorable to intermingling of differ- ent nationalities, there is extensive fraternization in the same gang of boys from these diverse and often antago- nistic groups and races. DEMOCRACY 125. “I never ask what nationality he is,”’ declared a Lithua- nian gang leader of thirteen years. “‘A Jew or a nigger can be a pal of mine if he’s a good fellow.” “Aw, we never ask what nationality dey are,” said a Polish gang boy. “If dey are good guys, dey get in our gang. Dat’s all we want.” The obliteration of race and nationality distinctions in the gang displays a primitive sort of democracy that cuts through conventional discriminations in the same economic stratum. Gang antagonisms are more likely to arise between groups of different economic levels. This is suggestive of the old hostility between ‘‘town and gown’’—the town roughs and college boys. The “rich kids” are usually given some sort of opprobrious epithet ‘Interviews with gang boys.216 THE GANG by the gangs, such as “‘sissies,’’ and they in turn retort with ‘“‘tough-mugs.” CANDY KIDS 126. One day the boys in our crowd were riding their bicycles in a poorer section of town on the other side of the creek. Some of the boys of that part of the town came out yelling ‘‘candy kids” and began throwing stones. They so far outnumbered us that we soon retreated. The next day we gathered in all our friends and returned to the neighborhood where a rough-and-tumble battle took place. We were victors on that occasion, but the inci- dent was the beginning of a feud between the ‘‘candy kids” and the “soup bones,” which lasted well through our high school days.' In Eugene O’Neill’s play, ‘‘All God’s Chillun Got Wings,” the point is made that children know no color line, at least in those sections of a city where different races grow up and play together. This is quite evident in the adjusted black and white neighborhoods in Chicago, for colored and white boys are quite at home in the same gang. The negro invasion into the Ghetto in Chicago has been marked by fraternization of Jewish and negro boys. JEWISH-NEGRO FRIENDLINESS 127. About 10,000 southern negroes have recently come into the Ghetto region. Here they are paying $12 a month for quarters formerly rented for $8 but now too dilapidated for Jewish occu- pancy. The Jewish landlords are making a good thing of it, for the negroes even make their own repairs. The negro boys brought in by this migration are being received in a friendly way by Jewish boys, and Jewish gangs are now frater- nizing with the negroes.” * Manuscript prepared by a former member of the group. 2Interview with a resident in the district. See also chap. xviii.RACE AND NATIONALITY 217 Such facts show how superficial are the barriers of national and racial hostility which keep these groups apart, when there is real community of interest. To call this fraternization of diverse groups in the gang “‘Ameri- canization,” however, is to miss the point.* Assimilation to the gang and its activities does not mean genuine Americanization, for gang activities usually are symptoms of immigrant disorganization and are demoralizing in the long run.? THE CULTURAL FRONTIER A superficial conclusion might easily be drawn from the statistics presented at the beginning of this chapter that the immigrant peoples of the city are responsible for gangs and all the problems related to them. Such an in- ference would be entirely erroneous. Native white Ameri- can boys of the same economic and social classes as the children of immigrants enter into gangs just as readily, but their identity is lost because of the vastly greater number of the children of foreign-born parentage in the regions of life where ganging takes place. It is not because the boys of the middle and wealthier classes are native white that they do not form gangs but because their lives are organized and stabilized for them by American tradi- tions, customs, and institutions to which the children of immigrants do not have adequate access. The gang, on the other hand, is simply one symptom of a type of dis- organization that goes along with the breaking up of the t “Far more than we realize, the boys’ gang is helping out the public school in the great problem of assimilating the diverse races of the United States.”—J. Adams Puffer, The Boy and His Gangs, p. 27. 2 See chap. xix.218 THE GANG immigrant’s traditional social system without adequate assimilation to the new. At home the immigrant was almost completely controlled by the community; in America this lifelong control is relaxed. Here the community of his people is at best far from complete, and, moreover, it is located within the American community, which lives by different and more individualistic standards, and shows, as we have seen, a contempt for all the characteristics of the new- COMerS) = 41. There is, of course, violation of the traditional code—breaking of the law—in all societies, and there is at present a general problem of demoralization in the regions from which our immigrants come, particularly where the peasant population has come into contact with the industrial centers or practices seasonal emigration (as from Poland to Germany); but the demoralization, maladjustment, pauperization, juvenile delinquency, and crime are incomparably greater among the immigrants in America than in the correspond- ing European communities.t The extensive demoralization which exists in the Polish-American community is a good example of the cultural frontier which provides fertile soil for the devel- opment of the gang. Intense pride of nationality, which has sometimes been described and explained as an ‘‘op- pression psychosis,’ has often led the Poles in America to concentrate their energies on the development of Polish spirit and patriotism at the sacrifice of adjustment to American society. There is a high degree of disorgani- zation in Chicago among the poor Polish populations, 1 Park and Miller, op. cit., pp. 61-62. Also compare Edwin H. Suth- erland, Criminology, pp. 131-33. 2Miller, Races, Nations, and Classes, pp. 32-38; 74-77. 3 Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, Old World Traits Trans- planted, pp. 227-34.RACE AND NATIONALITY 219 which are almost entirely neglected by the influential na- tionalistic organizations.* POLISH DISORGANIZATION The second generation is better adapted intellectually to the practical conditions of American life, but on the average their moral horizon grows still narrower and their social interests still shallower. One might expect to find fewer cases of active demoralization, of antisocial behavior, than in the first generation which has to pass through the crisis of adaptation to new conditions. And yet it is a well-known fact that even the number of crimes is proportionately much larger among the children of immigrants than among the mmigrants themselves.? What is true of the Poles is probably true also of the poorer classes which constitute the bulk of the population in all our area-of-first-settlement foreign communities in Chicago. The conflict between American Christianity and Old World Judaism further illustrates a failure to harmonize divergent cultures. A RELIGIOUS FRONTIER 128. Another issue for group organization is the matter of Christian missions established in certain Jewish areas. Rowdyism develops in connection with the mission meetings and seems to be an expression of the general resentment of the Jewish camp. A bunch of young fellows will go in and do various things to break up the meeting; for example, they will pretend they have been converted and then go out laughing. Or they will interrupt the meeting at its emotional climax and, when put out, will throw t William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, V, “Organization and Disorganization in America,” p- 54- 2Thomas and Znaniecki, op. cit. (Boston: Richard G. Badger), pp. 168-69.220 THE GANG stones. Members of such gangs of rough Jewish fellows range in age from seventeen to twenty-four years. Even Jewish children in elementary and high schools have a tendency to band together to ward off discrimination. Some of these missions are located near California and Division streets. Others are on Kedzie Avenue between Twelfth and Thir- teenth streets. In the former neighborhood the Jews have estab- lished a Young Men’s Hebrew Association, which may be con- sidered a sort of outpost of their religion. The gang, then, to sum up, is one manifestation of the disorganization incident to cultural conflict among diverse nations and races gathered together in one place and themselves in contact with a civilization foreign and large- ly inimical to them. At base the problem is one of rec- conciling these divergent heritages with each other and with America.” If there has been any failure here, it can hardly be laid at the door of the immigrant. 1 Interview with a social worker. 2 See Park and Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted, for a full state- ment of this position.CHAPTER XIII SEX IN THE GANG The influence of sex upon life in the gang varies with the age and biological development of its members. In some of the younger gangs a girl mi may play the same réle as a boy. Among the gangs of younger adolescents, there is a definite indifference or hostility to girls as such, al- though sex interests may be evident in various types of auto-erotic ac activity. The members of the older adolescent or young adult gang usually have a definite though half- concealed interest in girls. Dates and dancing become important, girls’ groups may enter into alliance with the gang, and certain girls may be taken under its protection or in other cases may actually become members of the gang in their sexual capacity. On the whole, however, it is safe to say that sex rep- resents a decidedly secondary activity in the gang. In the adolescent group in particular, it is subordinated to the primary interests of conflict and adventure to which it is extraneous. As the gang grows olt older, however, sex gets more attention, in most cases ultimately supplanting the gz gang entirely to the extent that its members marry and enter into family relationships. SEX IN THE YOUNGER ADOLESCENT GANG In the gang of younger adolescent boys, the usual attitude is one of indifference, scorn, or open hostility to 221222 THE GANG girls and their characteristics which are classified as Sissy rr? ae. —— A “HARD-BOILED EGG” 129. The leader of our gang was what is usually termed a “hard rock.” He was the leader because he was the “hardest” and be- cause he had a strip clipped off through the hair on his head so that he might show the girls how little he cared for what they thought of his looks. Most adolescent gang boys are emphatic in denying that they go with girls: they ‘‘don’t like no girls.”” When asked why, they give a variety of reasons: They are too young; the girls do not like them; there are no girls around; they get nothing out of it and all girls do is spend money and get them into trouble. In many cases there is evidence of sex hostility: the girls stick their tongues out and “‘tattle.” “T KILL THE GIRLS” 130. “Do you like the little girls, Tony?” I asked a boy of fifteen. “Naw! I never love no girls. I don’t want to monkey around wit’ girls. Dey give me troubles. I kill de girls.” He has several sisters, so I asked him if he hates them too. “What, should I hate my sisters? Dey don’t give me no trou- bles. Dey’re my sisters.” This attitude toward his sisters is significant of the strong fam- _ily bonds of Tony’s group (the Italians). “Oder girls report me to teacher for t’rowing t’ings—snowballs. One said I jumped on her..... I just push her—like dat. All de oders jump on her; she don’t report dem; only me. ... . Why don’t dey go straight home?”-he, asked complainingly; then, to demon- strate what great trouble-makers girls are, he added, “Dey have to wait for somebody.’” * Manuscript prepared by a former member of the gang. 2 Teacher’s interview with a boy.SEX IN THE GANG 223 The reasons for this group attitude against women seem ‘to be in the main that they have: interfered with the enterprises of the group, have weakened the loyalties of its members, or in demanding time and attention have impaired the gang as an effective conflict group. Thus gang tradition discourages any but the most casual con- tacts, and if a boy’s clandestine interest in girls becomes manifest or overt, he is usually subjected to most un- pleasant ridicule, upbraided for his lack of loyalty, or more definitely disciplined by the gang. PUNISHMENT FOR INTEREST IN GIRLS 131. As soon as a member of our gang of high-school Freshmen showed any desire to walk home from school with girls or attend one of their parties, he was automatically dropped. If he fell from grace but once, he could sometimes be reinstated by taking a “‘billy wedging.” Although the gang at this age affects to despise girls, it sometimes has its own code of chivalry with reference to them. THE. CODE OF CHIVALRY 132. The boy who attempted to fight with a girl was punished by the other boys. A girl might slap a boy in the face and all he could honorably do was to dodge the second blow, or, if he was very religious, as was seldom the case, he might turn his head around and ask to have the inequality rectified by a similar blow on the other side.? In one case, considerable alarm was caused among women workers in a social settlement by the fact that gang boys followed them at night. The fear was ailevi- * Manuscript prepared by a former member of the gang. 2 Manuscript prepared by a former member of the gang.224 THE GANG ated, however, when it was found that the interest of these boys was in protecting the women in accordance with the Irish idea of chivalry. In spite of the general lack of attention to girls and women, much informal ‘‘sex education” takes place in the adolescent gang. “SEX EDUCATION” 133. The gang developed in the boy a distinct point of view, so that he considered it somewhat of a disgrace to play with girls. At this stage he would be the subject of derision if caught playing, or even conversing familiarly, with any girl except his sister. The older boys, however, became instructors of the younger boys of the gang in sex matters, and in many of them a premature interest and curiosity was inculcated. There was a large amount of obscene liter- ature and art, which was circulated very freely among the boys, copied many times over and handed down to the next “generation” as a social legacy.? In one case the chief interest of the group was in learn- ing about sex matters. These boys were finally brought into court because of a sort of polyandry carried on with a girl in their hang-out. The dominance of this interest in the adolescent gang, however, is very rare. THE GANG WHICH INCLUDES BOTH SEXES How may we understand then the instances of juve- nile gangs which have a girl as a member? The real ex- planation is that the girl takes the rdle of a boy and is accepted on equal terms with the others. Such a girl is probably a tomboy in the neighborhood. She dares to fol- low anywhere and she is ill at ease with those of her own sex who have become characteristically feminine. Sooner t Manuscript prepared by a former member of the gang.SEX IN THE GANG 225 or later, however, sex differentiation arises: the whole situation is changed and the girl can no longer assume her role in the gang. 5 A GIRL’S POLE IN THE ALLEY GANG 134. My entrance into the alley gang occurred soon after my family moved to a small town of five thousand population. I was eight years of age at the time, a small but strong and agile girl quite capable of taking care of myself and of my younger brothers and sister. The first few days I watched the boys playing in the alley be- side the church where my father was to act as pastor. One morning I found one of the boys surrounded by a delighted group of on- lookers, torturing a frog. I could not countenance such cruelty, and I squirmed my way into the group. “Stop that!’ I commanded. The boy looked up in astonishment, grinned, and continued his activity. I sailed into him and soon sat astride his stomach, direct- ing vicious jabs at his head. “Say ‘enough’!”’ I demanded. He wiggled uncomfortably and looked sheepishly at the interested circle of boys. “Nuff!’ he said, and I let him go. The next day I was invited to take part in a game of Piggy; I had made my debut into the gang as an equal. Nearly all the boys in the neighborhood of the church belonged to the gang, the number varying from fifteen to twenty. Fora short time I was the only girl, but after I had become “friends” with Marion, who lived around the corner from my home, I saw to it that she also became a member, although she was never accepted on a status of absolute equality. “Cliff,” the oldest of the boys, was the recognized leader, and the gang followed him unquestioningly. The requirements for joining the gang varied and, although never expressed, were definitely understood to include some ability in the line of physical prowess. Some contribution to the gang’s welfare was sometimes sufficient for temporary membership. For- rest, whom we knew as rather a sissy, was admitted for a time be-226 THE GANG cause of his new football. Marion, too, enjoyed membership for a considerable period, partly because I insisted on it and was able to back up my arguments, partly because her mother was generous with oatmeal cookies, and also because she came in handy as a captive maiden when we were conducting Indian wars. She drew away from the gang gradually when { realized that she did not belong, and withdrew my claims. The only other gang with which we came in contact was the Sunnyside gang, a group of older boys, more commonly known as “toughs,” from the South Side of town. It was in an effort to hold his own against an arrogant Sunny- sider that Cliff first swore. We were rather startled, and I, being encumbered with much religious training, waited for him to be struck dead. He wasn’t. He repeated the fearful words, mouthing them as though he enjoyed the taste. Art tried it, and then Glenn; and then, the gang meaning more to me than salvation, I followed suit. After that, we swore occasionally and nonchalantly but al- ways in the privacy of our pals. The Sunnyside gang had a meeting place, a haunted house, and from them we got the idea of establishing headquarters. Hitherto we had not felt the need, but a meeting place now became a neces- sity. We chose the haymow of a barn and used it for a base. The lack of sex differences in the gang was significant. I was always accepted on terms of absolute equality. In the instance of playing Indian, as mentioned before, I was as bloodthirsty and terrible a warrior or as stalwart and brave a pilgrim defender as any of the boys. I should have been insulted to have been relegated to the réle of captive maiden, and I doubt if the boys thought of such a thing. Marion’s submission to the part is perhaps one reason why she never really belonged. I could shinny up the walnut tree in less time than any of the boys; I took my turn at bat, and played tackle or end in our hodgepodge football struggles. Girls, except Marion, were to me silly and nonessential; and I took delight in shouting derisively with the gang, “George’s got a gurrl! George’s got a gurrl!”” when George carried Mabel’s books home from school. My personality outside the group was very different. The mostSEX IN THE GANG 227 uncomfortable afternoon of my life was spent at the birthday party of one of the girls in my Sunday-school class. I was distinctly out of place among the pink and blue frills. It was evident that my attitude toward the boys was quite different from that of the other girls, and that in a party atmosphere the boys regarded me in a different light from what they did in the alley. I suffered the ago- nies of the damned on these occasions. I sat by myself on the stair steps—and I spilled my lemonade. My exit from the gang occurred the spring when I was eleven years old. I fell in love. It is significant that I did not “fall” for another member of the gang but for a boy who had just moved into the neighborhood. The experience changed everything for me. Boys became boys, not fellows, and I became self-conscious. I didn’t understand the process or the result, but I realized that things were different. I remember that a heavy rain had left a large puddle—almost a small pond—of water in the alley. When I came home from school some of the boys were already wading. “Come on over!’ they called. A week before that time I should have dropped my books on the steps, jerked off my slippers and stockings, tucked my skirts into my bloomers, and waded in. This time I blushed furiously, flung at them a confused excuse about helping my mother, and hurried into the house. The object of my affections stood watching the gang.* Another interesting case is that of a gang composed largely of girls who had transferred their interests from sewing to playing in a large sand hill with a protruding plank. Forced to defend their play place against other gangs, they waged wars In which combat took the form, of rock battles. They took the réles of boys until they began to wear their hair up and put on long skirts. It is interesting to note in this connection that the Girl Scouts organization is developing a new type of liter- t Manuscript prepared by a former member of the gang (the girl in the case),228 THE GANG ature for girls. It is said that little girls want the same thrill in their reading that is so persistently sought among adolescent gang boys—‘‘tales of blood and thunder, de- tective stories, and mystery yarns.”’ This seems to show that boys and girls are much more alike than the differ- ences which are developed by traditional social patterns would indicate. DO GIRLS FORM GANGS? 7) This is a question very frequently asked, but one not difficult to answer. Gangs composed entirely of girls are exceedingly rare. Not more than five or six have been discovered in the present investigation. One of these was a group of colored girls in Chicago having baseball as their chief interest; another was organized for stealing; and the others were marginal cases, probably more Teally clubs than § gangs. ' It might seem quite plausible to say, therefore, that— the reason girls do not form gangs is that they lack the gang instinct, while boys have it. This explanation lacks analysis of the problem. There are two factors: first, the — social patterns for the behavior of girls, powerfully backed by the great weight of tradition and custom, are contrary to the gang and its activities; and secondly, girls, even in urban disorganized areas, are much more closely super- vised and guarded than boys and are usually well in- corporated into the family group or some other social structure. The analogue to the boys’ gang among girls is prob- ably the clique or the set, but this must be regarded as an entirely different type of collective behavior. In certain groups where girls are allowed a greater degree of freedomSEX IN THE GANG 229 as they grow older, there is a trend toward a type of club which corresponds to the athletic club among the boys and is sometimes affiliated with it. This, however, is not a conflict group and it does not exist in most immigrant communities on account of the close supervision to which the girls are subject. THE IMMORAL GANG What have commonly been reported as “immoral gangs,” composed of both sexes, are probably of the orgi- astic type, such as the Fusileers,’ rather than true conflict oe ces seem to be what are com=— ging,” and often include illicit sex relations. Cases of this sort are not rare. THE TULIPS 135. This was a mixed group of boys and girls of the unorgan- ized type, whose gang name suggests its activities. Its members were drawn from the élite of the juvenile delinquents of two of Chicago’s smaller satellite towns and had their meeting place at the post-office.? THE LONE STAR CLUB 136. This was a mixed gang whose interests were immoral. The group was well organized and carried on its activities system- atically. Its members met in the open fields under the stars. One of the girls was ultimately sent to the Juvenile Psychopathic Insti- tute for examination. AN “SUNDER THE L” GANG 137. The Juvenile Protective Association has received a report of a mixed gang of boys and girls meeting nightly under the ele- vated tracks at and streets. There is some reason to believe that bad practices are engaged in here. tSee document 14, p. 51. 2 Interview with a court reporter. 3 Interview with a court reporter.230 THE GANG Special conditions may tend to develop this type of gang. A group called the “Night Riders,” of which a com- plete account was obtained from the members themselves, was the product of a rooming-house environment. The boys and girls, living with parents or relatives in cramped quarters, were anemic and not of the type to form a rugged conflict group like those often found in the slums. The impression from such a study was somewhat similar to that obtained from seeing pale insects crawling about in the bleached grass upon turning over a board that has lain for a long time on the ground in some damp unwhole- some place. Many cases of the ‘‘petting clique” or so-called ‘‘im- moral gang” have been reported in grade and high schools and sometimes in colleges. When cases of this sort get into the newspapers, as they sometimes do, they are wide- ly heralded as “‘vice rings” and their sensational aspects are played up to the mth degree. A MIXED GANG 138. The main purpose of this gang was sexual, and the indica- tions are that not only normal but many unnatural or degenerate methods of sex gratification were in vogue. The boys of the group were as a whole stronger or tougher than the other boys in the school, and they succeeded pretty well in dominating the rest of us and playing the part of bullies. In seasonable weather the scene of the gang’s activity was a vacant lot on the South Side, or else a half-block of meadow land east of the I. C. tracks. The lot was at one time raided by the police and a number of the group were taken, but no punishment followed so far as I am able to discover. In rainy or chilly weather the gang assembled in some deserted barn. Members of the group also managed to get together on other occasions such as a picnicSEX IN THE GANG 231 to Ravinia given by members of the eighth-grade class, when five or six disappeared and did not return until time to leave for home. Of the fifteen or more members of the gang, some seemed to be quite normal mentally and physically while others were sub- normal or worn out by excesses. There was not much conscious organization in the group, but the biggest boy was the apparent leader. The ages of the members were from thirteen to sixteen. Most of the members of this group had bad records: some had been in the reform school; most of them had been suspended from school at least once; and others were eventually expelled. One boy was brought before the principal for flourishing a revolver on the playground. Scholastically they were below the average, but they dominated physically and in athletics, partly due to their greater size. The only rule which the gang had, to my knowledge, was that no member should indulge in relations with outsiders. On the whole, they made no effort to conceal the nature of their activities and seemed to take pride in flaunting them before the rest of us. They possessed certain signals by which one of the boys could ‘‘ask”’ one of the girls while in class. These signals soon became known to the rest of us, and it is probable that even the teacher was not entirely unaware of what was going on. The attitude of the rest of the class toward the group was largely one of disgust mingled with hatred. This was especially true of the boys, although there was a small group on the border line that looked upon the gang with admiration.! Groups of this type are probably far more common than is ordinarily supposed. The facts suggest that these boys and girls suffer from a lack of wholesome work and recreation. There is “every indication that ease c of obtain- ing parental permission for the free and unchaperoned use of the family automobile, or ready access to the cars of friends, is one of the most important elements in the situation. * Manuscript prepared by an observer of the gang.232 THE GANG CONVENTIONAL SEX LIFE IN THE OLDER GANGS The conventional sex relations of members of the older gangs, especially of the conventionalized type such as the athletic club, usually take the form of picnics or hilarious truck parties to the forest preserves and dances. Dances are exceedingly popular and a source of con- siderable income. The club dance is held in the club’s own rooms or in a rented hall and is often patronized by other clubs. The dance programs are elaborate and con- tain a great deal of advertising by local business men and also by politicians who in addition often act as patrons, make speeches, or lead the grand march. Gangs virtually control certain of the public dance halls of the city’. The conventionalized gang may take the name of its favorite dance hall and organize an athletic team bearing the same name. The clubs often have spe- cial “pull” with the management of these halls, which may depend largely upon such patronage for their re- ceipts. Special nights at the dance halls are set aside for particular gangs or clubs; special concessions and privi- leges are granted with reference to exclusiveness and the use of liquors. In return the gang protects the manage- ment from the ordinary bum or loafer and is liberal with its patronage. Clashes between gangs in or about the dance halls are not uncommon occurrences. SPECIAL BAR PERMITS In the days before prohibition it was customary for these groups to obtain special bar permits, and sell intoxi- cants at their dances, which, on such occasions, tended to «See Daniel Russell’s forthcoming study of dance halls in ChicagoSEX IN THE GANG 233 be unspeakably bad. The liquor produced complete re- laxation of all restraint and the wildest debauchery often followed the dance with no attempt at control by the police, who themselves had often imbibed freely at the improvised bars. Some dances of this type, promoted by the larger clubs, were mammoth affairs and were held even in the Coliseum (one of Chicago’s largest audi- toriums). BEFORE PROHIBITION YO, oO OC While many of the club dances are well conducted, the majority are openly dangerous, and they are nearly all marked by extreme disorder and open indecency. .... Our city ordinances require that no organization or individual shall be granted a special bar permit more than six times during the year, and yet the Juvenile Protective Association has evidence Showing that organizations frequently secure three or four times this number in one year. In 1914, 5,601 special bar permits were secured; in 1915, 3,650, and from May, 1916, to February, 1917, 2,673 were secured. Over one hundred permits are issued each week in Chicago during the winter. In the latter part of 1914 an attempt was made to pass an ordinance in the City Council which prohibited the sale of liquor in any dance hall. There was so much objection to this ordinance on the part of aldermen representing foreign-born constituencies that a compromise ordinance was introduced and passed April, NOW 6 coc So carelessly, however, have permits been issued that in one case the man in whose name the permit was granted had been dead for several weeks. The result of this great laxness is that many bar permits are granted without investigation to ‘“‘fly- by-night” clubs who have no financial or moral standing, some- times to organizations without even an address... .. It sometimes happens that after investigation, the police refuse to grant a special bar permit. For instance, in one case they refused a permit to a certain club because at one of their previous dances two young girls had been outraged. The officers of the club then234 THE GANG secured the services of the alderman of their ward who interceded for them with the chief of police, and a permit was granted by him over the heads of the police committee which made the investiga- All the investigators report that up to about 11:00 P.M., gener- ally speaking, the dances are well conducted; the crowd then begins to show the effect of too much liquor. ... . One investigator said in speaking of a dance, “These young people did not appear vicious but rather like children who, with blood aroused by liquor, their animal spirits fanned to flame by the mad music, simply threw caution and restraint to the winds in a manner they would never do elsewhere. Rigorous supervision and no liquor would have made this dance almost an innocent party.”? THE STAG PARTY A favorite form of entertainment with certain so- called athletic clubs and gangs of similar type is the stag party. The nature of these affairs which are exceedingly ' demoralizing is described in a report of the Juvenile Pro- tective Association. STAG PARTIES TAO! While some stag parties are legitimate and unobjec- tionable affairs, others are characterized by conduct too obscene to permit description. .... It is impossible to describe in this bulletin the immoral prac- tices permitted at some of these parties which rival the extreme depravities formerly prevailing in the commercialized vice district. Only hints of certain scenes actually observed by Protective Officers can be given. Stories of the most obscene character are related by t Louise de Koven Bowen, The Public Dance Halls of Chicago (Rev. ed.), from an investigation of the Juvenile Protective Association, 1917. Since prohibition great progress in the direction of better moral con- ditions in public dancing has been made. The report of the Juvenile Pro- tective Association for 1921-22 shows a decrease in number of smaller, badly regulated dance halls, and a fine spirit of co-operation from the Association of Ball Room ManagersSEX IN THE GANG 235 a woman to a crowd of men and boys. Indescribably filthy jokes are perpetrated by a ventriloquist with the aid of a puppet. De- grading dancing—vile beyond description—is indulged in by girls some of whom are apparently scarcely out of their teens, while a woman gives nude an unbelievably debasing dance. After these demoralizing exhibitions girls circulate through the audience taking up a collection and assuring the patrons that, ‘the more you put in the more the girls will take off.’’ Then follows the climax of the evening. Women dancers appear, first singly and later in groups entirely nude and proceed to participate in a licentious debauchery in which the men near by join. The scene finally culminates in a raffle of one of the girl performers, the man holding the winning ticket being awarded the girl for the balance of the night. The Juvenile Protective Association has concerned itself with these unspeakable exhibitions because of their corrupt effect on young boys and girls. An investigation of a dozen so-called enter- tainments has invariably revealed the presence of minors. At one affair held in the Loop the names and addresses of twenty-two boys from fifteen years of age and up were secured. At another “smoker” given on the West Side attended by many minors a girl of ten years and a nine-year-old boy were exhibited in a pugilistic contest refereed by the children’s father. Immediately following the bout a nude woman danced. Women entertainers whose per- formances were most obnoxious have acknowledged in open court that they had children of their own.t The frequency of this type of entertainment, which is not confined to the gangs, is not generally known since great precautions are taken to maintain secrecy and only occasionally are such parties raided. SUPPRESSION OF THE STAG PARTY 141. Story-telling palled on the guests at the ninety-second anniversary celebration of the Eagle Oriental club..... They wanted the big attraction of the evening. It came. Eight young «Stag Parties,” Bulletin, The Juvenile Protective Association, Vol. III, No. 3 (May, 1921).236 THE GANG women began to dance while, little by little, they disrobed in time to the music, until they had nothing on but their shoes. Police, having seen all there was to see, decided it was time to act. They admitted other policemen from outside and in a few moments the 8 women and 197 men were arrested. Yesterday the men were all fined $1.00 and costs each. The case of the women was continued for a jury trial, together with that of the announcer, the pianist, and the doorkeeper.! 142. The Red Devils were giving a “red dance” last night, “truly a gentleman’s show, better than a year ago; some stag, no bull; $2.00 apiece; inimitable production.” That is, they were giving it until, just at the close of the movie program and as the sixth veil was dropping from the forms of five female dancers, Sergeant John Ford and his squad from Central Station took possession of the hall. The dancers were taken to South Clark Street, and two hun- dred and fifty pop-eyed spectators were herded into the Central detail as fast as patrols could convey them thither. The street for a time was blocked.? Certain politicians, perceiving the popularity of the stag party, have not hesitated to capitalize the sex appeal and employ this sort of entertainment for political rallies attended by hundreds of men and boys. SEX DELINQUENCIES AMONG THE OLDER GANGS Among the members of the older gangs there is evi- dence of looseness and promiscuity often involving the obliging sweetheart or the clandestine prostitute, as well as inmates of disorderly houses. Some of the clubs have been accused of harboring women in their rooms, but ordinarily this practice is avoided as being too dangerous. A peculiar form of sex delinquency in a particular gang * Chicago Tribune, March 15, 1923. 2 Ibid., October 12, 1924.SEX IN THE GANG 2347 area may be in the tradition of the groups of that com- munity. This is illustrated in the so-called “gang shag” which is in vogue among the older adolescent gangs in a certain disorganized immigrant community in Chicago. THE GANG SHAG 143. The gang shag is an institution peculiar to the gangs and clubs of this neighborhood. There are few sex perverts among the boys, but there is a great deal of immorality. This does not begin, as a rule, before the age of sixteen or seventeen. The gang shag includes boys from sixteen to twenty-two years of age. It is a party carried on with one woman by from fifteen to thirty boys from one gang or club. A mattress in the alley usually suffices for this purpose. This number of boys have relations with the woman in the course of a few hours. As a result of this institution and other irregular practices of a like nature, venereal disease is very high among the boys. One physician in the district has had as high as twenty boys from a single club of forty members under treatment at one time.t The semi-criminal gangs and clubs of older adolescents and young men are sometimes guilty of attacks on women. The victim may be attacked incidentally in the process of a holdup or may be enticed to the hang-out of the gang. THE BEAR CLAWS 144. The Bear Claws, composed of about fifty members rang- ing in age from seventeen up, had a clubroom in an old barn in the South Side badlands. Some of its members were roughnecks and sluggers and its hang-out was also frequented by pickpockets and other criminals, who lowered the moral tone of the club. One night the man who was renting the barn to this group heard a woman screaming, “Murder, murder, they’re killing me!” When he ran to the barn, he saw the members of the club running out. In the loft he found an elderly colored woman wired to the ™ Interview with a physician resident in a social settlement.238 THE GANG floor with her hands behind her head. Her body was covered with blood and scratches. She had been attacked by the whole group. There is a common practice among young men in Chicago, and this is by no means confined to boys of the gangs or the underprivileged classes, of picking up girls, utter strangers, on the street and taking them for a ride in an automobile. During the course of this ride it is customary to indulge in passionate petting, and often the affair culminates in the sex act. If the girl refuses, it is commonly supposed that she is put out of the car some place in the country and asked to walk back. So wide- spread is this practice that allusions to it have become a common joke on the vaudeville stage. Many a girl volun- tarily or involuntarily begins a delinquent career in just this manner; in some cases she is made the victim of a brutal attack after accepting such an invitation. A POOLROOM GANG 145. A Jewish girl eighteen years of age on her way home from work flirted with two young men and finally accepted a ride. In- stead of driving her home, they stopped in front of a poolroom where soft drinks were served and coaxed her to come inside. This was the hang-out of a gang of about seventeen Italian boys ranging in age from seventeen to twenty-one. The door was locked and the girl was attacked by six or seven of the group. The proprietor of the poolroom in the meantime called up the remainder of the gang, seventeen in all, and the girl was attacked by this number within an hour. The girl was three months in a hospital before she recovered. The men were sent to the Joliet penitentiary. This is the type of poolroom gang that loafs consistently and whose members are always on the lookout for a way to make some easy change. They gamble and are out for any excitement.? « Interview with a social worker in the district. 2 Interview with a police matron.SEX IN THE GANG 239 “CHERCHEZ LA FEMME”’ Women have come to play an increasingly important part in the criminal gang. While wives of successful gang- sters are well protected, sweethearts and paramours often take part in criminal enterprises, sometimes acting as lures, sometimes actually holding a gun and participating as any other gangster in a holdup. Robbery is no longer taboo for women, that-is, for women who live in an under- world atmosphere. Since the occupations of men, former- ly ‘closed to women, have been opened to them, what is inconsistent about their entering the time-honored pro- fession of the highwayman? They may do it for thrills; they may do it because hard pressed to make a ae they may do it simply as a matter of course; but at least it is more wholesome than becoming a prostitute. Yet this sort of activity for women who live on an urban frontier should not occasion surprise. The frontier of the pioneer often created conditions favorable to the - entrance of women into criminal gangs. Women were usu- ally attached to the bandit gangs that created such terror in the early days of Illinois. Then there was Kitty Kelly, as hard boiled as any member of the notorious gang of Australian bushrangers; and Texas had its Belle Star, who has been compared and contrasted with the modern Brooklyn gun-girl.? Cases of this type indicate how a woman, abandoning what are conventionally regarded as feminine traits, may play the rdle of a man in a gang and be accepted on terms « For an interesting account of Belle Star and her bandit gang see unsigned article, “Bobbed-Hair Bandit of Early Texas Days,” New York Times, April 13, 1924.240 THE GANG of equality with the other members. It is quite possible in some of these cases that she may play the dual rdle of gangster and sweetheart, but ordinarily one part or the other seems to dominate. So well, indeed, does a girl sometimes play the gangster rdle that she may qualify for a share in the leadership of such a group. ‘“HONEY’S”? GANG 146. A diminutive, bobbed-haired girl of twenty-one, who thrilled with pride on being told she resembled Clara Phillips, the hammer-slayer, but wept with shame at the thought of bringing sadness to her mother, last night confessed to the Evanston police that she was the brains and sometimes the brawn of a bandit crew responsible for seventy-five North Shore robberies and holdups. —— ——— is her name, but she particularly requested that it be given as ‘‘Honey,” explaining that that was what “the fellows” called her. In jail with her is ——,, while Tom is out on $2,000 bonds, being named by Honey as her crime lieutenants. Glen , whom she coyly terms her sheik; Connie —— and Roy — are sought. Honey mingled her story with many a “My Gawd!” and “That’s the hell of it!”’ and resentfully explained that her arrest came when a “bunch of those damn police overheard me telling about one of the jobs I pulled.” “My gang didn’t have the nerve, that was the trouble. My sheik, Glen, was O.K., but I had to steer him. But that ——- was yellow. One night we were waiting to pull a stickup at Ridge and Dempster and he got cold feet. I stuck my gun to his head and said: “‘T’ll blow your brains out if you try to quit now.’ “That brought him across all right. “Glen started me on this stuff, I guess. I worked in my mother’s confectionery store. I’d go out with him and sit in the carP.& A. Pho “HONEY” Girls have come to play an increasingly important réle in the gang, although gangs composed entirely of girls are very rare. “Honey” has been known in the newspapers as a bobbed-haired “bandit queen.” It is alleged that her gang has engaged in numerous robberies and that she was accustomed to threaten them with a gun if they “got yellow.” (See document 146 on opposite page.)242 THE GANG while he pulled stickups, but he didn’t know how to work them, so I took charge. Then we annexed the rest of the gang and put over some swell jobs.” MARRIAGE AND THE GANG Ultimately the biological function of sex serves, per- haps, as the chief disintegrating force in the gang. Mar- riage is the most powerful and dominant social pattern for mature sex relations even in the disorganized regions of gangland. Consequently it represents the ultimate un- doing of most gangs with the exception, perhaps, of the distinctly criminal groups of the professional type which specialize in rum-running, banditry, and similar activities. For the gang boy, marriage usually means reincorporation into family groups and other social structures of work, play, and religion which family life as a rule brings with it. The gang which once supplanted the home, now suc- cumbs to it; for the interstitial gap in the social framework has been filled. Conventionalization of the gang indicates that this process of disintegration is not far distant. When members begin marrying there is a loss of interest and the club’s charter and equipment are eventually sold or passed on to a younger group destined to repeat the same cycle. * Genevieve Forbes, “‘Girl, Twenty-one, Tells How She Ruled Hold- up Gang,” Chicago Tribune, January 3, 1923. This account in the main has been verified from interviews with members of other gangs and other informants. It seems, however, that Honey was the “brains,’’ not the leader of the gang. The leader was Tom ——, “a husky bird and a good fighter.” The gang was composed of about nine members ranging in age from seventeen to twenty-one. Honey was the only girl. The chief delinquency of the gang was burglary, rather than robbery. Honey was given a year’s sentence by Judge Caverly, but this was suspended con- tingent on good behavior.SEX IN THE GANG 243 THE GANG AND THE MORAL FRONTIER The different types of sex life in the gang, which it appears vary all the way from ordinary conventional con- tacts to the utmost depravity and perversion, depend, in the first place, upon the age of the group. The indifference or hostility to girls found among younger adolescents, where the sexual appetite is immature, is later strength- ened by gang discipline. The most rigorous discipline, however, is not long able to suppress the sex responses which are the result of developing biological mechanisms and functions. The form the sex behavior takes depends pretty largely upon the attractiveness and general charac- ter of their other activities, the nature of their leadership, the degree of their conventionalization, the nature and prestige of the social patterns to which they have access, and the general conditions of social control in their envi- ronment. Space forbids the elaboration of all these points. It is important, however, to indicate the great significance of the situation complex in this connection. The gang boy lives in a disorganized social world where loose sex life is a matter of common observation. Sometimes he sees it in his own home where brothers, sisters, and lodgers are all crowded into the same sleeping quarters. OVERCROWDING AND IMMORALITY 147. A good deal of the immorality of the —— district, located in the South Side badlands, is explained by the terrible housing conditions. There are many vacant lots and open spaces between the structures, but the congestion within the house is almost un- believable. This is due to the attempt to reduce rents by subdivid- ing apartments and by taking roomers and boarders.244 THE GANG This crowding results often in forcing the children of a house- hold to live and sleep with adults and roomers in intimate relations that are very demoralizing in their effects. The children also see their parents and other adults disrobe. They often observe their parents in the sex relation. One woman made the significant remark that she did not mind this in the parlor in the presence of the chil- dren, but it was too much when company was present. Children living under such conditions early become inured to these things and fail to develop standards of decency and shame.! Gang boys come into ready contact with the social patterns presented by vice, for gangland is largely co- extensive with these areas.” THE MORAL FRONTIER The area of deterioration about the business center of the city has always provided the natural habitat for the brothels. The slum, just because it is the “‘scrap heap” of the community, furnishes a region—perhaps the only region within the city proper—in which this ancient and flagrant type of vice resort can flourish. The brothel, on account of its underworld business organization and its open appeal to a large public patronage, has always been the most obnoxious form of commercialized vice. It not only finds cover in this area of deterioration but also is in close proximity to the de- mand. Although the brothel in modern times has noticeably de- clined, giving place to a freer type of prostitution, and although the policy of public repression has accelerated this decline, yet the slum still harbors the vestiges of this institution. The most open and public type of vice resort within the city at the present is found there. The so-called ‘‘protected” and “‘syndicate”’ houses of prostitution in Chicago, which are remnants of a brothel prostitu- tion, are in this area of deterioration. 1 Interview with a physician practicing in the district. 2 See document 188, p. 310. 3 Walter C. Reckless, ‘“The Natural History of Vice Areas in Chi- cago,’ manuscript in University of Chicago Library, p. 157.SEX IN THE GANG 245 It becomes readily apparent, then, that these condi- tions of congestion and intimate contact with vice, coupled with widespread promiscuity which seems more or less traditional among the young men of these areas, present patterns of life to the gang and its members that easily promote sexual irregularities. A THEORY TO EXPLAIN LIFE IN THE GANG A certain type of explanation for the activities of the gang that has enjoyed a considerable vogue in the past has been based upon the so-called psychological recapitu- lation theory popularized by G. Stanley Hall. Puffer in his study of gangs has taken over this theory with all its instinct implications. THE RECAPITULATION THEORY OF BOYHOOD ACTIVITIES Obviously the instinctive activities of the boys’ gang are the necessary duties of the savage man. The civilized boy hunts, fishes, fights, builds huts in the woods, stands loyally by his fellows, and treats all outsiders with suspicion or cruelty, and in general lives the life and thinks the thought of the savage man. He is, for the moment, a savage; and he instinctively ‘“‘plays Indians” as the real savage lives them. General opinion has it that the boy instinctively plays Indians and follows the so-called tribal occupations as the direct result of his inheritance from some thousands of generations of savage ances- tors who, willy-nilly, have been doing these things all their lives. We commonly believe that the normal boy is possessed to throw stones at every moving object because his forebears got their livings or preserved their lives by throwing all sorts of missiles at prey and enemies, so that the fascination of sticks and clubs is but the reverberation of the not so very far-off-days when sticks and clubs were man’s only weapons." tJ. Adams Puffer, The Boy and His Gangs, p. 76.246 | THE GANG Puffer continues to apply this theory in the explanation of the various activities that make life in the gang. Baseball is supposed, for example, to embody an epitome of man’s prehistoric activities, such as throwing accurately, run- ning swiftly, and hitting a rapidly moving object with a club. Between the ages of ten and sixteen it.is assumed that the interests, the body, and even the soul of the nor- mal boy recapitulate the stages passed through by our savage and barbarian ancestors in northern Europe from the glacial period to the early Middle Ages. Many objections to this theory are advanced in biol- ogy, psychology, and sociology; it is not acceptable in the light of modern knowledge. So far as the innate predis- positions of the modern boy are concerned, they are prob- ably little different from those of the savage boy; but the make-up of the modern boy is not similar to that of the adult savage, whom he is supposed to resemble. The energies and impulses of boys are much the same the world over; they are simply functions of the organism in the period of growth. They are certainly not instincts; for they are far more inchoate than such predetermined and definite patterns of behavior. The organism of the normal boy demands activity and change; puberty brings sexual promptings; rest, food, and bodily protection are among the needs of the boy. Such innate predispositions as these are generalized and flexible. They do not be- come specific until they are developed in particular direc- tions by all the stimulating forces in the boy’s environ- ment. But the boy is not to be regarded as a passive struc- ture, receiving the stamp of his environment like a lumpSEX IN THE GANG 247 of wax. If he is healthy, his energies are keenly active and his wishes are often imperative; they must get some sort of expression. Yet the direction they take depends upon the environment. The boy is plastic; his energies and impulses may be directed in a multitude of different ways. Just as the natural resources of a region or a coun- try determine in a general way the occupations of its inhabitants, so the habitat of the gang shapes the inter- ests of its members. The group, responding to its human environment, develops along definite lines. Its activities _ In general tend to follow the patterns which have prestige in its social milieu and which at the same time appeal to its love for adventure or to other wishes of its members. Thus, life in the gang is a product of interaction be- tween the fundamental nature of the group and its mem- bers on the one hand and the environment on the other. Neither factor may be neglected in explaining it.PARASun ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL IN THE GANGINTRODUCTION The gang develops as a response to society. The social group of which the gang boy is a member has failed to provide organized and supervised activities adequate to absorb his interests and exhaust his energies. An active boy without an outlet for his energies is a restless boy— seeking satisfactions he cannot name, willing to experi- ment, curious about this and that, eager to escape what- ever surveillance is placed upon him. The gang solves his problem, offering him what society has failed to provide. Free from conventional control, the gang, nebulous as it is, tends toward organization of an elementary form. The demands of common activities and the opposition of its natural enemies—other gangs and superiors with au- thority—necessitates an effort to act as a unit, out of which it develops a code, methods of control, and a struc- ture. The organization of the embryonic gang may be crude in the extreme and only partially recognized by the boys; yet a working relationship exists between the mem- bers, which makes of it a rudimentary society with a con- structive tendency. Co-operation requires division of la- bor. Common enterprises necessitate subordination and discipline and create opportunities for leadership. But from another point of view the gang is not di- vorced from larger social controls. Without formal and conventional control, yet it reflects in its activities the adult life and the customs of the particular community where it is found. 251CHAPTER XIV SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG In those interstitial sections of Chicago where neglect and suppression of boyhood combine to produce gangs, there abound adult social patterns’ of crime and vice which are naturally reflected in the activities of the un- supervised gang or gang club. In the poverty belt, the deteriorating neighborhood, and the slum there is little understanding of the interests of boys or the situations they meet in everyday life. So far as immigrant communi- ties are concerned the parents were reared for the most part in rural or semirural Old World communities con- trolled by tradition and with few new and disturbing situ- ations to be met. Their children on the streets of Chicago come into contact with a motley collection of diverse cus- toms on the one hand and new situations on the other. Hence, they have needs of which their parents never heard. The larger community of gangland is no better able to provide for the boy than is the immigrant family. While the mobility of these areas affords him a consider- able range of contacts, these are in the main demoralizing. Attempts of the American community to deal with the *For a statement as to the importance of social patterns as an explanatory concept, see Melville J. Herskovits, ‘Social Pattern: A Methodological Study,” Social Forces, September, 1925, pp. 57-69. The anthropologists have developed the notion of social pattern; see Clark Wissler, Man and Culture. 252SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG $253 situation have taken the form of settlements and various boys’ clubs, but while the work of such agencies has been constructive, they are far too few in number to meet the needs of such a vast territory. Hence, without wholesome direction for the most part from the home or the larger community, the gang adopts the patterns which have prestige in its own social environ- ment, selecting those which appeal to it and setting them up to be followed by its own members in so far as the group controls them. THE ISOLATION OF GANGLAND Some degree of isolation is common to almost every vocational, religious, or cultural group of a large city. Each develops its own sentiments, attitudes, codes, even its own words, which are at best only partially intelligible to others.t Between gangland and the conventionalized American community exists this barrier of unsympathetic social blindness, this inability of either to enter under- standingly into the life of the other. The social world of the gang boy suffers from this isolation and the boy him- self lacks contacts which would help prepare him for par- ticipation in the activities of a conventional social order. A large part of this isolation is due to the fact that in Chicago he usually lives in an immigrant colony, which is itself an isolated social world. Immigrant participation in American life is not encouraged by the American com- munity. Contacts with Americans are usually superficial and disheartening and for the child are limited to certain t See Robert E. Park, et al., The City, p. 26.254 THE GANG official contact with school teachers, employers, or police. It often happens also that the immigrant community re- sists Americanization in order to exalt the values of a nationality that has been oppressed abroad.? Hence, the children of the foreign born do not come into contact with the best in American life, but, when they escape parental control and follow their own impulses, become American- ized only with reference to our vices. The significance of this lack of cultural communion with the world at large can hardly be overemphasized in explaining the life and organization of the gang. Almost everything—history, geography, art, music, and govern- ment—that is the common knowledge of the schoolboy of the middle classes, is entirely beyond the ken and ex- perience of the gang boy. He moves only in his own uni- verse and other regions are clothed in nebulous mystery. He is only vaguely aware of them, for they rarely cut his plane. There are exceptions, of course, for some gangs are less isolated than others, but this description is character- istic of the great majority. As a result, the gang boy does not participate in civic affairs, nor does he have much part in the life of his own isolated community. He knows little of the outside world except its exteriors. He views it usually as a collection of influences that would suppress him and curtail his activi- ties with laws and police, cells and bars. In one way or ™ Robert E. Park and Herbert A, Miller, Old World Traits Trans- planted, chap. ili, “Immigrant Experiences,” describes the effects of American contacts. See also John R. Commons, Races and Immigrants in America, p. 216. 2 Park and Miller, op. cit., pp. 45-46. 3 See zbid., pp. 288-89.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 255 another he is denied effective access to the larger cultural heritages of the dominant social order.’ SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE MORALITY OF THE GANG In developing their own organization, gang boys can- not go beyond their experiences, and hence their codes and chosen activities must be studied with reference to the moral codes and activities they meet in the communi- ties where they live. Gang morality develops from the interpretation or definition which the gang, in the light of its previous experience, puts upon events. The definition of the situation, which in its social as- pects represents morality, has been stated by William I. Thomas. Every self-determined act is performed in the light of the individual’s examination and deliberation; this results in the individual definition of the situation. Definitions of the situation have already been established, however, by the groups into which the child is born and there is little chance to change these to meet individual . whims. There is always, therefore, a conflict between in- dividual wishes and the definitions, which have been worked out as the result of social experience for the safety of the group. Thus moral codes arise to curb the indi- vidual pursuit of pleasure. ‘‘Morality is thus the general- ly accepted definition of the situation, whether expressed in public opinion and unwritten law, in a formal legal code, or in religious commandments and prohibitions.’ The definition of the situation for the gang boy must emanate largely from the disorderly life of the economic, t See Edwin H. Sutherland, Criminology, p. 130. 2 William I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Girl, pp. 42-43.256 THE GANG moral, and cultural frontiers of which gangland is a mani- festation. The problem of gang morality, therefore, may be stated largely in terms of the patterns which prevail in the immediate social environment. The mechanism by which the gang boy molds his life according to the patterns he knows by experience is not wholly one of rational choice. The process is common to all social life and is found in the adoption by children of the ways of their parents. It is the same unreflective proc- ess by which the child builds up the verbal habit organi- zation represented in language.’ Likewise, the play of children generally tends to fol- low the adult patterns. In Spain, for example, the boys play at bullfighting rather than at baseball,? while the Ku Klux Klan has had its infantile counterpart in the play of American children. So, also, the exploits of the gang tend to follow pat- terns in its own social world. The underlying principles and mechanisms of gang behavior are the same for all groups of this type, but there are sharp contrasts in the nature of gang activities in different environments. This is strikingly brought out in comparing the gangs of a lum- bering community with those of Chicago. tSee John B. Watson, Behaviorism, p. 186. *C. M. Goethe, “Where Queen and Pope Failed,” Survey, June 3, 1916, p. 238. 3 “Cyril Stoddart, ten years old, is under physician’s care, suffering from shock and minor injuries, and police are hunting for a gang of small boys who, wearing masks and said to be playing Ku Klux Klan Monday night, attacked the boy, tied him to a telephone pole, and gagged him. He was rescued after being tied up for three hours.’’—Chicago Tribune, September 27, 1925.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 257 GANG LIFE IN A LUMBERING COMMUNITY 148. In a lumbering community of about 5,000 members in West Virginia there were about a dozen gangs ranging in size from twelve to fifteen boys between the ages of ten and sixteen. Many of the boys came from what would ordinarily be termed good homes. They were not supervised, however, by their parents, who did not know what the boys were doing. It seemed to be in the tradition of the boy life of the community to form gangs and have their cabins in the woods. The amusements of the gangs were determined largely by the fact that they lived in a lumber town. There was a good deal of rough life there; a great many log or lumber “hicks” would work three or four months up in the woods and then come into town on a big spree. The chief sports of the gangs were connected with outdoor life and the woods. Their activities centered around their cabins. We did a lot of hunt- ing and fishing. We enjoyed performing great feats, such as long- distance walking, being able to cook well, handling an axe well, and enduring hardships. These were the types of thing that had prestige in the lumbering environment." DEMORALIZING SOCIAL PATTERNS Demoralizing social patterns? confront the gang boy on every hand: they are in the streets and alleys; they come from the older gangs and clubs and from the under- world; and they are impressed by various agencies that exploit the boy and in so doing promote unwholesome or criminal activities. The result for the gang is an inevitable repertoire of predatory activities and a universe of dis- course reflecting the disorganized social environment of gangland. 1 Interview with a former member of one of these gangs. 2 Certain phases of heretofore accepted American morality may be regarded as in a confused and unsettled state. There are conflicting standards with reference to sex, prohibition, gambling, and so on. This makes more difficult a conclusive definition of the situation for the boy.258 THE GANG For the young gang boy one type of group which not only has prestige but offers a pattern which he may follow with little adaptation is the older gang. In street and alley the younger gangs meet similar groups of older fellows. Many times they bully the smaller boys and force them to do their bidding. A little boy makes a good lookout, or can easily be put through a small window or a transom on a robbing expedition. 149. An awful tough gang composed of about sixty members included boys from six years old up to twenty. They have the little fellows sneak or climb into houses. The little boys may get caught, but it makes no difference. The big ones beat it and the little ones are released.* Members of younger gangs sometimes have to pay money tribute to the older to keep from getting “beat up” or “‘arrested.’’ The older groups often start the younger ones stealing, but sometimes protect them when they get into trouble. Often the hardened gangster is the object of adolescent hero worship. The boys also become juniors or midgets and con- sciously ape their older brothers in numerous social and athletic clubs. THE O’BRIEN JUNIORS 150. The O’Brien Juniors, who are fifteen and sixteen years of age, number about twenty-five. They hang in a clubroom some place back of the big O’Briens. The members are Irish, Scotch, and Swedish boys. When new ones are taken in, the initiation consists of ‘kicking them around.” They have a first and a second leader. Their chief enemies are the Fiftieth Street gang. * Gang boy’s own story. 2 Gang boy’s own story.FAS aS ESSERE ROT SOME OF THE “JERSEY MIDGETS” Photo by Author This group was on its way to a baseball game several blocks from its hang-out. The gang is composed of about thirty boys, ty. It calls itself an athletic club, showing the general tendency of the li younger gangs to follow the social pattern which has pre in natlona eleven to fourteen years old, mostly Irish ir community. in thei stige in260 THE GANG “TIKE THE BIG CLUBS HAVE” 151. There is near the settlement a gang of little boys, seven to twelve years of age. They meet in an old basement, over the entrance of which they have placed a chalk sign “like the big clubs have.” They steal matches, play with fire, and smoke. They open milk bottles on back porches and sell junk to the dealers." Most adolescent gangs have an intimate knowledge of the doings of the underworld, and many of the older gangs themselves constitute a vital part of that “moral region.” The areas which have been described as the empire of gangland include most of the underworld districts within their borders. The gang boy sees lawlessness everywhere and in the absence of effective definitions to the contrary accepts it without criticism. He soon learns where to buy stills? skeleton keys, and guns, which are sold to minors with impunity, either by mail or by dealers who have them on open display. The presence of junk dealers and “fences” encourages stealing.‘ Gang boys both young and old patronize the disorder- ly poolrooms which flourish in abundance in gangland. Indecent shows and penny arcades are patronized by young boys. Questionable massage parlors and hotels sometimes house young people. It is in gangland also that commercialized vice resorts seek a hiding place. Children have been found even living in such places, which are veritable ‘‘crime nests,”’ and “‘playgrounds”’ for the city’s tInterview with a social worker. 2 See picture on page 13. 3A new Illinois statute, the Sadler Act, is designed to abate this evil. 4 See chap. ix.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 261 gangster gunmen. The adolescent gang boy often under- goes early demoralization in these resorts." There is probably no more drinking among gang boys, generally speaking, than among the boys of the middle and well-to-do classes. A general impression from a study of actual cases is that there has been considerable im- provement in this respect since prohibition. Yet there is some patronage of “blind pigs” by the older adolescents, and liquor is often sold to minors without question. Yet among adults of the gangland area, the use of intoxicants is a social habit usually brought over from the Old World. These families resent any official interference along this line. PROHIBITION MOBS 152. An angry mob of nearly 1,000 men, women and children in the “back o’ the yards” district hissed, cursed, and hurled missiles at federal dry agents during a raid yesterday. Police from the stock yards district used their clubs to beat back the belligerent crowd that surged about a saloon where the prohibition agents were destroying twenty-eight barrels of beer. An automobile belonging to one of the government men was badly damaged before the police arrived.? The attitude of disrespect for the prohibition laws can hardly be condemned in our immigrant groups without mentioning the same attitude among the middle and wealthy classes of the native population. Here too we find widespread violations, and it is largely this demand for illicit liquor on the part of the well-to-do that creates a real opportunity for the criminal gang and ultimately makes possible the far-reaching corruption of politics and government. t See document 188, p. 310. 2 News item. 3 See chap. xxi.262 THE GANG SOCIAL PATTERNS IN “BLACK AND TAN” 153. A group of twelve or fifteen colored boys had been hang- ing around the back room of a notorious black-and-tan café and cabaret in the Black Belt. Every evening they stood in the door- ways and smoked and watched the patrons drink and the mulatto girls solicit white men, and listened to the orchestra play jazz music. None of the boys worked regularly, and none lived at home. Several of them shared a room together, and the rest boarded sepa- rately at cheap rooming-houses. They were all waiting, more or less languidly, until the time should come when they might enter such places as the E—— Café with their women and get drunk. Finally one night they succeeded in persuading a waiter to bring them liquor and enticed several black girls to their table. When they had spent what little money they had and had exhausted their credit, they were thrown out of the place, amid the taunts and jeers of the patrons. They resolved, on the spot, to get more money in any way possible and just as soon as possible. They separated into three parties and resolved on a common meeting place for the following day. When they gathered together the next morning they had between them something over eight hun- dred dollars in bills and silver. It took them about two weeks to spend this money, and during this time they each bought new clothes, flashy jewelry, got drunk regularly every night, and acquired female companions. But they still stuck together, more or less, for the money had been pooled in a common fund and nobody had anything alone. Then too, each member of the gang seemed to need the companionship of the rest to encourage him to get more money. For several months there were numerous holdups and robberies in this neighborhood. Finally one night, a colored boy was caught snatching a purse, and as a result the gang was rounded up: Each one had a gun in his pocket at the time of arrest, and only three had less than twenty- five dollars with them. They were well dressed and self-reliant. Gambling is encouraged in many poolrooms and bowl- ing allies. In gangland there abound gambling dens, of t Unpublished manuscript prepared by Miss D. L —.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 263 which the so-called recreation halls are often merely a type. Gambling is practically a universal pastime in gang- land. There are also modern Fagins in these regions who promote delinquency in the gang by teaching how to steal according to the most approved methods, sometimes even conducting what appear to be “crime schools.” ANOTHER DIRTY DOZEN 154. The Dirty Dozen is a gang of boys of elementary-school age coached to steal certain definite things by a man. The boys, sworn to secrecy, will take their medicine when caught rather than tell on their employer. This is one secret of his continued success in breaking in new bunches to steal for him. Pull also enters into his comparative immunity, for while he has been in the bridewell several times, he has never been severely punished for his offenses. These boys are taught to steal certain definite things such as hams, legs of lamb, etc. They often make raids on trucks, carrying off a carton of tobacco or other goods. One of their favorite activi- ties is stealing silk shirts or underwear. They go out on wash day and take these articles from the clotheslines. A city prosecutor lost fourteen silk shirts, valued at $14 each, which he had received as a gift and which had been washed and hung out on a line preparatory for wearing for the first time. These boys were even taught to steal things from their own homes. In disposing of these stolen goods they had the co-operation of several adults in the community.” The parents of many of the gang boys are themselves not averse to thievery. They encourage boys to break into merchandise cars and bring home a cheese or a sack of flour for the family larder. t In one such case the boys were taught burglary, pickpocketing, and shoplifting. Their loyalty to their teacher was only broken when one of them became dissatisfied with his share of the loot. 2 Interview with a social worker in the district. | 3See pp. 154-56.264 THE GANG STEALING MERCHANDISE FOR HOME USE 155. A gang of twelve or thirteen Polish boys from seven to seventeen years of age operated chiefly after school and on Sun- days, taking merchandise from the doorways of warehouses. Among their loot were electrical supplies valued at $2,500. Much of this material was recovered from their own homes, but the par- ents would not talk. They seem to have the idea that stealing from a corporation is not wrong.! Many families in gangland are consumers of stolen goods purchased from boys who make such activities a matter of gang enterprise. The boy’s own family is also responsible for other forms of exploitation including the instigation of begging. BEGGING 156. In its more serious phases the begging of children is usual- ly instigated by adults. In Chicago we have the problem of whole- sale market streets. Very often the children, who beg for every- thing from meat to fruit in the market streets, are given car fare by their parents to go and to return, and the food begged, or sal- vaged from barrels of waste, or stolen, is used on the family table. We have records of children habitually begging on these streets from homes of which their parents are the owners. No man, or woman, could possibly extract from the market men week after week the quantities of food that the children carry off in their sacks and baskets.? The presence of periodic child labor among these classes also plays a part in the demoralization of the boys. Through the street trades, which are usually en- couraged by the parents, the boys quickly become in- ured to street life. Most of the boys in gangland go to t Interview with railroad detectives. F. Zeta Youmans, “Childhood, Inc.,” Survey, July 15, 1924.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 265 work as soon as a working certificate can be obtained (at fourteen), but parental connivance makes it possible for many of them to be employed illegally before that time. INFORMAL EDUCATION Many writers have conceived of education in too nar- row a sense." The effective education of the boy, so far as the development of character and personality are con- cerned, takes place far more vitally outside the school- room in those informal contacts which escape convention- al supervision. These are periods of freedom, and it is probably this very fact of spontaneous and self-directed activity that makes them so much more effective than the formal contacts that are presumed to be the truly educative ones. The education of the street, to which practically every boy in gangland is subject, is basic in the development of tastes and habits, ambitions and ideals.? Robert A. Woods describes the influence of the street upon children in a gang area of Boston. THE EDUCATION OF THE STREETS 157. The term “street children” is used advisedly, for as a matter of fact most of the children of this locality live on the street when they are not asleep. The streets educate with fatal precision. Sometimes in a little side street, you will see a hundred children at play. In this promiscuous street life, there is often every sort of license that can evade police authority. Juvenile rowdyism thrives. Disrespect for decency and law is the result. Compare John R. Commons, Races and Immigrants in America, p. 216. 2 See chap. ix.266 THE GANG The same thing is revealed by a study of boys’ gangs. The jokes, the horseplay, the tendency to ridicule and make light of everything, which are the life of the gang, issue in an essentially lawless disposition. This includes restlessness under restraint, low indulgence, carelessness, oftentimes cruelty. These are the predominating traits of many street children. In some it is so marked that they become incorrigible truants or develop criminal tendencies. A small minority of these children manage to keep an obedient, law-abiding spirit, in spite of street education, although one does not know how. The fact, however, is indisputable that the thing the schools have to contend with, and that which brings shipwreck to much educational effort in the district, is this predominating impulse to get free from restraints. It is easy to see how soon such a quality could develop the lawbreaker. With undisciplined intellectual cley- erness or manual deftness it would be easy to produce the expert criminal. The situation in Chicago is similar. The promiscuous associations and experiences of the street, the poolroom, and similar places of meeting ‘“‘educate’”’ the boy and direct the interests and activities of the group. The gang vitalizes these influences and gives them prestige and permanence. THE GANG BOY’S UNIVERSE OF DISCOURSE Differences in the experiences of individuals and of groups result in what have been termed different uni- verses of discourse,—‘‘little languages” whose meanings depend on past experiences peculiar to the groups, catch- words, jokes, and songs linked to group memories.” The isolated life of gangland leads to the development t Robert A. Woods, The City Wilderness, pp. 234-35. 2See Park and Miller, op. cit., pp. 265-67.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 267 of a distinct universe of discourse. The gang acquires its own language." Like its morality, this argot, too, follows to some extent patterns in its own social world; for its language is largely a mixture of the slang of street Arabs, the lingo of hobos, and the jargon of the underworld. For example: THE ARGOT OF THE GANG 158. Frisk you—search you or search you and take something from you Racket—a type of criminal activity Wise you up—teach you how Hot stuff—stolen goods Bullshiner—a billy, policeman’s club Shiners, shinkers—black eyes Punk—a little boy Rolling the bums or the “dinos,” jack-rolling—robbing drunken men Shag—chase given by irate citizen Gang shag—sex party in the alley Gat, rod—revolver Rag party—pay-as-you-enter dance (negro gangs) Struggle—dance (negro) Dick—detective Cop, bull—policeman To stool, squawk, squeal, peach, ditch—to tell secrets of gang “Dat stuff don’t go by me”—expression of disapproval To hang or bum away from home—to live away from home To hook ’em—to get drunks by the arms To tipper-tapper—to spar back and forth with hands open Loogins, yannigens—newcomers, second team, bumpkins “Jiggers!’—“‘Run, the cops are coming!” Fruit—easy mark t The words in vogue in the gang are to be regarded as collective representations, which are important in maintaining the unity of the group and controlling its members. See pp. 275-76, 294, and 297.268 THE GANG To make stores or “drunks’”—to rob them Sunday-School—crap-shooting To kibitser—to “monkey around,” that is, to steal (Jewish) To “rob” an orange—to steal it Special words are usually in vogue in the gang to mis- lead the listener. The boys are given fictitious names; or their own names are interchanged in such a way as to confuse the police. Special commands are adopted as sig- nals; for example, ‘“Hruska, smoke de cigarette!’ means “Pietro, run like hell, the cops are comin’!” and ‘Polish, duck in the water!” means ‘‘Greek, swim for the other side, someone’s comin’ to chase us out!’’ Curious, un- idiomatic phrases are common: ‘‘Our cave’s broke down,” “We was by my sister for two days,” or “Dey always stop you up, whenever you go tru’ dere.” It is difficult for one in another universe of discourse to understand the gang boy. “CRAPS” 159. The story is told of Dr. Charles Emerson, the famous nutrition expert of Boston, who was talking to a group of young- sters, that he asked them their favorite games. One little urchin yelled “Craps!” a pastime which was new to the speaker. “Well,” said Dr. Emerson, his face beaming, “‘if you will follow the health program I have indicated you will be able to play craps better than ever before.”’ “T’m for you!” shouted the lad. Profanity has no stigma attached to it for the gang boy—it is the common language of his social world. Obscenity also occupies a large place in his universe of discourse. His interest in indecent literature, songs, and pictures is often stimulated by adults who “‘bootleg’’ to young people thousands of salacious photographs and ob-SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 269 scene pamphlets such as “Smut.” He also reads such questionable small magazines as Wampus Cat, Jazz, Whiz Bang, and Hot Dog, 17,250 copies of which were seized by the federal authorities.* Most groups delight in dirty jokes and nasty stories, for vulgarity has a very large part in the humor and horseplay of the gang. SONGS AND BALLADS OF THE GANG We find the same touch of obscenity in most of the songs the gang boy sings. Sometimes he gets them from ‘Hluggers” distributed at the dance halls. He is often con- tent to parody the popular songs of the day. Many of them are traditional with the gang, however, and are so lascivious as to be unprintable. It is significant that the gang boy knows a good many hobo ballads,” which he sings as his own. TOMMY TINKER My name is Tommy Tinker; I’m the bum from Omaha; I’m the tramp that followed Grant Around the world. With blisters on my feet An’ a cigar between my teeth, I’m the tramp that walked the tracks day and night. I was born 10,000 years ago, There’s not a damn good thing that I don’t know; I played ring around the roses With Peter, Paul, and Moses, An’ Ill choke the guy that says it isn’t so. t Juvenile Protective Association of Chicago, Twenty-First Annual Report, p. 12. 2See Nels Anderson, The Hobo, p. 194.270 THE GANG Queen Elizabeth, she fell in love with me; We were married in Milwaukee secretly, I got tired and I shook her; I went with General Hooker To ketch mosquitoes down in Tennessee— Here are three more of the same type: “‘T WAS BORN IN SOUTH CHICAGO” “TI was born in South Chicago Where the streets are on the bum; There’s a saloon on every corner An’ I guess that’s going some. I been out east, I been out west I been as far as Fargo, But the damnedest town I ever been Was out in South Chicago. I was raised up on a bottle Until I became a man; Then I broke the bottle And now I rush the can I know every brakeman By his first and second name, But still they kick me off The wooden Puliman train. THE THREE BUMS We are three bums, We are three bums, We act like Royal Turks, We have good luck A bummin’ our chuck, An’ laugh at the man who works.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 271 THE THREE HOBOS The night was dark, The sky was blue, ‘ As down the tracks Three hobos flew. Their clothes was dirty, Their face was thin; You bet your life They were diggin’ in. Sleepin’ in the station, Bummin’ all over creation. Many of the gang songs, like the following, are con- nected with shooting craps: SEVEN OR ELEVEN Seven or eleven Means everything to me, Seven or eleven Means everything to me. Means a cane, a hat, an’ a pair of shoes, Means I’m on my way to Dixie paradise, Means I’m on my way to the Gin, Gin, Ginny shore To see my old mammy in sunny Alabamy. Seven or eleven, Dat’s what it’s got to be. Come seven come eleven, Be very good to me. For ’m on my way On the midnight train To Dixie land With a Dixie pair o’ dice.272 THE GANG THE ROLIE BOLIES Seven come eleven, Six or a four, Shake them rolie bolies, Throw ’em on the floor. THE ROLLING BONES O de rolling bones, de rolling bones, Dey’re always rolling— Roll from a six to a seven An’ make me lose my money. O please, Mr. Rolling Bones, Be good to me, An’ let me win my money back, For baby needs a pair of shoes. Come on you big dick, Come on you big eight, T’row the rolling bones An’ let it be an eight. Some of the songs which the gang boys sing are mere jingles: She’s my sweet simbo sambo. She aint lean, She aint fat, But she’s got a shape that goes like dis an’ dat. SPELLING Chicken on de car track, De car can’t go. Dat’s de way you spell Chicago. Bottle an’ a cork, Knife an’ a fork, Dat’s de way you spell New York.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 273 The gang boy has his yells too, most of which are too profane to be printed: One, two, three, four, Who the hell are we for, Pullmans, Pullmans, Rah! Rah! Rah! He also likes doggerel of the pure nonsense type: MIDNIGHT ON THE OCEAN It was midnight on the ocean, Not a street car was in sight. The sun and moon shone brightly, While it rained all day at night. ’Twas a summer night in winter And no wind went howling, squealing, While the barefoot boy with shoes on Stood sitting on the ceiling. It was evening and the rising sun Was setting in the north, And the little fishes in the trees Were gaily flying forth. The rain was pouring down, The moon was shining bright, And everything that you could see Was hidden out of sight. While the organ peeled potatoes Lard was rendered by the choir; While the sexton rang the dishrag Someone set the church a-fire. “Holy Smokes!” the preacher shouted, In the rain he lost his hair; Now his head resembles heaven, For there is no parting there.274 THE GANG Some of his songs are reminiscent of his experiences with the law: THE JUVENILE COUNTY JAIL .I’m a mortal Christian hobo, A-listen to my tale. I know a place dey sleep in, Called juvenile county jail. De beds are made of iron, Dey’re a hangin’ on de wall, Where de cockroaches an’ de bedbugs Are at a game of ball. De score was six to twenty De bedbugs were ahead, When a cockroach knocked a home-run, And knocked me out of bed. It’s five o’clock in de mornin’ When de feedman comes around With a piece of bread an’ butter Dat nearly weighs a pound. De coffee tastes like turpentine, De bread is mighty stale, For dat’s de way dey treat you In de juvenile county jail. Among the older gangs hobo songs like ‘“The Wabash Cannon Ball” are well known, but there is another brand of verse, also popular, which has been aptly called “bar- room poetry.” This group of ballads, which are usually narrative, includes such well-worn numbers as ‘“The Face t See Nels Anderson, Anthology of Outcast Verse: A Sociological Inter- pretation.SOCIAL PATTERNS AND THE GANG 275 ) on the Bar-Room Floor,” and many others, like ‘The Lure of the Tropics” (published in Whiz Bang), ‘“‘The Story of the Jungles,” and the ‘Blue Velvet Band.” GANG NAMES The names adopted by the gangs sometimes suggest their interests and activities, and at others reflect social patterns in their milieu. Certain names like the “Dirty Dozen” and ‘“‘Buckets-of-Blood” seem to be traditional, not only in Chicago but throughout the entire country. Gangs are often given incongruous names by settlements or parks for whom they furnish teams. One group of dirty little ragamuffins, for example, was called the ‘‘Lillies of the Valley’; it would probably have been more accurate to call them “‘Lillies of the Alley.”” The limit in untactful and inappropriate names was the “West Side Nigger- babies’ Association,” suggested by a club leader for a white group of mixed nationality. This gang wanted to be called the “Black Hand Society,” and their resentment at the leader’s suggestion was instantaneous and vi- olent. Younger gangs in order to gain prestige readily copy the names of the older, which, like the ‘“Dukies”’ and the “Shielders,” are handed down from generation to genera- tion in their local neighborhoods. The same thing seems to be true in New York, where the younger gangs are likely to keep alive such names as the ‘“Hudson Dusters” and the “Gophers,” without any semblance of the original groups.* The history of New York gangs also includes * Herbert Asbury, “‘The Passing of the Gangster,” American Mer- cury, March, 1925.276 THE GANG such names as the ‘‘Monk Eastmans,” ‘‘Car Barners,”’ ‘““Vakey- Yakes,’ “‘Red Onions,” ‘Five Points,’ “Dead Rabbits,” ‘Roach Guards,” “Shirt Tails,” and “Bowery Boys.” The gang often takes the name of some patron such as a social center, or more often the proprietor of a pool- room or a saloon, some politician who has been liberal, or a business firm which has in some way contributed to the welfare of the group. In the past names of breweries or of alcoholic beverages were not uncommon; for example, the “Nestor A.C.,” the “Schlitz High Balls,” the “An- heuser-Busch Regulars,” etc.” Gang names often provide a means of wish fulfilment. High-sounding names give the members of the gang a certain expansion of personality, that may help compen- sate for their actual lack of status. 160. The “Golden Palace Athletic Club” was found to have headquarters in the basement of a dirty, tumble-down tenement house. The clubroom was also used as a wood, coal and kindling office and looked very disreputable.? Names suggesting murder, blood, banditry, and pi- racy, on the other hand, are also favorites. The “Vul- tures,” the “Forty Thieves,” the ‘““Murderers,” for ex- ample, get a great “kick” out of feeling how diabolical they are and, hence, how superior to the world at large. « Karl N. Fasoldt, ‘““The Gang as an Expression of the Play Group” (unpublished manuscript). 2 Records of the Juvenile Protective Association.CHAPTER XV GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG Although gang activities and gang morality are, in part at least, a reflection of the gang’s disorganized social world, they find a supplementary explanation in the con- ception of the gang as an elementary society, which, un- hampered by conventional controls, tends to develop its own organization and codes in an independent or spon- taneous fashion. The codes of the gang are enforced upon its members in a variety of ways—some definitely di- rected, others almost entirely unreflective. Thus, the gang defines the situation for its members (illustrated in the initiation of newcomers and “pledges” or probation- ers) and secures more or less harmonious group action. THE UNITY OF THE GANG The execution of collective enterprises and activities necessitates harmony and mutual aid within the gang. The following are types of corporate behavior which re- quire unity and co-operation. Gang fighting Athletic contests Maintaining club- Outwitting enemies Dances rooms Raiding Picnics Planning Robbing Camping | Discussing Defending hang-out Hiking and ranging Junking Pursuing Games Building something Getting shagged Predatory activities Vandalism Attacking Playing pranks Criminal Projects Charitable enterprises 277278 THE GANG Effective collective action and continued corporate existence require that the gang control its members. Hence, the group, both through planned and unreflective methods, attempts to incorporate them, to subordinate each to the demands of the whole, and to discipline the unruly. Although the gang is not always unified and har- monious within,‘ discord is usually eliminated by the con- ditions which collective action imposes. _ This unity of the gang rests upon a certain consensus or community of habits, sentiments, and attitudes, which enable the gang members to feel as one, to subordinate themselves and their personal wishes to the gang pur- poses, and to accept the common objectives, beliefs, and symbols of the gang as their own. The esprit de corps of the gang, which is characteristic even of the diffuse type, is evident in many of its collective enterprises—in the enthusiasm of talk-fests, in its play together, its dances, its drinking bouts. MORALE AND SOLIDARITY A stable unity does not develop in the diffuse type of gang, however, until it becomes solidified through con- flict. It learns eventually to formulate a policy and pursue a more or less consistent course of action despite deterring circumstances. Then it may be said to have acquired morale, which reinforces fellowship and enthusiasm in time of crisis. tCompare Charles H. Cooley, Social Organization, pp. 24-25. Cooley presents in this statement an entirely too idealistic view with reference to the behavior of the average gang.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 279 THE WILL TO WIN 161. One reason that such a group could stick together for years and win game after game, year after year, was the develop- ment of a “‘will to win” which could and did demand from each individual efforts for the group that nothing else could. Defeat, of course, was often a possibility, sometimes almost a certainty but a “quitter” was the last word. This intense desire to win, to put out all you had every minute regardless of how far you were ahead or behind was the only real religion most of the group had. This morale was as tangible an asset as can be imagined. Seldom men- tioned, it was always present—a powerful factor not instilled by coach or the enthusiasm of an excited crowd, which had little effect on us. Cheering seemed (when heard) to come from a different world. The stimulus to win came from an intense inner desire which held up physical effort when every step was torture and every breath seemed the last possible effort. A particularly aggressive, daring, or skillful individual play would act as a spur to greater effort on the part of all.7 THE FLANNIGAN GANG 162. The Flannigan gang, composed of boys between fourteen and sixteen, has as its natural leader, Edward Flannigan, the.best athlete and fighter in the gang. When the neighborhood recrea- tional center advertised for boys to play on its baseball team, the whole gang reported along with other boys. It was decided to elect a captain and let him choose his team. Flannigan was elected and proceeded to choose his players all from his own gang. When remonstrated with he said that these other boys were members of other gangs, and if the social center was not satisfied with his players, the whole gang would quit..... During the winter the Railroad gang tried to use their rendez- vous located in an old house near the tracks. This provoked a fight with brickbats, stones, etc., which resulted in a victory for the Flannigans. The boys were intensely loyal, standing by each other ‘From a manuscript by a former member of the group. See docu- ment 107, p. 186.280 THE GANG in a fight or backing those of their fellows who got into trouble. At their meetings at the center, none of the gang would express an opinion until the leader had had an opportunity to speak; then the gang accepted his opinion and voted accordingly." This superior solidarity creates a serious problem for the church, settlement, playground, or similar agency which attempts to use, to incorporate, or to supervise the gang. It is sometimes so well developed as to wreck a larger conventionalized organization in which it be- comes a unit. SUPERIOR SOLIDARITY 163. When our scout troop was organized we included in its membership the “Bureau Corner” gang of sixteen or eighteen boys, who used to hang in front of a grocery store in the winter but often built shacks down by the river in the summer time. Our first trouble with the gang was that they all wanted to be in the same patrol. (The scout troop, which is not allowed to exceed forty mem- bers, may have four patrols of not more than ten members each.) This difficulty was overcome by putting the cliques of boon com- panions in the gang, each in a separate patrol. There was nothing but trouble during the two years the troop existed. The gang fairly ran things, in spite of all the scoutmaster could do. The other boys were afraid of them and were always trying to please the gang rather than the scout officials. The whole gang would absent themselves from scout meetings at once. If some enterprise was undertaken, the gang as a whole would enter enthusiastically upon it or withhold their entire support. Eventual- ly when some of the members of the gang disobeyed orders at the summer camp, the whole gang bolted, and the rest of the troop seemed very half-hearted. Finally it became apparent that this _group would have to be allowed complete control or banished en- tirely.? t Manuscript prepared by a boys’ worker. 2 Manuscript by the scoutmaster of the troop.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 281 The added danger of the development of a gang within a formal group creates another difficulty for the worker with boys." A CHURCH ATHLETIC CLUB 164. An athletic club was formed by the workers in a certain church to provide wholesome activities for the boys. Out of this group developed a gang, which soon began to hang together outside the regular club hours. Eventually it became an auto stealing group.? PLANNING AND CO-OPERATION The unity of the group is further aided by the indi- vidual slogans, words, traditions, and so on, which are developed by the gang and which symbolize in common terms its objectives. The gang’s planning must be carried on in terms of the common meanings which these symbols make possible. The name of the gang? is of particular significance as a means of social control. It affords a com- mon stimulus or value to which all members of the gang may respond with common sentiments. It is the rallying and unifying stimulus in a conflict situation. Since each member of the group is more or less identified with the group name, it becomes a matter of common pride to defend and exalt it. The extent to which the gang may achieve unity of purpose and organization for carrying out a co-operative enterprise is indicated in the following document. *See pp. 32-34. The boys’ worker has sensed this problem; see George W. Fiske, Boy Life and Self-Government, p. 110. 2 Interview. 3 See pp. 275-76 for a discussion of gang names.282 THE GANG CO-OPERATIVE PLANNING IN THE BOUNDARY GANG 165. The Boundary Gang operated along Twelfth Street in the vicinity of the railroad tracks in 1919. Composed of Polish, Bohemian, and Greek lads, sixty in all, fourteen to sixteen years of age, it was well organized and as tough as any in the city. Under the leadership of the notorious “Duffky,” it had achieved a wide- spread reputation as a fighting organization, and woe to any boy from some enemy region that crossed Twelfth Street and got into its territory. The Boundary Gang had heard reports of the self-governing cities of the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic and they determined to apply for a city of their own. The Republic rented a small cottage for them at $15 a month. This was regarded as a temporary ex- pedient to hold the gang. It was a clubhouse, but there was no furniture and the boys were keenly eager to have their home equipped. It was proposed by the gang that they conduct a raffle to raise money for the needed equipment, but this method was forbidden by the constitution of the B.B.R. Whereupon, the boys took the matter in their own hands. Five of the boys, selected by the gang, were chosen for special parts in a burglary enterprise. Money was raised in the group to outfit the quintet in new clothes; one boy would buy a necktie, another a pair of socks, and so on until five complete outfits of approved modes were collected. The boys washed, combed their hair and, arrayed in their new togs, essayed from the clubhouse as models of propriety. Two of them obtained work in a garage, two in a large department store at Twelfth and Halsted, and the fifth entered the employment of an athletic goods house, then located in the Loop. The scheme was to loot the department store of such materials as were needed for house furnishings and the sporting goods house of the necessary athletic equipment. This was to be done with the aid of a truck and a Ford “borrowed” from the garage for the purpose. The plans for the undertaking were worked out on paper with great precision and skill, with every detail provided for almostGROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 283 like a blueprint, and later they were adjudged by an expert as among the most perfect of the type he had ever seen in his years of experience among criminals. The lad who was working at the sporting goods house had cleverly concealed, in a large packing case in the basement under a layer of rubbish, sporting goods of every description—boxing gloves, baseball equipment, and even a heavy iron platform to be set up for a punching bag. This material had been gradually withdrawn from the reserve stock and secreted in the box. The boys at the department store had been no less active. They had amassed cur- tains, rods, rugs, and all sorts of interior equipment for their club- house and this was ready to be loaded at a moment’s notice. On the evening which had been selected for executing the coup, the boys at each place of business were to secrete themselves so that they would be locked in by their respective employers. A key had been made surreptitiously for a Yale lock to open the rear door of the Twelfth Street store from the inside and enable them to raise a huge steel bar. At the appointed hour a fight was to be started between two boys about two blocks from the department store on Twelfth Street; shooting was to occur; and in this manner, a certain watchman was to be drawn away from his post. Very carefully worked-out signals were then to be given by boys sta- tioned at every eighty yards on the street, and the boys who worked in the garage were to sally forth, one with a truck bound for the department store and the other with a Ford to pick up the sporting material down town. All was arranged to work like clockwork. Every precaution had been taken to expedite matters. There were two sets of boys for loading. On the truck were ropes, wires, and other accessories to enable the goods to be loaded in as short time as possible. A large window at the side of the clubhouse had been broken out and nailed up with boards, working on a hinge, so that the entrance of the goods could be effected without arousing the suspicions of the neighbors. Fortunately, or unfortunately, depending upon one’s point of view, the two representatives of the B.B.R. who had been helping supervise the gang in its new home, got wind of the matter and284 THE GANG reported it to the council of Main City. The elaborately worked out plan was seized, the goods were unpacked, and the scheme was declared off. Eventually, however, the funds were raised for fur- nishing their club; and the gang became Central City of the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic.' This document indicates that the gang is capable of deliberation, planning, and co-operation in a highly com- plex undertaking. In this respect it differs markedly from the mob or the “psychological crowd” as described by Le Bon? The gang often acts as a psychological crowd does, but it is capable of reflective behavior as well. THE CODE OF THE GANG Every gang tends to develop its own code of conduct, of which its members are more or less aware and which may be more or less rigidly enforced upon them. The code of the gang is in part reflected from the patterns of be- havior in its own social world, in part the result of the development of primary group sentiments, and in part the product of the individual group in its own special environment. The following cases illustrate these three factors, as well as other points with reference to group control. A GANG CODE 166. My gang, which had about ten members, had as its main object the stealing of ice-cream from the parties attended by the girls of our acquaintance. The leader was a hard rock. The first principle and most important rule of the group was not to squeal on another member. The gang swiped ice-cream, not because its members could not 1Interview with Jack Robbins, General Supervisor, Boys’ Brother- hood Republic. 2 Gustave Le Bon, The Crowd, pp. 39-67.siete BBs R. Photo THE BOUNDARY GANG Above is the Boundary gang in its native habitat in the Ghetto. It received its name because of its valiant defense of its home territory against marauding gangs seeking to cross its boundary. (See document 16s.) Below is the same gang a few years later after it had been made into a “city” of the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic. This organization has done constructive work in redirecting the interests of gangs into more wholesome channels. (See document 269, p. 517.-)286 THE GANG afford to buy this luxury, but because we enjoyed the excitement. One evening we managed to get away with a gallon can. Not hav- ing anything to eat it with, we used silver dollars and the crystals of our watches. For this escapade a fine of $25 was assessed against the member of our party who was caught and dragged into police court. He did not give our names, but we came to his rescue and paid the fine. Another rule of the gang was that each member was to carry a package of Duke’s Mixture tobacco in his shirt pocket with the tag always hanging out. That I did not smoke made no difference; I had to have the ‘‘makins” if some other member of the gang happened to want them. We had a strict rule against any associations with girls. Another rule was to protect the property of a widow and a blind couple on Hallowe’en. We not only observed this ourselves but we kept other gangs in line also. The gang was completely broken up by being expelled bodily from school. One of the boys had put glue on the chair of the manual training teacher. He was punished. In retaliation the gang “stacked” the high school; that is, put all movable objects together into one huge pile.* The preceding document illustrates the typical in- formal code of the gang. The following case illustrates how a more formal set of rules may develop. THE CODE OF THE KLUCK KLAN 167. In the Kluck Klan, a gang of about fifteen boys from twelve to seventeen years of age, no discrimination was made in taking in members except that negroes and Jews were barred. The gang met in a shack built of lumber stolen from railroad yards and cars. Our activities carried us all over the city. When a new boy was taken in he was put on a two weeks’ probation. He thought he was a full-fledged member, but we tested him secretly. If he squealed, we dropped him; but if he showed that he was true to the gang, he was fully accepted. Our dues were t From a manuscript by a former member of the group.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 287 twenty-five cents a week. When a new fellow came in, if he was a good fellow, we gave a stag party to start him off right. We had cigarettes and root-beer sodas. Some of the kids had mouth organs and banjos which they played on these occasions. We had a special system of robbing. We all had nicknames by which we would call each other if we were being chased. Opposite names were used to deceive the police. For example, a Greek boy was nicknamed “‘Polish” and a Polish “‘Greek.’’ Some fellows were good at bending bars on windows. One fellow would go ahead and rob silk shirts. The owner would give chase and he would drop them. In the meantime the other fellows had gone in and gotten cash. We never took members from near our shack. We would pick them up on our roamings, first knocking them around and then making friends. The gang writes to me every week, ‘‘We all want you back.” The officers are a captain, a lieutenant, and a sergeant. The gang grants power to the captain and he can order fellows around. There are no cliques within the gang. Outside we always go around together in different combinations; otherwise the cops get suspicious. We have fifteen or twenty written rules. Some of them are: (1) We are not allowed to fight among ourselves or razz each other. (2) When you go out, do as you are told. (3) If you get caught, don’t squeal on the other guys. (4) Be loyal to the officers. (5) Always defend ladies and girls in trouble. (6) If you get anything, always bring it in and see if it can be useful. (7) Do not lie to each other. It takes eight of the fifteen votes to pass anything in the gang. If the offense of a member was not sufficiently serious to require dismissal, we would put the gloves on with him or take away some of his privileges at the shack. We played baseball and football a lot, and in the evenings we would play cards and checkers. We never played for money among ourselves, only with outside kids. We liked to go robbing, shoot craps, read good stories to each other, and box in the shack.288 THE GANG Our chief enemies on the outside were the Maryanna and Wrightwood gangs. All the guys go out at seventeen years of age unless they are good guys, then we keep them in. When a guy comes into the shack at night, he knocks five times, four quick raps and then a pause before the fifth. PRIMARY GROUP VIRTUES The gang is a primary group. THE PRIMARY GROUP DEFINED By primary groups I mean those characterized by intimate face-to-face association and co-operation. They are primary in several senses, but chiefly in that they are fundamental in forming the social nature and ideals of the individual. The result of intimate association, psychologically, is a certain fusion of individualities in a common whole, so that one’s very self, for many purposes at least, is the common life and purpose of the group. Perhaps the simplest way of describing this wholeness is by saying that it is a “we”: it involves the sort of sympathy and mutual identification for which “we” is the natural expression. One lives in the feeling of the whole and finds the chief aims of his will in that feeling. While the nature of the gang code varies in different groups, depending upon differences in social environment and previous experiences, it tends to include in every case some form of expression of the primary-group virtues,’ or moral attitudes which focus about the group rather than the welfare of its individual members. Loyalty is a universal requirement in the gang, and squealing is probably the worst infraction of the code. t Gang boy’s own story. 2 Charles H. Cooley, Social Organization, p. 23. 3 See Charles H. Cooley, of. cit., pp. 28-39.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 289 This conception of honor is combatted in the schools, but most boys prefer to take a beating rather than “stool” on their associates. Raising money to pay fines of its members is a common gang practice. One group had a rule that if one member was arrested, they should all get “pinched” and sent away to the same institution if possi- ble. The sympathetic strike is often used by the gang when any one of its members is in trouble. While fighting to settle differences within the gang is not uncommon, fighting between members must follow the rules set up by the group. RULES GOVERNING FIGHTING 168. Another custom that grew up in the gang association was a kind of chivalry, a set of rules governing fighting. Disputes be- tween the members were usually settled by a fist fight duly refereed according to established rules. Occasionally a boy would put a ring made of a bent horseshoe nail on one of his fingers, but this practice was considered unfair. The boys, moreover, would not permit anything to interfere with their institutions. If a man tried to separate two fighting boys, they would both unite against him, or, if he proved too formidable an enemy, they would retire to more secluded parts and decide their differences in their own way.! 169. When G—— P—— and I got into a fight one Saturday morning the rest of the gang made us put on boxing gloves and fight it out. After five three-minute bouts we had both cooled down and were ready to resume friendly relations. “Fight it out’’ was a law of the gang, but the group determined the conditions an@ refereed the bouts.? e An infraction of this code, as applied within the gang, brings speedy and certain punishment. This may be t Manuscript by a former member of the gang. 2 Manuscript by a former member of the gang.290 THE GANG physical or it may take the form of an ostracism which has very tragic results for the culprit.” The gang occasionally evolves special mechanisms for meting out justice. The leader sometimes acts as arbiter and his word is usually accepted as final. In some groups a serious or fair-minded boy sometimes takes the rdle of judge. One South Side gang has been in the habit for years of bringing its disputes for settlement to a certain shoemaker. Another primary-group virtue which develops within the gang is a sort of brotherhood or mutual kindliness. This manifests itself in many forms of self-sacrifice. If a member is in serious danger the rest will spare no pains to save his life. One boy will sometimes undergo severe hardships to aid another.? BROTHERLY KINDNESS 170. The C gang won a prize of $30, which was up on a ball game with the B——-s. The C——s did not know what to do with the money. The director of the park suggested taking them down town to a real show, but they answered that they did not have the clothes. They finally decided to give the money to a newly married member for a honeymoon. 171. The loyalty to each other of the members of the X—— gang has been most marked during the present period of unemploy- ment. Each of the boys who has a job feels it his duty to get work for those who have none. In several instances the attempts have been successful; and a strong group spirit is evident.‘ x See Corey Ford, ““New York’s Junior Gangland,” New York Times Book Review and Magazine, January I, 1922, p. 10. 2 See document 13, p. 46. 3 Interview with a park director. 4 Manuscript by a social worker.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 291 Special codes may be developed in a gang for the furtherance of special interests which are peculiar to that group. This is illustrated in the case of the fighting foot- ball gang (described in document 107), which adopted a specialized organization, with its own peculiar rules and taboos. Gangs which develop specialized structures and codes for the furtherance of some interest of their own may be regarded as functional types. Thus, groups are organized around such dominant interests as junking, sex, picking pockets, stealing, athletics, gambling, or some special type of crime. In each case they develop their own technique. MECHANISMS OF CONTROL IN THE GANG The individual member of a gang is almost wholly controlled by the force of group opinion. The way every- body in the gang does or thinks is usually sufficient justification or dissuasion for the gang boy. In such cases he is really feeling the pressure of public opinion in that part of his own social world which is most vital to him and in which he wishes to maintain status.’ This sort of sanction will make almost any kind of conduct right or wrong within the group. It will also make a boy one per- son when under group influence and quite another when apart from it. Opinion in the gang manifests its pressure in the vari- ety of mechanisms through which group control is exerted such as applause, preferment, and hero-worshiping as well as ridicule, scorn, and ostracism. Physical punishment is ™See W. I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Girl, p. 32. One reason the individual responds to social control is that he has a fundamental wish for status, which society alone is in a position to confer.292 THE GANG not uncommon. The leader has considerable power over his subordinates so long as he does not abuse it. Many of the influences that determine the behavior of the gang and its members, however, are unplanned and unreflec- tive, and, as in the crowd, arise out of the very nature of collective action. PUNISHMENT One of the chief mechanisms of control in the gang is the fear of violence or physical punishment. In the fra- ternity this takes the form of “‘hazing,”’ ducking in cold water, and paddling, especially for probationers. In the gang the member who has broken the code may be sub- jected to a beating or in extreme cases may be marked for death. PHYSICAL PUNISHMENT 172. We had a rule in our gang forbidding swearing. Every one violating it received a kick from each member of the group. This rule was enforced so stringently that many were the sore seats the first four weeks after it went into effect.? 173. No one should snitch on another guy [squeal on him]. Anybody that snitched got sixty punches from each member of the gang. We would beat him up hard. My brother got it once.? 174. One day G—— told his sister about our meetings in the tin garage. Next day Roger picked a fight with him and gave him a good beating because of his disloyalty.3 175. As soon as a member of the gang showed any desire to associate with the girls by walking home with one from school or by attending one of their parties, he was automatically dropped. If he fell from virtue but once, however, he could sometimes be reinstated by taking a billy wedging.4 t Manuscript by a former member of the group. See document 210, P- 359- 2 Gang boy’s own story. 3 Ibid. 4 Manuscript by a former member of the gang.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 293 In the gang of the more vicious or criminal type, dis- loyalty is often punished by death. The notorious Rats gang of St. Louis is alleged to have murdered a number of its members who were suspected of treason or became otherwise troublesome.* In such cases when a man was marked for death, he was executed by the gang’s “firing squad.”’ Fear of violence to one’s family also acts as a deterrent from being disloyal to the gang, alae in groups of the criminal type.” THREATS AGAINST FAMILY 176. Viana, the “‘songbird of the jail,” a sixteen-year old mem- ber of the notorious Cardinelli gang, was a victim of the code of the gang. He might have saved his neck from the noose, had he been willing to divulge the secrets of the group to which he be- longed. The remarkable hold of the gang was shown by his fear of threats against his family. The inflexible social organization of the gang required him to do as they did.3 RIDICULE AND APPLAUSE Another important mechanism of social control within the gang is ridicule, commonly known to the boys as “‘raz- zing.’ It includes ‘‘making fun” of the nonconformer, “riding” him, teasing him, mocking him, laughing at him, and calling him by opprobrious epithets. It varies all the way from the subtlest allusions in conversation, the sliest winks and titters, to the coarsest pantomime, the crudest horse laugh, and the most stinging sarcasm. Only one who has been made the target for it by some intimate group in which he has had to live can understand its con- *See the confession of Ray Renard, a former member of the gang, published in the S¢. Louis Star, February 24 to March 31, 192s. 2 See also document 20, p. 66. 3 See document 230, p. 431.294 THE GANG stant and merciless pressure in the direction of enforcing conformity. This is one of the chief weapons in the hands of the American fraternity, the German “corporation,” and the gang of every nationality in assimilating new members.* The use of epithets of derision constitutes one com- pelling element in razzing. The sort that are most effec- tive for control are the so-called ‘‘humilific.”? The gang boy has his own epithets for those who fail to measure up to his standards. The coward receives the hated appella- tion of “yellow” or “yellow belly.” The traitor is a “snitcher,” or ‘‘stooler.” The boy who hangs back or is not game is a “baby.” The boy who plays with girls or assumes any niceties of dress or behavior is a “‘sissie.” A real gang boy would prefer to take almost any punish- ment rather than to be called by one of these names; for to be so called is an indication that he has lost caste in the group which is most vital to his happiness. These col- lective representations of the gang get their meaning from actual life situations; like the social virtues in the gang, they are defined in interaction. Ridicule defines what the boy must not do if he wishes to maintain his status. There is, however, a positive method of control which contributes to his desire for 1“The fear of ridicule is the most dominant of our feelings, that which controls us in most things and with the most strength. Because of this fear one does ‘what one would not do for the sake of justice, scrupulousness, honor, or good will;’ one submits to an infinite number of obligations which morality would not dare to prescribe and which are not included in the laws.”—L. Dugas, Psychologie du rire, quoted in Robert E. Park and E. W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Soctology, pp. 373-74- 2 See F. E. Lumley, Means of Social Control, pp. 292-97.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 295 recognition; this is applause and hero worshiping. To gain the praise and flattery of his pals and such rewards as prizes, preferment, honors, and leadership, the gang boy conforms to types of behavior which are consonant with the ideals and policies of the group." GROUP APPRECIATION 177. We have one case of an Italian boy, R-—-, who in the gang can always be counted upon to respond to an appeal for the best for himself and the gang. Outside the gang his record has not been so satisfactory. In the gang he is stimulated by group appreci- ation; while without he is not.? In maintaining the approval of the gang, the boy sees himself through the gang’s eyes. He is much concerned with the interpretation the gang will put on his behavior, and by taking the réle of the gang or some leader, he at- tempts to judge himself.3 This process may be definitely expressed in some such terms as these: ‘What’ll Rocky (the leader) say?” “What’ll de guys say?” “What’ll de rest of de gang do?” “I don’t want to wear that, or do this; Pll get razzed for a month.” “If the gang goes to rob a store and I do not go, they’ll get sore on me.” CROWD CONTROLS IN THE GANG The gang has been defined as the “perpetuation and permanent form of ‘the crowd that acts.’ ”’4 One of its *For an interesting discussion of rewards, praise, and flattery as means of social control, see Lumley, of. cit., chaps. ii, iii, and iv. ? Social worker’s observations of a gang boy. $ Charles H. Cooley in Human Nature and the Social Order, pp. 152-53, describes this mechanism, which he calls “the looking-glass self.” ‘Park and Burgess, of. cit., p. 872. The gang displays practically every type of corporate behavior even to the coolest deliberation and296 THE GANG forms of behavior involves that peculiar ‘‘mental unity” described by Le Bon as characteristic of the “psychologi- cal crowd.”= When the gang becomes excited, it does not deliberate rationally and it is likely to become completely responsive to the circumstance of the moment or act on almost any suggestion presented by its natural leaders. The gang is particularly prone to the crowd type of impulsive behavior because it is a natural and spontane- ous group. It usually lacks the protection of parliamen- tary procedure in keeping it orderly. Even the conven- tionalized gang often finds order difficult: its members deal in personalities; they do not address the chair; they do not, as a rule, arbitrate their disputes. The ease with which the gang enters into a mob has already been illus- trated. Another element in the gang’s control of its members, as in the crowd’s, is the security afforded the individual in the force of numbers,? which tends to remove the qualms that might well arise in an individual embarking upon some perilous undertaking on his own account. Thus, the feeling of power conferred by the mere force of numbers is often sufficient to quite distort the indi- vidual’s moral perspective. This is what is usually meant by “gang spirit.”” Such an expression implies group-con- trolled action of an impulsive or irresponsible sort. planning. Furthermore, it may develop an elaborate tradition, almost a culture of its own, and in this sense it is more like a society in miniature than a “psychological crowd.” x See Gustave Le Bon, The Crowd, pp. 25-26. 2 According to W. I. Thomas the wish for security is fundamental in human nature. See Thomas, The Unadjusted Girl, pp. 12 ff.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 207 THE SUBTLER FORMS OF CONTROL Interpretations by members of a gang of the more delicate and subtle changes in the behavior of other mem- bers may be regarded as important for crowd control. It is by the reading of these less perceptible signs that one person is able to respond to the sentiment and attitude of another. In a face-to-face group changes in facial ex- pression, slight gestures, and the like, although largely in the field of unverbalized reactions, enable an individual to sense a situation instantly. Thus, they define the situa- tion and promote rapport.? The gang, as an intimate primary group, develops an excellent basis for control through rapport. Life together over a more or less extended period results in a common social heritage shared by every member of the group. Common experience of an intimate and often an intense nature prepares the way for close sympathy—for mutual interpretation of subtle signs indicating changes in senti- ment or attitude. Collective representations embodied in signs, symbols (such as the badge in a fraternity), secret grips and words, and the argot of the group, all promote mutual responsiveness in the more subtle forms of com- munication. Peculiarities of dress or physique serve the same-purpose; for example, a peculiar sort of hair cut as identifying members of a certain gang or the wearing of certain types of blouses or ties. This rapport is sometimes so complete in a gang (and in a college fraternity also) that one receives the impres- sion of interpenetration of personalities, if such a mystical *See Park, et al., The City, pp. 29-30, and Park and Burgess, op. cit., p. 893.298 THE GANG conception is permissible. The consensus of habits, senti- ments, and attitudes becomes so thoroughly unified in some of these cases that individual differences seem swal- lowed up. INTERPENETRATION OF PERSONALITIES 178. In the close association of this group for years and years, we learned to know each other better than our parents did. Certain characteristics we made fun of habitually, yet no one else dared to do so without personal danger from the bunch. Cookie’s passion for “ham and” was traditional. So much so that he claimed to eat ham and eggs in order to see what new jokes he would hear from it. 179. When we would see something while walking along the street, practically the same comment was always forthcoming from each of us, so close was our sympathy. These relations were close enough that the mother of one of us was regarded practically as the mother of each of the others.” These areas of intimacy have the most profound influ- ence upon the development of personality. PERSONALITY AND AREAS OF INTIMACY The area of individual orientation may be defined both geo- graphically and emotionally. For the gang boy there is an area of geographical range including home and familiar territory, beyond which lies enemy territory and the external world. In addition to this there is an area of intimacy in which he has relations of close emotional dependence. He depends on this area for what Thomas calls “‘response.”” The member of the gang or of the intimate fraternity becomes absorbed in these emotional contacts. Rapport based on sympathy is set up. There results close fellowship which often involves a feeling of infinite security and even tenderness (pathos). Physical touch plays a part. This is the area of greatest familiarity. t Manuscript by a former member of the group. 2 Gang boy’s own story.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 299 The member of the gang (or the fraternity) is often fascinated by this new intimacy, which becomes the most vital element in his world and often comes to supplant family and all other relation- ships, at least for the time being. Entrance into such a group is often like discovering a new world. Primary personality is devel- oped in these contacts; and as this area widens, personality is cor- respondingly modified. A certain part of this submergence of indi- viduality within the group may be due to the hero worship of some individual member. The extent of the assimilation of the person indicates the degree of group control over him.? Under such circumstances as these, formal distinctions and categorical classifications tend to lose their weight. Differences of race and religion are alike forgotten. 180. One of our gang was a Catholic, one was a Jew, and three were Protestants. Religion made no difference. The most ardent and fervid friendship existed between us.? MUTUAL EXCITATION Mutual excitation within the gang makes possible forms of behavior that would not be enacted by indi- viduals or pairs. Perhaps the simplest form of interstimu- lation within the gang is esprit de corps or some type of fellowship activity. In general, this corresponds to “‘mill- ing” processes in the animal group and is often a prepara- tion for some more definite line of action. Delinquency may arise and be further encouraged as the result of a ‘“‘talkfest’—mere discussion and narrative rehearsal during which each boy vicariously goes through the experiences and gets the thrills described. Such was the case of Olaf’s gang (described in document 17, p. 60). * Unpublished manuscript by the author. 2 Manuscript by a former member of the gang. RA Y ha OND URL300 THE GANG In some cases it seems possible that mutual excitation alone, without previous experiences, tastes, or wishes in that direction, develops an enthusiasm of the moment sufficient to set up a pattern of behavior which is followed by a group. ROBBING THE POST-OFFICE 181. We three college students—Mac, Art, and Tom—were rooming together while attending V—— University, one of the oldest colleges in the South. On the day of our crime all three of us spent over three hours in the library—really working. That was on Sunday and our crime was committed at 1:30 that night (or rather on Monday morning). We had been scattered that Sunday night. Tom went to see his best beloved, Art attended a show alone, and I stepped out with a girl. At the sorority house I was unusually cheerful, and when I departed arranged for another date with the same girl. I left there about 10:45. After Art had seen his movie, he went into a drug store and purchased a pack of cigarettes. He was given too much change and did not notice the fact until he was almost outside the store. He returned and gave the money back to the dealer, who had not noticed this mistake. This small incident assumed significance next day in the light of our later actions. “No more dates for me until the first,” was my unfortunate remark on entering the room. It was then January 27. My com- ment was made after tossing a dollar on the dresser. The discussion that followed was not the result of any previous talks. We never had discussed such things before that I can remember. Having lived together for several years we had engaged in numerous college stunts and adventures of a different nature, but with a similar spirit. The conversation began with a remark about the numerous recent bank failures in the state, probably stimulated by one of us glancing at a map of the state. It then shifted to discussion of a local bank that had closed its doors the day before. Tom, whoGROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 301 worked at the post-office occasionally as special mail clerk, hap- pened to mention that a sack containing a large amount of money had been received at the post-office that afternoon, consigned to a local bank that feared a run. The conversation then turned to the careless way in which the money was handled at the office—a plain canvas sack thrown into an open safe. We discussed the ease with which a thief could get into the building and steal the money. Tom drew a plan showing the desk at which the only clerk worked and the location of the only gun in the office. At first the conversation was entirely con- fined to how easily criminals might manage to steal the money. Somehow it shifted to a personal basis: as to how easily we might get the money. This shift came so naturally that even the next morning we were unable to decide when and by whom the first vital remark had been made. A possible plan was discussed as to how we might steal the package. Tom could go to the office and gain admittance on the pretense of looking for an important letter. Then Art and I, masked and armed, could rush in, tie Tom and the clerk, and make off with the package. We had lost sight of the fact that the package con- tained money. We were simply discussing the possibility of playing an exciting prank with no thought of actually committing it. We had played many harmless pranks and had discussed them in much the same way before; but the knowledge that there was danger in this prank made it a subject to linger over. After about an hour and a half of talk, I started to take off my shoes. As I unlaced them, I thought of how it looked as if I were the one to kill our interesting project. I foolishly said something to the effect that if Tom was going down town, I thought I would write a letter that was already overdue. Tom was anxiously await- ing a letter that should be in that night. He suggested that I go down also as it was a very decent night. I consented and Art decided to join us. I sat down and wrote the letter—meanwhile we continued our talk about the money package. My letter finished, something seemed to change. We found further inaction impossible: we either had to rob the post-office or302 THE GANG go to bed. Tom brought out his two guns; I hunted up a couple of regular plain handkerchiefs, and Art added some rope to the assort- ment. At the time we were still individually and collectively play- ing a game with ourselves. Each of us expected one of the other two to give the thing the horse laugh and suggest going to bed and letting the letters wait till morning. But it seemed that we forgot everything—our position in school, our families and friends, the danger to us and to our folks. Our only thought was to carry out that prank. We all made our preparations more or less mechani- cally. Our minds were in a daze. Putting on our regular overcoats and caps, we left the rooms quietly. On the way down town we passed the night patrolman without any really serious qualms. Tom entered the post-office as was his usual custom, being a sub-clerk, and Art and I crept up to the rear door. Tom appeared at a window with his hat, a signal that there were no reasons why our plan would not be effective. At the door, in full illumination of a light, we arranged our hand- kerchiefs over our faces and took our guns out of our pockets. We were ready. ‘Have you enough guts to go through with this thing?” I asked, turning to Art, who was behind me. “Tf you have,” he answered. Frankly, I felt that I had gone far enough, but for some un- known reason I did not throw out a remark that would have ended it all then and there. And Art didn’t. He later said that he was just too scared to suggest anything. We were both, it seems, in a sort of daze. Tom opened the door and we followed our plan out to the end. There was no active resistance by the regular night man. Even after we left the office with thousands of dollars in our hands we did not realize all that it meant. Our first words were not about getting the money. They were about the fact that our prank (and it was still that to us) had been successful. When we reached our rooms, having hidden the money in an abandoned dredger, the seriousness of the thing began to penetrate our minds. For an hour or so we lay quietly and finally settled on a plan thatGROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 303 seemed safe in returning the money without making our identity known. Then I went to sleep.* We have in this case a gradual working up of excite- ment and preparation for action through discussion. This continues until it becomes impossible to remain inactive longer, and as a group three boys execute a deed that no one of them would have been capable of as an individual. The conventional definition of the situation is completely ignored in the excitement of the moment. What the boys at the time defined as an “‘exciting prank,”’ society later called “robbery.”’ If this mechanism works among college boys of good character and steady habits, it may be readily understood how much more effectively it may operate with groups of boys from the disorganized areas of the city. Another form assumed by mutual excitation leading to action (summation) which is readily distinguishable in the behavior of the gang may be called the “daring mecha- nism.” In this case we have a series of competitive acts, each requiring somewhat greater courage or bravado, one provoking another, until some climactic act of bravery or foolhardiness is performed. STUMPING 182. On our hikes we always did something besides walk along the road. Usually each member would take along a pole, with which * From statements to the author by two of the participants in the robbery. The good character of these boys had never been questioned in their home and college communities. * This may be regarded as one form of summation, which is the process involving a series of responses each tending more markedly in a particular direction until the climactic act, which gives significance to the whole series, is reached.304 THE GANG we would vault the streams and fences. When the gang would get to a very high fence, its members had the option of crawling through or vaulting it. Someone usually wished to stump the rest, however, and if he made it, the rest of us invariably found it incumbent upon us at least to try, although it was not compulsory to do so." COW-SHOOTING 183. A gang of about eight fellows with a cabin under a big rock in the Appalachian woods originated from the boys’ driving the cattle back and forth every morning and evening. Each family had a big pasture about a mile from town. This particular day we went frog-hunting with a gun. Later we arrived at the cattle pen and the boys got the cows about half- way up the hill, when they happened to start shooting with the gun. “T dare you to shoot one of those cows off the hill,”’ someone ventured. The other took the dare and started shooting at the cattle. There was some hesitancy at first, but before long five of the eleven boys were participating. Each boy would shoot at the other fellow’s cow if possible. One cow was shot in the neck. Another one was killed. The boy whose cow dropped told his folks that she was sick and they had better come up and see about her. Four of the gang had to pay for her; it cost them $20 a piece.? THE LIMITATIONS OF GANG MORALITY Certain writers have been somewhat too idealistic with regard to the educational value of the gang for the boy. They have emphasized the fact that the gang teaches its members the great human virtues. Some have even suggested that the gang is a desirable institution for the boy apart from all supervision. t Manuscript by a former member of the group. 2 Interview with a former member of the gang. See document 148, Pp. 257. 3See Jane Addams, Newer Ideals of Peace, p. 177, and Charles H. Cooley, Social Organization, pp. 24-25. 4See Winifred Buck, Boys’ Self-Governing Clubs.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 305 VALUES IN LACK OF SUPERVISION 184. I have the theory that the gang develops the boy in many important ways. This sort of spontaneous growth is so valuable to his personality, that I am not sure that there should ever be any supervision. The boys learn to settle their differences in an equita- ble way. In this way the group develops the boy into a real person. I think every boy should have his gang. Other workers with boys have concluded that these so- called “guerrilla virtues” are a great asset to any social agency that would turn the energies of the gang into wholesome channels.? As preparation for life in a larger world, however, it is doubtful if the gang as such does enough. The gang virtues which have been so exalted as ideal patterns for humanity at large hold only for members of the in-group and the rest of the world may quite normally be looked upon as lawful prey. The sense of fair play which tends to govern relationships of the boys to each other does not extend to outsiders.3 The ethnocentrism which marked the small groups of primitive life and tribal society,‘ is also characteristic of the gang. The Greek-letter fraternity, which is akin to the gang in many respects, presents a good example of the same thing. A current attitude among members of such societies is expressed in such words as “We belong; we are the Greeks; we are the cultured. You do not be- t Interview with a leading Chicago boys’ worker. 2 Alpheus Geer, “Gangmen Tell of Plan that Saved Them,” New York Times, March 30, 1924. Dr. Luther H. Gulick concurs in this position. 3 See pp. 181-82 and 287. 4 William G. Sumner, Folkways, pp. 12-13.306 THE GANG long; you are the barbarians; you are rude and untu- tored.” In another sense, moreover, the gang does too much; for along with the virtues, it inculcates in its members the primary-group vices. Revenge, which is characteristic of many detached primary groups,’ is the law of the gang. The amity which prevails among members of the same group is often accompanied by this antithetical sentiment of hatred toward outsiders. In extreme cases this mani- fests itself in the most abandoned types of retaliation and often does not stop short of murder. In the more vicious gangs there develops a lust for blood revenge. LUST FOR BLOOD REVENGE 185. The Tonies were a gang of Italian hoodlums numbering about thirty and aged from eighteen to twenty-five. They had developed a grudge against a certain colored man who had won some money from them while gambling in a saloon. Later on this colored man was engaged in a crap game with an Irish bunch at the edge of the park. When the Irish group spied the Italian gang coming down the street, each boy pocketed as much money as he could and left. The Italians then came up to the colored man, knocked him over and stamped on his head, crushing his skull. They were never even arrested for this murder.? The blind fury of this passion, which is so difficult for the cultivated person to understand, explains many of the bloody wars and fatal feuds waged between rival gangs.’ A policeman who has incurred the enmity of a vicious See the account of a Syrian clan, Park and Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted, pp. 35-36. 2 Interview with a park director. 3 See account of Rats-Jellyrolls war, pp. 176-78.GROUP CONTROL IN THE GANG 307 gang will undoubtedly become a repeated target for assassins’ bullets. Nor can the primary virtues which the gang is sup- posed to develop always be counted upon to hold for its own members. In many cases there is a betrayal of trust and in the criminal gang a man is never sure of his friends.” INVERTED ROUGH STUFF 186. Berney’s gang which was organized about 1908 had asits hang-out the saloon of Joe Berney near Keeley and Lyman streets adjacent to where the Bosely playground now stands. The nucleus of the gang consisted of the Berney family and it included their cousins and neighbors. It had about twelve members, aged from twenty-five to thirty-five years. Most of the members, who were gunmen, were usually occupied in quarreling among themselves. We have here a case of inverted rough stuff. They liked to use firearms, and, although they mur- dered two men who were not members of the gang, they usually turned their guns on each other in drunken brawls. The result was that by 1913-15, they had killed each other all off with the excep- tion of one who died from a fall and another, the only remaining survivor, who is now a watchman.? It is difficult to see how such training as the unsuper- vised gang can give, prepares a boy adequately for useful citizenship. The good citizen of today must possess some- thing more than gang morality. He must live in a society where tolerance of other groups, responsibility toward them, and co-operation with them are essential to social order and general prosperity. To this end there is a need for intergroup morality. One of our great shortcomings *See Ray Renard’s story of the Rats, St. Louis Star, February 24 to March 31, 1925. * Interview with Mr. X, a Chicago politician,308 THE GANG is undoubtedly just this failure to recognize obligations to other groups. One may be quite loyal to his own; yet he feels that he can injure and despoil out-groups with impunity. So it is that the politician, the grafter, the racialist, the religious fanatic, the Chauvinist, the im- perialist, and so on, are the higher exponents of gang morality: they are all Greeks and the barbarians must suffer.CHAPTER XVI THE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG When it was the fashion to make every persistent type of behavior a product of instinct, an “instinct of organ- ization”’ was mustered out to explain the social order of the gang and the play group. THE INSTINCT OF ORGANIZATION 187. When boys of approximately the same stage of develop- ment meet together frequently as a group, tendencies toward or- ganization spring up apart from any outside influence. If eight or ten adolescent boys play and work together they do not remain a mere aggregation of unrelated units. Each individual becomes defi- nitely related to all the others. He plays a part in a larger whole. Impulses in the direction of organization begin to appear in the conduct of the members of the group..... The instinctive self-centeredness of childhood is reflected in the sensitiveness of adolescent boys with regard to the failures or humiliations of the group to which they belong. So the genius of the gang leads to reorganization as well as to self-organization. Thus capacities for leadership, without which co-operation is impossible, are developed. There is a practical demand that some one of the group discover and use the individual members for what they are worth. This whole vital process is natural—is instinctive. Boys of this age reveal instinctive capacities for self-organization.: This sort of explanation seems to be an oversimplifica- tion of the facts. It is one thing, moreover, to say that the organization of the gang is natural and quite another * Richardson and Loomis, The Boy Scout Movement A pplied by the Church, pp. 247-48, 3°9310 THE GANG to say that it is instinctive. Such organization as develops is that which is necessary for corporate behavior and co- operation; it will vary with pressures and patterns outside the group, as well as with the previous experience and previous relations of the members within. The ultimate relations which are formed among members and factions within the gang, rather than a consequence of instinct, seem to be due to the internal processes of conflict and competition incident to gang activities. AN EXAMPLE OF GANG STRUCTURE The spontaneous social order which characterizes the development of the gang may be shown best by an ex- ample—Itschkie’s Black Hand Society. This document is presented zm toto because it illustrates many of the prin- ciples and mechanisms of gang behavior described throughout the study and enables the reader to observe the functioning of an adolescent gang as a whole—in all its varied relationships. ITSCHKIE’S BLACK HAND SOCIETY 188. The Black Hand Society is a gang of about fifteen boys, twelve to fifteen years old, all of whom are Jewish with the excep- tion of two Italians who are known as the “Greasers.” Most of them live in the Maxwell Street community, the area of first settle- ment for the Russian-Jewish immigrant in Chicago. The Italian boys were admitted because of their compatibility and their resi- dence in the neighborhood. The real gang is a small, compact, select body around which there forms a wide fringe of more or less harmless, would-be gang boys who remain on “probation,” so to speak, and serve as a pro- tection for the central nucleus of the group. The real gang is a close, secret organization, operating on a business basis. Meetings * See pp. 43-44.THE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG BT are held in secret; plans and campaigns are formulated; tasks are assigned to members especially trained by their leaders for their particular jobs; signals are worked out; and finally—the deed ac- complished—the proceeds are pooled and each member receives his due share either in cash, booze, show tickets, or personal effects and petty trinkets. New members are chosen with great care and must often serve long periods of probation, during which the leader instructs them in the fundamentals of thievery and watches over them discerningly to see just how quickly and how well they are able to work out for themselves the fine points of the game. Thus, membership depends in large measure upon the boy’s ability as a pickpocket, though this quality alone will not guarantee his acceptance. The prospective Black Hander must also be compatible; he must go through a thorough grilling by every member of the group, in order to make sure that he is ‘game for anything,” that he is sufficiently tough—for on these two points the members greatly pride themselves. Finally, once a gang boy, he remains, save in the most exceptional case, under the complete domination of the group, pledged to tell no secrets and to divulge no plans. It is around the leader, often the chap of the readiest wit, that the gang crystallizes; and what he is, the gang is; what he becomes, the gang also becomes. ‘‘Clownie,” the first leader of the Black Handers, was a half-wit, but he was an expert little thief, and it is he who introduced the “art” of stealing and organized the boys in this neighborhood into the Black Hand gang. Quicker than light- ning, he had made his way in and out among the crowded groups of Maxwell Street market place, stealing first this, then that. He had money; indeed, everything he wanted. And there was excitement, too. Sometimes he would almost get caught; but always, just as the women in their stalls began to wrangle with him and to lose their heads in their anger, he would vanish. That was fun, devilish good sport. Then the other boys began to envy him. First one boy was fascinated by Clownie and learned the tricks of the trade, then another, and another,—until there were six or seven confirmed little312 THE GANG crooks firmly banded together, idolizing their half-wit leader and enjoying their new activities. That was the beginning of the gang. Clownie has long since left the Ghetto, but the gang still persists. The old plan of organization, the methods of doling out the proceeds among the gang boys, the old system of probation, and the old methods of exploiting the younger boys, together with all the reck- less amusements to which he introduced them remain in all their original force. They have been worked over, indeed, and made yet more sordid under the rule of “Itschkie” and ‘Bennie the Jew.” Itschkie (Yiddish for Izzie”) is obviously the ring leader of the Black Hands at the present time. He comes from what is reckoned a fairly good family in the Ghetto. His parents are anx- ious to help him, to keep him off the street, yet no power on earth seems to be able to take Itschkie away from his gang. Many times he himself has tried to reform and he has kept stolidly away from his pals for a time—but always, just when he least expects it him- self, the old longing for excitement comes back to him and he is off again, back to the gang and the growing vices which it promotes. Itschkie is a born coward. Point your finger at him in an au- thoritative way, speak to him harshly, and he will turn and run. Yet, with his gang, he is a hero; among the boys of the street, he is to be admired; among the market folk, he is to be feared; among the police, he is one to be “handled with care.”’ At “work,” he is a tough looking customer, and once having put on the outer trappings of the “‘profession,”’ he seems to himself to become equally tough. His deep-set black eyes have a dangerous shiftiness and around them are big black circles—the outward signs of long nights of dissipation. His hair is matted and gummy, his face dirty and his hands black. His clothes fairly hang on him. Itschkie likes gro- tesque effects, and he knows the value of looking the part. He prides himself that his is not only one of the worst gangs, but indeed one of the worst looking, for the other little Black Handers appear equally disreputable. Already, at 15, he has assumed toward steal- ing the attitude of a life profession. “Ttschkie is a good little kid, but he has bad ways, that’s all,” declared Sammie, a member of another gang on good terms with the Black Hands.THE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG 313 “He is about fifteen,” continued Sammie, “but he looks twelve. He never combs his hair. His skin is dark like an Italian’s. He al- ways has a smile on his face.’’ Itschkie never misses a chance to go swimming, even if his bathing suit is stolen. He goes camping and hiking to Fox Lake with other members of the gang. They stay out there over night, but if it rains they come back home. Itschkie likes to be out-of-doors all the time; even in the winter he gathers his gang around a bonfire. He likes to be free and this is the main reason he will not work. He cannot hold a job. His mother says he has had every job in the Loop, and so he might as well give up trying for any more. Bennie and “‘Greaser” are not unlike Itschkie, save in the one respect that they do not yet have the faculty for leadership to quite so great an extent as their young idol. On the fringe of the gang are many younger boys who would like to be gang boys but who are not yet quick enough at the trade to make their membership pay, or who are not yet old enough to appreciate the necessity of keeping still or to enjoy all of the par- ticular amusements in which the inner group spends most of its recreational hours. “Joey” is one of these. He, likewise, comes from a good sort of family, but in his home during his earlier years there was con- siderable friction. This seems to have made a profound impression upon the child, and rather than stay in the home with his family under such circumstances he took to the streets. He is, indeed, a bright, innocent little chap who makes a “regular hit”? wherever he goes, as Itschkie put it. Itschkie, moreover, was quick to ap- preciate the value of such a youngster as Joey, and he has succeeded in keeping him under the domination of the group without ever making of him a full member. It is in his case that we see best the subtle influence of the gang. Joey has against him one weakness which must forever keep him out of the inner group of the Black Handers. He is a klepto- maniac, his friends say. At any rate, he will steal whatever he wants, when he wants it, regardless of the consequences which are likely to follow. To the Black Handers, stealing is a matter of time and place. It is not a mere prank to be indulged in at any time it314 THE GANG is an att to be used advisedly and skillfully. The gang boy who goes out on his own hook is disloyal; he must work in unison with the gang and pool his profits like a “man” and a “regular sport.” Joey, then, willfully or not, is disloyal, and so he becomes the ‘‘just” victim of the exploitation of the older members of the group and has not infrequently been asked to hand over all of his “earnings” from a solitary expedition in order to make up for his unfaithful- ness. This he has as often refused to do, and the result has been his dismissal from candidacy for the inner circle. On Joey’s part this has meant the divulging of many a secret of the gang just at a time when that information should have been kept most quiet. In the earlier history of the gang, the younger boys, especially those on probation, were not infrequently asked to steal things for the older boys, such as silk shirts, socks, and other personal effects. Sometimes, in return, they were paid a small sum; sometimes they were licked and sent about their own business. This is one of the things which has helped to make the Black Handers so strong, for they represented, in those days, the younger group of gangs who were forced in self-defense to become so expert in their little busi- ness that the older boys could not take advantage of them. This practice is fortunately dying out, for Itschkie does not think it is fair—he himself having suffered a good deal at the hands of these older fellows. Stealing offers to the members of the gang about the easiest way of getting the means to satisfy their wishes. Itschkie was told that he and his gang ought to clean up a bit. He agreed. The next day or so saw more than one of his pals cleaned up, dressed in new clothes, and all the rest of it. Itschkie appeared himself in a com- plete new outfit. One can have little doubt as to where the money came from, for a similar thing happened only recently, shortly after the group was known to have made a raid upon one of the stores. The stealing of candy, fruits, cameras, and similar luxuries is, of course, too commonplace to deserve special mention, for there is hardly a time when the group goes out on a spree that it does not indulge its desires in this manner. The method of picking a pocket is unique. Itschkie has hisTHE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG © 315 gang divided into groups of three or four. Within each of these little groups there is one boy trained to go ahead as a sort of ad- vance guard and to engage the prospective victim in conversation or otherwise attract his attention. Then by a series of carefully planned signals, they call up the second boy who quickly does the actual work. Meanwhile, the third boy has slipped up, taken over the valuables from the second, and made a safe get-away while the crowd is still gathering. In case of apprehension by the police, this leaves the gang clear, for neither of the two boys standing by have the “goods” on them and nothing can be proved. The police give them a good scolding; the youngsters have their sport talking back to the officers. .... And all is quiet again. When the boys want money and sport, however, their most common resort is the drunken man or the blind beggar. These un- fortunates offer both a source of amusement and the possibility of providing large sums of money which they often have in their possession. To knock off the man’s hat and stoop to pick it up “like a regular guy,” incidentally picking his pockets; or to borrow a knife and return it to his pocket rather than to the man—these are the most common methods of “‘getting” the blind man or the drunk. That this is a paying profession may be seen from the fact that Itschkie on one Sunday secured $80 and that many a Sunday he has made $25 and $30. Even Joey is able to procure large sums at a time in this way and thinks nothing of a $15 or $20 haul from a promenade around the market. Silver declares that the older practice of picking pockets has fallen somewhat into disuse. The gang does not engage in shop- lifting, nor do they go into the Loop as often as they used to. They prefer the less risky business of ‘“‘making” (robbing) the drunks. One of the interesting features of this practice of victimizing drunken men is the fact that race lines are always observed. Both Silver and Sammie maintained that the Black Handers never molested Jewish people. | “They hop the poor drunken Polish fellows,” said Silver. “They respect the Jews more because they are most all Jews them- selves.”316 THE GANG The dominant motive behind it all seems to be excitement. The boys get tired of the life of the Ghetto, for at best it is a sordid enough existence in those ever dirty, crowded streets. To steal a Ford and leave it on the roadside after they have had a Sunday’s jaunt out of it is one of their pleasures; to pick up a few games from the clubrooms of a nearby settlement and carry them out into the alley for their friends whom the police have forbidden to enter the building; to climb up on the upper beams of the old I.C. warehouse and see who can break the most street lamps; to beg money on the street for their pals in jail; or to hook fruit and other goodies to send to their friends in the Parental School or St. Charles—these are but a few of the means by which these youngsters seek to gratify their insane craving for a thrill or a new experience. Not all bad ideas, either! “Gambling,” —and the Black Handers like to call it by that name—shooting craps, pool, dancing, movies, burlesque shows, and all the social vices are a part of their repertoire. Without them, they would be lost. There was a time when the gang sought the gratification of its wishes in simple sports and stole only for a pas- time. Today, under the influence of the negro influx into the neigh- borhood and of the Greek settlement to the north, the boys are going to depths of which they had never before dreamed. Joey, when not more than ten years old, gave a graphic account of the inside of a Ghetto den and spoke with mingled admiration and jocosity of the ““vamps” that he had seen there. He described in minute detail just how one should act, just how one should treat “them there vamps,”’ and of the time when he, too, could go there unquestioned. He told of gambling and was most proud to be able to feel that he was a really successful crap-shooter. He rehearsed the details of the costumes or lack of costume of the actors and actresses at the latest burlesque. .... That seemed bad enough. The negro influx has brought with it a horrible increase in prostitution, not on the white and white basis that has until this time been known in the Ghetto, but public houses in which it is a case of negro mixing with white. To the older boys of the com- munity, this has undoubtedly meant a very serious lowering of theirTHE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG Gath moral standards and one is not surprised. Influences from the Greek community, furthermore, have led the boys toward perver- sion. The gang has a hang-out in an old deserted house down by the tracks. This was called ‘“Roamer’s Inn,” after a popular roadhouse of the same name. It is an old broken-down dwelling located near the Maxwell Street Police Station. The boys themselves have broken out the windows in their stone-throwing contests. It is a sort of asylum for hiding from the police, and a good place to shoot craps without danger of interference. It is also a common loafing- place and, as a member of the gang expressed it, a place to play around and kill time. Although the area is actually overrun with small show houses, there is but one movie in the neighborhood that is really decent. When there is nothing else exciting to do, Itschkie takes his gang to the movies—and there they may learn many an unwholesome thing. Joey, for one, tells us that he used to spend hours at the movies in order to see how the holdups were “pulled off,’ and judging from the type of thriller and ‘‘sexy” romance which forms the bulk of the entertainment, there are other attractions, too. In the homes, gambling is a commonplace. Many a family will sit up all Saturday night over a game of cards and play on until the whole week’s income is all but exhausted. Small wonder that the Black Handers also take freely to the habit. The same has been true of drink, though prohibition has lessened this difficulty to some degree. Many of the boys used to feel that they were not — even tough were they not able to get drunk once in a while. THE SIZE OF THE GANG The necessities of maintaining face-to-face relation- ships set definite limits to the magnitude to which the gang can grow. The size of Itschkie’s group was determined by the number of boys readily able to meet together on * Manuscript by an intimate observer of the gang, and from records, interviews, and observations.318 THE GANG the street or within the limited space of their hang-out. The gang does not usually grow to such proportions as to be unwieldy in collective enterprises or to make intimate contacts and controls difficult.t Ordinarily, if all members are present, what is said by one of the group can be heard by all. Otherwise, common experience becomes more diffi- cult and the group tends to split and form more than one gang. The number of “fringers’”’ and hangers-on upon whom the gang can count for backing, however, may be larger, especially if it has developed a good athletic team. Greater growth can be accomplished only through modifications of structure, such as those resulting from conventionalization. When a gang becomes conventional- ized, assuming, for example, the form of a club, it may possibly grow to large proportions. The original gang, however, probably now becomes an “inner circle,” re- maining the active nucleus in such cases. The additional members may develop their own cliques within the larger whole or maintain merely a more or less formal relation- ship to the organization. In many cases such a club is the result of the combination of two or more gangs. Table VI does not include the major portion of the gang clubs; these vary in number of members ordinarily from 20 or 25 to 75 or 100; only a few of the more pros- « College fraternity policy, based on long years of experience in at- tempting to maintain intimate relationships and unity of purpose among its members, illustrates the necessity of controlling numbers. Thirty-five to forty members seems to be the maximum size for such a group if these conditions are to be maintained and communal life is to be carried on in the fraternity homes. If, for financial or other reasons, a fraternity grows to larger proportions, it is the custom to refer to its house satirically as a “hotel.”THE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG TABLE VI TABLE SHOWING APPROXIMATE NUMBERS OF MEMBERS IN 895 GANGS perous clubs exceed 100 members. It will be seen that 806 of these gangs have memberships of 50 or under; these are largely of the non-conventionalized type. Most of the remaining 89 have memberships ranging from 51 to 2,000, though not all of them have been conventionalized. No. of Members aes, percontane From 3 to 5 (inclusive)...... 37 4.1 From 6 to CoS Aer Ae BA Ee ou: 198 22°. From 11 to T5j he oes Cie drce IgI 20s From 16 to 20 havsysvek ateltioterneye TAQ) 1) LOW From 21 to De erasoelelexe( Noketetetee 79 8.8 From 26 to BOs icteless ole 3 clei etenetne 46 Sr From 31 to AOR «aie cie aster eYe Te 55 6.1 From 41 to DO’ cee totes cen cree aes 5I 5.7 From 51 to AGE vere ease Cote 26 2.9 Hrom: (76)to; 1007s... eo ee 25 2.8 IBTOMGLOT COP = 2001 tenis cere 25 2.8 Bromi20%/ 10) 7500). eee II I.2 rom SOn t0)2), 000 n fan. eee ae 2 2 Motal’gangs. i: ise sie eee 895 100.0 DIVISIONS WITHIN THE GANG The mob—“‘the crowd that acts”—is never divided against itself; for if it became so, its characteristic unity would be destroyed. The gang, on the other hand, is often split into one or more cliques or parties and may assume the characteristics of what has sometimes been called a “public.” A PUBLIC Le Bon did not attempt to distinguish between the crowd and the public. This distinction was first made by Tarde . .320 THE GANG .... The public, according to Tarde, was a product of the printing press. The limits of the crowd are determined by the length to which a voice will carry or the distance that the eye can survey. But the public presupposes a higher stage of social development in which suggestions are transmitted in the form of ideas and there is “contagion without contact.” The fundamental distinction between the crowd and the public, however, is not to be measured by numbers nor by means of com- munication, but by the form and effects of the interactions. In the public, interaction takes the form of discussion. Individuals tend to act upon one another critically; issues are raised and parties form. Opinions clash and thus modify and moderate one another." This kind of division sometimes takes place in a gang, especially when it has grown beyond the rudimentary group size or when it has become conventionalized. There are differences of opinion which lead to extended discus- sion; there is taking of sides; and there may be formed two or more cliques, more or less permanent. A clique may be defined as a spontaneous interest group, usually of the conflict type,? which forms itself within some larger social structure such as a gang, a club, or a political party. In a certain sense a well-developed clique is an embryonic gang which does not get detached from its social moorings, but remains incorporated within the larger whole. A clique has permanence, a faction does not. Fighting in which sides are taken, is not uncommon in the gang. A bad split often leads to the formation of tPark and Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, pp. 868-609. 2 The clique does not necessarily resort to physical conflict, but is usually an opposition group. Another type of clique may be described as ‘“orgiastic,”THE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG 321 two new gangs, as when a Polish-Irish gang fell out over the disposal of stolen automobile tires, finally forming two new groups—one Polish, the other Irish. SPLITTING INTO TWO GANGS 189. The Trembles, so called because they made others trem- ble, split up into two gangs. The gang had thirty-nine members and factions formed without great difficulty. Two factions arose as the result of the stealing of a bronze figure from a social center in which the group had club privileges. One faction remained loyal to the crooks, while the other split off from the old gang; but both of them remained away from the settlement for many weeks. Eventually the part that broke off came back and reorganized as the Blue Ribbon Athletic club, taking its name from a popular brand of beer. The other faction finally came back too, organizing as an athletic club with the name of a local machine politician.’ With the appearance of a common enemy, however, cliques within the gang tend to disappear as if by magic. THE TWO- AND THREE-BOY RELATIONSHIP What has been defined as a “‘two-boy gang”’ or an “intimacy” must not be overlooked in discussing the in- ner organization of the gang. In this type of relationship there is generally a subordination of one boy to the other. In one instance other members of the group expressed it in this way, ‘Jerry is running Alfred now.” Hero-wor- ship, open or tacit, plays an important part in such cases. Sometimes the abilities of one boy supplement those of the other. AN INTIMACY 190. George and I were close pals, and this was the only ex- tensive intimacy in the gang. There was one year’s difference in our ages and we were much alike except that I had no imagination t Manuscript by an observer of the gang.322 THE GANG but was more of a plugger and got things done. I naturally idealized George on account of his fine personality and other high qualities. We were inseparable companions through high school. We al- . ways went out together, alternating as to who should furnish the car. We took trips together two different summer vacations." In many of these cases one boy tends to become utterly enthralled by the other; and there grows up a devotion hardly to be excelled even in the cases of the most ardent lovers of opposite sexes.? While these intimacies usually develop in pairs (the introduction of a third person many times making for complications and friction), yet it some- times happens that the relationship may include three boys who co-operate in perfect congeniality. It is relations of this sort, existing before the gang develops, that serve as primary structures when the group is first formed and that shape the growth of its future organization. The intimacy partly explains why many of the exploits of gang boys are carried out in pairs and trios. The boys often prefer to have a favored pal or two associated in an enterprise rather than bring in the whole gang. The two- and three-boy relationship is often much more important to the individual boy than his relation- ship to the gang. In such cases a boy would doubtless forego the gang before he would give up his special pal or pair of pals. A series of such palships, one or two of Interview with a former member. 2 The intimacy in the gang provides a satisfaction for the boy’s wish for response. One boy may fascinate another and the two be completely wrapped up in one another. While attachments such as these would probably be regarded as homosexual by the Freudians, they exist in most cases without definite sex impulses and are to be regarded as entirely normal and practically universal among boys.THE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG 323 which may be more highly prized than others, are charac- teristic of boys of the non-gang areas of the city and also of gangland boys who are not in gangs. In other words, under different conditions, the two- and three-boy rela- tionship becomes a completely satisfactory substitute for the gang’ and the wish for recognition from a larger circle, if imperative, is gratified through membership in the fami- ly, the school, the club, and other groups and institutions to which the boy has access. THE GANG IN LARGER STRUCTURES Even though the gang remains a primary group it may acquire external relationships. A gang is often on friendly terms with one or more similar groups in its neighborhood; it may co-operate with these in athletic contests or even to the extent of financial assistance. In some cases federa- tions of friendly gangs are formed for the prosecution of common interests or protection against common enemies. These may be nothing more than loose alliances, but on the other hand, the relationships developed may acquire a genuine emotional intensity. A gang may get incorporated into a larger structure such as a syndicate,” a ring,’ or a “republic.’’4 SPECIALIZED STRUCTURES When the opposition to a gang becomes sufficiently powerful or well organized, the gang is likely either to 1 It becomes readily apparent at this point that the so-called “gang instinct” ceases to function usefully—in fact, becomes superfluous. 2 See pp. 439-41. 3 See pp. 437-38. 4 The formation of the Hyde Park City of the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic illustrates the incorporation of rival gangs into a civic structure, their transformation into rival political parties, and the consequent development of a public.324 THE GANG disintegrate or to become a genuine secret society.’ Itschkie’s gang, carrying out a series of delinquent enter- prises in the face of police and neighborhood opposition, evolved secret signs and other devices for the purpose of mutual protection. In such cases, too, strong opposition necessitates centralized control and severe discipline. Thus, in Itschkie’s group there developed a compact body in the gang, differentiated from mere fringers and hang- ers-on, who could not be trusted or initiated into the gang’s secrets. Furthermore, within this body was the so-called “‘inner circle,’ formed on account of the exigen- cies of group control and then developing the scheme of self-aggrandizement and exploitation of the other boys in the interests of the few leaders. Special activities in the gang also require special types of organization. The members of Itschkie’s gang were or- ganized into teams, each member with a special function to perform in the pickpocketing activities of the group. Thus, when gangs acquire special functions, they develop special relations and structures to correspond. This is illustrated in the case of the criminal gang. THE FAMILY AS A GANG NUCLEUS A family may become a conflict group and behave in many respects like a gang. This is the case with the family groups carrying on blood-feuds in the southern mountains ~See/ps 71. 2 The membership in the “inner circle” was probably determined by previous relationships of intimacy, palship, or partiality, which existed in a smaller constellation of boys. 3 See chap. xx.THE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG 325 of the United States and in other countries. One of the striking facts brought out in the present study is that a family of brothers very frequently serves as a nucleus for an adult gang; sometimes other male relatives function in such a group. The notorious UUU gang, which con- trolled a string of stills in the West Side wilderness, was built around a family of brothers, each performing some supplementary function in the group. THE M’SMACK FAMILY GANG 191. The McSmack family and their neighbors constituted one of the worst gangs I have ever known. The family has a police record as far back as 1898. The father was a thief; so it is not sur- prising that the six boys were trained similarly. They lived next to the Belt railroad and most of their depredations were committed with reference to railroad property. There was considerable con- trast between the wealth of the railroad and the poverty of the McSmacks; so they had little compunction about stealing from the corporation. The father used the kids to steal and even came out with a gun to defend them. The gang numbered from eight to twelve members, including some of the neighbors who joined them on their expeditions. From time to time they succeeded in stealing from $8,000 to $10,000 worth of railroad property. They killed another thief with whom they had an altercation. Women probation officers were afraid to go in there. Most of the McSmacks died violent deaths." THE INFLUENCE OF IMPERSONAL FACTORS The size, the character of membership, and even the degree of solidarity are sometimes determined for a group by the nature of its physical surroundings. t Interview with a juvenile police officer.326 THE GANG AN INDIAN VILLAGE 192. An Indian village in New Mexico was built after the man- ner of a pueblo with one large house. Each family lived in a sepa- rate compartment facing the common meeting place where certain business and religious functions were performed. This form of living was enough to insure solidarity and loyalty to traditional ways of doing. When the young men got their separate shacks on the prairie, the old communal unity was broken up.* Similar factors operate to influence the organization of the gang. The boys living in a restricted or cut-off area tend to form a play-group or a gang set off from their neighbors. The following is a marginal case between a play-group and a gang. THE S.S.P. GROUP 193. Our play-group, which we called the “S.S.P. Gang,” was composed of ‘ten boys varying in age from twelve to seventeen years. All of us but two lived in South Shore Park, and the fact that it was fenced in and had a name, was the greatest means of our unification. South Shore Park was on the lake front and the row of apart- ment buildings that faced it commanded a full view of the lake. In front of the buildings and extending up to the beach was a park through which a cement driveway ran, forming a circle. One end of the park was shut off by an iron fence making it necessary for the driveway to form a loop and return the same way it came in. In front of the apartments we had a large stretch of lawn about one hundred yards wide, with a wonderful beach about a block long. : All the boys in the park congenial to the gang were eligible for membership with the exception of negroes; here we drew the line. There was one negro lad, the son of a servant, who used to watch our play; he was a completely isolated individual. Other distinc- t Observation by Robert E. Park.THE STRUCTURE OF THE GANG 327 tions, however, were not made; for the gang included Jews, Irish Catholics, Protestants, Christian Scientists, Swedes, Germans, a janitor’s son, and little boys as well as big. In heterogeneous neighborhoods, locality seems to be a more important factor in determining conflict groups than does race, nationality, or religion.? Rivers, canals, ele- vated railroad tracks, and industrial properties afford the best gangland boundaries and determine in a general way lines of gang alliance and direction of gang conflict. * Manuscript by a former member. 2 See chap. xii.CHAPTER XVII PERSONALITY AND THE ACTION PATTERN OF THE GANG Every member of a gang tends to have a definite sta- tus within the group. Common enterprises require a divi- sion of labor. Successful conflict necessitates a certain amount of leadership, unreflective though it may be, and a consequent subordination and discipline of members. As the gang develops complex activities, the positions of individuals within the group are defined and social réles become more sharply differentiated. As a result of this process there arises a more or less efficient and harmoni- ous organization of persons’ to make possible a satis- factory execution of collective enterprises and to further the interests of the group as a whole. This is the action pattern of the gang. PERSONALITY AND STATUS WITHIN THE GANG The significance of the sociological conception of per- sonality—namely, as the rdéle of the individual in the group—comes out clearly in the study of the gang. THREE CONCEPTIONS OF ‘‘PERSONALITY” Among others, there are three common uses of the term per- sonality that need to be distinguished. t Like the family, the gang may be conceived of as a ‘unity of inter- acting personalities.” See Ernest W. Burgess, “The Family as a Unity of Interacting Personalities,” The Family, March, 1926, pp. 3-9- 328PERSONALITY AND ACTION PATTERN 320 1. The popular.—This is the notion that personality consists of those traits of the individual, more or less vaguely sensed, which enable him to attract attention, hold interest, and get action from others. These are the characteristics—a mixture of what is pleasing and forceful—which win popular favor. 2. The behavioristic (objective).—This is the conception that personality is the sum and organization of the reaction patterns, both inherited and acquired, belonging to an individual person. These systems of response are revealed in behavior but conserved in some way in the organism. This is essentially a psychological idea of personality. 3. The sociological.—This is the definition of personality as the réle which the individual plays in his group. His personality, in this sense, is a function of the activities of the group into which he fits, and is a product of his struggle for a place and a part in its life. The person, therefore, is the individual placed with reference to all the other individuals in the group, that is, the individual in his social matrix. Every boy in the gang acquires a personality (in the sociological sense) and a name—is a person; that is, he plays a part and gets a place with reference to the other members of the group. In the developed gang he fits into his niche like a block in a puzzle box; he is formed by the discipline the gang imposes upon him. He cannot be studied intelligently or understood apart from this social role.? * Unpublished manuscript by the author. See also Park and Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, p. 55, where the person is defined as “‘an individual who has status.” See E. W. Burgess, ‘The Study of the Delinquent as a Person,” American Journal of Sociology, May, 1923, pp. 657-80. The importance of this sort of approach to the study of the person in a group is indicated by the work of the Gestalt psychologists, who have emphasized the sig- nificance of the larger pattern as giving meanings to the individual element.330 THE GANG THE “ORGANISM” AS A WHOLE Each gang as a whole, and other types of social groups as well, may be conceived of as possessing an ac- tion pattern. Every person in the group performs his characteristic function with reference to others, or to put it another way, fills the individual niche that previous experience in the gang has determined for him. Lacking the group, personality in the sense here used would not exist. The action pattern of a group tends to become fixed and automatic in the habits of its members; it may per- sist long after the formal organization of the group has changed. THE ACTION PATTERN OF A GROUP 194. The “at home” comfortable feeling of persons doing a thing in the usual way was illustrated in one game. In kid games four men, Steve, Cookie, Rocky, and Mac, were backfield men. Rocky was quarterback. In college Cookie played end. During an important game the left-half regular was injured and Cookie was put in at the place giving us the old combination. As kids we had one play an off-tackle smash that was a pet with us—a play simple it seemed but demanding perfect timing. Rocky called that single play six times in rapid succession. T he feeling of satisfaction of all of us was immense. That play seemed to us to be unable to fail and we won the game. Rocky said that under the circumstances no other play would have done.* Yet the action pattern which characterizes each group can hardly be thought of as rigid and static; for it must be constantly changing to accommodate losses and additions of personnel, changes in its members due to growth and increasing experience, and other changes within and without the gang. t Manuscript prepared by a former member. See document 107.PERSONALITY AND ACTION PATTERN 331 The conflicts of the gang with outsiders and the exe- cution of its other enterprises and activities result in a sort of social stratification in its membership. There are usually three, more or less well-defined, classes of mem- bers: the “‘inner circle,” which includes the leader and his lieutenants; the rank and file, who constitute members of the gang in good standing; and the “‘fringers,”’ who are more or less hangers-on and are not considered regular members. These three groups are well illustrated in the case of Itschkie’s Black Hand Society. The inner circle is usually composed of a constellation of especially intimate pals formed about the leader. The rank and file—the less enterprising and less capable— are subordinated to the inner circle, just as it, in turn, tends to be subordinated to the leader. Most gangs are not closed corporations, however, but have a certain group of hangers-on or associates—the fringers, who may be “‘kid followers” or admirers. They constitute a sort of nebulous ring, not to be counted on to go the full length in any exploit and likely to disappear entirely in case of trouble. Yet the gang usually tolerates them for their applause and their occasional usefulness. A gang in em- bryo sometimes forms in this fringe. THE STRUGGLE FOR STATUS Internally the gang may be viewed as a struggle for recognition.’ It offers the underprivileged boy probably his best opportunity to acquire status and hence it plays an essential part in the development of his personality. This struggle in the gang takes the form of both con- tSee Thomas, The Unadjusted Girl, pp. 31-32.332 THE GANG flict and competition, which operate to locate each indi- vidual with reference to the others. As a result the gang becomes a constellation of personal interrelationships with the leader playing the central and guiding role. It may be considered as a “unity of interacting personali- ties’; but it may also be regarded as an accommodation of conflicting individualities more or less definitely subor- dinated and superordinated with reference to each other and the leader. It is in these very réles, subordinate though they may be, that personality is developed. Any standing in the group is better than none, and there is always the possi- bility of improving one’s status. Participation in gang activities means everything to the boy. It not only de- fines for him his position in the only society he is greatly concerned with, but it becomes the basis for his concep- tion of himself. The gang boy might well say “I would rather be a fringer in the hang-out of the gang than to dwell in the swell joints of the dukes forever.” For this reason the gang boy’s conception of his rdle is more vivid with reference to his gang than to other social groups. Since he lives largely in the present, he conceives of the part he is playing in life as being in the gang; his status in other groups is unimportant to him, for the gang is his social world. In striving to realize the role he hopes to take he may assume a tough pose, com- mit feats of daring or of vandalism, or become a criminal. Thus, his conception of his essential réle as being in the gang helps to explain why the larger community finds difficulty in controlling him. If acquiring a court record, or being “put away” in an institution, gives him prestigeby Author FULL OF FUN AND READY FOR ADVENTURE th great gusto. He epito- ts of his gang wi i lo (2) This bright, clean-cut little fellow ing exp dventure. He relates the excit wa the wholesome d “club” at fourteen. (3) The leader of the Blue Valleys, a West Side group. (4) First 1 l adolescent whose greatest thrill i (1) A jovia mizes leader. ia 1es. f youthful energi Irection o the whole problem of the gang f the leutenant o He has brains and runs his own Blue Valleys. dential area. (7) Assistant “gang” leader of -group In a resi (s) A member of the Auburn Arrows. (6) Leader of a play xtremely active type, have he has tended to flee from the group. He has built is ane high-school project, and has secured an amateur transmitter’s d interests of this boy, who dual boys and older persons the same play-group. (8) A so-called “solitary type.” The energies an been occupied largely with friendsh - ,’ th indivi ips wi more than fifty radio sets, has written a thesis on amateur radio as a license.334 THE GANG in the gang, society is simply promoting his rise to power, rather than punishing or “reforming” him. Agencies which would attempt to redirect the boy delinquent must reach him through his vital social groups where an appeal can be made to his essential conception of himself. THE PROCESS OF SELECTION There is a process of selection in the gang, as a result of the struggle for status, whereby the ultimate position of each individual is determined. The result of this proc- ess depends largely upon the individual differences'— both native and acquired—which characterize the mem- bers of the group. Other things being equal, a big strong boy has a better chance than a “shrimp.” Natural differ- ences in physique are important and physical defects play a part. Natural and acquired aptitudes give certain individuals advantages. Traits of character, as well as physical differences, are significant; these include be- liefs, sentiments, habits, special skills, and so on. If all members of the gang were exactly alike, status and per- sonality could only be determined by chance differences in opportunity arising in the process of gang activity. In reality, both factors play a part. That physical differences are important in determin- ing status is indicated by the fact that the biggest boy or the strongest is often leader by virtue of that fact alone, for bulk usually means an advantage in fighting. Mere size, too, may enable a bully to gain control of the gang; his tenure as leader, however, is always uncertain. 1 Sex, race, nationality, and age differences have been discussed in previous chapters.PERSONALITY AND ACTION PATTERN 335 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES AND PERSONALITY 195. The physical differences of our group happened to be such that we could adapt almost any member to some place for which he was suited on the football team. The backfield men were physi- cally adapted to the positions. Rocky: quarterback; light, brainy, fast, and nervy. Cookie: left half and end; short, fast, built low, and a good re- ceiver of passes. Steve: right half; the fastest man on the team, and rangy enough to break up passing or to receive. Other men were physically adapted to the positions played. The linemen were heavy, or lighter and very fast; the ends, hard tacklers. In no organization is there required such a variety of physical types of men as in a football team. Physical disabilities often help to determine status in the gang, as elsewhere, through the mechanism of com- pensation. The defect in such cases serves as a drive to some type of behavior whose excellence will make up for the lowered status which the boy feels himself likely to possess on account of his disability. Compensation arises, therefore, because of the discrepancy between his possible role and his conception of the réle he feels he ought to play. COMPENSATION 196. “Al” is an interesting example of how status in the gang is determined by a physical defect. He was naturally looked upon as an inferior by most of the fellows because he was afflicted with an impediment of speech. In almost every instance where any- thing required nerve, however, or where he had an opportunity to show that he was all right, Al was there and fighting for a chance to prove his worth. When two or three fellows were robbing a golf shop, none was willing to break the window and crawl in. Al vol- untarily took off his straw hat, placed it against the pane of glass, * Manuscript prepared by a former member. See document 107, p. 186.336 THE GANG and smashed his fist through the window. Because Al was looked down upon, he took up pool very seriously. He got so that he was an exceptionally good straight pool player and for a long time he made his money for eats in this way." If a boy can compensate in some effective manner for a disability, it may not serve as an insurmountable bar- rier to leadership. Fighting is one of the chief means of determining status in the gang; each member is usually rated on the basis of his fistic ability. In a fight to determine which of two contenders is the better, the gang usually guarantees fair play, equalizing the conditions as nearly as possible. In some gangs the best fighter is considered the leader; he can defend his title against all comers. In addition to fighting, excelling in any other activity in which the gang engages is a method of gaining recog- nition. For most gangs this applies particularly in the field of athletic prowess, but it may apply equally to some form of daring or predatory activity. ‘““Hardness’’ is fre- quently a means of getting prestige; usually the boy who has been arrested, has a court record, or has been put away to serve a sentence is looked upon with admiration. SPECIAL ROLES IN THE GANG Besides leadership (discussed more fully in the fol- lowing chapter) there are other social functions in the gang. Like leadership, these are also determined by in- dividual qualities in the process of struggle and activity. They evolve as a result of group experience; they are de- termined by interaction in all of its complexities. The t Manuscript prepared by a former member. See document 13, p. 46.PERSONALITY AND ACTION PATTERN 337 principal rdles in the gang are sometimes distinguished from each other as being different types of leadership.’ If the imaginative boy does not have the qualities of geniality and physical force to give him pre-eminence, he may become the brains of the gang. BILLY, THE BRAINS 197. Billy was the brains of the gang. He was “educated,” a high-school boy too. He would work sometimes, but not often. The kids would bring their “stuff” to him. One day we had a big fight over it when we were robbing a merchandise car; we had cigarettes, pop, and a lot of other stuff. Billy had his stuff put away in a box with straw on top of it. The watchman looked at the straw, but Billy told him it was for a rabbit. Billy would sell ‘‘cartoons”’ (of cigarettes) for a half a dollar apiece. Billy would plan things for our gang. He would get us a place to sleep when we were bumming away from home. He would get us keys to the bread boxes, so that we could get food when we were hungry. We would get the bread after the bakers left it early in the morning before the stores opened. I still have my duplicate key to a Livingston bread box. If we’d get caught robbing bread, they’d let us off if we were hungry. Sometimes the kids would not “give me to eat,’ and when I had money, I’d tell them to get away. Billy would find us a place to sleep in some house or basement. He would go around everywhere to see if there was a place to sleep or rob; he was a regular investigator.? Like the jester of old, the “funny boy’’ is tolerated in spite of behavior that might otherwise be insulting. His irresponsibility is generally excused because of its humorous possibilities. This type of behavior is some- tSee Woods, The City Wilderness, pp. 115-16. 2 Gang boy’s own story. 3The limitations of space prevent the inclusion of cases to illus- trate these various types.338 THE GANG times the result of an attempt to compensate for some trait—such as a high-pitched voice—which gives unde- sirable status in the gang. A very undesirable status in the gang is that of a “sissy,” a rating which may arise through effeminate traits, unwillingness to fight, or too much interest in books or other cultivated pursuits. It usually carries with it a girl’s nickname. Ordinarily boys will go to any length to avoid such a role. Another personality type which often emerges in the gang is the “show-off.” He is the egotist, the braggart, the boaster, the bluffer, the “loud-mouth” of the group; and the other members usually discount him accordingly. He may resort to “loudness” to gain attention not other- wise forthcoming, or, in his naive conception of his réle in the gang, he may simply be overestimating himself. His resulting status is certainly unforeseen by him and even unsuspected in certain cases. Every gang usually has its “goat.” He is a boy who is considered uncommonly ‘‘dumb”; he may be subnor- mal, as measured by psychological tests; and he can usu- ally be depended upon to get caught if anybody does. Boys of this type are sometimes known as “goofy guys,” if they combine some special peculiarity with their dumb- ness. Inexperienced boys are often used as “cats-paws’’ in the exploits of the gang. | The nature, number, and variety of specialized rdles, which in their interrelationships constitute the action pattern of the gang, must depend to a large extent upon the nature and complexity of the activities and enter- prises undertaken. If the gang maintains a team, individ-PERSONALITY AND ACTION PATTERN 3309 ual aptitudes play an important part in assigning places. Special abilities are useful in carrying out certain types of activities. The gang itself may become highly special- ized (a functional type), as in the case of the develop- ment of some particular line of athletic sport or criminal pursuit. The more specialized the gang, the more highly differentiated is usually the division of labor among its members. Social réles and status are similarly determined in the so-called orgiastic group, except that individual traits which count in the organization of such personalities with reference to each other are different from those in the gang, or at least are held in different esteem. The diversity of talent—singing, dancing, joking, and so on—expressing itself in Boston gangs,’ is also char- acteristic of such groups in Chicago. These diversions often develop abilities which later find a place on the vaudeville stage. This is illustrated in a young New York gang recruited in and about Hell’s Kitchen—the ‘Ten Tumbling Tonies’’—who amuse theater crowds on the sidewalks near Forty-fourth street and Broadway.’ PERSONALITY AND NICKNAMES Personalities are recognized by the names applied to the members of the gang. Individual peculiarities, which have an important effect in determining status, are likely to give color to the boy’s whole personality. He is named «See Woods, op. cit., pp. 116-17. Lee Raleigh, “New York’s Ten Tumbling Tonies,’”’ New York Times, November 2, 1924.340 THE GANG accordingly, and his name often indicates the esteem in which he is held by the group. NICKNAMES A fat boy A slender boy A small boy A handsome boy Tubby Slim Shrimp Sheik Beef Slats Runt Good lookin’ Fat Slivers Shorty. Handsome Little Eva Skinny Babe Pretty Porky Midget Cakie A peculiar boy An unmanly boy A hard boy A homely boy Goofy Siss Dirty Ugly Sap Babe Nails Physic face Dizzy Nellie Death Nuts Sissie Rocky Greenie Blubber Bull Gyp the Blood Racial or nationality Special trait of feature, complexion, trait or physique Dago Nigger Kinks Wop Greaser Curley Irish Red Leftie Shamrock Whitey Southpaw Banana (Italian) Blackie Rusty Pollack Coon Indian Sheenie Sunny Paddy Some special habit or aptitude Eagle Lord (lords it over others) Slicker (thinks he can slick the dice) Bear Dopey (drug addict) Fish Miser (tight-wad) Machine-gun Jazz Baby (dancing) Funny Knock-out-dropsPERSONALITY AND ACTION PATTERN 341 For obvious reasons, a big, strong boy does not ordinarily receive a “‘humilific’’ name. In one case the real, though not the nominal, leader of the gang would not permit himself to be nicknamed. EFFECTS OF FORMAL RECOGNITION AND CONTROL The natural struggle for recognition in the gang is largely a spontaneous process leading to social selection. The general pattern of the gang (its organization) arises for the most part out of the necessities imposed by con- certed action in attack, defense, raiding, and other col- lective enterprises; but members qualify for the various personality réles thus created, through the internal proc- ess of struggle and selection. In this way, the status acquired by boys in a gang determines its natural organ- ization. When the gang gets a more formal organization it usually gives fresh recognition to distinctions and status which have already been acquired spontaneously; but it cannot confer these distinctions, for they are the result of collective experience. When the more important formal offices do not happen to go to the natural leaders, they still retain their power as dictators in the group, while the officers are more or less convenient figureheads. Sometimes the imposition of a formal organization on the natural structure of the gang results in dissensions and is the first step toward disintegration. A certain amount of outside control of the gang may be achieved through the conferring of distinctions upon members and upon the group as a whole. Decorations and awards conferred by the dignitaries of a different342 THE GANG or more inclusive group have a human-nature appeal. Prestige is conferred on American admirals (and upon the American navy), for example, by their investiture by King George with the Order of the Bath and the Order of St. Michael and St. George.? American colleges confer “varsity” letters upon athletes for their service on col- lege teams; and these honors are often valued more highly than diplomas. In a like manner settlements, playgrounds, business organizations, politicians, and other agencies dealing with gangs may confer distinctions . in the form of ribbons, medals, and cups. The limitations of this type of control, however, are apparent. The decoration tends to be regarded, in many cases, as of more consequence than the service performed. The American Red Cross, for this reason, tends to dis- countenance the acceptance of medals. Properly safe- guarded, however, decoration capitalizes a basic human wish and may be used with success as a means of control. This is illustrated in the Boy Scouts of America, who, be- sides the emblems allowed scouts in the first three degrees of the order, granted between 1911 and 1926, 1,452,068 merit and other badges for special achievement and 1,152 certificates and medals for heroism and life-saving. The social agency which would incorporate or use the gang must exercise great care in imposing a formal organ- ization upon the natural action pattern of the group; otherwise, much effort will be misdirected and energy wasted, dissension and strife will arise, and disintegration will probably follow.? The boys’ worker must work with t Rear Admirals Rodman and Strauss were so invested on July 23, 1918, in recognition of the American navy’s part in the Great War. 2See document 163.PERSONALITY AND ACTION PATTERN 343 the natural forces and mechanisms in the gang rather than against them; his function is to lead and direct, rather than to impose something foreign from without. Any formal scheme of organization and award of honors or decorations must take full account of the boys’ own conceptions of their rédles, which are essentially of them- selves as loyal gang members and prospective gang leaders rather than as participants in more formal groups or as citizens of the larger community. «The sort of recognition, for example, which would confer great prestige upon an assimilated Boy Scout, might be of indifferent account or quite repugnant to an untamed gang boy because outside of his social world. The recognition which appeals to him must be of a sort to advance his status in his own social group.CHAPTER XVIII LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG The marks of leadership vary from gang to gang. The type of boy who can lead one gang may be a failure or have a distinctly subordinate réle in another. The per- sonality of the leader is to a large extent a response to the personnel of his group, which may vary from other gangs with regard to age, interests, race, nationality, cultural background, and so on. Physical and athletic prowess, which stand the leader in such good stead in most gangs, for example, would not be valued in the following type of group. THE BANDITS 198. The boys in this gang, with a few exceptions, seem to be mentally deficient. They are all Italian, fifteen to eighteen years old, and are rather a shiftless bunch, hence the above name, which is not of their own choosing. None of these boys is at all athletic and we have been unable to get any of them interested in the gym. They hang around street corners and talk and get into all sorts of mix-ups; driving off automobiles, stealing, etc. Some of them work; two go to high school; two or three of them do nothing. Two of them have shown talent for drawing and other art work, and the whole group has been recently interested in a Saturday afternoon dancing class where they do social and folk dancing with girls. These variations in personnel produce sharp contrasts in types of leaders; the “hard rock,” the ‘“dare-devil,” the “Holitician,” the desperado, the “wise guy,” and the “Puritan” are some of them. 1 Unpublished study by boys’ worker. 344LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 345 The natural leader of the gang is a very different per- son ordinarily from the leader of a conventional group chosen in some formal way, and in gangs which elect officers, the natural leader may not be selected for an office. His dominance of the group, however, is none the less real. A NATURAL LEADER 199. When a certain gang became a club, under the supervision of a social center, it was suggested that an election be held to deter- mine the officers. Before this, however, a card game had been played downstairs and “Irish” won the game. In the subsequent election held up in the clubroom Irish was elected president by secret ballot—a procedure which merely confirmed the more primi- tive method employed downstairs. Once elected, he ruled with an iron hand. The interesting fact about the whole business, however, was that Jack, the boy who had been elected treasurer by formal ballot- ing, was the real leader of the gang. He was clean-cut and had a high grade of intelligence. His high status is shown by the fact that he would not permit a nickname. He controlled the nominal leader absolutely, and in the club activities a simple word from him was enough to determine the course of group action. While he, like all the other boys, had a court record, he was by far the most decent member of the gang and helped to elevate its standards more than any other member. TRAITS OF THE NATURAL LEADER The chief trait of the natural leader as revealed by the majority of the cases studied is ‘‘gameness.” He leads. He goes where others fear to go. He is brave in the face of danger. He goes first—ahead of the gang— and the rest feel secure in his presence. Along with this * Unpublished study by a boys’ worker.346 THE GANG quality usually goes the ability to think clearly in the excitement of a crisis. Sometimes the highly esteemed quality of gameness becomes developed to the point of pathological exaggera- tion, and the dare-devil type of personality results. BOBBIE, A DARE-DEVIL 200. The daring and bravado of a tiny lad with a doll’s face enabled him to qualify for the leadership of the “Clutchy-Clutch” gang at the age of nine, although the other members were all older, some of them thirteen. “Bobbie,” as the diminutive leader was called, was chiefly interested in adventure; indeed, his desire for prestige and excitement had almost become a mania. He would take any dare—“would not stop at anything.” He was the leader of two gangs at one time and also a member of a third. He had been in court more than any other boy in Chicago for his age. The record of the Clutchy-Clutch, which began as the “Sunday Afternoon Boy Burglars,” goes back to 1915. Its members, ten in all and mostly Italian, were drawn from that unstable complex of life in the South State Street area, where most of the families live above the stores and there is no place for the children to play except the streets. The life of this region is so exciting—things are happening there twenty-four hours a day—that it is very difficult for the boys to get the proper amount of sleep. Bobbie’s unlimited nerve is shown by many incidents in the history of the gang. On one occasion at a nearby school he tripped and threw down one of the women examiners. He entered a social center in a drunken condition. Backed by his gang he turned in a 4-11 fire alarm and had most of the Chicago F ire Department headed in his direction. He stole a spirited horse with a buggy and drove down State Street. The chief target of the depredations of the gang was the Polk Street railroad station, from which the boys stole frequently. Their main interest in this activity was not the property they acquired, but the thrill experienced in performing t See document 60, p. 1309.LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 347 the feat. After stealing money, the whole gang would attend a show and Bobbie would steal candy and peanuts for the bunch. Under Bobbie’s leadership in the early days of the gang, the boys would rush into a saloon, snatch the beer from under a cus- tomer’s nose, and drink it before anyone could interfere. They burglarized stations, restaurants, and saloons simply to show their nerve; incidentally, they drank so much that some of them had to be taken to the county hospital where stomach pumps were used. It was not uncommon for Bobbie at the age of ten to shoot craps all day. Many of the boys of his own age were afraid to play with him because he was so venturesome. When examined by the state psychologist, it was found that he was not sufficiently re- tarded to be classed as feeble-minded. The disorganization of family and neighborhood life in this district—the situation com- plex—goes far toward explaining the freedom and amusements he enjoyed. The gang did the rest." The natural leader is usually, though not always, able to back up his daring with physical prowess. He is very often the best fighter, and many times he champions the gang in the face of opposition. As in the days of chivalry, we find two gangs agreeing to let supremacy depend upon the fighting ability of their individual champions. This may be a primary combat or a more orderly fistic en- counter with the gloves. Sometimes if the leader is licked, the whole gang turns in and there is a free-for-all fight pending the defeat of one side or the other or the ar- rival of the flivver squad from police headquarters. EDDIE, A SCRAPPER 201. Eddie was the leader of our gang and the best leader any gang ever had. He wasn’t always the leader, because before he came Danny was leader for seven or eight months. When Eddie first moved around there, Danny offered him a fight. Then Eddie «Interviews and court records.348 THE GANG beat him up badder than hell. Eddie became our leader and Danny did not want to hang with us guys no more because he was afraid of Eddie. Eddie was a better leader than Danny, although Danny was supposed to be better. Danny took lessons in a gym down town, but Eddie was a better fighter ’n everything. Danny was smaller than Eddie, but never went out looking for so much fights. Eddie was the bad guy in the family. His mother did not know what was the matter with him. His father was dead and his mother had to work every day and that is how he got to roaming around. He had two older brothers and they were good kids; one of them makes $35 a week. But Eddie never had nobody to take care of him and he never went to school hardly. When he quit school his mother got him a job where she worked, but he quit because he did not like the work. Eddie was our captain and I was Eddie’s best pal [proudly]. The gang had two lieutenants, Red and Bud, but Eddie was the leader. They used to do all the planning with Eddie. They had the most brains except Eddie. If they would ever say they had more brains than him, there would be an argument. We would get the whole gang together to wreck a place; and when we wrecked a place in our neighborhood, we wrecked it. We busted a lot of windows in a big hardware store and then we went in and stole a lot of baseball things. We were going to leave the blame on them other guys by writing a note with their names on it. We’d wreck other places, too, by breaking windows. We would bust the windows of the kid supposed to be the leader of another gang. Nobody never knew where Eddie lived, so they could not sneak around and break his windows. If they had, Eddie would have come out with a gun and a club. We broke into a grocery and Eddie nearly pried the big doors out trying to get in. We only got about two dollars, but Eddie made himself at home; he “ett” all he could. Eddie was such a great fighter that he’d always go round look- ing for fights and picking fights. Lots of times he’d come out on the bottom, but that never made no difference to him. We had so many fights, I forget half of them. We fought some Jewish guysLEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 349 and licked them. Then we came back after a while and fought over again, but we lost because somebody had told them and they were ready for us. They had got half of another gang of bigger boys. They took half of one of our guys’ eyes." The gang boy has great admiration for the profession- al pugilist. The developed gang usually has two or three boys with definite aspirations to get into the prize ring. One of the city’s hardened criminal groups, the WWW’s, has as one of its leaders a professional fight referee; about one-fourth of its membership are trained pugilists; and two or three of them, well-known prizefighters. The successful boxer is many times the product of gang train- ing. As a result of this tradition many gang boys take boxing lessons from professionals. Another quality that seems requisite to the natural leader is quickness and firmness of decision. He is a man of action. He brings things to pass. He makes a rapid judgment and is resolute in backing it up. If later devel- opments prove him mistaken, he uses skill as best he can to explain why the error was made. He is convincing. He ‘‘sells himself to the gang.”’ These are the character- istics which enable him to rule; for they give him the confidence of the group. Other things being equal, the imaginative boy has an excellent chance to become the leader of the gang. He has the power to make things interesting for them. He “thinks up things for us to do.” GEORGE, THE CLEVER 202. George was usually the leader of the group, although five of us together constituted the dominant element in the gang. ™ Gang boy’s own story.350 THE GANG George, however, was an outstanding personality; even his en- emies liked him. He was naturally an ‘‘A-number-1” man. He was ingenious, full of ideas, and possessed of much imagination. He was thoroughly responsible and very ambitious. Although he he was not an athlete, he was very clever, and that counted more than athletic prowess in our gang. We had a pretty well-rounded group after it had developed. We aimed at general abilities and the best in several different lines." The possession of ‘‘brains” or imagination is some- times sufficient to confer the leadership of a gang upon a boy who is entirely unfitted for it from a physical stand- point. A hunchback was a very successful leader of a gang of healthy boys. An undersized boy may retain his power in the same way. Occasionally a boy possesses the qualities of natural leadership to such an extent that he becomes a leader of several gangs. DANNY, A SUPERLEADER 203. Danny was seventeen or eighteen years old, but he wasn’t a big kid. He was short and dark and looked more like French than Irish, Danny’s father and mother, who are dead, had been rich. Danny did not like his brother. His brother lives in a hotel and is a boxer; but Danny, he robs stores every night and the cops are always firing and saying, that if we see Danny they will give a re- ward for him. Danny used to have a lot of gangs. He knows a lot more too. One gang he had was a hard one and became so tough that all the other gangs were a-scared of him. He wasn’t a-scared of nuttin. He handled a gun well. He pasted anybody in the teeth. He would jump on a copper too. He is dying now from being shot by a cop- per. He got in with the big guys and would go robbing with the big gangs, holding people up. He’d rob guns and everything. He would t Interview with a former member.LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 351 take Fords. The flying squad got him and took him to St. Charles, but he ran away from there. He also ran away from Pontiac, and they are looking for him now. He would make the little kids steal for him. When he wanted things, he would send the little kids, and if they don’t go, he would hit them. If a bigger kid would not do his bidding, then he’d tell the whole gang, and they’d jump on him.! Lacking the traits of a natural leader, a boy often manages to exert control in the gang through the posses- sion of some special qualification. He may be the oldest resident and ‘“‘know the ropes’”’; he may possess a knowl- edge of some special technique useful to the gang; he may control some material advantage such as an automobile or athletic equipment; or the mere show of superiority through “‘sportiness” may be sufficient to assure leader- ship, at least for a time. THE LEADER GROWS OUT OF THE GANG While it may sometimes be true that a gang forms about a leader, the reverse is generally true: the gang forms and the leader emerges as the result of interaction. It is true also, however, that the way for his emergence may have been prepared by the existence of previous re- lations of palship or intimacy. | The process whereby the leader attains his superior position in the gang is unreflective so far as the members are concerned. They are quite naive about the whole matter; they do not stop to puzzle out why they follow one certain boy rather than another. Many times they are quite unaware of the natural leader’s pre-eminence among them. When asked why a certain boy holds his * Gang boy’s own story.352 THE GANG place of leadership, they are often hard put to it to find a reason. They show their admiration for him and they know they want to follow him, but the reasons have never been verbalized. In certain cases this ignorance as to who is the leader is only pretended. The boys say there is no leader or that they are all leaders for fear that an acknowledged leader (“‘ring-leader’’) may have to bear the brunt of the punish- ment in case they are caught in some delinquency pro- moted by the gang. In some cases leadership is actually diffused among a number of strong “‘personalities,” who share the honors and responsibilities. Leadership once concentrated may become diffused owing to the gradual development of abilities among the rank and file. A group of outstanding boys, whose individual abilities are supplementary, may combine to form’a dominating inner circle. Or there may be a sort of rotation of leadership as activities requiring different abilities are undertaken. As the gang develops, however, and acquires tradition, one boy with more in- fluence than the rest is likely to emerge as a natural leader.’ HOW THE LEADER CONTROLS The natural leader in a gang exercises what appears to be almost absolute sway. He can direct the members of his group in almost any way he sees fit. THE CONTROL OF ‘THE NATURAL LEADER 204. The leader of this gang of Italian boys is older than the others, perhaps seventeen or eighteen. He can do almost any- «Many cases illustrative of these points have been collected, but limitation of space prevents their inclusion.LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 253 thing with the group, for they will take correction and treatment from him that they would not take from anyone else. This is par- ticularly noticeable in school where he can always line up his gang and get good response from them, when they might otherwise fail. The leader is a good-looking chap, with a very pleasing personality and a brilliant mind.t Ordinarily the members of a gang will not attempt any new enterprise without the leader’s approval. It has been suggested that the leader sometimes con- trols the gang by means of summation, 1.e., by progres- sively urging its members from one deed to another, until finally an extreme of some sort is reached. This process is closely related to the daring mechanism.? Those who hang back are confronted with the argument that they have already done worse things. In this way the gang gradually commits more and more serious offenses. This is illustrated by a number of cases which come up for trial in the Boys’ Court. Bulldozing is a method of control employed by a cer- tain type of leader—the bully, who holds his sway chiefly through the fear which he instils. The boy who can retain his position for any length of time, however, must be something more than a mere bully. With all his show of power, the leader must in a very real sense accommodate himself to the wishes of the rest of the gang.4 * Manuscript prepared by an observer. See document 162, p. 279. 2 See document 183, p. 304. 3 Unpublished study by Dorothy Lowenhaupt, “The Influence of the Gang on Juvenile Delinquency: A Study of Four Cases in the Boys’ Court.” 4 The reciprocal dependence of leader and subjects is well recognized. It has been stated by Georg Simmel, a German sociologist; see Nicholas J. Spykman, The Social Theory of Georg Simmel, Book II, chap. i, ‘“‘Sub- mission,” pp. 95-III.354 THE GANG The gang leader holds his prestige in the group be- cause he presents the boys with patterns of behavior which are agreeable to them. They would like to imitate him, but often, through shortcomings of their own, they are unable to do so; they must be content with admiring him and following as best they can. The leader in many cases assumes the réle of a hero and the boys recount with enthusiasm tales of his wonderful exploits. JOE, A HERO 205. Joe would always stick with a guy. Two or three guys were always with him and I’d go too. He’d always protect me; I wasn’t a-scared. One time the flivver squad was coming and we sat on the curb. The cops told us to get up. Joe stood up and a jimmy slipped out. He had a revolver and told the cops to go. They went down the street and turned the corner. Then the flivver came after us. Joe shot at the flivver and punctured the tires. Then a cop slipped around behind us, but Joe was too wise for him. He shot the cop and put him in the hospital. Finally a cop jumped off a roof and caught Joe." A natural leader is more than a hero in the eyes of his followers; he captures their affections as well. In him we often find those “human” qualities which will later fit him to become a ward politician. CHARLEY, A HERO-POLITICIAN 206. Charley was the leader of our gang. He was the best guy there. He would treat the kids right. They liked him. When he would get a dollar or so, he would not be tight with it. He saved at least fifty kids from drowning in the river. Once when I was swimming there, I got into a pile of mush. Charley jumped in and grabbed me by the tights, but he spoiled his suit. My mother paid him enough money for a new suit for saving my life. t Gang boy’s own story. This boy is a twelve-year-old, but looks ten. 2 Gang boy’s own story. 7LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 355 No matter how great the leader, however, his tenure of power is never certain. Some change in the personnel of his gang or in the situation complex may bring his rule to a speedy end. He makes mistakes; the gang loses con- fidence in him, and he is “down and out.” If he becomes conceited and bossy, he is sure to find himself summarily deposed, although he may for a time retain his power through sheer physical force. A new boy may appear, moreover, to contest the old leader’s power through fight- ing him or in some other test of skill. The democracy of the gang, primitive though it may be, is a very sensitive mechanism, and, as a result, changes in leadership are frequent and “‘lost leaders,’’ many. DEMOCRACY IN THE GANG The fact that the leader of the gang, even at the height of his power, is not an absolute monarch, but plays his part through his response to the wishes of his follow- ers, is illustrated in the crude sort of democracy which is almost universal in such groups. PRIMITIVE DEMOCRACY 207. The Seventeenth Streeters had from eighteen to twenty- two members between twelve and fifteen years old. They were mostly Lithuanian, although there were three or four Polish boys in the gang. There weren’t any Jewish, because they do not come around our street; they stay on their own streets. The way I got started with the gang was one warm day when they were going swimming down to the lake; I went with them. I was supposed to clean the house that day and so I was a-scared to go home when evening came; I was afraid I’d get hit. I was up all that night walking around trying to find a place to sleep.356 THE GANG After that I hung away from home for a long, long time, play- ing with the gang and picking up a living anyway I could. One day some of the boys came up to me and said they seen that empty house and it would be a good place to have a club. So we went up and fixed it up. Nobody knew it. We got tables and chairs out of some yards and put them in the best room in the old house to make a clubroom. One boy had a talking-machine which he brought there. We also had checkers and a lotto box. We used to go up there to play cards, but we’d shoot craps in the street or alley. We had dues of 15 cents a week and that way we raised money to buy baseball stuff for our ball team. We’d put up $2 or $3 against some other team. We’d get an umpire first from one street then from another; they’d try to play fair. We only had two officers in our club, a cashier, who looked after the money, and a president. The officers were the ones we thought were the best. We choosed them by having those who wanted to be, stand up, and then the boys would stand up behind them and the one that had the longest row would be the president. There were ten or eleven members at first. Some were brothers and there were three boys fom Halsted Street. If we wanted a new member, we would ask the president if he wanted him and if he did, he’d take him. We’d ask the new member if he’d pay and if he said yes, we’d let him in. We had rules for our clubroom too. To get in you had to knock three times. We also had a rule that every time you swore, you’d have to pay 2 cents. We collected a lot that way to buy baseball stuff. We didn’t allow smoking because we was afraid of setting the place on fire. If they smoked we’d charge them a nickel or throw them out. If they spit on the floor, we’d make them clean the place out. We won three games of baseball and at the end of the month we had a party in our club. The president, he made it up. We just had the members and had ice-cream, cakes, and soda, and we ate and ate and played cards. Then we played a lot on the roof. We used to have lots of gang wars. The one that went first, we’d follow;LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 357 there weren’t any captains or generals like that. We’d follow the one we thought was wisest. We’d do as he’d say. We’d choose the wisest guy for the leader of the war, and he was pretty nearly al- ways the strongest. The leader of the gang is what he is because in one way or another he is what the boys want. The function of leadership is an inevitable growth out of the conflicts and other activities of the gang. The natural leader is the boy who comes nearest fitting the requirements of this function: he “‘fills the bill.” THE INFLUENCE OF LEADERS A real leader manages his gang with ease. So great is his influence over his fellows that, if he is “‘bad,”’ he may lead them to prison. 3 THE INFLUENCE OF A “BAD” LEADER 208. A group of seven or eight boys who lived in the neighbor- hood of a small park, used to congregate every afternoon after school in the playground and interfere with the games and activi- ties of the younger children. The policeman on the beat, being an indulgent, fatherly sort of person, always shooed them away with a good-natured warning. One afternoon they noticed a new police- man at the playground. Immediately the leader of the gang sug- gested that they “‘kid the cop,” and he threw a snowball at the min- ion of the law. When the policeman, red and angry, reached the gate, there was no sign of the boys to be seen, but they had dis- covered a new pastime and were not slow to renew their sport. For several successive afternoons they hung around the chil- dren’s playground, and then, when nothing happened the leader of the gang suggested that they slide down the shoots and swing in the swings. The policeman asked them to get out, and they laughed. He pulled his club out of its holder and menaced them. t Gang boy’s own story.358 THE GANG ‘TLet’s get the cop,” shouted the leader, and before the policeman knew what was happening to him, six of the seven members were beating him up. When the officer brought the case into the Boys’ Court, the boys were all paroled together and sent to St. Charles, where, it appeared later, they grew more intimate than they had been be- fore, with each other, and with the sort of crimes that are commit- ted by boys sent to such a place. When they came out, they seemed to have agreed among themselves that the first thing they would do would be to punish the policeman who had taken away their lib- erty. There were various suggestions, but the leader finally said that the only way they could be sure to put him out of the way was to kill him. Most of the boys, so they told the court afterward, shrank from that, but the leader finally prevailed with them, say- ing that he would head the attack and that the others should fol- low shims .tsc. - The policeman was found dead with his head crushed by a heavy club that lay near him, and there were bruises over his face and body from other weapons. The boys confessed that they had all had a hand in the affair, though they admitted that none of them wanted to do it. When asked why they did, then, the reply was practically the same in all cases, “T. told us to, and we’ve got to do what he tells us.” ‘“‘Did he ever threaten you?” the court asked each boy separately. “No, he never had to. We always did what he said.” . . . . This boy was truly a born leader, though he led his followers to prison.* The boy who in one way or another has already ac- quired vicious habits makes the gang a source of moral contagion, just as the old John Worthy School in Chicago was a breeding-place for crime because the worst char- acters contaminated all the others. The principal of the school had charge of the boys only during school hours, after which they would congregate and the virus would be transmitted. t Unpublished manuscript by D. L——., LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 359 CLOWNEY, A POPULAR IDOL 209. Boys in the Ghetto say that Clowney came in and taught them how to steal. He was a popular idol and is said to be respon- sible for Ghetto gangs, the worst of which range in age from ten to fourteen years. Now these gangs get together under a leader and plan cam- paigns of stealing. Groups of two or three go out, gathering the loot, and then pool the proceeds. The leader of the gang must be strong and quick-witted, although he may be mentally unbalanced. In sharp contrast with these cases is one of a gang become “righteous” through the influence of a strong leader with a rather puritanical tradition behind him. THE RIGHTEOUS GANG 210. Our gang stuck together for several years. It was com- posed of five boys—Arthur M., the two C. brothers, Warren and Hugh, J. C. M., and myself, Phil R.—all living within four blocks of each other on the extreme outskirts of the city of X-—,, Illi- nois. There were three Protestants, one Catholic, and one Jew in the group, but that made no difference in our ardent devotion to each other. One characteristic which set this gang off from others in the community was its insistence on certain ideals of conduct from its members. Very early we were enthusiastic about the idea of doing what was right. It was an established rule that anyone caught using profanity should receive a kick from every other fel- low in the gang. One of the fellows said he had read in a eugenics book that every boy should build up his body while young; for it would have to last him a lifetime. Accordingly we went in for everything that would improve our health. We went camping often; we did not smoke. The gang went out for all the high-school sports and different members made the tumbling, the basket-ball and the football teams. Later, Art was chosen as All Northern Illinois halfback. t Interview with a resident of the district.360 THE GANG The other fellows in our neighborhood laughed at us for not smoking and doing other things which they did. We became known as the “righteous” gang but later when our group achieved athletic fame in high school and also beat up a few of them, they had more respect for us. We also formed a wrestling team so that we could challenge another gang who thought they were invincible. Finally the other fellows in the neighborhood decided to quit kidding us on our stand on the smoking question and to fall into line by quitting smoking themselves. The largest fellow in the gang was Art, who was six feet tall and weighed 185 pounds. He possessed a wonderful personality and also the qualities of leadership which enabled him to assume control of the gang. He was outspoken, courageous, and frank. On one of our hiking trips in the country a huge dog made for us with ominous intentions and we all scurried for the trees. When we looked down we saw the dog sullenly walking away and Art stand- ing a few feet away with a club held over his head in a menacing position. It was such demonstrations of fearlessness that made us respect him. He was the one who organized us into an independent Boy Scout troop, brought about the prohibition of swearing and smoking, and also inspired us to go in for athletics. In high school Art used to chide the other fellows for drinking and smoking. He once remonstrated with a certain fellow on the football team for breaking training, but did not report it to the coach. He went out for all forms of athletics in high school, making the basket-ball, football, and track teams. In the latter two he starred. Last year he played on the college team. : Art’s father was a man of enlightenment, having had a somewhat liberal education in Germany and wishing to see his own children with all the educational advantages possible. The children were brought up in the Puritan style—going to the Catholic church every Sunday and working while attending school so as to learn the value of money. Warren C-——- was good in athletics, but he was very impatient and did not like to study. Not having the patience to stick to it, he left high school and joined the air service. His brother, Hugh,i ee ied ar eae pen Y.M.C. A. Photo THE REESE STREET GANG d ices an ition as a baseball club ‘“‘The Chicago ge, was alleged to have engaged in questionable pract | xteen years of a i . It was taken into the Boys’ Department of the Y This gang, composed mostly of Italian boys from twelve tos predatory act c ssocl ian A isti Men’s Chr oung r . ivities iclent in Its members were also inef ing craps. , however, under the d ing up games and shooti he “Y,” break inning it was a nuisance in t or 5 Junior Cubs.” In the be f capable and sym- Irection oO m great improvement group games and showed poor sportsmanship. The group has show pathetic leaders. (See pp. 514-17.)362 THE GANG was radically different from Warren. He applied himself con- stantly to his studies and stuck to things. In high school Hugh went out for all sports, making the football and basket-ball teams. He was active in our neighborhood athletic activities such as box- ing, tumbling, etc. He got on the honor roll in the matter of grades for the second consecutive year. Having finished high school, he is now attending college. J. C. was the only member of the gang not interested in ath- letics. He was very handy on hikes and hunting trips, however, for he loved the out-of-doors. . The influence of the Boy Scout type of organization upon the gang was considerable, although the group was never organized as a formal Scout troop. Art was elected captain of our independent troop composed only of the five of our group. This was merely a change from our previously tacit to an external recognition of him as our leader. Majority rule controlled our gang in important decisions, but aside from these the leadership of Art determined and directed the activities of the group. On our hiking, camping, or any other kind of activity Art led the rest in stumping and assumed the chief re- sponsibilities. He knew where and how to put up a tent, how to make a fire, cook, and what food to take along. On hunting trips in the winter he could differentiate between the tracks of different animals.? The nature of the influence which the leader may ex- ert is indicated in the case of this “righteous gang.” The character of the gang is to some extent determined by the habits, attitudes, and interests which its members have previously acquired—the nature of the tradition which they bring with them when they enter the group. This Is particularly true with reference to the leader. A gang will often become whatever the leader makes it and that will t Manuscript by a former member.LEADERSHIP IN THE GANG 363 be determined by the forces which have already played upon him and molded his character. This document shows, among other things, that the energies, which under certain conditions lead to mischief, can be directed into other channels. It illustrates the principle of the Boy Scouts and similar boys’ work agen- cies, but it also indicates that it is group action—directed toward ends that are intelligible to the boy members themselves—through which order is established and habits are formed that are wholesome, or at least, harm- less.Aken, THE GANG PROBLEMINTRODUCTION The problems arising in connection with the presence of gangs in a community are many. The undirected gang or gang club demoralizes its members. It aids in making chronic truants and juvenile delinquents and in develop- ing them into finished criminals. It augments racial fric- tion insome areas. It complicates the problems of capital and labor in certain fields. It organizes bootlegging and rum-running into profitable business. It contributes to perverted politics and governmental corruption. It pro- motes the corrupt alliance between crime and politics. In making more acute these various types of social mal- adjustment it lays a heavy burden upon the community. The gang problem with all its various phases is not peculiar to Chicago. It is present in every American city where the disordered conditions of the intramural fron- tier have developed. Studies made in New York City, Boston, Cleveland, Los Angeles, St. Louis, Minneapolis, El Paso, Hammond, Denver, and other cities have re- vealed the same phenomena on a larger or smaller scale. The problem is better in hand in some of these com- munities than in others, but the findings of the Chicago investigation indicate a type situation. Even in rural areas the gang tends to appear when community life breaks down and opportunities are present for boys to congregate. The more serious aspects of the gang problem are created by the older groups. Yet the continuity of life 367368 THE GANG from the younger gangs to the older is so unbroken, the passage from one stage to the next is so gradual, that the serious crimes of young adult gangs can hardly be under- stood apart from their origins in adolescent groups. Most of the practices of the criminal gang are begun in fact or in principle among the boys. There is no break to mark the place where the adolescent gang leaves off and the adult gang begins. This is an important fact in explaining the criminal community and the development of the other phases of the gang problem, most of which have their genesis in younger gangs.CHAPTER XIX DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG There are many demoralizing influences in the undi- rected gang. The period of adolescence, which is particu- larly given to ganging, is one of plasticity and habit forming. For this reason the nature of the conditioning to which the gang boy is subjected is exceedingly impor- tant from the standpoint of his later adjustments. It is these early acquirements which often make him a diffi- cult problem for the community in later years. Demoralization begins with the boy’s entrance into the gang or earlier. The extent of the worldly knowledge displayed by little “punks” of seven or eight amazes the investigator. The process continues progressively as the gang boy grows older. He often undergoes a rather dra- matic evolution, passing through a series of stages, each growing out of the preceding. Beginning as a truant, he becomes in turn a minor delinquent, a hoodlum, a reckless young sport or a daredevil, an occasional crim- inal, and finally, if nothing intervenes, he develops into a seasoned gangster or a professional criminal. Training in the gang is periodically interrupted by visits to various correctional institutions. He comes to regard these as little more than side excursions; and he may even point to them with some degree of pride. Although they are de- signed to “reform” him, in most cases they simply speed up the process of demoralization.? *Compare H. E. Barnes, The Repression of Crime, p. 375. The term ‘“‘demoralization” may be used to denote a falling away from 369370 THE GANG THE GANG INVITES TRUANCY The process of demoralization often begins in “play- ing hookey,” which in itself seems innocent enough. A lot of the fun in sneaking away from school is in going “wid de gang’’; boys seldom “‘bum”’ from school alone. The gang invites truancy and truancy encourages the gang. “Truancy is one of the first steps in the formation of the gang,”’ asserts an experienced officer of the Chicago Department of Compulsory Education. “Nearly every habitual truant over twelve becomes the nucleus for a gang and delinquency follows. The gang, on the other hand, is the basis for truancy. The demoralizing influ- ence of truant gangs in school districts is rapid. .... Gang boys are truants and lead others to become so.’ The consensus of opinion among the sixty-three Chi- cago truant officers who prepared special reports on the gang problem in their districts was that the gang aug- ments truancy.? They had under observation at the time the customs (mores) or a disintegration of morale. Here it is used, however, to include the development of attitudes and habits which are out of adjustment with the dominant social codes. Truancy, incorrigi- bility, hoodlumism, delinquency, criminality may be considered as suc- cessive stages in this process of demoralization. A criminal gang may have its own mores, which govern the relations of its members to each other, and it may have a high degree of morale, developed in fighting other gangs or defying the law. Yet, in either case, its members may be considered as demoralized from the point of view of the larger community. 1 From reports of officers in the Department of Compulsory Educa- tion. 2 A complete report on the gang situation, as observed by the truant officers of Chicago was made possible through the co-operation of Super- intendent William L. Bodine, of the Department of Compulsory Banca tion, and his corps of officers.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 371 the study was made a total of 238 boys’ gangs and 94 un- attached and unsupervised clubs of the gang type. ‘Playing hookey,”’ which is quite natural to any boy, is defined by society as truancy. When it recurs frequent- ly the gang boy receives special treatment at the hands of officials who seek to enforce their definition of the situa- tion. If a truant, placed in an incorrigible room at school, does not standardize his conduct, he enjoys the first side trip of his career in being “‘put away” in the Chicago Parental School, maintained for the institutional care of chronic truants. He may be held first for a few days in the Juvenile Detention Home, which the gang boys call the “Juvenile County Jail.” This experience gives him great prestige with the other boys when he gets back into the gang and tells his story. Too often it is the first mile- stone in a course of personal disorganization, which often leads either to successful criminality or to prison. An intensive study of twenty-eight confirmed truants disclosed the fact that twenty-two of them were members of delinquent gangs’ and five, of mischievous or crap- shooting groups, while only one was free from gang in- fluences.’ One of these cases, showing the influence of the gang in making a chronic truant, has an added interest be- cause of the tragic end which came to the boy during the investigation. * The interviews with boys at the Parental School were conducted by I. D. Stehr. While twenty-eight cases may not be regarded as a suffi- cient number to warrant conclusions as to the effect of the gang on tru- ancy, evidence from other sources confirms the opinion that the gang plays a large part in creating the problem in its more serious aspects.B72 THE GANG THE CASE OF JIMMY WRIGHT 211. James Wright first became a truant at the age of eleven. School did not appeal to him and he much preferred to be out with his gang. “Jimmie was going wild,” his mother is alleged to have told a newspaper reporter. “I could not keep him in school and his gang was leading him into petty thieveries. He was arrested. I couldn’t do anything with him.” The lad had developed typically boyish interests at this time. He enjoyed all sorts of athletics, particularly DOXINP =. nes Like the other boys of his gang, he yearned for adventure. He read those books which contained the most exciting experiences. His favorite author was Zane Grey and the one book he liked best was Grey’s The Man of the Forest. He went to the movies once every week. He liked mystery plays, but preferred western pictures featuring Tom Mix. His fondest wish was for an aeroplane in which he could repeat some of the thrilling feats which he had witnessed on the screen. School was unattractive; he did not like to go to church. He belonged to no boys’ club or scout troop. His club was his gang and that absorbed most of his attention. The Twenty-ninth Street gang, which seems to have been largely responsible for his delin- quencies, was composed of from twenty-five to thirty Irish and American boys ranging in age from thirteen to sixteen years. James himself was the leader of the group because he was a good athlete, a good fighter and the bravest in time of danger. Next in bravery was his first lieutenant, whom he could lick, to be sure, but to whom he trusted the command of the gang during those periods when he was confined in the Parental School. The Twenty-ninth Streeters played baseball and football and promoted other athletic contests. A good deal of time was spent in loafing, smoking, going to shows, and gambling. Poker, Rummie and “‘Slapjack,” pool, and crap shooting were the favorite games of chance. Other exploits included roaming over the city and junking for copper, brass, and silver which could be profitably disposed of to the junkman. Stealing expeditions were not uncommon, on oneDEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG _ 373 occasion, they robbed a restaurant. Sometimes they took automo- biles for joy-riding. They were fighters too. “If anybody hits you, go and get him,” was Jimmie’s motto for the gang. Their particular enemies were the Twenty-second Streeters. The gang was active during the Chicago race riots. With this sort of influence about him it is not difficult to under- stand why the boy did not attend school. During the four and one- half years of his association with the gang, he was committed five different times to the Parental School. He was well liked at the institution where he was given positions of trust. His good record there would win him a parole, but no sooner had he returned home than he would go back to the old gang. He himself recognized the bad influence of the gang, but was unable to resist its attractions. During the period of James’ fifth commitment to the Parental School, charges were made accusing some of the officers of the school of cruelty to the boys. Because of his qualities of leadership and his general popularity, Jimmie had been made captain of his cottage, a position which entailed the maintaining of discipline among the other boys. The problem of dealing with his fellows became so difficult at this time, however, that he asked to be re- lieved of his position. It was alleged that the family instructor in charge of his cottage failed to accede to this request. Dissension followed. Jimmie be- came ill with boils and was finally demoted. Later it was alleged by the family instructor that a plot had been uncovered whereby Jimmie had planned to poison him and his wife by putting hydro- chloric acid in the drinking water. As a punishment, the boy was locked up in a cage of wire netting which was used for the solitary confinement of the unruly. The following morning the guards discovered that the boy had hanged himself by means of a sheet knotted to the top of the cage. This tragic incident resulted in a thorough investigation of the in- stitution, but it was too late to do anything for Jimmie. His story was ended.* * The story of James Wright has been prepared from the account of a personal interview conducted by I. D. Stehr with the boy before his374 THE GANG Although playing hookey seems innocuous to the casual observer, under city conditions of the gangland type it contains the germs of later delinquencies. Boys in truant gangs soon learn to sleep away from home and eventually they may absent themselves for weeks or months at a time. They pick up rags, bottles, and bar- rels to sell and it is but a short step to stealing milk and groceries from back porches and then bicycles for hikes.” Most of the boys in the truant rooms and Parental School are restless little urchins who have been initiated into this life and find it difficult to stick to anything of a more set- tled nature.” Not all gang boys have been truants, however, and many boys attending school regularly are drawn into gang associations. THE GANG FACILITATES DELINQUENCY Whether the schoolboy is a truant or not, the unsu- pervised gang is pretty likely to lead him in the direction of delinquency. If the gang boy attends school regularly he encounters the demoralizing influence of the gang in his periods of leisure. Most boys in gangland, however, quit school’ as soon as the law allows them, either to loaf death, and from published accounts after the tragedy. Disguises of the material are not employed because of the publicity which the case has already received. t See chap. ix. See also Healy and Bronner, Judge Baker Foundation Case Studies, Series I, Case 11, p. 7¢. 2 Document 20 shows the ten-year development of a hardened crim- inal gang from a group of truants. See p. 66. 3 Boys are required by law to attend school until they are fourteen years of age when they may apply for a working certificate, carrying on their studies, however, for two years longer in a continuation school which is maintained in connection with their work.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG — 375 or find a job. The working boy’s spare time is quite likely to be filled with the same sort of activities as the schoolboy’s. Frequent periods of loafing and unemploy- ment among boys in gangland are particularly favorable to the formation of gangs and the development of the sort of delinquencies which they promote. SPARE-TIME ACTIVITIES OF A STREET CLUB 212. The X——- Y—— Street Club is reputed to be one of the most destructive and demoralizing gangs in the neighborhood. It has no regular clubroom but meets out of doors in the fall, mainly in the rear of the School and in nearby alleys and streets. Crap shooting, gambling, smutty story-telling, and planning rob- beries were said to be its chief activities. There are some twenty boys from twelve years up in the group. According to a probation officer of the Juvenile Court, the leader is an escaped inmate of St. Charles. The principal of the school nearby told me that the leader fell in love with one of the teachers and induced her to elope with him. The two went to Michigan and later the boy was tried there and for a time was imprisoned in the state penitentiary. He is now back in Chicago. At the time of the study a member of this gang, only twelve years old, was in the Juvenile Detention Home on charge of par- ticipating in a thousand-dollar robbery. He said that the other members were trying to put the responsibility on him. It is said that the leader’s custom is to commit crimes and then make the smaller boys bear the brunt of the punishment.! Neighborhood gangs may exercise a demoralizing ef- fect upon a whole school. GANG INFLUENCES AROUND A SCHOOL IN GANGLAND 213. Twenty-four eighth-grade boys from twelve to sixteen years old were interviewed at this school. Sixteen of them had no wholesome recreation. Five boys went to a social center and three ™ Report of a private investigation made by a social agency.376 THE GANG to a settlement. The boys patronized the movies on an average of nearly twice each week. Twelve boys belonged to gangs. According to the principal, there is extreme need of constructive action in this section: the streets and even school yard are infested with gangs, the activities of which are destructive of property and character. The influence of these gangs over younger boys is most demoralizing. One tough gang operates near the school and is a menace to discipline and normal life even within the school. A public-school center conduct- ed five nights a week would prove of incalculable value to the neigh- borhood.? The unwholesome influence upon schoolboys of groups of boys who are not working has often been remarked by school officials. : Many gang boys who have not had dealings with social authority as truants, have their first adventure with the law in the Cook County Juvenile Court, which determines whether they shall be paroled to their parents, put on probation under the direction of the court, or put away in some institution for minor offenders. A visit to the court constitutes the beginning of a ‘‘record” and as in the case of an experience in the Juvenile Detention Home or the Parental School, it is viewed in retrospect with great pride by the boy, for it gets him status in the . gang.? This general principle of prestige in the gang through experience with the law has been observed in a large number of cases. t Report of a private investigation made by a social agency. 2 A court record may also operate to keep a boy in the gang by creat- ing a peculiar common experience. In one case it was observed also that a boy’s police record prevented his getting a job, thus forcing him back into the gang for friends who would stake him. 3 See the case of “The Sons of Arrest,’”’ in W. R. George and L. B. Stowe, Citizens Made and Re-Made, pp. 6-7.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 377 The importance of the group factor in juvenile delin- quency in Chicago is suggested by a study of 177 boys brought into the Chicago Juvenile Court in one month (August, 1920). In 57 per cent of these cases, the boys were arraigned in groups, while the records indicate that groups were active in many of the other cases, in which only one boy was caught. A similar study of 169 boys for a winter month (January, 1921) suggests the presence of the group factor in 54 per cent of the cases.’ While these facts are hardly conclusive in themselves, they become significant in the light of statements made by those in close touch with the work of the court. In the majority of cases of delinquent boys, the defendants are either leaders or members of bad gangs.? In more than one-half the cases that have come under my ob- servation, the gang spirit has been in evidence.3 Our observation leads us to believe that the gang is one of the largest factors in delinquency and juvenile crime in Chicago.‘ My attention has been called to a quotation from your recent address stating that the “gang spirit” contributes largely to crime. I wish to commend your statement in this connection as my experi- ence of twenty-two years in dealing with offenders leads me to agree with you. t Preliminary Inquiry into Boy’s Work in Chicago, Middle West Di- vision, Boys’ Club Federation, February, 1921, p. rr. 2Statement by Judge Victor P. Arnold, Juvenile Court of Cook County, Chicago, Illinois. 3Statement by Joseph L. Moss, Chief Probation Officer, Cook County Juvenile Court, Chicago, Illinois. 4 Statement by Miss Jessie Binford and Mrs. L. W. McMaster, Ju- venile Protective Association, Chicago, Illinois. 5 From a letter to the writer from F. Emory Lyon, Superintendent of the Central Howard Association, maintained for men and boys from correctional institutions.378 THE GANG Unsupervised boys’ clubs in this gang area are an actual or po- tential source of disorder and delinquency. This is particularly true of the groups of smaller boys, the members of some of which already possess criminal records.t If not paroled to their parents or kept on probation, gang boys in the first stages of delinquency may be sent for a term to the Chicago Cook County School for Boys, an educational institution for lesser offenders. That the majority of boys received here have been subjected to the disorganizing influences of the unsupervised gang or gang club is indicated by an intensive study of 100 of them (made in connection with this investigation)? taken at random. Of these, 95 per cent were members of delinquent gangs, and more than 80 per cent freely admitted the in- fluence of the gang in getting them into trouble. A similar study in 1918 of 100 boys committed by the Juvenile Court to a correctional institution showed 75 per cent to have been members of gangs. A re-examination of these schedules revealed that in practically every case the de- linquency of the boy was linked with gang activities. Although the group factor in delinquency has been generally ignored by criminologists, some recent students of the subject have emphasized its importance. E. H. Sutherland points out that delinquencies are committed in the majority of cases by groups of offenders rather than « From the report of a private investigation made by a social agency. 2 Through the courtesy of O. J. Milliken, then principal of the Chi- cago Cook County School for Boys, the author was permitted to become acquainted with the boys and to record their own stories of their experi- ences in gangs. 3 Albert E. Webster, Junk Dealing and Juvenile Delinquency, pp. D7, LosDEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 379 by individuals. While only 38 per cent of the children brought into the Children’s Court of New York City were arraigned singly, “the actual association is much greater than these figures indicate for the reason that many members of the group committing an offense do not get caught or get caught later and are arraigned separate- ly.” Furthermore, the gang encourages delinquency out- side its own ranks by setting a standard of conduct for a whole neighborhood.’ Franklin Chase Hoyt also corrob- orates these conclusions. Generalizing from his experience with boys’ gangs in New York City, he points out that the adventures and street fights of the younger gangs be- gin innocently enough, but later tend to develop into predatory activities, ultimately developing ‘‘typical gang- sters, the gunmen, and the criminals of whom we hear so much, and who hesitate at nothing, not even at murder itself, in the carrying out of their objects.’” The relation between gangs and juvenile delinquency in London appears to be less marked than in American cities. GANG BOY DELINQUENCY IN LONDON In the group of 123 boy delinquents analyzed for statistical comparison, as many as 14, that is 11.4 per cent, belonged to a ju- venile gang of three or more members. In the parallel group of 74 girls, not one.3 London statistics from other sources, however, indicate a larger number of juvenile delinquents in gangs. 1 Criminology, p. 154. That a gang may set a good standard as well as a bad, is indicated by the story of the “Righteous” gang, document 210. 2 Quicksands of Youth, p. 113. 3 Cyril Burt, The Young Delinquent (1925), Pp. 447-380 THE GANG In the inquiry by the Juvenile Organizations Committee as many as 63 per cent of the boys are said to have been ‘‘working in gangs.”’ But it is clear, from the published table, that over one- third of these—23 per cent of the total—were working in couples only, and were, therefore, mere comrades and not members of a gang in the accepted sense. A few of the bands encountered, how- ever, comprised a membership of from ten to sixteen (Board of Ed- ucation Report on Juvenile Delinquency, p. 18). A Scottish report shows an equally large number “working together in batches.”’ IN SCOTLAND In the Scottish inquiry, out of 89 boys, 12 were working alone, and 56, that is, 63 per cent, were working together in batches. It should be added that the offenses were in every case serious: boys breaking by-laws by playing street football were not included (Report of Scottish National Council of Juvenile Organizations, p. 16).? It is not safe to conclude that boys working in pairs are mere pals, because the favorite method of gang boys is to work in twos and threes in order to avoid suspicion. An interesting case of the way in which the gang may become a source of moral contagion on the cultural fron- tier of a smaller city has been indicated by a study of El Paso, Texas, which has a population of about 77,000. MEXICAN BOY GANG LIFE 214. In the Mexican section of El Paso is a group of three or four hundred Mexican boys composed of from twenty to twenty- five gangs, each with its separate leader. These gangs have been growing steadily for eight or nine years and now embrace a rather seasoned and experienced leadership in all sorts of crime. Eighty per cent of their members are probably under fifteen years of age; most of the older boys are under eighteen. Stealing, destroying * Burt, op. cit., p. 447. 2 Ibid.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 381 property, and all kinds of malicious mischief are their chief activities. In fact, these groups are almost literally training schools of crime and they seem to be related to each other in a sort of loose federa- tion. For the most part, the boys do not go to school or do not work unless it be for an occasional day. Fifty of them have been sent to the State Industrial school, eight are in jail, twenty-five or thirty are being specially investigated, and about two hundred are under surveillance. These boys may be observed in their charac- teristic groupings every evening on street corners and in vacant lots and alleys. The park, which is their favorite meeting place, with its double rows of tall hedges, its trees and shrubbery, affords them a good place to hide and to conceal their delinquencies.” It is apparent that the gangs in this case have grown up in a culturally interstitial area within which the usual in- stitutions which control the boy have broken down. DOES THE GANG CAUSE CRIME? The present study does not advance the thesis that the gang is a “cause” of crime.” It would be more accu- rate to say that the gang is an important contributing factor, facilitating the commission of crime and greatly extending its spread and range. The organization of the gang and the protection which it affords, especially in combination with a ring or a syndicate, make it a superior instrument for the execution of criminal enterprises. Its demoralizing influence on its members arises through the dissemination of criminal technique, and the propagation, through mutual excitation, of interests and attitudes which make crime easier (less inhibited) and more attrac- «From Roy E. Dickerson, ‘‘Report of a Survey of Mexican Boy Life,”’ a statement to the author, September 26, 1924. 2¥For an excellent discussion of causation in relation to crime see Sutherland, Criminology, chaps. iv to viii, inclusive.382 THE GANG tive. The case of ‘‘Olaf’s crowd” represents a diffuse or rudimentary gang. Although Healy calls this type of group a “crowd,” he recognizes its far-reaching impor- tance in inciting boys to delinquency. The abolition of the gang, even if it could be accom- plished, would not remove the unwholesome influences with which the boy in gangland is surrounded. Many boys there would become demoralized even without the gang. But the gang greatly facilitates demoralization by giving added prestige to already existing patterns of un- wholesome conduct and by assimilating its members to modes of thinking, feeling, and acting which would not be so emphasized without group influence. One bad gang in a neighborhood, furthermore, “‘starts all the others going in the same direction,’ and the younger gangs follow the older. Clifford R. Shaw has traced delinquencies directly from one group to another, by means of a sort of inter- locking membership, back for a period of fifteen years. In this way the tradition of gang delinquencies comes to be passed along as kind of social heritage in a neighbor- hood. E. H. Sutherland has pointed out that the Valley gang in Chicago “has had an active life of over thirty years. In the earlier period the district was controlled politically and socially by this gang... .. a2 The extent to which juvenile delinquency becomes habitual with boys in Chicago (and most of the repeaters «See the case of “Olaf’s Crowd,’’ document 17. Sutherland in of. cit., pp. 156-57 points out how the desire for recognition in the gang im- pels the boy toward delinquency. 2 Criminology, p. 154. “‘Paddy the Bear,” leader of the Valley gang in its early period, has been succeeded by men who have continued its activities and have made large fortunes in beer-running.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 383 are boys of the gang type), is indicated by the following figures on recidivism in the Cook County Juvenile Court. The most important educative influences in shaping the tastes, character, and personality of the boy are like- TABLE VII DELINQUENT Boys—TIMEs IN CourRT, 1916 TO 1924* Times in Court 1916 | 1917 | 1918 | 1919 | 1920 | 1921 | 1922 | 1923 | 1924 First time. .... I,172|1, 204|1, 246]1,445|1,062] 930] 759] 673] 988 Second time...| 453] 495] 471] 539] 401] 357] 290] 280} 519 Third time....] 240] 304] 283] 302] 216) 215) 128] 173] 276 Fourth time... -|| -154|) 158iie 1071) s100|m t2oln tec 05] 744i 170 Fifth time... .. QO|| 0415 Gs|2 T0ole hs ie ol 30l All. 04 Sixth time... -. AOl 301— Alle 55s eel ecole o4l= 13) 28 Seventh time. . T4| 20], TOle. tol, | 20) 8 4 9 7 15 Eighth time... 7 7 8 9 8 2 2 8 7 Ninth time.... 6 a 9 se) 2 6 3 10 12 Tenth time.... Z| los. ccayei| otevece ol | ekees tera | epetoe oleereree I ANd % ‘Totaleen 2,192]2,328/2, 306|2,647|1,912|1, 754|1, 330/1, 283/2,079 * Annual Reports of the Juvenile Court and the Juvenile Detention Home of Cook County, 1924 (fiscal year), p. 36. ly to be those he encounters informally," because leisure- time behavior comes nearest being voluntary and repre- « This point of view is fully corroborated by the findings of the Cleve- land Recreation Survey. The volume on Delinquency and Spare Time shows that in three out of four cases of juvenile delinquency the use of spare time has a direct relationship to the delinquency (pp. 120 and 180). The volume on School Work and Spare Time, which includes a comparison of normal boys in school with boys so far gone in delinquency as to be confined to an institution, indicates even more strikingly the influence of the use of spare time in the genesis of misconduct. The volume on Whole- some Citizens and Spare Time shows, on the other hand, the influence of wholesome spare-time activities directed by parents, teachers, and friends upon the development of wholesome character and the capacity for conse- quent social adjustment and success. See the seven volumes published by the Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation.384 THE GANG sents more really the boy’s own selection of activities. Even if opportunities for wholesome recreation were present in abundance, it would be difficult for it to compete with the vigorous freedom of exciting gang life. It may hardly be doubted that intimate association in gang activities is far more vital in molding the boy than any sort of conventional schooling. Curiously enough, a boy sometimes becomes aware that the gang is providing him with an education. In one case it was maintained that gang schooling in automotive mechanics was better than technical high-school training. TECHNICAL EDUCATION IN THE GANG 215. G—— is a seventeen-year-old, a handsome, bright-eyed member of the Glorianna gang. A casual conversation is sufficient to indicate that he is full of energy and ideas of his own. In a two- hour discussion with the investigator he maintained that he could get a better training in automotive mechanics in his gang than in any high school in Chicago. Several of the members are expert mechanics and they have a “‘great big book” which they consult in cases of doubt. This gang is alleged to have from twelve to four- teen stolen cars on hand all the time. Some of these are torn down and the parts sold, others are dismantled, and still others are re- built; the gang maintains an outlet store for the disposal of such material; hence, this type of knowledge is directly related to their activities and stands them in good stead in a practical way." In spite of all of the forces in the unsupervised gang which influence the boy in the direction of delinquency, some writers believe that the gang has been overempha- sized as a factor in producing crime. It is quite clear that not all gangs are criminal gangs. The gang has probably been overemphasized as a factor in crime, in Gang boy’s own story.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 385 view of the large number of gangs that exist without criminal records: ; =. @ : Our impression is that the gang—defined to include the rudimentary type which Healy calls the “delinquent crowd,” and to exclude the more formal group regularly constituted and supervised by some social agency—is a very important factor in Chicago crime. An assumption that any large number of gangs exist without delinquent activities is hardly justified in the light of available find- ings on this point. The great majority of the gangs studied in the present investigation had engaged in delinquent or demoralizing activities.2 (Figures are given on the following page.) Knowledge of the type of group included under II in- dicates that the majority of these gang clubs are demoral- izing in their influence, while many groups not definitely reported as delinquent are subject to suspicion in spite of the desire of some informants to shield them. «Sutherland, Criminology (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co.), p. 157. In this conclusion Sutherland is probably following William Healy, who says, ‘“‘A considerable literature on gang life has been developed, but ac- cording to our studies of delinquents, the réle of the gang has been over- done. Of course there are plentiful examples of harmful influences, but there are many others, as in this case, where gang life has had very little bearing on delinquency. There are gangs that are ‘predatory, ’and there are many gangs that are quite innocuous, and there are gangs that by no means draw into them all the boys in the vicinity.” —William Healy and Augusta F. Bronner, Judge Baker Foundation Case Studies, Series I, Case I, p. 9a. 2 Compare Emory S. Bogardus, The City Boy and His Problems: A Survey of Boy Life in Los Angeles, chap. vi, ““The Boy and the Gang,” pp. 93-100. “Stealing is perhaps the gang’s most common major activity” (p. 98).386 i III. THE GANG TABLE VIII DELINQUENT ACTIVITIES IN CHICAGO GANGS Gangs whose influence is probably not de- moralizing Definitely reported as wholesome....... 140 Reportearas not tough... .... 0. sc0ce ees 12 POPS Ms ose fase’ wivie cs 0 cites ieee 52 II. Gangs whose influence may be demoral- izing Purporting to have club activities....... 15 Purporting to have dancing activities.... 13 Ghietunterestam billiards)". 4. #10. «7.1. I Purporting to be social clubs............ 30 Purporting to be athletic clubs.......... 326 Purporting to be athletic and social clubs 21 Purporting to be political clubs......... 7 No statement made as to delinquencies. . 196 Motalee eee ce nee 609 Gangs whose influence is probably demor- alizing Not to be highly recommended......... I SUSpIClOUSIPTOUDS sears fe i) setel tech 9 Mixed good and bad groups............ 9 Some members delinquent.............. II @hrefactivity, DUISIAnY 1... sce = a oe I WEGUEGESthUCULVGl © a1 im cee oie i 2 IDISOLGCTIY ee hos ee os yeaa oe 48 NMMOANIN PM es ty ee sie wes es 7 Mischievous or annoying............... 30 @hiefiactivity gambling::...-+...4....- 4 Definitely reported as delinquent or ELINA ee cy, scr Gigante ci ee eens 530 PRGtaler ey ie uae cle arersfelees He lorries 652 52 609DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 387 J. Adams Puffer, from a detailed study of 66 gangs of younger adolescents, found that 49 of them, or 74 per cent, engaged in predatory activities, such as stealing, injuring property, etc.’ His comment on the general in- fluence of the gang is also significant. He found that boys from the better class of homes usually formed brief-lived groups of their own, while boys whose home training was deficient tended to join gangs already formed, which were apt to be tough with fixed and dangerous traditions. .... Thus .... among delinquents of my acquaintance hardly more than a quarter were original members of their gangs, or could tell how their gangs started. The bad gang, therefore, tends to be a persistent and dangerous institution, taking in new members as the older ones graduate.? WHAT THE BOY LEARNS IN THE GANG What the boy learns in the unsupervised gang or gang club usually takes three general trends: personal habits, which in boyhood are conventionally regarded as demor- alizing; familiarity with the technique of crime; and a philosophy of life or an organization of attitudes which facilitate further delinquency of a more serious type. This is the gang boy’s threefold social heritage. 1 J. Adams Puffer, The Boy and His Gang, p. 40. 2 Tbid., pp. 28-29. The traditional definition of a gang found in the dictionary indicates the disparaging sense in which the term is usually used: ‘‘A gang is amumber going or acting in company; a number of per- sons associated for a particular purpose or on a particular occasion; used especially in a depreciatory or contemptuous sense or of disreputable per- sons.” From the Century Dictionary and Cyclopedia. Also compate Thomas Travis (The Young Malefactor), who says, “It is the adventurous, law- less, idle, and truant who naturally form gangs” (p. 142). 3 The subjective aspect of the demoralization of the boy delinquent is beautifully delineated in Clifford R. Shaw’s presentationof theautobiog-388 THE GANG Vulgarity, obscenity, and profanity of all kinds, usu- ally acquired very early from the general milieu of gang- land, are fostered and elaborated in the gang. This is equally true of crap shooting and gambling in most of its forms. The use of tobacco and snuff is a group habit, even when the group is made up of little boys. The use of in- toxicants is a pretty general practice in gangs of older adolescents. Even though association with girls is ta- booed by younger gangs, premature acquaintance with sex is almost universal in such groups and like other gang interests is greatly stimulated in interaction. Toughness, first developed as a pose, soon becomes a reality. Vices practiced by individual members usually spread to the whole group and the boy who can hold out against such powerful social pressure is indeed a rare exception.” 216. The mothers of two of the members of the Let George Do It Club, which rents a clubroom on Marshfield Avenue, com- plain that the purpose of this group is drinking and gambling and that it has a bad influence on the younger boys.? raphy of a young offender published under the title of A Problem Boy. This interesting human document should be read in connection with Part IV of this book as the best way of obtaining an insight into the gene- sis and development of the inner reactions and attitudes of the boy in the type of situations which confront most gang boys in their attempts to adjust themselves in society. In reading the present chapter, it should be borne in mind that the gang is only one of the factors in the complex matrix from which demoral- ization arises. This will be indicated by a reading of Shaw’s monograph and will also be pointed out in chap. xxi. «This process of demoralization under social pressure often takes place in high school and college fraternities. 2 Records of the Juvenile Protective Association.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 389 It is not meant to imply that the gang is in any sense inherently bad. It simply lacks wholesome direction. It is a spontaneous attempt on the part of boys to create a society of their own where none adequate to their needs exists. Naturally they absorb what is vicious in their en- vironment to the extent that such patterns appeal to them, for there are no very potent forces in their social world to define these acts as undesirable. LEARNING TECHNIQUE OF CRIME The boy in the gang learns the technique of crime by observing it in older groups. The doings of the older gang are discussed with greatest interest by the younger groups. Not infrequently the older gang uses younger boys. Chicago beer-running gangs employ boys to drive their trucks; the youngsters look innocent and “‘get by.”’ The gang boy acquires a more effective knowledge of the technique of crime, however, by participating in and observing the exploits of his own group. The gang’s pred- atory activities include vandalism and all sorts of thiev- ery. Junking leads to petty stealing. ““Going robbing” is a common diversion in the gang and this often develops into the more serious types of burglary and robbery with a gun. A gang often specializes in one particular type of delinquency, but the activities of most groups run the whole gamut of offenses, including practically every crime in the catalogue.’ Exact information as to the technique of crime is im- parted in the gang. t See Tables [X and X.390 THE GANG TECHNICAL KNOWLEDGE ABOUT CRIME 217. Some of the questionable activities learned in the gang ~ were the different methods of unlocking doors without the use of a key. One method requires only a piece of string and the portion of an umbrella rib..Other methods are more complicated. If I de- sired to get into my room or cupboard in the settlement and did not have my key, any member of the gang would gladly open it for me within a few minutes. It was much safer not to lock a door if you did not want it opened. If it were locked, their curiosity would prompt them to open it and then there would come the tempta- tion to “‘loot”’ because the “law” had locked it up.t How to procure junk, open merchandise cars, rob bread boxes, snatch purses, fleece a storekeeper, empty slot machines, pick a pocket, go shoplifting, “‘roll’’ a drunk- en man, get skeleton keys, steal an automobile, sell stolen goods to “fences,” purchase guns, engineer a holdup, operate stills, burglarize a store, trick the police, and so on—this is the type of technical knowledge for which the gang acts as a clearing-house. Most of the younger gangs do not give their whole time to crime, as some groups do; they may be described as semi-delinquent or delinquent on occasion. The edu- cative effect in the long run, however, is the same. ATTITUDES DEVELOPED IN THE GANG It is abundantly evident that there is no lack of pat- terns in the gang boy’s social world for the whole gamut of predatory activities? which are possible in a city en- vironment. Nor is there any apparent opprobrium at- tached to those approved by the gang, which has its own * Unpublished manuscript by boys’ worker in gangland. 2See chap. xiv.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 301 code for its own members. One is reminded of the so- called ‘“‘criminal tribes” of India, whose customs include a great variety of activities which are regarded as preda- tory by the larger social organization with which they come into contact, but which they themselves regard as sanctioned by their gods. The gang, however, not having their cultural detachment, usually accepts the code of society but is in rebellion against it. In fact, the diaboli- cal character of disobeying the social codes appeals to gang boys. While they accept the moral authority of the community, still it is external to them and they get a “kick” out of their attitude of disrespect for established rules. Experience in a gang of the predatory type usually develops in the boy an attitude of indifference to law and order—one of the basic traits of the finished gangster. The personal and property rights of outsiders, who are regarded as proper prey, are constantly disregarded. A growing attitude of superiority to the rest of the world is greatly augmented by the feeling of group power and se- curity. Recklessness is generated and in some cases un- believable daring and impertinence. Too often this atti- tude is so well taken--through police connivance and political protection—that a terrorized community raises no voice to challenge it. Nor is official collusion always necessary to its maintenance; for the members of a gang, having some reason for enmity, may “mob,” beat, or take “not” shots at officers of the law. The gang boy very early acquires the independence which is characteristic of the finished gangster—learns to sleep away from home and live on his own resources392 THE GANG for weeks at a time. He frequents the parks, the canals and river fronts, the forest preserves; he helps the farmers of adjacent lands in their busy seasons; he “hangs out” in the newspaper alleys. He soon learns to feel depend- ence on nobody and even if he loses his original gang, it is easy enough to fall in with another. He is ready to cut his moorings when occasion demands. INDEPENDENCE 218. A boy of fifteen ran away from home with a gang of three other boys. He had been a member of a boys’ club and his father’s employer had paid for a camp membership for him. The gang, however, had greater attractions. He was not heard of until three months later when his gang was arrested in a room in a cheap hotel on Harrison street. Here the police found $10,000 worth of goods, the proceeds of from forty to fifty burglaries. The “racket” was to call up a house and make sure no one was at home and then put a little boy through a window to open the door.* Finally, the boy usually acquires in the gang an atti- tude of fatalism, a willingness to take a chance—a philos- ophy of life which fits him well for a career of crime. ‘“What’s de odds? Take a chance!” He learns to take getting caught stoically. ‘““You get caught sooner or later anyway; so why not take a chance?”’ Most gang boys are quite familiar with the punitive machinery of society. Boys standing at the window of the Chicago Cook County School, watching the westbound suburban trains of the Illinois Central, are heard to remark, “‘Dere go de St. Charles coffee-grinders” and ‘‘Dat’s where we go next.” t Interview with a social worker. Charles Dickens, who tells a similar tale of Oliver Twist, must have known gang life in East London.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG = 393 The boys soon become used to the idea of being sent away; and they foresee the next step. One boy looked forward eagerly to the later stages of the journey: “I want to see de inside of Pontiac and Joliet too before ’'m t’ru’.”” This sentiment, developed to the logical extreme, may manifest itself in the “desperado attitude.”’ A boy of sixteen, whose brother was hanged, and who himself was the leader of a particularly vicious gang, made the re- mark with all show of sincerity, “I want to kill a cop be- fore I have to swing.” FATALISM 219. “I’d just as soon swing as go back to the stir,” said one gangster who had participated in a murder during a holdup. “I’m tired of prisons. Maybe they’ll give me the rope for this and get it all over with. Harry swung for his job. He told me in the county jail that he didn’t care. He said the odds were three to one anyway, and he was willing to pay. He meant that he had taken three lives and the state was only getting one in return. I’m ready to swing too.””? What better education for a disorderly life can be found than that which the gang provides: inculcation of demoralizing personal habits, schooling in the technique of crime, the imparting of attitudes of irresponsibility, 1 That this boy is making progress toward his goal, despite frequent attempts of society to “reform” him, is indicated by the following news item of gang activities in which he participated three or four years after he was heard to make the above remark: ‘Five youths, charged with fifty-four robberies with guns, were held to the grand jury yesterday. .... Their bonds were fixed at $50,000 each.” 2 From newspaper accounts. This fatalism frequently expresses it- self among boys in the statement: “I’ve gone too far with this sort of thing to turn back now!”304 THE GANG independence, and indifference to law, and the setting up of the philosophy of taking a chance and of fatalism? THE “HOODLUM” AS A SOCIAL PATTERN If the younger undirected gangs and clubs of the gang type, which serve as training schools for delinquency, do not succeed in turning out the finished criminal, they often develop a type of personality which may well fore- shadow the gangster and the gunman. A boy of this type may best be described as a hoodlum, the sort of ‘“‘hero”’ who is extolled in most unsupervised gangs of younger adolescents. The hoodlum is a definite social type. He takes par- ticular delight in interfering with the orderly pursuits of business and pleasure which he sees about him and in- deed, often enough, which may have been planned for his own benefit. He breaks up a party, eggs a speaker, mo- lests school children, taunts women and girls on the streets, or engages in petty thievery of personal belong- ings. He is a vandal: it seems to give him pleasure to despoil and destroy property wherever opportunity arises. He does not hold a job. He is often on the streets or in the poolrooms. He is a loafer and idles away countless hours in smoking, gambling, and rough horseplay. His bra- vado is always ready to foment a brawl, but he isseldom willing to engage in a fair fight unless backed by his pals. He is coarse and vulgar in his talk. He has no apprecia- tion of history, no dignified tradition in his past, no cul- tural background. He is, in brief, a thoroughly disor- ganized (or, if you like, unorganized) person, and if theDEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 395 trend of his present evolution is carried far enough, he is pretty likely to develop into a criminal. A YOUNG HOODLUM 220. Fatty is about nine years old. He stole 25 cents from a policeman who was waiting to buy lunch. He holds up the little boys when they go with money to buy ice. He took six pool balls from the playroom of the settlement. His brothers “went over the water” (to the bad boys’ school). He stole $6 worth of tickets through a hole in the picture show window. He smoked so much that he fainted in line at school. He found a gun which a robber threw away in his alley and used it on the little boys. He took the scissors from his teacher at school. He broke a $200 window in a drug store. He took $2 from a man with a push cart. He plays hook- ey from school. He stones the girls. Early he had come under the influence of a gang, whose members later acquired court records.’ A red-sashed, golden-curled little Lord Fauntleroy is too idyllic to be set up as a pattern for the boyhood of today; he never was a real boy. It is quite another thing, however, to seek to direct the activities of the boy into channels which will enable him ultimately to organize his own life for wholesome personal development and some measure of adjustment to the complex conditions of modern society. LATER TRAINING FOR CRIME Unsupervised gangs of older boys and young men con- tinue this process of demoralization in the direction of more serious criminality. Their end product is the slug- ger, the gunman, and the all-round gangster. As gangs get older they may attempt to accommodate themselves to society and so become conventionalized as «Interview with a settlement worker396 THE GANG athletic clubs. External earmarks of respectability, how- ever, do not guarantee its reality. Demoralizing habits, disorganizing attitudes, and questionable activities are often carried over into the club organization to be con- tinued and augmented there under the guise of legitimate functions. A SCHOOL FOR GAMBLERS 221. The Goldenrod Athletic Club, whose career lasted from 1905 to 1920, numbered with its hangers-on about too Irish-Ameri- cans from twenty to thirty years of age. A clubroom was main- tained near Archer and Western avenues. Besides football and baseball, the chief activities were dances and gambling. The club was affiliated with the local Democratic political machine. Eventually gambling became the leading interest of the group, which developed into what later proved to be a training school for professional gamblers. The members would make it a habit to get on incoming trains near their hang-out and to ride them both ways in order to get next to ‘suckers,’ whom they enticed into card or dice games. They would let the greenhorns win for a time and then fleece them. A dozen of the group were engaged in this sort of activity. Four members, tiring of the neighborhood, began looking for something more lively and finally became leading professional gamblers at the Kewanee race track in the South. One of the lead- ing crapshooters of California, now aged thirty-eight, was also a graduate of this gang. Another member entered the legal profes- sion and can be depended upon to defend any of them when they get into trouble; he was the “brains” of the group from its beginning. In this way the influence of the group was multiplied. After they were old enough to get set in their habits and get away, they were hopeless from the standpoint of reform, but always agile enough to keep out of trouble. It was in the gang that they were initiated into a life of crime, and it is probable that they started new centers of demoralization elsewhere when the group broke up.* t Interview with a politician in the district.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 307 “Scratch a club man and you will find a gangster”’ is an adage which applies in many of these cases. The club frequently gives the hoodlum an unwonted standing and influence in the community. In the club too are often found the young sport of the reckless type, the dare-devil, and the occasional criminal and gangster in the making. While conventionalization into a club may be a step in the direction of the gang’s disintegration, it may on the other hand serve to contaminate a wider group. The gang club tends to draw in additional members in great numbers; its social functions may be patronized by hun- dreds and even thousands of young people who might not otherwise normally be subject to such influences. Thus in the form of an organized club the vicious gang often ex- tends its noxious influences to wider and wider circles of boys and young men. The case of Walter Krauser, twice a murderer, sen- tenced to hang, and then adjudged insane, may be cited as one illustration of the demoralizing influence of the gang club. THE CASE OF WALTER KRAUSER 222. His work-worn mother laid a tearful curse on “‘that cruel, hounding gang” today for bringing Walter Krauser to the shadow of the gallows. ‘He was a good boy!” she cried. “He tried so hard! But they wouldn’t let him alone. He is only nineteen. He couldn’t hold out against them. They kept coming for him—morning, noon, and night. They called him ‘yellow’ when he wouldn’t go out with them. They haunted my good boy!” The boy’s eighth-grade teacher and even the vengeful police of the Stock Yards station verified the heartbroken mother’s pic- ture of her son as the victim of a cruel system—a system which398 THE GANG fosters the gang spirit, protects the gangster in petty crimes, ties the hands of the police until finally something happens which is too much for the political “‘fixers.”’ ‘Walter Krauser was a bright, well-behaved lad in 1918, when he was graduated from the eighth grade of the Fallon school. “T remember him as an unusually nice boy, . . . . ” his eighth- grade teacher said today. “He had a good mind and good habits. I never thought he’d come to this.”’ But when his school life was over Walter found himself facing a hard rough life. All the ‘‘real guys” were gangsters. Gang mem- bership was the sign of caste. When Walter got his chance to join the most powerful, most desirable of all the gangs, he joined. Presently the police began to hear of him. He was picked up for fighting on the streets, for starting a rough-house in a saloon— for functioning as a gangster should. These arrests meant nothing. One of the advantages of gang membership is immunity from petty police interference. Walter would be turned loose when taken to court. If the judge had not been given that “office,” why, some one had let the complaining witness know it wouldn’t be wise to talk in court. Krauser was arrested a dozen times this year, according to the Stock Yards police. Not once was he sent to jail. Toward fall the charges against him became more serious. On September 3, he was arrested for robbing a saloon. .... The woman bartender posi- tively identified him. The case seemed cinched. But when Krauser came up for trial, something happened to the state’s case. The bar- tender no longer wanted to identify Krauser. She was not sure, The case was dropped. On November 27, Krauser was arrested for stealing an auto- mobile. It was another air-tight case, but when the gangster was taken into the Boys’ Court for trial, the complaining witness re- fused to go on the stand and again Krauser went free. For this protection the Stock Yards police blame an influential politician of the district. Krauser had a protégé’s privileges, they say. Those privileges led him to go too far. This time—held on a charge of murder—he is to have no backing, it appears. The “sang” organization has disowned him, though a membership card,DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG — 399 showing dues paid in full to date, was found in his coat. Krauser must face the law alone. And the law has his confession.* A CONTRARY VIEW Another interpretation of the Krauser case in terms of hereditary defect is presented by Judge Harry Olson of the Chicago Municipal Court. KRAUSER’S HEREDITY 223. We have erected machinery for their detection (cases of hereditary defect) in our Municipal Court. Once in a while inex- perienced judges let them slip through their hands to the great hurt of society. As for example, a youth, Walter Krauser, was brought into our Boys’ Court seven times on trivial, though significant, charges. Four different judges who had recently been elected came in contact with him and each time he was released. The young woman who keeps the card index in the Boys’ Court and whose duty it was on his second appearance in court to write upon the card, ‘‘Send to the laboratory,” failed in that duty and the youth was not examined. With another youth, Bernard Grant, he engaged in the robbery of an Atlantic & Pacific grocery store, and is charged with killing a brave police officer. Upon read- ing of the murder I sent for the cards in the Boys’ Court. He had been there seven times, and the officials failed to send him to the laboratory. Seven chances society had to isolate him. Seven times officials failed in their duty with the result to society of a dead officer, a widow, and several children left fatherless. ... . This youth is feeble-minded plus dementia praecox katatonia. The family of this youth, his father, mother and four sisters are similar defectives. He is under sentence of death. Crime can be anticipated in such cases and would have been in the ordinary oper- ations of the Municipal Court. (Since this address was made Krauser, who under sentence of death had received a new trial, * Chicago Daily News. Krauser’s sentence to hang was later com- muted to life-imprisonment on the ground of insanity, after he had killed an accomplice in the county jail.400 THE GANG and while in jail awaiting trial, killed Bernard Grant, who was un- der sentence of death for the same offense as Krauser.)* This interpretation brings up one of the controverted questions of science, viz., that of the relative importance of heredity and environment in determining human be- havior. In its ultimate analysis such a debate is futile because it sets up a false antithesis between explanations that are supplementary. Heredity and environment are equally important in every case of human behavior: there is no behavior without a stimulus situation (en- vironment); there is, on the other hand, no behavior without the employment of a hereditary (although modi- fied) mechanism. Character and personality are the prod- ucts in every case of the interaction of this double series.’ For the practical purposes of controlling behavior, however, either of these factors may be emphasized in a given situation. In dealing with the hereditary factor as such, the only practical control is a eugenic one; that is, the birth of the child may be prevented if his defective- ness can be foretold. After birth, however, there is no way of adding to or subtracting from the heredity of any individual. The practical problem then becomes en- tirely one of environment: given a certain hereditary equipment, what sort of environmental influences will serve to develop it according to the patterns which soci- ety has set up as desirable? t Research Studies of Crime as Related to Heredity, published by the Municipal Court of Chicago, 1925, p. 24. 2 Compare Leonard Carmichael, “Heredity and Environment: Are They Antithetical?”’ Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, October 1925, Dp. 245-01:) ~ . . in all maturation there is learning: in all learning there is hereditary maturation” (p. 260).a ah ll A te msl a wee P.& A. Photo s HEREDITY OR ENVIRONMENT? in robbing a iceman in TO Walter Krauser, at the left of the picture, together with Bernard Grant, his accomplice (at the right), killed a pol grocery store. Both were sentenced to be hanged. Later Krauser killed Grant when they were permitted to talk together in a cell at the Cook to the ; while, on the ion as (See Documents 222-23, pp. 397-400.) ious quest the fallac ion for life. This case raises t. On the one hand, Krauser had been declared both feebleminded and titution County Jail. Krauser was ultimately declared insane and committed to an ins insane lronmen tance of heredity and env . ive impor relat imes. tty cr im in pe fluence of a gang which protected h izing in other, he had been subject to the demoral402 THE GANG These principles may be illustrated by reference to the Krauser case, assuming that both the accounts given are substantially factual. A feeble-minded and psycho- pathic youth falls in with an unsupervised and semi- delinquent club with political pull; the final result is two murders. Which factor is responsible, the hereditary or the environmental? Manifestly, if the boy had been given the protection of proper institutional care from childhood, the murders might not have occurred; it is possible to say, therefore, that his crimes were due to a faulty environment. If, on the other hand, he had been normal, the influence of vicious associations might not have been sufficient to have caused him to commit mur- der; there were other fellows in his delinquent group who did not go to that extreme, even though all of them may have had court records. The patent conclusion with ref- erence to the influence of ‘the gang is that while the usual unsupervised gang has a decidedly demoralizing effect even on the normal boy, it is likely to afford a doubly unfortunate environment for the feeble-minded or psy- chopathic type. The eugenists and some of the psychiatrists tend to emphasize the hereditary explanation to the exclusion of other factors. ENVIRONMENTALISTS EVALUATED 224. The socio-economics of crime and criminals, while one of the most important branches of political science, has not as yet been submitted to any scientific investigation at all commensurate with its importance. It holds vast stores of important sociological, economic, psychological, psychiatrical, anthropometrical, and he- reditary data of invaluable import to civics and society. To do such scientific investigation, properly trained workers are required andDEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG 403 those interested in seeing such investigations carried on should be- ware not to confuse such scientific research with much of the cur- rent puerile efforts and effusions of certain types of lay writers and unqualified so-called criminologists. The environmentalists have also been responsible for much confusion, misunderstanding and retardation in this field. They are to criminology what the anti- evolutionists are to science in general. They are pseudo-scientific meddlers whose thinking is dominated by their feelings, wishes, and prejudices and who close their minds against established scientific fact. The hereditary approach to the problem, while it is valuable when used advisedly, may just as easily become a vice as that of the so-called environmentalists. It is interesting to note in the Krauser case, for example, the effect of certain environmental factors mentioned in the psychiatric report, even aside from the earlier gang in- fluences and alleged political protection: four inexperi- enced judges and a negligent card-index clerk were ap- parently held equally responsible with the hereditary factor for Krauser’s crimes. They certainly constituted an element in Krauser’s faulty social environment that could hardly be overlooked in a complete diagnosis of the case. A report from the Institute for Juvenile Research on a case submitted for examination indicates the recogni- tion by that agency of the gang as an important environ- mental factor, even in the case of a dull, backward boy. A RETARDED BOY IN A GANG 225. The problem here is that of a dull, backward boy who is in a gang. He probably gets his incentive to steal from the other t William J. Hickson, ‘‘Socio-Economics of Crime and Criminals,” Studies of Crime as Related to Heredity Research, p. 84.404 THE GANG boys in the gang. The problem is further aggravated by the home situation. The boy reacts antagonistically to the father’s abuse. This is probably a factor in the boy’s behavior. The very first thing to be done is the education of the stepfather. He should be told to reason with the boy and not to abuse him indiscriminately. The boy should, of course, be taken out of the gang and other recre- ational activities substituted. We would recommend that he be re- examined in three months.* The suggestion has come from the field secretary of the Eugenics Committee of the United States’ that the slum, in which the gang seems best to thrive, may be ex- plained as a result of the segregation of the innately de- fective elements in the city’s population’ and that the membership of the gangs themselves may be selected so as to include chiefly boys of defective heredity. This would be an interesting subject for investigation, but at the present time there are no positive data bearing upon it. There has been no way of testing a sufficient number of gang boys to determine the presence of defective heredity in gangs in proportion to that existent in the general population.4 The general impression from the present investiga- tion, however, is that the majority of boys in the ordi- nary gang or gang club are of normal mentality both as to « From a report submitted to the Juvenile Court by the Institute for Juvenile Research. Compare Herman A. Adler, “Prevention of Delin- quency and Criminality by Psychiatry,” Welfare Magazine, January, 1926, pp. 195-208. 2 Letters from Leon F. Whitney. 3. B. Reuter takes a contrary view in Population Problems, pp. 2209 ff. 4 Compare M. L. Warner, “Influence of Mental Level in the Forma- tion of Boys’ Gangs,” Journal of Applied Psychology, VII, 224-36.DEMORALIZATION IN THE GANG $405 intelligence and emotions.’ The gang boys interviewed in the great majority of cases gave the impression of nor- mal, and often superior, intelligence and a normal devel- opment of emotional responses and sentiments. There are undoubtedly many retarded and defective boys in the 1,313 gangs observed in the present study; although the exact percentage is unknown, it is probably no higher than the percentage of the same type in the general pop- ulation. That the gang provides a doubly bad environ- ment for this kind of boy is obvious. TRAINING IN THE CRIMINAL GANG The older gang may definitely drift into serious crime without assuming any semblance of more formal organ- ization? A side trip to the Pontiac reformatory or a term in the county jail or Bridewell often vary the monotony of gang activities at this stage. Then, if offenses are repeat- ed or more desperate, there come the last stages in the gang boy’s journey: the Joliet state penitentiary, a fed- eral prison, or the gallows.’ A remark made by Nicholas Viana, a nineteen-year- old member of the Sam Cardinelli gang,‘ shortly before his execution affords a significant commentary on the in- « “The average criminal does not get into court because of an intelli- gence, but because of an affective defect.”” William J. Hickson, of. cit., p. 87. 2 See document 20, p. 66. 3It is undoubtedly true that many of the demoralizing influences which play upon the gang boy emanate from his associations in penal institutions. These influences are carried back into the gang. 4See document 230, p. 431.406 THE GANG fluence of the criminal gang and its poolroom hang-out on young boys. | “T entered Cardinelli’s poolroom in short trousers,” he said. ‘‘In a week I was a criminal.” Viana and three other members of the gang were hanged for the murder of a saloonkeeper during a holdup. Cardinelli, the leader, was not present when the crime was committed, but he had furnished the four boys with re- volvers and had sent them to rob the saloon. Canaryville, a district near the Chicago stock yards, was at one time notorious as a breeding-place of vicious gangs,—a moral lesion in the life of the city. Some of Chicago’s most desperate criminals are said to have been produced by the ‘‘Canaryville school of gunmen.”’ THE “‘CANARYVILLE SCHOOL OF GUNMEN” 226. The white hoodlum element of this district was character- ized by the state’s attorney of Cook County when he remarked that more bank robbers, pay-roll bandits, automobile bandits, highwaymen, and strong-arm crooks come from this particular dis- trict than from any other that has come to his notice during his seven years as chief prosecuting official. For years Eugene Geary, protégé of the late “Moss” Enright, and a leader of the gunman school, developed in ‘‘Canaryville,” the toughest section of the stockyards district, has been known to the police as one of the most dangerous men in Chicago—a man killer, quick on the trigger of the pistol he always carried, and who gloried in the unsavory reputation he had earned through his ex- ploits as a labor slugger, gangster, and all-around ‘“‘bad man.” It was this section which produced “Moss” Enright, “Sonny” Dunn, Eugene Geary, the Gentleman brothers and many others of Chicago’s worst type of criminals. It is in this district that “ath- t Chicago Commission on Race Relations, The Negro in Chicago, p. 8. 2 Chicago Crime Commission, Bulletin, No. 14, Oct. 6, 1920, p. 3.P.& A. Photo ATION A s DEMORALIZ ty-nine. (See document 230.) The boy at ir to the poolroom of Cardinell ger, was hanged for the murder of a policeman. He was inducted knee pants at the age of fourteen. Th Chicago’s present crime problem. fellows led by a man of th or 5S Here are two members of the Sam Cardinelli gang, a group of youn the right, an Italian cho gr oS d into the gan ian gland areas is to a large extent responsible for in ir-sin in gan s process of early demoralization of boys (See chap. xx.) i in408 THE GANG letic clubs” and other organizations of young toughs and gangsters flourish, and where disreputable poolrooms, hoodlum-infested saloons and other criminal hang-outs are plentiful." Gerald Chapman, a nationally known criminal who was hanged April 6, 1926, was an end-product of the type of demoralization which the gang initiates. At the age of about fifteen or sixteen he was ‘“‘graduated from the cor- ner-loafing stage and became a member of a band of roughs known as the ‘Park Avenue Gang’’’—“a group ranking for the desperate quality of its membership with the Gopher and the ancient car barn gangs.” If the gang may be regarded as one of the products of the economic, cultural, and moral frontier in a great city, the gang boy, too, may be so regarded. He is often a de- linquent, but this delinquency cannot be considered in most cases other than a result of the situation complex in which he finds himself and from which he cannot escape. “There are no bad boys” is a slogan that has been adopted by the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic; the idea behind it is undoubtedly sound—that “‘bad” boys as defined by so- ciety, are largely created by the disorganizing forces con- sequent upon the confused conditions where American life is in process of ferment and readjustment. t Chicago Commission on Race Relations, op. cit., p. 342. Quoted from the Annual Report of the Crime Commission, 1920.CHAPTER XX THE GANG AND ORGANIZED CRIME To think of the bulk of Chicago’s crime as the result of the activities of hardened criminals or adult gangs would be erroneous. There is no hard and fast dividing line between predatory gangs of boys and criminal groups of younger and older adults. They merge into each other by imperceptible gradations, and the latter have their real explanation, for the most part, in the former. Many delinquent gangs contain both adolescents and adults. The adult criminal gang, which is, asa rule, large- ly composed of men in their early twenties, carries on traditions thoroughly established in the adolescent group. It represents a development and perpetuation of the younger gang or at least of the habits and attitudes of individuals trained in younger groups. It is clear, there- fore, that crime, in so far as it is facilitated by the gang, can only be understood by following it to its roots and beginnings in the boys’ gang. While there has been no great increase in delinquency among children under sixteen years of age and while the number of delinquents under this age is very small in comparison with the total number of children,’ yet there * See Neva R. Deardorff, ‘‘Some Aspects of Juvenile Delinquency,” Modern Crime, pp. 68-78. See also report of the Children’s Bureau, U.S. Department of Labor, on the Trend of Juvenile Delinquency Statistics, March 20, 1926, which indicates a general trend toward a decrease in juvenile delinquency in this country. 409410 THE GANG has probably been a decrease in the average age of crim- inals above sixteen.’ One striking fact about present-day crime is the youthfulness of offenders. Statistics on the ages of delin- quents are unsatisfactory because they do not usually represent the first offense or even the first conviction of the boy. Statistics with regard to arrests, convictions, and commitments, however, do show that the majority of delinquencies occur between the ages of twenty-one and twenty-four years.? Most of the commitments for larceny, burglary, forgery, fraud, rape, and trespassing are of persons nineteen years old. The majority of com- mitments for robbery, homicide, disorderly conduct, as- sault, carrying concealed weapons, fraud, adultery, pro- fanity, gambling, prostitution, fornication, malicious mis- chief, and violating city ordinances come between the twenty-first and twenty-fourth year. It is evident that in most of these cases the career of delinquency was begun long before commitment to a penal institution. CRIMINAL CAREERS BEGIN IN ADOLESCENCE The extent to which criminal careers begin in adoles- cence is partly indicated by the youth of present-day de- linquents and by the number of adolescent gangs engag- ing in predatory activities. William Healy, one of the most careful students of the individual delinquent, says t See Ellen C. Potter, ‘Spectacular Aspects of Crime in Relation to the Crime Wave,” Modern Crime, p. 18. 2 Edwin H. Sutherland, Criminology (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co.), p. 89. 3 Sutherland, op. cit., p. 21.THE GANG AND ORGANIZED CRIME 411 that ‘the greatest interest for all students of criminology centers about the fact that most frequently the career of TABLE IX NUMBER AND OFFENSES OF DELINQUENT Boys BROUGHT INTO Coox CouNTY JUVENILE CourRT, 1916-24* YEAR OFFENSE 1916 | 1917 | 1918 | 199 | 1920 | 1921 | 1922 | 1923 | 1924 Against persons (Assaulteecractiecic BAO PEIG) fal bes 06 79| 104 74 58 67 40 75 Robberyn. ce ee wtetoletetorer’ 76 78] 144] 1590] IIS 73 51 45 68 Manslaughter. ccicicre cieteteiete) | clete cial cfeteiste I 7 2Vivcraiece 4 2 3 Against property IATSOM ict oe oe lore otsievets 18 7 7 8 Clee. 2 2\ ar 3 Burglaryvens, 5 cor caeieristes 320| 307| 327] 388] 312] 320] 386) 345) 522 Larceny, automobiles... .; <|.00.«)e.e. Ior| 143) 174) 179] 105] 135| 389 Larceny, automobile tires...].....]..---J-.+-- ace 21 ere 3 5 Larceny, from railroad cars..].....]..-.- 296| 201) 134 gl 23 35 58 Larceny, letters from mail BOXES Ferrer tier ivres Sra laeee 5 6 2 Blocye crs 6 4 Larceny, unclassified....... 1,091|1,247| 754] 828] 593] 534] 352] 241] 373 MOrgeryArii ce cere ee bee ate cis 17 18 13 39 20 21 14 9 17 Against morals Aimoralitys cone voces ces 45 38 23 29 I5 32 40] 34 19 Incorrigibility...... atelatateters 321| 353| 398] 440] 327] 302] 106) 207) 424 DP) rUNKENNESS sieieie oie cic cicle/eiee 2 I 3 I 3 2 2 4 1 RADE eieeloicieiciocio severe 9 7 2 14 19 14 5 9 12 SOdOMYVseer ee ia cieicnccre Ble a oem e cere Tied oars Tle ueus 2 Attempted suicide.........]....- I eae Sere ee Dee oral | avec | eaeetete I Disorderly conduct......... 27 34 19 16 24 8 I2 I2 9 le fyitlatt annncessmoceoncad boodulboose brie | sivas rll sielstere Se -tolllieeen bares I All others Malicious mischief......... 135| 109 94| 161 51 79 49 42 55 Carrying concealed weapons. 20 31 33 81 28 23 17 19 22 Obtaining money under false DICLENSES nietel ei aycielstelstciele’s) oil 'sisia¥< Tl ereeeetell exeiotats bi av eines | avevares I I 8 Cutting out plumbing......|..... bratetere (eisteieke 17 I 6 Bite cia levee es Receiving stolen property...].....|..--- 4 3 Nees rays lester eel a eotere 2 8 Attempting to wreck train..|..... eee 2 2 115875: AV ete clasts: © Allioffenses?<.)..)7EeW tees, { AMAZING SERIES OF ROBBERIES AMAZING LIST OF UNPONISHEDp, ee a, a t Duet, ane Puree’) AND MURDERS, IN. THE CRIMES BY MURDER Poy TNAH'O pee in BF NG ucewet D, TWo yieheee Use Mn UNITED STATES. GANGS. Wore cer ° OTHERS, Heriouely, yew We we — NDE, 'ALLy a TERS we FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT. SROM | CNEL OWE (CORREO OND ENT: New York, Sunday. New Yonk, Sunday. ry, OMe DG AYERS Tho litslory of the “ Whittemore & Chicago was (he scene yesterday... * You, © "Ouny, iv Ww guns,” which has been furnishing "uf w military funeral given tc M ' Nraday \\, \v \ \\ \\: S. i tlio New York Press with its lead- Rario T Baldelli, ae oes of ONOcg CLED 2 ing news fealure, provides a arlo Arcpee, popularly Known a8 ep, BA YEN curious nnd very graphic epitome! ~The Scourge.” one of the out © Chap PMan D NDir at NONE of the great crinic plasue which is standing figures of the criminal, To.pay YE To o, LE ‘ raging in cyery big cily of thea super-government of the Middle Nog ate Caen yew Y RED Inited States ; ‘Western motropolis. deal of tive tn Ventas 262 ry on Dot BUYING PARDONS Ene de ty Rill Comat % lereia” 1 be sn ponent LIFE CONVICTS FREE AFTER A if DEAD ih FEUD ; rt Ee eel ng ws un owt eee sueet fron Cf poe ees a sen ° ay ae a Mille Wh yro™ S new overn® eA New Youn, Tif\ireday, BETWEEN GANGS. : gain i Waa eT Len gmitlt» 6 meseee® The topsy-lurvey conditions existing “ited a a 4 My an ; pices 3 oper ane (ig the weols. of Chicago. whern Use fascination an WY ates 1 for nit | erinia epidenile shows no igus of sale me ioe na Over ot sjawwre a mt ane PS itence, “fee ittustrated » streah roan SERIES OF MURDERS BY THE nn? pea or en wars r nN ¥ " ven befo ‘ "i od pnt ante ants is #8 ee tS which iavlnvaaty sting: the con DROPPERS~ AND “LITTLE Jive) Ste trong’! Cfo mu xe of radar 1m 0 ene iat AUGIES. bce, ance he Mita Ww ye \\\ Sis oan —ie ne were receatly killed by’ fine , tate of eat? k me S sachine gun fire ¥ i Way dav \ QU Cee ee eee - A STOLEN SWEETHEART. ts ned, sauare”s meth 7. "0 , . NS TRE CHICAGO BOOTLEGGERS’ = SS mingle Nye. ona qi \\ S PAY ROLL, HOW CONFLICT ORIGINATED IN Spoticoma’, tle hed, im WE some Same THE UNDERWORLD OF ~— 20d ea losin “SALARIES™ FOR POLICE. NEW YORK, iD porn OrD (ynom OUR OW™M CORRESrONDENT.) ol ad RTY HELD WN $s NEW YORK, Nov. 5, FROM OUR OWN CORR t. 0 LOR ou. The predilection for elabo neat UP WN o10F we oN evident everywhere Wiathinerisents basis New Vonk, Monday. i tA SMIL oss has now reached even into crime. The appalling crime problem of . 6 yor A \Vahors tine ago thio New York polico a peecar discovered @ gang ee ee ee (le Uniled States hus received 14 kage ee B sae gor 00 y Complete to tho Inst detail. Yesterday, another dramatic ilustation in UR, LONDE GAN an oS yore oe aS orn tho publication in Chieaco of series of IL murders arising out of IDING NEW fone ¢ xtracte from tho so-called “Black a feid belween two gangs known 4 ce \ ct 1 Ne »¥ A Book " of a notorious gang of boot- ‘ are sod? ou kssen it aad seal thee criminals ‘" (he underworld of New York us = Te, hero = ies up to date as their metro- ae Droppers = ands 21 ithe, by an attract ive, Lobbed-halr Umi u med held "P A card itan R The ~ Black Book,” wae ied ame th 1e Naa hod We velein it the ae 1 egal reasous was barred as : New Yo (rial now in progress, Parports 1 i. ‘vam bese of ne ics ork in 1) BABY erie cee rat estec tal FE JOY OF B a ante aon ae AR “tivities, me ea coniing to thls record mors ‘then fewaliery, wil cot os a 2'Chleans cemen were coal the pe ne ” — a ate Ni rll a lo rai33 ¢ (ess) ui taunt rset ey Bie CONVICT IN IN \J. St A: amt allempts ! PA lend bred nse te e Sune, me Previous fo, iad been, prince CHICG A quad temployoo at tne tate Allomer’s® base al people Finight to ry! Wi ree] f e Sane toectane ro Dasitesute STORY OF FARM ADYLLS, SWIMMING E”” Weel, P8ce, fn tho fag CHIEF * Hureau were on the, Rey: ree roll at S400 | (ceo tinue MNitle Car Club a the hs THS - ' 9 ay rollin May alone eee eee ta bas 96 AND SUN BA ON LAKE . tember», iNectlag BERS £1,385). Falries, sald to bo In the hand BEA ROB writing of the dead gang-leader, showed that ahaa & rhs Voic TWO iia coll: etlore of bribes ae 2 remaany, cee e a ven — tween ov io pict IN pionth and (be 10th of tbe be: es «ROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT, ANNING tare = Unn Fic. 5—How America’s “Crore Wave” Is ADVERTISED ABROAD These clippings, taken for most part from the Continental Daily Mail, are samples of the thousands of newspaper articles appearing in all languages and wherever news is printed. The spectacular nature of gang crimes ESET ae modern journalistic tech- nique are largely responsible for the fiction of a “crime wave” in America and especially in Chicago. (See p. 448.) (Clippings furnished through courtesy of Ed. Borcea, Bucharest, Roumania.)450 THE GANG the spread of news about spectacular crimes through im- proved means of communication and modern journalistic technique (see Fig. 5, on preceding page). Popular misimpressions about crime waves and the extent of crime, however, do not lessen the gravity or the widespread disorder and injuries consequent upon the crime which does exist. At its best the problem is serious enough and demands the attention and the best efforts of any scientific procedure which can be called into service to aid in solving it. The most important point, perhaps, to be noted here is the general lack of an adequate program to deal with crime. One reason for this is that many who are attempt- ing to alleviate the situation are either groping blindly for a solution or are giving their attention to methods of treating the criminal and protecting the community against him, rather than attacking the underlying mal- adjustments which contribute to the creation of the criminal. We know very little in a comprehensive, systematic way about the underlying causes and conditions of crime and effective methods of controlling them. In spite of this lack, however, crime commissions and similar bodies have been so interested in the detection, trial, and pun- ishment of the criminal that they have given little more than passing notice to the possibilities of prevention by attacking the problem at its roots. This study, it is hoped, will throw some light upon the genesis of crime in a great city and the necessity of dealing with the problem at its sources, To quote Kirchwey again—THE GANG AND ORGANIZED CRIME 451 The moral is plain. We have it in our power to get the best of crime, the enemy, by anticipating and preventing it, and by no other way whatsoever. This is a hard but splendid task of social engineering which might well take the first place in the program of our crime commissions.’ ‘ No more cogent evidence for the need of further sci- entific study of the causes of crime and the effects of pun- ishment need be cited than the great body of highly con- tradictory opinions, statistics, and cures advanced by in- dividuals and agencies purporting to deal with the prob- lem. The mere summarization and utilization of tested knowledge already available for practical application would constitute an important contribution to the solu- tion of the problem.’ t Kirchwey, op. cit., p- 597- 2 Three recent attempts at comprehensive treatment are E. H. Suth- erland’s Criminology, John L. Gillin’s Criminology and Penology, and Phil- ip A. Parsons’ Crime and the Criminal. H. E. Barnes’ recent book on The Repression of Crime is a historical survey of the development of American penology, designed to aid in understanding present systems and in avoid- ing past errors. Contemporary problems of crime and punishment are tersely discussed in the May, 1926, issue of the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science entitled “Wodern Crime: Its Prevention and Punishment.”CHAPTER XXI THE GANG IN POLITICS The political boss finds gangs, whether composed of boys or of men above voting age, very useful in promoting the interests of his machine. He usually begins with the neighborhood boys’ gang with whom he ingratiates him- self by means of money for camping, uniforms, rental or furnishings for clubrooms, and other gratuities. A MAYOR AND THE ‘“‘ALLEY GANG” 236. A former mayor of Chicago is alleged to have presented at Christmas time a pair of skates to each member of a gang of a dozen dirty little ragamuffins from twelve to fourteen years of age. He asked each of the boys to write him a personal letter, thanking him for the skates, and they used a typewriter in a nearby settle- ment for this purpose.* Whether the politician uses school children’s picnics at a popular amusement park or some other type of patronage, the effect is to “get him in good” with poten- tial voters, to gain the support of the boys’ parents and friends, and to attract the favorable comment of the neighborhood. A NEW TRICK OF THE POLITICIANS 237. The politicians have a new trick the last few years all over the city. They pay rent, as Miss McDowell said, for clubs of boys below the voting age. The politician used to take care of the young voter and the boy nearly a voter, but now he comes down to boys of thirteen and fourteen and fifteen and begins to pay their t Interviews. 452THE GANG IN POLITICS 453 rent and gives them special privileges and keeps the police off when they are gambling. The whole boy problem is very much mixed up with these—I won’t call them gangs, but they are clubs with more or less political affiliations. They are not always loyal to their political boss, but he expects them to be and they are, more or less. The political boss knows exactly how to appeal to the gang because he himself has usually received valuable training for politics in a street gang from which he has ultimately been graduated and with which he may still retain connections in an advisory capacity.” It is said that North Side politicians have planned to build near the Chicago Commons a huge recreation center for these gangs, which will become a sort of junior Tammany Hall. The gangs and clubs of younger boys are considered feed- ers for the older groups, and as a matter of fact, the juniors and the midgets often fall heir to the charters, the equipment, and, most important of all, the tradition of the seniors, whom they imitate. Under such conditions it is inevitable that boys in gangland regions shall have an intimate knowledge of political chicanery and corruption, not possessed by boys in other districts. They often acquire attitudes of dis- respect for law and tend to come to regard the whole ‘governmental structure as largely providing opportuni- ties for the personal emolument of successful politicians. Typical attitudes are indicated in the following docu- ments. t Testimony of Jane Addams before the Chicago Commission on Race Relations, The Negro in Chicago, p. 55. 2It has been said that a “blue book” of city administrators would show that at least two-thirds of them have come from these training grounds of self-assertion.A54 THE GANG. GANG-BOY ATTITUDES TOWARD POLITICS 238. Eddie is fourteen years old and in the eighth grade at school. It is his ambition to be a lawyer and to specialize in crime cases, because “‘those are the kind where you get the most money.” When asked what he would do if he were chosen to defend a man whom he knew was guilty of murder, he said, “First, I’d go to see who the judge is; to be a lawyer, you have to have a whole lot of political pull. To be a lawyer, you have to be a little bit of a liar, too.” Legal training is the smallest part of the preparation for enter- ing the legal profession, in his opinion. Rather—and he got his knowledge from direct contact with the criminals and crooks who infest this part of gangland—one must know what strings to pull and must have allies on the legal force of the public attorney’s staff. “To be a lawyer, you have to have plenty of political pull behind you,” he continued. “I’d work day and night, t’ink it over, go to my friends and tell ’em. They might go to the judge’s house and tell ’im about it and continue the trial and give me a chance to tink it out.” Then he pointed out the importance of getting an attorney who had the right political connections. For this reason, he would have to go into politics. When asked whether he would practice law for the betterment of humanity or in order to become rich, he replied emphatically, ‘For money!” Then he added apologetically, “At least, I wanna make my livin’.” Eddie finally decided to brave any protest which I might make and give me his real attitude on dirty politics. He is after the cash, let ethics go! He said that dirty politics requires lots of brains and: that he does not believe in it, but will go in for it anyway. He knows several people who practice dirty politics, one of whom is a bailiff in a neighborhood court. He also knows “Jewelry Jim,” a police character and a local political boss who runs a restaurant. Accord- ing to the boy, he goes to the judge and the police to help his friends. “Jim” would not make a good alderman “because he’s * This politician, who has also been implicated in election frauds, is said by a former police official to have great influence in local courts. ‘“NoTHE GANG IN POLITICS 455 too crooked and he can’t speak good English, and if he became alderman, he would help only his friends.” 239. When a noted criminal is caught, the fact is the principal topic of conversation among my boys. They and others lay wagers as to how long it will be before the criminal is free again, how long it will be before his “pull” gets him away from the law. The youngsters soon learn who are the politicians who can be depended upon to get offenders out of trouble, who are the dive-keepers who are protected. The increasing contempt for law is due to the cor- rupt alliance between crime and politics, protected vice, pull in the administration of justice, unemployment, and a general “soreness” against the world produced by these conditions.’ THE POLITICIAN AND THE GANG CLUB The political boss probably achieves most ready con- trol of the gang by encouraging it to become a club, often giving it his own name for advertising purposes, such as ‘“McFlaherty’s Boosters,” ‘“O’Mulligan’s Colts,” etc. If he can get his name attached to a successful athletic club, he is able to attract considerable support from the “whole athletic fraternity.”’ It is surprising how many men have been “made” politically as patrons of the sports.’ So matter what a fellow may be charged with, if he comes in, the magistrate will listen to reason. He is hated by the better element in this Italian community.”’ A school official is authority for the statement that he “has made his million” furnishing bond for the members of these young gangs, some of whom he has provided with clubrooms. He is also said to be associated with the Black Hand, so that if the boys do not make good their promises, their mothers and sisters are in danger. He has given banquets attended by prominent politicians and office-holders. «Interview with a gang boy by Ted Iserman. 2 Statement by a leading worker with gang boys. 3 James A. Pugh, known as a “maker of mayors,” launched a cam- paign in 1915 for his boyhood friend, William Hale Thompson. “Pugh believed that the young voters were the ones to seek in a campaign, and456 THE GANG potent are the possibilities for political control in this type of organization, that it is said that an alliance of South Side clubs, formed to control the politics of Chicago, was blocked by a powerful city official. A park attaché was at one time employed by politicians to organize street gangs into clubs. Charters for such groups could be obtained free of charge through the ward boss. The tendency of the gangs to become athletic clubs has been greatly stimulated by the politicians of the city. It has become a tradition among gangs throughout Chi- cago that the first source of possible financial aid is the local alderman or other politician. There can be little doubt that most of the 302 so-called athletic clubs listed in this study have first developed as gangs, many of them still retaining their gang characteristics. The ward ‘“‘heel- er’ often corrals a gang like a beeman does his swarm in the hive he has prepared for it. The boss pays the rent and is generous in his donations for all gang enterprises. He is the “‘patron saint” of the gang and often leads the grand march or makes a speech at gang dances and picnics. In return his protégés work for him in innumer- able ways and every gang boy in the hive is expected to gather honey on election day. It is doubtful if this sort of athletic club could long survive if it had to depend sole- ly upon the financial backing of its own members. A citizen of one of the West Side communities where athletic clubs are numerous divides them all into two classes. he sought them through sport, organizing the National Sportsmen’s club and pushing Thompson, a yachtsman and former football player, forward and ever forward.”—Chicago Daily News, June 24, 1925.THE GANG IN POLITICS 457 TWO TYPES OF ATHLETIC CLUBS 240. There are two types of athletic clubs—the political type which is subsidized and to which you belong because you get some- thing out of it that you do not pay for directly, and the self-sup- porting type. The latter usually fails because its members cannot make a go of it financially. There were twenty such clubs in this neighborhood during the past three years, and practically all of them went under. They spring up, flourish for a time, and then die out. Most of these clubs, both the self-supporting and the political type, are first gangs which hang together in the poolrooms or on the street.* Many instances of political connections between un- supervised boys’ and athletic clubs have been observed in typical areas in gangland. BOYS’ AND ATHLETIC CLUBS WITH POLITICAL CONNECTIONS 241. The club at Street with a membership of eighty is evidently simply a political instrument of , a local politi- cian, whose restaurant is upstairs. The president of the club states that it is active only in campaign seasons and that the rent of the clubrooms is donated by the politician. ; The Arrows, with over forty members, pay a small rent for their rooms. A member indicated that this was made possible by a subsidy from a politician, whose name was not disclosed. The ’s occupy a whole building at nominal rent. Members say that a local politician and his political lieutenant regularly hold meetings there. There is little doubt that many of these independent so-called athletic clubs are utilized politically and that small clubs of younger boys (like ’s next door to the larger club) are considered as feeders for the more adult groups. In this connection may be indicated the need for careful scrutiny of all clubs as to their actual and potential political relations.? t Interview with the president of an athletic club. 2 Report of a private investigation made by a social agency.458 THE GANG The way in which the politician uses the gang club as a tool in building up his own personal or local political machine is indicated in the following document. It is significant that the process is self-perpetuating, for out of every such group come men trained in the methods of the boss and themselves headed for political offices and similar “‘boss-ship.”’ Out of this group, for example, came a successful politician who now acts as patron for a base- ball team from another gang, which has a following of about 150 men. THE ATHLETIC CLUB AS A POLITICAL TOOL 242. One of the most politically powerful athletic clubs in Chicago originated as the ‘‘kid followers” of an older club with a long political history. These boys were taken over by a politician just beginning his career and given his name. He had been associ- ated formerly with the older club and with a Democratic political society. He became their president and his first step was to rent them a clubroom and buy them uniforms and equipment (this was about 1908). This was the beginning of a well-built organiza- tion, out of which were to come athletes, aldermen, police captains, county treasurers, sheriffs, and so on, some of whom have made good records in public service. With the aid of this club, its president was enabled to become a member of the Board of Commissioners, the chief governing body of Cook County, and here he allied himself with a spoils-seeking majority and was known for his crude and violent conduct. The members of this club have been so well protected, as a rule, in the execution of their delinquencies that they have become a rather lawless group and have succeeded pretty well in terrorizing their immediate community. In one case three of them were suspected of a murder—and this instance indicates to some extent why a general exposé of these conditions is so difficult. A saloon-keeper was keeping them in hid- ing, when the public demand for action became so insistent thatnn Nh ey re . ee eh Xe ros eee & Photo by A uthor Photo by Author ATHLETIC CLUBS At the left is the headquarters of an athletic club popularly known as ‘“‘Ragen’s Colts,” an influential group the s called the “‘aristocracy of gangland.” ls sometime chi i t,an area wh istric ted Street di S outh Hal At the right are the clubrooms of a less prosperous group. S in or Members Only,” is on the al legend, “F rpic he window. The group of younger boys at one side is typical of the boy followers or adm The ty lrers . In t ayed ispl door and d ee documents its own. (S club with rooms of i to be an athletic icago aspire Ch treet gang in y Svery : of the older club. 58-60.) 2 LSO=>5 1.) )D:460 THE GANG the police inspector in the district brought pressure to bear upon the club to turn up the suspects. It was then disclosed that the inspector’s son, who was treasurer of the club, was short in his accounts. Whereupon action was immediately dropped and the suspected individuals were safe until sought out by the down-town bureau. In spite of these facts, however, many of those who discussed the club felt that it could still be made respectable under proper guidance.! In such cases as this we get the most vivid picture of the roots of political power in certain areas of Chicago. But here again, we find that Chicago is not unique, for political power has similar roots in other large cities in America in which we find the same type of cultural dis- organization.? THE GANG PROMOTES THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN CRIME AND POLITICS The unsupervised gang or gang club facilitiates the demoralization of its members and promotes crime and disorder, but there is still another way in which it aug- ments the problems of a great city. It impairs the effi- ciency and integrity of local government by facilitating an extensive alliance between crime and politics. That such a corrupt alliance has existed and still exists in Chicago is indicated by statements of judges, the presi- t Interviews. 2 See Robert A. Woods, The City Wilderness, chap. vi, “The Roots of Political Power,” in which he shows how the social clubs of Boston serve as cogs in the political machine; and also Brewster Adams, ‘“The Street Gang as a Factor in Politics,” Outlook, XXV, 985-88, where is indicated the relation of the street gangs of New York City to the building of the political machine.THE GANG IN POLITICS 461 dent of the Chicago Crime Commission, and the United States district attorney.t Yet that Chicago is not unlike other American cities where like industrial and social con- ditions prevail is attested by the existence, at one time or another, of similar alliances in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and other cities.” To be morally certain of this alliance, however, is one thing, and to be in possession of such facts as can be used for legal evidence is quite another. The legal links in the various chains of cirumstantial evidence have been large- ly lacking. The large number of people involved, the danger of mutual incrimination, the fear of violence, in- direct business relations with illicit groups, and a certain repugnance against telling on one’s friends have all played a part in preventing any general exposé which would lead to convictions. The study of gangs conveys a very vivid impression that the whole structure of municipal politics is at base a complex of personal relationships and mutual personal obligations which make service in the interest of an imper- sonal public and an abstract justice very difficult. The in- fluence of personal relations in dissolving a moral order has been indicated by Robert E. Park. t Justice Floyd E. Thompson, Chicago Evening Journal, December 29, 1925; Judge Joseph B. David, Chicago Herald and Examiner, May 30, 1926; Judge Michael L. McKinley, [bid., February 20, 1926; Charles R. Holden, Bulletin of the Chicago Crime Commission, January 22, 1925; and U.S. District Attorney Edwin A. Olson, statement to the author, quoted in document 245. 2 See Victor S. Yarros, ‘Crime and Political Corruption in Chicago,” National Municipal Review, June, 1926, p. 320. See also Raymond Moley, “Politics and Crime,” Modern Crime, pp. 78-85.462 THE GANG Personal relations and personal friendships are the great moral solvents. Under their influence all distinctions of class, of caste, and even of race, are dissolved into the general flux which we some- times call democracy. It was a minor statesman who said: ‘What is the Constitution between friends?” As the embodiment of a moral doctrine, this question, with its implications, is subject to grave qualifications, but as a statement of psychological fact it has to be reckoned with. What, between friends, are any of our conventions, moral codes, and political doctrines and institutions? It is personal friendships that corrupt politics. Not only politics, but all our formal and conventional relations are undermined by those elemental loyalties that have their roots in personal attachments. There is no way of preserving existing social barriers, except by preserving the existing animosities that buttress them. The gang, both young and old, plays an important role in this complex of personal relationships which serves to join crime and politics in Chicago in such an intimate unity. In order to indicate clearly how politics encourages and promotes the gang and how the gang facilitates the inter-connections between crime and politics, it will be necessary to describe briefly the organization and work- ings of the types of political machine which have operated in Chicago. THE GANG AND THE POLITICAL MACHINE The influence of the boy or adult gang in city politics has arisen largely through its ability to trade some ad- vantage in the way of votes, influence, money, or what not, with the politician in return for subsidies, immunities, and so on. In this way gang influence has been enlisted in t “Behind Our Masks,” Survey, May 1, 1926, p. 139.THE GANG IN POLITICS 463 the support of the political machine, whose potential de- velopment is one of the weaknesses of democracy in cities. The usual type of American city government was de- signed for ‘“‘a small community based on primary rela- tions,”’ where the town meeting could function efficiently." The average citizen in the modern American city, how- ever, cannot vote intelligently to elect officials because their functions are so varied, there are so many of them, and most of them are so inaccessible to him personally. He must, therefore, rely upon “‘some more or less inter- ested organization or some more or less interested advisor to tell him how to vote.’” “To meet this emergency, created primarily by condi- tions imposed by city life, two types of organization have come into existence for controlling those artificial crises that we call elections.’ One is the civic association and the other is the boss and his political machine. The latter is a technical device invented in the interests of party control for the purpose of capturing elections. While the former is based on secondary relations and depends large- ly upon publicity, the latter is based on primary relations, which depend upon intimate acquaintanceship and friendly service by the boss. THE NATURE OF THE POLITICAL MACHINE The political machine is, in fact, an attempt to maintain, inside the formal administrative organization of the city, the control of a primary group. The organizations thus built up, of which Tam- many Hall is the classic illustration, appear to be thoroughly feudal t Robert E. Park in Park, et al, The City, pp. 34-36. 2 Tbid. 3 Ibid.464 THE GANG in their character. The relations between the boss and his ward captain seem to be precisely that, of personal loyalty on one side and personal protection on the other, which the feudal relation implies. The virtues which such an organization calls out are the old tribal ones of fidelity, loyalty, and devotion to the interests of the chief and the clan. The people with the organization, their friends and supporters, constitute a “we” group, while the rest of the city is merely the outer world, which is not quite alive and not quite human in the sense in which the members of the “we” group are. While gang influences seem to touch all phases of Chicago politics, the gang probably plays its chief part in its relation to ward and factional political machines. The factional machine, which may be city-wide or even of greater scope, is built up in the interests of one or more politicians and their hangers-on, who form political alli- ances wherever their own purposes are advanced. It is the ward machine, however, which serves as the basic unit of informal political organization and which in turn is integrated with similar units in larger machines.” While the ward organization is usually subdivided into many smaller units, it is the ward boss who serves as the focus of political power and integrates the efforts of precinct politicians. t Ibid., pp. 35-39. 2 The methods by which these local machines may be built into a powerful organization controlling an entire city are illustrated by plenti- ful examples in the history of American municipal government. The most recent case of the city-wide political machine in Chicago was the so-called ‘“Thompson-Lundin” organization, which was completely defeated when William E. Dever was elected as mayor. It must be remembered, how- ever, that the defeat of a city or county machine does not necessarily mean the disintegration of the local machines which have formed its subordinate units.THE GANG IN POLITICS 465 Public indifference? in political matters, among other factors, has aided the development of that unique per- sonality, the ward boss, the czar of local politics.? The classic example of this functionary in Chicago is ““Hinky Dink,” who with his associate, ‘“Bath House John,” has held undisputed sway in the old First Ward since his first election as alderman in 1897, and this, in spite of the recurrent characterization as “utterly unfit,” applied to him biennially by the Municipal Voters’ League. He is a type representing the perennial class of undefeatable alderman, the so-called “gray wolves” of the Chicago City Council. One of the most important elements in the control of the ward boss in gangland areas is the immigrant popu- lation. His hold upon the people in the immigrant colo- nies, particularly those of first settlement, was first ex- plained by Jane Addams in her book on Democracy and Social Ethics. It is due not so much to his capacity for “corrupt manipulation or police oppression,”’ in the first instance, as it is to his ability to render friendly services, such as getting the immigrant a job with some big corpo- ration with which he has influence. “‘. . . . the ward boss knows it pays to keep track of these new voters”; and party leaders, while they may denounce him in public, ‘measure out to him the rewards which keep him loyal and active’ and “prevent the passage of laws which tSee Charles E. Merriam and Harold F. Gosnell, Non-Voting: Causes and Methods of Control. 2For an admirable brief description of the boss and his part in politics, see William B. Munro, Personality in Politics. 3 Grace Abbott, The Immigrant and the Community, p. 256.466 THE GANG would undermine his power and create a more wholesome political life.’ Whatever other local or state office he may hold, the ward boss is usually the ward committeeman of his politi- cal party and since his indorsement is required for all office-seekers and appointees, his position is commonly regarded as more important than that of alderman. The immediate henchmen of the ward boss are the captains of the precincts. They are usually political job-holders, who under the direction of the ward committeeman, form an organization (with a president and a secretary) which is the real ward machine. Subordinate to each precinct captain are three clerks and three judges of election, all: party adherents. In Chicago they constitute a small army and an important element in machine control of elections. The local and factional machines acquire power through their ability to spend money, to dispense patron- age, and to secure political and other favors for their constituency. At election time from $15 to $150 is ordi- narily spent in each precinct to hire men and women workers who have friends who will vote their way. They are usually paid $5.00 each, although a good precinct work- er gets as much as $25.? This money flows into the party coffers from a variety of sources. Some of the lower grades of city employees have at times found it necessary to contribute a certain percentage of their wages. There t [bid., p. 264. See also John R. Commons, Races and Immigrants in America, pp. 221 ff. 2 The committee of the U.S. Senate, investigating “‘slush” funds in the Illinois primaries of April, 1926, discovered that two of the Chicago Republican factional machines had expended approximately $130,000 and $170,000 respectively in these primaries.THE GANG IN POLITICS 467 are many outright donations from candidates and others whom the machine is in a position to favor in some way. In addition there are receipts from the sale of tickets (sometimes forced) to party picnics, balls, and other func- tions—besides hidden income in some cases from the more direct forms of graft. The machine in one ward may co-operate with others in trading votes, interchanging influence, and so on. It not infrequently happens that there is a bi-partisan alli- ance in a factional machine in which the local machines of both parties co-operate. In commenting on the notori- ous primary election of April 13, 1926, in which gangs played such an important part, a high official stated that ‘in every precinct where votes were stolen for certain Republican candidates, there were also votes stolen for certain Democratic candidates. It was a perfect bi- partisan alliance.” The ward machine is sometimes enabled indirectly to influence certain city courts in favor of gang members because some judges who are more or less dependent on machine support for re-election cannot remain entirely insensitive to its demands, particularly with regard to prohibition enforcement.* The machine also exerts pres- « In his speech before the American Bar Association in Denver, July 14, 1926, Mayor William E. Dever of Chicago said that it is impossible adequately to enforce laws unacceptable to the community because the voters will not support candidates who attempt to enforce them. The result is that these laws are not always obeyed by public officials and “prosecutors, judges, executive officers, all respond to what they believe to be the public will.” A serious aspect of the situation is that “men are elected to public office solely upon their views on the prohibition question and without much regard to their probity or capacity.”468 THE GANG sure upon the working class through employers whom it has favored and who are in a position to suggest how their employees should vote. It gets votes by obtaining jobs for the poor, doing political favors for the rich, and being able to perform a twofold service for the ordinary voter, viz., get him excused from jury service or “‘fix’’ his person- al property taxes. The efficiency of ward and factional machines, which usually work independent of party lines, was indicated in the primary election which was held in Cook County and Chicago, April 13, 1926. THE ELECTION FRAUDS OF APRIL 13, 1926 243. Recounts of the April primaries revealed startling and wholesale ballot thefts, particularly in the Republican vote and in favor of the candidates of factional machines. In many precincts it was shown that the judges and clerks of election, including per- sons of both political parties, did not even take the trouble to count the ballots, but simply wrote down imaginary results in accordance with the instructions they had received from their “bosses.”’ In some cases ballots were taken from the polling places and later returned and put into the ballot box by the politicians, who then checked off an equal number of names of persons, few of whom had entered the polling places. One of the first wards to be recounted was the Twentieth, which is located in the heart of gangland. This area includes a Lithuanian colony at its southern end, part of Little Pilsen on the west, the Valley, the Ghetto, in which there have been several previous elec- tion scandals, and the southern portion of the Little Italy section which surrounds Hull House. It is one of those congested river wards where gangs abound; in addition to adult gangs, our census showed about fifty gangs and gang clubs of younger and older adolescents in the ward. It is significant that more than 40,000 discrepancies were revealed in recounting the vote of this ward, which is probably more or less typical of other gangland areas.THE GANG IN POLITICS 469 It was found during the course of an inquiry conducted by a special prosecutor with a special grand jury that a great many “machine” politicians were involved. On July 16, 1926, forty-four indictments were returned against election officials and politicians, most of them from the Twentieth Ward, charging them with “conspiracy to make a false canvass of the vote at the April 13 primaries.” Among those indicted were a state representative, a Republican ward boss, thirty-one judges and clerks of election from the Twentieth ward, seven from the Thirteenth Ward, and four from the Eleventh Ward. These latter two wards are also located in gangland areas. The second special grand jury, in its report of July 29, 1926, returned eight additional indictments charging forty-two persons with conspiracy to make a false canvass in the April primaries. All but three of these were judges and clerks of election in the Twen- tieth, the Twenty-first, and the Twenty-seventh wards, all West Side river wards located in gangland areas. The grand jury re- ported as follows: “Evidence of gross and flagrant violations of the election law have been produced before us and it appears that in some of the wards of this city the right of franchise has almost been lost. In many instances, particularly in the Twentieth Ward, the judges and clerks of election made no attempt to count the ballots and made official returns without reference to the votes cast.’# POLITICAL ALLIANCES WITH GANGSTERS AND CRIMINAL GANGS Not only does the political boss utilize the boys’ gang and the gang club, but he enters into more or less definite alliances with the gangsters and the criminal gang. The kind of group which is often enlisted to support him is indicated in the following document. It will be noted that this type of gang originates with younger boys who have probably been favored by the politician and who have t Published reports.470 THE GANG gradually become criminals, in which réles they are prob- ably even more useful to him. THE H. BROTHERS GANG 244. This gang centers about the H. brothers, whose father, in the meat business in a South Side gang area, permitted the boys to have a clubroom in the bar in the rear of his shop. There were sixty or seventy boys and young men, mostly German and Irish Americans, between the ages of eighteen and thirty years. They were not interested in athletics, but in gambling and holdups for which they usually went unpunished. This gang did strong-arm work for a politician who at one time was a candidate for sheriff of Cook County. Most of them have now drifted out of the district, spreading their influences in many directions. One of them, who had once been a waiter for Colossimo, became manager of a cabaret and sporting house in the South Side badlands. Some of them went to Florida and became active politically there. It is said that they forced a roadhouse-keeper there to divide his profits half-in-half for protection and later murdered him. One of them became a “bookie” at the races, while others went in for beer-running. One went to West Madison Street to run a house of prostitution, while another became allied with a recent political-criminal “outfit” on the South Side. While the members of this gang have scattered far and wide, the old virus is still in them.* Some of these gangsters are so powerful in their dis- tricts that they can swing an entire ward if they are dis- posed to exert themselves. In Chicago and Cook County where party and factional power often tends to be pretty evenly divided, the ability to swing a few doubtful wards heavily into line for one candidate or one faction often means winning an election. For such support the politi- clans are willing to pay, and sometimes they sacrifice the * Interview with a politician and former member of a gang club.THE GANG IN POLITICS 471 public interest by thwarting justice to give their gangster- vassals immunity. 245. ‘How many public officials are now holding office and have held office who were never honestly elected no one knows, but there are many. After a criminal has helped to elect his candi- date he always demands his pay and gets it. Whenever he or his gang happens to be charged with any crime, from larceny to mur- der, he demands that justice be throttled and it usually is.” Political alliances with members of gangs have be- come so common in recent years that there has been a disposition to regard gangsters as “inlaws” rather than as outlaws.? It has become customary in Chicago to refer to these gangsters as ‘‘immune criminals.’”’ This merely means that these men have escaped punishment, some- times in one way and sometimes in another, but often through political influence brought to bear at some weak point in the long series of legal steps between detection and punishment. O’Banion was alleged to have been a case of this type. O’BANION’S ALLEGED IMMUNITY 246. When Dion O’Banion was shot and killed, Chief Collins congratulated Chicago on the death of ‘‘an arch-criminal, who was responsible for at least twenty-five murders.” Yet in his thirty- two years of life O’Banion had spent only twelve months in jail. Before he had risen to be anything more than a daring young robber, he served two brief sentences in the house of correction. That was all. The twenty-five murders for which Chief Collins says he was responsible were committed after that.3 «Statement to the author by Edwin A. Olson, United States At- torney, Northern District of Illinois, July 15, 1926. 2 See Charles Gregston, ‘‘Crime in Chicago Now on Business Basis,” Chicago Daily News, November 15, 1924. 3 Gregston, op. cit., November 15, 1924.472 THE GANG The immunity which the politician confers is not with- out its effect upon gang boys, who are prospective gang- sters. 247. Promise of immunity plays a big part in encouraging gangsters to commit crime. If a boy understands he will gain immunity through the influence of politicians and fixers, he actually thinks this gives him a license to violate the laws and he keeps on committing crimes of a more serious nature.! This feeling of a right to immunity came out clearly in the uncontrolled activities of politically sponsored gangs and gang clubs in the race riots of 19109. 248. They seemed to think that they had a sort of protection which entitled them to go out and assault anybody. When the race riots occurred it gave them something to satiate the desire to inflict their evil propensities on others.? There was considerable talk of the non-interference by the police with the lawless activities of these groups dur- ing the riots on account of the political influence of some of their leaders. In one case members of a club broke into a police station and stole the weapons and other evidence to be used against some of their associates. Another type of ‘‘pull” enjoyed by a youthful gang is indicated in the following case. INSULTING A PLAYGROUND INSTRUCTOR 249. A gang of from eighteen to twenty fellows of from eighteen to twenty-one years of age came to a playground one Saturday «Statement of Judge Victor Arnold, Chicago Juvenile Court, Chicago Daily News, December 21, 1922. 2 Testimony of a municipal judge, quoted in Chicago Commission on Race Relations, op. cit., p. 13. 3 Chicago Commission on Race Relations, op. cit., p. 12.THE GANG IN POLITICS 473 afternoon and insulted the instructor. They refused to get out when told to do so by the director and finally had to be taken in charge by the police-patrol wagon. When taken before a magistrate at a nearby police station, they were confronted by the playground director and the instructors who were witnesses to their misconduct. The magistrate, however, in the absence of marks of physical violence, refused to find them guilty of disorderly conduct and even to fine them $1.00 each and suspend the fine, as the director requested, in the interest of the neighborhood and the principle involved. This was clearly a case of political pull. Three or four people also approached the director in a similar case and requested that there be no prosecution.? Police protection, often extended at the command of the political boss, has always played an important part in the immunities enjoyed by gangs and their members. The following case illustrates how a certain type of police protection works with the leader and members of a boys’ gang. POLICE PROTECTION AND THE BOYS’ GANG 250. It was only a week or so ago that we called at the police station near our social center to get the captain’s report upon the leader of the gang in which we had been interested. It happened that only three weeks before the boy had been caught, with his gang, in the very act of stealing in one of the prominent Loop stores. The whole gang was arrested and taken to this station. It was announced that the leader was in for good and that the police- man had said that he would be sent to Pontiac, St. Charles already having assumed in his career the réle of a “‘vacation school.” The next day, however, the boy leader had been released and was never recalled for a hearing. The rest of the gang were released soon afterward. A few days later the same boy was arrested for stealing a bicycle, and was again promptly released. When asked about this, the detective said simply, t Interview with playground director.474 THE GANG “O, you mean that little youngster? Oh, he’s a good kid; we just let him go..... He comes from a nice family, all good people, and it would be too bad for him..... ”” None of the police officers could furnish any details, nor had they any record of the arrests on their books for these two days. The boys say quite frankly that there is no need to fear a “cop” in this street so long as a fellow has spare cash. The members of the gang have more than once been out trying to raise money to bail out one of their friends who has been caught, and it is common knowledge that if the boys caught shooting craps run quickly and leave the “‘stakes” for these particular policemen, nothing more happens.* No generalization must be drawn, however, to the effect that the Chicago Police Department countenances or encourages such irregularities. When they do occur, they are usually confined to some local territory or to a small element on the force, which higher police officials are attempting constantly to oust. A certain number of men of this type do, however, tend to persist in the de- partment in spite of the efforts of their superiors to expel them, and it is this group which often abets gang activi- ties.? 251. Police protection has been an essential element in the existence of organized crime. Collusion between grafting police officials and various criminal groups has been shown and during the administration of the present state’s attorney [1919], criminal police officers have been convicted and sent to the penitentiary.3 252. All gambling houses and regular houses of prostitution ™ Manuscript by a resident of the district and a close observer of the gang. It should be noted that all police officers connected with this particular station have since been removed. 2See news accounts of the police scandal unearthed by a federal grand jury in October, 1926. 3H. B. Chamberlin, Bulletin of the Chicago Crime Commission. November 20, 1919, p. 4.THE GANG IN POLITICS 475 invariably pay for police protection. Gangs of pickpockets and regular safe-blowers also pay for police protection if they keep going for any length of time.” The recognition of the possibility of police alliance with gangs is indicated by frequent ‘“shake-ups”’ of police officers in gang districts. In some cases the transfers have been so complete that the only vestige of the former staff to be found in a police station was the office cat. After the disclosures with reference to the extensive operations of the Genna gang, for example, all police sergeants on duty at the station located in this area were transferred to other districts. Another way in which the machine politician main- tains his hold upon the gang and the gang club is through his ability, by means of the spoils system, to put their members on official pay-rolls. Even where civil service is in effect, the politician and the gang assists members by special coaching and instruction, and in certain cases methods of evading civil service regulations, such as temporary appointments, have been employed. THE SPOILS SYSTEM FAVORS GANGS 253. At one time the man in charge of one of Chicago’s play- ground systems had been president of one of the politically power- ful gang clubs for many years. The only physical culture he had received was in gang sports and as captain of the gang’s football team. Many gang members were given playground and park posi- tions; some of them were crippled, worn-out, or broken-down servants of the political machine with no qualifications whatsoever for the positions they were to fill. Another case is cited of a gang leader, who began as a newsboy at sixteen and had a bunch of boys helping him in “‘rolling” drunken men. As he grew older he became a procurer and now has a follow- t Interview with a former vice inspector.476 THE GANG ing of about one hundred men from nineteen to twenty-eight years of age. These young fellows hang out in cigar stores and poolrooms, gambling, betting, and procuring. Through his ability to swing their votes, the leader has held several minor appointive offices in the City Hall, but has not been required to do any actual work. He dresses exceedingly well and has often been seen around down-town hotels where he procures girls for traveling salesmen. The difficulties involved in operating the school playgrounds in the face of pressures to employ political favorites became so great in the spring of 1925, that an assistant superintendent of schools threatened to close the whole system. He made the following state- ment: “We cannot allow broken-down cripples to be placed in charge of neighborhood centers where there is frequent trouble with gangs of potential criminals. My office swarms all the time with indi- viduals trying to round up jobs for some one to whom they owe political favors. The situation is becoming intolerable—particular- ly when they try to foist on us by threats and other means candi- dates, unfitted physically, mentally, or any other way, for work as playground attendants.’”: The prospect of obtaining a “soft job” or a lucrative one through the influence of a politician is particularly effective in controlling the members of younger gangs or those whose members are on the verge of becoming voters. Politicians, public officials, and their subordinates have also catered to gangsters in the liberties permitted them with regard to penal institutions. This seems to have taken place both with reference to undue freedom permitted within jails and prisons as well as to premature pardons and paroles. It appears that a jail, bridewell, or reformatory in many cases turns out to be little more than a political institution used to provide jobs for loyal machine-supporters and to manipulate the patronage of t Interviews and published accounts.THE GANG IN POLITICS 477 | underworld gangs by extending favors to inmates, short- ening or extending sentences, and similar expedients.* WHAT THE GANG GIVES THE POLITICIAN To repay the politician for putting gang members on official pay-rolls, and providing subsidies, protection, and smmunities from official interference, the gang often splits with him the proceeds of its illegitimate activities; controls for him the votes of its members, hangers-on, and friends, and performs for him various types of “‘work”’ at the polls, such as slugging, intimidation, kidnaping, vandalism (tearing down signs, etc.), ballot-fixing, re- peating, stealing ballot boxes, miscounting, falsifying re- turns, etc. A partial insight into how the methods of the gang supplement those of the political machine may be indi- cated by a review of gang activities in the primary elec- tion of April 13, 1920. GANG METHODS IN AN ELECTION 254. Some of the methods employed by the gang in connection with the political machine are indicated in the petitions for re- counts filed by some of the defeated candidates in the April prima- ries. It was alleged that certain politicians had used the powers of their office “to intimidate voters, terrorize election officials, enlist gunmen and gamblers to prevent a fair election and employ re- peaters at the polls.” It was further asserted that “‘saloon-keepers were required to transport floaters and repeaters from precinct to precinct and that groups of unqualified voters were registered and voted under fictitious names and paid for voting according to instructions.” See grand jury reports upon the conduct of the Joliet Penitentiary, the so-called ‘“‘Messlein pardon mill,” and the Druggan-Lake jail scandal.478 THE GANG “Groups of turbulent and lawless persons openly displayed and fired revolvers in the polling places, circulated throughout the precincts in certain wards, kidnapped judges and clerks and created such conditions of fear and terror as to cause large numbers of prospective voters to refrain from voting.” “During the official canvass, gunmen and gangsters intimi- dated employees of the election board, circulating around the tables where the count was being made.” A special grand jury under the direction of a special state’s attorney found that gangsters had been most active in certain suburbs outside of the city of Chicago proper. After the coming in of the Dever administration, which made conditions in Chicago more difficult for the criminal gangs, many of them attempted to establish spheres of influence in these suburbs, where in some cases they acquired almost complete political control. “The recount showed that hundreds of thousands of votes had been stolen with the aid of criminals of the worst type.” The jury indicted the leader of one of the most notorious master-criminal gangs together with the president of the village board and chief of police of one of the suburbs and several gangsters. Some of these men were accused of conspiracy to instigate perjury on the part of election officials. It was also charged that 114 armed floaters were brought in and voted. One of the gangsters had led in a veritable reign of terror on the same day that he was supposedly being sought as a suspect in a gang murder case. Some of the other charges were voting under an assumed name, drawing a gun with intent to assault, illegal voting, assault with intent to kill, and kidnapping. Methods similar to these and in many cases much more violent were used in some of the elections of 1924 both in the suburbs and in Chicago proper. That gang methods in politics are not new in Chicago, however, is indicated by a description of how the political boss of a few decades ago made use of such groups. t Published reports.THE GANG IN POLITICS 479 FORMER GANG METHODS IN POLITICS ass, The X gang, which hung out in the South Side division of gangland, was organized as the G—— Colts by an influential politician and part owner of the G—— brewery about 1904. The eroup had about a hundred members between twenty and thirty- eight years of age, who met in the clubroom provided by their patron. Their activities consisted largely of handball, boxing, base- ball, crap shooting, gambling, and fighting with two other gangs in the vicinity. Gang battles were carried on chiefly by means of stones and clubs, but at times there was gun play. During one administration, the patron of the gang was practi- cally the mayor and chief of police of the district. He was the politi- cal boss of the area until his death in 1918. With the aid of the gang, he ruled the police and shifted them to suit himself. The police often held court and assessed fines, although this did not appear to be legal. The boys of the district, who took delight in pelting the policemen with paper bags filled with water as they came from roll call, were always protected by the boss and would be promptly released after they had been brought to the station- house. This gang ruled the polls by various methods, stealing ballots and ballot boxes, and kidnapping the challengers for the opposing party during election day and holding them prisoner until evening. They had such pull that they could never be brought to justice for their misdeeds. As time passed the members of the older gang entered into various lines of business, chief of which was lucrative employment by the city and large public utilities, obtained through political influence. One of them became foreman of the water-pipe extension of the City Hall at $10 a day. Others became saloon-keepers. A few were sent to Joliet, but were soon pardoned. So great was the influence of the boss that a former governor has been seen to put his arms around the boss’s neck and kiss him (he was really kissing his influence). At the death of the old boss, he was succeeded by his son, who, although not so powerful as his father, is still a member of the local480 THE GANG Republican central committee. He has a following of about 250 hangers-on, who, although not primarily strong-arm men, can still be depended upon for crooked work at the polls. While the power of the gangs to corrupt public offi- cials has been due in part to their ability to deliver votes, it has been greatly augmented by the enormous profits which they have derived in recent years from the manu- facture and sale of illicit alcoholic beverages—profits which have undoubtedly amounted to millions of dollars. Two leaders of one beer gang are reported to have paid for one year alone an income tax of $250,000. In 1923 this gang is said to have purchased one brewery for $600,000 cash, making a total at that time of six plants under its control. A congressman and several state legis- lators were said to be sharing the profits of the business which were $28 per barrel on beer that cost $2.00 per barrel to make. These huge profits have in some cases enabled gang leaders to purchase protection from interference. SOUTH SIDE GANGS 256. Two leading gangs of rum-runners on the south side of Chicago for a long time enjoyed political protection. One of them brought in liquor along the Avenue route, formerly con- trolled politically and to a certain extent administratively by a state senator from the district. One of the leaders of this gang was on the pay-roll of the senator as his private secretary. The other group used the Street route which at that time was con- trolled by a certain police captain with whom the leader of the gang had a “stand-in.” It was not unusual in those days (before. Mayor Dever and Chief Collins drove the gangs into the suburbs) for a police squad * Interview with a politician of long experience.THE GANG IN POLITICS 481 to escort these beer caravans right into town. The police would also ride on their wagons, and when once the gangs got something on a policeman, they knew how to use the art of blackmail. Police protection was not only necessary in convoying liquor in order to allay suspicion, but it was also desirable to prevent hijacking. One case has been cited in which two groups of policemen engaged in a battle, one group protecting a truck-load of illicit beer, the other attempting to steal it from them.* | To Chief of Police Collins is attributed the statement that in 1923 beer-running gangs in Chicago “were spend- ing money at the rate of $1,000,000 a year to ‘fix’ the law.’” There is no doubt but that in many cases politicians and office-holders have been actually in partnership with the rum gangs. Certain branches of the government, in other words, have been in partnership, in some cases at least, with the actual business which other branches have sought to suppress. A prominent city official in Chicago, for example, was owner of a brewery which the govern- ment found necessary to close by injunction; and the case had to be carried to the United States District Court of Appeals before a permanent closing order could be ob- tained against it (in 1924). The government’s case was based upon the seizure of real beer at the brewery. A West Side politician was captured in the plant on one of these midnight raids. As a result of investigations into the illicit traffic in “sacramental wines,” it was dis- covered, according to the allegations of government oper- atives, that a city official, an important prohibition en- forcement agent, and other enforcement officials were in- t Interview with a former vice inspector. 2 Gregston, op. cit., November 15, 1924.482 THE GANG volved in deals which netted millions of dollars to the conspirators. It was alleged also that a state legislator had collected $50,000 to be used in facilitating the wine sales. The Sibley warehouse robbery (1923), in which 2,248 cases of pre-war Lancaster whiskey having an illicit value of something like $1,000,000 were removed by means of forged and raised permits, was engineered by a powerful criminal gang with the alleged co-operation of several officials.” This gradual undermining of the integrity of public officials in all departments of the government is probably the most serious of the unforeseen effects of prohibition. Yet it is not without a parallel in American history. A similar assault upon the integrity of the government, al- though probably not so widespread, was made by railroad interests in the latter quarter of the past century. It oc- curred at the time of the notorious Crédit Mobilier, a railroad company, whose corrupting influence reached even to the vice-presidency.? DOWN-STATE RELATIONS One unexpected and untoward result of alleged gang control of Chicago politics has been its effect on Chicago’s chances for more equitable representation in the state legislature by means of reapportionment of the state on *For a further account of alleged relations between criminal gangs and politics, see Oliver H. P. Garrett, “Linking State and City Politicians with Chicago’s Gangsters,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 9, 1926. Re- printed from a series in the New York World, May 3 to 9, 1926. See also article by the same author, ‘Politics and Crime in Chicago,” New Re- public, June 9, 1926, pp. 78-80. 2 See H. U. Faulkner, American Economic History, pp. 458-61.THE GANG IN POLITICS 483 the basis of its present population. Such a readjustment in representation would give Chicago with her millions a dominant if not a controlling voice in the state assembly. The common attitude expressed by downstate opponents of reapportionment, just or unjust, is “Do you think we want to turn the state and our own future over to those thugs who terrorize Chicago?” A typical expression of this attitude is printed in down-state newspapers. DOWNSTATE OPINIONS* 257. In the midst of its orgy of gang murders, bootlegging and political corruption Chicago rises again to demand “equal repre- sentation” and “home rule.”’ We are notified by various militant gentlemen that this time it is to be a fight to a finish for “justice” to the state’s metropolis. Yet Chicago just at this time is demonstrating anything but fitness for ‘home rule” or the sort of official efficiency which invites her domination of the state’s affairs at Springfield. For five weeks a grand jury investigation into the murder of an assistant state’s attorney has been going on. Several scores of witnesses have been heard, but no worth-while information has been obtained. Nobody expects that any tangible results will fol- low the inquiry. Nobody has been indicted; nobody is likely to be indicted. Bootlegging wars continue, gang murders flourish as usual, manifestations of official incompetency or corruption crop out the same as ever..... What good would more “home rule” do a city like this? What benefit to Illinois would come from larger representation of such a city in the state government?! 258. The question that arises in the mind of the down-state reader, after perusing this description [contained in Judge Daniel P. Trude’s charges against the Crowe-Barrett faction] of Chicago election methods, is just what sort of representation could be ex- pected from Chicago in the state legislature and whether domina- t Daily Bulletin, Bloomington, Illinois, June 4, 1920.484 THE GANG tion of the general assembly by representatives so chosen could mean any good either to Chicago or the state of Illinois. Our own conclusion remains as previously expressed: that what Chicago needs is not more representation at Springfield, but a better quality; and not more “‘home rule,” but a better use of the government it has.? Whether down-state citizens are justified or not in this opinion of Chicago politics must be left to the judg- ment of the individual observer. The fact that it zs a pervasive attitude, however, which is likely to continue to block the city’s efforts to secure reapportionment can- not be overlooked by Chicagoans interested in municipal progress. Any change in the direction of cleaning up Chicago politics will undoubtedly increase the city’s chances for home rule and a more just representation in the Illinois legislature.? Irrespective of who is responsible for violence and frauds in connection with elections, for ‘‘vacations’’ per- mitted notorious characters supposed to be serving sen- tences in prisons and jails, and for failures to bring gang- sters to justice, there is no doubt that these abuses have occurred and have been more flagrant and more frequent than the general public has been aware of. The facts are well established. Fixing the legal responsibility is another question, and one which involves the gathering of tested evidence, which, for the most part, has not as yet been forthcoming. t Sunday Bulletin, Bloomington, Illinois, June 6, 1926. 2 For an interesting study of down-state and Chicago attitudes on reapportionment, see the forthcoming monograph by William B. Phillip, Conflicts Chicago vs. Downstate, 1870-1925.THE GANG IN POLITICS 485 Commenting upon the alliance between crime and politics in the United States in general, Raymond Moley of the department of public law, Columbia University, emphasizes the major importance of this relationship in accounting for the so-called “crime wave.” After an experience extending to an intimate contact for several years with this question, a contact which has included participation in the two major investigations of the field made in Cleveland and in Missouri, the writer of this article is brought to the conclusion that of all causes of the mounting tide of crime in America, the politi- cal aspect is the most important. New laws and new scientific dis- coveries will not avail much. Increased severity of punishment can accomplish very little. The institutions which are charged with law enforcement are too intimately bound to political interests." Many plans have been suggested to help in dissolving the corrupt alliance between crime and politics in Chi- cago.? One of these is the continuance and the strengthen- ing of reform administration by electing more supple- mentary and subordinate city and county officials who will support reform policies. Another is the further de- velopment and extension of the influence of such citizens’ associations as the Municipal Voters’ League, the City Clubs, and the Bureau of Public Efficiency. Some stu- dents of the subject have suggested the separation of politics from administration by the introduction of the city manager plan now in operation in four hundred American cities—a plan which Charles E. Merriam char- acterizes as ‘“‘the most notable achievement of the Ameri- Moley, ‘Politics and Crime,” Modern Crime, pp. 83-84. 2 One specific suggestion which deserves mention is that members of the same law firm or those previously associated in the same firm should be prohibited by law from appearing on opposite sides of the same case,486 THE GANG can city.”’* The whole complex of relations between crime and politics in American cities needs to be thoroughly and impartially studied as a preliminary step in any hopeful program designed to bring about social control. The find- ings of the present study indicate the necessity of re- directing the activities of the gang so as to leave as little opportunity as possible for political manipulation. * Address to the City Managers Association, November 18, 1925. In his book on New Aspects of Politics, Merriam points out the urgent need for a scientific approach to the whole problem of government.CHAPTER XXII ATTACKING THE PROBLEM The general perspective obtained from the survey of gangs in Chicago shows that the gang and its problems constitute merely one of many symptoms of the more or less general disorganization incident to rapid economic development and the ingestion of vast numbers of alien workers. Like the industrial countries of western Europe, America has passed through the throes of a revolution of economic technique; but unlike these countries, we are still, for the most part, in an epoch of feverish mobility and expansion consequent upon the peopling of a new continent and the exploitation of virgin natural re- sources. The process of breakneck competition in the develop- ment of this new wealth and the consequent tendency toward increasing division of labor and specialization have stimulated the rapid growth of cities and all the in- ternal processes of kaleidoscopic movement and rear- rangement which this growth has entailed. The result has been that American industrial cities have not had time to become settled and self-controlled; they are youthful and they are experiencing the struggles and in- stability of youth. The apparent chaos in certain phases of their life may be regarded as a case of “‘cultural lagna Conditions are changing too rapidly to develop corre- tSee W. F. Ogburn, Social Change, pp. 200-213. 487488 THE GANG sponding controls of an efficient type. As a result there is a blind groping for order, without much understanding of the nature of the problems involved or their difficulties. As a great industrial and commercial metropolis, Chicago both typifies and epitomizes these conditions. Life is in constant ferment physically, economically, and culturally. Rapid change and enormous movement have tended to prevent the development of a consistent social code supported by all members of the community and even to break up such codes as have existed among the older white stocks and the diverse cultural groups of the polyglot immigrant population which comprises three- fourths of Chicago’s inhabitants. The result is a high degree of disorganization, manifesting itself in vice, crime, political corruption, and other social maladies, which tend to escape to a suburban fringe or to become segre- gated within the city in the semicircular “poverty belt” around the Loop, an area which provides easier escape from control than other portions of the city. The fact that the gangs of Chicago are to be found for the most part in this “‘zone of transition,’’* which is the region of greatest disorder in the city, is in itself significant, for they not only find an environment favorable to their de- velopment, but their life and activities are colored by the disorganization they encounter there. Recognizing, then, the probability of the continuance of this state of social disintegration for some time to come, the more ultimate problem resolves itself into one of reducing the disorganization incident to prosperity and « For a description of this zone see E. W. Burgess in Park, ef al., The City, pp. 55-59.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 489 progress to the minimum necessary for progressive reor- ganization. The immediate need is to study the present difficulties with a view to controlling and directing social change to this end. IMMIGRATION AND AMERICANIZATION"™ One of the most important elements in the situation which promotes the free life of the gang is the failure of the immigrant to control his children who constitute the great majority of gang members in Chicago.” Since about two-thirds of the parents of delinquent boys in Chicago are peasants from rural areas and villages in Europe; it is not strange that they do not know how to manage their children in such a totally new and different environment. The language difficulty is only one part of the cultural discrepancy that grows up between parents and children. Family discipline cannot be maintained because of the lack of tradition in the American community to support it, and the constant coming in and going out (immigrant succession) in many of the immigrant areas further in- creases the difficulty of developing any consistent tradi- «See also chap. xii. 2The findings of the present study—that the foreign born them- selves are not in gangs and contribute a relatively small part to the crime of our cities—are corroborated by Carl Kelsey in his article on “Immi- gration and Crime,”’ Modern Crime, pp. 162-74. He says that “the crux of the problem seems to lie in the activities of the children of immigrants.” 3Sophonisba P. Breckinridge and Edith Abbott, The Delinquent Child and the Home, p. 65. In this book the types of family deficiencies which we are indicating as facilitating ganging are described in detail and correlated with delinquency. Since an ample number of illustrative cases are presented there, this type of material is largely omitted from the pres- ent chapter.490 THE GANG tion with reference to family control. In this sense, then, the gang becomes a problem of community organization. Stated in another way, the problem is one of too quick and too superficial Americanization of the children of the immigrant. The more rapid this type of assimilation, the more rapid will be the disintegration of family control. While it is true that the children of the immigrant quickly learn English in the schools and in their association on the streets and elsewhere, they also become acquainted with the more racy and the more vicious aspects of Ameri- can life through the sensational newspapers and cheap magazines, through the movies and other types of com- mercialized recreation, and through contacts with vice, crime, and political corruption in their own chaotic milieu. FACTORS UNDERLYING GANGING Boys in gangland areas enjoy an unusual freedom from restrictions of the type imposed by the normal con- trolling agencies in the better residential areas of the city. Their play is usually unhampered and the extensive rail- road, canal, and industrial properties furnish them a realm for adventure that is unexcelled in the playgrounds or in the more orderly portions of the city. There is no dearth of excitement in this disorganized environment, and in the gang they find an instrument for the organiza- tion of their play and the satisfaction of most of their wishes. The free, wild life they lead under such conditions constitutes one of the chief obstacles to the sort of direc- tion which any boys’-work program attempts. The prob- lem of competing with the care-free activities of the gang is a difficult one and requires a high degree of intelligenceATTACKING THE PROBLEM 491 and understanding on the part of any leader or agency attempting to meet it. In describing in a summary way the underlying condi- tions of disorganization in gang areas, we are simply at- tempting to explain the factors that make possible the freedom which leads to ganging. We are merely describ- ing the soil which favors the growth of gangs. Such un- derlying conditions as inadequate family life; poverty; deteriorating neighborhoods; and ineffective religion, edu- cation, and recreation must be considered together as a situation complex which forms the matrix of gang devel- opment. It seems impossible to control one factor with- out dealing with the others, so closely are they interwov- en, and in most cases they are inseparable from the gener- al problem of immigrant adjustment. Thus, in any indi- vidual case of the entrance of a boy into a gang, several of these factors usually interact to create such an oppor- tunity. While recognizing the importance of studying the in- terplay of the forces of disorganization in the case of any given gang boy, it is possible, however, to disentangle these underlying conditions from one another and, for purposes of discussion, to treat each separately. The value of this method lies in making clearer the influence of each factor and in suggesting methods of attacking the problem in each case.* Any condition in family life which promotes neglect t Limitations of space do not permit the elaboration of these points or the inclusion of illustrative cases in the present volume. See the au- thor’s article on “The Gang as a Symptom of Community Disorganiza- tion,” Journal of Applied Sociology, September-October, 1926.492 THE GANG or repression of its boy members, indirectly promotes the gang by stimulating the boy to find the satisfaction of his wishes outside the plan and organization of family activi- ties. This, like such other underlying factors as ineffec- tive religion, inadequate schooling, and unguided recrea- tion, is a purely negative factor so far as the gang is con- cerned, merely creating an opportunity for ganging or any other kind of substitute activity.1 The family deficien- cies which may make ganging possible are of a great vari- ety of types—poverty; immigrant maladjustments; dis- integration; and ignorant, unsympathetic, immoral, or greedy adults,? but their general effect is the same: the family fails to hold the boy’s interest, neglects him, or actually forces him into the street. These family condi- tions interact in the usual case, but it is noteworthy that, either singly or in combination, they are rarely absent from the homes of gang boys. The failure of present-day religion to penetrate in any real and vital way the experience of the gang boy may be cited as a second negative factor which makes possible the free life of the gang. The lack in this case is the failure to provide controls of the boy’s behavior and interesting activities for his leisure time to supplement those of the home, the school, and the playground. The third negative factor which contributes to an opportunity for the free life of the gang, is the type of * Miriam van Waters describes juvenile delinquency largely in terms of the conflict of youth (in Youth in Conflict) with the established social institutions which do not meet its needs. The gang boy is often a victim of such conflicts which impel him away from the institutions in question and give the gang a real function in organizing his activities. 2 See Breckinridge and Abbott, op. cit., for a full discussion of these factors, and Thurston, Delinguency and Spare Time, pp. 144-45.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 493 schooling which does not interest the boy or provide for a satisfying organization of his lively energies. This occurs in two ways: first, the procedure within school hours does not interest the gang boy, who resorts to truancy; and secondly, the school does not have an adequate program of extra-curricular activities to supplement the work of other agencies in meeting the spare-time problem. There is one failure of the educational machinery to run smoothly which is very favorable to the development of gangs. This is the fact that the compulsory education law in Illinois permits a boy to quit school at fourteen, but forbids him to go to work until he is sixteen without a working certificate or the observance of special conditions by his employer. The result is that many boys who leave school at fourteen are idle or irregularly employed until they are sixteen. They do not go to school; they have difficulty in getting a job. Free to roam the streets, the gang furnishes the solution of their problem as to how to occupy their time. Society, as it were, provides in such cases two years between school and work for gang train- ing.” The fourth negative factor which contributes to a sit- uation favorable to ganging is the lack of proper guidance for spare-time activities. The recreation of boys who be- come ‘‘wholesome citizens” is guided by parents, friends, teachers, and recreational leaders,? but this guidance is largely absent in gangland areas. The point is not that children do not play in gangland. They do. t This problem has been recognized and stated in successive reports of the Board of Education. 2 Thurston, op. cit., p. I15.494 THE GANG SPONTANEOUS PLAY IN GANGLAND 259. I am impressed more and more with the fact that the boys of our streets are able, with very little help, to carry out a rather active program of recreation for themselves. I am thinking now of the unorganized street play, pick up ball games, handball, card playing and crap shooting, if you please. A great many of our boys’ workers labor under the mistaken impression that unless they provide these boys with activities, they will remain idle. A walk down any of our streets in summer time will show that most of the children are busy. Some of us went out last summer and conducted street games in two certain streets twice a week. On the nights we were there the playing was more intense, and more children took part, but on the other nights most of the children were playing in that and other streets where we never had games.? It is often more difficult to find recreational facilities for a maladjusted child in good residential areas than it is in the slums.? The common assumption that the problem of boy delinquency will be solved by the multiplication of playgrounds and social centers in gang areas is entirely erroneous. The physical layout of gangland provides a realm of adventure with which no playground can com- pete. The lack is not of this sort. The real problem is one of developing in these areas or introducing into them leaders who can organize the play of the boys, direct it into wholesome channels, and give it social significance. Thus, it becomes apparent that ganging is merely one symptom of more deep-lying community disorganiza- tion,’ which frees the boy from ordinary controls and in 1 Statement by a leading boys’ worker in gangland. 2 Statement by the Supervisor of Recreation, Institute for Juvenile Research (Chicago), July 24, 1926. 3 Long ago Jacob Riis, who knew the life of the disorganized areas of New York City, said, ‘“The gang is a distemper of the slums; a friend come to tell us that something has gone amiss in our social life.”ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 495 this way makes possible the development of the gang.’ An authority on the early gangs of New York City holds a similar position. THE GANGS OF OLD NEW YORK 260. I do not think there is any doubt of the correctness of the thesis that the gang is a symptom of community disorganization. I believe that most, if not all of the great gangs of New York—not the modern bootlegger and killer groups, but the old organizations such as the Gophers, the Hudson Dusters, etc.—grew out of such disorganization; and they can be traced directly to conditions in the old Five Points section, which appears to have been the last word in depravity. This district was once the scene of an old dive, which was first a brewery and then a tenement, called ‘“The Old Brewery,” which was never anything but a hive of wretchedness and poverty.’ These disorganized conditions do not directly produce gangs, but the gang is an interstitial growth, flowering where other institutions are lacking or are failing to func- tion efficiently. It is a symptom of the disorderly life of a frontier. REDIRECTING THE GANG The social maladjustments described above are nega- tive factors in the genesis of the gang because they do no more than give the boy an opportunity to roam about and choose his associates and his amusements for himself. It is probable that these underlying conditions can ulti- mately be reduced to some extent with intelligent, col- lective planning, but in the meantime there is bound to be ganging and kindred manifestations. While we are strug- gling with the problems of immigrant adjustment; of poverty; and of inadequate homes, schools, and churches; t Statement to the author (July 20, 1926) by Herbert Asbury, whose book on the gangs of old New York is now in preparation.496 THE GANG there still remains the gang. Its existence must be recog- nized and some sort of place must be made for it in the life of the community. This brings us to a second type of procedure for at- tacking the gang problem, viz., the treatment of gangs already formed and forming. In general, two kinds of agencies have to deal with the gang in a practical way: those interested in boys’ work, and those representing the law. THE GANG AND THE LAW While considerable progress has been made in the modification of laws and legal procedures to meet the spe- cial needs of children,* the representatives of the law have not learned, for the most part, how to deal with the boy delinquent and his gang in an effective way. This arises through no lack of good intentions, perhaps, but more largely from a failure to comprehend the problems in- volved.” As a rule policemen assume that the gang must be suppressed—must be broken up. They fail to understand that boyish energies, like tics, suppressed at one place are sure to break out at some other. And when the breaking- up of the gang has been accomplished, there is usually no attempt to provide substitute activities for the boys. Under ordinary circumstances, then, the ‘‘cop’ becomes t Two interesting volumes dealing with the Juvenile Court movement are Youth in Conflict by Miriam van Waters and The Child, the Clinic, and the Court, a series of papers which commemorate the twenty-fifth anniver- sary of the Juvenile Court. How complete this misunderstanding of the needs of the boy can be is indicated in Clifford R. Shaw, A Problem Boy.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM — 497 the natural enemy of the gang, a réle which he usually assumes with equanimity, but one which may involve considerable discomfort and peril to his person.* There is, of course, a considerable amount of tolerance of juvenile disorder by policemen in gang areas. This merges in some cases into official connivance at or even protection of gang delinquencies and criminality. That the policeman may be made to assume a different role with reference to the gang, however, is indicated by the use of policemen in New York City as boys’ workers. THE POLICE AS BOYS’ WORKERS 261. The Police Department and the Boy Scouts of Manhat- tan have undertaken a co-operative experiment designed ultimately to rid the city of gunmen by interesting the street-corner gangs in the Scout program. “Tf the boys learn to control themselves, they will solve the worst police problem in New York City,” said a deputy chief in- spector in commenting on gang life. Twenty-four police sergeants have been picked to act as Scout inspectors. They have had a five- lesson course to acquaint them with the work of the Scout organiza- tion. The Scout inspectors are to visit clubs, churches, schools, and settlements in their precincts to encourage the formation of Scout troops. They are also to note the existence of gangs of young boys t Many cases show injuries inflicted by gangs upon policemen. See document 208, p. 357: 2 The possibilities for constructive work through enlisting men of high caliber, making policemen’s salaries more attractive, and establishing schools for police-training have not been fully recognized. See Raymond B. Fosdick, European Police Systems, pp. 211 ff., and American Police Systems, pp. 298 ff. A police academy with a well-rounded curriculum and thorough courses of training has been established in New York City and an attempt has been made to get more college men interested in the service as well as to improve the general caliber of the men entering through civil service examinations.498 THE GANG who loaf around street corners and poolrooms, reporting them to the Manhattan Scout office, which then sends its field men to con- sider how best to interest the boys in the activities of scouting. The nspectors also visit the troop meetings in their precincts in order to become acquainted with the boys and say a few words to them. A similar experiment involving co-operation between the police and 8,500 Boy Scouts and 1,000 volunteer Scout leaders is proving successful in preventing juvenile delinquency in Brooklyn. THE TREATMENT OF THE DELINQUENT AS A PERSON Probably the most important conclusion, with refer- ence to the treatment of gangs, to be drawn from the pres- ent study is that the inadequacy of our official machinery for handling delinquents, particularly boys, is due largely to a failure to recognize the group factor in delinquency. In 1915 William Healy wrote an epoch-making vol- ume, The Individual Delinquent, showing the importance of studying every offender with reference to all the factors operating to produce delinquency in his own individual case. He abandoned the general and unitary causation theories of his predecessors and pointed out that each case must be treated on its own merits. ““Trained in psy- chiatry and psychology, he emphasized physical examina- tions and mental tests without ignoring social factors. However, he relied upon the experience of the social worker instead of calling into service the technique of the sociologist.’”4 tSee New York Times, April 13, 1924. 2See F. Allison Adams, “Police and Boy Groups Combine to Stop Crime,” New York Times, March 8, 1925. 3 See Robert E. Park in Park, e¢ al., The City, p. 111. 4 Abstract of E. W. Burgess, ‘““The Study of the Delinquent as a Person,” American Journal of Sociology, May, 1923, p. 657.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 499 While in no way minimizing the importance of the principles of study and treatment formulated by Healy, E. W. Burgess has emphasized the necessity of studying the delinquent as a person (that is, as an individual with status). In the explanation and control of delinquency, it is significant to determine the nature of the participation of the person in the social organization, as in the insecurity or degradation of status, the type of personal behavior pattern, the degree of mobility, the change of the social environment, and the collapse of the social world of the person. In the study of delinquency, the psychiatric, psychological, and sociological methods of investigation are not in conflict with each other, but rather are complementary and inter- dependent.? Following this line of thinking, the present study reveals something of the social world of the boy delinquent and shows the importance of the gang in the development of his personality and his attitudes toward his delinquen- cles. But it is not only necessary to study the delinquent as a person, merely to understand him; it is also essential to deal with him as a person in any practical situation de- manding the formulation of a program of treatment. He must not be treated as if he existed in a social vacuum, but he must be dealt with as a member of all the various groups to which he belongs—not merely the gang alone, « It has already been indicated in chaps. xvii and xviii that the term “person” has come to mean an individual considered in the réle which he plays in a social group. Personality in this sense is the estimate which the group places upon him and the position it assigns. The individual’s con- ception of his réle is also an important factor in determining his behavior. 2 Burgess, op. cit., p. 657.500 THE GANG but the family, the neighborhood, the school, the church, the occupational group, and so on. While the importance of the group factor in dealing with delinquency has been pointed out occasionally,* the implications of this point of view have not been understood or taken into account in the official treatment of delinquents. Too often the boy delinquent has been dealt with as if he were a purely biological, predetermined, individual mechanism.” To treat him in this way is to neglect what is usually the most essential element in the problem, viz., his own attitudes with reference to various factors in the situation and to possible plans formulated in his behalf. The phantasies and dreams that have grown out of his social experience are important determinants of his be- havior. The personal relations which have been devel- oped within his own social world, as a member of the groups which are most vital to the organization of his wishes cannot be ignored. His own conception of the role he thinks he plays in his social groups must be fully understood in any attempt to prescribe a program for his future adjustment. We need a new penology which shall be penetrating in its insights into the subjective aspect of the boy’s life and which shall be much broader in scope tSee Miriam van Waters, “Unwanted—and Delinquent?” Survey, May 15, 1926, p. 228. 2 We are not meaning to imply in any sense that physical and mental defects which impair the capacity of the boy should or can be overlooked in formulating a plan for his future adjustment. The ‘‘whole child”’ must be treated, but there has been a tendency in the past to ignore the part played by his social world in his behavior problems. 3In Shaw, op. cit., the whole history of the boy is shown to be very largely the result of his social relationships.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 501 than institutional care and the present system of proba- tion and parole.* Among the groups within which the boy delinquent finds expression, the gang is one of the most vital to the development of his personality. It often supplants other groups and comes to occupy a predominant place in his scheme of life. He feels many, times that it is his gang which gives him what he wants most and he is more inter- ested in maintaining his status in the gang than in any other group. In such cases his relation to the gang (that is, his social world) becomes the paramount issue with which the official agencies must deal, if they are to achieve any measure of success in handling the boy. Experience shows that there are really only two al- ternatives in successfully reforming the boy who has be- come delinquent through the influence of his gang: he must either be removed completely from the gang and the social world it represents, or his gang must be reformed. Official agencies have usually attempted the former al- ternative without success and have, for the most part, completely neglected the latter. The point may be made clearer by describing some of the attempts which have been made to deal with the gang boy as an individual rather than to treat him as a person. The social factors in the following case seem to have been ignored. THE TREATMENT OF THE CLUTCHY-CLUTCH GANG 262. The characteristic method of official agencies in dealing with the delinquent members of the Clutchy-Clutch was to treat « The importance of taking full account of the boy’s total social sit- uation has been suggested from another source with great cogency, viz., the Gestalt psychology.502 THE GANG them as individuals entirely apart from their social worlds. Appar- ently there was no attempt to reckon with the réles they were play- ng in the gang or their own conceptions of those réles. The boys were repeatedly paroled to their parents under super- vision of probation officers. In these cases they were simply re- turned to the old disorderly environment where they re-entered the gang and behaved much as before. The probation officer, un- derpaid and burdened with so many cases that he could give little more than perfunctory attention to any one of them, was unable to exercise supervision of a sufficiently intensive and intelligent type to reshape the characters of his charges or prevent their delinquen- cies. In some cases boys were arrested and brought into court even before he was notified. No constructive work with the gang as a group was undertaken during this entire period of five or six years. No effort was made, so far as was ascertained, by any social agency, either public or pri- vate, to improve the highly disorganized environment within which the gang had developed. Another type of method, equally unsuccessful, was to send the members of the gang to an institution for the purpose of discipline and “reform.” Several of them were sent to the Parental School (for chronic truants) for varying periods. The only apparent effect of serving these terms in most cases was to keep the boys out of neighborhood mischief for the time they were sent away. No last- ing improvement could be noted upon their return to the old gang associations. At this time the Parental School was run almost en- tirely upon the repressive principle. About the only effect of this sort of treatment was to embitter the boys and arouse attitudes of rebellion and intense hatred toward any agency of “reform.” As the members of the gang grew older and continued their de- linquencies, they were sent to the Chicago Cook County School for Boys (for first and lesser offenders). Here they received excellent care and good training in school and manual work. Yet, even with- out the harsh features of many other institutions, this school could effect little lasting alteration in their characters, attitudes, and habits because it created for the boys a necessarily artificial envi-ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 503 ronment where the ordinary temptations of the boy’s native milieu and spontaneous group life were lacking. After release from this institution after a term often of only a few weeks, the boys were returned to assume again their old réles in the Clutchy-Clutch, usually with added prestige for having had this adventure with the law. Instead of deterring them from the demoralizing activities of the gang, these experiences with the au- thorities prepared them for more active participation in gang ex- ploits and delinquencies by putting them more or less in the light of heroes in the eyes of the rest of the gang. In fact, full standing in the Clutchy-Clutch could only be secured by a court record; and the longer the record, the higher the standing. In the case of one of the most difficult boys, the court tried the expedient of getting him out of the neighborhood. The family finally purchased $50 worth of land in the outskirts of the city. A shack was built and the boy was taken out there with the father, who worked on a garden plot during the summer. The lack of any adequate social world for the boy in this new environment, soon led to his returning to be with the gang each week-end, and it was not long until he was back again in the old neighborhood.* If some interested social agency such as a playground, a settlement, or a boys’ club had been enlisted by officials to co-operate with official agencies in directing the ener- gies of the Clutchy-Clutch—if it had not ignored the organization and interrelations of life in the local neigh- borhood—a larger measure of success would have been conceivable. “TAKE THE BOY OUT OF HIS GANG” It is an easy matter to advise that “the boy should, of course, be taken out of his gang and other recreational «Records, interviews, observations, and boys’ own stories. The leader of this gang has been described in document 200, p. 346.504 THE GANG or activities substituted,” but it is usually very difficult to accomplish this feat without resorting to the method of repression. The usual procedure is to put the boy in an institution for a time in the hope that the methods em- ployed there will remodel him sufficiently to prevent his delinquencies when he is returned to the old environment. The methods supposed to accomplish this miracle at the Chicago Parental School, as it was conducted in former days, have been described (in 1911) as follows: “REFORMING” THE BOY IN AN INSTITUTION 263. Boys improve under regular feeding; they develop good habits through military training; they become alert through man- ual work; occasionally they improve through the removal of physi- cal defects; the farm and country life have their influence; restraint and suppression of bad habits under the direction of men and wom- en of character make an impression. Let it not be inferred that the abnormal types can be corrected through feeding, by surgical opera- tions, or even manual training. With all of these, the formation of good and wholesome habits is a slow process and often fails to last. The greatest factor is ear- nest, personal effort, directed with sympathy and the least possible interruption. Corporal punishment is not permitted at the Parental School, but other means are used to impress prompt obedience. No pun- ishments are severe, but they are sure to come if merited. Extra duty and the deprivation of privileges are the most effective. The Parental School seeks to form good habits of study and conduct, in the hope that these habits will persist after boys are paroled. Each boy is required to practice these good habits for a definite period before being paroled. Every effort is made to return boys to the home school at the earliest possible time, to avoid in- stitutionalizing and to make room for other boys. 1 Excerpt from document 225, p. 403. 2Peter A. Mortenson, ““Che Chicago Parental-School,” in S. P. Breckinridge, The Child in the City, pp. 164-65; the italics are mine.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 505 The theory expressed in this statement sounds plausi- ble, but it is based upon a complete misconception of the problem. It assumes, in the first place, that it is possible to carry out such a plan of discipline without resorting to the severity so common in institutions of this type. In practice it proved to be a harsh system, creating rebel- lious attitudes in the boys. While corporal punishment was not permitted, such punishments as chewing soap, the extreme exhaustion following the “squats,” and soli- tary confinement on bread and water in a steel cage in the attic had the same effects.” Many boys make good resolutions when undergoing the more or less rigorous discipline of an institution. GOOD RESOLUTIONS 264. If I ever get out of here, I’m through with that stuff. I could rob a lot, but I don’t want to. I know what that means for me. I’ll soon be seventeen and that means St. Charles for sure. Judge Arnold will say ‘“I’ll have to put you in a place where you'll behave.” I wish I could go home. I don’t care to stay here. I don’t get enough sleep; they wake you up early. Nothing is better than home. When I get out I might hang around with the gang again, but I won’t do any robbin’. An experience in an institution is probably a sufficient deterrent to further delinquency in some cases, but it is very doubtful if these good resolutions are long remem- t This brutality culminated in the aldermanic investigation of 1923, which resulted in a change of administration at the Parental School and the introduction of an entirely different method of treatment. The re- actions of the boy to this sort of treatment, which are usually entirely overlooked by the “reforming” agency, are indicated in Clifford R. Shaw, op. cit. 2 Gang boy’s own story.506 THE GANG bered when the average boy gets back to his gang; group controls and pressures are too strong to be long withstood in such cases. The outstanding objection to the usual type of insti- tutional treatment, even at its best, is that the boy is learning to adjust himself to a purely artificial situation, which, even with the so-called ‘‘cottage”’ plan, in no sense approximates his environment when he has been re- leased. The “‘practice of good habits for a definite period” in the coercive atmosphere of an institution gives no assurance whatsoever that these habits will carry over into a totally different situation when the irksome re- straints are removed. There is no military drill in the slums. Confinement in steel cages and doing “pull pen” and “the squats” are strangely absent in the free life of gangland. When the unnatural restraints are removed, the more logical tendency is to indulge even more freely in the old adventures, so long denied. Moreover, the boy returns to his gang with a “record,” which usually oper- ates either to classify him as an undesirable in the com- munity or to give him greater prestige with his gang. The conclusion seems justified, therefore, that sending a gang boy away to an institution turns out to be little more than one method of evading the real problem—that of adjusting him in his actual social world.” That this is coming to be recognized by men of vision is indicated in a statement by O. J. Milliken, who took charge of the Chicago Parental School following the scan- dal of 1923. t This is clearly indicated in the case of Jimmie Wright, document 211, PD. 372-ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 507 INSTITUTIONAL TREATMENT VS. GANG DIRECTION 265. Were I to think only of the boys and their welfare, I would spend a large part of the money expended on institutions in hiring ““Boy Men” to cover the city and spend their entire time with the gangs..... Unless an institution can do constructive work, it does more harm than good..... A limited number of corrective institutions are necessary, but they should be for the mentally ill, what our hospitals are for the physically ill... .. Weare about to establish a behavior clinic at the Chicago Parental School for the purpose of directing and training boys and girls away from institutions. It is hoped that parents will bring their behavior problems there, so that institutional treatment will not be neces- sary.? George W. Kirchwey goes so far as to say that no nor- mal child should ever be placed in an institution; such treatment should be reserved for the “hopeless and help- less, for the mentally defective and psychopathic (if you ever can find out who and what the psychopathic are), and the insane.’ Another expedient which has been employed in an attempt to “take the boy out of his gang” is that of get- ting the family to move from the neighborhood. This pro- cedure is usually unsuccessful; for most families of this type can only move to some other gangland area where the boy enters another gang. If they do succeed in mov- ing to what is for them some isolated or obscure portion of the city, the boy’s whole social world collapses, he bit- t When Milliken took charge of the Parental School he replaced mili- tary drill and other harsh methods with the type of sympathetic and un- derstanding treatment that had made his administration of the Chicago Cook County School for Boys an outstanding success. 2“Tnstitutions for Juvenile Delinquents” in The Child, the Clinic and the Court, p. 336.508 THE GANG terly complains that “there ain’t any kids out there,”’ and it is not long until he is making long trips back to the old neighborhood to be with the gang again.’ To keep the boy away from his group while the family remains in the same community is next to impossible on account of the superior attractions of gang activities. The only alternative which remains, therefore, is to deal with the whole gang. This may be done by recognizing the gang and making a place for it in the program of the com- munity, redirecting its activities into wholesome and so- cially significant channels. Or, it may be done by incor- porating the leader and each member of the gang into some larger institution, to which their loyalties can be developed. TRANSFORMING THE GANG The usual policy of boys’ work agencies has been to redirect the activities of existing gangs into wholesome channels by some sort of supervision. While this method is difficult and not always successful, its usefulness has been conclusively demonstrated by many Chicago agen- cies. The gang is usually taken over by the agency as a club, given a name, and affiliated with the larger struc- ture. Subsequently, the members of the group are made to understand the réles they play and given some part in the life of the community. While the following document does not present the exact technique of this process, it illustrates the general principle involved. « Clifford R. Shaw has made some interesting studies showing how these boys go long distances to return to their old gang associations and tend to come back year after year, no matter where their families move to.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 509 THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE “HOLY TERRORS” 266. When the new garage of the F—— Company was opened, a small group of boys made it about as unpleasant for the company as they possibly could. The building had a wide expanse of glass and it was this shining mark that attracted the attention of two score or more active urchins in the neighborhood. They worked out an organized scheme of attack whereby they were enabled to elude watchmen, employees, and specially detailed police. Annoy- ance and property loss were continual and efforts to stop the trou- ble were ineffectual. At length the president of the company had the Scout move- ment brought to his attention. He ruminated over the matter for some time and finally called upon the Scout Commissioner and en- isted the co-operation of one of the finest Scout Masters in the city. In a casual way, this Scout Master made friends with the boys and one day suggested in an offhand manner that the Boy Scouts were a jolly bunch of boys and it might be fun to organize a troop. The suggestion made a big hit and the troop was formed. Soon the ‘Holy Terrors,” as the gang was often called, were so busy with their first aid, their endeavors to fathom the mysteries of signaling, and their study of Scoutcraft that there was no time for throwing stones. More than that, the inclination seemed to have vanished. Now with an old gang leader in command, they are as proud of their new task of defending all the property in the neigh- borhood as they used to be of their clever schemes for making trouble. All the officers of the company have become deeply interested in the youngsters. Several times the Scouts have had turned over to them two or three of the company’s coaches and have gone off for a day’s practicing in the country." The preceding case is presented as typical in general principle of the redirection of the gang by such agencies as the Young Men’s Christian Association, the Boy Scouts of America, the settlements, the parks, the play- t Scouting, April 1916.510 THE GANG grounds, the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic, and the Chi- cago Boys’ Clubs. The politicians and saloon-keepers have also learned the trick of taking over these gangs and making clubs out of them, but their motives have usually been rather more for their own aggrandizement than for the good of the boys." Limitations of space do not permit detailed cases to show how the various boys’ agencies deal with the gang; only a brief summary of their work can be presented here THE BOY SCOUTS OF AMERICA The organization of the Boy Scouts of America in Chicago included (in July, 1926) 479 troops with a mem- bership of 12,686 Scouts and 2,700 volunteer leaders. The testimony of Judge Victor Arnold of the Chicago Ju- venile Court that only five Scouts out of 30,000 boy delin- quents have been brought before him! is corroborated by the statement of Justice James C. Cropsey, who says that only five Scouts out of 8,500 in Brooklyn have ever gotten into trouble with the police in the fifteen years since the beginning of the movement there.4 — Despite the rapid growth of scouting in Chicago, t See Raymond Calkins, Substitutes for the Saloon. 2 Summaries of the national programs of the following organizations are presented in the Proceedings of the International Conference on Boys’ Work (Chicago, 1924): Boy Scouts of America, Big Brother Federation, Boys’ Club Federation, Young Men’s Christian Association, Knights of Columbus in the Field of Boy Guidance, American Sentinels, Church Brotherhoods, and Young Men’s Hebrew Association. 3 Chicago Daily News, December 21, 1922. 4F. Ellison Adams, ‘‘Police and Boy Groups Combine to Stop Crime,” New York Times, March 8, 1925.B.S. of A. Photo A GANG TRANSFORMED INTO A BOY SCOUT TROOP The group pictured above was a destructive gang which was transformed by skilful handling into the Boy Scout troop shown in the lower picture. The notion of solving the problems of difficult boys by formulating projects for them is being developed by Clifford R. Shaw and William I. Thomas. The foregoing pictures illustrate how a project may be worked out fora whole group. The alternative method of handling a gang is to break it up and give the boys individual or group projects in a larger frame of reference, such as that provided by the Union League Boys’ Club. The important point to be noted is that where the gang is broken up, the social world of the boy disintegrates and a new one must be substituted for it—not of the artificial type found in an institution, but one which will provide for a redirection of his energies in the habitat in which he must live. (See document 266.)ea THE GANG however, the movement has not yet reached any large proportion of the boys in gangland. The basic reason for this is that the development of scouting in any neighbor- hood depends upon the initiative of local leadership and not upon the Scout organization. SCOUTING IN GANGLAND 267. Scouting is actually available at the present time in gang- land areas where the grown-ups are sufficiently interested in these boys to give them leadership. It is a striking development that we have trebled the number of troops in Catholic parishes within the last two years. There has been some awakening to these lads, and with this program boys can be reached irrespective of the kind of communities in which they are found. One of the most valuable features of scouting is that it will fit into the program of almost any church or boys’ work agency, no matter what the general plan of the or- ganization happens to be. THE SOCIAL SETTLEMENTS While the social settlements have been able to deal only with a relatively small number of Chicago’s gangs in their respective areas, they have in general achieved success” Their attitude has usually been that a settle- ment has no right to break up a gang. It is their policy to keep the group together because they “believe that there is something in a gang which makes for constructive work, and that people in this stratum of society are entitled to t Statement by G. B. Stephenson, Scout Executive, Chicago Council, Boy Scouts of America, July 14, 1926. 2See Henry W. Thurston, Delinquency and Spare Time, pp. 129-33, for a full description of the settlement technique in one of these cases.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 513 their associates as well as men in college and in business are entitled to their fraternities and clubs.’” THE SETTLEMENTS AND THE GANGS 268. In one case a number of Polish boys on probation from the Juvenile Court and accustomed to meet their officer in a settle- ment house, were made first into a debating club and then branched out into baseball and dancing. This group held together for six years and climbed from the status of outcasts to a place of honor in the settlement organization. Some of the settlements have been conspicuously successful in dealing with the older gangs by acting as their sponsors when they have undertaken to become athletic clubs. In another instance the leaders from different gangs were organized into a special corps and given training which enabled them to instruct their groups in gymnastics. One settlement, carry- ing out this policy more completely, is preparing to erect a building in which it is planned to have a separate clubroom for every gang in the neighborhood.? THE CHICAGO BOYS’ CLUB The Chicago Boys’ Club, which maintains three units in different areas, has been successful in dealing with gangs. In one case a gang which was having internal con- flicts was successfully taken over and reorganized by the Club. The Boys’ Club has been active in organizing a baseball league for the gangs and promoting a regular series of games among them under controlled conditions. It maintains a farm and a summer camp, where a leaders’ course has been carried on for several years. tInterview with Harriet Vittum, Head Resident, Northwestern University Settlement. 2 Interviews and observation.514 THE GANG THE YOUNG MEN’S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION The Young Men’s Christian Association, in the dis- tricts where it is established, is well organized to meet the needs of the gang both in the possession of ample equip- ment and in trained, paid leaders for boys. It has been successful in redirecting gangs by forming special clubs and Scout troops for them and by developing them into baseball and other athletic teams. In one case a special clubroom was maintained in a gang area for one of these groups. In another a tough gang of thirteen members was made into an athletic club and after three years, dur- ing which its membership increased to twenty, it was awarded a pennant as recognition for all-round merit in athletic activities. Because of its special facilities and equipment, the Young Men’s Christian Association has been more successful in holding members of older groups than some of the other boys’ agencies. 268A. The North Avenue department has solved the problem of the Sunday afternoon loafing gang by a boys’ meeting at which little entertainments, educational lectures (some of them illus- trated), and religious talks reach scores of youngsters. This Sunday afternoon club is open to any boy between ro and 16 years old... . The total attendance of all boys at the talks and lectures was Over 17,000, at entertainments and lectures over 7,000, while bil- liards and other games showed an attendance of over 70,000. A large proportion of these totals represents underprivileged boys. Three street gangs broken up in the last three years indicates the kind of work the Division Street department is doing for under- privileged boys on the northwest side. Here is a densely populated part of the city, almost entirely Polish on one side and Jewish on the other. Many of the boys come from homes where both father and mother are working and as a result the children are on the street most of the time. Hence, “‘gangs” are common. Several of\ ae hes ER ‘ y ete +2 ; 2 > w ot Se 5 Lo in ' Aas er EO er Pholo by J. H. Witter REDIRECTING THE GANG The upper group, the Orioles, began as a boy gang at Halsted and Forquer streets in the West Side wilderness. It was taken into Hull-House as a club and has carried on supervised activities for more than five years. The picture shows a liquid-air demonstra- tion. This method of capturing the interest of the gang and transforming it into a club has been used extensively by many Chicago boys’ agencies, which have demonstrated its merits in preventing juvenile delinquency. (See pp. 512.) The Chicago Boys’ Club is one of the agencies engaged in redirecting the gang. It maintains a Boy City at Winona Lake (Indiana) every summer. The picture shows a group of Chicago boys, many of them former gang members, about ready for a plunge in the lake. Supervised camping, hiking, and outdoor life may be offered as wholesome substitutes for the wandering, tramping, and similar desultory activities of the adolescent gang. (See p. 513-)516 THE GANG these gangs began coming to the “Y” building. At first, they came sneaking in with the idea of making trouble, expecting to get kicked out and chased, as they had been from every decent place in the street. But to their surprise they were invited to get into the games and although there were some trouble makers, most of the gang had such a good time playing games that they soon forgot where they were and what they came for. Several of these gangs were given the privileges of the building free and gradually, with the boys’ work secretaries slowly making friends with and gaining the confidence of these boys, they were absorbed in the member- ship. This required patience and tact but it meant the end of these three Division Street gangs. .... West Side and Sears-Roebuck departments have a number of definite activities for the underprivileged boys including swimming campaigns, grade school baseball leagues, Off-The Street Clubs in the buildings and schools, week end camps and hikes to say nothing of scores of individual cases of boys helped through trouble, either at home or in the courts, or both. A unique club for street boys only was conducted at the West Side this last winter which brought together under wholesome surroundings the boys who would other- wise be congregated in some tough pool hall of the Madison Street ebadlangsw-se) 3... Lake Park Avenue gangs are being absorbed by the Hyde Park department. .... In South Chicago you can find gang life with the street boy as he is so often pictured and to win the friendship of these boys has been the task of the Y.M.C.A. In one of the communities a gang was found composed of Italians, Austrian and Serbian boys, who, irrespective of the League of Nations and the Fiume controversy, banded together. The secretary appeared one day in their midst with an indoor ball and a bat. Needless to say, the gang did not think of crap games for some time. Every day after that they looked forward eagerly to the coming of “de Y.M. guy.” A few weeks later the friendship of the Association on the ball field was extended by the organization of a club in a nearby hall. In spite of fights, much picturesque profanity and frequent sessions of crap shooting, an organization was perfected. The Centraccios, Coz-ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 517 zelos, Savianos and others brought in their pals and the program proceeded. Hikes under the leadership of the secretary, English classes, educational lectures, religious meetings, etc., were carried The story of the Wabash Avenue work among needy boys is also expressed in the number of gangs broken up and the members’ being absorbed into the ““Y’’ membership. The Off-The-Street Club at Wabash Avenue has been a potent factor in this attack on gang life of the south side. Knowing the hangouts of certain gangs, which were usually in alleys or in vacant lots, the boys’ work secretary would go to these places and before the surprised boys could know what it was all about he would ask them how many could swim, how many could box and then ask them to prove it—and over to the “Y” they would go. The usual result was these boys wanting to know when they could come again. So once or twice a week a program was arranged for them and as their interest and fun in the building increased they would join up and take part in the healthy, clean, play program of the Association. Several so-called “athletic clubs” were reached in this same way.? THE BOYS’ BROTHERHOOD REPUBLIC The Boys’ Brotherhood Republic, although criticized by some on account of the freedom permitted the boys in self-government, has been successful in dealing with gangs.” In fact, it originated as a gang. Jack Robbins, the founder and director of this organization, became in- terested in a certain gang through an attempt to help one of its members who was in trouble. He describes the ori- gin of the Republic. THE ORIGIN OF THE BOYS’ BROTHERHOOD REPUBLIC 269. I got interested in the gang, and about a month later on May 8, 1914, seven of the boys met in my room for the purpose of tR. H. Becker, Y.M.C.A. Work among Chicago’s Under privileged Boys. : 2 See the story of the Boundary gang, document 165, p. 282.518 THE GANG organizing a club. A few days later we had another meeting. This time five new ones came and it was decided that instead of having a club, we should form a republic. We put it to a vote and eleven of the twelve voted for a republic. I told them it would take us a long time to draw up a constitution and know it right, and that inas- much as it was understood that the object of the club was to give boys another chance, I did not see how we could do both, but one of the boys said, ‘“We can learn the constitution and take care of the kids at the same time,” and we decided to try it. A committee was appointed to go to the library and get books on city govern- ment. Another committee was appointed to investigate a few cases of boys who were in trouble with the police and the Juvenile Court officers. We started full steam ahead. In January, 1915, there were 65 citizens in good standing. At first we used to hold meetings every two weeks, but that became too long to wait and so we changed it to every week. By March, 1916, we had 132 citizens, averaging in age fifteen years and four months and our own headquarters at 1727 West Twelfth Street. Today the Boys’ Brotherhood Republic has two buildings of its own, maintains a free employment office in the Loop, and conducts a summer camp as well as a variety of other activities of interest to boys. PARKS AND PLAYGROUNDS Chicago’s parks and playgrounds, although divided into many different systems under various controls, have done extensive work in redirecting gang activities, espe- cially into athletic channels. A large number of gangs have become affiliated with parks and playgrounds as athletic groups of various types, many of them represent- ing their sponsors in intergroup competition. tRobert Barton, “‘Citizens Present and Future,” The Standard, March 25, 1916.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 519 The problem of the gang in relation to the public- school playgrounds has been summarized as follows: THE GANG AND THE SCHOOL PLAYGROUNDS 270. Playground officials are constantly facing the problem of bringing gangs under control. It is characteristic of the gang to fight shy of supervision. We must offer a program that will furnish the spirit of adventure and excitement or else no measurable de- gree of interest in our service will be evidenced. Spring and fall are the periods of the year giving us the most difficulty. .... Ordi- narily, the gangs in the neighborhood give little trouble due to the influence of the playground leaders. The forays of gangs from other, more distant, neighborhoods seeking “something to do” give us at times considerable trouble.* There are many other agencies in Chicago attempting to meet boy problems; but they are interested, for the most part, in dealing with boys as individuals and not as members of groups. Among these are the religious or- ganizations. The Big Brothers of the Catholic church have carried on extensive work, especially with delin- quent and underprivileged boys. The basic principle of this movement is that each boy in need of help be assigned to one man who shall counsel and guide the boy and act toward him in every way as a big brother. The Catholic Big Brothers of Chicago have worked especially in con- junction with the courts and they have maintained an employment bureau, a legal aid committee, and a medical aid committee for underprivileged boys. The Catholic organization is, of course, only one branch of the Big Brother Federation to which are affiliated similar societies *From a statement by C. H. English, supervisor of the Bureau of Recreation, Chicago Board of Education.520 THE GANG connected with the Rotary Club, the fraternal orders, and so on. “BUSTING” THE GANG Aside from redirecting gang activities by making the group into a club, there is the method, perhaps errone- ously called ‘‘gang busting,” which redirects the inter- ests of the separate members of the gang and provides them with a new social world in the nature of a larger in- stitution within which new loyalties can be developed. This procedure, while it has not been generally employed, has been highly successful in the case of the Union League Boys’ Club, some of whose methods are indicated in the following document. THE RE-ALIGNMENT OF GANG LOYALTIES 271. Some years ago public-spirited members of the Union League Club of Chicago conceived the idea of establishing a club for boys in a district known for its high rate of juvenile delinquency. Included in their plan was the notion of making the boys, many of whom were at that time wasted economic material, valuable workers. In pursuance of this purpose the Union League Boys’ Club was established in a large well-equipped building at Nine- teenth and Leavitt streets, and a director of unusual ability was engaged. Within three years the membership was built up to more than seventeen hundred boys and young men, and the director found places in industry and business for more than eight hundred of them. The situation with regard to juvenile delinquency in the area was changed; whereas formerly it had been the rule for a boy from this district to be brought into the courts, it now became the exception. Juvenile delinquency in this police precinct actually decreased 81 per cent. The judge of the Juvenile Court is reported to have said that twenty clubs like this in Chicago would put him t The decrease for the city as a whole during the same period was relatively small.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 521 out of business, and the Chief of Police, “If there was a boys’ club in every precinct, juvenile delinquency could be reduced to the mini- mum.” The general policy used by the club in dealing with gangs is to break up the natural groups and build supervised clubs in their places. One of the first steps is to enlist the interest of the gang leader. There is danger in inviting the whole gang to come in at one time. The leader in such cases may take. the attitude of expect- ing to run the building. Backed by his gang, any slight objection which he may raise to the procedure of the club may result in his telling the boys’ worker to “‘go to h ” and in a rapid get-away by the whole gang. For this reason it is not the custom of the club to take in the gang as a group, but to enrol its members as individ- uals and offer them something better than the gang can give. The leader is first interested and put on a team; ultimately the rank and file of the gang follow and are interested in special activities. One feature of the club which facilitates the method described above is the “‘flytrap.”” This is a room (close to the vestibule and adjacent to the offices), in which there are five pool tables. Here boys from the street, especially the younger fellows, can play. Two or three men work quietly among these boys, getting acquainted with them, and learning their personal histories and aptitudes. When there is a vacancy in the band or on a team, these men fur- nish the names of boys with whom they have become acquainted in the “flytrap.”’ In this way these boys are drawn into the club and interested in some regulated activity. The success of the club has been due to a large extent to the dynamic personality of the director, Robert D. Klees. The char- acteristic twinkle in his eye betokens a more than ordinary under- standing of human nature. He analyzes leadership in a very simple way: it consists, first, in knowing people, understanding them; and secondly, in being a little ahead of them. He is greatly admired by the members of his club, who frequently consult him as to their vocational possibilities. Those who prove themselves to be worthy know that they are sure of his assistance in getting a position with some public utility or large business in the city. It is not difficult to enlist the interest of the most capable members of the gangs in this522 THE GANG way and consequently to develop an intense loyalty to the club, to which they are under considerable obligation for their advance- ment. The director differs from some boys’ workers in that he is not a weak apologist for the present economic order, but a partner in it. He shows the boys tkat it pays to play the game as he teaches it and to play it honestly. The object of the director is to win the confidence of the boys and to enjoy the friendship of the whole neighborhood. His method is strictly non-sectarian and his hall is open to any religious or other group for a large social meeting. The policy of the club is not to permit self-government to the limit, not to let the gang come in and run the building. Supervision is regarded as necessary, although the boys may govern themselves if they play fair. The method of securing their co-operation, how- ever, is not compulsion, but indirect inducement. The interests and activities which serve as substitutes for those formerly promoted by the gangs are many and varied. A band of fifty pieces has been fitted up at a cost of $3,500; an orchestra and a bugle and drum corps are also maintained. Each player, with whose parents the club has a written agreement, is intrusted with his own instrument. The club also maintains classes in wood-work- ing, basket-making, and mechanical drawing. An average of one hundred boys visit the club library each day. The dramatic class presents a number of plays during the year, having recently given “As You Like It.”” The club camp is attended by four or five hun- dred boys each summer. A scholarship fund is maintained to en- courage attendance at college. There are two home visitors, and plans have been made for a dental clinic. The athletic program of the club is designed gradually to re- place the unsupervised type of ‘“‘athletic club,” of which there are still a number in the district. The very best athletic equipment is furnished for the gymnasium. On Saturday mornings the gymnasi- um is open and free to everybody. Any gang can come in and whis- tle and sing to its heart’s content. During this period occur boxing bouts, which are supervised so as to give the bully an opponent who can lick him if possible. Strong teams are developed in the variousATTACKING THE PROBLEM 523 sports, especially football, basket-ball, and baseball, for which ex- cellent coaches are provided. Regular series of games are listed on printed schedules. The club does not permit its team to play for money, as is the custom with the unsupervised clubs. In spite of the lack of monetary incentive, however, the club baseball team played twenty-eight games with the best amateurs in one season and won every game. By putting the most capable gang athletes on a team, the whole gang is captured. This was accomplished in one case with a rowdy baseball team which always played for money or’a keg of beer. The pitcher, a boy of eighteen years, heard of the club baseball team and asked if he could pitch. He agreed to be sportsmanlike and was given a place. This broke up the gang team and led eventually to five of its members becoming regulars on the club squad. The director’s understanding of human nature is indicated in the case of the ‘‘dethroning” of an arrogant gang leader known as “the king.” A boy was finally found who considered himself suffi- ciently skilled in the pugilistic art to whip “the king.” The occasion soon presented itself and even though it was Sunday, the boys went out of the club and, in the midst of a group of spectators who guar- anteed fair play, had their fight. The result was such a drubbing for “the king” as to completely dethrone him and win his gang to membership in the club. In another case some boys wanted to be thrown out, so that they could brag about it to their gang across the street. Instead, the director had them brought to his private office and told them that they could not return to the club until they brought their fathers with them; they could not brag about this. The result of these methods of dealing with boys has been that ultimately the members come to possess something of their di- rector’s enthusiasm and self-confidence and take real pride in their loyalty to their club.t The secret of the success of the Union League Boys’ Club experiment seems to lie in the redirection of the t Interviews and observation.524 THE GANG energies of gang boys, so as to give them significance in a larger scheme of things which has a definite place in the life of the community. When once these boys see what their activities mean in relation to this larger program and their own future plans, there is seldom any real difh- culty in controlling their behavior. GIVE. LIFE MEANING FOR THE BOY The problem of redirecting the gang turns out to be one of giving life meaning for the boy. It is a matter of ‘““definition of the situation,’ but this has too often come to mean the process of setting up taboos and prohibitions. We need to make the boy understand what he may not do, but it is more important to lead him to see the mean- ing of what society wants him to do and its relation to some rational scheme of life. The gang boy’s undirected activities are too often only related to the impulses and exigencies of the imme- diate situation which confronts him. Here he is—sur- rounded by these particular lead pipes in this particular basement of this particular empty house on this particu- lar holiday. He does not see beyond this immediate situa- tion and the opportunity it presents to get a little junk to sell for spending money. If there is no larger frame of reference for the definition of his behavior, he usually acts upon his immediate impulse without regard to his own future or to the interests of a larger community. Where the meaning of an activity has been estab- lished in a larger configuration, to use a term of the Ge- stalt psychology, behavior is controlled, not by immediateATTACKING THE PROBLEM 525 impulses, but by its significance for more ultimate pur- poses. I get my French lesson even though I am tired and the night is hot and the task is tedious, whereas if I fol- lowed the impulse of the moment I would take a swim in the lake or make an excursion with a friend to a soda fountain. I am enabled to control my behavior in this way because I wish to learn French in order to achieve the more ultimate purposes of taking a Ph.D. degree, reading the scientific works prepared by scholarly French- men and getting along comfortably during the year I am to live in Paris. In this way the particular situation has meaning in terms of more ultimate purposes. This is not so often the case with gang boys. Most things are done with reference to the immediate pleasure which they give and much energy seems to be spent in purely random activities Document 28, “Adventures with the Boy,” indicates the surprising instability of in- terest and the almost complete lack of any ultimate plan or purpose in the life of these boys. In the case described by Clifford R. Shaw? the disorganization of the boy may be partly explained by the notable absence of any con- sistent plan or life-purpose. The energies represented in these more or less hap- hazard activities need to be redirected and integrated with the boy’s own more ultimate purposes. The first problem, perhaps, is to stimulate his imagination and give him some ambitions, and this can be done, as is indicated in the realignment of interests accomplished by the varied activities of the Union League Boys’ Club and similar t See documents 26 and 27. 2A Problem Boy.526 THE GANG agencies.’ First may come an interest in machinery, then in electricity, and ultimately an ambition to be an elec- trical engineer. This anticipated goal gives significance to intermediate activities. Attending a technical school now has a different meaning from the vague notion of going to college which was previously entertained. Yet, the gang is not entirely lacking in ability to or- ganize the interests of the boy. It very often does just this thing for him because it does have some sort of pro- gram involving various enterprises to which its members become related. In this way the boy becomes somebody, gets a role in the group, and participates in its exploits. The point is, however, that these gang activities usually represent useless and often disastrous enterprises which are not ultimately significant, either for the personal de- velopment of the boy or the good of the community.’ The organization of the ‘Holy Terrors” for the purpose t William I. Thomas, as a result of his study of the methods now being used to deal with problem children (to be published), has been impressed with the possibility of developing meaningful and educative projects to absorb the interests and occupy the time of difficult boys. This method is being successfully used by Clifford R. Shaw in his work with delinquent boys in Chicago. The project method has also been used extensively in teaching normal children. The suggestion to be made in connection with the gang is that the whole group be given such a project; or that the indi- vidual gang boy be given a project which shall have a setting in a social world within which he can become ultimately adjusted. (See also Thomas D. Eliot, ‘“‘The Project-Problem Method,” The Child, the Clinic and the Court, p. 102.) 2 C. H. English, from his observation of gang activities in his capac- ity as director of Chicago’s public school playground, says: “Not all gangs are bad or vicious. Most gangs, however, left to self- determination, engage in activities that are meaningless, non-productive and non-character building.”ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 527 of breaking plate-glass windows and eluding the police, undoubtedly involved an integration of the activities of the members of the gang with reference toa definite plan and purpose, but, viewed from without, the whole enter- prise was not productive of values either for the boys or for society. This is true of any predatory activity en- gaged in by gangs. 7 The problem of boys’ work is to direct this energy into channels that shall both develop the boy and further the interests of the community. _. . . When we have sufficiently determined causal relations we shall probably find that there is no individual energy, no unrest, no type of wish which cannot be sublimated and made socially use- ful. From this standpoint the problem is not the right of society to protect itself from tke disorderly and anti-social person, but the right of the disorderly and anti-social person to be made orderly and socially valuable.’ The personality of the boy can be developed, for ex- ample, by replacing mere wandering (of the type de- scribed in chap. x) with hiking, which has some plan and purpose and a wholesome and educative effect. If boys will fight, let them, but let them fight for a championship with gloves and according to rules. A boxing tournament +n which the honor of the club is involved is both personal- ly and socially significant. It tends to develop personal pride in a good physique as well as some conception as to the meaning of loyalty and the importance of co-opera- tion and fair play. The same purpose is accomplished by broader organizations for intergroup competition in the various sports, in debate, and so on. The boy comes to t William I. Thomas, The Unadjusted Girl, p. 232.528 THE GANG feel that he has a place and a responsibility in a wider scheme of things, which is not without significance for the life of the whole community." Not only should the organization of the boy’s activi- ties make for his own personal development, but it should promote the betterment of the community. Much of the success of scouting activities lies in the participation of Boy Scouts in civic service and public affairs. They have been extensively used in clean-up campaigns, fighting insect pests, assisting in parades and celebrations; and during the war they proved of genuine assistance in selling Liberty Bonds and in many other ways. They seem to find great satisfaction in performing services of this sort through which they get recognition, and they meet, as best they can, the responsibilities placed upon them. The main consideration is that they have something to do and they see what it is for and how they fit into the scheme’? It is curious to note that in this way boys’ gangs have been led to protect the very property they sought pre- viously to destroy. In one case a group of boys of a cer- tain college town were known as the “Campus Pests.” The problem was solved by making them a ‘junior uni- * That the gang is interested in the wider program of the community is indicated by the participation of its older members in the Great War. At the same time the younger gangs were playing at war with play trench- €s, machine guns, periscopes, etc. One gang, which called itself the ““War Club,” had forty-two flags decorating the walls of its shack in a prairie. ? The problem is somewhat similar to that discussed by Raymond Calkins a few years ago in Substitutes for the Saloon. It was recognized that the saloon had an important function in the lives of the men who fre- quented it (often gangs or gang clubs); the problem was to provide a more wholesome substitute.ATTACKING THE PROBLEM 529 versity” and assigning them a place in campus life. A destructive gang in Central Park, New York City, was transformed into a Scout troop and given a cabin in the park for a meeting place. Vandalism at once ceased as they took up their new rdles of junior park policemen, protecting life and property. JUNIOR POLICE 272. Since the seriousness of juvenile delinquency has been more clearly recognized, some of our leading police commissioners have taken steps to organize the boys who are likely to become de- linquent into junior police. Before Mr. Woods left office he had six thousand boys in New York organized in these junior police squads. They were organized in thirty-two different precincts of | the city under a regular police captain. The boys were between the ages of eleven and sixteen. They were in uniform and were drilled. They were given lessons in first aid, safety first, rules of the road, law and order. They had their games and athletic meetings, were trained to keep the city in order, to notify their police captains of conditions of disorder and of evil in their precincts. They were not permitted to go inside houses in order to do police duty, but they called attention to conditions on the outside; where they suspected something wrong on the inside, they reported it to their police offi- cial. Each of these junior police had to learn by heart a pledge, and he must be regular in attendance at the classes held for him by the police. Colonel Woods in 1917 said that it was his belief that the re- sults of this organization had been very good. He remarked that there was a decided falling off in juvenile delinquency in the pre- cincts where the junior police had been organized." That the same procedure works with gangsters is in- dicated by the success of the Marshall Stillman move- ment in New York City. Criminals have been given a t John L. Gillin, Criminology and Penology (New York: Century Co.), PP. 739-40.530 THE GANG place in a vocational scheme and some of the guerrilla bands have been organized into boxing and service clubs, helping the poor and assisting other gangsters and ex- convicts to become “right guys.” It is significant that the advisory board of the movement, which is the most potent element in its success, is composed of former gang- sters with long records, among whom the chief are, ““Red Fagin,”’ who has worked into the movement his former gang of twenty-five members from seventeen to twenty- one years of age; ‘““Tubbo,’”’ who was a member of the Wales Avenue gang of the Bronx; and “Dom the Dead- liner,” who for many years was almost a commuter be- tween Mulberry Bend and the reformatories. A plan was once suggested to interest the gangs of Chicago in the militia. Whatever the scheme which is ultimately adopt- ed, however, it will need to develop a program into which the activities of the gang and its members can be incor- porated and through which they can be given significance in a larger plan of life.SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Since few attempts have been made to treat the gang in a systematic way, the literature dealing with gangs is meager. Be- sides the few references bearing directly on the subject, occasional descriptions of gangs or gang life are to be found in magazines and newspapers, and the literature of boys’ work contains some inci- dental material of a pseudo-scientific character. There are, how- ever, many works, some of which are listed below, which contain supplementary material bearing on the gang and related topics. (All but a few of the following references have been cited in the text.) I. THE PSYCHOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY OF THE GANG I. GENERAL Furrey, Paut Hanty. The Gang Age: A Study of the Preadolescent Boy and His Recreational N eeds. New York: Macmillan Co., 1926. Bibliography. O’SHEA, Micuaet V. (ed.). The Child: His Nature and His Needs. Valparaiso, Indiana: Children’s Foundation, 1925. PurFrer, J. ApAms. “Boys’ Gangs,” Pedagogical Seminary, XIT (1905), 175-212. _ The Boy and His Gang. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., IgI2. 2. PSYCHOLOGY Axport, F. H. Social Psychology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1924. : BERNARD, L. L. Instinct: A Study im Social Psychology. New York: Henry Ho!t & Co., 1924. Casson, HutseEy. “Gregariousness Considered as a Common Hab- it,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, XTX (April- June, 1924), 96-105. Hatt, G. StantEy. Adolescence (2 vols.). New York: D. Appleton Co., 1904. 531Eee THE GANG Hartson, Louis D. “The Psychology of the Club,” Pedagogical Seminary, XVIII (1911), 353-414. Kantor, J. R. Principles of Psychology. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1924. KorrKxa, Kurt. The Growth of the Mind. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1924. LreBon, G. The Crowd. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1806. OGDEN, C. K. The Meaning of Psychology. New York: Harper & Bros., 1926. Psychologies of 1925, “Powell Lectures in Psychological Theory.” Worcester: Clark University, 1926. STEDMAN, H. R. “Mental Pitfalls of Adolescence,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, CLXXV (1916), 695-703. WaRNER, M. L. “Influence of Mental Level in the Formation of Boys’ Gangs,” Journal of Applied Psychology, VII, 224-36. Watson, J. B. Behaviorism. New York: Peoples Institute. 3. SOCIOLOGY ANDERSON, NEts. “The Mission Mill,’ American Mercury, VIII (1926), 489-95. | BERNARD, L. L. An Introduction to Social Psychology. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1926. Burcess, E. W. “The Family as a Unity of Interacting Personali- ties,” The Family, VII (1926), 3-0. CARMICHAEL, LEONARD. “Heredity and Environment: Are They Antithetical?” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, XX (October, 1925), 245-6r. CarTER, PAuL W. The Social Psychology of the Only Child (manu- script, University of Chicago Libraries). Carver, T. N. “The Economic Basis of the Problem of Evil,” Harvard Theological Review, I, 99-101. Cootey, C. H. Human Nature and the Social Order (rev. ed.). New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1922. . Social Organization. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1900. DEWEY, JoHN. Human Nature and Conduct. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1922.SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 533 DRUCKER, SAUL, and MavricE B. HEXTER. Children Astray. Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 1923. Foster, E. C. ‘Do You Remember When You Were a Boy?” Survey, XLVII (1922), 627-30. Herskovits, MeEtvitte J. “Social Pattern: A Methodological Study,” Social Forces, 1V (1925), 65-69. Jounson, Joun H. Rudimentary Society Among Boys, Johns Hop- kins University Studies in Historical and Political Science” (2d series), XI, 491-564. Baltimore, 1884. LuMtey, F. E. Means of Social Control. New York: Century Co., 1925. Park, Ropert E. “Behind Our Masks,” Survey, TX (1926), 135- 39: ,and E. W. BurcEss. Introduction to the Science of Sociology (rev. ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1924. Research Studies of Crime as Related to Heredity. Chicago: Munici- pal Court, 1925. Reuter, E. B. Population Problems. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippin- Gott Co; 1023". SHAW, CLIFFORD R. A Problem Boy (forthcoming study). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. SpyKMAN, NicHoLas J. The Social Theory of Georg Simmel. Chica- go: University of Chicago Press, 1925. Stuart, J. C. “Data on the Alleged Psychopathology of the Only Child,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, XX (1926), 441-42. Tuomas, WiLLiAM I. ‘“The Gaming Instinct,” American Journal of Sociology, VI (1901), 750-63. The Unadjusted Girl. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1923. THRASHER, FREDERIC M. “‘The Gang,” Survey, LVII (1926), 71-75. . “The Gang and the Club” (forthcoming article), American Journal of Sociology. Van Waters, Miriam. “Unwanted and—Delinquent?” Survey, LIV (1925), 228-20. WHuiTELy, OpaL. The Story of Opal: the Journal of an Understand- ing Heart. Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1920. WISSLER, CLARK. Man and Culture. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1923.534 THE GANG II. MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE GANG Atpricu, THomas Bamey. The Story of a Bad Boy. Boston: Jef- ferson Press, 1915. Aspury, HERBERT. The Gangs of Old New York (forthcoming study). New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. . “The Passing of the Gangster,” American Mercury, IV (March, 1925), 358-68. Bee, S. Ter. “With the Gangsters,” Saturday Evening Post, CXCVIII (June 26, 1926), 54. Bocarpus, Emory S. The City Boy and His Problems: A Survey of Boy Life in Los Angeles. Los Angeles: Rotary Club, 1926. BRUNDIDGE, Harry T. “Life and Confession of Ray Renard,” St. Louis Star, February 24 to March 31, 1925. Cun, Stewart. “Street Games of Boys in Brooklyn, NU Yeus Journal of American Folklore, IV (1891), 221-37. Forp, C. “New York’s Junior Gangland,” New York Tumes Book Review and Magazine, January I, 1922, p. 16. Heaty, Writt1aM, and Aucusta F. BRoNNER. Judge Baker Founda- tion Case Studies. Nos. 1-20. Boston: Judge Baker Founda- tion, 1923. (Especially Case No. 8.) Hoyt, FRANKLIN CuHasE. “The Gang in Embryo,” Scribner’s Magazine, LXVIII (1920), 146-54. Love, Ropertus. The Rise and Fall of Jesse James. New York: Putnam, 1926. Nakazawa, KEN. “Horse Bandits and Opium,” Forum, LXXV (1926), 576-81. ‘New Gang Methods Replace Those of Eastman’s Day,” New York Tumes, September 9, 1923. “The Night Clubs of New York,” Vanity Fair, May, 1926. PuFFEeR, J. Apams. The Boy and His Gang. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1912. Rateicu, Ler. “New York’s Ten Tumbling Tonies,” New York Times, November 2, 1924. Ruopes, J. F. “The Molly Maguires in the Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania,” American Historical Review, XV (1909-10), 547-61.SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 535 SHELDON, H. D. “Institutional Activities of American Children,” American Journal of Psychology, TX (1899), 425-48. STELZLE, CHARLES. Boys of the Streets. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1904. Stewart, A. H. American Bad Boys in the Making. New York: Lechner, 1912. SUTHERLAND, SIDNEY. “The Machine-Gunning of McSwiggin,”’ Liberty, Vol. III (1926), Nos. 9-13, inclusive. (A journalistic account.) TuHuRSTON, HENRY W. Delinquency and Spare Time. Cleveland: Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, 1918. “Tracking Desperadoes in the Florida Everglades,” New York Times, January 27, 1924. (An account of the Ashton-Mobley gang.) True, RutH S. ‘Boyhood and Lawlessness,” in West Side Studies, by Pauline Goldmark (ed.). New York: Sage Foundation, IQT4. VERRILL, A. Hyatr. Smugglers and Smuggling. New York: Duf- field & Co., 1924. Ill. THE ECOLOGY OF THE GANG McKenziz, R. D. “The Scope of Human Ecology,” Journal of Applied Sociology, X (1926), 316-23. Park, R. E., E. W. BurcEss, e¢ al. The City.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925. Pastry, F. D. ‘Early Days Back of the Yards,” Chicago Herald- Examiner, 1924. Quatre, Mito M. Chicago’s Highways Old and New: From Indian Trail to Motor Road. Chicago: Keller, 1923. RECKLESS, WALTER C. The Natural History of Vice Areas in Chica- go (dissertation). Chicago: University of Chicago Libraries, 1925. Rus, Jacos. The Battle with the Slum. New York: Macmillan Co., 1902. . How the Other Half Lives. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1890.536 THE GANG SEMPLE, ELLEN C. Influences of Geographic Environment. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1911. STaFFORD, LERoy H. Report on Newspaper Alleys in Chicago (manuscript). Chicago: Juvenile Protective Association, 1916. WessteER, ALBERT E. Junk Dealing and Juvenile Delinquency. Chicago: Juvenile Protective Association, 1918. Wirt, Louis. “A Bibliography of the Urban Community,” in Park, et al., The City. . The Ghetto (manuscript in University of Chicago Libra- ries). 1926. IV. SOCIAL BACKGROUNDS OF THE GANG THRASHER, FREDERIC M. ‘The Gang as a Symptom of Com- munity Disorganization,”’ Journal of Applied Sociology, XI (1926), 3-21. I. HOME AND FAMILY BRECKINRIDGE, S. P., and Epiru Assorr. The Delinquent Child and the Home. New York: Sage Foundation, 1912. HEAty, WittiAm, and Aucusta F. BRonnER. Judge Baker Founda- tion Case Studies, Nos. 1-20. Boston: Judge Baker Founda- tion, 1923. | SHIDELER, E. H. Family Disintegration and tne Delinquent Boy in the United States (dissertation). Chicago: University of Chica- go Libraries, 1917. Youmans, F. Z. “Childhood, Inc.,” Survey, LIL (1924), 462-64. 2. READING FENTON, F. “The Influence of Newspaper Presentations on the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity,’ American Journal of Sociology, XVI (1911), 538. PEARSON, E. L. Books in Black and Red. New York: Macmillan Cor 1023" Tuomas, W.I. ‘The Psychology of Yellow Journalism,” American Magazine, LXV (1908), 491-97.SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 537 3. SCHOOL Aspott, Epity, and S. P. Breckinrmce. Truancy and Non- Attendance in the Chicago Public Schools. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1917. Bonser, F. G. School Work and Spare Time. Cleveland: Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, 1918. HEALY, Witt1AM, and Aucusta F. BROoNNER. Judge Baker Founda- tion Case Studies, Nos. 1-20. Boston: Judge Baker Founda- tion, 1923. 4. STREET AppAMs, JANE. The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets. New York: Macmillan Co., 1900. Hexter, Maurice B. Newsboys in Cincinnati. “Helen S. Troun- stine Foundation Studies,’ No. 4. Cincinnati: Helen S. Trounstine Foundation. Hosen, ALLAN. “The City Street,” in S. P. Breckinridge’s The Child in the City. Chicago: Department of Social Investiga- tion, Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy, 1912. Pp. 451-61. WertTHEmM, Esa, Chicago Children in the Street Trades. Chicago: Juvenile Protective Association, 1917. Ger CITY: AnpErRSON, Nets. The Hobo: The Sociology of the Homeless Man. University of Chicago Press, 1923. . “The Juvenile and the Tramp,” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, XIV (1923), 290-312. AsHton-WoLre, H. The Underworld. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1926. Booru, Cuares. Life and Labor of the People in London. Third series, Vol. II. London: Macmillan Co., 1902. BRECKINRIDGE, S. P. (ed.). The Child in the City. Chicago: De- partment of Social Investigation, Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy, 1912. CHENERY, W. L. ‘How the Greatest City Neglects Its Children,” New York Times, September 14, 1919.538 THE GANG “The City: Papers and Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Meet- ing of the American Sociological Society,” The American Jour- nal of Sociology, Vol. XXXII (July, 1926), whole number. Hoyt, FRANKLIN CHASE. Quicksands of Youth. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1921. McApoo, Wi1tAM, and RicHarp E. Enricurt. “Taxi Evils,” New York Times, February 22, 1925. PARK, ROBERT E., E. W. BurcEss, ef al. The City. Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago Press, 1925. (Special bibliography.) Woops, Ropert A. (ed.). The City Wilderness: A Settlement Study, South End, Boston. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1898. 6. RACE AND NATIONALITY ApBott, GRACE. The Immigrant and the Community. New York: Century Co., 1921. AppAMs, JANE. Democracy and Social Ethics. New York: Mac- millan Co., 1902. .T'wenty Years at Hull House. New York: Macmillan Co., 1922. Chicago Commission on Race Relations. The Negro in Chicago: Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1922. Commons, JOHN R. Races and Immigrants in America. New York: Macmillan Co., 1907. (New ed. 1920.) Mirter, H. A. Races, Nations and Classes. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1924. PARK, ROBERT E., and HERBERT A. MILLER. Old World Traits Transplanted. New York: Harper & Bros., 1921. Tuomas, W. I., and F. ZNANtEckI. The Polish Peasant in Europe and America. Boston: Richard G. Badger, 1918. Woops, Ropert A. (ed.). Americans in Process: A Settlement Study, North and West Ends, Boston. Boston: Houghton Mif- flin Co., 1903. V. THE GANG AND RECREATION BowEN, Lou1isE DEKovEN. The Public Dance-Halls of Chicago (rev. ed.). Chicago: Juvenile Protective Association, 1917. CALKINS, RAYMOND. Substitutes for the Saloon. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1901.SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY e530) “The Deadwood Coach” (editorial), Chicago Tribune, March 1o, 1925. “Hail the Athletic Club!” Chicago Herald-Examiner, July 23, 1923. , Juvenile Protective Association. “Stag Parties,” Bulletin, Vol. II (May, 1921), No. 3. RumBoip, CHARLOTTE. The Commercialization of Recreation. Cleveland: Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, 1918. THRASHER, FREDERIC M. “The Gang and the Club” (forthcoming - article), American Journal of Sociology. VI. THE GANG AND DELINQUENCY Burt, Cyrm. The Young Delinquent. New York: D. Appleton Cor 1925; “Crime Number,” Survey Graphic, Vol. LV (March 1, 1926). CrissEY, Forrest. “Beating the Bandits,” Saturday Evening Post, CXCVIII (Feb. 20, 1926), 18. DoucHerty, GEORGE S. The Criminal as a Human Being. New . York: Appleton, 1924. First Nicuter, “The Gunmen of Gangland: The Inside Story,” ‘Chicago Herald-Examiner, November 15-21, 1925. (A journal- istic account.) GILLIn, Joun L. Criminology and Penology. New York: Century Co., 1926. GREGSTON, CHARLES. “Crime in Chicago Now on a Business Basis,’ Chicago Daily News, November 15, 1924. Hearty, Witi1aM. Honesty. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, rors. . The Individual Delinquent. Boston: Little Borwn & Co., IQIS. . Mental Conflicts and Misconduct. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1916. | HENDERSON, GEORGE C. Keys to Crookdom. New York: D. Apple- ton Co., 1924. HoFFMAN, FREDERICK L. “Homicide Rate for 1924,” Spectator, May, 1925.540 THE GANG KIRCHWEY, GEORGE W. “‘Crime Waves and Remedies,” Szrvey Graphic, LV (March 1, 1926), 593 fl. LANE, WinTHROP D. “The Four Gunmen,” Survey, XXXII (1914), IZ—O} Lucas, NETLEY. Crooks: Confessions. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1925. MAYER, HERBERT B. ‘‘Murder and Robbery as a Business,”’ Mc- Clure’s Magazine, June, 1924, pp. 52-62. “Modern Crime: Its Prevention and Punishment,” Aznals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, May, 1926, pp. 1-264. Mo.ey, RAymonp. Forthcoming summary of the findings of the Missouri Crime Commission. New York: Macmillan. . State Crime Commissions. New York: National Crime Commission, 1926. Morrison, WItLiAM D. Juvenile Offenders. New York: D. Apple- ton Co., 1897. Morcuison, Cary. Criminal Intelligence. Worcester: Clark Uni- versity, 1926. Parsons, Puitre A. Crime and the Criminal. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1926. PROAL, Louis. Le crime et la peine. Paris: Alcan, 1899. ScRUTATOR, ‘‘Unions Awake to Futility of Old Tactics,” Chicago Tribune, May 22, 1924. STEVENS, C. L. M. Famous Crimes and Criminals. London: Paul, 1924. SUTHERLAND, E. H. Criminology. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1924. TRAIN, ARTHUR, “Imported Crime: The Story of the Camorra in America,” McClure’s Magazine, XX XIX (1912), 82-94. Travis, THomas. The Young Malefactor. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1908. The Trend of Juvenile-Delinquency Statistics. Washington: Chil- dren’s Bureau, U.S. Department of Labor, March 20, 1926. VAN WatTERS, Miriam. Youth in Conflict. New York: Republic Publishing Co., 1925.SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 541 VII. THE GANG AND POLITICS Apams, BrewsTER. “The Street Gang as a Factor in Politics,” Outlook, LXXIV (1903), 985-88. “Gangsters and the Law,” Outlook, CXXXV (1923), 52-53. GARRETT, OLIVER H. P. “Crime and Politics in Chicago,” New Republic, XLVII (1926), 78-80. ° . “Linking State and City Politicians with Chicago’s Gang- sters,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 9, 1926. (Reprinted from a series in the New York World, May 3 to 9, 1926.) . “Why They Cleaned Up Philadelphia,” New Republic, SOXOXOVIL (1924), EA LippMAN, WaLTerR. The Phantom Public. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1925. MeErRIAM, CHARLES E. New Aspects of Politics. Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1925. ,and Haroxp F. GosneLt. Non-Voting: Causes and Meth- ods of Control. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925. Munro, Wir11aM B. Personality in Politics. New York: Macmil- lan Co., 1924. THRASHER, FrEDERIC M. “The Gang and the Club” (forthcoming article), American Journal of Sociology. Wooppy, Carroil, H. The Chicago Primary of 1926. A Study in Election Methods. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1926. Yarros, Victor S. “Crime and Political Corruption in Chicago,” National Municipal Review, XV (1926), 317-21. VIII. THE TREATMENT OF THE GANG AND ITS MEMBERS Apams, F. ALLison. “Police and Boy Groups Combine to Stop Crime,” New York Times, March 8, 1925. Apter, HerMAN M. “The Prevention of Delinquency and Crimi- nality by Psychiatry,” Welfare Magazine, XVII (1926), 195- 207. Barnes, Harry E. The Repression of Crime. New York: George Doran Co., 1926. Barton, Roper?. “Citizens Present and Future,” Standard, March 25, 1916.542 THE GANG BowEN, LoutsE DEKovEN. Safeguards for City Youth at Work and at Play. New York: Macmillan, 1914. BurceEss, E. W. “The Study of the Delinquent as a Person,” American Journal of Sociology, XXVIII (1923), 657-81. The Child, the Clinic and the Court (A group of papers given at a ‘“oint commemoration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the first Juvenile Court and of the fifteenth anniversary of the first Psychopathic Institute.”’) New York: Republic Publish- ing Co., 1925. Crark, Nem M. “When a Feller Needs a Friend,” American Magazine, XCVIII (December, 1924), 52 ff. Fospick, RAyMoND B. European Police Systems. New York: Cen- tury Co., 1915. . American Police Systems. New York: Century, 1920. Greer, A. “Gangmen Tell of Plan that Saved Them,” New York Times, March 30, 1924. GILLIN, JoHN L. Wholesome Citizens and Spare Time. Cleveland: Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, 1918. GuLick, LUTHER H. ‘“‘Games and Gangs,” Lippincolt’s, LX XXVIII (1911), 84-89. Hamitton, A. E. “Camping versus the Gang,” Pedagogical Semi- nary, XXX (1923), I-15. HAYNES, ROWLAND. A Community Recreation Program. Cleveland: Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, 1918. (Sum- mary volume, Cleveland Recreation Survey.) . Public Provision for Recreation. Cleveland: Survey Com- mittee of the Cleveland Foundation, 1918. HoBEN, ALLAN. “Welfare Work with Boys,” inS. P. Breckinridge’s The Child in the City. Chicago: Department of Social Investi- gation, Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy, 1912. Pp. 431—43- MortTENSON, PETER A. “The Chicago Parental School,” in S. P. ° Breckinridge’s The Child in the City. Chicago: Department of Social Investigation, Chicago School of Civics and Philan- thropy, 1912. Pp. 156-67. NEUBERG, M. J. Right Living. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925. (Teacher’s manual and pupil’s text separately.)SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 543 Official Report of the Third Biennial Conference of Boy Scout Execu- tives. New York: Boy Scouts of America, 1924. PacE, James F. Socializing for the New Order or Educating Values of the Juvenile Organization. Rock Island, Ulinois: James E: Page, 1919. (A summary of the work of sixteen juvenile organ- izations.) Preliminary Inquiry into Boys’ Work in Chicago. Chicago: Middle West Division, Boys’ Club Federation, 1921. Proceedings of the International Conference on Boys’ Work. Chicago: Rotary International, 1924. Ricuarpson, Norman E., and Ormonp E. Loomis. The Boy Scout Movement Applied by the Church. New York: Charles Scrib- ner’s Sons, IgI5. SPAULDING, EpitH R. “The Role of Personality Development in the Reconstruction of the Delinquent,” Journal of Abnormal Psychology and Social Psychology, XVI (1921), 97-115. STUTSMAN, JESSE O. Curing the Criminal. New York: Macmillan Co 1920: Tuomas, Witt1aM I. A Survey of Methods of Handling the Problem Child (in preparation). VASSAULT, KATHERINE. The Sphere of Private Organizations. Cleve- land: Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, 1918. WANNAMAKER, CiAuptA. “Methods of Recreational Adjustment as a Form of Social Case Treatment,’ Mental Hygiene, VII (1923), 744-54. IX. OTHER REFERENCES CITED IN THE TEXT Appams, JANE. Newer Ideals of Peace. New York: Macmillan Co., 1907. Doucras, Paut H., Currice N. Hircucock, and WILLARD E. ArKins. The Worker in Our Modern Economic Society. Chica- go: University of Chicago Press, 1923. FAULKNER, H. U. American Economic History. New York: Har- per & Bros., 1924. Hamitron, Mary E. The Policewoman: Her Service and Ideals. New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1924.544 THE GANG OcBurN, W. F. Social Change. New York: B. W. Huebsch, Inc., 1922. Industrial Fatigue Research Board of Great Britain. Annual Report. 1924. SUMNER, WILLIAM G. Folkways. Boston: Ginn & Co., 1907. X. REPORTS, BULLETINS, AND RECORDS: Better Government Association of Chicago Boys’ Brotherhood Republic (Chicago) Boys’ Club of Chicago Boys’ Court of Chicago Boy Scouts of America Central Council of Social Agencies of Chicago Chicago Cook County School for Boys Chicago Parental School Chicago Public Schools Crime Commission of Chicago Association of Commerce Department of Compulsory Education, Chicago Board of Educa- tion Department of Public Welfare (Chicago) Federation of Settlements (Chicago) Institute for Juvenile Research (Illinois) Juvenile Court of Cook County Juvenile Detention Home of Cook County Juvenile Protective Association (Chicago) Municipal Court of Chicago Park and Playground Systems of Chicago Railroad Detective Departments (Chicago) Social Settlements of Chicago Union League Boys’ Club of Chicago United Charities of Chicago United Jewish Charities of Chicago University of Chicago Young Men’s Christian Association «Reports, bulletins and records of the organizations listed have been consulted in the preparation of the study.INDEXINDEX Abbott, Edith, 489, 492 Abbott, Grace, 465 Accommodation, 189; beginning of, 190; conflict and, 178; conven- tionalization of gang as, 184; groups, 64; IM gang, 144, 332; process of, 182-84 Accommodation group, gang be- comes, 186 Accommodations, society as a sys- tem of, 188 Action: circular movement as prep- aration for, 56; in the gang, 54-56; linear, 52, 54{., 70; pat- tern of gang, 328-43; type of gang, 7° Activities: of criminal gang, 431; of the gang, 69-72; gang’s pat- terns of, 101; of play group, 29; of ring, 437-38; réles depend upon nature and complexity of, 338 Adams, Brewster, 460 Adams, F. Ellison, 498, 510 Addams, Jane, 11, 152, 304, 453, 405 Adler, Herman A., 404 Adolescence, 37, 74, 80, 82, 453; conflicts of, 80; defined, 80; gang and, 36; invites ganging, 80 Agencies dealing with gang in prac- tical way, types of, 496 Allport, Floyd H., 43-44 Americanization: false notion of, 217; in field of sports, 98-100; and gang, 215-17, 490; and im- migration as factor in gang problem, 489 Anderson, Nels, 7, 10, 118, 129, 139, 159, 160, 164, 165, 169, 269, 274 547 Apaches’ Athletic Association, 58- 59 Apartment house areas, 24 “Archy Road,” 16 Areas: of deterioration, 244; of gangland, 5-25; of intimacy and development of personality, 298 Argot of the gang, 267-68 Arnold, Judge Victor P., 377, 472, 505, 510 Asbury, Herbert, 38, 275, 422, 495 Assimilation, 189; of gang, 184 Associations in correctional insti- tutions, 405 Assyrian Persians, 197 Athletes, hero worship of, 98 Athletic clubs, 15, 18, 19, 59, 63, 67, 74, 127, 184, 203, 281, 458; danc- ing in, 232; demoralizing influ- ences of, 395-99; gambling in, 296; newspaper, 67; number of, 63; and politics, 455-60; re- directed, 517; as social patterns, 59, 63, 258; stag parties, 234- 36; subsidized by politicians, 456-57; substitute for, 522; types of, 456 Athletics: commercialization of gang, 99; conflict interest in, 100; in the gang, 98-100; as solution for gang problem, 518, 522; as substitute for fighting, 98, 185- 88 Atkins, Willard E., 442 Attacks on women, 237 Attitudes: developed in gang, 390- 94; of parents to gang-boy de- linquency, 154 Australian bushrangers, 239548 Auto Thieves’ gang, 143-44 Automobile: and robbery in Chi- cago, 446; stealing, 159, 384, 436; strippers, 14; as tertiary hangout, 160 Automotive mechanics, schooling in, 384 gang Back-of-the-yards area, 18, 1094, 261 Bail, admission to, 432 Bandits: The, 344; border, 42 Bank raids and protection, 426 Barnes, H. E., 370, 419, 451 Barton, Robert, 518 Baseball, 43; pools, 96, 356; team, organizing a, 84, 85 Basement clubs, 14; of Lawndale, 197 Basket-ball in gang, 99 Becker, R. H., 517 Beer gangs: attached to own terri- tory, 175; police protection for, 480-81 Bear-runners’ wars, 175 Beer-running, 18, 68, 382, 380; gangs power of, 480-81; profits in, 480-81 Begging, 141; instigation of, 264 Behavior: clinics to eliminate in- stitutional treatment, 507; ex- pressive, 50-53; leisure-time, 383; Orgiastic, In gangs, 50-53, 70, 229 Behaviorism, 43, 256 Bernard, L. L., 43 Betting, 90; on billiard games, 96 Big Brothers: of Catholic Church, 519; Federation, 510, 519 Billiard games, betting on, 96 Billy, the brains, 337 Binford, Jessie, 377 Bi-partisan alliance in factional politics, 467 THE GANG Black-and-tan; resorts, 15, 262; social patterns in, 262 Black belt, 15, 16, 24, 57, 128, 202, 262 Black Hand, 8, 68; an American adaptation, 203; epidemic of 1908-9, 112; gangs in Chicago, 304, 431; and Italian gangs, 203-8; in juvenile gangs, 206; methods, 205; murders, 204; paralyzing effect of, 204; Society, Itschkie’s, 12, 275 Blackmailing: gangs, 436; letters, 108; organizations, tongs as, 208; systematic, 204 Bloomington, Illinois, 483 Blue Island, 22 Blue Ribbon Athletic Club, 321 Bodine, William L., 370 Bogardus, Emory S., 39, 160, 385 Bohemia, 7 Bohemian: colony, 14, 15, 136}; gangs, 138; gangs, number of, 192 Bombing, 68, 442; in Chicago, 434; for revenge, 435; scale of prices for, 442-43; by specialized gang, 434 Bondsmen, 68, 417 Books of adventure, 105 Booth, Charles, 40 Borcea, Ed, 449 Borderlands, 19-23, 136 Bosely playground, 307 Boss, 463; patron saint of gang, 456; pays rent, 456; political, 453; serves immigrant, 465; trained in gangs, 452; training the, 458 Boston, 39, 367; alliance between crime and politics in 461; gangs, 339; gang areas of, 265; social clubs of, 460; South End, 39 Boundary gang, 12, 285, 517}; co- operative planning in, 282INDEX Bowen, Louise de Koven, 234 Boxing in gang, 99 Boy Scouts of America, 105, 280, 342-43, 509-10; badges con- ferred by, 342; books, 105; in Chicago, statistics of, 510; and gang problem, 509; gang trans- formed into, 511; influence on a gang, illustrated, 362; of Man- hattan, 497; participation in civic and public affairs, 528; and police, 497; troops in Catho- lic parishes, 512; work with gangs, 510-12 Boys: adult lack of sympathy with, 128-31; city, 515; in court groups, 377; delinquent, 411; delinquents in London, study of, 123, 379; devotion between, 322° expelled, 34; felonies committed by, 412-13; gang membership, import to, 187; gang training in- adequate for, 307-8; influence of commercialized amusements on, 98; influence of poolrooms on, 97-98; junk-dealers anxious to buy from, 148; misdemeanors committed by, 413; misdirection of, 78; neglect of, 78; relation- ships, how determined, 44; re- tarded, in gang, 403-4; suicides, 131; suppression of, 78; tramps, 139; types of, 333; work, gangs ine5 4s worker, function of, 342- 43; workers, police as, 497-98 Boys’ Brotherhood Republic, 183, 282, 284, 323, 408, 510; work with gangs, 517 Boys’ Club Federation, 377, 510 Boys’ Court of Chicago, 353, 358, 398, 399, 412, 413; criminals in making in, 413-14; type of case handled by, AI2—13 Breckinridge, S. P., 20, 489, 492, 504 Bremicker, Paul B., 76 Bridgeport, 17, 18, 128; gang suc- cession in, 200 549 Bright-light areas, 24 Bronner, Augusta F., 59, 385, 158 Bronx, 424, 530 Brooklyn, 498, 510; gun girl, 239 Brundidge, Harry T., 435 Bucharest, 449 Buck, Winifred, 304 Bucktown, 9 Bughouse Square, 7 Bum Park, 10 Bureau: corner gang, 280; of Immigration, 205; of Missing Person, N.Y.C., 165; of Public Efficiency, 485 Burgess, Ernest W., 4, 23, 24, 52, 55, 84, 189, 204, 295, 297, 320, 328, 329, 488, 498, 499 Burglar gang and movies, 108 Burglaries: in Chicago, 93-94, a Burglars, 435 Burlesque theaters, 98, 140 Burt, Cyril, 40, 379 Bush area, 18, 62 Business: areas and gang, 23; efficiency in Chicago crime, 415, 424, 471; streets, picturesque, 133-35; type criminal gang, 426 Cabarets, 20, 445; black-and-tan, 15; as gang hangouts, 445 CeA Cs 3x Calkins, Raymond, 510, 528 Call: of the road, 168-69; of the wild, 169-70 Cameron, John C., 172 Camorra, 68, 204 Camp grounds of gangs, 135 Campaign expenditures of political machines, 466 Campione, Frank, 432 Canaryville, 16, 194, 406; bunch, 203; school of gunmen, 16, 406 Candy Kid Whittemore gang, 42795° Capital and gang crime, 441-43 Cardinellis, 11, 293, 431 Carmichael, Leonard, 400 Car-robbing, 151 Carver, Thomas N., 188 Cason, Hulsey, 44 Catholic: Big Brothers of Chicago, 519; parishes, Boy Scout troops in, 512 Causation in relation to crime, 381-87 Caverly, Judge, 242 Central Park gang, 529 Chamberlin, H. B., 424, 474 Change: in leadership, 355; move- ment and, 82, 85-88; in setting, effect on gang, 146 Chantee Club, 446 Chaperonage, Italian system, 206 Chapman, Gerald, 408 Chenery, William L., 38 Chicago: Black Hand gangs in, 204; bombings in, 434; Boy’s Court of, 412; burglaries in, 448; City Council, “gray wolves” of, 465; crime conditions exag- gerated, 448; crime conditions in, 483; crime, gang important factor in, 385; crime news, I12; crime wave, 207; Criminal Court, 206, 443; criminal gangs, history and depredations of, 423; cultural frontier, 194; Depart- ment of Compulsory Education, 370; elections of 1924 in, 478; Fire Department, 346; gang con- trol of, 482; gangs, hang-outs of, 124-26; gangsters, linking state and city politicians with, 482; helplessness before criminal gangs, 430; home rule for, 483; and Illinois, 483; immigrant dis- organization in, 219; immune criminals in, 471; interstitial sec- tion of, 252; loses control of junk dealers, 149-50; Municipal THE GANG Court, 399; murders in, 448; negro in, 406; number of pro- fessional criminals in, 415; papers, circulation and_ influ- ence of, 114; Police Department, 474; Polish disorganization in, 219; politics and crime in, 482; poolrooms, 96; primary election of April 13, 1926, 467-68; pro- fessional criminals in, 415; rep- resentation in state legislature, 482; River, 7, 8, 9, 15; robberies in, 448; Sicilian criminal element in, 205; underworld, 415-18 Chicago Boy’s Clubs, 510, 515° work with gangs, 513 Chicago Commission on Race Re- lation, 54, 202, 406, 453, 472 Chicago Commons, 413, 453 Chicago Cook County School for Boys, 378, 392, 502; study of boy in, 378 Chicago Crime Commission, 16, 406, 415, 432, 446, 448, 461, 474 Chicago Junior Cubs, 361 Chicago Parental School, 504, 506 Child labor among gang boys, 264 Child study, scientific literature of, 129 Children: begging by, 264; how the greatest city neglects its, 38; of immigrants and crime, 489; in mobs, 53; purchasing junk from, 148-49 Children’s Bureau, 409 Chinatown, 24, 209 Christian missions, 219 Cicero, 128, 175 Circular action, 70; as preparation for action, 56 Circus and the gang boy, 163 Citizen’s Committee of One Thou- sand for Law Enforcement, 440 City: administrators gang, origin of, 453; courts influenced byINDEX ward machines, 467; govern- ment, 24; limits and vice and crime, 444; manager plan, 485; milieus in, 419; officials and rum gangs, 481; politics, primary group in, 463; problems needed, science application to, 486; wandering in, 86-87 Civil service regulations, evasion of, 475 Clark University, 44 Cleveland, 144, 367; gangs in, 39; Recreation Survey, 39, 383 Clinics, 10 Cliques, 66, 70, 228, 318; as basis for a gang, 32; defined, 320; orgiastic, 320 Clownie, 310, 359 Clubs: athletic or social, 33, 34, 48, 58, 74, 75; for gangsters, 138, 530; gangs and, 73, 138; and gangs, political connections with, 455-58 Clubrooms: all gangs want, 125; fitting up, 356 Collective behavior: relations of types charted, 70; symbols for, 56; types of, in gang, 56 Collective representation, 56, 267, 281, 204, 297 Collective thinking, 55 Collins, Morgan A., Chief of Police, 423, 471, 480 Colossimo, 470 Comic papers, influence on gang behavior, 113 Commercial Avenue, 87 Commission market, 14 Commons, John R., 265, 466 Communication: and social: dis- organization, 114; closed, 129-30 Community, the criminal, 415-18 Commuters’ Zone, 24 Compensation: conception of réle and, 335; and the funny boy, 337-38; mM gang, 335 st Competition, 47, 189; and gang- land, 23; with gang difficult, 70, 49° Conception of réle: and compen- sation, 335; as determining be- havior, 499; importance in treatment, 343 Conditioning: and the gang, 44; gang and situation complex, 144-47 Conflict, 26, 46, 47, 52,136, 189; and accommodation, 178; of adoles- cence, 80; behavior, substitutes for, 185-86; bibliographies on, 189; conventionalization of, 186- 88; cultural, gangs and, 194-202, 220; cycle, key to gang, 189-90; in gang, 48, 54-55, 66; and gang- land, 23; between gangs pri- marily territorial, 194; with police, 46; regulation of, 190; on religious basis, 219-20; regula- tion of, 190; typical pattern of, 189 | Conflict-group, 30; family as, 324; gang as, 54-55, 173 Congress Athletic Club, 83 Consensus in the gang, 278, 298 Constitution between friends, 462 Continuances, use by gangs, 447 Continuation school, 374 Control, group appreciation as, 295; in the gang, 49, 251, 365; limitations of outside, over gang, 342-43; mechanisms of, 291- 304; by natural leader, 352-53; by political boss, 479; formal, 341-43; social, 49, 227-309; subtler forms of, 297-99, 341 Conventionalization: age of, 64; changes structure, 318; of con- flict, 186-88; extends gang in- fluences, 397; process of, 355-57; to gain security and prestige, 184; of gang, 32, 59, 69, 184, 242; of gang as accommodation, 184; of gang superficial, 184552 Cook County, 25; Banker’s Asso- ciation, 426; Jail, 401; Juvenile Court, 411 Cooley, C. H., 43, 278, 288, 295, 304 Cornell Athletic Club, 31 Cornell Square, 18 Correctional institutions, on boys, 376, 419 Counterfeiting gang, 436 Court records: effect on boys, 419; as giving status, 62, 303; keeps boy in gang, 376 Crap shooting, 11, 23, 49, 58, 90, 138; and the police, 474 Credit Mobilier, 482 Crime: of adolescents before caught, 414; causation in rela- tion to, 381-87; commission of, 54; conditions in Chicago, 471, 483; current suggestions for cure of, 412; decrease in, since 1875, 448; effect of movies’ presenta- tions of, 108; epidemics of, 112; formative conditions of ado- lescence in relation to, 411; gang and organized, 409-51; impor- tance of dealing with, at source, 412; increasing, 424; junking and the technique of, 149; lack of adequate program to deal with, 450; lack of knowledge about, causes, 449; and motor cars, 446; necessity of dealing with at sources, 450; news effect of, 107, III-13; organized and continu- ous, 414-18; organization of, 414-18; politics and, 461, 485; political aspects of most im- portant, 485; and political cor- ruption in Chicago, 461; political machine and, 460; and politics, exposé difficult, 461; problem, seriousness of, 449; prevention by attacking problem at its roots, 450; roots in gang, 423; schools, 263; situation, gravity of, 450; spectacular nature of, effect THE GANG 447-50; spots, 15; superiority of syndicate in promotion of, 441; and taxicabs, 446; technical knowledge about, 390; tech- nique of, learned in gang, 387, 389-90; theories inadequate, 498; and vice and city limits, 444, Wave, 130, 424, 447-50 Crime Commission, Chicago, 16 Criminal gang, 8, 14, 18, 19, 20, 58, 70, 242, 307, 324, 349, 368, 427; activities of, 431; activities in satellite towns, 444; alliance of politicians with, 469; business type, 420; Chicago’s helplessness before, 430; as commercialized group, 420; division of labor among, 434; economic motive in, 420; ethics of, 176-78; evolution of, 66-68; fear vs. loyalty in, 424; frontier type, 420; in forest preserves, 143-44; formation of, 418-23; gambling in, 434; from group of truants, 374; imitated by younger groups, 389; and liquor, 261; loot of, 426; mem- bers of, 419; mobility of, 447; number of less powerful type, 431; origin of, 66-68; political type, 420; and poolroom, 97-98; pugilism in, 349; punishment in, 293; and social selection, 419; of today, squealing in, 422; training in, 405-8; types of, 430-34; vice promoted by, 434; women in, 239 Criminals, 424; (professional), number in Chicago, 415 Criminologists, 403 Crisis: in the gang, 178-80; situ- ation, 55; and thinking, 55 Crissey, Forest, 428 Croatians, 14 Cropsey, Justice James C., 510 Crowd, 29, 45, 60; that acts, 52, 84, 295-97; behavior in gang, 296; casual, 70; controls in gang, 295-97; delinquent, 385; non-INDEX active elements in, 54; Olaf’s, 382; and public distinguished, 320 Crowe-Barrett faction, 483 Culture: and gangland, 5-25; dis- organization, and political pow- er, 460; divergent, 219; en- vironment, 68; frontier of, 23, 194, 211, 220, 217-20, 380, 445; invasion and succession of, 199- 202 Curfew regulations, 96 Curiosity, 61 Dago Town, 8 Dance Halls: controlled by gangs, 232; gang clashes in, 232 Dancing: in athletic clubs, 232; clubs, 63; effect of prohibition on, 234 David, Judge Joseph B., 461 Deardorff, Neva R., 409 Death-rate of gangsters, 429 Defense: in gangs, 184; of gang- land prerogatives, 63; organiza- tions, fighting tongs as, 210 Delhi government, 42 Delinquencies: ages of, 410; extent of, in gangs, 385- -86; geographi- cal factors and, 145- 46; group factor in, 498; as result of situa- tion complex, 408; and spare time, 383 Delinquents: spare-time habits of, 146; treatment of, as persons, 498-504; type of, 58 Dementia praecox katatonia, 399 Democratic candidates, 467 Demoralization: and adolescence, plasticity of, 369; defined, 369- 70; early age in Chicago, 412; end products of, 407; in gang, 369-408; junking, a first step in, 149; in older adolescent gangs, 395-405; in Polish-American 553 community, 218; of school by gang, 375-76 Demoralizing: effect of gang on school, 375-76; gangs, number of, 386; habits acquired in gang, 388; influences of athletic clubs, 395-99; social patterns, 257- 65, 317 Denver, gangs in, 39, 367 Deportation of alien criminals, 205 Des Moines, 112 Desplaines, 121 Dever, Mayor William E., 440, 464, 478, 480 Dewey, John, 43 Dice, 96 Dickerson, Roy E., 381 Disintegration: of gangs, 35-37, 49, 505 of immigrant community in America, 218; marriage and, 36; of play-group, 30 Disorganization: of community and the gang, 37; of community in Chicago, 488; in gangland, 38, 490-95; gang symptom of community, 487-95; immigrant, 217-18 Diversity of talent in gangs, 339 Division of labor: in criminal com- munity, 416-18; among criminal] gangs, 434 Division Street gangs, 516 Dixon, Illinois, 168 Dope-peddlers, 7, 11, 16, 436 Douglas Park, 195-97 — Douglas, Paul H., 442 Drinking: in the gangs, 261; in morality of gang, Ior; in news alleys, 141; social pattern in gangland, ror Druggan-Lake jail scandal, 477 Dugas, L., 294 Duranty, Walter, 4o554 East London, 392 Ecology: of the gang, 5-25; hu- man, 23; impersonal factors in, 325-26 Education: compulsory law in IIli- nois, 370, 374, 493; for crime in gang, 381-94; in the gang, 383- 93; informal more important, 137; of the streets, 265 Efficiency: a fewer criminals great- er, 424; of governmental con- trol and criminal gangs, 420; of ward and factional machines, 467 Election: clerks of, 446; frauds in gangland, 468-69; gang activi- ties in, 477; gang methods in an, 477-78; gangster power in, 470; judges of, 466; of 1924 in Chi- cago, 478 Electric Light Ring, 435 Elgin, 121 El Paso, Texas, 367, 380 Employment bureaus, 10 Enemy, function of the common, 35, 71 English, C. H., 519 Enright, ‘‘Moss,”’ 406 Enright, Richard E., 446 Entelechy of gang, 4 Environment vs. heredity contro- versy, 397-493 Errico, Thomas, 432 Escape: from society, roadhouse as, 25; from supervision under mod- ern conditions, 446 Esposito, Diamond Joe, 67 Esprit de corps, 50, 57; of gang, 278, 299 Essex Market Court, 181 Ethics of criminal gang, 176-78 Ethnocentrism of gang, 305 Eugenics Committee of the United States, 404 THE GANG Evanston, 20, 240 Excitement: craving for, 82; de- sire for, as vice, 171; habituation to, 82-83; as mania, 346; as motive for gang delinquencies, 316; in news alleys, 140 Existence: struggle for, 26; among criminal gangs, 175 Experience: athletics as new, 98; quest for new, 82-101, 159 Exploitation: of gang, 64; of gang boys, 264; by older boys, 351; by older gangs, 314 Expulsion from the gang, 66 Factions, 32, 71 Fakirs: in gangland, 21; on Max- well Street, 135 Fallon school, 398 Family: background, influence of, 360; bonds of Italians, 222; as conflict group, 324; discipline, lack of, in gangland groups, 489; feuds, 179; as gang nucleus, 70, 307, 324-25; inadequacies fav- orable to ganging, 492; life dis- organized in gangland, 491; re- sponsibility for gangs, 78, 176; and spare time, 79; and stealing, 154-55; threats against, 293 Farquhar, J. N., 42 Fasoldt, Karl N., 276 Fatalism in gang, 393-95 Faulkner, H. U., 482 Fear vs. loyalty in criminal gang, 424 Federation, 58, 70; and alliances in criminal community, 417; for defensive and offensive pur- poses, 184; of friendly gangs, 323 Felonies, types of, committed by boys, 412-13 Fences, 260, 417; in gang, 200; on Maxwell Street, 134INDEX Feud, 68, 131, gang, 47-48: between gangs, 593 interterritorial, 128; original causes forgotten, 176 Fighting: ability and leadership in gang, 347-49; athletics as sub- stitute for, 98, 185-88; to de- termine status, 336; football gang, 186-88; in gang, 84; and leadership, 46; motives of the gang, 173; rule for, 46 Five Points section, 38, 276, 495 Flannigan, Edward, 279 Flight from monotony, 82 Florida, 450; Everglades of, 41, 420; place of wonders, 166 Fluidity of criminal community, 416 Folkways, 305 Football, 46; in gang, 99 Ford, Corey, 38, 75, 179, 290 Forest preserves, 168; camping out in, 143; criminal gangs in, 143- 44; squatter families in, 43 Fosdick, Raymond B., 496 Franks, Robert, 110 Fraternities, 294; college, 388; high-school, 71, 388; size of, 318 Fraternization of diverse groups and races in gang, 215, 216 Freedom: of gangland boys, 490- 95; of gangsters in jails, 476 Friction within the gang, 32, 66 Friends, constitution between, 462 Frontier, 6, 37, 420; cultural, 23; economic, 23; gang and the, 41-44; gang as a symptom of the, 41; immigrant, 194-202; intramural, 23; moral, 23; of pioneer, 239; political, 41; type criminal gang, 420; between white and black districts, 202 Funerals: of gang members, 48; of gangsters, 206-7; of Italian gangsters, 206 Furfey, Paul H., 75 194, 216; within © 555 Gamblers: school for, 396; war, 175-76 Gambling, 17, 18, 27, 48, 82, 88, 92, 138, 140, 296, 316; in Chi- cago poolrooms, 96; in criminal gangs, 434; games and, 89-92; houses, 20; methods of, 89-90; in the news alleys, 90, 141; psy- chology of, 89-90; as result of monotony, 92; slave-dealing, drug-smuggling, tong monopo- lies in, 208; and social patterns, 89-90, 262; universality in gang- land, 89-90, 263; wheels, 96 Games, 82, 88; of chance, 89; and gambling, 89-92; indoor, 80q; most popular, 88-89; outdoor, 88-89 Gang: action pattern of, 328-43; activities of the, 69-72, 144, 157; 202, 443-47, 477-82, 508; and adolescent, 36, 74, 80, 109, 222- 24, 453; adult, 73, 75, 409; ad- venture in the, 115-31; ages of members, 65, 72-76, 243; ap- plause in the, 293-95; athletics in the, 49, 98-100; attacks on women, 237; beginnings of the, 26-44; brotherhood in, 290; “busting,” 520-24; camping in the, 135-36; causes of, 37-44; census of, 5; characteristics of, 50; classification of, 46; clubs, 18, 63, 138, 385; codes of, 277- 308, 356, 359-62, 384-86; con- ditioning and the, 44, 144-47; 173, 193-94; conventionalization of, 59, 63-66, 184, 232-34, 242, 397; cost of, to the community 425-30; criminal careers, origin in, 376-95; criminal type, 14, 66- 68, 75; decorations used in con- trol of, 341-42; defective boys in, 399-405; definition of, 46-50, 57, 387; definition of the situa- tion in the, 255-56; delinquen- cles in, 60, 114, 316, 374-386; democracy i in the, 215-17, 335- 57s demoralization in, 369-408;556 development, stages in, 58-72; difficulty of competition with, 79-80; diffused type, 59-61; dime novel and the, 102-15; dis- integration of, 35-37, 49-50; divisions within the, 319-21; domain, organization of, 123-28; election, methods, 477-78; ene- my, 126-28; evolution of, 58-76; exciting activities in, 83-84; ex- loits, numbers of boys in, 322; ace-to-face group, 50, 317-18; feud, 47-48, 59, 175-77; fighting in, 84, 173-74, 186-88, 347-49; and the frontier, 41-44, 136, 243-45; functional types of, 291, 339; habitat of, 9; hang-outs, 96, 123, 124, 445-47; idealistic view of, 278, 304-4; imagination in the, 117, 119; and immigrant, IQI-92, 217; influence, strength of, 166-67; instability of, 35, 37; instinct explanations, 43-44, 228, 245; junking and the, 148- 58; language of the, 267-68; and the law, 496-508; leadership in, 6, 344-63; life in the, 79-249; life, literature on, 385; loss of life due to, 428-29; loyalties, 34, 48-49, 62, 288-89; migrations of, 49, 166; mixed, immoral type, 230-31; and mob, 43-44; morale and solidarity in, 53, 187, 278- 81; morality, 255, 304-8; movies and the, 102-15; mutual excita- tion in, 299-304; names, 8, 199- 201, 275-76; names of—Aber- deens, 63; Alley Rats Knights of the Round Table, 107, 119-20; Anheuser-Busch Regulars, 276; Ashley-Mobley, 41, 420; Aunt Sarah’s Bunch, 29; Bat-Eyes, 19; Beaners, 10; Bear Claws, 237; Bearcats, 146; Bearfoots, 201; Berney’s, 307; Big Hill, 180; Bimboons, 83; Black Circles, 28; Blackspots, 9; Black Stock- ing, 430; Bloody Broomsticks, 22; Blue Valleys, 33; Bottoms, 422, 430; Bowery Boys, 276; THE GANG Brighton, 446; Brightoners, 15; Buckets-of-Blood, 10, 22, 206, 275, 300; Bushrangers, 41; Can- aleys, 421; Candy Kids, 216; Car Barners, 276, 408, 422; Chi, 47; Clark, 7; Clutchy-Clutch, 346, 501-3; Comets, 28; Conkey, 157; Coons from Lake Street, 11, 174; Cornell Crowd, 37; Cowboy Tessler, 420, 425; Crawfords, 20; Cuckoos, 430; Danny O’Hara’s, 173; Dead Rabbits, 276; Dead- shots, I1, 173; Dirty Dozen: 19, 46-50, 54, 56, 275; Dirty Dozen (colored), 263; Dor- chester, .32; Downey Street Crowd, 60; Drakes, 179; Drop- per, 181-82; Dukies, 16, 18, 184, 201, 275; East Side Dropper, 181; Egan, 177; Elstons, 180; Erie, 7; Fiftieth Street; 258: Fifty-seventh Streets, 126; Fisk Streeters, 161; Flannigan, 270; Forquers, 27; Forty-Twos, 14; Funnel, 187; Fusileers, 50, 51, 229; G— Colts, 479; Glorianna, 8, 31, 384; Goofy Guys, 338; Gopher, 275, 408, 422, 495; ‘Gross Avenue, 175; Guardian Angel Alley, 27; Hamburgs, 201; Harper, 32; Hawthorne Toughs, 20; Hickory Street, 17; Hillers, 136, 198; Hogan outfit, 177; Hole-in-the-Wall, 430; Holy Terrors, 508-9, 526; Honey’s, 20, 240-42; Hoodlums, the, 69, 70; Howard Street, 430; Hoyne Avenue, 156, 174; Hudson Dust- ers, 275, 422, 495; Imperial Valley, 42; Jelly Rolls, 176, 430; Joe’s, 66; Kelly, 41; Kenwood, 19, 32; Kluck Klan, 286-88; L— Street, 441; Lillies of the Valley, 275; Little Augie, 182; Little Italy, 8; McMullens, 138; McSmack Family, 325; Marsh- field, 175; Maryanna, 288; Monk Eastmans, 276; Night Hawks, 22; Night Riders, 10, 230; Nine- teenth Streeters, 36; O’BrienINDEX 557 Juniors, 258; Olaf’s Crowd, 60, 299, 382; Ontarios, 127; Orioles, 27, 515; Park Avenue, 127, 408; Peoria Strangers, 27; Pershing Tigers, 59; Polar Bears, 119; Rats (Egan’s), 176, 293, 420, 424, 430, 438; Red Devils, 236; Red Oaks, 27, 28; Red Onions, 276; Red Peppers, 436; Redhots, 177; Reese Street, 361; Rinkus, 125; Rinky Dinks, 113; Roach Guards, 276; Robbers’ Roost, 430; Robeys, 174; Rough Stars, 166; Scarboros, 69; Schlitz High Balls, 276; Seventeenth Street- ers, 355; Shaneys, 421; Shielders, 16, 184, 201, 275; Sixteenth Streeters, 174; Snodgrass bunch, 126; South Siders, 15; Tanners, 27; Taylors, 28; Ten Tumbling shoniess 93305, iLessler; 442; Thirty-strong, 430; Tino’s, 152; Tonies, 306; Tough Mugs, 117, 2007 leleb 145 2TAseelwenty- second Streeters, 373; Twigglies, 16; UUU, 325; Wales Avenue, 530; West Siders, 8, 9, 15, 139; Westerners, 174-79; White House, 430; White Rocks, 18; Winchesters, the, 84, 161; Wood Streeters, 36, 143, 174; Wood- ard, 446; Wrightwood, 288; WWW, 14, 196, 214, 349, 443; XXX, 18, 19; Yakey Yakes, 276; Yellow Kid, 436; Young Mor- gans, 33; YYY, 19; ZZZ, 8; na- tionality factors in the, 191-220; natural history of, 69-72; nick- names in, 340; number of, 5; obscene literature and art in, 224; older, 206, 232-39, 258, 314, 453; organization of, 56, 309-67; origins of the, 26-44; planning and co-operation in, 281-44; and police, 30, 357-58, 473-745 - predatory, 42, 62-63, 92-95, 97; 109, 387; primary group, 180-82, . 288-91; problem, 365-530; pugil- ism in, 14, 59, 84, 99-100; punishment in, 292-93; racial factors in the, 191-220; and the railroads, 148-58; random activ- ity in, 84-88; redirecting the, 285, 376, 495, 530; ridicule in the, 293-95; and ring, 437-38; rough-house in, 84-85, 95; rules in, 286-88; and school, 69-71; secrecy in, 69, 118, 310-11; selec- tion in, 334-36; settlements and the, 512-13; size of, 317-19; solidarity in, 187-88, 278-81; solidified type, 61-63; songs of the, 164, 269-75; sports in the, 98-100; stealing in the, 16, 92- 94, 120, 200, 263, 385; structure of the, 37, 309-27, 434; sub- stitutes for the, 322-23; terri- tory of, 126; theory to explain life in the, 245-47; training, 307— 8, 384; transforming the, 509, 511; types of, 58-76; unity of, 277-78; vandalism in, 94-95; warfare, 38, 173-90 Gang boy, 9, 73; attitudes, 254, 453-54; away from home, 142, 160-72; boy’s castle, 123-26; demoralizing overstimulation of, 171; evolution of, 369; exploita- tion of, 264-65; as farm-worker, 168; and hobo, 118, 163, 169; independence of, 392-93; inter- est in cooking, 170; journey, 371, 405; and movies, 102-14; philosophy of life, 392-93; read- ing, 104-6; and school, 374-75; and the sport world, 98-100; in two’s and three’s, 161; universe of discourse, 266 Ganging, 26-44; adolescence in- vites, 80; factors underlying, 490-95; spare time and, 78; symptom of community dis- organization, 494 Gangland, 5-25; aristocracy of, 458; codes, 205; constructive agencies lacking in, 252-53; disorganization in, 38; drinking, a social pattern in, ror; election scandals in, 468; gambling’ uni-558 versal in, 263; housing in, 91; isolation of, 253-55, 266; law- lessness in, 260; modern Fagins in, 263; as moral region, 415; movies in, 317; New York’s junior, 38; play in, 494; pre- rogatives, defense of, 63; scout- ing in, 512; struggle for exist- ence in, 174-75; unwholesome influences in, 382; vice in, 244, 260, 316-17 Gangster, 7, 73; changing afhlia- tions of, 424; death-rate of, 429; entrepreneurs, 417; funerals, 48, 206-7; immunity of, 471; incorporated into clubs, 530; ‘fnlaw” rather than outlaw, 471; internecine strife, 429; killed in 1926, 429; liberties in penal institutions, 433-34, 476; North Shore estate of, 433; policemen killed in fighting of, 429; political alliances with, 469-77; power in elections, 470; premature par- dons and paroles for, 476; on public pay-rolls, 422; slums as an asylum for, 443 Garfield Park, 11, 174 Garrett, Oliver H. P., 482 Gary, 146 Geary, Eugene, 406 Genna gang, 12, 14, 475 George, W. R., 376 German: -American gang, 1098; area, 16; corporation, 294; gangs, proportion of, 192; groups, Io, 11; -Hungarian community, 198 Germans and Hungarians zs. Italians, 198 Germany, I00, 131 Gestalt psychology, 329, 501, 524 Ghetto, 12, 13, 14, 24, 134, 144, 285, 316; gang, leadership in, 311-12; gangs in, 359; negro in- vasion of, 316-17; prostitution in, 316-17 Gillin, John L., 451, 529 THE GANG Girls: and the gang, see Sex in the gang; chaperonage for, 80; pun- ishment for interest in, 223 Golden Palace Athletic Club, 276 Goldenrod Athletic Club, 396 Goodrich school, 27 Gosnell, Harold F., 465 Government: Delhi, 42; gang boy, attitudes to, 453-54; printing office ring, 437; scientific ap- proach to, urged, 486 Grafting: boss, building-trades, 443; police, 474 Grant, Bernard, 399, 401 Great Lakes Naval Training Sta- tion, 188 Greek: coffee-houses, 132; gam- bling factions, 206; gamester’s feud, 133 Greeks, 11, 29 Gregariousness, 61 Gregston, Charles, 471, 481 Grigg, Harry H., 148 Group: age and geographical, 72; appreciation, as form of control, 295; -awareness in gang, 30, 55-57, 60; in city, isolation of, 253; consciousness and name, 59; control in the gang, 277-308; factor in delinquency, 377, 498- 500; formal, 32-35, 64; gang a face-to-face, 317-18; interstitial, 37; loyalty, 61; orgiastic, 70, 339; play, 33, 44; symbols, 56 Guerrilla: virtues, 305; gang, 421 Gulick, Luther H., 305 Gumplowicz, Ludwig, 188 Gypsies, 11, 133, 135, 137 Gypsy gang, 160-63 Habit: as explanation of ganging, 43-44; formation in institutions, 504; social, 44 Hall, G. Stanley, 82, 245INDEX Hamburg, 194; -Canaryville wars, 194-95 Hamilton, Mary E., 131, 160 Hammond (Indiana), 22, 152, 367 Hang-out, 57; of Chicago gangs, 5-25, 124-26; of gangs, pool- rooms, 96; selection of, 124 Harvard-Broadway section (Cleve- land), 39 Hawthorne, 157; Park Inn, 175 Haynes, George E., 148 Healy, William, 59, 158, 185, 382, 385, 410, 421, 498, 499 Henderson, George C., 41, 42 Heredity: and environment, false antithesis between, 400-401; vs. environment 397-403 Hero-worship, 321; of athletes, 98; in the gang, 118; illustrated, 359; of leader, 354 Herskovitz, Melville J., 252 Hickson, William J., 403 Hijacking, 8, 130, 436, 481 Hip Sing tong, 210, 213 Hitchcock, Curtice N., 442 Hobo: intellectuals, 7; wanderlust, a vice in, 172 Hobohemia, 7, 10, 139, 160 Hofiman, Frederick L., 448 Holden, Charles R., 461 Holdups, 18, 68; of children, 18; of drunken men, 18 Home: bumming away from, 62; gang boys away from, 142, 160- 72; gang succumbs to, 242; rule for Chicago, 483; stealing merchandise for, 264; territory, 57, 126 Honor in gang, 289 Hoodlum as a social pattern, 394 Housing in gangland, 91 Hoxton, gangs in, 40 Hoyne Avenue, 36 controversy, © 559 Hoyt, Franklin Chase, 26, 43, 179, 183, 379 Hull House, 11, 27, 67, 170, 468, 515 Humboldt Park, 195 Hyde Park, 19; City, Boy’s Brotherhood Republic, 323 Illinois, 41; bank raids, 426; Banker’s Association, 426; Bil- liard Association, 96; Central Railroad, 19, 86, 392; Chicago and, 483; Lockport Canal, 138; . and Michigan Reserve Canal, 135; primaries of April, 1926, 468; Supreme Court, 149 Imagination: and exploits of the gang, I19; crimes in, 113; in gang, 117; in gang, leadership and, 349-50; suppression of, 170-71 Imitation. See Social patterns and the gang Immigrant: children, 191-92, 489; colonies, II, 22, 23, 198; com- munity, gang phenomenon of, 191; control of children, 489; cus- toms, 8; disorganization in Chicago, 217-18, 219; frontiers, 194-202; and gangs, 191-92, 217, 489-90; girls, supervision of, 229; heritages, reconciliation of, 220; invasion and _ succession, 199-202, 489; isolation of, 253; not responsible for gangs, 217; population and ward boss, 465; settlement, second area of, 24 Immunity from prosecution, 15, 398, 471-72 Independence of gang boy, 392-93 India, 42; criminal tribes of, 391 Indiana, 447 Individual: differences and status in gang, 334; psychology, 43; study of delinquent, 498 Industrial Revolution, 422; in America, effects of, 487560 Initiation, 31, 66, 68, 60, 71 Instinct: and gangs, 43-44; of organization, 309-10; reaction against, 43-44; theories of gang life, 245 Institute for Juvenile Research, 494 Institutions: effect on boys, 105, 369, 371-73, 501-7; good resolu- tions In, 505 Iserman, Ted, 455 Interaction, 56; in the gang, 50, 336 Interstitial: activities, 38; areas, IQ, 20, 22, 38, 39, 252, 381; barrier, 7; business street, 14; groups, 20, 37, 38, 57; period, 80; significance of concept, 22 Intimacy: in gang, 321; person- ality and areas of, 298 Intimidation, 18, 204 Invasion: Croatian, 14; German, 17; Negro, 216; Polish, 14, 17 Irish: gangs, 199, 200, 212, 224; gangs, number of, 192; gangs of Chicago, 422; gangs pugnacious, 212 Isolation: of gangland, 23, 253- 55, 206; of immigrant communi- ties, 253 Italians, 11, 68; areas, 16; blood- thirstiness, 206; criminals, 204; customs in the gangs, 206; family solidarity, 205, 222; funerals, 206; gangs, 15, 192; heritages in the gang, 203-8; ink factory, 201; knife-fighting, 206; press, 204; system of chaperon- age, 80, 206 Italy, 42 Itschkie, 312 Itschkie’s Black Hand Society, 12, 98, 104, 206, 310, 324 Jack Daniel distillery, 438 Jail, 62; scandals and gangsters, 433-34; as political institution, 476 THE GANG Jewish: People’s Institute, 99; -Polish frontiers, 195 Jews, 11; gangs among, 12, 192, 200, 214; on Maxwell Street, 93; from Twelfth Street, 12, 36, 174 John Worthy School, 358 Joliet, 121, 130, 393, 441, 447; peni- tentiary, 238, 405, 447 Junk Dealers’ Protective Associa- tion, 150 Junking: attitude of parents to, 154; empty houses and, 150; a first step in demoralization, 149; and the gang, 148-58; gangs, 152-53; number of delinquent boys, 152; and the railroads, 148-58; and the technique of crime, 149; and vandalism, 94 Juvenile Court, 130, 155, 375, 377, 378, 472, 510, 513, 520; boys, study of, arraigned in groups, 377; of Cook County, 376, 377; movement, 496; record begun in, 376; study of 100 boys com- mitted by, 378 Juvenile detention home, 62, 116, 371, 375, 376 Juvenile Organizations Committee, 380 Juvenile Protective Association, 29, 96, 102, 152, 229, 233-34, 235, 276, 377, 388 Juvenile Psychopathic Institute, 229 Kantor, J. R., 43 Kaplan, Jack, 181 Keeley Street, 307 Kelly, Thomas, 181 Kelsey, Carl, 489 Kewanee Race Track, 396 Kidnapping, 110, 112, 436 Kirchwey, George W., 448, 450, 451, 507 Kirkland, Wallace W., 515INDEX Klees, Robert D., 521 Krauser, case of Walter, 397-403 Ku Klux Klan, 68, 173, 256 Kveton Boosters, 67 Labor: division of, in criminal community, 416-18, 434; and gang crime, 441-43; trials of March, 1922, 443; unions, rela- tions to gangs, 10, 442-43 Law: attitude of disrespect for, 390-91; gang and the, 432, 496- 508; of gang in wars, 181; gang outside the, 173; indifference to, developed in gang, 390-91; tech- nicalities of, 440, 447 Lawiessness, 13; in gangland, 260 Lawndale, 12, 195 Leadership: by daredevil, 346-47; ehanges in, 355; in criminal com- munity, 416; development of, 351-52; and disabilities, 336; fighting and, 46; gameness in, 345; in gang, 344-63; in Ghetto gang, 311-12; Jewish, 214-15; marks of, vary, 344; methods of choosing, 345; naiveté about, 351-52; of several gangs, 350- 51; special qualifications for, 351; struggle for, 47; types of, 344, 353 Leavenworth, 447 Leavitt, Marie, 205 Legon, Gustave, 60, 70, 284, 296, 319 Leisure: hours, and ganging, 78; -time behavior, 383 Limitations: of gang morality, 304-8; of outside control of gang, 342-43; on size of gang, 317-18 Liquor: illicit in gang, 13, 14, 434, 480; syndicates and prohibition, 439-40 Lithuanian: areas, 14, 18, 4068; gangs, 192, 200 Little Greece, 11 Little Hell, 8 Little Italy, 10, 11, 468 Little Pilsen, 14, 468 Little Sicily, 8, 24, 198, 204 Loafing, 50, I00 London, 40, 131, 163; gang boy delinquency in, 379-80; gangs in, 40 Lone Star Club, 229 Loop, 75 8, TO, 15, 24, 139-42, 143, 161; playground for gang, 139- 42 Los Angeles, 39, 160, 367; gangs in, 39 Love, Robertus, 41, 420 Lowenhaupt, Dorothy, 353 Loyalties in gang: 31, 34, 61, 62, 288-89; re-alignment Of, 52=54; uncertain, 307 Lubianka Christmas market, 4o Lumley, F. E., 294 Lyman Street, 307 Lyon, F. Emory, 377 McCandles, 430 McCormick, William, 54 McFlaherty’s Boosters, 455 MclInerey, Mike, 194 McKenzie, R. D., 23 McKinley, Judge Charles F., 413 McKinley, Judge Michael L., 461 McMaster, Mrs. L. W., 377 McSwiggin, William H., murder of, 429 Madison Street, 423; badlands, 516 Mafia, 8, 68, 204 Mails: gang raids on, 428; use of marines to protect, 428 Mania, excitement as, 346 Mark Sheridan School. 185562 THE Westra and the gang, 36, 242 Marshall Stillman movement, 529 Marshfield Avenue, 388 Maxwell Street, 122, 126, 133, 142, 200, 310; fakirs on, 135; fences on, 134; market, 12, 13, 134-35; Police Court, 199; Police Sta- tion, 317; pulling practiced on, 134 Mayer, Herbert B., 422 Membership in gang: age rules, 72-76; children of immigrants, 191-92; of-criminal gangs, 419; democracy of, 215; girls in gangs, 224-32; interlocking in gang, 382; numbers in gangs, 319; pe- culiar marks of, 297; probation, 71; roles of, 56; status, 56 Merriam, Charles E., 465, 485 Messlein pardon mill, 477 Mexicans, 11, 41, 42; boy gang life of, 380-81 Mickies, 18, 201; vs. Negro gangs, 201 Migratory workers, 10 Mike McInerney’s gang, 194 Miller, Herbert A., 128, 204, 212, 254, 306 Milliken, O. J., 378, 506 Minneapolis, 39, 76, 367; gangs in, 39 Mischief, malicious, 95 Misconduct: gang conception of, 92; spare time in genesis of, 383 Misunderstanding of youth, 128- 31 Mons 53-54, 70, 284, 296, 319; ildren in, 53; gang and, deh. nucleus for a, 53; spec- tators and, 53 Mobility: of criminal gang, 447; in news alleys, 140 Moley, Raymond, 461, 485 Monotony: flight from, 82; gam- bling as result of, 92; wander- lust as response to, 170 GANG Moonshine, 18, 134 Moonshine Valley, 11 Moral region: criminal communi- ties as, 415; defined, 415; gang- land as, 415 Morale in gang, 53, 55, 57, 61, 187, 278-81, 369 Morality of gang, 51; robbing, 92; and social patterns, 255 Morals Court of Chicago, 439 Mores of gang, 92, 151, 369 Mortenson, Peter A., 504 Moss, Joseph L., 377 Motives, economic in gangs, 420 Movement and change, 82, 85-88 Movies, 82; burglar gang and, 108; censorship of, 104, 108; and dime novel, 102-15; favorite pictures of gang boys, 102-3; and gang, 102-15; gang boy’s heroes and, Io, 103-4; in gangland, 317; gun play in, 104; idea from the, 108; new controls needed for, 114-15; patterns in, 102, 108; rationalizations blame, 114 Municipal Voters’ League, 465, 485 Munro, William B., 465 Murder, 18; capital of the world, 448; in Chicago, 448 Murderers, 18, 62, 65, 276 Murieta, Joaquin, 41 Nakazawa, Ken, 42 Nationality: factors in the gang, 191-220; loyalties, 94 Negotiation between gangs, 183 Negro gangs, II, 53, 64; areas, II, 15; enmity of gangs to, 62-63; foreign and American gangs in Chicago, 193; gangs, II, IQI, 193; invasion, 8, 216, 316-17; -white adjusted neighborhood, 202; -white gangs, 191 Netter Athletic Club, 276 New Orleans, 39, 131, 176, 204INDEX News: alleys and gang, 90, 140-43, 160; and epidemics of crime, 112; stimulates letters to public men, 114 Newspapers: athletic club, 67; criminal activities and technique disseminated through the, 111; and presentations of gang life, 113; published by gang, 69; selling, 142; suppression of, 114 New York City, 146, 177, 204, 209, 367, 379, 418, 420, 422, 424, 430, 443, 446, 495, 497, 529; alliance between crime and politics in, 461; and Chicago compared as to gang environments, 146-47; Children’s Court of, 179, 378; gangs of, 38, 339, 460; gang names, 275; wharves of, 136 New York Times, 38, 40, 106, 182, 209, 239, 395, 339, 429, 422, 424, 435) 443, 446, 498, 510 Non-interference by police, 472 North Side, 148, 149; jungles, 6, 7-8, 179, 198; politicians, 453 Northwest City, 183 Northwestern University, settlement, 513 Nucleus: for a mob, 53; for a politi- cal party, 71 Number: of athletic clubs, 63; of boys in gang exploits, 161, 322; of conventionalized groups, 63; of delinquent boys junking, 152; of demoralizing gangs, 330; of gangs, 5; of gang clubs, 63; of gangs constant, 36; of gangs not demoralizing, 386; of gangs, probably demoralizing, 386; of less powerful type of criminal gangs, 431; of master criminal gangs in Chicago, 432-33; of members in gangs, 5; and of- fenses of delinquent boys, 411; of professional criminals in Chi- cago, 415; of wholesome gangs, 386 III; 563 O’Banion, Dion, 416, 471 Off-the-Street Club, 517 Offenders, youthfulness of, 410 Ogden, C. K., 44, 116 Oklahoma, 173 Old Rose Athletic Club, 201 Old World antagonisms, 194-98; between Lithuanian and Jew, 200 Olson, Edwin A., 461, 471 Olson, Judge Harry, 399, 414, 418 Omaha, 168 O’Mulligan’s Colts, 455 On Leong Tong, 210, 213 Oppression psychosis, 218 Oral literature in the gang, 163 Ordeal of battle by champions, 182-83 Organism as a whole, 330-31 Organization: and control in gang, 56, 251-365; conventional, 32; of gang domain, 123-28; in- stinct of, 309; of play-group, 30; of play real problem in gangland, 494; special types of, 324 Organized crime: gang and, 409- 51; police protection essential to, 474 Organizing a baseball team, 84-85 Origin: of Boys’ Brotherhood Re- public, 517-18; of city adminis- trators in gang, 453; of criminal careers, 376-95, 410-14; of criminal gang, 66-68; of de- moralization in truancy, 370; of the gang, 26-44, 50; of race riots of 1919, 138; of tongs, 208 Orlando, Santo, 431 Ostracism as punishment, 290 Out-groups, 56 Outdoor: games, hang-outs, 124 Outlaws, 34 88-89; gang564 Overcrowding and 243-44 Overstimulation of gang boy de- moralizing, 171 immorality, Panderers, 141, 436 Pardons, premature for gangsters, 476 Parental School, 121, 136, 141, 310, 371, 372; 3796, 504-5 Parents, placing responsibility on, 155-56 Park, Robert E-., 4, 7, 23, 24, 52, 55, 73, 82, 84, 171, 189, 204, 218, 295, 207, 306, 320, 329, 415, 410, 461, 463, 498 Parks, 46; and forest preserves as gang playgrounds, 142-44; and playgrounds, work with gangs, 518-20; as solution of gang prob- lem, 380-81 Parole, inadequacy of, as treat- ment, 502 Parrett, J. C., 22 Parsons, Phillip A., 451 Pasley, Fred D., 195 Patterns: gambling and _ social, 89-90, 262; of conflict cycle, 189; social and the gang, 58, 59, 63, 68, 89, IOI, 144, 252-77, 317; and sex irregularities, 244-45 Pay-rolls, gang raids on, 428 Pearson, Edmund L., 106 Persian battles, 197-98 Person: defined, 329, 499; treat- ment of delinquent as, 498-504 Personalities, interpenetration of, 297-98 Personality: and areas of inti- macy, 298; defined, 328-29; in gang, 328-43; and nicknames in gang, 339-41; physical differ- ences and, 335; sociological con- ception of, 328-29 Philadelphia, alliance between crime and politics in, 461 THE GANG Phillip, William B., 484 Pickpockets and gang, 12, 314-15, 324, 435 Pirates, 22, 42, 67, 116 Plasticity: of adolescence and de- moralization, 369; of human nature, 43 Play, 54; not lacking in gangland, 493-94; world and real world, 116 Play-group, 26, 28-32, 33, 44, 45; activities, 29; disintegration, 30; geographical basis, 28; organiza- tion of, 30; spontaneous, 29 Playgrounds: and gang, 472, 475, 476; of the gang, 133-47; gang a problem for, 357-58, 510; political machine and, 475; rail- road tracks as, 156-58; work with gangs, 518-20 Pojay Town, 8, 9 Poles, 14; vs. Greeks and Italians, 198-99; vs. Jews, 195-96 Police, 30, 46, 51, 56, 63, 69, 75, 127, 168, 182, 204, 236, 240, 357, 433; academy in New York City, 498; alliance with gangs, 475; attitude to gangs, 496; as boys’ workers, 497-98; conflict with, 46; connivance, 391; court, political pull in, 473; crap shoot- ing and the, 474; escorts for beer-caravans, 480-81; killed in fighting gangsters, 429; methods, 46, 496; as natural enemies of gang, 30, 357-58, 497; non-in- terference by, 472; prevent hi- jacking, 481; protection, 52; record forces boy into gang, 376; shake-ups of, 475; special watch- men and, 150; transference of, 475 Polish: -American community, de- moralization in, 218; areas, 8, 9, 15, 16, 195; boxers, 100; disor- ganization in Chicago, 219; gang, 58, 62, 179, 192; invasion ofINDEX Lawndale, 1096; pride of na- tionality, 218; spirit and pa- triotism in America, 218 Politician, 51; aids gang, 452-53, 456; capitalizes sex appeal, 236; in partnership with rum gangs, 481; what the gang gives the, 458, 477-82 Politics: athletic clubs and, 455- 60; and boss, 452-82; connec- tions of boys’ and athletic clubs with, 457-58; corrupting, 233- 34, 462; and crime, 452-86; fac- tional, 464, 467; feudal relations in, 463-64; fixers in, 200, 398, 417; former gang methods in, 479-80; gang in, 17, 200, 380, 421, 442, 452-86; gang-boy at- titudes toward, 453-54; and jails, 476; leader in, 354; ma- chine, 58, 792; 396, 458, 460, 462- 69, 475; patronage of young gangs, 452-55; primary virtues in, 464; and prohibition, 467; protection, 52, 175, 391, 398, 439, 454, 473-74, 481; public in- difference in, 465; sports and, 455 Polls, gang rule of, 479 Polyandry in gang, 224 Pontiac reformatory, 141, 351, 393; 495, 473 Pool and billiard clubs, 63 Poolroom, 29, 149, 152, 196; and criminal gang, 97-98; crowd, 29; effect on boys, 406; gambling in, 96; gang boys not excluded, 96; gangs, 95, 238; hang-outs, 96, 406; illicit liquor in, 96; im- morality in, 96 Potter, Ellen C., 410, 448 Poverty belt, 22, 23 Precinct: captains, 466; politi- cians, 464 Prestige, 68; court records and, 62, 376; from experience with law, 503; in gang, 336, 371; 565 through pugilism in gang, 99- 100 Preston, Robert, 111 Prevention of crime by attacking problem at sources, 450 Primary conflict: in gang, 180-82; substitutes for, 185-86 Primary group, 288-91, 306, 463; structures in gang, 322; virtues in politics, 464 Prize fighters, 196; in Jewish gangs, 214 Proal, Louis, 112 Probation, 310; of members, 71; and parole inadequate, 5o1—2 Prohibition: effects of, 233-34, 261, 480, 482; enforcement and political corruption, 467; laws, disrespect for, 261; and liquor syndicates, 439-40; mobs, 261 Project method: of dealing with gangs, 511; for difficult children, 526 Prostitution, in Gangland, 244; in Ghetto, 316-17 Pseudo-gang, 58, 70, 113 Psychiatrists, 402, 498 Psychological crowd, 60, 70, 284, 296 Public, 70, 323; and crowd dis- tinguished, 320; defined, 319-20; efficiency, bureau of, 485; in- difference in politics, 465; inter- ference, immunity from, 398; men, news stimulate letters to, 114; officials, undermining of integrity of, 482; pay-rolls, gangsters on, 422; printing press and, 320 Puffer, J. Adams, 43, 54, 245, 387 Pugh, James A., 455 Pugilism in gang, 14, 59, 84, 99- 100, 212, 349 Pull, 447; enjoyed by youthful gang, 472; political, 454566 Punishment: corporal, in institu- tions, 504; effects of fear of, 355; in the gang, 289-90, 292-93; in institutions, 504, 505; for in- terest in girls, 223 Quaife, Milo M., 41 Quarrels and disintegration of gang, 36 Race: and nationality in the gang, 191-220; factor in gang, I9I- 220; riots of 1919, 47, 53, 62, 64, 138, 201, 202-3, 373, 472 Race Relations, Chicago Commis- sion On, 54, 202, 453, 472 Ragen’s Colts, 19, 67, 209, 458 Railroad: detectives and police, 62, I5I, 153, 157; gang, 279, gang and the, 148-58; interests and governmental corruption, 482; junking and the, 148-58; tracks as playgrounds, 156-58 Raleigh, Lee, 339 Rapport in gang, 297-98 Rats-Jellyrolls war, 176-78, 306 Raushenbush, Winifred, 209, 210, 211 Recapitulation theory of boyhood activities, 245-46 Reckless, Walter C., 244, 445 Recognition: effects on gang, 341- 43; gang as struggle for, 331; wish for, 61, 382 Recreation: commercialized, 95- 98; facilities in slums for, 494 Redirecting the gang, 97, 285, 495- 530; formal organization and control, 341-43; through school, 376; Y.M.C.A. methods, 361 Reform administration, 485 “Reform schools,” 333-34, 504-53 confer gang status, 376; gang intimacy in, 358 Religion: conflict on, 219-20; in- effective in gangland, 492 THE GANG Renard, Ray, 178, 293, 397, 435 Response: to routine, 82; to two- fold situation, wanderlust as, 170; wish for, 322 Reuter, E. B., 404 Revenge: aftermath of fair fight, 185; bombing for, 435; desire for, 306, 358 Richardson, N. E., 43, 309 Ridicule in the gang, 293-95 Riis, Jacob, 38, 494 Ring, 45, 58, 70, 323, 381, 437-393 activities of, 437-38; defined, 437; employs gangsters, 438; erroneously called gang, 437; gang in, 438; and the syndicate, 430-41 Riots and gang. See Race riots Ripley, William Z., 46 Roadhouses, 25; fringe, 440, 444; as resorts for gangs, 444 Roaming, 82, 159 Robberies: in Chicago, 448; junk- men instigate, 149; women in, 239 Robbing, 17, 54, 86-87, 136, 143; in the gang, 92-94; hazards, 153; in morality of gang, 92; the post- office, 300-303; as sport, 86-88, 89, 92-94; system of, 287 Réle: determination of in gang, 336; gang boy’s conception of his, 332; of gang in organized crime, 423-26; of the romantic, 116-31 Réles of members, 56; depend upon nature and complexity of activi- ties, 338; development in gang, 332; and status in orgiastic group, 339 Rooming-house area, 7, 10, 24 Rough-house, 82; in gang, 56, 84-85, 95 Rue, Larry, 113INDEX Rum ring, 438 Rum-running, 8, 14, 42, 54 Runaways, 163; hurt feelings of, 131; in news alleys, 140; sub- ways as shelter for, 163 Rural areas, gang in, 367 Russell, Daniel, 232, 445 Russians, 11 Sabotage, juvenile, 95 St. Charles School, 86, 141, 316, 351, 358, 375, 392; 473, 505 St. Louis, 39, 367, 420, 422, 423, 424, 430, 438; alliances between crime and politics in, 461; gangs, 39, 176, 426 Saloon, 17, 20; and the gang, 528; as gang hang-out, 447; -keepers in gang, 200; licensing system inadequate, 447 Sam Cardinelli gang, 405, 407, 431-32 San Francisco, 39, 209, 4390; gangs in, 39; Police Department, 209 Sansone, Tony, 432 Scanlan, Justice Kickham, 443 School: not basis of ganging, 28; children’s picnics, 452; continua- tion, 374; demoralizing effect of gang on, 375-76; for gam- blers, 396; gang and, 69-71; gang boys quit, 374-75; gang training more vital than, 384; inadequacy of, in gangland, 493; playgrounds and gang, 519; re- directing the gang through, 376 Schultz, Roy L., 110 Scotland, gang-boy delinquency in, 379-80 Scouts. See Boy Scouts of America Secrecy: as basis for solidarity, 68; in gang, 8, 69, 118, 310-11 Secret society, 45, 58, 68-69, 70, 71-72, 324 Security: in numbers, 296; wish for, 296 567 Segregation of innately defective in slum, 404; urban and profes- sional criminal, 415 Selection: in gang, 334-36, 341, 419; of gangland population, 23; of hang-outs, 124 Semple, Ellen C., 144 Sensitivity of adolescent, 131 Settlements, 32, 85, 95; and gangs, 513 Sex: adolescent attitudes toward, 221-24; appeal, politicians capi- talize, 236; delinquencies among older gangs, 236-39; differentia- tion, 225; education in gang, 224; in gang, 221-45; hostility in gang, 208, 221, 222; irregulari- ties, 18; and social patterns, 245 Shaw, Clifford R., 129, 382, 496, 505, 511, 525, 526 Sherman Park, 19 Sicilian criminal element in Chi- cago, 205 Sicily, 113 Sighele, Scipio, 112 - Silent Three, 118 Simmel, Georg, 189 Sissies, 216, 294, 338 Situation complex, 144-47, 325- 27, 347; conditions the gang, 144-47; delinquency as result of, 408; matrix of gang develop- ment, 491; and sex life of gang, 243; shapes gang activities, 157 Slavic gangs, number of, 192 Slum, 9, 15, 22, 23, 24, 26, 38, 244; as an asylum for gangsters, 443; environment, 78; recreational facilities in, 494; segregation in, 404 Small, Albion W., 189 Smuggling, 42; -gang, 436 Society: drama (movies), 103; in- evitable, conflict in, 188; as a system of accommodations, 188568 South Chicago, 22, 87, 88 South End, Boston, 39 South Side, 230; badlands, 7, 15- IQ, 201, 237, 243; Clubs, alliance of, 456; gangs, 481-82, 516 Spare time: activities of street club, 375; and delinquency 383; family and, 79; and ganging, 78; in genesis of misconduct, 383; habits of delinquents, 146; of wholesome citizens, 493 Specialization in criminal com- munity, 416-18 Sports, 82; Americanization in field of, 98-100; in the gang, 40, 98-100; and politics, 455; world of the gang boy and the, 98-100 Spykman, Nicholas J., 189, 353 Squealing, 61, 284; code against, 48, 68; in criminal gang of to- day, 422; the worst infraction, 288 Statistics: on ages of delinquents unsatisfactory, 410; on ages of gang members, 73-74; on burg- lary, robbery, and murder in Chicago, 448; of Boy Scouts in Chicago, 510 Status in the gang, 328-39; con- fered by “record,” 376; court record as giving, 503; of mem- bers, 56; nickname as indication of, 339-40; struggle for, 331-34; wish for, 291 Stealing, 18, 60, 92; attitudes toward, 312-14; of automobiles, 436; of ballots, 468; of brass journals, 153; of copper, 447; from a corporation, 155, 264; exploits, 97; in the gang, 92-94, 120, 385; merchandise for home use, 264; in mores of gang, 151; neighborhood mores on, 155; in news alleys, 141; parents not averse to, 263; as sport, 92-94, 182; systems of, 314-15 Stedman, Henry R., 80 THE GANG Stehr, I. D., 371, 373 Stephenson, G. B., 512 Stevens, C. L. M., 41 Stimulants, use of in gang, 100-101 Stimulation, commulative in gang, IOI Stock yards, 17, 18, 181, 203, 397, 406 Stowe, L. B., 376 Street: children, 139, 266; club, spare time activities of, 375; gang, 91; gangs of New York City, 460; trades, 264 Street-walkers, 139 Streets: education of the, 265; as playgrounds of the gang, 133-35; names of—Ada, 62; Archer Av- enue, 16, 396; Ashland Avenue, 17; Clark, 197; Eighty-ninth, 87; Eighty-seventh, 143; Fifteenth Place, 12; Fifteenth, 433; Fifty- fifth, 19, 32, 128; Forquer, 27, 515; Fortieth, 194; Forty-eighth, 62; Forty-fourth, 339; Forty- seventh, 18, 19, 63, 203; Forty- third, 86; Fourteenth, 199; Halsted, 11, 12, 18, 19, 27, 28, 66, 133-34, 356, 515; Harrison, 66, 392; Huron, 197; Indiana Avenue, 432; Kedzie Avenue, 220; Lake Park Avenue, Ig, 516; Lake, 11, 186; Lawndale Ave- nue, 138; Leavitt, 520; Madison, 423, 516; Marshfield Avenue, 388; Maxwell, see Maxwell; Milwaukee Avenue, 9, 195; Montrose Avenue, 160; New- berry, 199; Nineteenth, 36, 520; Ninety-fifth, 87; Ninth Avenue, 183; Ogden Avenue, 195; One hundred and fifty-fifth, 25; Racine Avenue, 63, 116; Roose- velt Road;; 12; 14, “15,7 107; Shields Avenue, 203; Sixteenth, 15; Sixty-third, 15, 16, 19, 86, 87, 96; South Clark, 210, 236; South Halsted, 18, 19, 25, 122,INDEX 133-34, 137, 458; South State, 15, 122, 133-34, 139-40; South Water, 14, 152; State, 15, 46, 64, 346, 435; Stewart Avenue, 16, 201; Thirteenth, 220; Thirty- fifth, 46; Thirty-first, 194; Twelfth, 36, 86, 149, 220, 518; Twenty-first, 36, 432; Twenty- ninth, 372; Twenty-second, 96, 210; Twenty-sixth, 198; Twenty- third, 36; Union Avenue, 181; Wells, 203; Wentworth Avenue, 16, 203; Western Avenue, 143, 160, 198, 396 Struggle: pattern of life, 188; for recognition in gang, 331-41 Subordination and _ superordina- tion in gang, 331-32 Substitute: activities in gang, 78; for conflict behavior, 185-86; for gang, 322-23; gang as a 38. 79; reading as, 105 Substitution, problem of, 170-72 Succession, cultural invasions and, 194-202 Summation: defined, 303; process of, 179; used by leaders, 353 Sumner, William G., 305 Superiority: attitude of, in gang, 391; of syndicate in promotion of crime, 441 Supervision: desire to escape fam- ily, 31; escape from, under mod- ern conditions, 446; of gang ath- letics, 99; of immigrant girls, 229 Suppression: of boys, 78; of im- agination attempted, 170-71; of movies and newspapers un- thinkable, 114; of stag party, 235-36 Survey Committee of Cleveland Foundation, 383 Sutherland, Edwin H., 218, 255, 378, 381, 382, 385, 410, 429, 433, 451 Sutherland, Sidney, 423 569 Swedish gangs, 192 Syndicate, 323, 381; defined, 4309, of fences, 417; political protec- tion for, 439-40; types of, 439 Tarde, Gabrie!, 319 Taxicabs and crime, 446 Tenacity of gang associations, 508 Tent gang, 125, 135-36 Term: gang, first use of, 42; gang- ster, popular usage of, 73 Thievery. See Stealing Thirteenth Ward, 469 Thomas, William I., 43, 82, 89, 111, 219, 255, 291, 296, 331, 511, 520, 527 Thompson, Justice Floyd E., 461 Thompson-Lundin political ma- chine, 464 Thompson, William Hale, 455 Thrill: 68, pursuit of a, 82; wander- lust as quest for, 170 Thurston, Henry W., 30, 78, 146, 493, 512 Tigers’ Club, 135 Tom Carey’s Indians, 194 Tong, 208; an American product, 208-9; as Chinese gang, 208-12; fighting, development of, 210; functions of, 208-9; gunmen, 208; highbinder, 211; illegal business of members, 210; kil- lings, paid murders, 208; mean- ing of, 208; membership in, 209- I0; men, 213; monopolies in gambling, slave-dealing, drug- smuggling, 208; origin of, 208; professional soldiers in, 211; wars, 205 Tradition, 57; of delinquency in gang, 387; in gang, 55-56; of gang delinquencies, 382; and group-awareness in gang, 55-56; of hostilities between territories, 201; persistence of gang names and, 19957° Tramp, 163; as gang-boy hero, 118; language and technique carried back to gang, 169; life attracts gang boy, 169 Tramps: as gang-boy heroes, 118; proportion under 21, 169 Travis, Thomas, 387 Tri-Street Athletic Club, 69 Truancy in gang, 66, 166-67, 370- 74 Truant officers’ reports on gangs, 37° Truants: in Chicago, study of, 371; criminal gang from group of, 374 Trude, Judge Daniel P., 430, 483 TTT criminal gang, 14, 214 Tugwell, Rexford, 159 Twentieth Ward, 468, 469 Twilight League, 99 Twilight Life, gang area, 27 Two-flat area, 24 Types: of athletic clubs, 457; of boys, 333; of cases handled by Boy’s Court, 412-13; of criminal gangs, 34, 420, 430; of felonies committed by boys, 412-13; of gangs, 58-76; of leaders, 344, 346-49; of misdemeanors com- mitted by boys, 413; the political machine in Chicago, 462-69; of robbery in master gangs, 434; of specialized gangs, 434-36; of syndicates, 439 Underworld, 19, 24, 25, 260; of Chicago described, 415-18; func- tional middlemen of, 418; “grapevine system,” 416; pat- terns for gangs, 260; roadhouse as branch of, 445 Union: League Boys’ Club, 511, 520, 523; League Club of Chi- cago, 520; Park, 83, 186; Stock Yards, 18 THE GANG United States: mails, raids on, 428; Senate investigating com- mittee, 466 Unity: of gang, 277-78; of inter- acting personalities, 328 University: of Chicago, 244; Co- lumbia, 485; of Southern Cali- fornia, 39 Urban: -rural districts, frontier between, 445 UUU criminal gang, 325 culture V: Athletic Club, 168 Vagrancy laws not enforced, 436 Valley, 14, 199; gang, 14, 382, 424, 431, 433-34; Succession in the, 199-200 Vandalism: attributed to comic strip, 113; In gang, 94-95 Van Waters, Miriam, 492 Variability: of gangs, 45; in morale, 54 Vendetta, 8, 204, 206 Vengeance in gang. See Revenge Verril, A. Hyatt, 42 Viana, Nicholas, 293, 405, 431 Vice: areas, 24, 444; and city limits, 444; desire for excitement be- comes, 171; in gangland, 316- 17; promoted by criminal gangs, 434; resorts, 15, 20, 244, 260; rings, 230; satellites of, 445; so- cial patterns of, 244 Villa, Francisco, 42 Vitality of organized crime, 423 Vittum, Harriet, 513 Wanderlust, 159-72; in city, 86- 87; how stimulated, 170; a vice in hobo, 172; Wild West as lure to, 165 War: ceremonial character of, 190; Civil, 42; club, 528; game, 89; issues in, 189-90INDEX Ward: boss, 464-65; committee- man, 466; and factional ma- chines, efficiency of, 467; politi- cal machine, 464-67 Ward School, 185 Warfare in gang, 173-91 Warner, M. L., 404 Watson, John B., 43, 256 Webster, Albert E., 102, 148, 378 Wertheim, Elsa, 140, 141 West and gangs, 41 West Side, 12, 14, 148, 421; de- partment, Y.M.C.A., 516; Nig- ger-Babies Association, 275; Sportsmen, 67; wilderness, 6, 8-15, 214 West-Town, 20, 24 Whitla, Willie, 112 Whitney, Leon F., 404 Whittemore gang, 424, 446 Wild West: as lure to wander, 165; movies, 102 Wissler, Clark, 252 571 Women: in gang, see Sex in gang; gang attacks on, 237 Woods, Robert A., 39, 265, 266, 337, 339, 460 WWW criminal gang, 14, 196, 214, 49, 43, 43 XXX criminal gang, 18, 19 Yarros, Victor S., 448, 461 Youmans, Zeta F., 264 Young Men’s Christian Associa- tion, 361, 509, 510, 514-17 Young Men’s Hebrew Association, 220, 510 YYY criminal gang, 19 Znaniecki, Florian, 219 Zone: of transition, 23, 24; of workingmen’s homes, 24 Zones of city, 24 Zorbaugh, H. 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