eee ee i pi oreis i Hi ae eke ais o 5 is of Crees rac erp keris Baise eentie, fae Gao epinreroprresnieie ee:ratlipei af oa Library 9 .B735 ALD y of the ancient world Vin guqu| Htmer tel ieee 1 (iuppmcl H PPPSQUUNOQTIAULVESOOANOAALATOSEOSARAATLUUEOGPLATT ATICCUTOAATETIICEGOGHTAUTUECOQOetotH I UEUUOTTTTTFOOar TARE IL }, ROPRTARPORTETGEDTAT TAT NT st ad EESTIOCLENEOREE a be LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA = FROM THE BOOKS OF PROF. THOMAS WALKER PAGE | enon ACQUIRED BY FUNDS x Ce : _ DONATED BY Pet eae TY STUDENTS IN ECONOMICS BI | SS | i eee eae) ttt i AARREGEREGHTREERRTERU UTTER PRR URUARELET EDD ARRRIEEEE RARRRDREOES: i tT , 9 oe (Ue ee PEC Ue USP ER RES eee easi} Tele PeLePerael. SECRELET Ep ctae. i] ne Thihenh 7 i ear nf eeePaanene POCa eRe Tae T aie ay ad yr ug . ey ex a Pa ee rharmammenicen” Steam ee obs tue Co ea ae ate a 5 | — ees Se ae — en — ; ED ELE OE RRO RE OD kee Da ROEDER DUEL REDD ORR ER CUE ERR E ROR CODER ao PERU TRG EG TAT LETT HE PALEUAURUURUGRRRRRGEDERAERAGREAT ERG : PmverraTMTTTTTTAUGTLATICALUEIULAAUGLULLOGL LEA LLALUGLUGOOLOLONTULTILUTLOTRNLEOTORIEAILOICTRRT RUM MTUa ET COT ONT eeCreay Unt MITT eedMenIStORY OF ERE ANCIENT WORLD i { \j i f } |eae itt WERE U Rene TTT Pe TOES: 3 o THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK + BOSTON + CHICAGO SAN FRANCISCO MACMILLAN & CO., Limrrep LONDON * BOMBAY + CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Lt. TORONTO TE i MOR ReTL { ERE PU ey PRURPRRTR CHEVRON RPUREDDNNURL UIE RGrSEOnOaEat pebp edd babaresean ———————— Fa aT Oar Oe | a} it ] as -—~ ———— 5 a a atid 12? eres nese ll rights reserved4] ; Mt Hay WHY Tit Hy nay ; thy | / } \ - | } PUR CHASE PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA a Femi ene a ot mee ob eas 348250 COPYRIGHT, IQII, By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 7 ri ‘i Set up and electrotyped. Published July, r9rr. Reprinted September, 1911; January, August, 1912; January, August, 1913; November, 1914; January, 1916; August, 1917; Febru- ary, 1919; May, 1920; January, 1921; February, 1922; March, 1923; January, 1925. o eve ° ee AO eoe@ene ee 8 ee e » @ e e he ee e . ee @ fe s e ee e 5° e* oe e©* © @# # ee @ . . » ° ° . e« 6 e ee &® @©e « ® . e e . ee . *eee e ee * ee ie sietaoisn mae .** aie) e siole mee SOP LEE tes Motindot dss * ¢J. 8. Gushing Co. — Berwick oe Suni, Norwood, Mass., U.S ath : | HTeHTeHRaT ED Te iii VOU Ge MUU teensPREFACE THE preparation of this volume began as a revision of my An- cient History, but the expansion and alterations have been so exten- sive as to produce a substantially new book. It is to serve mainly as a practical text-book for meeting new demands in the study of ancient history in secondary schools. In its preparation the advice of educators throughout the country has been obtained ; the reports of the Committee of Seven and Committee of Five have been kept in mind; and account has been taken of requirements for admis- sion to college and for state examinations. In brief, every effort has been made to bring the work up to present educational stand- ards. Inthe labor of preparation I have enjoyed the cooperation of Miss Antoinette Holbrook, Head of the History Department, Chelsea High School, Chelsea, Massachusetts, who has contributed to all parts of the book her experience as a teacher. The proofs have been read, and corrections made, by Professor Eugene Fair, department of Ancient History, State Normal School, Kirksville, Missouri. It gives me pleasure to express my high appreciation of such aid. For the choice and arrangement of topics I am espe- cially indebted to “A History Syllabus for Secondary Schools,” prepared under the auspices of the History Teachers’ Association of New England. This outline is the one used in the Syllabus of the New York State Education Department. The newer educational movement rightly lays stress on the causal relations and the significance of events and on culture and social life. My “History of Greece” (1899) did pioneer work in this field; and I now cherish the hope that educators will soon see their way clear to the elimination of many minor persons and events from the study of ancient history to make room for a larger treatment of social and cultural activities. I have aimed also to bring the book up to date from the point of view of scholarship. In the chapters on the Orient, for instance, V wane | i : iv1 Preface advantage has been taken of such recent and authoritative publi- cations as the new edition of Breasted’s ‘“‘History of Ancient Egypt”? and of Meyer’s ‘Geschichte des Altertums,” Vol. I. Other examples of improvement in this direction may be found in the treatment of the early Greek and Italic civilizations, in the growth and decline of the Roman Empire, and in the period of transition to the Middle Ages. Great pains have been taken to furnish the volume with an abundance of useful maps and illustrations. All the maps have been drawn especially for this book or have been transferred, with improvements, from my earlier works. ‘The pictures in each chap- ter are of objects or persons contemporary with the period treated, and have for that reason a great value as a means of instruction. For the use of some of this material my thanks are due to the authorities of the British Museum, to the Ministry of Public Instruction of Italy, and to my colleague, Professor George N. Olcott. It seems to me to be due to myself now to say that no one of my text-books has been a compilation of modern writings. The present volume, for example, is a product of more than a quarter century of a life earnestly devoted to the study and interpretation of Greek and Roman historical sources. On most of the topics presented within this field I have examined the sources with sufficient care to enable me to express an opinion of my own. But only ina few instances, as on the composition of the Roman assemblies or on the value of Alexander’s conquests, do I depart materially from the current view. I understand, however, the difficulty of compress- ing all ancient history within so few pages. The greater the con- densation, the more liable becomes the work to incomplete statements and to errors arising from inattention to details. I shall be grateful to the Reader who will inform me of such defects or offer suggestions for the improvement of the book. GEORGE WILLIS BOTSFORD. MOUNT VERNON, NEW YORK, June I, IgiI. aI WPVVRTRITTTRTETLELEU LEER Rd be PRD RERURU NORD REE PUUHEUULURELECSeOUeRTUCUUaeeuneuenyauna Tau ee neeSUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS CHAPTERS VI and XXVIII owe their existence in their present form to the requests of teachers. Many, however, will find it preferable, with classes beginning the subject, to omit all of chapter VI excepting § 70, the second half of § 79, and § 80, and in chapter XXVIII to omit § 354; to teach the geo nection with the events; to have the location of every place care- fully described from the maps on its first occurrence in the narrative; and to use these two chapters in a review of the graphy in cone geography. One or two myths may be selected for recitation and the rest left to the pupils merely to read. Similarly in the first progress of the class through the book the teacher may find it advisable to touch but lightly on government, and then by way of review to take up as separate topics the constitutional history of Sparta, Athens, and Rome respectively, that the pupils may learn to appreciate the evolution of the government as a whole and of its individual institutions. ‘The teacher will save time and energy by looking carefully over every lesson with the class at the moment the assignment is made, in order to explain difficulties and to indi- cate what may be omitted or what topics may profitably be expanded by collateral reading. Many proper names and minor events, for example, could be omitted without injury to the pupils’ intelligence. In fact the process of elimination has a high edu- cational value. ‘The readings are given merely as illustrations. Generally the teacher will prefer to make his own selections from books accessible to the class. ‘The questions, too, are intended as examples. Many more questions may profitably be asked, not only on the text, but also on the maps and illustrations, Abstracts or topical outlines of periods are strongly recommended. Fortunately no all-sufficing text-book in history has ever been written, or can be written. From the very nature of historical study any effort to avoid the routine work of learning everything in given order in the book and nothing more —to study the subject in hand rather than the book itself — will be amply rewarded by the results. vil ee ae a a | ft : ‘| en TOAPIVEEETRUR RET TLUUUER EEL HTOREAVRRUTAT ROR TAT Hi HUT GUT Ee ea PHTTROPEET TREATED Mii eee eeeCHAPTER I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX, “2CONTENTS&= PART I THE ORIENTAL NATIONS Introduction: The Scope and Course of Ancient History Egypt ° ° ; ; The Tigris — Eu; os Valley « ° : . : Syria: The Phoenicians and the Hebrews . . ° ‘ The Median-and Persian Empires. . e . ° PART II HELLAS The Country and the People . ° ‘ e . ° The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations . ° ° The First Period of Colonization; The Epic or Homeric Age = a v oS o a 7 e Religion and Myth . ; ° ; ; ° ° ° The City-State and its Development . : ° ; . Second Period of Colonial Expansion : ° ° ° The Rise of Sparta and the Peloponnesian League . . Athens: From Monarchy to Democracy .- ° Intellectual Awakening . . ; Conquest of Asiatic Greece by the Lydians aia Se Persians War with Persia and Carthage . ° ‘ . The Delian Confederacy and the Athenian ‘Empire ‘ : The Age of Pericles . . ; ° : ° ° : The Peloponnesian War to the Sicilian Expedition . ; From the Sicilian Expedition to the End of the War . . ix PAGE 21 37 166 182 19! 219 226x Contents biitebpide TEP RAVUHERARU RUA TER DO Rain Be UHPRRRAREEORVEDOED) POPUUTURCLUR CRIA ORO UTERO EUOURUEGURU yO Ua| eRe j CHAPTER PAG : XXI. Sicily: The Tyrant and the Liberator . ° ; 246 XXII. The Supremacy of Sparta . : ° ° ; « 252 ; XXIII. Thebes attempts to gain the Supremacy : : . 263 XXIV. The Rise of Macedon : 268 XXV. The Founding of Alexander’s Empire . ° . . 279 i XXVI. The Maturity of the Greek Mind: From Poetry to Prose 286 XXVII. The Hellenistic Age 296 PART III ROME XXVIII. The Country and the People 311 XXIX. Rome under the Kings. . : : 7 24 XXX. The Early Republic: (1) The Plebeians win their Rights 339 | XXXI. The Early Republic: (11) Rome becomes Supreme in Italy 352 XXXII. The Organization of Roman Rule in Italy; Progress in Civilization : 1 gOr XXXIII. The Expansion of the Roman Power to .1e End of the Second Punic War . 370 XXXIV. The Expansion of the Roman Power from Mount Taurus to the Atlantic. 389 XXXV. The Growth of Plutocracy : . : 399 XXXVI. The Revolution: (1) From Plutocracy to Military Rule 409 XXXVII. The Revolution: (11) The Military Power in Conflict with the Republic : 428 XXXVIII. The Founding of the Principate; the Julian Princes ASI XXXIX. From Principate to Monarchy; the Claudian and the Flavian Princes 465 XL. The Five Good Emperors 484 XLI. A Century of Revolution . ° ° ° . 500 XLII. The Absolute Monarchy ° ° ; e 507 XLIII. Causes of the Decline of the Empire . ° ‘ 517CHAPTER Contents X LIV. The Germanic Invasions XLV. The New German States XLVI. The Growth of the Papal Power CHIEF EVENTS IN ANCIENT HISTORY USEFUL BOOKS INDEX ; : and of the Frankish Power + + © *. 2 * & s * o * wm Wu - WwW WN Cc) Oo > wv [ “J wi 566 569 } ee ~ TY eri ———— Sea Parr eee esrecinenpeprmene ns Sa er EN ee ree ae os Dos SS os DADs Stee WUVTRVUURRT PRGA EEU LAER eee: POOUHUAURERRUPERUULUCEROEADTT TUTE ROrS meauaey PPE eee,eeanaT SSS ene yer eee cone aeons MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS | } } | FULL-PAGE AND DOUBLE-PAGE MAPS PAGE iI Earliest Civilizations, for Reference . . : : ; before I | i Early Babylonian and Assyrian Empires . ° : ~: 2 F Median, New Babyionian, and Lydian Empires : ; - 49 i Greece, for Reference ° : ; : ; ; = 59 | Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations : . ; : 6 69 H The Hellenic World : : : : . ‘ “ 105 Greece at the Time of the War with eee : ; : a 161 Athenian Empire at its Height. . . . : : . 193 f The Acropolis of Athens . ° ; ° : ° “ 207 1 Athens . , . : . ° . ‘ ° . ~ .2f 208 Greece in the Peloponnesian War . ; : : : before 221 Empire of Alexander the Great s : ; : 281 Kingdoms formed from Alexander’s Empire. : me 297 Italy before the Punic Wars. . ° : ° . a“ 313 The Vicinity of Rome ; 7 “ 353 The Expansion of the Roman BOW er to the Time of the Gracchi “ 37 The Expansion of the Roman Power from the Gracchi to the Death of Augustus : ; ; : ‘ ; before lI The Roman Empire from Acenstss fo Diocletian . a 453 The Roman Empire under Diocletian and Constantine . 509 Charlemagne’s Empire . ° . ° : s 555 MAPS AND PLANS IN THE TEXT The Egyptian Empire. : : . . 10 f Palestine and Phoenicia : : ; ; . 38 The Peloponnesian League ; ° ‘ < saker i Salamis . ; . . 7 ‘ eae | Athens and Pelraeas! Eeonne Long Walls : : . : . 193 i Bay of Pylos . = 7 : . : ; ; ' : 222 xiiixiv Maps and Illustrations PAGE ; Syracuse . : : ° . ‘ ° ° ; . ; ~ 230 The Hellespont ; : : : ° : ; ° ° . 236 Kingdom of Dionysius. ° ° ; ° . 248 fj The Theban Tactics at the Battle of Wencir : ; ‘ ° a) 208 } Tyre : : : : : : ; ° 251 The Tribes of Italy and Sicily Sc tyid (ere Dv: Mey ie Oe LG ; Early Rome . ‘ . ° . ° « 9335 ' Colonies and VaRens Roads Bf Italy ; ° ° e . «302 Imperial Rome - . ° : ° : ° . ° . = ALY The Sacred Way . ° ; . ; ° : . ; see aby Europe about 525 A.D. . ° : ; ° ‘ ° . - 541 i is i i} FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS The Acropolis of Athens . . ; : : . Frontispiece Egyptian Market Scenes . ° = facing TA Halls in Columns in the Temple of Naa Thebes : “ 16 The Vale of Tempe . ; ; , : . : : ss 61 A Mycenaean Palace ° : ° ° ° : ° << 74 Mycenaean Objects . ; ; ° ° : ; n 78 Gold Cups from Vaphio, faconid ° ; ; ° ° GK. Delphi. ° . . ° ° ° ° : 2 «6 acing on Acragas . : : cs : ° . : : , se 107 The Parthenon : ° ° ° : : . 300 Apollo Belvedere . ° : . ° : . : 2 307 A Shore of the Alban et ; : ° ; ° ‘ ; a 31S ! An Etruscan Arch . ; ° ; ° ; ° : ; « 319 | An Etruscan Tomb . ; ; : : 7 7 ; sa 2 An Etruscan Banquet : 7 . ° ° e ° of 32 | An Etruscan Temple ° ; ° ° ° ; . ° of gat | A Vestal Virgin . e ° . . . ; . ° a Bak j The Forum Inscription . ‘ ° ° ° ; ° ° a 1327 | An Urnin the Form ofa Hut . ° a. . : . 328 i An Etruscan Curule Chair ° ; e ° ; « 390 | Lictors with Axes . . ‘ ° e ° e ‘ ° Sey | Minerva . ; ; ; ~ . ; - ~ ~ ; 333 i An Etruscan Augur . ; ; : : ; . . 5) 984 i, Remnant of the So-called Servian Wall : : ° ‘ ° o 354 ; Italian Soldier . : e ° ‘ ° ; ; ° ° « 365 AOWAS: one tL Gt a oa ee sg ee eee Seco ; A Denarius . : ; : : ° ° ° ‘ ; A Sy i Aesculapius . ° . ° ; ' e ‘ 5) 308 : Sacred Chickens in a Portable Cam, ; ° ° ° - 374 Detail of a Bronze Statue. ; ° ° ° ° a 808 Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus . : ° ° : e 404 “ Pompey the Great” ‘ ° ° ‘ ° ; . . e 428 i Combats of Gladiators . ’ ° ° ° ° ; , A420 | Cicero ; ; . . ° ns : : ; s (432 i Roman Soldiers Marching : ; z : . s : «435 | | Julivs Caesar . " ; ; ; ; : : ; ; . 440 WV Octavianus , ° ° . : . . ; . ° - 442 AUSchools:’, ie, ay oe hp ele aha es MeebiamIcmee? emeNAAZ Cloaca Maxima : ; ; : ; ; : 448 Tomb of Caecilia Mete ste , : ; ; ° ° ° ° « 449 The Temple of Mars the Avenger . ° ° ° ° ° . 458 Flamines . ° ° ° ° ° . ° ° - 459 Garland of Fruit and Flowers ; , . ° ° ° ; - 460 Remnant of the Claudian Aqueduct . ; ° ° . ° - 466 Nero ° ° é ° ° ° ° ° ° : . A07 Storming a City : . ° . . : . ° ° - 469 The Sacred Way . ° ° ° . . ° ° . « 470XV Maps and Illustrations PAGA Roman Soldiers in Triumphal Procession . . ° : ; - 470 The Colosseum or Flavian Amphitheatre . : A : 7 Aut Interior of the Colosseum ; : ° ° : ° : - A72 eae CP 7 Tae ae EE ame ne Bree ph Vina SOS aE rm oi A Street in Pompeii . : : : : ; : ; ; ATH, Cave Canem . . : ; . ; ° ° ° : 5 YRS A Dining Room , : . : aes : : S “AqG j Peristyle of a House in Pompeii : ° ° ° ° ° - AZO i House Furniture. ‘ ‘ : ; : : : ‘ . 480 ; The Column of Trajan. : . ; er : . - 2 i Plotina, Wife of Trajan . ; : : ; : : : . 486 Hadrian . : ; . ; . - . . : 4 . A07; } PMSA ee se 6 lw RN 88 Pantheon, Exterior . ; ; : : ; 7 : 2 -. 489 Pantheon, Interior . : : ; ; ° : ‘ ° - 490 The Tomb of Hadrian . : : ° ° ° ° . - 49! Cinerary Urn . : : ° ; ° ; ° ‘ ° - 492 Burning a Dacian Town . : ° ° ° ; ° . - 495 Bridge at Alcantara, Spain . ° ° ° ° ° : » 496 Odeum of Herodes Atticus : ° ° ; ° : . - 497 Process of Building . : : : ; ° ° ° ° - 498 Roman Legionary . . : : ° ° ° : : - 500 Septimius Severus . : . ° : . ° ° - SOL Triumphal Arch of Septimius Sev erus ° . ° : ° - 502 The Wall of Aurelian : ° ° : : ; ° : = 505 Constantine. ° . ° : ° ° ° ° - 510 Mary and the Infant jess : . . ; ° : . 6 He A German Village . : ; : : : 2 : 7 520 German Soldier . ; : : : : . 595 Church of Sant’ Aeciinare Nuoy 9, Rar enna . : ° ° - 540 St. Sophia, Constantinople ° : ° ° : : ° - 544 Stabeter . ; : : : : ° ° : : : = 546 Charlemagne asa Hero . : : : ; : . : a SG Cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle . ; ° ° e ° . « SOY a TCM PURRLAES RIMES PEEL PUVPRERAUPIEHPREOUIUURSPOOSEEOOSOROUETEDEUUTURUOTVCORODOUTITITTELEC TORU EOUCOOROESRIMUROR GLa] eb aE heA HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT WORLDSSS eared { | | i a i, | t | D asa ents were * vert Het WPURTTRUPR TLL EL TREE ELE UU an ei WTPEPLATUPUPLEUETPOURUUOUTIERTRTREES ES 7 " eh " 8] SePeaeeue’ eal eaee TER eeGeaeee i Pane ne reeayi}a Da TS as 7 ge rma as SS ee = | | |A | nbs estes E55) { eethe. PEPPER EEE DEREREE WeLaat iene 6 Nata om ta lm nn ee en a eee } j / | i } | i} 1 ieee Nee N “Cary ‘!, Nineveh \.\o Cai hemigh -PEVeh e\S i \ 3 | ed Neae NC abeta Ye £E S| a ~~ a \ z; peo oa te EARLIEST CIVILIZAT IC FOR REEERENCE ae Persian Empire al its greatest e | | 30° 35° 40° : 45° Longitude = ie Oe eee EGER VAY a PURUSORU RUE UU ROO R BBE Ska Lb bp izSe ere ma o pacer el Deena Ie aera as > al } \ : = _ ta | sae q r ao | pepe < —e ( ES 7, i SJ : a » \ { var Do | ) : ~ ¢ Pe \ A, \ | - \ Ne | Rises tp l ¥ he” ft | 7 F i - . iam ee | rr re ) wr ° : : ' ; : ih i : ah = or ~ \ a \ i ~ tsa n= . &— — € i PLATEAU OF |IRAN es z Ay AR Ke < ce SN r 2 Persepolis ¢*®PERSIA ~ So c ey esi mn > > “Ne a: ay fl oy f | a 7 4 —ea ee Fe erin Sn toe ere nannies me ee ea intienoe sed aan il i eee ee Ve SUPER Pe ROO Reg CEE | TEE wn La WOUHUURReL Peers) Me cae eee nw i ene ul ae pandaNTS One OP ers ANCIENT: WORLD PART I THE ORIENTAL NATIONS CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION : THE SCOPE AND COURSE OF ANCIENT HISTORY 1. Condition of the World To-day. — As we look over the world to-day we find that the nations and peoples differ widely from one another in character and habits. Some have refined homes, a good government, a moral religion, schools, libraries, steam power, the telegraph, the telephone, and hundreds of other comforts and con- veniences. Such people are civilized. We think of the United States, Great Britain, France, and the other countries of Europe and America as the most highly civilized of the world. Others, as those of central Africa, are savage. Between the two extremes we can find every grade of civilization. The reason is that for ages some peoples have remained almost stationary, whereas others have made progress. 2. Savagery, Barbarism, and Civilization Distinguished. — In the history of the world much use is made of the terms savagery, bar- barism, and civilization. Savagery is the rudest and lowest condli- tion of life, when men live by hunting and fishing and have either no settled homes or those only of the crudest kind. Barbarism is the intermediate stage between savagery and civilization. Some have found it convenient to define barbarism as beginning with the invention of pottery and ending with the invention of the al- B I2 Introduction: The Scope and Course of Ancient History phabet. In a general sense civilization refers to any degree of improvement, however low or high, in a narrower sense to the con- dition of life above barbarism. We associate with the word civili- zation especially the idea of a government strong enough to protect the lives and property of the citizens, a well-ordered society, and some advancement in the arts and sciences. Culture is but another word for civilization. 3. History. — History is chiefly concerned with progress. It has to do, therefore, with those nations only which have improved their condition. Based on written records, it could not begin till writing was invented and applied to the preservation of facts. So far as our knowledge goes, the Egyptians were the first civilized people. They invented a system of writing as early as the fifth millennium (so00-4000) B.C.!_ We may say, then, that the history of the world begins at this time. We do not know when men first appeared on the earth, but we may feel certain that thousands of years were required to bring them up to the condition in which we find the Egyptians at the dawn of history. In brief, the historical age, extending through the past seven thousand years, is but an insig- nificant fraction of the entire life of mankind. 4. The Prehistoric Age. — The period before the dawn of history is called prehistoric. Our knowledge of it is not derived from writ- ten records, but from entirely different sources. The chief materials to be studied for that age are the works of men’s hands, such as tools, weapons, personal ornaments, ruins of walls, dwellings, tombs, and temples. The science which has to do with such objects is archaeology. Many implements, ornaments, and other works of primitive men have been found in caves which once served as their dwellings, in their tombs, beneath the surface of fields they have tilled, in the gravel beds along the banks of streams where they have hunted and fished, or in the buried sites of their villages. From such material it is possible to trace the progress of the human race through the prehistoric period. 5. Great Periods of the Historical Age. — History is continuous like the flow of ariver. It moves now slowly, now rapidly; it often changes direction, but it never comes to a standstill. A period of 1§ x2 f. PALER Eee Pe ee aThe Meaning of History 3 history is a time during which mankind, or some part of it, is de- veloping or declining in a particular direction. One period glides so gradually into another that the line of separation between them can never be definitely fixed. It is customary to divide the seven thousand years of the historical age into three great periods, Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern. The past five centuries, or thereabout, are usually assigned to modern times. As regards the division between ancient and mediaeval history there is far less agreement. Some make the beginning of the Middle Ages coincide with the barbarian invasions of the Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries, A.D., others with the death of Charlemagne early in the ninth century. This very difference of opinion shows the artificial character of such divisions. 6. Ancient History Explained. — An explanation of the term Ancient History will help us decide when this period closed. It has to do with the countries in or near the Mediterranean Sea. Here were the only civilized peoples of the time who have contributed anything to our own life! All parts of this region were closely connected with each other. The chief means of communication was the sea itself, which served as a highway for colonization, trade, and conquest. In a word, it was the Mediterranean which gave unity to the region and to the history of its civilization. Ancient history consists of two great parts, Oriental and Greco- Roman or Classical. The Orient was made up of Egypt and Southwestern Asia. Here civilization was born. From this begin- ning the classical world afterward developed. The latter included the whole Mediterranean basin and some adjacent territory on the East and North. Thus a considerable part of the Orient came within the region here described. The whole classical area came to be united in the Roman empire under one government. When the centre of interest shifts from this area to the countries north and northwest, ancient history closes and mediaeval history begins. 7. The Western Progress of Civilization. — When we take up these subjects in greater detail, we shall find the general progress of 1 India, China, and Japan were also civilized in ancient times; but in our brief study we do not need to consider them, as they have stood quite apart from the progress of the world to which we belong. % a i | | {4 Introduction: The Scope and Course of Ancient History the world during ancient history to have been from east to west. First Egypt, Babylonia, and the neighboring Asiatic countries became civilized, then Greece, then Italy and Carthage, then Spain, southern Gaul, and the opposite coast of north Africa. Northern Gaul and Britain, remote from the Mediterranean coasts, were less affected by ancient civilization. 8. The Great Divisions, or Races, of Mankind. —In the study of history it is convenient to divide mankind into groups according to their physical qualities, as color, hair, skull, or the like, and to call these grand divisions races. From the point of view of color three groups may be distinguished. The first is the Black or Negro race of central and southern Africa. They are the lowest in intelligence, and have contributed practically nothing to the progress of the world. The second is the Yellow or Mongolian race of Asia. They include the Chinese and Japanese, who have long been civilized, and the nomads, or wandering people, of central Asia. Some of the Europeans, as the Turks, Hungarians, and Finns, belong to the same race. The American Indians are grouped with them by some scholars; by others they are regarded as a distinct race. The third and historically most important group is the White, or Caucasian race. To the White race are due practically all the improvements of the past seven thousand years. 9. Subdivisions of the White or Caucasian Race. — The White race is termed Caucasian because scholars once believed that its highest physical perfection could be found among the mountaineers of Caucasus. It included three main branches, which we also usually call races, Hamites, Semites, and Indo-Europeans (or Aryans).! The Hamites, named after Ham, a son of Noah, in- habited northern Africa. They comprised the ancient Egyptians and the Libyans. They were the creators of the first civilization. The Semites, so named after Shem, another son of Noah, comprised she Babylonians, Assyrians, Hebrews, Phoenicians, and other peoples of southwestern Asia. Their greatest contribution to the world’s progress was commerce, a phonetic alphabet, and religion. The Indo-Europeans had two branches, Asiatic and European. To ns oe ee era a ea ores nel mas i } 1 : 1Tt is only in a loose, popular sense that Aryan fs equivalent to Indo-European Strictly, the word applies only to the Hindoos and the Tranians. oe HLSEETTUEN One nanan HEE POGORATAPAVLURRUVRVRDPCURATAVVVERTURLETIEGRER DUCT ERENT TO NKOnT WHUCREREVEL ARaces 5 the Asiatic division belong the Persians and Hindoos; to the Euro- pean the Greeks, Italians (including the Romans), Teutons, Slavs, and Celts. The European members of this great family have been, and still are, the most progressive people known to history. They and their colonies control the greater part of the world. 1o. All Race Groupings are Arbitrary. — Any classification of races is at best superficial and unsatisfactory. ‘The chief fault is that two men may be alike in the characteristics which form the basis of the grouping, but very unlike in other respects. Again, there has been so much intermingling of peoples that no pure stock or race now exists, nor are we sure that any such has existed within the historical age. In geography and history, however, it is neces- sary to speak of men in groups, and those named above are found convenient for the purpose. Within the White race the ground of our classification is not a physical quality, but speech. The Indo- European peoples, for instance, have always spoken languages closely related to one another,! but quite distinct from any Semitic or Hamitic language. No one supposes all the Indo-Europeans to resemble one another in complexion or stature or in the shape of the skull? or to be of one blood or stock. In fact, they have sprung from the blending of many peoples. What they have in common, however, stored up in their language, is a treasure of knowledge and ideas of far greater value than blood. Another common feature is the mental superiority they have thus far shown over all other people. Kindred speech proves relationship, not in blood, but in history. Language is therefore a useful basis for the classification of mankind. Suggestive Questions t. Which is the more useful, a narrative of wars or of the progress of mankind? 2. Why have not all peoples progressed equally and in the same direction? 3. What are some points of difference between the savage and the barbarian? 4. How is our knowledge of ancient life constantly in- creasing? 5. In the classification of mankind, where do the French belong? the Spanish? the Arabs? the people of the United States? 1 § 61, 2 History has derived practically no benefit from the attempt to classify mankind according to skull measurements, The failure of the attempt is due chiefly to the fact that within two or three generations the shape of the skull may be completely changed by a change of surroundings. ———————————————— f i ee mmr —ee aed! ee SECOND AND THIRD PYRAMIDS OF GIZEH (View from the east. From a photograph) CHAPTER II EGYPT About 5000-525 B.C. I. LAND AND PEOPLE; PoLiTICcAL HISTORY 11. Physical Features and their Influence. — The progress of mankind depends largely on country and surroundings. And of all the region round the Mediterranean none is so favored by nature as the valley of the Nile River in northeastern Africa. Egypt, the lower part of this valley, extends from the First Cataract to the sea. It isseven hundred miles long, and averages through most of its course less than ten miles in width. It is therefore one of the smallest countries in the world. Its area is about that of the state of Maryland. A hundred miles before the river reaches the sea, it divides into several channels, and the valley broadens into the Delta. Every summer, swollen by the rains and melting snows of the country in which it rises, the Nile overflows the valley; and when in early December the water returns to the channel, it leaves the land fertilized with a rich coat of earth. In fact, the entire soil is composed of mud deposited in this manner. The land therefore 6 WRERUE UTR TEU OUERR REUTER EEUU OTR ER a Begs HHUREREUUPAVEDRRRVORUAUOUTERGIUREER SOONER TC CUORUDNEUUURE RD Gn POE eeeGeography and Archaeology 7 is wonderfully fertile. With little labor a man can raise each year three crops of grain, grasses, flax, and vegetables. Wheat yields a hundred fold. The mountains produce an abundance of building stones and various kinds of metal. Commerce, too, is easy. The Nile forms a natural waterway for domestic trade. For foreign commerce it is a great advantage that the country lies at the meet- ing of three continents and borders on two navigable seas. The warm climate makes little clothing necessary; the rainless sky preserves the works of men from decay; and the mountain chains and deserts on both sides protect the people from invading armies. With her natural resources and her situation, it is no wonder that Egypt became the birthplace of civilization. 12. Remains of Ancient Civilization; Writing. — The traveller in Egypt is astonished at the great number and size of the ancient monuments. In various parts of the valley he finds obelisks, colossal statues, the ruins of vast temples, and, grandest of all, the pyramids. These and other monuments will be described in this chapter. Nowhere else have the ancients built so magnificently, and nowhere have their works been so well preserved. The good condition of the monuments is due not only to their substantial character, but to the dry- ness of the atmosphere. On many of these monuments are inscribed lines of strange characters. Till about a hundred years 4N OBELISK ago, no one could make them out, and the history Econ tepapIognADAE and life of the country remained, therefore, largely a mystery. The key was discovered by means of an inscription on what is known as the Rosetta stone. In Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt, 1798, while some of his men were digging to lay the foundation of a fort, they came upon this stone. It is of black basalt and is covered with an inscription. It was named after the place where the soldiers found it — on the Rosetta branch of the Nile in the Delta. The credit for deciphering it is due chiefly to Cham- == ys aa pmamrwaner—ns ae ——— |8 Egypt pol’li-on, a French scholar. It was found to contain a public docu- ment in Egyptian, with a Greek translation added. By means of the translation Champollion and other scholars were enabled with great difficulty to decipher the Egyptian. Most of the inscrip- tions can now be read, and through them the details of Egyptian life and history may be studied. In their earliest writing objects were represented by pictures. A disk © stood for the sun, and a crescent € for the moon. From pictures they passed to symbols; the disk of the sun suggested day, andanaxe7 god. Incourse of time they invented letters represent- ing eachasingle sound. From them they might easily have made a phonetic alphabet like ours; but they were too conservative for so great an improvement. They continued, therefore, to use their pictures and symbols, mingling them with the new phonetic letters, As the priests always used these early, Mes = nen ificult characters for religious pur- Uji) SZ diffi ) $0 ff poses, they are called hieroglyphs — 22 they ar : a sacred inscriptions. A running style, —H however, came into use in literature and business. On the Rosetta stone, mentioned above, the inscription in the Egyptian language is written first in hieroglyphs and below in the common running style. les 13. The People: Origin and Earliest %%/\ States (to about 3400 B.c.). — The ancient Egyptians, in common with the other inhabitants of northern Africa, were Hamites.! Their language is related to the Semitic. Evi- dently in prehistoric times Semites invaded the Nile valley and mingled with the natives. The civilization was not imported, however, but grew up in the country. Through archaeology * we may trace its progress from the early stone age — that is, from the time men began to make implements of stone. Nothing strikes us as remarkable in this development till we come to the begin- nings of agriculture and the founding of states. Men could fish on 18 9, 2 § 4. D cal md = a ra > © >= ELD. sxe jo mre te- > D HSA Sot LY SEIN BX a EGYPTIAN HIEROGLYPHIC WRITING j i Be } ‘ if | PUVUHCVURRVUURLEHLELITGEUULRPEUERSESEDROSUNOTIEUITOUTIRVDRTUEUADINLPRITITEVESESU RAD EEEDOrigin of the State g the Nile and hunt among the marshes of its valley, independently of one another. The nature of the country, however, compelled them, if they were to live there in considerable numbers, to resort to farming. This step could not be taken without drain- ing the marshes and irrigating the fields. For so great an enterprise codperation was necessary. This need brought the state into being. The whole course of the Nile through Egypt came to be held by small states, each occupying the entire width of the valley and a few miles of its length. Each was ruled by a king, whose first duty was to control the waters by canals and dikes, so as to make life possible. The need of enforcing strict codperation among the people in these labors rendered him absolute and re- duced his subjects to a condition but little better than slavery. Gradually war and conquest united the petty kingdoms, until there came to be but one. These political events were accompanied by a great development of culture. We may safely say that about 5000 B.c. the Egyptians had emerged from barbarism. Before the close of the period (3400) their civilization had taken on the character which it maintained thereafter with little change. 14. The Old Kingdom; the Pharaohs of Memphis (3400-2100 B.c.). — Among the many titles of the Egyptian king, the one by 2a 7, . - ee ws . THe SPHINX OF GIZEH (From a photograph )10 Egypt which he is still commonly known is Pharaoh. The term signifies “Great House,” applied to him as a compliment by his subjects. From earliest known times he was looked upon as a god. The Pharaoh who completed the unification of the country was Me’nes (3400 B.c.). He and his successors were great rulers, who gave their country prosperity. Memphis is said to have been founded by Menes. It became the capital of the kingdom about 3ooo B.C. Among the Pha- elena eee Se einer eae ! 7 - ~ - $$ 4 (WegeEEetyV ID GS ——— 30° : Ce Pao oe i bp, Nise ASIA MINOR © Awd vAmida S = tu ys) y= *) ¢ , i Sopa Ce stag AOA. i yy EA > Ne We 9S : Pi Hara i Wn ign OLY Ly rf ~ & @ = — SSA PWS per, | \CRET etme) (nun, © 4 t) > S&S = Fett loverve Cz Rr dugy Ky 4 \< ) SSSrn a N : =Sidony D 7 | ee — ~~ | ~~ LYS, yUaMAscUs | H E35 = ae | ——_ Megiddgy g A YY » —— wn“ TSenrusalem A YW YO Doe CAG), | reaver ; ; & 4 Hf \ soe _ rag eiese® cs ro ~ i (Ree * 2 | ! HALL OF COLUMNS IN THE TEMPLE OF AMMON, THEBES (From a photograph)——— tet 7 > WY SSS ee mn | } } 4 i } i i yi ene TEReDReeney Hy PETITE TRPERTERLA ETL LUE RLUUILEOERLELULOSO TT IP IPOTONTTT TIT ORORTITI TESTI LEE SnaneReligion 17 wonder at the grand ruins. The architects who planned such work were masters of their art. They used columns and piers for sup- port, and straight beams for the roof. ‘Through these means they were able to combine strength with simplicity, to which they added considerable beauty and finish. They were in fact the best architects in the world till they were surpassed by the Greeks. The sculptors mis 1 , iS i = ” a B; PRIA. (al Ze ve ‘\ he > ai 2 a a he 5S ae Ts a iH ay 8 hs Dat a ‘ “ 2 e SS hat a ce A TEMPLE AT THEBES (Restored) | af ay, Aa ay Deity : had to decorate the walls and columns with inscriptions, and to chisel images of the god. The god demanded not only a goodly dwelling, but also food, fine clothing, ornaments of gold and silver, jewels, furniture, vessels, and tools for his worship. The manufac- ture of these things required a large number of industries and a great variety of skill. The desire to give the gods the best that human knowledge and training could produce was throughout ancient his- tory the strongest force at work for the advancement of civilization. To each great god was assigned a large tract of land and other wealth, including a host of slaves who tilled his fields and tended his cattle. The estate was managed by the god's chief priest, who had under him as assistants a large number of officials of various grades. ‘The priests were themselves of many ranks, the highest being Pharaoh. They dressed in fine linen, bathed twice each day, and twice in the night, and shaved their heads, faces, and entire bodies, to keep themselves as clean as possible. They lived +n the sacred buildings, drew their support from the temple revenues, and were free from taxes and military service. There is no wonder, then, that every one longed to be a priest. Cc a py | fetetal TET TE SMa TALE TTL TEE REL Hn 18 Egypt 26. Belief in the Future Life and its Effects. — Belief in a future life formed a prominent part of the religion of the Egyptians. In their great care to preserve the dead body, they embalmed it that it might never decay; for if that happened, their spirit at the same time suffered an agonizing death. The embalmed body is called a mummy. Each man built as strong and great a tomb as he could afford, and set aside a considerable part of his wealth to maintain the worship of hissoul. Private citizens, nobles, and even Pharaoh were content to live in comparatively modest dwellings, in order that not only the immortal gods, but also their own everlasting mummies, each with its spirit, might dwell in grand, indestructible homes. Tombs and temples, therefore, were their only great buildings. 27. The Pyramids. — Of the many kinds of tombs the largest and most enduring are the pyramids, erected by certain early kings to receive their own bodies. The greatest covers thirteen acres, and was originally about four hundred and eighty feet high. Hidden far within and difficult of access is the chamber in which was placed the mummy of the builder. We are astonished not only at the immensity of the work as a whole, and at the size and weight of the limestone blocks which compose it, but also at the delicate accuracy of its construction. Religion was the motive which led to the work. Religion encouraged, too, the growth of the astro- nomical and mathematical knowledge needed for planning it. Re- ligion created the skill in organizing labor, in cutting, polishing, and laying the stones, and all the practical engineering used in the building. Itis doubtful whether with our modern science we should be able, if we wished, to equal the work. 28. Moral Features of their Religion. — Though their worship of animals seems to us repulsive and degrading, their religion en- couraged justice, honesty, purity, and other virtues. At the judg- ment seat of the god in the spirit world, each soul before admission to eternal happiness was required to declare that he had not mur- dered, stolen, coveted the property of others, blasphemed the gods, given false testimony, or ill-treated his parents. Here are six of our Ten Commandments. 29. Science and Literature. — Their sciences were all practical. Before 4000 B.C. their knowledge of astronomy enabled them to COU En REUOHVPHPRA RETR TVEUETH POURUPERLAL Leena eae PERE EGERE A}Science and Literature 19 _devise-a—calendar of 365 days—to—the-year,divided-into~ twelve months. The necessity of measuring the lands and drawing bound- ary lines between estates taught them arithmetic, geometry, and surveying. The control of the waters required hydraulics. Vari- ous other applied sciences, such as architecture and navigation, have incidentally been mentioned above. They had, too, some knowledge of medicine and surgery. Their paper they made of pa-py rus, a reed which grew abundantly along the Nile. Though we use a different material, we have kept the name papyrus, m2rely giving it an English form, our word paper. The Egyptians inscribed on monuments and wrote on papyrus the chief events of each year, works on medicine, religious texts, and moral proverbs and precepts. Kings, nobles, and wealthy commoners, according to their means, took pleasure in having their achievements and virtues recorded on temple columns, obelisks, or the walls of tombs. ‘There were also simple songs of the shep- herds, the threshers, and other classes of laborers, and religious poems and hymns. In time they began to write stories for teach- ing some useful or moral lesson, tales of adventure for entertain- ment, and songs and stories of love. There were great numbers of business letters and documents. Most of this written material has perished; much remains to be discovered; but enough has been found to give us a clear knowledge of the life and achievements of these people through a period of more than four thousand years. 30. Contributions to Civilization. — The Egyptians were a secluded, home-keeping people. Cut off by deserts and seas from other rations, they worked out their destiny almost unaided by foreigners. For the same reason they influenced few other peoples. The Syrians imitated some of their industries and adopted some of their ideas, but got far more from the Babylonians.' Only In one direction did the stream of Egyptian influence flow with a strong current. This was toward Crete and the Aegean islands.’ From the fourth millennium on, ships plied almost continually to and fro, exchanging the products of these regions. The Aegean folk profited greatly through intercourse with the older country. They received from it and handed down in improved patterns 1§ 48. 4 § 83. 7 } } it i i ‘ | my) i i qt \—— ee fare ei ee es Po — Sears a ee ee 4 | 1 i rT] HCE PUTT ELee 20 Egypt to the Greeks who came later ‘‘ the forms of household furniture, of columns, statues, weapons, seals, and many other things which still play their part in our daily life, though we are all unconscious of their Egyptian origin.””! In the seventh century B.c., when some of the Greeks began to visit the Orient in search of knowledge, they learned the elements of science in Egypt as well as in Baby- lcnia.”_ All these things, so essential to the comfort, the happiness, and the mental advancement of the human race, borrowed and vastly improved by the Greeks, became the heritage of future ages. Briefly, the place of the Egyptians in history is that they were the creators of the earliest civilization and that they passed on their improvements to the people who were the most competent to continue the good work. Suggestive Questions 1. From what point of view could the Egyptians be called the most im- portant people of ancient history? 2. How are the pyramids proof of a high civilization? 3. How was trade carried on before the invention of coin- age, for instance in the markets of Egypt? 4. Describe the dress of the men and the women respectively in the market scenes facing p. 14. De- scribe the eye and the shape of the head. 5. Describe from the maps the location of Egypt, Memphis, Gizeh, Thebes, and Sais. Note-book Topics I. Life in Thebes. — Maspero, Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria, ch. i. II. Useful Arts. — Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, chs. xvili, xix; Mas- pero, Egyptian Archaeology, ch. v; Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyp- tians, 88-102. III. The Pyramids. — Breasted, ch. vi; Maspero, Egyptian Archaeology, iii, § 2. 1 Quoted from Dr. Adolf Erman, a noted Egyptologist. 2 § 183. SuneEe i j ‘ hel ; ry 1 " WeeURe UTA Ha Da OVER UULULURCER ISSR UR EEUU ESR eeurnen eta OR EU EAL Eea eo Y ae eae SY ey tN pee NS THe EUPHRATES RIVER CHAPTER Ii THE TIGRIS-EUPHRATES VALLEY About 3500-538 B.C. 31. The Country of the Semites ; the two Rivers and their In- fluence. — Across the Arabian Gulf from Egypt is the sandy desert of Arabia. It is bounded on the northwest by Syria, a land of hills and mountains. Along the northeastern border extend the Persian Gulf and the valley of the Tigris and Eu-phra'tes rivers. In the south this valley is separated from Syria by the desert. Toward the north the two regions approach each other. The great Arabian desert and the hill and valley regions bordering it together formed the country of the Semites. As their history begins in the valley, we must study this region first. The Tigris and Euphrates rivers rise in the mountains north of the Semite country. They flow in a southeasterly direction, and join together before emptying into the Persian Gulf. Along the middle course of the Tigris, chiefly on the east side, was As-syr'i-a, an undulating plain. Farther down on both sides of the Euphrates the valley is uniformly flat. This region was Bab-y-lo’ni-a. Here the valley was like that of the Nile. In its natural state it was 2122 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley INSCRIPTION OF HAMMURABI Recording the building of a temple. (Limestone tablet ; British Museum) inundated by the rivers in the spring and early summer. Hence a strong government was necessary for the build- ing and repair of dikes and canals. The entire overflow was drawn off in these canals and used economically for irriga- tion. In this respect the system differed from the Egyptian. When the waters were properly regulated, the soil was as productive as that of the Nile valley. In some respects the country was less favored than Egypt. _ As it had no stone or suitable timber,-the-people were-com- pelled to use brick almost exclusively-for building. “Then, too, there were no natu- ral defences-along the borders. It was therefore exposed to invasion on all sides, especially from the Arabian desert. ~The very fact, however, that the country was so accessible tended to bring the inhabitants more readily into relations with surrounding peoples. Because of such similarities and differences, we shall find the broad outline of Babylonian history and character like the Egyptian, though unlike it in detail. Particularly the influence of Babylonia on other coun- tries was more widely extended. 32. Remains of the Civilization; Writ- ing. — As the country has had little care for hundreds of years, much of it is now desolate. We find it seamed with the ruins of ancient canals and dotted over with mounds. In 1842 archaeolo- gists began to excavate these heaps, and found them to be the ruins of ancient cities. ‘The work still continues, and MUAPETAREe TUURRORURELOOEULAER RIVA REDOE pau DUE ee bibed ddan neiThe People 23 every year new discoveries are made. Since 1893 the important city of Nip’pur has been excavated by Professor Hilprecht under the auspices of the University of Pennsylvania. Walls, palaces, and temples were alike built of sun-dried brick, which soon crumbled. ‘This accounts for their present condition. Libraries, too, have been found. The pages of a Babylonian book were thin clay tablets. Many documents were on cylinders of the same material. As the characters were engraved with a triangu- lar instrument, they were wedge-shaped. This style of writing +s known as cu’nei-form —from Latin cu’ne-us, a wedge. Before the middle of the past century scholars had succeeded in decipher- ing the script. The means employed were similar to those used +n the case of the Rosetta stone.! The written material, described more fully below, is the chief source of our information for the his- tory and life of the Babylonians and Assyrians. 33. The People: Origin and Antiquity. — The original home of the Semites was Arabia. There they were nomads, wandering “ahout with their Hocks from one oasis to another in search of pas- ture. When the population became so great that the barren country could no longer support it, swarms of these fierce barbarians poured out into the more habitable countries, northwest and north- east. Swampy Babylonia could not support many people, however, and the nomads seem to have been incapable of making the neces- sary improvements. The work was successfully undertaken by another people, the Su-me'ri-ans. We do not know who they were, but scholars are inclined to believe that they came from the northeast. Possibly their earlier home was the country beyond the Caspian Sea, where the remains of a very ancient civilization have recently been un- earthed.2 However that may be, they were the first to build dikes and dig canals, to make the country fit for agriculture. They ‘nvented cuneiform writing, and in brief created the earliest civiliza- tion of Babylonia. Most of the cities they founded were in the south of the country. Although we do not know when they in- 1§ 12. 2 The exploration was conducted by Mr. Raphael Pumpelly, who has published the results in Explorations in Turkestan, Expedition of 1904, 2 vols., 1908. \ | I if 1] Echos —————————Ra Se {} } ; * wh! ; ALPE Eheey) ; TTSTTT TL ESEE 24 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley vaded the valley, we are certain that in the fourth millennium (4000- 3000) B.C. they were living there in cities. At that time they were about as far advanced in civilization as the Egyptians had been a thousand years earlier. When a new overflow of Semites from Arabia poured into the valley, these late-comers found much of the country under cultivation. The two races began a long struggle for the mastery. Meanwhile the Semites adopted the culture of the more advanced Sumerians and founded cities of their own — gener- ally in the north of Babylonia. 34. Period of the City-Kingdoms (about 3500-1917 B.c.).—For a long time the country, like Egypt, was divided into a number of states, each centring in a single city. Among the important cities were Sumerian Ur and Semitic Ac’cad and Babylon. ‘There were from the beginning endless wars among the states. The more powerful subdued the weaker, and built up greater kingdoms. The names and deeds of many of these early rulers are known to us through the records they have left. But the first whose name need here be mentioned was Sar’gon, king of Accad about 2500 B.c.? First he united all Babylonia under his crown. Then, continuing his conquests, he extended his realm eastward far into Elam, north- ward to the upper waters of the Tigris, and westward over northern Syria to the Mediterranean. Probably he crossed to Cyprus. From his time we find the influence of Babylon there. His con- quests brought Syria and Babylonia into close relations. Each got the products and ideas of the other. The greater share of benefit came to Syria, however, which was behind Babylonia in civilization. At home the conqueror built temples to the gods and a great palace for himself. In appreciation of his own power as ruler of nearly all the known world, he began to call himself a god. The empire he created was the first known to history, far earlier than the Egyp- tian.’ Having no organization, however, it soon fell to pieces. The place of Accad was taken in part by Ur. The empire built up byits kings was smaller, and lasted but little more than a century. 1 The fact that the Egyptian civilization began about a thousand years earlier than the Sumerian is proved beyond a doubt by the monuments. 2The city is now usually called Agade, and the country in which it was situated Accad. The date formerly given, 3800 B.c., is now found to be incorrect. 2500 is only approximate; he might have lived a century or two earlier. 3§ 17. WeeUV UHR RL ee oa PAVRPRORARRTADUETG! MOOPUDTRVLVIRERSEGHURTUCHRNTTRRERTRORYTeRhe. Ss ae al ed a {ow aa ay we are oe in Sac teen eee | eae | P — ~ f an ~ bela ~ o Nineéyeh Of me us B ‘Amida a i | z | te e ‘ rm oe ' < 5 ‘ one 1 } ‘ ‘ 2 N » <. a2 ‘ ox ~ ms > ~ £ — > . — => So ss = ~. ot = Tt so % a = “. Q go. - ca 3 ’ t ‘ Paphus R \ © Pelusium 3 Ape? Gaz EARLY BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN I [res] Assyrian f S MPIRE 4 ‘ A mpire + | arly Babylonian Empire 40” neloses E 7 emer Fi Lon 50° Williams Engraving Co., NO¥x Greenwich from East tude beater WOTRHRHATEG TRAE CHa WAPULHVELL TTL EES MntihePolitical History 25 The period, though short, was one of unusual progress in the arts. After its downfall other cities contended for the supremacy, with more or less success. Meanwhile Babylon was coming to the front. Ham-mu-ra'bi, king of this city (1958-1910 B.c.), brought all Babylonia under his sway. It is worthy of notice that the period just reviewed, though one of continual strife within and of invasions from without, brought Babylonian civilization to its highest point. Thereafter was some political advance, but cultural stagnation and decline. 35. The First Supremacy of Babylon (1917 to about 1250 BiG): — We may date the beginning of the Old Babylonian empire’ from the year in which Hammurabi completed the unification of Baby- lonia (1917). His realm included also western Elam, Assyria, and Syria. Hammurabi is especially famous for his code (written collection) of laws. There were written laws before him, and one or more collections, but his is the earliest that has survived. A stone on which it was copied was found by explorers In 1901-1902. For hundreds of years it continued in force in the country of the two rivers. After about three centuries Babylonia declined and lost her foreign “possessions. Assyria became first an independent stateandthenarival. About 1250 B.C. an Assyrian king conquered Babylon. Though the latter city recovered freedom for a time, she remained during the next six centuries overshadowed by the superior power on her northern border. 36. The Assyrian Supremacy (about 1250-606 B.c.). — The Assyrians were Semites. At this time they were bebind the Baby- lonians in civilization, but were adopting their habits of life, their inventions, and their religious beliefs. Composed largely of free peasants, the nation was strong in war, as such nations always are. As a rival of Babylon, Assyria had already created and lost an empire. After 1250 B.C. she continued her struggle for power with varying fortune. Her greatest successes were achieved in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. At that time her empire became the greatest the world had known. It reached from the 1 Till recently, historians have been accustomed to call the old empire “Chaldean” ; but it is now well known that the Chaldeans, a fresher Semitic tribe, did not invade Babylonia till about 1000 B.C. SEnscos oss | h iH i iH i i i} h { i | ier ea a eee > sae I et ae _ Pee ers it if PL CAPTTLAA ROTA A REL SARTU AP OUER EEE RRL RMD RRELLROOU RRR EOnS DT TRD PRESS TORE DT TATE EEE EE Mae 26 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley Persian Gulf to the Black Sea, and from above Memphis on the Nile nearly to the Caspian Sea. All the empires thus far formed were made up of tributary states under native kings. These rulers were ready to revolt at every opportunity. So loose a system gave no promise of lasting long. The first state to make a business of war, conquest, and govern: re a aT TT CREE aes ASSYRIANS IN BATTLE (From Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens) ment on a large scale was Assyria. Her great improvement was the division of the subject country into provinces (sa’tra-pies), each ruled by a governor appointed by the Assyrian king. The gov- ernor’s duty was to command the army of his district, administer justice, and oversee the collection of the annual tribute. Under him were the native kings, who enjoyed far less power and independ- ence than had those of earlier empires. Another policy of the government was to transplant great numbers of the subjects from one part of the empire to another. By this means it aimed to uproot local patriotism and to make the people more dependent. As the peasant class died out, the king composed his army of mer- cenaries, who could be supported only by plunder and excessive taxation. His rule was utterly selfish and oppressive, and he failed to protect his subjects from foreign invasion. The empire came to a sudden end. The Babylonians revolted, and with the Medes, a powerful people east of Assyria, they laid WOPRERURERU LAURE UU OST CUNT REPRE Utnentea’ Terese neg= Assyria; Babylon 27 — a Pr = siege to Nin’e-veh, the populous and wealthy capital of the empire. After two years they captured and sacked it. When they had fin- ished their work, its splendid temples and palaces were ruins. At the same time the empire fell (606 B.c.). Persons and Events in Assyrian History for Reference ; : ; i 1125. Tig’lath-Pi-le’ser I, first notable Assyrian conqueror. i 860-783. First great age of Assyria. 745-727. Tiglath-Pileser II, a great organizer as well as conqueror. 722-705. Sar’gon, a great organizer and statesman; Assyria at the height ; of her glory. 705-680. Sen-nach’e-rib wages war with Egypt and Israel, and destroys Babylon. 680-668. E’sar-had’don rebuilds Babylon and conquers Egypt. 668-626. As’shur-ban’i-pal, the last magnificent king. Egypt and Media become independent. The Scyth’i-ans invade the empire. 606. The destruction of Nineveh. | | ih | i | t \ i i Hi +] Fi 37. The Second Supremacy of Babylon (606-538 B.C.). — About 1000 B.C. a fresh horde of Semites — the Chaldeans — had poured from Arabia into southern Babylonia. While conquering the country, they had struggled to shake off from it the Assyrian yoke. The fall of Nineveh and the second supremacy of Babylon were due chiefly to these people, who now held full possession of the country. From them it got the name Chal-de’a. Their kings sat upon the throne. The most brilliant was Neb-u-chad-nez’zar. In an able reign of forty-four years he enlarged his dominion westward to the Mediterranean. ‘The greater part of his energy he devoted to the improvement of his country and to its defence against the Median empire, which extended along his northern border. He fortified this frontier with a brick wall a hundred feet high, and surrounded his city with massive defences. Babylon was now a square about forty miles in circuit. Within the vast walls the space was divided by streets, as in the most improved modern cities, into rectangular blocks occupied by houses three or four stories high. Here and there rose gigantic palaces and temples. One of the greatest build- ings of this king was the “ hanging garden.” It towered to a great — ——S— ———28 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley height in terraces, and was supplied by engines with water from the river. This artificial mountain was built to please his Median queen, who had grown up in a hill country. Under him and for a long time afterward Babylon was the greatest, richest, and most attractive city in the world. His successors, however, were weak, and some years after his death the city fell into the hands of the Persians." 38. Summary of Political History. — (1) In the earliest known times there were many small city-kingdoms endlessly at war with one another (3500-1917 B.C.). (2) One of them, Accad, under Sargon created a short-lived empire (2500). (3) Finally Hammu- rabi (1917) united them all under Babylon. Helis noted, too, for his law code. The empire he established comprised western Elam, Assyria, and Syria. (4) In time Babylon lost these foreign pos- sessions, but did not wholly yield its supremacy till it was conquered by Assyria (1250). The empire of the latter reached its height in the eighth and seventh centuries. It was greater in extent and far better organized than any before it. (5) In 606 its capital, Nine- veh, was destroyed, and the empire was divided between the vic- -torious Medes and Babylonians. The new Babylonian empire, though short-lived, was brilliant, especially under the rule of Nebuchadnezzar. (6) Soon after his death it was conquered by the Persians (538). 39. Civilization: Social Classes. — The law recognized three great classes: the rich, the poor (free laborers), and the slaves. The rich comprised the few landed proprietors, the king’s officials, the merchants and bankers, and the priests. Most merchants and bankers, however, were included in the priestly class. Some of the free laborers were artisans in the cities, but the great mass were tenants on the land. They paid a share of the produce to the owner. Though legally free, they enjoyed, in fact, but little liberty. The slaves formed a large class, employed mostly in the industries. There were two chief proprietors of the soil, “‘ the palace”’ (king) and “the god.” The palace revenues went to the support of the king and his officials and army, those of the god, to the priests as in Egypt. 1§ 62 SHEE HU aa nnnCivilization 20 4o. Industry and Commerce. — The principal livelihood was agriculture. The chief products of the farm were meat and wool, grain, dates, and palm oil. Some parts of the country yielded pe- troleum for lighting, naphtha, and salt ; and in the Persian Gulf were pearl fisheries. Among the skilled industries brick-making took the leading place. The people were celebrated for their skilfully embroidered tapestries and carpets for the adornments of walls, sofas, beds, and floors. We hear, too, of their gold, silver, glass, and bronze wares, their excellent house furniture, finely woven and brilliantly colored linens, muslins, and woollens, their canes deli- cately chased with figures of fruit or animals, perfumed oils, and many other articles of use and luxury. Their w ood and ivory carv- ings were highly prized by foreigners. Not the least valuable products were the engraved precious stones used especially for seals. Cities such as Babylon a Nineveh were the seats of luxury to which a great variety of industries contributed. These works imply an extensive commerce. They imported incense, spices, and gums from Arabia; precious stones, red dyes, and hunting dogs from India and its neighborhood; the meta!s chiefly from the interior of Asia; silk from the remote Kast ; purple dyes and cedar from western Syria. Ivory, ostrich feathers, and panther skins came from Africa. Trade routes radiated from Babylon in every direction by water and land to distant countries. Along these lines ships and caravans travelled back and forth, ex- einen the goods of the world. For centuries Babylon was its commercial centre. 41. The Reign of Law. — The laws of Hammurabi regulated buying, selling, and contracts, recompenses for damage to property, punishments for wrong-doing, the rights of women and children, the treatment of slaves, inheritance, and adoption, —in brief, every- thing in life. They even fixed the price of labor of men and ani- mals. ‘To be valid, an agreement had to be made in writing before witnesses and carefully sealed. The code shows a high sense of justice, though many punishments were severe. In injuries to the body the law of retaliation prevailed — “‘ an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.” From this code, as well as from other sources, we can study the condition of women. Polygamy was permitted in ers } i \ \ } i | |aa ene —— ee a | 1 } 30 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley as among other Oriental peoples, but in practice was limited to the rich. In a family of several wives one was chief and the others subordinate. Women could transact business and inherit and be- queath property. In fact, their condition seems to have been as favorable asin Egypt. The civilization pictured by these laws was highly developed. It was very old — far older than ours... It had passed its prime and was declining. 42. Religion and Literature. — The Babylonian religion had the same origin as the Egyptian.! In fact, all pagan religions began with the worship of objects of nature. But the people of the Tigris- CYLINDER-SEAL OF AN EARLY KING The king is led by a priest into the presence of the Moon-God. (British Museum) Euphrates valley were more inclined than the Egyptians to revere as gods the sun, moon, and stars. Heaven, Earth, and Sea were likewise great deities. As the people grew in knowledge, they were more inclined to regard as deities the spirits of those objects rather than the things themselves. Every locality and every association of men had its gods. More important was the chief deity of the city-kingdom, and greatest of all was the god of an imperial capi- tal, as Nineveh or Babylon. Religion had to do mainly with life on earth. To the future world the Babylonians paid little heed, and 1§ 24. WOeRNeaiaal ORDA COREE ORIPROO POPE eR ERee eran: WVURERRRRER ERD R EP UETOREEDT REUTER ETEReligion 31 their view of death was gloomy. Some features of their religion were moral, others the opposite. The literature, written by the priests and stored in libraries, was mostly religious. It prescribed in great detail the ceremonies of worship, the forms of magic for repelling evil spirits, the prayers for soothing the anger of the gods and for winning their favor. The priests invented many ways of divination — of discovering the will of the gods. The best means they could find was the examination of the liver of an animal offered — CLAY MODEL OF A LIVER Inscribed with magical formulae; used in divination. (British Museum) in sacrifice. This kind of divination they made into a complicated system. Another means of foretelling the future was the study of the heavenly bodies, especially of the sun, moon, and five known planets. In this way they created astrology. All this priestly lore was reduced to writing. Many of the religious texts were composed in both Semitic and Sumerian. Grammars and dictionaries were necessary in the study32 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley of the “dead language.” Their scientific works included mathe. matics, astronomy, and geography, zodlogy, botany, and mineral- ogy. Their history was a record of each king’s achievements, written by his scribe with extravagant flattery. More attractive are the hymns and religious myths. They created the epic—a poem of considerable length which celebrates in narrative form the deeds ae a ree eee ras ee hate ene tI a] i BABYLONIAN TEMPLE AT NIPPUR (From Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands. With the permission of the publishers, A. J. Holman and Co.) of real or mythical heroes. One of these poems includes an account of the great flood and the building of the ship in which one human family alone was saved. Another religious epic gives an account of the creation of the world by one of their gods. ‘These tales are somewhat like the Biblical stories of the same events. PEL LOR EDA ORE HUE eeScience and Art 33 43. Astronomy and the Calendar. — Most of the sciences have been mentioned in connection with industries and literature. Their greatest advance was in astronomy. From immemorial time the priests in their lofty temples watched the sky and recorded daily the movements of the stars. They soon learned to foretell eclipses, and determined almost precisely the length of the solar year. They divided it into twelve months of thirty days each. As this reckoning left the year short by about five days, they made the correction by inserting an additional month whenever necessary. The month they divided approximately into four weeks of seven days each. The days of the week bore the names of the sun, moon, and five known planets. The day contained twelve hours, which were double the length of our own. The hours they meas- ured by the water-clock and the sun-dial, which they had invented. Though the decimal system was known, the notation chiefly used was based on 10 X 6 or 12 X 5 = 60 (hence called sexages- imal). The standard weight was the talent, divided into sixty minas. The mina, weighing nearly 1} pounds, contained sixty shek’els. Their measures of length were based originally on the finger, hand, foot, and arm. | PX Caaeet: 44. Architecture and Sculpture. — Most Bee NG et Roe) LTT HT of the arts have been considered above in connection with the industries. It remains to speak of architecture and sculpture. As VEeey ee ee . abt (Bic SOR eo above stated, all their great works —tem- Meteo ; - SSeS _B ples, palaces, and walls of defence — were necessarily of brick. As a foundation for a temple or palace the king erected a huge rectangular terrace, forty or more feet high. ‘The object seems to have been to raise the building above the dampness of the earth, and to make it more imposing. On this foundation, often covering several acres, the king built his oblong palace or temple. The flat roof rested on cedar beams. High above all the rest of the building rose a D A BABYLONIAN KINGSees a ee ee — i | 34 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley pyramidal tower. It was solid, and was terraced all the way up the sides, as shown in the illustration. The summit was the home of the god. The palaces of the Assyrian kings were vast. A cer- tain one in Nineveh covered twenty-five acres, and contained about two hundred rooms.! These great works were constructed on principles now lost to the world. In some of the earliest the round arch was used, long before it was known to other nations. he anterior walls of Babylo- nian buildings were covered with glazed tiles. Those of the Assyrian palace were decorated with reliefs en- graved on _ stone. The doorways were guarded by colossal human-headed Conossar Butt with Wincs AND Human Heap beasts of the same Held by a mythical person. From a doorway of the material. In gen- palace of Sargon, 722-705 B.c. eral the sculpture (British Museum) of the period of city-kingdoms was truer to nature; in later time it grew stiff and conventional. ‘The artist did not study carefully the human form, for he looked upon the body as base. He preferred to represent men arrayed in gorgeous clothing, armies, and scenes of battle. Having plenty of stone in their country, the Assyrians were more accustomed than the Babylonians to use it for decoration. Lack- 1That of King Sargon (722-705). This ruler should be distinguished from the earlier Sargon of Accad, MUU PAUEROROUPPRCEITERSSP DEA ULU OO ORERe OP SESOU ETRE NORD POVERUDENRREOPOLUIGCI TEES PEUUORMORReUeeRUn gaaThe World’s Debt to Babylon 35 ing originality, however, they made their buildings almost wholly of brick, in imitation of the Babylonian, and preferred artificial mounds to hills as sites for temples and palaces. 4s. Contributions to European Culture. — Through their com- merce the Babylonians, unlike the Egyptians, spread their science, art, and beliefs over a great part of the ancient world. As early as the third millennium (3000-2000) B.c., Syria came under their influence. The inhabitants adopted sens all their ideas and arts, including the cuneiform script. Baby lonian became the language of diplomacy, not only over all Syria, but even of the Egyptian court.’ From Syria the culture of the Babylonians was carried to Asia Minor and to Europe. The Etruscans ? learned from them the use of the arch, and of divination through the liver, and passed this knowledge on to,the Romans. The Greeks borrowed their system of weights, their calendar, and some of their astronomy. Not merely the grouping of the days in weeks, but many elements of religion, the Hebrews received from the Babylonians, and passed on tous. The division of the circle into 360 degrees and the twelve signs of the zodiac are theirs. Whenever we look at our watch we have another reminder of the Babylonians, for the division of the face into twelve hours is their contrivance. All the essential ele- ments of civilization the Europeans derived from the Orient, and the greater number came from Babylon. Suggestive Questions In what respects did the Babylonians and the Assyrians advance beyond the Egyptians, and in what respects did they remain inferior? 2. Why are the discoveries and inventions of the Egyptians and the Ean lonians more important than those made during the past hundred years? 3. What motives to PCR ess had the Babylonians and the Egyptians? Are they the same as ours? 4. From the picture of the Euphrates, p. 21, what do you infer as to the character of the country through which it flows? 5. From the illustration on p. 26, what can we learn of Assy rian warfare? 6. From the map, opp. p. 1, describe the location of Babylonia, Babylon, Ur, Accad, and Nineveh. | sreetnee ; eae ee 1 This is true of the fourteenth century B.c., as proved by a great quantity of diplo- matic correspondence of that time recently discovered at Tell el Amarna, Egypt. 2 § § 358.36 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley Note-book - Topics I. Social and Private Life in Assyria. — Maspero, Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria, ch. xli; Sayce, Social Life among the Assyrians and Baby- lonians, chs. i-iv. II. A Library. — Maspero, ch. xvi; Goodspeed, History of the Babylonians and Assyrians, 315 f. III. Commerce, Science, and Architecture of the Babylonians. — Winckler, History of Babylonia and Assyria, 131-164; Sayce, chs. v—vil; Ancient Empires of the East, 157-178; Goodspeed, 92-99. SS So Tine on 7 —-—= i ; Latah ae TE Pn HUT eee a HALTLTL TTT ay re eyays 1hSeinen eT RES CHAPTER IV SYRIA: THE PHOENICIANS AND THE HEBREWS I. THe PHOENICIANS 46. The Country. — Syria has already been mentioned as a land of hills and mountains, lying northwest of the Arabian desert.! It stretched along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean for a distance of four hundred miles with an average breadth of less than a hundred miles. The area of the whole region was therefore about that of Kentucky. In the north the Leb’an-on mountain range extends through about half the length of Syria from one to five miles from the coast. The western slope of the range was Phoe-ni‘ci-a, a district about the size of one of our counties. Farther south the mountain range, which here has no common name, diverges more widely from the coast and extends almost directly south to the desert. Along the eastern base of the range flows southward the Jordan River. In its lower course it descends below the level of the Mediterranean, and empties into the Dead Sea. The latter has no outlet. East of the Jordan is a plateau stretching away to the desert. The country here described, consisting of the coast region, the mountains, the Jordan valley, and the plateau, was Ca’naan or Pal’es-tine. 47. Influence of the Country upon the People. — In studying the history of Syria, as of other countries, it is necessary to keep in mind the influence of the land and its surroundings on the character of the people. Life was more difficult in the hills and mountains than in the great river plains; the people, therefore, in the begin- ning made slower progress in useful knowledge and in the arts. To secure the best livelihood from their country, codperation on a large scale, such as prevailed on the Nile and lower Euphrates, was altogether useless. Men could obtain the best results by working individually as members of small communities. Hence Syria was a 1§ 31. 37Sc eee ba a EN nr a ae | | } H ithe) Patan 38 Syria ° ee ie Hamath < 35 SCALE OF MILES S—==——}; 10 20 30 40 60 ft HN “re on \ Lies 8 " a) i Cr Jami 1SCUS 2 aes SJgour, Sy / 7 ' ; ~. i} ’ = se v 2 ~ | f &f bx 1? oh 930° }gg2—_ 1 ff a ee SRabkathe O-—_—- 32-5 i jj : rR \ ~ Nagy Ee Ov + a 314 PALE STINE Vizeon Geber 4 “ IN THE TIME OF Elath Red ‘yfbenie David and Solomon | Willlans | Engraving 0., {N.Y. Wy Y: Longitude East from 36 Greenwich __ HUE EEE eee POPRUUERGL UR UEP Se eeeceeteuaneag| country of little states. One other great fact must be noticed. ‘The people of Syria, bounded on two sides by powerful kingdoms, had to be ever alert to save as much as possible of their in- dependence. Though they often bowed the neck to a master, their spirit remained free. The peculiarity of their situation may help explain their native shrewd- ness. Furthermore, as car- riers between the two coun- tries some of them early engaged in commerce. Then, too, their cramped position drove the coast people to a seafaring life. I. THE PHOENICIANS 48. The Cities and their Industries. — The earliest known inhabitants were Semites from Arabia. Those who lived on the coast west of the Lebanon range called themselves Si- do/ni-ans and their oldest city Sidon. The Greeks named them Phoenicians, ‘the purple folk,’’ because of the purple dye which they extracted from a va- riety of shell-fish caught inPhoenicians 39 the Mediterranean. celebrated was Tyre. near the coast. All the Phoenician cities, howev Among the cities afterward founded, the most Both were placed on barren rocky islands er small, were sovereign states. In defence of their country they often acted together. each pursued independently its own aims. the advantage of few natural resources. Otherwise The Phoenicians had On the mountains they cut cedars for their own houses and ships, and for exportation to Egypt and Babylon. The slopes and patches of coast plain yielded little pasturage and still less grain. Heche they were forced to the sea for support. The dyes obtained from their purple fisheries were eagerly bought by kings and nobles throughout the civilized world. As early as the third millennium (3000-2000) B.c., the Phoe- nicians, even more than the other Syrians, were importing and learn- ing to imitate the products of Babylonian skill. Their culture became thoroughly Babylonian, slightly influenced by Egypt. Their writing was for a long time cuneiform. Among the early products of Phoenician industry were bronze armor and weapons war chariots, vessels of silver and gold, tables and chairs inlaid with ivory and ebony, or with gold and silver, precious stones, statues of the gods ornamented with gems and with silver and gold, glass- ware, and brilliantly colored pottery. 49. Commerce and Colonies. — Cyprus attracted the Phoenicians by its rich mines of copper. They planted many settlements in the island. Thence they continued westward. About 1500 B.C. they reached Crete.! In the Aegean Sea they colonized’ Rhodes, worked the mines in various places, and traded with the natives. This was before the beginning of Greek colonization. As the Greeks extended their settlements over the islands and coasts of the Aegean,” they expelled the Phoenicians entirely from that region. Thereupon the latter continued their voyages west- ward, planting colonies on the African coast, in Sicily and Sardinia, and in Spain. They were drawn to Spain by its wealth of metals, 1 From about this time Asiatic influence can be found in the civilization of Crete. Commerce between this island and Egypt had been carried on continuously for more than two thousand years — from early in the fourth millennium. 2 §§ 02 ff., 98. AN rea ua r 4 ser <= —— ———— eae mya ana ——as ow sagem eee ented eee ee anata ‘ i th ic — ee Salada ean 40 Syria not only copper and tin, but silver and gold. Their colonies were planted merely as trading-stations; but where circumstances fa- vored, they grew into cities. Of all their settlements in the Medi- terranean none was so favored by nature as Carthage. This colony was founded about 800 B.c. on the northern coast of Africa opposite Sicily. It had a large harbor, and the neigh- boring country was remarkably fertile. Besides these advantages, it was situ- ated midway between Spain and Phoe- nicia and could easily reach Sicily and Italy by ship. These favorable condi- tions made it in time the greatest com- mercial city of the Mediterranean basin. so. Trade Routes. —In the Orient the lines of traffic followed by the Phoenicians connected with those of Babylon. Their sea routes covered the Mediterranean and stretched along the neighboring coasts of the Atlantic. Nowhere do they seem to have pushed far into the interior. Amber from the Baltic coasts and tin from Britain were A PHOENICIAN brought them by traders along two overland routes. One passed from northern Germany southward over the Alps to the head of the Adriatic Sea; the other, crossing Gaul, reached the sea at the mouth of the Rhone. How early these routes came into use no one can say. st. Carriers of the Arts and of the Alphabet. — Wherever they went they carried the products of Eastern industry. The nations gladly bought these wares, and soon began in imitation to attempt similar work of their own. In the same way the Babylonian nota- tion, the system of weights and measures, and useful knowledge of many other things were brought to the western peoples. In brief, the Phoenicians were the missionaries of civilization. Their most valuable gift to Europe was the phonetic alphabet. wel i. ee B} ; 1 1 PLS ETRE ARDEA) THR a DTU ERO RE TE a be Pe ALEThe Alphabet 41 We find them in possession of it as early as g00 B.c. Evidently it was produced by simplifying some earlier system, or systems, of writing; but we do not know how much is due to their own xe x A AXA AK A invention or from what sources they “ A a derived its ele- 1 4 IVS G ments.! It consisted of twenty-two let- AAI AATDP ters, each represent- A AD KA R ingaconsonant. As the Phoenicians pro- 71 De sife nounced their vowels 7 <7 7\2Z 5 but lightly, they felt ° ° = repens Vo. Ce a VTE DO TP 2 no need of indicat- THE ANCESTORS OF none OF THE LETTERS OF OUI ALPHABET PHOENICIAN] ARCHAIC GREEK LATER GREEK | ENGLISH mb4@a ing them by letters. Having learned or invented this alphabet, they discarded the cuneiform system. From the Phoenicians the Greeks adopted the new alphabet, changing it somewhat to suit their own language. The Romans learned it from the Greeks and introduced other changes. In the Roman form it has come down to us. Its sim- plicity has made education far easier than it was on the banks of the Nile and Euphrates. It has therefore been an enormous help in increasing the intelligence, especially of the middle and poorer classes of all countries, and in elevating them in the scale of civilization. II. THe HEBREws 52. Early Wanderings. — Palestine, the country of the Hebrews, has been described above. Like the Phoenicians, they were Semites Their own writers tell us that Abraham, their remote ancestor, left his home in Ur? to wander in Canaan, a land Jehovah had promised him and his descendants. During the remainder of his life he moved about in this country with his family, his many slaves, and 1Tt has recently been suggested that they got some of these elements from the Cretan script, cf. § 85. 2§ 34 i i, wal} iy " | il ) { ' 4 i } bi A i | 4 iF Vi 1 j .42 Syria his flocks. The people with him formed, so to speak, a little state, of which Abraham was chief. A simple government of this kind, exercised over children and servants, is called patriarchal, signify- ing ‘“‘rule of the father.’”’ Wandering peoples are generally gov- erned in this way. The wealth and authority of Abraham passed to his son Isaac, and then to his grandson Jacob, or Is’ra-el. These men, too, were patriarchs. When oppressed by famine, Israel took refuge in Egypt. This was probably during the Hyksos invasion. There his people were held in slavery four hundred years. Finally Moses, a hero favored by Jehovah, freed his people, and led them into the desert of Mount Si’nai. On the top of this mountain Moses received a body of laws for his people from Jehovah. Among them were the Ten Commandments. Moses was one of the greatest moral and religious teachers in history. After dwelling some time in the neighborhood of Mount Sinai, his people, the Israelites or Hebrews, invaded Canaan, seized the land, and killed or enslaved the inhabitants. The conquest began early in the fourteenth century B.c.1 53. The Judges (about 1400-1000 B.c.). — Fresh hordes fol- lowed the earlier invaders; and the conquest of the country went on for centuries. The twelve tribes, who claimed descent from the twelve sons of Israel, occupied each a distinct territory. There was little political connection between the tribes, and anarchy usually prevailed. The only government the country had was in the hands of leaders, the ‘‘ judges,’’ who generally ruled each a part of the nation. Under these circumstances the Hebrews fell beneath the yoke of the Phi-lis’tines, who lived in the coast region. From them the country got the name Palestine. 54. The Founding of the Kingship: Saul (about 1000-985 B.C.). — The Hebrews were restive under the yoke. Samuel, the prophet, urged them to rebel; and when they demanded a military chief, he chose as their first king, Saul, a strong impetuous leader of armies. Saul displayed great energy in uniting the Hebrews under his rule and in freeing them from their oppressors. But in the end these ee eae aes —- Ss SSS ae tte | ; 1 i 4 ¥y i meaty ae eee 1 An Egyptian inscription recently discovered proves that there were tribes of Israel in Pi estine at the time it was written, 1273 B.c. The beginnings of their invasion should be dated at about a century earlier. HOE eee a eeeeaeeaeaa History of Palestine 43 terrible enemies overthrew his army, severely wounded him, and killed his three sons. In despair the warrior king fell on his sword and perished. Wildly the people lamented the fallen hero: “ Ye daughters of Israel, weep over Saul, who clothed you in scarlet and with other delights, who put ornaments of gold upon your apparel. How are the mighty fallen in the midst of battle! ”’ ss. David (about 985-955 B.Cc.).1— His successor was David of the tribe of Judah. Beginning life as a shepherd lad and poet, he had come to the front through personal bravery and ability to command. In time he made Israel a single state, wholly indepen- dent of the Philistines. By conquering various small tribes of Syria he extended his kingdom northward to the Euphrates and southward nearly to Egypt. Jerusalem, which to his time had remained in the hands of the Canaanites, he made the capital and religious centre of his realm. Here he established the Ark — the portable shrine of Jehovah which the Hebrews had carried with them in their nomadic life. ‘The masses of Israel were worshippers of many gods. But the followers of Jehovah, though few, were exceedingly zealous and aggressive. It was largely through the help of his priests that David came to power. Jerusalem became a holy city, Israel was temporarily won for Jehovah, and a halo of religion consecrated David and his descendants to the kingship for all time. With the help of workmen lent him by the friendly king of Tyre, with the cedars of Lebanon and the Phoenician arts, David built and adorned his city. He was now an Oriental king, with his hand in the politics of the world, living magnificently in a palace filled with wives and slaves. His extensive wars and heavy taxes oppressed the people, who followed his favorite son Ab’sa-lom in a revolt against the king. But the son fell, and the father con- tinued to rule. After his death his oppression, caprices, and vio- lence were soon forgotten. Remembering only his service to Israel and Jehovah, his people to this day have ever looked back to him as their ideal king and their national hero. 56. Solomon (about 955-925 B.C.); the Decline. — After his death, Solomon, another son, succeeded to the throne. Devoting 1 The dates of the reigns of Saul, David, and Solomon are only approximately known. Some put them 25-40 years earlier. TS ) \ i} i { iH ‘I44 Syria himself to peace, he built in Jerusalem a magnificent temple to Jehovah. He fortified the city with stronger walls, and made for himself splendid palaces. He surrounded himself with all the luxury and brilliancy of an Oriental despot. His ships in the Mediter- ranean and Red seas brought him the products of distant lands. Among his allies were numbered the kings of Tyre and Egypt. In administration and diplomacy, as well as in the practical affairs of life, he displayed great shrewdness. Even to-day he is popularly, though with little reason, considered the wisest man in history. All this glory was a burden to the people. He taxed them heavily, and compelled them to labor unrewarded on his great buildings. Thirty thousand men were kept busy cutting stone and hewing wood. Naturally the people chafed under the yoke. When, therefore, his son and heir attempted to continue his policy, Judah, with a part of the tribe of Benjamin, alone remained faithful. The other tribes revolted. Henceforth we have to do with two small weak states, Ju-de’a (Judah) and Israel, afflicted with internal strife and nearly always at war with one another. 57. The Captivity and the Restoration (722-536 B.c.). — In the eighth century B.c., while the Assyrian king was pushing his frontier westward, he made both states tributary. Israel revolted, where- upon he destroyed its capital, Sa-ma’ri-a, and transplanted the population to the country beyond the Euphrates (722 BiG.) one: were soon lost among the natives of that region. The lands of the rebels were assigned to colonists from the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates, and were incorporated in a province of the empire." The fall of Assyria and the rise of Babylon meant for Judea merely a change of masters. To punish it for rebellion, Nebuchadnezzar * besieged and captured Jerusalem. He had already deported many of the inhabitants on a former occasion of disobedience. Now he destroyed the holy city and carried into captivity the rest of the people, excepting the very poorest. Fifty years (586-536 B.c.) the Hebrews remained in captivity, settled in various parts of the Babylonian empire. When Cyrus,’ king of Persia, conquered Babylon, probably with their help, he restored them to their native land and permitted them to rebuild 1 Cf. § 36. 2§ 37. 3 § 63. is TERR EO TEP OUT PEELE RRR PAPUP ARH UPAPEOORTVCURRUAUEV URINE IRSERUEGTRU ENERETTGTRERE EY WROTE ELLECivilization 45 their temple.!_ The city rose from its ruins; but Judea remained a province of the Persian empire. 58. Religion and Literature. — Before the period of exile most of the Hebrews were worshippers of the various Semitic gods. Some of their religious customs and ideas they had brought with them from the desert; many others they adopted from the Canaanites and the Babylonians. From very early time, however, there were among them leaders and prophets who worshipped none but Jehovah, and who strove to uproot paganism wholly from the na- tion. The establishment of Jehovah’s shrine with a priesthood at Jerusalem — the work of David — was an important step in this direction. Under Solomon the masses were still idolatrous; and the crafty king patronized the gods in order to secure the good will of his Canaanitish subjects. The priests and prophets of Jehovah, however, continued to insist on the commandment, “ Thou shalt worship no other god: for the Lord, whose name is Jealous, is a jealous God.” To keep his worship pure they emphasized another commandment, ‘‘ Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or any likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth; thou shalt not bow down thyself to them, nor serve them.” Gradually the people learned that Jehovah was Lord of the whole world, and that the so-called gods were unreal. They were helped to this belief by their long political bondage to Assyria, and especially by their captivity in Chaldea. Restored Jerusalem knew no god but Je- hovah, who demanded of his worshippers moral as well as ceremo- nial holiness. About nineteen hundred years ago Christianity, a new form of the same faith, grew out of the old. Judaism insists on strict obedience to the religious law; Christianity lays greater emphasis on forgiveness and love. The Hebrews produced no science. Their religion discouraged art, but fostered literature. Prominent among their writings are the books of the Old Testament, a national library of tradition, his- tory, proverbs, songs, and prophecy, written to glorify Jehovah and to show the plan of his dealings with men. The New Testa- ment, composed in Greek by Hebrew writers, tells the story of 1It was built under Darius, who gave the money for the purpose. ee Bae 3 om f i! i \ i if46 Syria Christ and his early followers, and explains his teachings. The Old and New Testaments make up the Bible. It has been read by more persons than any other book. Jo-se’phus, born 37 A.D., wrote Jewish Antiquities, a history of his people from the creation of the world, and The Jewish War, including a detailed account of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans. Lastly, Jewish rabbis composed the Tal’mud, a collection of Hebrew laws and traditions with comments and explanations. 59. Life, Character, and World Influence. — Before the captivity the Hebrews lived chiefly by tilling the soil; but their long stay in Babylon, the centre of Oriental trade, made of them a commercial people. From that time many of them travelled over the world and settled in foreign lands in order to carry on business. Wherever they went they built synagogues; and it was in these houses of worship that Christianity was first proclaimed. Among them the tie of blood has always been as strong as that of religion. Still closer was the family bond. ‘‘ Honor thy father and thy mother,’’ was one of their commandments. Though polygamy was permissible, it had no footing with the masses. Women were highly respected, and went about freely in public. Morals were excellent, family life was pure, and the nation seems to have been full of happy homes. It would be hard to overesti- mate the influence of this little nation on the history of the world. Christianity, the offspring of Judaism, has become the religion of the Europeans and of their colonies throughout the world; and missionaries are carrying it to all other peoples. The wisest men of the present day can find no better moral code than the Ten Commandments. In brief, religion and moral law, the most im- portant elements of our civilization, were contributed chiefly by the Hebrews. es Pa tn meee oR tae ou SSS 7 | \ Hi J i Ht i i Suggestive Questions 1. Why were the states of Syria smaller than the others we have been studying? 2. What effect had the Syrian hills on the character of the people? Would such a country produce a higher type of character than one like Egypt? 3. What was a result of the situation of Phoenicia between a high mountain range and the sea? 4. Describe the physical peculiarities and the dress of the Phoenicians (p. 40). 5. What was the great contribution eee UR UU TUPELO MEPRURUCRRAUAUURUPCRUODOUPURECUL CCR SOSR OCU OUS OR USSatarnuneea!World Influence 47 of the Hebrews to civilization? 6. Describe the location of Lebanon Moun- tains, Phoenicia, Palestine, Tyre, Sidon, Jerusalem, and Carthage. Note-book Topics I. The Reign of Saul. — 7. Samuel, chs. vili-xxxl; JJ. Sami I. Chronicles, ch. x. II. The Babylonian Captivity. — Kent, History of ihe Jewish Peopiz, 34-44. III. The Glory and the Fall of Tyre. — Ezekiel, chs. xxvi, XXxvll. IV. Phoenician Science and Trade. —Sayce, Ancient Empires of the East 203-209. Co) pend _ _ a aa | Hi Ha i } WH haaCHAPTER V THE MEDIAN AND PERSIAN EMPIRES T. Tue INDOo-EUROPEANS: THE IRANIANS; THE MEDIAN EMPIRE 60. The Country. — As we descend through the centuries, we find new peoples constantly becoming civilized and the area of history ever widening. In the fifth millennium B.c. history is con- cerned with the Nile valley only. In the fourth the country of the Semites is added to the area, and at the same time Crete and the Aegean region. Henceforth Europe as well as the Orient has a history. It is well to keep this fact in mind while we continue our study of the Oriental empires. The next Asiatic country to come within the historical field is the plateau of I-ran’. It lies east of the Tigris-Euphrates valley, between the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf. The central part is a great salt steppe resembling the Great Basin of North America. Through lack of water the larger part of the country is barren. In the northwest was Media. In the south, bordering the Persian Gulf, was Persia. An ancient writer, who was well acquainted with Persia, describes it as follows: ‘‘ Here a mild climate prevails ; the land is rich in herbs and well-watered pastures; it produces abundance of wine and of all fruits except the olive. Therein are luxuriant parks. Rivers of clear water and lakes well-stocked with water-fowl irrigate the country. The breeding of horses and beasts of burden prospers; forests full of wild animals are plentiful.” 61. The Indo-Europeans. — The Iranians — inhabitants of Iran — were Indo-Europeans, the third great branch of the White race. In the word Indo-European the part “Indo” has reference to India, and the name was contrived to denote the most westerly people (Europeans) and the most easterly known people (Hindoos) of the group. Indo-Europeans are those of the White race, what- 45 ee ee ee HUE DR Ea aa et ibete hiddenSas = i i \ if a t i ' i HH t 4 |Ser as pte Romer aon > Ata SSS —ee ————e ee ene akc b 4 p | } 4 | 60 actra 2 rt ¥ =e t Se —\ 4 A & i lem rusa ? . ¢ m A? WAI Pelusiy hh : Is \ A q % eS & Oe, nN ~ x Ss - S » Us “o Ai << _ < > q 4 x ENS 3 ~ = o WM > am = = \ -) >) Re ae jam fan) a ~ Fee AG) aise i 1 Sst aS . ~ o ae = So at ~~ —_—— = SS zz Ss sr i —>\ — Ff Saale ool 4 | | — { As a ' | my _— MT SI Stak & ; s 5 ~ ~ ~ A 2 fo a = = & LS 2 [Ry lee oe —__] q s ae Q ane eae 2 Va = =: ME eo ~ = == ‘Williams Engraving Co., N.Y.C74 20 Greenwich from 40) ~ East Longitude 30° 0) WUE ee WRURRREDRPRUROEDRESROREUIV ECCI T ionsOrigin of the Race 49 ever their descent, who speak an Indo-European tongue. All languages of the group have descended from a common parent speech. This parent speech must have belonged to a people who once lived together as a group of closely connected tribes in a definite region. Scholars disagree as to whether this early home of the language and people was in Europe or in Asia or partly in both. It is quite clear, however, that as early as 3000 B.C., the tribes were moving apart and the dialect of each was growing into a separate language. Even in their old home they were probably not all of one blood, but were composed of divers stocks inter- mingled. And while each tribe was migrating it was continually taking up into itself all manner of people whom it met with on the way. On reaching the home where we find it at the dawn of its history, the tribe generally absorbed the natives of the place, and continued long after to welcome strangers, whatever their origin. In these ways the Indo-European peoples, as we know them in history, were as thoroughly mixed as we can possibly imagine them. Meantime the language of a given people was altered somewhat by these foreign elements, and more by natural growth along with the progress of culture. But in spite of all changes it retained its essen- tial Indo-European character. 62. The Iranians; the Median Empire (606-550 B.c.). — About 2000 B.C. some of the Indo-European tribes began to invade India and eastern Iran, and to take possession of these countries. Slowly the Iranians, as we may call the invaders of Iran, worked their way westward in the face of the Elamites and other earlier inhabitants. Some Iranian tribes, the Scythians, overran and desolated the Assyrian empire; others settled down quietly and paid tribute to the king at Nineveh. When the Babylonians revolted and made war on Nineveh,” they called upon a powerful Iranian king to help them. His people were Medes. In the division of the fallen Assyr- ian empire they received the northern part, leaving the southern 1Our word “‘father,” for instance, is in Sanskrit (the classical language of India) pitdr, in ancient Persian pitar, in Greek 7aT%p (patér), in Latin pater, in German vater, and similarly through the other kindred tongues. These words for father have descended from a single word in the parent speech. All these nations whose languages are so nearly connected we call Aryan or Indo-European, 2§ 36. E soaks TOS cae ho et yearn ta oe See i |i it |hice Ferree erecta aera nee PA NE a anne nny a a a ' j i i H ih ee SESE rate niia TELLAPEaL 50 The Median and Persian Empires part to Babylon. Not content with their share, the restless Medes overran all Asia Minor as far west as the Halys River. This stream formed the eastern boundary of the Lydian empire, which checked their progress in that direction. Meanwhile they were subduing their nearer neighbors, including Persia on the south. But their empire came to an end in 550 B.c., only a little more than half a century after its founding. Il. THe PERSIAN EMPIRE 63. Cyrus the Great (550-529 B.c.). — Cyrus, king of Persia, was a vassal of the Median king. But in 550 B.c. he led a suc- cessful revolt against his master. Thereupon the Median empire became Persian. Able and arabitious, Cyrus pushed his conquests in every direction. One of his most important acquisitions was the Lydian empire, which included all we-tern Asia Minor. The kings of Lydia had created this realm ty conquering their neighbors, including the Greek colonies in Asia Minor. In the time of Cyrus Croe’sus was king. The heir of enormous wealth amassed by his predecessors, Croesus lived in luxury, and lavished money on favor- ites and on friendly states. Against the rising power of Persia he formed a grand alliance, which included the kings of Egypt and Babylon. But the blow fell sooner than he had calculated. Cyrus marched rapidly against him, defeated his army, and took Sar’dis, his capital. Croesus was made prisoner. As Babylon had joined Lydia in the war, Cyrus besieged the city and took it by surprise, while the great lords were feasting in the palace. 64. Cambyses (529-522 B.c.). — Cam-by’ses, son and successor of Cyrus, conquered Egypt. There taking the place of Pharaoh, he worshipped the gods of the country. It is said, however, that in intoxication or violent anger he killed the steer-god Apis. Puffed up with pride, he thought he could conquer the world; but he met with enormous losses in a vain attempt to subdue Libya. News of an insurrection at home recalled him. Before setting out ror Egypt he had secretly killed his younger brother Smer’dis. During his absence a certain priest who resembled the dead brother per: 1§ 63. WOUPUULUPERUAELUTUERDUUSRRUUEPLELADSEOReSe Ha DRVREED DUT IDUOUECOORIUTUTUOSERRDESEORURU ACUERDO RUC R EATERPolitical History St sonated him and mounted the throne. Most of the empire accepted the usurper. Cambyses turned homeward, but died on the way from a self-inflicted wound. 65. Darius I (521-485 B.C.). — Da-ri’us, a distant kinsman of Cyrus, ascended the throne and killed the false Smerdis. After restoring order he gave the empire a thorough organization. Con- tinuing a policy begun by Cyrus, he divided the whole area, with the exception of Persia, into twenty provinces, or sa’tra-pies, over which he appointed governors, termed satraps. Under them were native rulers of cities or tribes. The satraps were commanders of troops, chief judges, executives, and tax collectors. In addition to fixed gifts of produce for the support of the royal court and of the army, each satrapy paid a definite annual tribute of silver or gold, to which were added large indirect taxes and revenues from public property. It was necessary also for the subjects to support their native rulers as well as the satraps, and in time of war to perform military service. Darius built excellent roads from his capital, Susa, to the remotest satrapies, and introduced a postal system for carrying official letters. The system of provinces was carried out more thoroughly than had been the case under Assyria, and the governors were held more strictly under control; in these respects the Persian government was an improvement on that of Assyria. Darius was not only an organizer, but an able military leader. On the east the boundary was advanced to the Indus River. It was a difficult task to protect the northern frontier from barbarian in- cursions. Especially on the northwest, he was annoyed by the Scythians,! who had migrated from Iran to the country beyond the Caspian and Black seas. After vainly trying all other means of stopping their inroads, he resolved to cross into Europe and attack them in the rear. The invasion of Europe led indirectly to a conflict with the Greeks. Beginning with this struggle, the remain- ing history of ancient Persia will be told in connection with that of Greece and Rome.’ 66. Civilization: the Arts. — The Indo-Europeans of Iran were still shepherds and peasants when they conquered the Assyrian and Babylonian empires. We could not expect them thereafter 1§ 62. 2§§ 185 ff., 533. a cepa ret H ! ieaehienl } 52 The Median and Persian Empires to develop the useful and fine arts along original lines. The king and nobles felt that they must have at once all the good things enjoyed by their subjects. All their higher culture was therefore borrowed. Most of it came from Babylonia, though some elements were Egyptian and even Greek. Naturally they imported every kind of movable finery; and they engaged Babylonian artisans and architects to work for them. The chief feature of their architecture, like that of the Baby- lonias, was the terrace. With an abundance of fine limestone in Se ert Pate ern a Samm nan — peed i | bY ‘ iH TOMB OF CyRUS their country, however, they were original enough to use it to a great extent in their buildings. They showed their independence of the Babylonians, too, in employing the column as a second great feature of their architecture. In contrast with the Egyptian,! their columns were tall and graceful, doubtless owing to Greek influence. ‘They were placed farther apart than in Egyptian tem- ples, thus giving the Persian building a lighter and more airy effect. An early example of their architecture is the tomb of the great Cyrus. The building is at Pa-sar’ga-dae, the seat of his tribe. It 1s a simple chamber, “ well preserved, but open and empty, on its 1§ 25. eUeRe eaten UREA eee Le PRUPUURURURRDEODUEDSORURUIVELETITUCESEREO RRR OGREOREEUT ROME Ga AREAS Lb iArchitecture 53 base of seven retreat- ing stages, all of solid blocks of white mar- ble, surrounded by fragments of what was evidently a colon- nade Here the Persians laid the body of their king, covered with wax, for they thought it a sin to defile the holy air or earth by cremating or by burying the dead. For the foundation of his palace at Per-sep’o-lis” Darius erected a terrace of stone, mounted by beautifully sculptured stairways. On one part of the terrace stood his dwelling, a large hall with a porch in front and rooms on the rear and sides. Near by is the Hall of the Hundred Columns, for state and festive occasions. On the same platform other buildings of ANT TILL ATTN | uu NU ay SSS SS SS PaLACE OF Darrius AT PERSEPOLIS (Restored) 1 Ragozin, Story of Medi, ' p. 300 f. 2The Persian king had several capitals, including Susa, above mentioned, aad Persepolis.ne nies ee ng Pe toe | f i} t | i 54 The Median and Persian Empires later kings repeat the plans of the two just mentioned. The walls of the palaces have disappeared. Among the reliefs are lions, bulls, and monsters like those of Assyria,! though better proportioned and more natural. Certainly Greek artists must have had a hand in the work. Whereas earlier Persian art shows the king fighting with lions, later reliefs rep- resent courtly pleasures and religious formalities. Through these changes we may trace the decay of Persia under the corrupting influence of Oriental power. In science and in all the arts, with the exception of architecture and sculpture, the Persians accomplished nothing worthy of mention. They were not workers, but warriors and rulers. 67. Religion and Litera- ture. —In the earliest times the Persians worshipped a few powers of nature.2 The priests, ma’gi, attended to the offerings and ceremo- A Persian Kinc Kirrinc A Monster mies. Our word magic, de- rived from the name of this class, testifies to one of their functions—that of winning the gods and expelling evil spirits by charms. Before the religion had come to include many gods, it was reformed and purified by Zor-o-as’ter, a prophet who lived in the latter half of the seventh century B.c.? He taught the existence of one supreme God, creator of heaven and earth and man, and all pleasant things far man.‘ , He was:wise and ‘holy ; he alone had maj- 1 ‘Ex ag ce “ ¢ « « (A relief in Persepolis) 1§ 44. one %e : : s 2 Cf. § 42. 3 This is the view Of,Professor A. V. Wi Jackson, the greatest living authority on the subject; see his Zordaster, 14x‘ ff. es ) WeRouua HTTP ee SOU RHUAPRURUPATERURRTCRHRDURUURAG RRL EdeReligion and Literature 55 esty and power. He had an eternal enemy, the evil and impure spirit of darkness, the leader of a host of demons. Though the evil one dared contend against God, he had neither wisdom nor strength, and he was always worsted. Those who, in opposition to the prince of demons, worshipped and obeyed the good God, gained immor- tality and the reward their character deserved, whereas the wicked fell into the pit of the demons. The true followers of the great ‘ i eee he a er be 2 i Psy 7 ! i oa * : LB. CP Dp ip DARIUS RECEIVING CONQUERED ENEMIES In the sky is the only God, by whose grace he conquers. (Scene from the Behistan Rock) prophet had neither images nor temples, but worshipped God on the hilltops with fire, prayers, and drink-offerings. But some .used symbols representing God, and even images; and the masses failed to content themselves with one deity. Their holy book A-ves’ta, revealed by God to Zoroaster, contains religious laws, rituals, prayers, and hymns. A considerable frag- ment of the work is still extant. In addition to religious literature they had some historical writing, including a “ book of chronicles of the kings of Media and Persia.’’* This work has been lost, but 1 Wsther, x. 2.= Pn a ES ne nS eee i 4 t ii r } i H i 56 The Median and Persian Empires we still have numerous inscriptions, carved by the kings, which give us valuable information. The most important by far is that of Darius engraved on the smoothed face of a lofty rock! near the western border of his country. In it the king recorded the deeds he had done by the grace of God. 68. Morals. — The moral nature as well as the religion of the race was admirable. Especially among Oriental nations, the en- joyment of power and wealth in easy, luxurious living weakens both body and mind, and corrupts the character. At first brave and hardy, a conquering race soon degenerates and falls a prey to warlike neighbors. This principle goes far toward explaining the rise and fall of Asiatic empires. The Persians, for instance, — strong, brave mountaineers, with simple habits and sound character, — easily overcame the decayed Babylonians and Assyrians. For a long time the conquerors retained their early virtues. They con- tinued to educate their children “ in three things only, — in riding, in shooting, and in speaking the truth.”"? Finally, however, they so declined that they were in turn subdued by a small army of in- vaders from Europe (333-330 B.C.).° 69. Contributions to Civilization. — Their greatest achievement was to improve upon the government of Assyria. In all earlier empires the conquering nation was everything, the subjects counted merely as a source of income. In Cyrus and Darius this national idea gave way to the imperial. In other words, they were the first to treat their whole empire with consideration and kindness, to look upon it as an organic unit, and to exert themselves for its defence and improvement. In the vast extent of their realm, as compared with those of earlier times, lay another advance; for the idea of universal brotherhood could not arise in a world of petty warring states. A broad political basis had to be laid on which it could be built up. The Persian empire went far toward serving this purpose. Lastly, by bringing Asia and Europe into closer touch, it aided the interchange of ideas and inventions, con- tributing thus to the progress of the world. 1 The name of the cliff, hence also of the inscription, is Behistan. This is the spelling of the word adopted by Professor Jackson. 2 Herodotus, i. 136. 3 §§ 316 ff. POTTLOLVEPRUEERATRRA CHAE LEEU UREA OREED DUA DESORESUUOTNVEDTUROUHT UNI PORDRDTENT TIER RREESOriental Civilization wi ~! Il. Summary of Oriental Civilization 1. General Features. — The civilization of the Orient contrasted strik- ingly with that of Europe. The Easterner had a vivid imagination, but his reasoning power was never so strong or so well-trained as that of a Euro- pean. He did not think consistently or follow his reason, but was natu- rally obedient, ready to yield to authority. Asa result of this character religion exercised great influence over all his actions; and he held the priests in especial reverence. In every population were sharp economic contrasts. ‘The masses toiled to produce the good things of life, while the rulers and priests enjoyed the fruits of this drudgery. In political matters the Easterner had no thought of independence, but obeyed the king as a child obeys his parent. Government in the Orient, therefore, was always monarchical; the kings were absolute masters of their subjects. This power enabled them to build on a large scale. Hence we find throughout the Orient vast ruins of palaces, temples, statues, and other works. The ae ee —— lesser arts and sciences all grew-up as the creatures of religion. They developed rapidly, but were so shackled by religious rules that they re- mained dwarfed and immature. Though in the main all Eastern nations were alike, they showed some minor differences and contrasts of character and customs. 2. Contrasts between the Nile and Euphrates Cultures. — Similarities between these cultures are included in the paragraph above. contrasts may be noticed. SS | The following Through the greater part of her history Egypt rarely suffered invasion, the opposite being true of Babylonia. fluenced few other peoples, Babylonia many. stone, the Babylonians in brick. The former made extensive use of the column, the latter practically none. In religion the Egyptians took much thought of the next world, the Babylonians were chiefly absorbed in this. The one nation was addicted to animal worship, the gods of the other were nearly all celestial. rs? Pin Egypt in- The Egyptians built in Morally the Egyptians were perhaps the more devel- oped people, whereas the Babylonians took the lead in commerce and science, 3. Mingling of the Cultures. — The two cultures mingled little till late in history. From the time of the Old Kingdom there was some commerce between the tworegions. The Hyksosin their invasion of Egypt introduced customs and ideas of their own, but nothing from Babylonia. To some extent the Syrians, Hebrews, and Phoenicians represented a blend of the two cultures; they derived some elements of their civilization from Egypt, but far more from Babylonia. It was rather in their capacity as merchants that the Phoenicians helped make each better acquainted with the products of the other. Assyria brought the two regions together by conquest, but in a purely mechanical way. 4. Transmission of the Culture to the West. — Egypt gave her products and her arts to Crete and the Aegean region, and Phoenicia scattered the seeds of Oriental civilization over the islands and coasts of the Mediterra-58 The Median and Persian Empires nean. Another intermediary was Asia Minor, especially Lydia. Oriental arts, customs, and ideas passed through this country to the Greek colonists on the western coast of Asia Minor, and thence to Europe. We can also discover a reaction of Europe on Asia. Notably the Egyptians imported delicately painted pottery from Crete; and Lydia took perhaps as much from the Greeks as she gave them. 5. Consolidation; the Blending of the Cultures. — Persia not only brought the civilized nations of Asia together in one empire, but made of them an organic unit. Her kings chose the best arts and industries in the empire, to be blended harmoniously for the decoration of their capitals. In this way the Persian empire brought to completion a long period of polit- ical and cultural history. SE a ee ae eaten Suggestive Questions 1. What distinguishes the Indo-Europeans from other peoples of history (cf. ch. 1)? 2. Compare the columns of the temple at Thebes with those in front of the palace of Darius (pp. 17, 53). Which seem the more grace- ful? 3. Does the capital! consisting of a pair of animals seem to be espe- cially appropriate? 4. Compare the Persian character with the Egyptian. Which seems to be the more developed? 5. Compare the religion of the Persians with that of the Hebrews. 6. Name the Oriental empires in chronological order down to the Persian. What advances, if any, were made by each in organization and government? 7. From the maps of these empires calculate their relative size. i 1 ' ; s} af | Note-book Topics f. Organization of the Persian Empire. — Herodotus, iii, 89-117. II. The Scythian Expedition of Darius. — Herodotus, iv, 1-144. III. Zoroaster. — Jackson, Zoroaster, especially ch. xxi. 1 For the meaning of the word capital, see § 173. HOU eee Eei i i i li J i iy a i ———————S ee aes ee EE TSE ED OE — ma ———————AM : i TEETER MAES ETAL eaa TDERREE WEULEEELISEL 1 TEEaNOe Trae Pe ire ii s ~ Pag Pangae S ee \ Sak i < \ } E ~e J ~ p \ _G S ) 0 N 0 / | Methone, CHALCIDIGE ' l AeA. *~Pydna { Olynthu Z> 4 4h ‘y y 2 i 3 4 Ly A SxS" 2 My Thermaic Potidacay_| : JS tx» d s \~ —JF OF Ta Nm arenes _§ H Ne aa f f ~—~ME: . en Sy OroT ; cs ae a, ai? 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Sif A Or elorc0 40 60 50 | dacstus Longitude East from Greenwich 28° F ==Fae es a ae ere eet tee ae A SS as i TUVVACH TT RURREAPUA DACRE LL UUP Eee PLES ERLE Pe een | een UPR HORRER HO EOROE! PTTL PRUOPEUEL ORE Oer teen. eaeel Uae ea!PART Il HEELAS CHAPTER VI THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE vo. Hellas and the Hellenes. — In our study of the Orientals it has been necessary to make frequent reference to their relations with the Greeks. ‘This is the name by which the Romans knew these people, and it is the one we commonly use. They, however, called themselves Hel-le’nes. We do not know what the word means, but they tried to explain it by inventing the myth of their descent from Hel’len as a common ancestor. To them Hel’las was the country possessed by themselves wherever it might be — in- cluding not only the old homeland, but also the numerous colonies. There is no difficulty about using ‘“ Hellenes” and “ Greeks,” “Hellenic” and “Greek” as equivalent terms. “ Greece,’ on the other hand, now generally refers to the peninsula occupied xy the modern state of Greece. To avoid confusion it will re- tain this meaning in the present volume, and will thus be distin- guished from the broader term Hellas.”’ ' 71. Mountains. — Greece, the oldest home of the Hellenes, is he small peninsula which extends from southeastern Europe into he Mediterranean sea. In travelling through Greece or in look- .ag at a map of it, we notice that the country is mountainous. The Cam-bu’ni-an chain stretches along the northern border. Its highest point is Mount O-lym’pus, near the sea, the loftiest peak on the peninsula. The Greeks imagined it the abode of Zeus and of the other great gods. Near Olympus, in the range which extends 1 Should we use “Greece” synonymously with “ Hellas,” as is often done by histo- cians, it would be necessary constantly to distinguish between “Greece proper” and ‘Greece in the larger sense.” §9 Qu ES fi } iW t t ' eae ee60 Hellas along the east coast of Thessaly, is Mount Os’sa. Far to the west of this coast chain is the range of Mount Pin’dus. It extends south from the Cambunian mountains, and divides the northern part of Greece into two nearly equal districts. As we proceed south- ward the country grows more rugged. The central section is a mass of mountain ranges separated by narrow valleys and little plains. The loftiest peak of this region is Mount Par-nas’sus, near the centre of the peninsula. Pel-o-pon-nese’ (or Pel-o-pon-ne’sus), the most southerly section of Greece, is only a little less rugged. In the northern central part is the highland of Arcadia. From this highland mountain chains radiate in all directions. To the south runs the Ta-yg’e-tus range, dividing southern Peloponnese into two districts. This range is celebrated for its iron mines. 72. Rivers and Lakes.—In so small a country as Greece the streams are necessarily small and short. The volume of water is still further diminished by the dryness of the climate. The so- called rivers of Greece are therefore little more than brooks. Some are torrents in the rainy season of winter, but entirely dry in sum- mer. All the streams carry down a great quantity of soil, which they deposit in their lower course. The little plains at their mouths are alluvial — composed of soil thus deposited. In this respect they resemble the valleys of the Nile and Euphrates. The greatest plain of the kind is in Thessaly, northern Greece. The river which has formed it is the Pe-ne’us, the largest stream in Greece. Sometimes the brooks of a region, instead of uniting in a river, flow into a land-locked basin. In this way a lake is formed, gener- ally with an underground outlet. Another feature of Greece is the great number of gulfs and bays which indent the coasts. No other country has so great a coast-line in proportion to its area. 73. Climate and Products. — The greatest length of the Greek peninsula is about two hundred and fifty miles, and its greatest breadth is a hundred and eighty; it is about the size of the state of Maine. And yet within these narrow limits the climate, ranging from temperate to semi-tropical, fosters a great variety of prod- ucts. The whole country was once well-wooded, though most of POU Eee eee aa a= ea ee Re op ap GA LTD ee enn a = see ae reer if \ f i | ' } I oem SScee ane ed a= ae ate oes mS PUPPERPRUUPROR TER OHO a DID ae ‘eaeueel eS) B S eH & Oo g | < > é from a photograph) , (ThessalyPhysical Features 61 it now is nearly treeless. Hence in ancient times the soil was moister and more productive. In the forests of the north are nearly all kinds of European trees, including the beech, oak, plane, and chestnut. Southern Thessaly produces rice and cotton; olives and figs flourish in Attica; and in Peloponnese lemons, oranges, and date-palms thrive. Grape-vines grow everywhere. Though wheat can be grown in the few fertile lowlands, most of the ground is too stony and sterile for anything but pasturage, or at best for barley. Among the domestic animals were hogs, sheep, and goats. Oxen and donkeys were the work animals. Horses were used by the cavalry, and in peace were the luxury of the rich. The most common metal products were iron, silver, and copper. The best iron mines were in the Taygetus Mountains. Silver was mined in Attica and copper in the neighboring island of Euboea. There were gold mines in Thrace near the Greek border, and in the adjacent island of Tha’sos. Though the supply of metals was small, the Hellenes had exhaustless quarries of limestone and marble. The best white marble came from Mount Pen-tel’i-cus in Attica, and from the island of Pa’ros in the Aegean Sea. ‘There were also blue, black, and red marbles. In brief, no country in the world was, or is now, so abundantly supplied with building stone as Greece. 74. Northern Greece. — Looking more carefully at the map, we find the peninsula divided by arms of the sea into three regions, northern Greece, central Greece, and Peloponnese. Northern Greece comprises two countries — E-pei’rus and Thes’sa-ly — separated by the high Pindus range. Epeirus is largely a highland crossed from north to south by mountain chains. Unlike Epeirus, Thessaly is a plain, the largest in Greece. It is surrounded by mountains. On the north the Cambunian range rises like a huge wall to defend Greece against the attack of foreign- ers. Between Olympus and Ossa is the beautiful Vale of Tem’pe, rich in foliage, the main pass into Greece from the country on the north. 7 In ancient times Thessaly furnished excellent pasturage. The great lords of the country accordingly reared herds of horses, that they might be able in war to lead hundreds of mounted servants a | | I a i} |Te I s| 62 Hellas to battle. In time cities grew up in the plain; but both E-pei’rots and Thessalians preferred country life; they had little trade or skilled industry; in education and in the refinements of life they lagged behind the commercial states of Greece. 75. Central Greece: (1) the Less Civilized Countries. — South of Thessaly and Epeirus is central Greece, a long, narrow region extending east and west. It is more mountainous than northern Greece, and is well supplied with harbors along the immense stretch of coast. Ae-to’li-a and Lo’cris are especially rugged lands, whose inhabitants long remained barbarous. After the commercial cities of eastern and southern Greece had reached the height of their civilization, the Aetolians and Locrians still carried weapons in their daily life; they robbed or murdered all whom they found weak or defenceless. Some of them spoke a language strange to the other Greeks, and ate raw meat. West of Aetolia is A-car-na’- ni-a, a land of lakes and harbors, but with high, steep shores. The colonists who came hither in early time from the eastern coast taught the natives useful arts. Hence this country made greater progress in civilization than did Aetolia or Locris. Pho’cis, which divides Locris into two sections, lies partly in the rugged district about Mount Parnassus. Below the mountain on the south, in the city of Del’phi, was the celebrated oracle of Apollo. The Phocians, too, were more civilized than the Aetolians or the Locrians. In the valleys and plains were thrifty lords and busy peasants; on the mountain sides the shepherd pastured his flocks. 76. Central Greece: (2) the More Civilized Countries. — East of Phocis is Boe-o’ti-a. A great part of this country is a basin, whose waters collect into Lake Co-pa’is. The land about the lake is flat and very productive; its moisture fills the air with fog. Some witty neighbors of the Boeotians remarked that the dull sky and excessive beef-eating made these people stupid; but in fact they were second in intelligence and in enterprise among the states of central Greece. Mount Ci-thae’ron separates Boeotia from At’ti-ca, a peninsula which forms the eastern end of central Greece. In the northeast of Attica, overlooking the plain of Ma’ra-thon, is Mount Pentelicus, full of brilliant white marble; and south of Pentelicus is the range PRO e ea PTE aa DaaPolitical Divisions 63 of Hy-met’tus, still renowned for its honey-bees. The central region is a plain about two small streams,—the Cephissus and the Jlissus, which unite before reaching the sea. A third plain lies round the city of E-leu’sis on the northwest coast. Attica is for the most part a rugged country with a thin, stony soil. It is favored, however, with a long coast-line, which invites to commerce {n intelligence and in artistic taste the inhabitants excelled all other VALLEY OF THE STYX IN ARCADIA (From a photograph) Greeks. Athens, the capital, became in time the foremost city of the world in civilization. The traveller who journeys by land from Athens to Peloponnese passes through Meg’a-ris, a little country which lies in the broader part of the Isthmus of Corinth. As the soil is even more barren than that of Attica, the people supported themselves by rearing sheep and by making coarse woollens and heavy pottery for exportation. With a harbor on each side of the Isthmus they were well equipped for commerce; and their leading city, Megara, became for a Nme a great centre of trade, ee ————————————————— = ph pa ren A i i iI r ih iTet EL TTL Ta 64 Hellas 77. Peloponnese: (1) the Less Civilized Countries. — Pelopon- nese — “‘ Isle of Pe’lops,” a mythical hero — is a massive peninsula with a great gulf on the east coast and two on the south. The central region is Ar-ca’di-a, “‘ the Switzerland of Greece,” a plateau above which tower lofty mountain ranges. Among the mountains are fruitful plains and valleys, each of which was the domain of a tribe or a city. The Arcadians lived in the simple, homely style of mountaineers. Master and slaves ate their pork and barley cake together, and mixed their wine ina common bowl. Hardy and war- like, the Arcadian freemen were equally ready to fight for their homes and to serve foreign states for pay. The northern slope of the plateau, with a narrow border of coast plain, is A-chae’a. Divided among twelve independent cities, this country remained unimportant till late in history. E’lis comprised the western slope and the broad rich plain along the coast. Its most notable city was O-lym’pi-a, where the Greeks celebrated the greatest of their national festivals, and athletes from all Hellas contended in the games. The site is now strewn with the ruins of temples. 78. Peloponnese: (2) the More Civilized Countries. — Corinth, near the Isthmus, was one of the greatest commercial cities of Hellas. Her lofty citadel commanded the Isthmus, and by means of her three harbors, two on the Sa-ron’ic Gulf and one on the Corin- thian, she could trade equally well with the East and with the West. Though she had a large navy, her narrow territory prevented her from becoming a great power. Ar’go-lis was chiefly the mountain- ous peninsula on the east of Peloponnese. ‘The principal cities were along the valley which reaches northward from the head of the Ar- gol’‘ic Gulf. Onewas My-ce’nae, in early time the seat of a powerful kingdom. It declined, however, and Argos took its place as the head of Argolis. For ages it has been in ruins. The great rival of Argos was Sparta, chief city of La-co’ni-a. In the beginning this country occupied the fertile basin of the Eu-ro’tas River. The people of the country had for centuries the best-equipped and best-disciplined army in the world. In time of danger, therefore, all the Hellenes looked to them for pro- tection. Sparta, “ low-lying among the caverned hills,” was but a PURPA PALURORPPIOUCCTIDAIURACADETEDERUBEEEAESURUURERODNUSTRERORUCRURDSTTTEN ORG taaThe Islands 65 group of villages. Unlike most Greek cities, it was wholly without fortifications; the ranks of brave warriors were its walls. West of Laconia is the hilly but fruitful country of Mes-se’ni-a. Near its centre is Mount I-tho’me, whose summit furnished an excellent site for a fortress. 79. The Islands; the Aegean Region. — East of the peninsula is the Ae-ge’an Sea. It lies between Greece and Asia Minor, and is dotted over with islands, standing singly or in groups. ‘Thasos has been mentioned for its gold and Euboea for its copper. The latter is a long island nearly parallel to the coast of central Greece. The group of the Cyc’la-des is but a continuation of Euboea and Attica. The most celebrated among them are De'los, the mythi- cal birthplace of Apollo, and Pa’ros, already mentioned for its beautiful marbles. Near the coast of Asia Minor are Les’bos, famed for lyric poetry, Chi’os and Sa’mos, seats of early industry, and Rhodes, which the Phoenicians had colonized.’ Greatest and most important of all the islands is Crete, south of the Cyclades and on the sea route between Greece and Egypt. Other islands will be mentioned in our further study of Greek history. It is important for our purpose to glance at the coast of Asia Minor which borders the Aegean. It abounds in small but fertile plains, and is as well supplied with harbors as the opposite shore of Greece. The Aegean Sea does not separate, it unites the two coasts; and the islands are stepping-stones, so to speak, from one to the other. Mariners in the smallest barks could pass without danger, without losing sight of land, across the entire breadth of the sea. Indeed, from the mountains of southern Euboea the Greeks could look quite across to the hills of Chios. With the gentle winds that blew steadily in the summer season, it was easier to travel by sea than by land. Naturally, then, the people of the Aegean region — the islands and the two coasts — interchanged products and ideas, and thus advanced equally in culture. The great fact in our study of this region is that it was the earliest home of European civilization, and that it, rather than the peninsula, was the very heart of Hellas. 1§ 49. Stic ss ee | | | i ii |St |] | ie it 1} ] H} |; i } | 66 Hellas 80. The Effect of the Country upon the People. —In its moun. tainous character Greece contrasts with the valleys of the Nile and the Euphrates. It is somewhat like Syria, but more split up by ranges. A majority of the Greeks were mountaineers. In the mountains a man can make a living for himself and his family by hunting, keeping stock, and tilling a small patch of soil, without the aid or codperation of neighbors or with little need of government. He. is therefore free; and the kind of life he lives makes him strong and brave. Such men, when fighting for their freedom, are almost unconquerable. This was the character which the Greeks devel- oped in their mountains. The nature of the country, too, had a political effect. The people of each valley or narrow plain, surrounded by high ranges and seeing little of their neighbors, were content to live alone in the enjoyment of complete independence. Im other words, the mountains prevented the growth of large states. Another controlling feature of the country was its openness to the sea through the excellent gulfsand harbors. From almost any point in the peninsula, the Greek, even with his slow way of travel- ling, could reach an arm of the sea in a single day. This circum- stance naturally attracted him to a seafaring life. The stony soil could not support a dense population; and the vast mountains on the north kept the Greeks from pushing out into central Europe. All these features of their situation combined to make them a commercial and colonizing folk. We have seen how easy was navl- gation in the Aegean, and how a chain of islands reached far out in the direction of Africa and Egypt. In brief, the nearness of the Aegean area to the Orient and its openness in that direction made it the first region of the West to be visited by Eastern ships—hence the birthplace of European civilization. Most important of all was the effect of these physical surround- ings on the mind. The poor soil compelled the Greeks to form economical habits of life, so that moderation controlled their thought as well as their action. They became the best-balanced people the world has known. The mild climate and gentle changes of season rendered them happy. ‘The bracing air stimulated clear thinking. ‘The bare, sharply pointed mountains awakened in the PEARULRR PEARED UEPREOU UP ORRUOSESRESOREUIUSURESEUTURUDTOOTETODET TEIN TLA Superior Race 67 soul that love of intellectual beauty which lifts the Greeks above all other peoples. Finally the diversity of climate, soil, and products combined with other favoring influences to create a nation famous for its men of genius in literature, science, art, and statesmanship. Suggestive Questions 1. What effect had the mountains of Greece on her history? 2. Which coast of Greece is most abundantly supplied with harbors? What was the effect of this condition? 3. How was Greece influenced by her nearness to the Orient? Why was the nearness of one country to another more im- portant in ancient times than it is now? 4. Mention all the reasons why Greece was the first country of Europe to become civilized. 5. Compare and contrast the physical features of Greece with those of Egypt, Baby- lonia, and Syria. Which of these countries seems best adapted to produc- ing a hightype of character? 6. From the account given in this chapter, what parts of Greece seem most attractive? What parts were most favor- able to progress? 7. Compare and contrast Greece in climate, soil, and products with the state in which you live. Topics for Reading I. Excursions in Attica.— Mahaffy, Rambles and Studies in Greece chs. vi, vii; Richardson, Vacation Days in Greece, 111-118. Il. Thermopylae. — Richardson, 79-80. III. Thessaly. — Richardson, go-103. IV. The Coasts. — Mahaffy, ch. i. et {, ! | | 4 i =anes apo Sse ee ee en a ee —— PUPTTTERRUPRT APR RLOORTRRDRURUI RAST ERROR Ee RR Rien ea CHAPTER VII THE CRETAN AND MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATIONS About 3500-1000 B.C. I. THe REMAINS; THE POPULATION 81. Recent Discoveries. — Till recently historians have begun their account of Greek affairs with the eighth century B.C., some » of them precisely with the year 776;! and for the first century and a half they have given hardly more than a few bare dates. But all this has been changed by explorations in the Aegean area. The pioneer in the work was Heinrich Schliemann (Shlee’mahn). In his boyhood he learned the stories told by the Hellenic poet Homer of the deeds of mighty heroes during the Trojan war ;” and thinking them real history, he believed the ancient city of Troy might be found buried beneath the earth. To achieve this task became the inspiration of his life. After amassing a fortune in business, in 1870 he began digging on the hilltop where, from Homer’s descrip- tion, he concluded Troy must have stood. This hill is in north- western Asia Minor, not far from the sea. The result more than justified his hopes. On this spot he and his successor in the work unearthed the ruins of nine settlements, built above one another and belonging to different ages. It is calculated that the lowest settlement, a rude village, was inhabited about 3500 B.c., and that the sixth, which shows a highly developed civilization, flourished 1500-1000. Afterward Schliemann excavated Tiryns and Mycenae in Argolis, Greece. They were contemporary with the sixth city at Troy. Mycenae showed such signs of wealth and culture that he believed it to have been the centre of the civilization which flourished at that time on the shores of Greece and in Troy. Hence he called the civilization Mycenaean. IStTOS; ns T. 2§ 113. 68 ' La PRURERERRUUR UE OU EE SEU UOEOS Pee UReneauaa’a oF HY f { ah i SS a eee a 2 Posen Shae os ka ae oe ST RSS ena ee Ce a 0 7 0 8 = T | | > \ PI C Q ~ 5 © ~ = S Stry o|\PONTIS, ove. is ay iDA O a ARN 7 ig oe _ % Gul/ ee YP *ugJasaean {Malian Gul K_ Heormus ey 4 \MOLUs MT. ¥ 2 e yt Non Gulf scl p> LT \o eS Lo SJ] 0 > oN AMORGUS ELOSPS) M » a. ¢ D SAM yi THERA J) S Bo., NY Williams Engraving C =y = ee =, Als ui © a (? j | = Ke 3888 ely Sia YEE AO ass \ £18 me SAO mO tf Ss £4 a BSS 7s es oe eee M N 75 L wr A HY i TON | = = 3 POUT UAVURERTRRDAERAADRESE OER O RE POR Renae ie SEUTPRURP RLS DRRUR EE TOPPER U LSE) eneBeginnings of Civilization 69 After these discoveries it was necessary to begin the history of Greece as early as 1500 B.C. But even this date has more recently been found altogether too late. Since 1899 Arthur Evans, an English archaeologist, has unearthed a great palace at Cnossus, Crete, and other scholars have made similar though smaller dis- coveries in other parts of the island. These explorations prove the Cretan civilization to have begun far earlier than the Myce- naean; to be, in fact, as old as that of Babylonia. In brief, they make it necessary for us to begin our study of European civilization at about 3500 B.C. These dates we do not get from the records of the Cretans, for their writing has not yet been deciphered. They are based on Egyp- tian chronology, which is fairly certain back to 3500. There was an interchange of wares between Egypt and the Aegean area ; and by a comparative study of these objects we can reconstruct the dates of Aegean culture.’ 82. Earliest Inhabitants. — Greek myths preserved the names of some pre-Hellenic tribes long after they had become extinct. As an example we may name the Pelasgians, who were merely one of the many primitive tribes. The pre-Hellenic inhabitants had no common name, and we do not know to what race or races they belonged. We can only trace the progress of their civilization by means of their works which still survive. Il. THE CRETAN CIVILIZATION 83. Beginnings. — As early as 3500 B.c. there were village settlements over the entire Aegean region. The inhabitants lived in round huts, made tools and arms of stone, and formed and decorated rude pottery by the hand without the help of a wheel. Even at this early time, there was commerce with Egypt. Among the villages of the period were the oldest settlements at Troy and at Cnossus, Crete. This was the Stone Age. It would be possible to trace the civilization of the region from 1Tt should be borne in mind, however, that all the dates in Greek history before about 700 B.c. are merely approximate. Some of those given may be even two or three centuries too early or too late. ee re ————— aria pow vara 7 a) } \ i sa ' Hee ee be ae sense st oe ae ee ttre i i | uv § i] Ht ) iq | } } as to 3 a Mt Hee ee 70 The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations this point through successive stages of progress and decline. We could see the gradual improvement of pottery, the introduction of copper and then of bronze wares, of gold and silver, of the art of writing, the growth of architecture, and of many other embellish- ments of life. Crete, in close commerce with Egypt, led this movement. Without following it in detail, we shall take a brief A CORRIDOR IN THE PALACE AT CNOSSUS The large jars were evidently for the storage of provisions. (From a photograph) view of Cretan life at the height of its development—about 2200- I500 B.C. 84. The Palace and the Court People. — The king of Cnossus lived with his courtiers in a palace which for vastness would compare with the great works of Egypt. It comprised large rectangular courts, long corridors, and a multitude of chambers and store-rooms. In one of the rooms was found the throne on which the king once sat, with benches against the walls for his noble councillors. Another SOUEPRPRERUPARUUERELCUUEEREET USUU heer aeoneneeay Sa ae ays err ee Cretan Civilization “1 Hy iW il Hi | | more 4 10%, peat Mi hin Sil THe THRONE Room IN PALACE AT CNOSSUS A stone chair for the king ; on both sides stone benches for the guests. (From a photograph) room, fitted up with benches, seems to have been used as a school. Py 2 The frescos on the walls picture the brilliant court life of the period. ‘Sometimes the dependents of the prince march into the palace in stately procession, bringing their gifts; some- times the court is filled with gayly- adorned dames and curled gentlemen, standing, sitting, gesticulating vigor- ously, and flirting. We see the ladies, like Oriental women, trying to preserve the fresh whiteness of their complexion. Again the people of the court are watching a troop of bull trainers,” * — composed of youths and maidens. The nobles pictured in these scenes were accustomed to fine clothing, jewellery, A CRETAN VASE and furniture. They had vases of Decorated with lilies. beautiful form and finish, delicately cut (From Annual of the British School at Athens, X. p. 7+) 1From a report by Dr. Arthur Evans.iY i} | ' } a ie « r+ hs PERSE EE a Ne Nee mes me nt i “ing sn Snes ena aen een TeUP Ree MURDATER UP ROREEERU RRR O ROE E Dae) 72 The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations and engraved gems as seals, and dagger blades inlaid with the precious metals. In artistic taste and skill they far surpassed the Orientals. The forms of men and animals in their art are cseleatllNy graceful and true to nature. 85. Writing. — They had two systems of writing, the earlier hieroglyphic; the later a simple linear script. Thousands of little clay tablets have been found in one of the rooms of the palace, covered with this writing. Doubtless they are accounts of receipts J ee Ul 0 0 © 99008300 5 ©) WYLY) | Us CrerAN LINEAR WRITING ON CLAY TABLETS (From Annual of the British School at Athens, ix. p. 52.) and dues; some of them may be a record of events. A larger tablet, found elsewhere, seems to be a list of offerings to a deity. In a word, their script was used for religious, business, and possibly historical purposes. When scholars succeed in deciphering this writing, we shall know the language of the Cretans, and shall better understand their civilization. 86. Society and Government. —It is clear that society was divided into the many toilers and the few nobles, and that the king was absolute master. ‘There is strong evidence of peace throughout the island, of the union of all under one chief king. He built no walls of defence, for he placed his confidence in the navy. Egypt could not send over sea an army strong enough to conquer him. PRURERP URED THEERERSOURPUUUALULTRR ERS OSU CRU CUEent ceerarnyaene————— inn — ee nS Origin of the Hellenes 73 Rather he preferred to buy the favor of Pharaoh with rich gifts while he himself extended his sway over many Aegean islands. Ill. THe MIGRATIONS OF THE HELLENES 87. Beginnings (about 2500 B.C.) ; Formation of the Race. — In our study of the Aegean region we have had to do thus far with people who were not Greeks or even Indo-Europeans. We noticed above! that about 3000 B.c. the Indo-European tribes, in the homeland of the race, began to move apart and to develop into separate peoples. Some in their wandering halted long in the valley of the Danube, where archaeologists have discovered remains of their civilization. From there, about 2500, various tribes began to move southward into Greece. There had been trade between the valley of the Danube and the Aegean area; hence the new-comers found a mode of life not much different from their own. As elsewhere, the immigrants of European speech mingled with the natives, and the language of the invaders prevailed, though modified somewhat by the intrusion of many aliens. The blending of the two peoples produced the Hellenic race. 88. The Turmoil and Strife of Settlement. — It would be useless to attempt a detailed account of the migration, as the Greeks them- selves had no record of it, and could not remember that their an- cestors had ever come from a foreign land. Doubtless they entered gradually by tribes, perhaps in ‘“ waves,” pushed on from behind by Il-lyr’i-ans and Thracians, who also were Indo-European. There must have been continual fighting between the invaders and the natives, and among the immigrant tribes as well, for the posses- sion of the best lands. For centuries, therefore, Greece was full of uproar and violence. The confusion reached its height in the thirteenth and twelfth centuries, when Greece and the Aegean region were all astir. “ The islands were restless,” declares the Egyptian record of the time. The cause must have been the south- ward pressure of the Illyrian and other peoples. A part of this movement was the shifting of masses of Greeks from the northwest of the peninsula — from Epeirus, Aetolia, 1 § 67 A t 1 hi ! | 1H Papen eT mENRITT74 The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations and vicinity !— into east and south Peloponnese. These people came afterward to be known as the Dorians, and their movement into Peloponnese is termed the Dorian migration. It was the last great migration within the peninsula, and the only one remembered by the Greeks of later time. It seems to have taken place in the thirteenth and twelfth centuries B.c. AE IV. THe Mycenaran CIvILizATION ent >a: About 1500-1000 B.C. ee nb ont rh 89. Beginnings; Tiryns. — While the Greeks were taking pos- session of their historical home, the Cretans were making great progress in the art of living. Through commerce their products, with some knowledge of their industries, were coming to all parts of the Aegean area and to countries far beyond. But fora long time the Greeks, distracted by the turmoil of migration and conquest, took little interest in these improvements. Toward the middle of the second millennium (2000-1000) B.c., however, as life became for a season more secure, those of the east and south coasts of the peninsula fell rapidly under Cretan influence. This was at a time when the Cretans had lost their inventive power, and their civiliza- tion had become stagnant, just as did the Egyptian in the same period.’ Under this foreign influence the Greek chieftains along the east coast founded little kingdoms, generally in the alluvial plains at the mouths of rivers. Each kingdom centred in a strongly fortified city. One ofthese settlements was Tiryns, on a low flat hill a little more than a mile from the Argolic Gulf, the oldest city, so far as we know, on the continent of Europe. Its walls were of huge, rudely dressed stones, built, the myths would make us believe, by a race of giants called Cy-clo’pes. For this reason stone work of this rough kind is described as Cy-clo-pe’an. The highest part of the citadel, enclosed by these defences, was occupied by a great palace. Like that at Cnossus, it contained a multitude of apart- * The fact that the dialect of the Dorians is nearly the same as that spoken in north: western Greece proves them to have come from that quarter. 2$ 17. i } # } COE | Htide eee} |<< aa =< 4 at ry —— Sa ral ool la ote A MYCENAEAN PALACE QE s (Restoration: from Perrot and Chipiez, V1) arora Ce ory - Su ww ——————| ee Se a vy ae Ra oe ott ae ag Sed ty 5 sree Oe WRTURU URED EO LER DAURT REO SS ODOUR EER Ee Be WERUERURERRLUDRE EE SUERPRDURRE LAT GEsEE Mycenaean Civilization 75 ments, including separate courts and halls for men and women; a bath-room with conduit and drains; sleeping-rooms, corridors, and porticoes. The palace was smaller and simpler than that of Cnossus, but very great for a king who ruled over only a few square miles of territory. The walls and palace tell a vivid tale of the wealth and luxury of the king, and of his unlimited authority over the lives and labor of his subjects. Rovat CEMETERY OF MyYCENAE On the citadel (From a photograph) 90. Mycenae. — Mycenae was built on a steep hill at the extreme north of the plain of Argolis. Around it ran a wall of much finer workmanship than that of Tiryns. When the city outgrew this space, it extended over a low adjoining ridge. The older and better- fortified part is distinguished as the citadel; the later addition is termed the lower city. Mycenae was younger than Tiryns, but because of the favorable situation its king in time became ruler of all Argolis. Here Schliemann unearthed not only a palace, but private houses, the homes of lords and servants. More re- markable were the royal tombs grouped in and about a circular enclosure on the hill. Here were buried the earlier kings with their76 The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations families. The later rulers made for themselves in the lower city immense dome-shaped tombs. One of them, the so-called Tomb of A’treus, is about fifty feet in height and the same in diameter. A tomb of the kind was built underground in the hillside, and was approached by a long, horizontal passage. All those at Mycenae were found empty; doubtless they had been pillaged. From these remains, especially from the contents of the tombs in the ENTRANCE TO THE TOMB OF ATREUS Lower city, Mycenae (From a photograph) citadel, we can make out how the people of Mycenae lived, and even what they wore and ate. The court lady dressed in a bodice and full flounced skirt. The cloth was fine linen or soft wool of sea-purple stain. “ The diadem of gold was on her brow, golden fillets and pins of exquisite technique shining out of her dark hair; golden bands about her throat and golden necklaces falling upon her bosom; golden brace- lets upon her arms, gold rings chased with inimitable art upon herMycenaean Life 7} fingers, and finally her very robes agleam with gold.” * The men wore a simple cloth around the waist, either hanging loose or drawn together in such a way as to form short trousers. On the shoulders ee ed iF i ' 4} Lt} 4 GRAVESTONE FOUND AT MyYCENAE Warrior in chariot ; his squire walking ahead. (From Schuchhardt, Schliemann’s Excavations) they pinned a mantle. Like the women, they loaded themselves with jewelry. They enjoyed perfumes, and took delight in gazing admiringly at themselves in their bronze mirrors. 1 Tsountas and Manatt, The Mycenaean Age, 189 f.78 The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations In war the king or noble equipped himself with a helmet, with a huge shield which reached from neck to ankles, and with woollen or leathern greaves. His weapons of defence were sword and spear. Unable to carry his heavy equipment far, he rode to battle in a chariot drawn by a team of horses, but dismounted for combat. The common men dressed lightly, wore no defensive armor, and fought chiefly with the bow and sling. They counted for little in war and politics. The Mycenaeans believed in a future life. They must have imagined that the soul, living in the tomb, used and enjoyed all the wealth of utensils and ornaments buried with the body.!_ They wor- shipped not only the dead, but other gods represented by little idols. gi. Relations with Crete; the Decline. — Mycenae was the richest and most brilliant and powerful of the cities in Greece during this period. Hence the civilization of the age is called | Mycenaean. But there were many other seats of the same culture | in Greece, as in Laconia near Sparta, and at Athens. Across the Aegean Sea, the “ sixth city ” at Troy was contemporary, and life there was similar. In brief, the same culture now prevailed over the Aegean area. Everywhere is seen the influence of Crete. The engraved gems, the fine gold work, the inlaid daggers, and much of the other movable goods found at Mycenae, were undoubtedly imported from the island. Cretan architects built the palaces, and Cretan artists frescoed the interior walls with scenes like those they had painted in their own country. Many immigrants must have come from Crete to seek their fortunes among these new and enter- prising people. The difference between the two cultures was not striking. It was chiefly one of periods. The earlier civilization was inventive and aggressive; the later was for a time stationary, then decadent. In Crete the temperament was more artistic; in Tiryns and Mycenae more political. The cities of Greece were walled, but not those of Crete. The palace at Tiryns or Mycenae was simpler and more regular in form than that of Cnossus, and included features afterward inherited by the Greek temple. Life must have been strenuous in Greece. There were wars for suprem- | acy among the kings, and doubtless fiercer struggles to maintain 1 § 100. See eee mw Ee aan Tan ne bee a ree PUPONUPURUUEESRPUU EAP U REREAD EEO UOPOPREORASERESUDEDTODOTODON TEU EDV SGSUPRPTP RITE eraeenCulauega:Il A GOLD RING BEZEL OF BEZEL OF A GOLD RING combat of warriors. a Showing Found at Mycenae. Showing women, a fru it tree, ound and moon. Mycenae. at ~ 4 I sun ”? THE ‘‘ WARRIOR VASE Late Mycenaean or Eany Epic. dress and arms with those of II and IV. ast Contr neopeyt: 2 ELS , ae Bere tee The work is wonderfully skilful. ere <= ——————— Found at Mycenae. i I : BRONZE DAGGER. — Blade inlaid with gold figures ot men and lions. —————| | Pi Ree aan > Pf mo ry eo Si on apne og — _ _ ec Ss - aa ~ = 3 O o ov fe 2 Ww Oy D O a ~ S ented an attempt to catch wild bulls re is repres On the cup aboyBaas SS ee = a» =< Se ee WOUPPPRAUODOREPR PERU UPDSUDE UEP LUA RePERESOHER USOT DPSS GREE ED 80 The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations their freedom against the barbarian tribes who roamed through the interior of the peninsula, pressing down from the north. Hence arose the mighty walls which surrounded Mycenae and other cities, and which still excite the wonder of travellers. As Crete declined, some of the Greek kings crossed over to the island and made con- quests there. Life in the Aegean cities, though of a higher type than that of the Orient, was in spirit and in broad features the same. Fortunately this condition did not last forever. The few who enjoyed wealth and luxury became fewer. They so deteriorated in body and mind that they could no longer protect their cities from the less civilized people who surrounded them.! This was about the time when Egypt came under foreign rule and when the wild Chaldeans swept over Babylonia. Through internal decay the ancient world was sinking far down toward barbarism. Suggestive Questions rt. In what way and to what extent has our knowledge of early Greek history increased since 1870? 2. Why did Crete become civilized before Greece? 3. With what Oriental country was Crete most closely connected? 4. Compare the government of Cnossus or of Mycenae with that of Egypt or Babylon. 5. Which had the better situation, Tiryns or Mycenae? Which became the greater city? 6. From the illustration opp. p. 78 describe the shield of a Mycenaean warrior. 7. Compare in detail the columns of the Mycenaean palace with those of an Egyptian temple (pp. 16, 74). B. Describe from the map the area of the Mycenaean civilization. Note-book Topics I. Heinrich Schliemann. — Schuchhardt, Schliemann’s Excavations, ch. i; Hawes, Crete, the Forerunner of Greece, 1-8. II. Cretan Art, Letters, and Religion. — Hawes, 110-150. III. Private Houses and Domestic Life. — Tsountas and Manatt, The Mycenaean Age, ch. iv. IV. Dress and Personal Adornment. — Tsountas and Manatt, ch. vii. 1 Great stress must not be placed on the Dorian migration as,the cause of the decline. The same civilization declined equally in Attica, which the Dorians did not touch. As a rule, conquerors destroy less than jealous neighbors. ‘The burning of Mycenaean palaces may be due to wars with neighboring cities, to internal revolutions, some- times even to accident. The great cause was the internal decay, which was affecting the civilization of the whole world. POPOUNT UREN ERR SeanCHAPTER VIII THE FIRST PERIOD OF COLONIZATION; THE EPIC OR HOMERIC AGE I. Tue First PERIOD OF COLONIZATION (ABOUT 1509-1000 B.C.); THE HELLENIC RACES 92. The Aeolians. — As soon as the Hellenes in their migrations reached the sea, they began to cross to the neighboring islands. This early period of approximately witl I colonization within the Aegean began and ended 1 the opening and close of the Mycenaean age. We shall review their principal settlements in geographical order from north to south. From Thessaly colonists crossed the wide expanse of the sea to the island of Lesbos. There they founded Myt-i-le’ne and other cities. Thence passing over to the mainland of Asia Minor, they occupied a narrow strip of coast extending some distance to the south of Lesbos. Their territory on the mainland was Ae’o-lis, and the inhabitants were Ae-o’li-ans. The same dialect of the Greek lan- guage, with slight variations, was spoken in Aeolis, in Lesbos, in most of Thessaly, and in Boeotia. Hence we group the inhabitants of all these countries together under the name Aeolians. In speaking of the Aeolians as a race, however, we must bear in mind that along with the colonists from Thessaly went people from other parts of Greece, and that the emigrants, on reaching their new home, mingled with the natives. Blood was mixed in the colonies to a greater extent than in the homeland, and the same thing is true of the other Greek races which colonized the Aegean area. 93. The Ionians. — Meanwhile emigrants from Attica were tak- ing possession of the Cyclades. Two of those islands, Delos and Paros, have been mentioned. Near Paros is Nax’os, which in time G 81 7 a eTwoer tal) on = Se Fem area 82 The First Period of Colonization became politically important. Beyond the Cyclades, near the Asiatic coast, they occupied Samos and Chios, and lastly the adja- cent strip of coast known as Ionia. ‘“‘ Of all men whom we know,” says an ancient Greek historian,! “ the Ionians had the good fortune to build their cities in the most favorable position for climate and seasons.’’ The soil, too, is remarkably productive. The greatest of their cities was Mi-le’tus, a centre of industry, commerce, and intellectual life. In fact, for centuries after its founding Miletus took the lead in Hellenic civilization. In its widest and most popular sense the word Ionian applies not only to the people of Ionia, but to their kinsmen on the islands and in Attica. The Ionic race accordingly occupied the central section of Aegean islands and coasts south of the Aeolians. 94. The Dorians. — While the Aeolians and the Ionians were thus expanding across the Aegean Sea, Dorians from Peloponnese settled Me’los and The’ra in the southern Cyclades, and conquered apart of Crete. The population of this island was now a medley of races and tongues, as the poet Homer? describes it: ‘‘ There is a land called Crete in the midst of the wine-dark sea, a fair land and rich, begirt with water, and therein are men innumerable and ninety cities. And all have not the same speech, but there is a confusion of tongues; there dwell Achaeans, and there, too, native Cretans high of heart, and Cy-do’ni-ans there and Dorians of waving plumes, and goodly Pelasgians.”’ Farther on, the Dorians settled Rhodes and the adjacent coast of Asia Minor. In this way the Dorian race came to occupy the southernmost section of Aegean coasts and islands. The Aeolians, the Ionians, and. the Dorians were the three races most prominent in earlier Greek history. The period closed with the colonization of Cyprus by Arcadians (about 1000 B.Cc.).? 1 Herodotus, 1. 142. 2 Odyssey, xix. 170 ff. $The Arcadians and their colonists together formed a fourth race — the Arcadian- Cyprian. For the sake of completeness a fifth and sixth race may be mentioned here: (5) the so-called northwest Greeks, occupying Epeirus, Aetolia, and the other countries of that region, with Achaea in northern Peloponnese, (6) the Eleians in northwestern Peloponnese. This classification is based on the dialects. HOE EEE EE ee edHomer 83 Il. THe Epic or Homeric AGE About 1000-700 B.C. 95. The Source: Homer. — An epic is a long narrative poem which celebrates the deeds of real or mythical heroes.’ We still read with pleasure the two great Hellenic epics, the //':-ad and the Od’ys-sey. They are simple, graceful, and interesting; in that department of poetry they are unrivalled. Tradition declares the author to have been Homer, a blind old poet, who wandered about from city to city chanting his beautiful verses to eager listeners. So great was his reputation that seven cities boasted of being his birthplace. The J/iad tells a story connected with the Greek war against Troy. The Odyssey narrates the wanderings of the hero O-dys’seus on his return from the Trojan war. These stories will be found among the myths in the following chapter. 96. Historical Value of Homer’s Poems. — The descriptions of palaces, of their furniture and decorations, and of the fine gold work, given in these poems, so accord with the actual remains of the Mycenaean age that we must believe that Homer was a guest in some of the palaces while they were still occupied and in all their glory. Then, too, many Mycenaean objects of art must have survived as heirlooms in great families long after the age had passed away. But other features of Homeric life prove it to have been in advance of the Mycenaean. For instance, Homer is well acquainted with the use of iron, whereas the Mycenaean period lay in the Bronze Age, which preceded that of iron. The country, too, is different. Homer lived in Jonia and composed in an old Ionic dialect. His period, therefore, followed the Ionic coloniza- tion. Although his stories are myths, probably containing a few real traditions of great achievements of the past, the manners and customs he describes are those of his own time and country. Ionic life in this period was a growth from the Mycenaean, freshened by new blood and by the stimulus of new surroundings. 97. Social Life of the Ionians (1000-700 B.c.). — Among the Ionians of Homer’s time, family and kin were sacred, and under the 1 The Babylonians had preceded the Greeks in composing epics (§ 42). SS f ia. 7 iHSeen we tay mereenais 4 Fa er Nr Po eelne oe Aree We 84 The Epic Age care of “‘ household ” Zeus, whose altar was the hearth. Parent and child, brothers and cousins, united by the twofold bond of blood and religion, stood by one another in danger, for the state had not yet begun to protect the lives of the citizens. Zeus com- manded men to be kind to wayfarers. A common form of welcome was: “ Hail, stranger, with us thou shalt be kindly entertained, and thereafter, when thou hast tasted meat, thou shalt tell us that whereof thou hast need.” ! Hospitality, love of kindred, freedom of women, and the gentle manners of home and of social life were the most admirable features of an age whose darker side appears in time of war. For then men sacked and burned cities, killed the warriors whom they captured, and enslaved the women and children. Piracy was respectable; the weak and homeless had no protection. 98. Property and Labor. — In time of peace the lords of the land kept their servants busy in the country planting orchards and vine- yards, raising barley, or tending the herds, from which they drew most of their living. As there were few skilled workmen, they had to make at home nearly everything they needed in their daily life. Kings and queens worked along with their slaves. Having as yet no money, they bartered their produce, and reckoned values in cattle or in pounds of bronze, iron, or other metal. Although Phoenician traders supplied the rich with costly wares from the East, the Ionians were themselves building ships and beginning a trade which was soon to drive the vessels of Phoenicia from Greek waters. 99. Government. — While the common people were working in the fields or were building walls, houses, and ships, the nobles lived in the city in the enjoyment of wealth and authority. The greater lords met in a council to advise and assist the king in all public business, and to provide for the interests of their class. The king, who was merely the first among the nobles, was general, priest, and judge. He led the army, prayed to the gods for the city’s safety, and settled cases of private law. He did not try, however, to keep the peace or prevent murder, but allowed the families of his state to fight one another as much as they pleased. His power was by no means absolute, for not only did he respect the wishes of the 1 Odyssey, i. 123 f.Society and Government 8x i 5 ae - —— ee Ta RN ES council, but he brought all his important plans before the gathering offreemen. This assembly did not vote; the people merely shouted assent or showed disapproval by silence. They exercised far less influence on the king than did his noble advisers." Suggestive Questions 1. Why did the earliest Greek colonists go east rather than west? 2. Draw from memory a map of the Aegean coasts and islands, and place on it the Aeolians, the Ionians, and the Dorians. zation related to the Mycenaean? tion an improvement on the older? 4. If the government under which we live should cease to protect our lives, who would undertake the duty? Why did not the Greek government of the Epic Age protect the lives of the 3. How was the Ionian civili- In what respects was the newer civiliza- i u Wi | i | citizens? 5. Describe the dress and equipments of the men in the ‘* warrior vase” (p. 78). What changes had taken place in these matters during the decline of the Mycenaean Age? Note-book Topics I. Family Life. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 1-13 (extracts from Homer). II. Government. — Fling, 13-16. III. Games. — Jliad, xxii. 257-897. 1 Religion, including that of the Homeric age, will be considered in the following chapter. aFo eta a ng ohne een } if i | CHAPTER IX RELIGION AND MYTH 100. Future Life. — When in the earliest times the Greeks began to think about themselves, they tried to explain sleep and death. While a man was resting in slumber they supposed his second self, a shadowy form of the body, was attending to its routine duties or perhaps experiencing strange adventures in dream life. To them death was an eternal sleep. The body decayed; but the second self, or soul, abiding in the grave, ate, drank, and used the tools or enjoyed the luxuries which had been his in life. As he expected his living kinsmen to supply him with food and drink, he severely punished those who neglected this duty, but protected and blessed all his relatives who at proper times and with fitting ceremonies brought him the customary offerings. For these reasons the Greeks continued to sacrifice to the dead even until the introduction of Christianity.1 In course of time the Greeks began to imagine a place — the realm of the god Ha’des — beneath the earth, whither all souls went after leaving the body, there to pass a joyless, dreamlike eternity. Cha’ron, the divine boatman, ferried the souls across the Styx River to the home of the dead, where Cer’be-rus, a three- headed dog, keeping watch at the gate, allowed all to enter but none to depart. Still later the idea of a judgment arose; three judges of the souls below distributed rewards and punishments according to the deeds done in the body. to1. The Gods. — In the childhood of their race the Greeks were thinking not only about themselves, but about the world in which they lived. They worshipped the powers of nature. Gradually they came to believe that all these deities were like men, that they 1 Fundamentally their view was like that of the Egyptians (§ 24), but it had a different development. 86 PRRVEVHTIAULURT LA PR PAR EERE OLE UURERORERESERESORTEUEUOSEL OTT TTRITONEN TOTS T ELIOTThe Gods 8 7 differed from human beings simply in their greater stature and strength and in their immortality. Homer sometimes represents a god as wounded by a man in battle. “ Yea, and the gods in the likeness of strangers from far countries put on all manner of shapes, and wander through the cities, beholding the violence and the right- eousness of men.’’! As the gods were only magnified men, they had both good and evil qualities ; and the influences of religion were both moral and immoral. 102. The Twelve Gods of Olympus. — The greatest deity was Zeus, ‘father of gods and men.” After dethroning his father Cron’os and putting down all opposition, he reigned supreme over the whole world. Bestowing the ocean as a kingdom upon his brother Po-sei’don, and the region beneath the earth upon Hades, another brother, he retained the sky and earth for his own dominion. On the top of snow-capped Olympus” he dwelt with his brothers, sisters, and children. Twelve with himself made up the great Olympic council. It included: — Zeus, father of gods and men. He’ra, wife of Zeus, guardian of i ; & g Poseidon, god of the sea. women and of marriage. i Ib c i e n Y h A’res, god of war. Pal’las A-the’na, who sprang full i A-pol’lo, the ideal of manly beauty, grown and clad in armor from god of light, of the bow and ar- the head of Zeus, patron of war rows, of music and medicine. and wisdom, especially of skilled : Her’mes, messenger of the gods and labor. i 5 5 patron of commerce. Aph-ro-di’te, goddess of love and He-phaes’tus, god of fire and of the beauty. forge. Ar’te-mis, goddess of the chase, a modest maiden, who protected girls. Hes’ti-a, goddess of the family hearth and dwelling. De-me’ter, patroness of agriculture and of civilization. 2 Many lesser gods attended upon these great divinities; many, too, inhabited the earth, sea, and air, and had no access to Olympus. 103. The Oracle of Apollo at Delphi. — The Greeks believed that certain of the gods revealed their will and foretold the future to en ne 1 Odyssey, xvii. 485 ff. 2§ 71.olan ak Sa a ea eee 88 Religion and Myth men. ‘The means by which the revelation was made was called an oracle. The same word denoted the utterance of the god. The most celebrated oracle in Hellas was that of Apollo at Delphi. High up in a ravine at the southern base of Mount Parnassus, in the midst of magnificent scenery, stood his temple.! Within was a fissure in the earth through which volcanic vapor issued, inspiring the Pyth’i-a, or prophetess of Apollo, who sat over it on a tripod. In ecstasy from the vapor, she muttered something in reply to questions ; a priest standing near wrote out her utterance, and gave it to the questioner as the word of Zeus delivered to man through his son Apollo. The oracle extended its influence beyond the neigh- borhood, and became national. Apollo then came to be recognized as the expounder of religious and moral law for all Hellas; he often gave his sanction to political measures; he watched over the calen- dar, and was the guide and patron of colonists. His advice was sought by individuals and by states on both private and public matters. Those who sought his favor sent him presents till his treasuries were full of wealth. The Delphic priests, who were the real authors of the oracles, kept themselves acquainted with cur- rent events that they might give intelligent advice; but when necessary to preserve the credit of Apollo, they offered double- meaning prophecies so as to be right in any event.2 In moral questions their influence was usually wholesome, as they preferred to advise just and moderate conduct. But sometimes the oracle was bribed, sometimes it lent its aid to the schemes of politicians, and in the war of independence which the Greeks fought against Persia it lost favor by being unpatriotic. 104. The Delphic Amphictyony. — The shrine and property of Apollo were in the keeping of a league of twelve tribes. Originally the members were all in the neighborhood of Delphi, — in Thessaly and central Greece, — but in time some of the tribes were so en- larged as to admit cities farther away. A religious league of the kind was called an am-phic’ty-on-y — “union of neighbors.” At fixed times the members gathered at the shrine of the god to celebrate a festival in his honor. Deputies from the tribes met together to deliberate on the interests of the god and his worship. 1§ 75. 2 For an example of the ambiguous response, see § 143. DUT—— Bos mae a | From a photograph) f | i t| u — i be — i] oi , i — th 5 & Q 7 mos i 3 iH > S , % t o ‘| w ! 2 it ms | } 2 y UO i 3g | wa i ~i | 4 ' i! oe LS TS SR he as aes neaemns Ser The een eeu eauen PURER ESUEPORAPEPOCU ROR ORo Bae SUT EaeNational Games 89 - = oat rt PS nt Pom ee LT TE a “ This body of representatives was an amphictyonic council. Though the members of the league continued to fight among themselves, and would not help one another when attacked by foreigners, they recognized certain laws of war; for instance, they were not to de- stroy any allied city or cut it off from running water in a siege, and any one who wronged the god or injured his property they were to punish with foot and hand and voice, and with every means in their power. ‘This they did by declaring a “sacred war” against the offending state. Other less’ cele=- brated, amphictyonies need not be mentioned here. 105. The Great Na- tional Games. — Other religious institutions were the great national ISLS SE Ss SS games. There were ! four of them, held at Olympia, Ne’me-a, on Tae WRESTLERS the Isthmus of Corinth, (Uffizi, Florence. From a photograph) and at Delphi, each in honor of the chief god of the place.1 The Olympian games were the most splendid. Once in four years a vast number of Greeks from all the shores of the Mediterranean gathered on the banks of the Alpheus in Elis to see the competitions. The month in which the games were held was proclaimed a holy season, during which all Hellas ought to be at peace with itself. The multitude encamped about the sacred enclosure of Zeus, the great god of Olympia. “Merchants set up their booths, and money-changers their tables, all classes of artists tried to collect audiences and admirers, crowds attended the exercises of the athletes who were in training, or 1 Apollo at Delphi, Poseidon on the Isthmus, and Zeus at Nemea and at Olympia. —_—Tere Gh a eh Ya ee eared eal Nn a oe a ee ra j | j | by q } "| i if | POPPUOREARU ADAP EREERES PRR SPUR Peee Erne: gO Religion and Myth admired the practice of the horses and chariots which were entered for the races. Heralds recited treaties, military or commercial, recently formed between Greek cities, in order that they might be more widely known.”’ ! The competitors in the games had to be Greeks of good character and religious standing and of sufficient athletic training. The judges of the games examined the qualifications of candidates, and at the end bestowed the wreath of victory. There were contests in run- ning, leaping, discus-throwing, spear-hurling, wrestling, boxing, and racing of horses and chariots. Such contests promoted art; the Greek sculptor found his best models among the athletes. These great national games also fostered commerce, peace, and unity.” 106. Historical Myths: How the Greeks reconstructed their Early History. — The Greeks invented myths to explain not only nature, but also the origin and early history of their race. Some of these stories doubtless contain a kernel of historical truth handed down by tradition. But their chief value is to show how the Greeks attempted to reconstruct history. The Cretan script had fallen into disuse. Most probably the Greeks themselves never learned it; and they did not adopt the Phoenician alphabet till some time after goo B.c. Having no written records, therefore, they used freely their brilliant imaginations in changing and amplifying their imperfect traditions of the distant past. The stories they thus invented are worth knowing, not only as an expression of the Greek mind, but also because they fill a large place in literature and are often represented in art. Many of the earlier myths are found in the The-og'o-ny of Hes’‘i-od, a poet who lived about 700 B.c. The word Theogony means genealogy of the gods. In this work he attempted to give a sys- tematic account of the birth of the gods and of their early relations with one another. It included the origin of man and of the Hel- 1P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek History, 275 f. 2 In time there grew up a system of chronology based on these festivals. It took asa starting point the year 776 B.c. of our reckoning. The four years intervening between two festivals was termed an Olympiad, and the Olympiads were numbered in their order from 776 down. The initial date is purely arbitrary, and an acquaintance with tha system is necessary for those only who read the later Greek historians and the muv erudite modern works on ancient Greece. BRURPRUREERER EUR UD UHURU DSURG UR DOSE:Mythical Heroes Qu lenic race and its subdivisions. The principal historical myths, from Homer, Hesiod, and other sources, are given below.’ 107. Hellen and his Sons. — The common ancestor of the Hel- lenes was Hellen. He had three sons, Ae’o-lus, Do’rus, and Xu'thus. To the last-named were born A-chae’us and I’on. Aeolus, Dorus, Achaeus, and Ion became kings — doubtless in the earliest form of the myth fathers — of four Hellenic races: Ae-o’li-ans, Dorians, Achaeans, and Ionians. The Achaeans here mentioned were the inhabitants of Peloponnese before the Dorian migration. The Greeks believed that the Dorian invaders crowded them into northern Peloponnese, where in historical times we find the country Achaea. The location of the other races has been explained above.’ 108. The Heroes of Argolis. — The Greeks as easily in- vented myths to explain the origin and early growth of their cities. They imagined that, in time long past, heroes, the sons or near descendants of the gods, lived on earth. Taller, stronger, and braver than men, the heroes protected their communities from savage beasts and rob- bers, and performed great deeds in war. Some of them founded cities, or became the ancestors of tribes or nations. Though all the races, tribes, cities, and villages had their heroes, we shall notice a few only of those that became of national importance. Per’seus of Argolis was a strong, brave hero. In his day lived the Gor’gons, monstrous women whose heads were covered with Perseus Currinc oFrF Mepusa’s HEAD (A Metope from Selinus, about 600 B.C. ; from a photograph) 1The myths related here are for reading, not for minute study. It is important, however, to know the value of the myths and to make a thorough study of religion. 2 The classification in the myth is imperfect, as it does not include all the Hellenes; pee § 94, 0. 3. se aaa me ——ey ee nee ee a \ a 92 Religion and Myth writhing snakes instead of hair. Any one who dared look a Gorgon in the face was instantly changed to stone. Commanded to kill Me-du’sa, the most frightful of these monsters, Perseus found her after great toil and careful searching, and cut off her head. Though he met with many other dangers, his strength and courage over- came them all. Alc-me’ne, a granddaughter of Perseus, while she was in exile at Thebes bore to Zeus a son named Her’a-cles, who became the greatest of heroes. Though Zeus had planned that this beloved son should rule over all his neighbors, jealous Hera! compelled him to pass a toilsome life in fighting monsters at the bidding of his cowardly cousin who ruled Mycenae. Twelve great labors this weak master commanded him to perform, all of them full of danger and calling for the strength of a giant. In his search for the mon- sters to be slain he had to wander over nearly the whole world of the ancients; he even descended to the home of the dead to bring forth the watch-dog Cerberus. But when he had ended his career of glorious toil, Zeus called him up to Olympus to dwell forever in joy among the deathless gods. In this way virtue received its reward. 109. The Return of the Heracleidae. — For three generations the Her-a-clei’dae — descendants of Heracles — remained in exile, deprived of their inherited right to the throne of Argos. Then it came about that the Dorians, who at that time dwelt in Doris, a mountainous little country in central Greece, chose the hero’s great-grandsons, Tem’e-nus, Cres-phon’tes, and Ar-is-to-de’mus, to lead them in an invasion of Peloponnese. Ina single battle they conquered the whole peninsula. Elis they gave to their Aetolian guide; Temenus received Argos as his kingdom; Cresphontes was given fertile Messenia ; and as Aristodemus had died on the way, his twin sons, Eu-rys’the-nes and Pro’cles, became the first kings of Laconia. For this reason Laconia always had two kings, one from the family of Eurysthenes, the other from that of Procles.2 Thus were founded in Peloponnese three great Dorian states, each ruled by Heracleid kings. 1 For Zeus and Hera, see § 102, 2 § 139. PUPELURUEUPORPRAERTAD IPR EPEREROULISORSESEEOSOSOU UHI LOTPSEETOREPCREOER IDE RLILL:Theban and Athenian Heroes 93 110. The Heroes of Thebes. — Among the mythical heroes of Thebes, another great city of Greece was Cad’mus, — by birth a Phoenician, who wandered westward in search of his sister Eu-ro’pa, whom Zeus had stolen away. At the command of Apollo he gave up the search, and founded the city of Thebes in Boeotia. Some generations later a curse of the gods drove the descendants of Cadmus to commit a fearful sin which well-nigh ruined the family. Oed’i-pus unwittingly married his mother, queen Jo-cas‘ta. When she discovered who her husband was, the miserable queen hanged herself; and king Oedipus, after tearing out both his eyes, was forced into exile by his unfeeling subjects. In working out further the purpose of the wrathful gods, his sons E-te’o-cles and Pol-y-nei’- ces, remaining in the city, quarrelled violently. Polyneices, driven into exile, took refuge with A-dras’tus, king of Argos, who called the mightiest heroes of his country to aid in restoring the fugitive. Seven chiefs with their followers appeared before Thebes, ** seven leaders against seven gates arrayed, equal against equal foes.’ * From the citadel the inhabitants saw about the walls nothing but gleaming shields and spears, nothing they heard but the shouts of foes and the clanging of arms. Already the foremost assailant stood on the walls ready to shout victory, when Zeus with a thunder- bolt dashed him down. The two brothers killed each other in single combat. The wave of war rolled back, and Thebes was free to cele- brate her deliverance in dances and in thank-offerings to the gods. 111. The Heroes of Athens. — Athens, too, had her heroes. Ce’crops, half man, half serpent, was the founder and first king of the city on the A-crop’o-lis. This was a high, steep hill about four miles from the coast.2 He named the settlement Cecropia, after himself. In his reign Athena and Poseidon strove for the posses- sion of Cecropia; and as the goddess won the contest, she called ‘he city Athens and the people Athenians, after her own name. Abiding henceforth on the Acropolis, she remained the chief deity and guardian of the state. Many years afterward lived The’seus, the best-known Athenian 1 Sophocles, Antigone. 2 An acropolis is a fortified hilltop. The most famous acropolis in Greece is that at Athens. Ce atone nad f f ' ' ;cect ee ant ts 2 2 HOO EE ee POSHU PHU REDE EO DURORDESOUUPS ORT ROUR ESOL 94 Religion and Myth hero. He was an athlete second only to Heracles in strength and valor. In his youth he won fame by killing robbers and monsters. Up to his time the Athenians had been paying a tribute of human beings to King Mi’nos of Crete, who wielded a great naval power. Every nine years they sent him seven youths and seven maidens as a sacrifice to Minotaur, a monstrous bull kept in the Lab’y-rinth. Theseus, however, accompa- F 7 ay) || nied one of these gloomy em- F ae | bassies to Cnossus; and after killing the monster, escaped from the intricate windings of the Labyrinth by following a thread given him by A-ri- ad’ne, daughter of Minos. When, after his return to jal Athens, he became king of 5 Rae ee e the city, he united all the = towns of Attica in one great . ei state. en en rE? 112. The Voyage of the Ar- (East pediment of the Parthenon; British Museum) gonauts. — Sometimes heroes from several cities joined in national undertakings. Such an expedition was the voyage of the Ar’go-nauts in search of the golden fleece. Ja’son, heir to the throne of I-ol’cos in Thessaly, grew up in exile in a cave on Mount Pelion. But at the age of twenty he returned to Iolcos to demand his rights of the reigning king, Pe’li-as, his father’s step- brother. The deceitful ruler promised everything, if Jason would but bring from Col’chis the golden fleece of a ram which years before had carried off two children of the royal household; for with the return of the fleece the gods, he thought, would allay a pestilence then raging among the people. In answer to Jason’s call heroes from all Greece gathered to man the Argo for a voy- age to Colchis. Fifty Argonauts — sailors of the Argo — struck the water with their oars, “and in their rapid hands the rowing sped untiringly.” * Many troubles they had with the natives of the coasts along which they steered their way. 1 Pindar, Pythian Ode, iv.The Trojan War 95 When the heroes reached Colchis, the king of the country prom- ised them the golden fleece if Jason should plough a piece of land with fire-breathing bulls and sow it with dragons’ teeth. The king’s daughter Me-de’a, a sorceress, showed the hero how to do these deeds without harm to himself; and, as the king failed to keep his word, she helped the stranger steal the fleece from the cave where it hung, and followed him aboard the ship to become his wile. On their way home the Argonauts wandered far and wide over the waters of the earth. This mythical voyage furnished the Greeks with subjects for songs and dramas.’ 113. The Trojan War. — The most lamous Ol heroic undertak- ings was the Trojan War. Helen, the wife of Men-e-la’us, king of Lacedaemon, was the fairest and most accomplished woman in Hellas. Most of the Grecian kings had sued for her hand; but when Menelaus won the prize, they bound themselves to uphold his right to her. Now it chanced that Paris, son of Priam, king of Troy, paid a visit to Menelaus: 2nd taking advantage of his host’s confidence, he persuaded Helen to desert her husband and go with him to Troy. As Priam refused to give her up, the kings of Hellas, true to their oaths, joined Menelaus in an attempt to recover her by force. In the harbor of Au/lis, on the Boeotian coast, gathered their ships — nearly twelve hundred in number. Ag-a- mem/non, king of Argos or Mycenae and brother of Menelaus, was leader. They landed near Troy, and nine years they besieged the city and harried the country and villages. ‘Then A-chil’les, the most valiant hero in the army, and most dreaded by the enemy, quarrelled with Agamemnon over a captive maiden. The Greeks had assigned her to Achilles in his share of the spoil from a captured town, but Agamemnon had unjustly taken her from him. Withdrawing in anger to his tent, the impetuous youth refused to engage further in the war. Thereupon Zeus, as a favor to the mother of Achilles, gave victory to the besieged and sent countless woes upon the Greeks till Agamemnon was ready to acknowledge the wrong he had done and make ample amends for it. It was no gift, however, which induced Achilles to resume his part in the war, but the death 1 For instance, Pindar’s Fourth Pythian Ode and Euripides’ Medea. } i \ a WE i e tls eS SS eae peor ree96 Religion and Myth of his dear companion Pa’tro-clus at the hands of Hector, the great- est of Trojan heroes. Eagerly Achilles put on the armor forged for him by Hephaestus,’ and mounted his chariot drawn by fierce steeds. His teeth gnashed in rage at the Trojans, his eyes blazed like fire, and the gleam of his shield reached the sky. He drove the host of Troy before him like sheep, and many a renowned hero he slew with hisown hand. At last he killed the hero of Troy without mercy; the Greeks mutilated the body, and pitiless Achilles dragged it at his chariot wheels. Some time afterward Achilles was himself slain; but crafty O-dys’seus, king of Ith’a-ca, contrived a plan of taking Troy by stratagem. He had the Greeks build a large wooden horse, in which they concealed a hundred brave heroes. Then Sinon, deserting to the Trojans, persuaded them to bring the horse into the city, pretending that, if offered to Athena, it would give them dominion over the Greeks. In the night, after the horse had been dragged within the walls, the heroes left their hiding and opened the city gates to their friends outside. The Greeks then burned and sacked the city; they killed the men and took captive the women and children. 114. The Return from Troy. — The destruction of Troy did not end the woes of the Greeks. On their homeward way they met with many hardships, some even with death. Odysseus wandered far and wide. Driven hither and thither over the sea by angry Poseidon, he saw many interesting countries and peoples, he underwent severe toils, and met with strange adventures. Reaching home at last, he slew the company of nobles, who, while suing for the hand of his faithful wife Pe-nel’o-pe, had long been living at his house and wasting his property. 115. Character and Influence of Myth and Religion. — Greek myth and religion in their earliest form had to do with many hor- rible monsters and gods of terror, such as we find among the Orien- tals. But in time the ideas of the Greeks on these subjects were refined and purified. The monsters were all slain or thrust into the background of the imagination, and the gods were gradually shorn of their terrors. The supernatural beings became as a rule 1§ 102.Purification of the Myths 97 beautiful in form and endowed with a kindly spirit — fit subjects for worship and an inspiration to art. Sacrifice was regarded, not as a gift to appease the anger of the gods, but as a meal in which the deity took part with his worshippers. The basis of the relationship between gods and men was no longer fear, but fellowship. This fact goes far toward accounting for the fearlessness of the Greeks in working out the problems of society, government, art, and science. Suggestive Questions 1. In what respects was the religion of the Greeks more beautiful than that of Egypt or Babylonia? 2. What benefits did the Greeks derive from their religion? 3. In what ways were the Greeks influenced by the Oracle at Delphi? 4. In what respect were the games beneficial to the Greeks? 5. In Greek mythology we find the heroes engaged in killing monsters and evil-doers in general. What was the effect of this process on myth and religion? Note-book Topics I. Apollo and Artemis. — Fairbanks, Mythology of Greece and Rome, ch. lv. II. Demeter, Persephone, and Dionysus. — Fairbanks, ch. vi. III. Games and Festivals. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 47- 83; Holm, History of Greece, i. ch. xix; Bury, History of Greece, ch. iii. §§ 5, 9g; Mahaffy, Rambles and Studies in Greece, x1. — ——— es mag eee i i at eae TELS a ee ae seni : om fo a nn Sa ee eee were, te were ee Po weir ne tant nne-at peta CHAPTER X THE CITY-STATE AND ITS DEVELOPMENT 116. The Family and the Gens. — The Greek family, unlike the Oriental, was monogamic. The complete household consisted of father, mother, children, and slaves. The family was not only a social but also a religious institution. In Attica, it was under the care of Zeus and Apollo. In this connection Apollo is spoken of as ‘“ ancestral,’ in the belief that he was the common ancestor of all the Athenians. Family life will be described in another chapter ; ' for the present we need to notice only its general character and its relation to the state. When the sons grew up, they married and founded new families, as among us; and as in the modern world, the families which had sprung from a common ancestor often lost all connection with one another. Sometimes, however, they kept up relations. In that case the descendants of a common ancestor organized themselves into an association called a gens,” with officers, common property, and treasury. Each gens had also one or more gods to whom offerings were made on fixed festival days. At such a time the members held a religious and social reunion. The nobles laid greatest stress on descent, and were in a better position to keep up relationships. Hence the gentes were mostly limited to them. 117. The Phratry and the Tribe. — Several families (not gentes) united to form a phratry — “‘ brotherhood.” As the word itself indicates, the members considered themselves related in blood. Many were in fact kinsmen, though some strangers were admitted to the association. Like the gens, therefore, the phratry resembled a large family. It had officers, common property, and periodical reunions of the members for social intercourse and for the worship of Zeus and Athena, the phratric deities. Unlike the gens, however, 1Ch. XVIII. ii. 2 Greek form gen’os, plural gen’é. 98 HUE EEE eaePhratry and Tribe 99 - the phratry was political as well as social and religious. All citi- zens, both men and women, had to belong to these societies. When the state admitted new citizens, it assigned them to various phra- tries, which thereupon accepted them by an act somewhat like that of adoption. The chiet political duty of the phratry was to watch over the citizenship, to keep it untainted by alien blood and re- ligious impurity. It admitted children, both girls and boys, after a strict inquiry as to the legality of their birth; for any irregularity, especially in the marriage of the parents, corrupted the citizen blood. On membership in the phratry depended all the civil and political rights of the citizens. In the study of this exclusive association we begin to appreciate the vast difference between the Greek and the modern state. The tribe was a group of phratries. Doubtless in the far-off beginnings of the race many tribes were formed naturally by the union of kindred phratries, but in the historical age they were created by the state. The eovernment usually divided the country into districts called tribes, and assigned to each the phratries of the district. However artificial it might be, the members, accus- tomed to no other bond but that of blood and religion, came soon to regard one another as kinsmen, and the tribe as an enlarged family. The Jonians and Dorians differed in their systems of tribal organization. The early Tonic states usually had four tribes, and the early Doric three.’ The tribe was organized like the phratry, though on a larger scale. It was social and religious, too, but in the main political. Each tribe furnished a regiment for the army, and each bore its proportional share of the taxes and other public burdens. 118. The City-State. — From what has thus far been said, it iS evident that the state comprised several tribes, which were sub- divided into phratries and families. The ties which bound the members of the several groups together were not, as with us, ter- ritory and neighborhood, except in the slightest degree, but religion and blood. ‘The same is true of the state. We cannot understand the Greeks without a clear conception of the difference between their state and ours. A modern state is a country whose inhabitants, 1 No tribes have thus far been found in the Aeolian states. ae. ~—= es a Sr EE en fi ij E ' 4Se ne cae a Sr ewe Seeitetae sone tadietightnesasenetetatenaee ‘100 The City-State and its Development excepting a few transients, are fellow-citizens under one govern- ment. The Greek state, on the other hand, was an exclusive re- ligious society of kinsmen who possessed a definite territory. We should rather compare it in one respect to a family, church. By residence through any number of cen family could not acquire a right to the citizenship. The state was not only a large family and religious society ; It was also essentially a city. To the eye it seemed (1) a group of dwellings, shops, and offices, like a modern city, though usu- ally protected by a wall, and (2) a little surrounding country dotted over with farm buildings and villages. But the essential fact in the case is that there was not, as with us, a government for the country and another for the city; rather, there was merely a city government, which extended as well over the whole area of the state. For this reason we call the Greek state a city-state to distinguish it from the country states of modern times. As an illus- tration we may take Attica and Athens. Geographically Attica Was a Country in which the city of Athens was situated. Politi- cally Athens was a state which included all Attica. All the in- habitants of Attica who enjoyed political rights in the country were Athenians. I1g. Influence of the City-State on History. — All the citizens were thought to be kinsmen, the descendants of some god. For example, the Athenians were all children of Apollo. The people of each city considered it impious to admit strangers to their brotherhoods, their religious festivals, and their state, as the god loved only his citizens and looked upon all others as intruders. Be- sides lesser deities and the divine ancestor, each state had some great patron god, who too disliked Strangers. Largely because of these religious ideas, the city-states were extremely illiberal in be- stowing the citizenship, and were unwilling to combine in greater political units. Hence Greek history has to do, not with empires like the Oriental, but with a multitude of little city-states. Some covered but a few square miles ; Athens, one of the largest, no more than a thousand. This very smallness, however, combined with the motives of blood and religion to produce a devotion to country and an energy of thought and action which we find nowhere else in in another to a turies an alien POUPUUPPREPUPSRUORETTCGRRPNUT VERE ROGEPolitical Evolution IOI history. In brief, the city-states, in keenest rivalry with one an- other and favorably influenced by physical surroundings, created the Greek civilization — the most brilliant in the world’s history. The decline of the city-states brought with it a decline in the civilization. 120. Important City-States about 700 B.c. — At the close of the epic age and the beginning of a new era, about 700 B.C., there were already hundreds of city-states in Hellas. A few of the more thriv- ing, incidentally mentioned in the preceding pages, are grouped together here by way of summary. The earlier centres of culture, Cnossus, Tiryns, and Mycenae, had declined. Miletus now took the lead in civilization, but had little political importance. Corinth was a great commercial and industrial centre, and was soon to gain political power under a line of able rulers.‘ Thebes was the head of the Boeotian League, and as such was important. Argos was at- tempting to subdue the other cities of Argolis, so as to convert that country into one great state. In the course of two centuries she succeeded in this undertaking. Athens included all Attica, and Sparta ruled supreme over Laconia. The last two were the greatest states in Hellas. From our point of view, however, they were very small, — about equal in area to our counties. 121. Political Evolution of the City-State. — The earliest form of government of the city-state was monarchy, such as existed in the Homeric age. The powers of government were in the hands of the king, the council of nobles, and the assembly of freemen.” In some of the Greek states the council, growing strong, made itself supreme in place of the king. It did not abolish the office, but degraded it to a mere priesthood. The rule of a council of nobles is called an aristocracy — a “‘ government of the best.” * New offices were created to attend to new duties of government as they arose, and sometimes the freemen continued to meet in assembly; but all were subordinate to the council. Generally the aristocracies became oppressive ; the masses, there- fore, began to show great discontent. To strengthen themselves Neen ————— eo mS r i | 1§ 144. 2 § oo. 3A good example of an aristocracy is Athens immediately after the overthrow of the kingship; § 1409.SS SS eee Pee ee 102 The City-Siate and its Development against the commons, the aristocrats sometimes admitted cer tain wealthy families to a share in the privileges. When wealth was substituted for birth as the qualification for political rights, the government became an oligarchy — “rule of the few,” of any number less than the whole citizen body.t Sometimes it was agreed that political rights should be graded according to amount of property determined by a census. In that case the government was called a ti-moc’ ra-cy.” Either a timocracy or some simpler form of oligarchy might develop from an aristocracy. These changes did little to improve the condition of the masses or to quiet their discontent, which in fact grew continually more bitter. Under these circumstances it often happened that a noble, beaten in some political conflict with his fellows, appealed to the commons, promising economic or political improvements in ex- change for their support. With their help he would then usurp the government and rule by force. An unconstitutional rule of the kind was called by the Greeks a tyranny. The word did not originally signify a harsh or oppressive rule, in fact, many were the very opposite ; but it came to have that meaning as the character of the tyrants deteriorated. Usurpations were common under all the forms of government which followed the kingship.® Generally the tyrant improved the condition of the commons and lessened the power of the nobles; he reduced the people more nearly to an equality. As arule the usurper was himself a wise and able statesman. His son, and still more his grandson, who in- herited the power, in nearly every case became a tyrant in the modern sense. When this condition came about, the people put 1 So far as the meaning of the word oligarchy is concerned, it might include the aris- tocracy; but the Greeks drew the distinction mentioned above, and it is a convenient one to use. Necessarily it included the timocracy. About 650 B.c. the aristocracy at Athens was changed to a timocracy; § 150. § Some writers on Greek history speak of an ‘‘Age of Tyrants.’”’ It is true that in the seventh and sixth centuries B.c. there were many, and that in the fifth century, when Sparta and Athens controlled a great part of Hellas, they were fewer. But from the fourth century to the end of Greek independence they flourished in all parts of Hellas in greater numbers than ever before. The expression Age of Tyrants is, therefore, mis- leading. Tyrannies worthy of study were those at Corinth (§ 144), Athens (§§ 161- 163), and Syracuse (§§ 207, 276-279). TOU PAUAUPLASUP PERIOD ORORUOSORESORUOEDLUDU ORV UDUETTSOUOPO TT TOREFrom Kingship to Democracy 103 down the tyrant and established either a democracy or a liberal oligarchy.’ These are general lines along which the city-states developed. Some went through the entire cycle from kingship to democracy ; others advanced part way; still others remained monarchical to the end. The diversity of government among the Greeks is won- derful ; they were as inventive in this field as in science and art. Diagram of the Political Cycle | (At Sparta) liberal aristocracy. oe f narrow se, (At Corinth); . _—>tyranny—liberal oligarchy. Kingship> aristocracy ~ ~ , ; , § narrow é (At Athens) : —>timocracy—>tyranny—>democracy. l \ aristocracy : : : : 122. Combinations of City-States. — Neighboring communities, city-states as well as tribes, sometimes united in religious leagues, the amphictyonies described above.” Some of these unions re- mained religious, others tended to become political as well. Boe- otia is an instance of this political development. In time arose leagues which were purely political, like that headed by Sparta in Peloponnese.’ Toward the end of Greek history the federal unions —a form of the political league — came into great promi- nence.4 Suggestive Questions 1. What are some of the differences between the Greek city-state and the modern city? between the city-state and the modern state? 2. How did their love of the city-state prevent the Greeks from creating a national state? 3. What advantages did the Greeks derive from che city-state? 4. Would the civilization of the Greeks have reached as high a point, if they had all been united in one state? Give reasons for your opinion. 5. What brought about the change from aristocracy totyranny? 6. How did the tyrants in many cases prepare the way for democracy ? 1 Athens offers a good example of the change from tyranny to democracy (§§ 164 ff.) ; Corinth, of the change to a liberal oligarchy (§ 144). It should not be thought that every tyranny affected the government in these ways. ‘The text merely states the rule, to which there were exceptions. ? § 104. *§ 145. “§§ 338-342. miakh ok sat et —uo 4 te Patient epee ghee ha ie PRA Tete Eh a CT aE mer ea SS SS a eae 104 The City-State and its Development Note-book Topics I. The Change from Kingship to Republic. — Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, ch. iii; Bury, History of Greece, ch. i. § 9. IL. Cleisthenes, Tyrant of Sicyon. — Herodotus, v. 67-69; vi, 128-131. III. The General Subject of the Chapter. — Fowler, City-State of the Greeks and Romans, chs. i-i WaPeRURDeeuaeneeseel Phaaedtaeid PORE SORAUOUHEPOERUVERRUPOREEPO VRC CSR GGESeen Ls eae —— — {| aa) na ee asad ss —ee ee == SS ee ee aa 40|_ Ma S » Salig oS 9 S Ry © . ce Lp) la Mage 2 . < } 4 Cumaeb.Newdpolis % “ 1€ I lis ¥ Ke | P S ot AY | | OSsidonis = ee Eleary gCroton aks, GRAECIA Locri SS Marte SAY 476 Q_. JONIAN § D> lo ~ y . _ re UX - Ps T& LS Ww thegium ee atana Leontini ad » ~Syri >uS es oe <8 | = eee e iD 5 | S| @ THE —___ HELLENIC WORLD ee] The Hellenic World See ee T SL —— | / | | Withams Engraving Co., /N.Y. | pene z Le : = i 10° 15 Longitude East Pekpedadetdes POURRUPPOP SEU PUUUESOUSUU TUS eUOeEOnn,en = a re «| ———— ee ae a: H Pe Sate Se On enenngos 2) AS ighiens 4 SO Avy diye 7 <—— —a <> } \ o —— VV pe ALY Litas 4 \ ) a (Sewer 7 Ve a anos ‘ a 4 Woot’ ere 5 } : we ay ee Senne | a OF hit SERN ne \ SoM © rb Yo %) \ ADC “ove anlet oy Nera OS | a poe~ % a res SS Vo KA +, > AEA CaNnhtl Non 2) fan S”. 2, Ce bea ‘ped 0 Exfiietus <> pAMPHYy, gelinus | i ee eX 2 i f Sf , LS } | Ve 7” : i ey yay 5 Naucratis i | iy Desert eras tt = = = a= ie | og » | | d | | A | | ) i \ i | | 4 i Gran wich a & : : seid ears BU f5 ei ime nae “Lictoth aos SAPO CHL kee——————— CHAPTER XI THE SECOND PERIOD OF COLONIAL EXPANSION About 750-550 B.C. 123. Motives to Colonization. — In an earlier chapter’ we studied the expansion of the Greeks over the islands and the east coast of the Aegean Sea. This movement, described as the first period of colonization, was somewhat like a migration. It followed no defi- nite plan; and the motives, so far as we can discover them, were the pressure of new invaders in Greece, and land-hunger. The period coincided with the Mycenaean age. Afterward expansion came nearly to a standstill, to recommence about the middle of the eighth century B.c. From that point it continued for about two hundred years. In the second period of expansion the first motive to be con- sidered was over-population. This cause was especially active in Achaea and Locris. Here people depended wholly on agricul- ture and grazing. As the poor soil could not support many in these occupations, and as the population was growing dense, the surplus flowed off in colonies. The same motive was present in the industrial centres; and a new one was added —the desire to found stations for trade in foreign countries. This cause was active in Chalcis, Corinth, Megara, and Miletus — all centres of trade and manufacturing. A third motive was political unrest. In the more progressive parts of Greece the monarchies had given way to artstocracies and oligarchies (§ 121). The states were often afflicted by internal strife, and the governments were usually harsh and burdensome. Many who felt oppressed and many who were expelled by hostile factions sought new homes in distant lands. Not the least power- 1 Ch. viii, §§ 92-94. 105 eres aes sarc 1! ih ! eSi J | | | 106 The Second Period of Colonial Expansion ful motive was the love of adventure and the longing to see the world, often combined with the fortune-hunting spirit. 124. Organization of a Colony. — When a city planned to send out a colony, it was customary first to ask the advice and consent of Apollo at Delphi. Having obtained his approval, it appointed some noble as “‘ founder,’’ who was to lead the enterprise, to distribute the lands among the settlers, and to arrange the government. Gen- erally the mother city permitted any who wished from neighboring communities to join the expedition. The founder assigned each man his place in the new state, and established a government and religion like those of the mother city. In this connection it is well to notice that every Greek city had in its town hall a sacred hearth on which it always kept fire burning. This hearth was the religious centre of the community, an altar on which the divine founder and ancestor received his sacrifices. It was customary for colo- nists to carry with them sacred fire from the hearth of the mother city with which to kindle the public hearth of the new settlement, that the religious life of the old community might continue uninterrupted in the new, and that those who went forth to found homes in a strange country might not for a moment be deprived of divine protection. 125. Relation of a Colony to the Mother City. — A mother city preferred, when possible, to keep political control of her colonies. But conditions generally prevented. Colonists, like other Greeks, loved complete independence for their cities, and would not rest satisfied with any other condition. Usually, too, the colonies were distant, communication with the mother city was slow, and all these circumstances combined to render control impossible. Hence as a rule the colony was politically independent. But it remained in close religious and social union with the mother-land. The two states usually traded with each other. They often joined in plant- ing other colonies, and in time of danger they gave mutual assist- ance. ‘This moral bond was rarely broken. 126. Colonies in Italy and Sicily. —Italy is farther than Asia Minor from the Greek peninsula, and the Ionian Sea is not, like the Aegean, filled with islands; yet the Greeks from the Epeirot coast could look in clear weather across the narrowest part of the sea to the + RPO R OPPO PORURUOE ES OCUEREEL PUGan|— ee eatin ~~ ee see earn Foe ams aE it | a SS a A em A PNTes ene 3 | t | ] | | 1 j iew was covered by the city. From a photograph) ire space In v @ n i a | g i? & ag Soa ~ } on in front, ruins of the temple of Zeus. The ent tadel . cl (In the background, the a a ee i | a Pea nee a j j “s oat. Poe TUPRRRP RU PODDRE UCR SOLAS POUORRED SPUR UPURPESSROER USES OU EGSE. a) Cree a j anItaly and Sicily 10} caf pues eu er ane EE shore of Italy. There they found a far more fertile soil than they had known in their own homes. Our review of the settlements here will be geographical rather than chronological. Lower Italy may be compared in form to a boot. In the heel next to the instep is an excellent harbor, on which grew up the great city of Ta-ren’'tum. Because of the favorable situation it became renowned for commerce, wealth, and refinement. It was especially influential, too, in giving Greek civilization to the natives of the peninsula. Following the coast-line round the instep, we come to Syb’a-ris, noted for her wealth and luxury. The word Sybarite is still used to designate an excessively luxurious person. Farther south was Cro’ton, the home of famous athletes and physicians. Both cities were Achaean. After they had shown the utmost good feeling toward one another for many years, they engaged in deadly strife in which Sybaris was blotted out of existence (sto" BIC,); Locri, farther to the southwest, received its name from Locris, the mother country. This city was renowned for her excellent govern- ment. She was the first of all Indo-Europeans to havea written collec- tion of laws.1_ Passing round the toe of the peninsula, we come to Rhe’gi-um, then far north, to Cu’mae near the Bay of Naples. The importance of Cumae lies in this fact, that from her the Romans derived the alphabet and other rudiments of culture. Afterward Naples grew up on the bay of the same name. Cumae, Naples, Rhegium, and some other colonies on the west coast were Chalcidic — founded by Chalcis, Euboea. In Sicily the same city founded Mes-se’ne? on the strait op- posite Rhegium, and several other settlements on the east and north coasts. The most important city in Sicily was Syracuse on the eastern coast. In time it became the largest city in Greece. Its “Great Harbor ” could shelter the navies of the world. Next in population and wealth was Ac’ra-gas (Latin Ag-ri-gen’tum). The founders built their city on a hill two miles from the sea, and adorned it with temples, colonnades, and beautiful dwellings, while - - — Se ee a eae ae a a } iy if i 7} 1 The Babylonians had a code more than twelve centuries earlier (§ 35). The Romans did not have one till about two centuries later (§ 386). 2 Originally called Zan’cle, it was renamed Messene after being reénforced, many years later, by a colony from Messenia (§ 142). ——————— c a ie Sia108 The Second Period of Colonial Expansion all about it they planted vineyards and olive orchards. On account of its brilliancy and beauty, Pindar, the poet, calls it “the eye of Sicily.” Tarentum, Syracuse, and Acragas were Dorian colonies. 127. Results of Colonization in the West. — Because of its wonderful fertility, Sicily soon excelled the mother country in wealth. Its cities were mostly on the coast, and for this reason Pindar calls them ‘‘ a gorgeous crown of citadels,’ which nearly surrounded the island. The Greeks were prevented from complet- ing the circuit of colonies by Phoenicians,’ who occupied the west end of Sicily. The colonization of the West began as early as 750 B.C., and con- tinued about two hundred years. The territory occupied by the Greeks in Italy is called by the Latin name Mag’na Grae’ci-a (“ Great Hellas’); while the term “ Western Hellas ” includes their settlements in both Italy and Sicily. Western Hellas was related to the mother country somewhat as America is now to Europe. It remained politically distinct, but always kept in the closest commercial and intellectual contact. In two respects the western Greeks are important in the history of civilization: (1) they made great contributions to science and the arts, (2) they were the source from which the natives of the West, including the Romans, drew the larger part of their culture. 128. Colonies in Chalcidice. — While the Greeks were planting colonies in Italy and Sicily, they were busy extending their settle- ments within the Aegean area. On the northwest coast of the Aegean, they found a broad peninsula with three arms reaching far into the sea. It is so rugged and has so long a coast-line that the Greeks who went there to live found it very homelike. Men swarmed to that region to work the copper, silver, and gold mines, and to cut timber for shipbuilding ; and as most of them came from Chalcis, they named their new home Chal-cid’ i-ce. Pot-i-dae’a, a Corinthian colony, however, became the chief commercial city of the region. In the interior near Chalcidice lived the Macedonians, who spoke a Greek dialect, and were in fact Greeks. But on account of their situation they had made little progress in civil- 1 § 49. POOR BUR PRP UU PURER DRESSER ER pigadlisureOOo. The Hellespont and the Black Sea 109 ization. It was chiefly from the colonies near them that they slowly ! adopted the improvements in lite and the advanced ideas of the more cultured Hellenes. The colonists in this region, accordingly, did for them what the Greeks in the West did for the Romans. 129. Colonies on the Hellespont, the Propontis, and the Black Sea. — While some of the Greeks were working the mines of Chal- cidice, others were sailing into the Hel’les-pont to fish and to found settlements along its shores. Others, passing through the Helles- pont, explored the coasts of the Pro-pon’tis. Propontis is the water “in front of ” the Pontus, that is, of the Black Sea. Of all the settlements in this region the most important was By-zan'ti-um, founded by the little city of Megara. This colony was on the Pro- pontis, at the entrance to the strait of Bos’po-rus. Situated on a magnificent harbor, it engaged extensively in trade. Nearly a thousand years after its founding, it became, under the name of Constantinople, the capital of the Roman empire. The Greeks pushed on through the Bosporus to explore and settle the coasts of the Black Sea. This water they called sim- ply Pontus — ‘‘ the Sea ’’ — or more commonly Euxine — “ the Hospitable.”” In time a chain of colonies stretched almost continuously around the sea. Miletus alone is said to have founded more than eighty in this region. The great attraction lay in the rich natural resources. Colchis yielded gold; the southern coast, silver, copper, iron, and timber; the northern coast, cattle, hides, and grain; the sea itself, fish. From the natives slaves were obtained by purchase and kidnapping. The country about this sea accordingly supplied the populous districts of Greece with laborers, food, the precious metals, and raw materials for manu- facturing. It had little part in the intellectual life of Hellas, and its civilizing influence did not reach far from the shores. 130. The More Distant Colonies. — The colonies thus far men- tioned extended from Greece in different directions almost as con- tinuously as the intervening waters would allow. Other settle- ments were made on the remotest shores of the Mediterranean. 1 Till the fourth century B.c. their condition remained like that of the “Homeric” Greeks (§§ 96-99). errr SeeIIO The Second Period of Colonial Expansion In our study of Egyptian history ! we saw how the later Pharaohs permitted the Greeks to settle at one of the mouths of the Nile. This colony was Nau’cra-tis. In it all the great commercial cities of Greece had their warehouses, chartered by the Egyptian govern- ment. ‘The kings of the land sent youths to Naucratis to learn the Hellenic tongue, and began to form alliances with the Greek states. Many Greeks who were eager for knowledge, and had the leisure and the means of travelling, visited Egypt as well as Babylonia to see the strange old country and learn wisdom from its priests. They brought home a few valuable facts about surveying, the movements of the stars, and the recording of events, and with the help of this little treasure of truths their own inventive minds worked out the first real science. In the opposite direction, the Phocaeans of Ionia rowed their fifty-oared galleys to the southern coast of Gaul, where they founded Mas-sa‘li-a” on an excellent harbor. From this colony as a centre they established trading stations in the interior as well as along the coast; by means of these settlements they extended their traffic over the whole of Gaul and as far as Britain and the Baltic Sea. In Spain the Greeks founded fewer settlements, owing to its distance as well as to the opposition of the Phoenicians, who were already taking possession of this peninsula.’ 131. The Extent of Hellas. — During this period of colonization the Greeks spread their settlements over a large part of the known ancient world, as the western Europeans have made their home in every part of the modern world. The Greeks were then all that western Europeans now are, — representatives and teachers of the highest existing civilization, carrying their culture everywhere, and everywhere gaining the advantage over others by means of their own superior vitality and intelligence. Hellas included all their settlements on the shores of the Mediterranean and its tributaries, from Egypt to the “ Pillars of Heracles,” — Strait of Gi-bral’tar, — and from south Russia to the African desert. They were not united under a single government, but were one in blood, one in speech and manners, one in religion. 1§ 18. 2 The present Marseilles. 3 § 40.eee Extent of Hellas III Suggestive Questions 1. Why did the colonists of this period go west rather than east? 2. What were the chief attractions of Italy and Sicily tocolonists? 3. What were the principal motives to colonization? 4. From the picture opp. p. 107 what may we infer as to the situation of Acragas? Why did the Greeks prefer hilltops as sites for cities? 5. What is the modern name of Rhe- gium, and what is its present condition? 6. Enumerate (a) the chief Ionian, (b) the chief Dorian colonies. 7. Which colonies were the more enterprising and progressive, the Dorian or the Ionian? 8, Compare Sparta with Locri; with Tarentum. Note-book Topics I. Colonization in General. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 29-40; Holm, History of Greece, 1. Ch. xxl. II. Causes and Effects of Colonization. — Bury, History of Greece, ch. il. § 1; Greenidge, Handbook of Greek Constitutional History, ch. il. III. The Part taken by the Oracle in the Colonization of Cyrene. — Herodotus, iv. 150-1064. IV. A Tour in Sicily. — Richardson, Vacation Days in Greece, 173-207. if] | i ’ i Hh. rrr ae a ialen SS aa = ————— — a EN 5 heen saree i i 4 } Pee eee ns CHAPTER XII THE RISE OF SPARTA AND THE PELOPONNESIAN LEAGUE About 750-500 B.C. 132. Sparta and Laconia. — Laconia, a country in Peloponnese, has already been briefly described! It is bounded on the north by the Arcadian highland, and on the east and west by lofty parallel ranges. The whole country is the basin of the Eurotas River. {t was one of the most fertile parts of Greece, and in the mountain range * on the west were rich iron mines. Naturally the principal occupations were farming and the manufacture of iron wares. Sparta, the city of Laconia, was situated on the right bank of the Eurotas. Incontrast with the usual Greek city, placed on a hill- top and strongly fortified, it was a mere group of villages without walls and on only aslight elevation. The reason for this peculiarity will be made clear below.® Originally there had been several city-states in Laconia; but Sparta by conquest had reduced the others to submission ard had become the sole independent city. In the case of Sparta alone, it is necessary to distinguish between the city and the state. Sparta was simply the city, whereas the name of the state was Lac-e-dae’- mon. The members of the state — Lacedaemonians — comprised both the Spartans and the dependent population. 133. The Social Classes: the Helots. — There were but few slaves in Laconia. Most of the laborers were helots, or state serfs. Some were reduced to this condition by the Spartan conquest ; others doubtless were once free peasants, whom oppression forced into serfdom. The helots tilled the fields of the Spartans, paying them fixed amounts of grain, wine, oil, and fruit. They served in war as light-armed troops, and some were given their freedom for 3 § 78. 2 The Taygetus range; § 71. 3 § 138. II2 PURI Ee Pe RAse PEO PO ee PE SEOOHePRelUliPaTenii i TeerarirntrniniySocial Classes Lie bravery and faithfulness. They lived with their families on the farms they worked, or grouped together in villages. Their lords had no right to free them or to sell them beyond the borders of the country; and under favorable conditions they could even acquire property of their own. Still their condition was hard, for the more intelligent they were, the more the Spartans dreaded and oppressed them. The rulers organized a secret police force of youths, which was to watch over the helots, and put out of the way any one who might be regarded as dangerous to the community. 134. The Perioeci. — The per-i-oe’ci were between the helots and Spartans in rank. They inhabited the towns of Laconia and Messenia, and at first enjoyed independence in all local matters ; but as time went on Sparta encroached on their liberties by send- ing out officers to rule over them. They paid war taxes and served as heavy-armed troops in the Lacedaemonian army. As the jand left them by the conquerors was the poorest in the country, many of them made their living by skilled industry and trade. While the Spartans themselves could use only iron money, the perioeci were not thus hampered in their business. On the whole, they could not have been badly treated, for they remained loyal to Sparta for centuries. Spartans, perioeci, and helots were alike Dorians, so far as we know; no difference of race has been discovered, and we are not certain why the Spartans treated some of the conquered as serfs and left others free ; but perhaps the perioeci were the inhabitants of communities which were strong enough to make good terms with their conquerors. 135. The Spartans; the Training of their Boys. — The Spartans were the inhabitants of the city of Sparta. They were too proud and too exclusive to share their citizenship with the conquered in Laconia and Messenia; and as they were themselves never more than eight or nine thousand of military age, while their subjects were many times as numerous, they could maintain their rule only by making of themselves a standing army and by keeping up a con- stant military training. Every Spartan must have a sound body to begin with. The father brought his boy soon after birth to the elders of his tribe; and if they found him puny and ill-shaped, they ordered him to be exposed to death in a chasm of the mountains near I dts See ge ne an pe neg 1 ' t i ae hal rae —- = p—— ———114 The Rise of Sparta and the Peloponnesian League by; but if they judged the boy strong and healthy, they allowed him to live. To his seventh year the Spartan boy was in the care of his mother; then the state took charge of his education, and placed him in a company of lads under a trainer. From the age of twelve he had to gather reeds for his own bed from the banks of the Eurotas, and must learn to live without underclothing and to go barefoot winter and summer. Every year the boys had to give a test of their endurance by submitting to a whipping before the altar of the goddess Artemis, and he was the hero who could endure the flogging longest. Boys, youths, and young men were organized in troops and companies, and exercised in marching, sham-fighting, and gymnastics. They were taught to hunt and to be nimble and cunning, but their only mental culture was in music and poetry. The whole object of their education was to make brave, strong, and well-disciplined soldiers. The girls passed through a training like that of the youths, though less severe. They, too, practised running, leaping, and throwing the spear and discus. The state encouraged them to such exercise, as it considered the gymnastic education of women necessary to the physical perfection of the race. 136. Young Men. — At the age of twenty the Spartan youth became a young man, and as he was now liable to military service in the field, he joined a “ mess,” or brotherhood of about fifteen comrades each, who ate together in war and in peace. The mem- bers of the mess to which he applied voted on his admission with bread crumbs, “‘ throwing them into a basin carried by the waiter around the table; those who liked the young man dropped their ball into the basin without changing its figure, and if any one dis- liked him, he pressed the crumb flat between his fingers and thus gave his negative vote. And if there was but one of these flattened pieces in the basin, the candidate was rejected, so desirous were they that all the members of the company should be agreeable to each other.””»! Each member had to furnish his monthly share of barley meal, wine, cheese, figs, and money for meat and dainties; also a part of whatever game he got by hunting. The “ black broth ” was the national Spartan dish, relished by the elderly men, though the young men preferred meat. Thus their fare was simple 1 Plutarch, Lycurgus. at Enos Ca nen Fa ay 1S ge ——————— == Sa ee eet bert icamaen i } | TEOMPRPEVATERPUTPVULOUESAPLD ERT UPRREPULODEUPOOOLARSeSeSanav api uslpavepuigraeearenti titi icrThe Spartans IT§ but efficient; and no one could say that they were spoiled for wat by being overfed. Membership of these associations continued through life. 137. Mature Men and Women. — At thirty the Spartan became a mature man, and could now attend the assembly, but he did not cease from military service and training till his sixtieth year. Though compelled by law to marry, he could have no home, and could not even claim his family as his own. All the older Spartans regarded the younger as their children, and the young were taught to obey and respect any of the citizens as much as their own fathers. But while the Spartan ate in the barracks with his fellow- soldiers and passed his time in military exercises, his wife lived in comfort and luxury. Aristotle! says that Lycurgus, after subjecting the men to discipline, tried to make the women orderly, but failed, and permitted them therefore to live as they pleased. As they could inherit and acquire prop- erty in Laconia, and as men were not permitted to engage in busi- ness, it resulted in time that two-fifths of the land in the state came into the hands of the women. 138. The Army.—In the Mycenaean and Homeric ages the nobles alone could afford heavy armor and good weapons. The masses, grouped in tribes and phratries, were miserably equipped and altogether without training. On the battlefield one noble was worth a hundred commoners. This is the chief reason why the A SPARTAN TOMBSTONE (From a photograph) 1A Greek philosopher who wrote much on the government of Greek cities; § 328 See a116 Lhe Rise of Sparta and the Peloponnesian League nobles despised the common men and gave them few political rights. Even in the Homeric age, however, we find some attempt to keep the masses of fighters in an even line. But the great innovators in this direction were the Spartans. Two causes of the improve- ment here mentioned may be traced to the country itself: (1) in the broad fertile plain were more land-owners than elsewhere who were wealthy enough to equip themselves with the full armor; (2) the mines of Laco- nia furnished abundant iron for swords and spear points, the defensive armor being mostly bronze. We must not lose sight of the fact, however, that the principal cause was the intelligence which made use of these resources. The army organized on this new plan was a pha’lanx—a line of warriors equipped with strong defensive armor and long spears,! which moved as a unit to the sound of music. The line was several ranks deep. This system made Lacedaemon the strongest military power in the world. It rendered the fortification of Sparta unneces- sary, and had besides an important effect on A Warrior in Heruer, the form of government. Coat oF Matt, AND 139. The Government. —It has already GREAVES been stated that the towns of the perioeci managed their local affairs with more or less interference from Sparta. In this respect they were like our municipalities, though less independent. The government of the city of Sparta, on the other hand, conducted by the Spartans exclusively, supervised these town governments and attended to all the affairs of the state as a whole. Originally . - ch ates Fete 8 Seem mane i! if h I u ii i} {| |] I f} (Bronze statuette, sixth cen- tury B.c.; British Museum) 1 The armor consisted of a large shield, somewhat like the Mycenaean, which covered the entire body, a helmet, and greaves. In time they substituted a smaller round buckler and a coat of mail in place of the heavv man-covering shield. Besides the spear they carried a sword. WOPURADURORPRSPRTA DTP OUPP ROPE OPP LORSeOPeSeeeee le hEDiPaveuurerenvninipt tii neersArmy and Government II7 the government was like that described by Homer, excepting that there were two kings ! in place of one. Continual quarrelling between the two kings weakened the office. Thereupon the government fell into the hands, not of the council, as in most Greek states, but of the assembly of freemen. The reason is to be found in the adoption of the phalanx. Everywhere in Hellas the men who made up the effective military force were the controlling political power. The government of Lace- daemon became accordingly a military aristocracy, as the Spartan freemen were all nobles, ruling over a subject population. The assembly did not exercise the powers of government directly, how- ever, but intrusted them to a board of five ephors, or overseers, elected annually. In time the ephors placed themselves at the head of the state, whereas the kings came to be hardly more than priests and generals. Among the Spartans were some especially noble families, who were represented in the council by twenty-eight elders and the two kings. The council lost influence along with the kings. Outline of the Aristocratic Constitution I. Magistrates 1. Five ephors, elected annually, the chief executives. 2. Two kings, hereditary and life-long, from the two royal families; priests and generals; judges in a few minor cases. II. Council 1. Composed of twenty-eight elders sixty years of age or above, and the two kings, representing the noble families. [a. Deliberation on measures to be presented to the 2. Functions ) assembly. (6. Trial of criminal cases. III. Assembly 1. Composed of Spartans in good standing. r i a. Election of magistrates and councillors. 2. Functions oper . b. Voting on measures presented by the council. 140. The Myth of Lycurgus. — The Spartans of later time tried in the usual Greek way? to account for the origin of their institutions by ascribing them all to one man, Lycurgus. In their belief he was regent in place of a young king, his nephew. Finding the state 4 § 109. 2 § 108. ———————— —— | | |118 The Rise of Sparta and the Peloponnesian League full of violence, he went to Crete, and brought home from there a whole body of customs and laws for his country. By compelling the citizens to obey the new laws, he made them the most orderly people in the world. This story was current at Sparta. Other Greeks, wishing to give Apollo the credit, used to say that Lycurgus went to Delphi and got his laws through the oracle. After his death, continues the story, the Lacedaemonians built him a temple, where they worshipped him with the utmost reverence. It is true that the Spartans had a god named Lycurgus; but, as the early Greeks did not deify their great men, this god could not have been once a human legislator. The similarity between the Spartan and Cretan laws points to a borrowing in one direction or the other. But the great objection to the story is that earlier writers who touch on Lacedaemonian affairs utterly ignore Lycurgus and ascribe the constitution to this or that other person. In fact, | the system of the Spartans was due largely to their surroundings, as | has been pointed out. There may indeed have lived a man of the same name as the god Lycurgus, and he may have perfected and enforced the system; but of his achievements or even of his exist- ence we have no positive knowledge. 141. The First Messenian War (about 725 B.c.). — After the Spartans had subdued all Laconia, a desire “ to plough and plant fertile Messenia ”’ led them to the conquest of that country. In fact they needed more land and helots to support the increasing number of their warrior citizens. After twenty years of hard fighting, they drove the Messenians from the stronghold of Mount Ithome, and annexed the eastern part of the country. Many Messenians fled across the borders. Those who remained became helots, and had to till for the Spartans the fields which had once been their own. “Like asses worn with heavy burdens they brought to their lords, under hard necessity, the half of all the earth produced.” * 142. The Second Messenian War (about 650 B.c.). — Two or three generations later the Messenians rose in rebellion. With the help of allies from Argos, Arcadia, and elsewhere, they utterly routed the Lacedaemonian army. In despair the Spartans talked eee Sn ne } i 1From Tyrtaeus; see next paragraph. There is much legend regarding the war; but the facts given above are about all we know. DUE POUHPPUERPER PSUR PERU TSORUEUET Rice eee ESVRTH TL OeR Enel iene ea ere D REIBeginning of the League 11g se of giving up the struggle, but were inspired to a new effort by Tyr- tae’us. He was a martial poet, a general, and a statesman. We have a quotation from one of his ‘“ charging songs,’ which the watriors sang as they went to battle : — “To the front, O sons of Sparta, Rich in men, of freeborn fathers; With your left hand press your shield forth, Hurl your lance with daring spirit, Sparing not your life in battle, For ’tis not the rule at Sparta.’’} os Receiving the command, he won a decisive victory. The survivors fled to the Arcadian mountains, whence for many years they raided the farms of Laconia. The Spartans who suffered loss clamored for a redistribution of property ; but Tyrtaeus in a poem entitled “ Good Order” quieted the discontent. The war ended in the complete subjugation of Messenia. Again many escaped into foreign lands. Some found new homes in Sicily at Messene, a Chalcidic colony. From the new-comers the city and neighboring strait derived their name. The masses of the conquered became helots. For about three centuries Messenia remained a part of Lacedaemon. 143. League with the Arcadians. — Next the Lacedaemonian rulers asked of Apollo at Delphi permission to conquer all Arcadia ; but the prophetess answered: — rn a ei ‘| 1 Hi \ + “ The land of Arcadia thou askest: thou askest too much; I refuse it: Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men eating acorns; They will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging toward thee; Te’ge-a beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in, And a fair plain will I give thee to measure with line and divide it.” Tegea, however, made the oracle true by defeating the Lacedae- monians and compelling the prisoners to divide her plain among themselves with a measuring line, and till it in fetters.7, But some- what later the Tegeans entered into a league with Sparta, and agreed to follow her lead in war. Their example was imitated by the other Arcadians, who proved a source of great military strength 1 Fowler, Greek Literature, 66. 2 This is an example of a double-meaning prophecy. (§ 103).Ray Se et a gm am <= a es ee eerein gene eee nes ert oe Sa ' i 4 i k } 1 i 120 The Rise of Sparta and the Peloponnesian League to Sparta, for they were strong, brave men, as mountaineers usually are, and made excellent warriors, second only to the Spartans themselves. 144. Tyranny at Corinth (655-582 B.c.). — Corinth was the most important state of Peloponnese which entered into permanent alliance with Lacedaemon, and for that reason its previous history is given here. The king had been succeeded by a small body of aristocrats, who in time grew illiberal and insolent. Thereupon Cyp’se-lus, a man of the common people, put them down and made himself tyrant. Though usurpers generally found it necessary to surround themselves with a band of soldiers enlisted from other states, Cypselus was so beloved by a majority of his subjects that he ruled for thirty years without a guard. His son Per-i-an’der, who succeeded him, was compelled to use harsh measures against the nobles who opposed him, and laid heavy taxes on the wealthy. But he used the revenues in beautifying his city and in increasing its power and influence throughout Greece. These tyrants founded many colonies. Cor-cy’ra, an island off the west coast of Greece, had been settled from Corinth long before, but had gained its inde- pendence. The tyrants reduced the island temporarily to obedi- ence, and planted in the neighborhood a group of colonies, which remained faithful to the mother city. The same rulers were liberal patrons of religion, especially the religion of the peasants; and their gifts to the gods at Olympia ! were reckoned among the wonders of the world. On the downfall of the family, Corinth became a well- regulated oligarchy.’ 145. The Peloponnesian League. — It was under this form of government that Corinth became an ally of Lacedaemon (about 580 B.C.). Elis had already joined the alliance, and Sicyon (Sish’i-on) followed some years later. All these states were brought into the league by their wealthy men on the assurance that they should have control of their several governments. And in general Sparta desired that her allies should be governed by oligarchies ; * because she knew that oligarchs would be more loyal to her than either tyrants or democrats. The Peloponnesian League, which Sparta was thus forming, had LSiIOs a os 2§ rar. 3 § rar- PEGTEPPP PP PRT PUPPET Caee IT ES Constitution of the League 121 me Te) ——<——— —- nt RRS ee we —=——= no common federal constitution, such as that of the United States, but each community had its own treaty with Lacedaemon. Depu- ties from the allied states met in congress at Sparta or Corinth to settle questions of war and peace; and the states furnished troops to serve in war under the Lacedaemonian kings. They did not pay tribute to Sparta, but divided among themselves the expenses @ of the league, which were always light. Thus the states en- | i t i tI i) TW. Sx K(@ \ | RSJ & LS2 » SX y . C H A PP — 3 = L = ~ Z s+ i d a Ses! TARTS ¢ a % — ao SRS, N\ Esa ee =: RIN Hl \o A 1 \ \ ))\ SESS = \ \ oe ee Pa) \ ren EA RCADEAS 1 t = = oO \ \ ee , a ( ¢ 7m ) f = === ITN ~“TS SS = 7 j f 7 Tyr A 7 [or J WY rrem% sa 2 \ y SOR DAY MONT C) MESSENTIA 7 iy, \ \ oy } ” ¢ \ } | ' Y/N QHZ 4 } THE : / LA) \ Wi PDN co . ( PELOPONNESIAN = Yyyf | \ DIU { | > 3) | LEAGUE VINK | | ZA States dependent upon Sparta — SS YX , | States in alliance with Sparta = Williams Engraving Co., N.Y.| joyed independence, and at the same time the advantages of union. 146. Sparta and Argos. — By the middle of the sixth century B.c. the league under the leadership of Sparta had come to include all Peloponnese excepting Achaea and Argolis. About 550 B.c. the crisis came in a struggle between Sparta and Argos for the posses- sion of Cy-nu’ri-a, a strip of land held by the latter state along the coast east of Mount Parnon. Three hundred champions for each state were to decide the contest; but after a day’s fighting, only two Argives and one Spartan remained alive. Then a dispute as to which side had won the victory ended in a bloody battle, in which the Lacedaemonians were masters. This success gave them Cy- nuria and the island of Cy-the’ra, and made them the foremost power among the states of Greece. ) ” AoSee ~ = ee teen \ i 1§ 197. UPL LOTPRPELORTROTET TED Ueee ree PetsOPeeeeP RPE ASEPOEROSELESEST AT OEV IPRA G EPO TU REP euraneet titiiien.“ SE cn aN \ a = ae aa wee ae een a, st a i i 5 i Condition of Greece | 143 i i i moderate democracy. At last the citizens were at peace with one another. They formed an effective militia, though as yet they had no fleet. They were intelligent, vigorous, and enthusiastic, ready 7 for a life-and-death struggle if need be, in defence of Hellenic free- dom. Though less active and less intelligent, the Spartans were the best trained and the steadiest soldiers in the world, and were prepared by lifelong discipline for facing death at the command of their country; they and their allies formed the great military power of Hellas. It was well that Athens and the Peloponnesian League had made so much progress in government and in military affairs, for they were soon to be called on to match themselves, almost unaided, with the vast strength of the Persian empire. pee a Suggestive Questions ne ES 1. Compare the Spartans and the Athenians of the seventh century B.C. in military power. ace 2. Compare the Laconian helots with the poor people of Attica before Solon. Which condition was preferable, and why? 3. At what time did the governments of Athens and of Lacedaemon most nearly resemble each other? Compare them at that time. tions of the following terms: t | | ‘ H a it, 4. Give clear defini- aristocracy, democracy, monarchy, oligarchy, timocracy, and tyranny (see ch. x and the dictionaries). eres 5. Trace through the constitutional periods covered by this chapter the history of the follow- ing institutions: archons, assembly, and Council of the Areopagus. Ex- plain the changes made in the character and functions of each during the transition from one period to another. 6. What are the advantages and disadvantages of appointment by lot? 7. Under the conditions prevalent at Athens in the time of Cleisthenes, was ostracism wise or just? 8. Would it be right to speak of a constitution of Solon or of Cleisthenes? g. De- scribe the Areopagus (p. 124). Where was it situated (map, p. 208)? 10. How were olives gathered in Solon’s time (p. 133) ? —— Describe the dress \ “ . ° e ° . | of the laborers. x11. Describe the location of Attica, Euboea, Megara, and Salamis. i Note-book Topics i i i I. Solon’s Reforms. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 81-86; Botsford, Development of the Athenian Constitution, ch. ix; Bury, History of Greece, 1V, § 4. Il. The Tyranny. — Fling, 86-94; Botsford, ch. x; Curtius, History of Greece, 1. 368-400.on aT ee " 5S ne at Be ed Fe on anna er Sie Tae eo ~ eo —— ae ———— st rem aes 8 ee haere tated tetas aol i I | 1 pistes dbaei an EUV ER EUR PEE EE CHAPTER XIV INTELLECTUAL AWAKENING About 750-500 B.c. 171. General Character of the Period. — During this period the Greeks were extending their settlements to the remotest parts of the Mediterranean and of the smaller seas which branch out from it. They covered those waters with a network of trade routes. At the same time they were improving their military organizations and were making enormous strides in the art of government. Progress along these lines was accompanied by a great intellectual awakening. In the beginning of the period the art of the Greeks was crude; they had less useful knowledge of life than the Egyptians and the Babylonians, little skilled industry, and no science whatever. At the end they were in art, in industrial activity, in science, and in mental power the foremost nation in the world. In the present chapter we shall rapidly trace the main lines of this remarkable development. 172. Architecture. — Various branches of art, such as the making and decoration of vases, painting, and fine work in the metals, were cultivated during the period. But we shall limit our study to architecture, the noblest form of art, and to sculpture, the branch most closely related to it. Among the Greeks of this age, and in fact of all ages, architecture found its highest expression in the temple. At first the Greeks did not imagine that their gods needed dwelling-houses, but as early as the seventh century B.c., they were building temples in all their cities. Gradually these buildings were made more and more sym- metrical and graceful till they became models of beauty. To under- stand the structure of the temple, it is necessary first to notice three orders of architecture, — Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian. They are distinguished by the column —the chief feature of the Greek 144 POUEPOSDOPOOUR PSOE Ee ee, EEPEUREERP LEAD OLED eeepcree RI TET Orders of Architecture 148 temple. Originally but a tree trunk, the column came in time to be made of stone. 173. The Doric Or- der. — The Doric col- umn rests directly on the temple founda- tion.! Usually it is not a single stone, but “7d rmSt The diameter at the top is less than at the bottom. The taper- ing, however, is not in a straight line, but in a gentle outward curve, or swelling. It is an interesting fact that the swelling is much greater in the earlier than in the later temples; it was found that by dimin- ishing the curve a greater degreeof grace- fulness could be at- tained. After the column had been set in its place, it was carefully channelled, or fluted, from top to bottom. The Doric is made of 1 The part of the founda- tion on which the colonnade — row of columns — rests is called the sty’lo-bate. L Column e * . a Pediment | i =e Cornice Triglyphs and Metopes Entablature Architrave Abacus | Echinus Capital Shaft * se Ss i be in ale ae" - nn ee e >. > Mihm onde J Pais Pe f Stylobate | Foundation CORNER OF TEMPLE OF POSEIDON, POSEIDONIA fi es146 Intellectual Awakening SS ante aes order has usually twenty flutings. The swelling and channelling combine to give the pillar grace and an appearance of ee eetennrge ; =r elasticity. The head of the column is } SS ST) ° nn e . * | \G ()) the capital. Though of one piece, it is 4 NEO GEEZ z i Seer made up of two elements: (1) the ab/a- ; ) ! | b= | | {V) cus, a square block, resting on (2) the | e-chi‘nus, “ cushion,” a round piece con- | siderably greater in diameter than the | column itself. In the earlier temples the | echinus was “‘ bowl-shaped,” but in time the outward curve diminished, till in the best period! it became very slight. This change, too, meant increasing grace. The Wi Doric column developed from the Myce- Hit | naean. ‘The earliest examples of the AH A . order show Egyptian influence. Its home IH was the Greek peninsula. WW 174. The Ionic and Corinthian Orders. WN — The Ionic column originated in Asia | Minor. It differs from the Doric in | | | oe oe Sle ees i if \\ } i having a base. This part is round and | is ornamented in various ways. The Wa shaft bulges less, and is more slender We and graceful. By the word shaft is HH meant the entire column apart from the | base and capital. The number of flut- ings is greater —in the best period usu- MH ally twenty-four. The capital has the HI form of a spiral roll. Whereas the Doric | capital is very simple, the Ionic is always more or less ornamented. In general, HI HU the beauty of the Doric style is severe S and chaste; the Ionic is more beautiful and graceful. The Corinthian is but a growth from the Ionic. It is distinguished 1 The “best period” is the Age of Pericles; §§ 236 fi, An Ionic CoLUMN PELLOA EE EEREEL! EVDRST UPR A DATE eOr eee eee / DOUEU RUPP SUG PURRP TOURER EP EP OUN RK]item mn enn mee rl ne Elements of the Temple 147 by its capital of acanthus leaves, and by its greater elegance. It was invented in the fifth century, but did not come into extensive use till the Greek genius began to decline. 175. Architrave, Triglyphs, Metopes, Cornice, Frieze, and Pedi- ments. — Above the columns is the arch’i-trave. It consists of long rectangular blocks, which reach from one col- umn to another and sup- port the upper part of the building. It is always left plain. Resting on s the architrave, and so 4 { extending entirely around |i i the temple, is a succession ES i | of triglyphs and met’o- f a; 4 | pes, alternating with one KK : another. Trglyphs are Be tablets crossed by three deep vertical channels, hence the name “ three- grooved.” Those on the two sides cover the ends of the beams which stretch across the build- ing for the support of the ceiling and the roof. The metope — “face between ” —is so named because it is placed between two triglyphs. It is likewise a stone tablet, left entirely plain, or simply painted, or more commonly ornamented with reliefs. A relief is a fig- ure sculptured in such a way as to stand out from the general surface of the stone as a background. Low relief stands out but slightly, high relief much more. The triglyphs and metopes together make up the Doric frieze. Above this frieze runs the cornice! The Tonic frieze is a continuous band of reliefs extending around the building. In Ionic temples it takes the place of the triglyphs and aa ni ' t CoRINTHIAN CAPITAL (From Epidaurus) 1 The Doric frieze, the cornice, and the architrave constitute the en-tab‘la-ture. When the word frieze is used without a descriptive adjective, it applies rather to the Tonic frieze explained in the text below.POUR DUCA RP POROUPOUER PEER ReRe oe 148 Intellectual Awakening metopes. When the building is entirely surrounded by a colonnade, however, the Ionic frieze is placed on the temple walls behind the col- umns. ‘The pediment isthe gable. It is usually ornamented either with high reliefs or with figures entirely detached from the surface. oo Sarre ee Wy TMU MMi Yf Y Yi TIMI: . 1@0@@86608086 @ 6 6 fat ge @ @@ @ @ ee © @ 0 yj © Hy Us PLAN OF SMALL TEMPLE Rhamnus. A, cella; B, vestibule Breese cis ah el hd ee PLAN OF TEMPLE AT PRIENE Double Temple iz antis surrounded by Peristyle (From Unedited Antiquities of Attica, Chap. VII, Pl. I) (From Rayet and Thomas, Milet et le Golfe Latinique, P|. IX) 176. The Plan. — The earliest and simplest plan is a rectangular room — the cella — with a single door. The side walls project so as to form a vestibule in front of the door.! Between their ends stand two or more columns, as shown in the illustration. The cella contained the image of the deity. The temple was not 1 The square column which ends a projecting wall of the kind is called by the Latin name anta. Such a temple is described therefore as a temple in antis. If the vestibule is repeated in the rear, the building becomes a double temple in ants. OUR U OPUS ROE OU ROU ETeROPRS EERE Onn)The Temple as a Whole 149 primarily a place of worship, but the dwelling of the god. For the utensils used in the sacrifices and for the safe-keeping of the many gifts he received, it often happened that one or more store- rooms had to be added to the rear. In the latter part of the period which we are now studying, a temple was sometimes beau- a Wes ia See Petey TEMPLE OF POSEIDON, POSEIDONIA (From a photograph) tified by a row of columns extending entirely around it. Such a colonnade is called a per’i-style. The earliest temples were wood. Afterward limestone was used. In this case the stone was covered with white stucco, which was then painted. In the latter part of the sixth century B.C. the Greeks began to use marble. The best preserved temple of this period is that of Poseidon, in Po-si-do’/ni-a, a Greek colony in south- ern Italy. It is an impressive building, with simple but massive Doric columns. 177. Sculpture.—There are two principal kinds of sculpture, reliefs, explained above, and statues. As an example of an early150 Intellectual Awakening relief we may take a metope froma temple built in Selinus, Sicily, about 600 B.c. One of these metopes represents Perseus cutting off Medusa’s head.’ Behind him stands his protecting goddess Athena. The work is very crude. The heads, arms, and legs are much too large; the bodies are distorted; the eyes stare; the faces lack expression. Another example is the grave- relief of a Spartan and his wife, shown in the chapter on Sparta.? These works, though creditable for the period, fall far short of the perfection afterward attained. Equally rude are the statues carved at the time. An ex- ample is the figure of a woman found at Delos. It is “‘a long, flat block of marble,” with the edges slightly rounded, the arms attached to the sides, and the head and hair but roughly worked out. During the period, however, considerable progress was made. As evidence of improvement we may compare with these early figures the grave-relief of the warrior Aristion and one of the maiden statues found on the Acropolis.* Both were chiselled at Athens under the tyranny. The latter es- pecially shows a far better knowledge of the human form, and greater skill in working out both the body and the drapery. These two pieces distinctly reveal the Greek genius. STATUE OF A WoMAN 178. Deepening Religion; Oracles and Divi- found at Delos; seventh mation. — The one great motive which led the ce Greeks to make all these improvements in art was religion. The belief that the gods were magnified men and women of perfect physical form, the bene- factors of all who properly worshipped them, inspired both archi- tect and sculptor. The age which saw these early improvements was one of religious progress. The Greek mind was reaching out into the unknown, trying to discover the nature of God and of his PNOLs 2IP errs: 3)Pp. 135, 137. ae ots = meee tert Se eva. i] | TTHH j Pee eee HOVEPHU ROP UPR PSHE ShOPPOeeAR RELA REE EAE Ea PRPRPOUUUPURUPOUUROTEGUERSUPELOPELOR , ' }— —E Religion I51 relations with man, and striving at the same time to come into closer touch with the deity. In this age, accordingly, oracles were first established in many parts of Hellas. That of Apollo at Delphi was described in an earlier chapter.! But the Greeks felt the need of consulting a deity without the delay of a journey to an oracle. Sometimes the flight of birds gave them the omen they desired. The kind of divination, however, which they found most convenient was the Babylonian — the examination of the inner parts of an animal offered in sacri- fice.2 In the period we are now considering, this custom came to them from Babylonia, in what way we do not know. Thereafter the Greeks resorted to it before every battle or other important undertaking. 179. Orphic and Eleusinian Mysteries. — Though the Greeks learned how to discover the will of the gods, they still cherished two stronger desires: (1) they wanted the joy of personal relations with the deity: (2) they longed for happiness in the future life. Both desires were gratified by a foreign religion — the Orphic mysteries. They came from the Thracian Or’pheus, a mythical prophet and musician, and centred in the worship of Di-o-ny’sus, the god of life in nature, symbolized by the grape and wine. The priests of Orphe us travelled throughout Hellas, making converts and initiat- ing them into the mysteries. The chief feature of the initiation was a revel by night over some mountain top. The novices, wav- ing torches, danced wildly to the sound of pipes and cymbals. In the frenzy thus excited they imagined that they were themselves the deity, and had a foretaste of their future life of bliss. After initiation they had to live temperately, to abstain from animal food, and to keep themselves religiously pure. In this way, they prepared for endless happiness beyond the grave. Other mysteries, partly of foreign origin, grew up in E-leu’sis, Attica. They were connected with the worship of Demeter, the eatth-mother. She had a daughter Per-seph’o-ne, whom Hades forcibly carried off to his dark home beneath the earth. The mother 1§ 103. 2§ 42. Still earlier the Etruscans had adopted the same system, but developed it in a different way; § 358. a ee A ™ stl Ni =A Es pom vers oh neal } iM i H i i } i} | a ' ' | | \ | ( al il= a a arn ele caer ened eee es ote —>%: - PRT SV eel en = { : | 152 Intellectual Awakening was sad, and therefore the whole earth became cold and barren. She wandered about in search of her daughter, till she came to Ileusis, where she was received into the family of the king. There her daughter was restored, but with the understanding that she was to live with Hades as his wife and queen during four months of the year — the win- ter months. It was originally a nature myth, to explain the alternation of summer and winter; but in this period the story was so interpreted as to signify death and the resurrec- tion. Dionysus, with some features of the Orphic mysteries, was introduced into this worship. A great Eleusinian festival was pase held in September of IN Grime VAcE each year, ~ All Gthe (Demeter, Persephone, and a king of Eleusis) Athenians, the magis- trates and priests in their official robes, the citizens in their holiday attire, took part in a grand procession along the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis. There with public ceremonies they worshipped Deme- ter, goddess of agriculture and author of their civilization; and the initiated attended in secret to the mystic rites of her service. Among the mysteries was a passion play which exhibited the grief of Demeter when her daughter was taken from her by Hades, and the joy of receiving her back. Such, her worshippers thought, were the sorrows of death and the joys of reunion in the world beyond the grave. All Greeks, men and women, slaves and free- men, had equal rights to initiation. 180. Increasing Knowledge; the Use of Writing. — The priests of Orpheus spread their faith with such zeal that in the sixth cen- EPO POPUUPORURUREESOUU POSE PETE ER OESay » i . an ee ee ier SOROS a aidion aie as etnies TT Literature 153 tury B.C. it came near gaining a complete mastery over the minds of the Greeks. Such an event would have rendered them unfit to work out clearly the problems of government, society, art, and science, which they were already attempting to solve. Fortunately their growing love for a religion of mystery was offset by increas- ing knowledge. The storing up of facts was made possible by writing. Early in the Epic Age the Greeks had adopted the Phoenician alphabet, making at the same time some improvements in it, as explained above.! About 700 B.c. they began to use it for record- ing lists of annual magistrates, and soon afterward for writing laws and other documents. Hence we say that the historical age of Greece begins at this time. There was written poetry, too, in the seventh century, and still more in the sixth. Apart from documents no prose worth mentioning existed in this period. 181. Hesiod; the Beginnings of Personal Poetry. — The ear- liest writer of the age was Hesiod, an epic poet of Boeotia (about 700 B.c.). He composed the Theogony, which tells in homely style of the genealogies of the gods and the creation of the world.’ His Works and Days, another epic, gives the peasant useful infor- mation about agriculture. It encourages thrift, and abounds in moral maxims. Whereas Homer idealizes everything of which he sings, the aim of Hesiod is to tell the simple truth. Homer cele- brates heroes of the remote past ; Hesiod has to do with men in everyday life. The early epics have little to tell of their authors; but in time it came about that poets expressed freely their own thoughts and feel- ings. Thus personal poetry arose. The age in which it flourished extends from the time of Hesiod to the end of the great war with Persia (700-479 B.C.). The elegy is the earliest form of personal poetry. It arose in Ionia, and was originally martial. One of the best known martial poets was Tyrtaeus of Sparta, mentioned in connection with the second Messenian War.’ Solon used the elegy as a means of bringing his political views before the public. Besides the elegy Tyrtaeus and Solon composed various kinds of verse. 1§ sr. 2§ 106. 3§ 142. ee = ee TEE LEEDS — a ie154 Intellectual Awakening AE 182. Lyric Poetry. — The highest form of personal poetry is the lyric, — the song accompanied by the lyre. The lyric poet com- posed the music as well as the words of his songs. There were two chief forms of this poetry: the ballad and the choral ode. The home of the ballad was Lesbos,! and its great representatives were the Lesbic poets, Al-cae’us and Sappho, who belonged to the early part of the sixth century B.c. Alcaeus was “a fiery Aeolian noble,”’ who composed songs of war, adventure, and party strife, love-songs, drinking-songs, and hymns. He was a versatile, brilliant poet. ‘Violet-crowned, pure, softly smiling Sappho,” as her friend Alcaeus calls her, was his peer in genius. To the ancients she was ‘the poetess,” as Homer was “the poet’; and sometimes they styled her the “ tenth muse.” Ballads were simple songs sung by individuals ; but the choral ode was public and was sung by a trained chorus, who accompanied i di) the music with dancing. ‘he most eminent choral poet — perhaps Bi the greatest purely lyric poet of the world — was Pindar of Boeotia i (522-448 B.c.). As he belonged to a priestly family, he began even in childhood to fill his mind with myths and religious lore. His poems are made up of this material. Those which have been pre- served are in honor of the victors in the great national games. The ode usually narrates some myth connected with the history of the victor’s family or city ; it glorifies noble birth, well-used wealth, justice, and all manner of virtue. Though difficult to read even in translations, these poems will repay the most careful study. The style is bold, rapid, and vital; his words glitter like jewels; he is always sublime. Besides the poets mentioned, there were many others who flour- ished in all parts of Greece. The works of some have utterly perished ; of others we have mere shreds. There remain but frag- ments of Alcaeus. We have two poems of Sappho, in addition to fragments. Pindar has had the best fortune of all the poets of this age, for his best work has come down to us. 183. The Beginnings of Science; Philosophy.— The poets were thinkers, who tried each in his own way to solve the problems of life, which were becoming every day more complex as civilization a! oe Se Ea SI ~~ fe iy i i | iH | | } | 1 | iy fi i} | ) ; | ‘ 1§ 92. \ ; ‘Pee e i PH eee SET ORPUPR PREPS HCUEERESUPO UN TUL EEUU ETE:a ——eEeEeEuyee paises Ss ee ibe a ¥ peas a Science 155 advanced. In seeking the causes of things, however, they always went back to the supernatural. For instance, they explained the rotation of the seasons by the story of Demeter and Persephone.’ But about the time of Solon a few of the more intelligent Greeks began to seek for natural causes as an explanation of things. Such persons were scientists. The founder of Greek science was Tha’les. Naturally he was a citizen of Miletus, in this period the centre of Hellenic industry, com- merce, and intellectual life. It is said that he visited Egypt and brought back from there some scientific knowledge. He was a mathematician, and knew enough astronomy to foretell an eclipse of the sun. The story that while star-gazing he fell into a well is told to prove how unpractical a philosopher is. When referring to the Greeks, we use the word philosophy to include their sciences as well as their more abstract thinking on such great subjects as the nature and original cause of the universe. Thales had a theory that water was the original substance, out of which everything had been made. This was, to be sure, a mistake. But the very fact that he was the first to seek a natural rather than a supernatural cause of things makes him the founder of Greek philosophy. After him came many other philosophers. One especially worthy of mention was Py-thag’o-ras, who laid great stress on mathe- matics. He had many followers, the Py-thag-o-re’ans. They organized themselves in secret fraternities, and adopted the ascetic life and some of the beliefs of the Orphists. The idea of Pythagoras seems to have been to allow his sect the happiness of the mysteries provided they were kept under proper control. In general, the scientific awakening of Hellas checked the growth of mysticism, and prepared the way for clear thinking on all subjects of interest to mankind. 184. The Unity of Hellas. —In this period, the Greeks first became conscious of their unity as a people. The fact was brought home to them through commerce and travel, through the posses- sion of one language and religion, and of the national oracle at Delphi, through participation in the great national games, and through the growth of a national literature. The feeling of unity 1 § 170.156 Intellectual Awakening was intensified by their conflicts with foreigners, whom they called “barbarians.” This word originally signified a people whose language was unintelligible; but as the Greeks discovered their own superiority to others, they began to attach to the word the meaning which it now has in our own language. In this age, accordingly, the Greeks were becoming one in spirit and in sym- pathy, and were beginning to call themselves by one common name — that of Hellenes. . Serres eet iet state? Pees a A De hs Ol gh ———— SSS ai ET: Suggestive Questions 1. What was the chief motive of the Greeks to architecture? Com- pare them in this respect with the Egyptians. 2. Describe in detail the parts of the temple illustrated on p. 145. Make a drawing of it from mem- ory. 3. Compare the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian capitals illustrated on pp: 145-147. 4. Mention examples of the three orders of architecture in your own locality. Which seems to you the most beautiful, and why? 5. Describe the metope pictured on p. g1. What do you think of the | sculpture of that time? 6. Compare the seventh-century statue of a woman (p. 150) with one of the later sixth century (p. 135). What progress does the latter show? 7. What is your impression of the temple of Posei- don (p. 149)? 8. Do the Orphic mysteries and the Eleusinian mysteries indicate an advance in religion? Did they benefit the Greeks, and if so in what way? 9g. Give examples of epic, elegiac, and lyric poetry in modern literature. 10. How does personal poetry differ from epic poetry? 11. What were the early Greek philosophers aiming to discover? ee eee ee ese fi , Note-book Topics I. Building Materials and Methods. — Fowler and Wheeler, Greek Archaeology, 96-108. II. Sappho. — Murray, Ancient Greek Literature, 92-94; Fowler, Anctent Greek Literature, 96-100. III. Pindar. — Jebb, Greek Literature (Primer), 64-69; Murray, 109- TLON Howler, ch., xi. IV. Myths of Death and the Future World. — Fairbanks, Mythology of Greece and Rome, ch. viii. ohn | LAPP UPRUCREPTEPUP CURDS Cet bo te PER RAR RARER EEE SEROEPOORUORUUERPU EU ODOR ESeUG ESET E OTE)ree 2 a TT ‘ oy CHAPTER XV CONQUEST OF ASIATIC GREECE BY THE LYDIANS AND THE PERSIANS 560-493 B.C. 185. Character of the Ionians. — Although successful in devel- oping government and the art of war, the Athenians as well as the Lacedaemonians were thus far inferior to the Greeks of Asia Minor in the finer elements of civilization. Aeolis and Ionia were the homes of the first great poets of Greece. The earliest geographers, his- torians, and philosophers were Ionians. The same people took the lead in useful inventions: the Ionians were the first of the Greeks to coin money; their ships plied the Mediterranean Sea from Egypt to Massalia. For five hundred years (about 1000- 494 B.C.) they were the standard-bearers of Hellenic civilization. But though admirable for their many excellent qualities, the Tonians were lacking in political ability. The communities rarely acted together, and could not think of joining in one strong state. They loved complete independence for their towns, and enjoyed the privilege of making war on their neighbors as the diversion of a summer; yet they were a commercial people, not fond of long- continued military service. Their character was their political ruin. It is no wonder that they proved inferior to the empires of Asia, based as these were on unthinking submission to one all- controlling will. 186. Croesus, King of Lydia (560-546 B.c.). — As long as there was no great foreign power in their neighborhood, these Asiatic Greeks remained free. But gradually Lydia, in the interior, be- came a strong state. Croesus, who ascended the throne of this country in 560 B.c.,! admired the Greeks and wished to have them as willing subjects; but when they resisted, he waged war upon 1 § 63. 157 SS ee NNR rrr ET eed hi | t Ls { at soreness Fn OS ayee ee acetate Pom AEE ans kn Pm eine Se inh Da 158 Conquest by the Lydians and the Persians them and conquered them with no great difficulty. He ruled them well, however, as he sought to gain their favor and support against the rising power of Persia. He stole his way into their affections by making costly presents to their gods, especially to Apollo at Delphi. Under him, Lydia reached its height in wealth and power. His treasury was full of gold dust from the sands of the Lydian rivers and of tributes from the cities he had conquered ; and as he was the wealthiest he supposed himself to be the happiest man on earth. His empire had come to include all Asia Minor west of the Halys River; but it was destined soon to become a part of the far vaster Persian empire, and the happy monarch was doomed to end his life in captivity. 187. The Relations between Cyrus, King of Persia, and the Greeks (546-529 B.c.). —In an earlier chapter we have seen how Cyrus, king of Persia, conquered the Median empire and then defeated Croesus and took him captive.” The Ionians, who were favored subjects of Croesus and had supported him in the war, now begged Cyrus to grant them the same terms of submission which Croesus had given; but Cyrus angrily refused, telling the messengers who came to him from them the fable of the piper and the fishes. ‘ There was a certain piper,” he said, ‘“‘ who was walking one day by the seaside, when he espied some fish; so he began to pipe to them, Imagining that they would come out to him upon the land. But as he found at last that his hope was vain, he took a net, and enclosing a great draught of fishes, drew them ashore. The fish then began to leap and dance; but the piper said, ‘ Cease your dancing now, as you did not choose to come and dance when I piped to you.’”’ As the Ionians saw that Cyrus would not give them good terms, they began to wall their towns, and met in council to concert measures of defence. They first asked help of Lacedaemon. When their deputies reached Sparta, the one who was to speak dressed himself in a purple robe so as to attract as large an audience as possible; and, in a long speech, he besought the Lacedaemonians to come to the aid of his countrymen. But it was all in vain; for the Spartans liked neither long speeches nor purple robes, and they were just then at war 1§ 103. Ch. v. The history of Persia, §§ 63-69, should now be reviewed. POT aests as Sakess ec airacnd knee ire eas a aeeR Persian Conquest 159 with Argos for the possession of Cynuria.! But they showed their good will toward their Asiatic kinsmen by warning Cyrus on his peril not to harm the Hellenic cities. ‘‘ But when he received this warning from the herald, he asked some Greeks who were stand- ing by, who these Lacedaemonians were, and what was their number, that they dared send him such a notice. When he had received their reply, he turned to the Spartan herald and said, ‘T have never yet been afraid of any men who have a set place in the middle of their city, where they come together to cheat each other and perjure themselves. If I live, the Spartans shall have trouble enough of their own to talk of, without concerning them- selves about the Ionians.’ Cyrus intended these words as a re- proach against all the Greeks, because of their having market- places where they buy and sell, which is a custom unknown to the Persians, who never make purchases in open marts, and, indeed, have not in their whole country a single market-place.”’ * Cyrus then returned to the East, leaving an army to conquer the Greeks of Asia Minor. As the cities could not unite in defence of freedom, they fell one by one into his hands. 188. Cambyses and Darius, Kings of Persia (529-522, 52I- 485 B.C.). — The Persian yoke was far more oppressive than the Lydian had been. For the king of Persia insisted that the Greek cities should be ruled by tyrants, through whom he expected to keep his new subjects obedient; and in addition to the payment of tribute, they now had to serve in the Persian armies. Cambyses, son and successor of Cyrus, required them accordingly to help him conquer Egypt.’ And when Darius, the following king, was pre- paring to invade Europe at the head of a great army,’ to conquer the Scythians, he ordered the tyrants of the Greek cities to furnish six hundred ships and their crews for his use. He crossed the Bosporus on a bridge of boats arranged for him by a Greek engi- neer. Meanwhile the tyrants with their fleet sailed up the Danube and bridged the river with their boats that Darius might be able to cross; for the Scythians, a people without settled homes, roamed 1§ 146. 2 Herodotus, i. 153. 8 § 64. 4 The estimate of Herodotus, iv. 87, is seven hundred thousand men — doubtless a great exaggeration. On the reason for the expedition, see § 65. i 4 7 ’ | - s {i yy b ss ae SE SSS | | } 1 | \ ' i ieh nations nn ee A dee tne cee ee etre eee eee reneeenenee 4] Y 4 , ; 160 Conquest by the Lydians and the Persians about in the country north of the Danube and the Black Sea. It was galling to the Greeks to perform such compulsory service, as they felt it a shame to be slaves of the Persians while their kinsmen in Europe were free. Even some of the tyrants, voicing the spirit of their subjects, proposed to cut off the return of Darius by breaking up the bridge he had left in their keeping. Mil-ti’a-des, an Athe- nian, who was then tyrant of Cher-so-nese’, a colony of Athens, favored the plan; but His-ti-ae’us, despot of Miletus, persuaded the tyrants that the people would depose them if they should lose the support of the Persian king, and in this manner he led them to vote against the proposal. An important result of the expedition of Darius was the annexation of Thrace and Macedon to the Per- sian empire, which now extended therefore to the border of Thessaly. 189. The Ionic Revolt (499-494 B.c.): the Beginning. — The king rewarded Histiaeus for his loyalty by inviting him to Susa,! to pass the remainder of his life as a courtier in the palace. To the ambitious Greek the life at court was no better than exile. De- siring therefore to return to his native land, he sent a secret message to his son-in-law, Ar-is-tag’o-ras, then tyrant of Miletus, urging him to revolt. The latter needed little pressure from his father- in-law, for he was already thinking of taking this step. He had promised the Persians to conquer Naxos, and had received help from them on this assurance; but failing in his attempt, he now felt that he should be punished for not keeping his word. He decided accordingly to take the lead in a revolt which he knew was threatening. His first step was to resign his tyranny and give Miletus a democratic government. He then helped depose the tyrants of the neighboring cities, and in a few weeks all Ionia fol- lowed him in a rebellion against Darius. Igo. Aristagoras at Sparta and at Athens (winter of 499- 498 B.c.). — Aristagoras spent the next winter in looking about for allies. First he went to Sparta, and addressed King Cleomenes as follows: ‘‘ That the sons of the Ionians should be slaves instead of free is a reproach and grief most of all indeed for ourselves, but of all others most to you, inasmuch as ye are the leaders of Hellas. Now, therefore, I entreat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from 1 § 66, n. 2.—e eT a a ST noo eee: mat nae f : tj qeePeepennl / a Tehieee 3 SEA 3 BACC-EK- m. SR need ~~ ant sf — “~~, Lu . SS I ~ y 26 ——— Byz i a Ne eters Se eae ~ 4 »), a SS ee —— ee —— eer oy U DELOS } J ‘ i ~ X J 2 . 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Sor le = fq | a mz ye “7 t J Pee aan = = € PO < s A cen ps \ oy = : | / \ Ww wd fr) x x & 2 & = Se Lg S Wl 3 is 1S eh J; ™ 0 ss. § i} > js f, Y 2 we iS a Ny =| oe Sic | = = i y = ols, S ] Sam I AE SSS 2 ‘ i= Gf A — cs = 3 S ~) > 3 2 st Ny Shae v rie £3 Soe Lg | Wee ee ws 7 7 Net Mo © = T | “ wy EHO Tt ys NOUN Glee eae * ° | | | a : fh 3% > oD ES Seon a eet sel PELCPEP ELA G TROT EUR Cet ee Ce UU RU BOSOUPR EO PEE EGU UERARESHUREREEU ES Oe hien eney tt Lheet ies FATES AL >Se a niga a ein ek Tonic Revolt 161 slavery the Ionians, who are your own kinsmen: and ye may easily achieve this, for the foreigners are not valiant in fight, whereas ye have attained to the highest point of valor in war: and their fighting is of this fashion, namely, with bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go into battle wearing trousers and with caps on their heads. Thus they may easily be conquered. Then again, they who occupy that continent have good things in such quantities as not all the other nations in the world possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroidered garments and beasts of burden and slaves; all which ye might have for yourselves if ye so desired.” * Aristagoras then proceeded to indicate the location of the various Asiatic nations on a map traced on a plate of bronze, the first the Spartans had ever seen. He tried to show how easily the Lacedae- monians could conquer the whole Persian empire. ‘‘ How long a journey is it from the Ionian coast to the Persian capital? ”’ Cleom- enes asked. ‘A three-months’ journey,’ Aristagoras answered incautiously. ‘‘ Guest-Friend from Miletus,” the Spartan king interrupted, “ get thee away from Sparta before the sun has set: for thou speakest a word which sounds not well in the ears of the Lacedaemonians, desiring to take them on a journey of three months from the sea.” The smooth Ionian then tried to win him with a bribe, but was frustrated by the king’s daughter, Gorgo, a child of eight or nine years of age, who exclaimed, “‘ Father, the stranger will harm thee, if thou do not leave him and go!” Aristagoras then went to Athens, where he found his task easier. The Athenians were near kinsmen of the lonians and in close com- mercial relations with them. And recently the governor of Sardis had ordered the Athenians to take back Hippias as their tyrant, if they wished to escape destruction. They had refused, and felt in consequence that a state of war now existed between them and Persia. They therefore sent twenty ships to help the Ionians, and their neighbor, Eretria, sent five. 191. The Suppression of the Revolt (498-494 B.c.). — The allies captured and burned Sardis, the most important city under Persian 1 Herodotus, v.49. This speech gives a truthful summary of the facts, except in one particular, — the Persians were not cowardly; § 68. M ' | \| | | i ee hsnsec och crue an eee en een aces tence eae ee eS | i i 162 Conquest by the Lydians and the Persians control in Asia Minor. Then, as they were on their way back to Tonia, the Persians attacked and defeated them near Ephesus. This repulse so thoroughly discouraged the Athenians that they returned home and would give no more help. The burning of Sardis encouraged the rest of the Asiatic Greeks to join in the revolt, but at the same time stirred Darius to greater exertions for putting it down, and angered him especially against Athens and Eretria. The decisive battle of the war was fought at La‘de, off Miletus (497 B.c.). The Greeks had three hundred and fifty-three ships; the Phoenicians in the service of Persia had six hundred. Yet the Greeks would certainly have won the day, if they had shown the right spirit; but they were disunited, and allowed themselves to be influenced by secret agents from the enemy. At the very opening of the battle, many ships treacher- ously sailed away, and though a few remained and fought bravely, the battle was lost. United resistance was now at an end, and the separate states were subdued one by one or surrendered to avoid attack. The Persians brought the war to a close by the capture of Miletus (494 B.c.), after a siege of four years. They plundered and burned the city, together with its temples, and carried the people into captivity. Thus they blotted out of existence the fairest city of Hellas, the city which up to this time had done most in building up European civilization. Though it was again inhabited by Greeks, it never regained its former splendor. The expedition of Darius into Europe! had resulted in the con- quest of Thrace, which however rebelled in imitation of the Ionians. After suppressing the Ionic revolt, the Persians immediately pro- ceeded against Thrace. As the Phoenician fleet approached Cher- sonese, Miltiades, the ruler, fled in his triremes? loaded with wealth. Though the Phoenicians hotly pursued him, he came safe to Athens. 192. Effect of the War on Athens. — Miltiades found his native city greatly disturbed by the recent events in Ionia. A strong party led by Hipparchus, a near kinsman of Hippias, wished to secure peace with Darius by recalling the exiled tyrant, and if need be, by sending the king “ earth and water,” the tokens of submission, 1§ 188, * For a description of the trireme see § 200, n. 1. VOPPCHERPAT APDIP EOP EOP OBRALSSESSOSUEPEVAUUR TOV URT ERE CONE TTTT TELL————— a musician Themistocles 163 Opposed to the tyrant’s party were the republicans, who upheld the form of government established by Cleisthenes, and were ready to fight for their country against Persia. As Archon for 493 B.C. they elected Them-is’to-cles, their leader, a man of won- derful energy and intelligence. Heretofore the Athenians had noored their ships in the open bay of Phal-e’rum, but Themistocles yccupied his term of office in making the triple harbor of Pei-rae’us A HARBOR OF PEIRAEUS (From a photograph taken by Dr. A. S. Cooley) ceady for a navy. He believed that war with Persia could not be avoided, and intended that Athens should have a navy-yard and a powerful fleet; for it would be necessary to meet not only the Persian army on land, but also the combined fleets of the Phoeni- cians and the Asiatic Greeks on the sea. 193. Was Hellas ready for War with Persia? (about 493 B.C.). — Hellas was to be at a great disadvantage in the coming war with Persia, because her states could not bring themselves to act to- gether. In most of them were strong factions which favored the Persians. Many of them immediately yielded through fear. Commercial jealousy of Athens prompted Aegina to send earth and water to the king; through dislike of Sparta, Argos favored the SS | fl - i ii164 Conquest by the Lydians and the Persians Persian cause. Within the Peloponnesian League alone was unity. In addition to most of the Peloponnesian states, this league now included Athens, and within the next few years it was to be joined by several minor states in central Greece and the neigh- boring islands. And yet in territory, in number of fighting men, and in wealth, the league, even when most widely extended, was insignificant in comparison with the Persian empire. Darius sup- posed that he had only to send a great army into Greece to crush all resistance in a single campaign; and so it seemed to many Greeks. But the contest did not prove so unequal as many imagined. The Persians were at a disadvantage in fighting far from their base of supplies; and the Hellenic arms and military organization were vastly superior to the Persian. It is a fact, too, that the system of city-states, when at its best, is the strongest possible for resistance. An empire may be overthrown in a single battle; but a union of little city-states, when fighting for independence in a country like | Greece, is well-nigh unconquerable. I re ae ae cree buon eee hasta era’ Summary MH 4 i (1) The Ionians of Asia Minor created the most brilliant civilization which the world had yet seen. (2) But lacking political unity, they fell under the rule of Croesus, king of Lydia, who treated them well. (3) Soon afterward Cyrus, king of Persia, conquered Croesus and annexed Lydia to his empire. (4) As the Jonians refused to submit, the Persians conquered them. (5) The kings of Persia favored tyrannies in the Ionic cities, and im- posed military service and regular taxes on them. (6) The invasion of Europe by Darius added Thrace and Macedon to his empire, but increased the discontent already seething in Ionia. (7) The Asiatic Greeks revolted against him, and were aided by the Athenians and Eretrians. (8) The burn- ing of Sardis by the Greeks brought home to Darius the necessity of punish- ing those European Greeks who were encouraging rebellion in his empire. (9) The insurgent Greeks were overthrown in the naval battle off Lade. (10) Miletus was taken by siege and destroyed, and (11) Athens began prepara- tions for meeting the inevitable Persian invasion. (12) As yet, however, the European Greeks had thought of no general plan of defence. Suggestive Questions 1. Why were the Ionians of Asia Minor the most advanced of all the Hellenes in civilization? 2. Compare the Ionians with the Spartans, with 1§ 202, } iii PEPPER SPR ORE De De Eel Seer Tenae ee ee ee PoP HELLA PNUAPRAVRRT ELAR Ue cnet epee ee eeee ‘ OURPROREPARG EEA BYniu Neeru 2 ern ete age 2 pare = City-State versus Empire 165 the Athenians. 3. What did Cyrus mean by the fable of the piper and the fishes? 4. How can we account for the difference in the attitude of Croesus and Cyrus toward the Asiatic Greeks? 5. Why were the Ionians unwilling to unite in one state? 6. What objections had the Spartans to purple robes? How did they dress? 7. To what degree were the Lacedae- monians kinsmen of the Ionians? Were they as near as the Athenians in kinship? 8. Why should we consider the Scythian expedition of Darius an indirect cause of the Greco-Persian war? 9. Describe the location of Ionia, Miletus, Lade, Ephesus, Chersonese, Bosporus, Danube River, Thrace. and Macedon. Note-book Topics I. The Story of Croesus and Solon. — Herodotus, i. 29-33; Plutarch, Solon, 27 f. Il. The Battle of Lade. — Herodotus, vi. 6-18. III. The Ionic Revolt. — Holm, History of Greece, ii. ch.i; Bury, Htstorv of Greece, ch. vi. § 6; Grundy, Great Persian War, ch. ill.phar Sabena sat cos bax eee aro Doel att ee een Ree ie : 4 1 Hi | i - i M } | PAPRUREReePORee EDO Sheen ten, CHAPTER XVI WAR WITH PERSIA AND CARTHAGE 492-479 B.C. I. Frrst AND SECOND EXPEDITIONS 194. Causes of the War. — The causes of the war may be briefly summarized. (1) The Persian kings, like the earlier Assyrian,' found conquest profitable not only from the plunder of captured cities, but more from the annual tribute imposed on the subjects. (2) It was perfectly natural, then, that after the subjugation of Ionia, the Persians should begin to think of conquering the rest of the Hellenes on the neighboring islands and on the Greek peninsula. (3) But when Ionia revolted and received aid from Athens and Ere- tria, Darius saw that he could not secure the lasting submission of his Asiatic subjects without conquering their meddlesome kinsmen beyond the Aegean. (4) Highly incensed at the burning of Sardis, he strove to wreak vengeance on Athens and Eretria, as he con- sidered these two cities chiefly responsible for that act. (5) To all these motives must be added his keen appreciation of the value of Greeks as subjects. He would expect them to build and man fleets for him, just as the Ionians had been doing, and he could draw from their country architects, painters, and sculptors for the adorn- ment of his capital cities.” 195. The First Expedition (492 B.c.). — The first expedition was led by Mar-do’ni-us, son-in-law of Darius. At the head of a great army he marched through Thrace. For provisions he depended chiefly upon a fleet which accompanied him along the shore. In rounding Mount Athos the ships were wrecked, and at the same time his troops were slaughtered by the natives. Mardonius expected to conquer the whole Greek peninsula, but only retook Thrace and 1§ 36. 2§ 188; cf. 66. 166 POPUP RUDROORUPURE ET OEOPR OPE EE SagLe S eee eth re a a Beginning of the War 167 received the submission of Macedon. The failure of his enterprise brought him into disgrace at the Persian court. Darius now made ready another expedition, meanwhile sending heralds among those Greek communities which were still free, to demand ‘“‘ earth and water.”’ There was no need, Darius thought, of attacking those who would willingly submit. The Athenians, however, threw the king’s herald into a pit, and the Spartans dropped the one who came to them into a well, bidding them take earth and water thence to their lord. These acts violated the inter- national law which made the persons of heralds sacred. ‘Those Athenians and Spartans who advised this course of conduct must have felt that the Persian king would never forgive such an outrage, and that its perpetration would commit their own states to a life- and-death struggle. 196. Beginning of the Second Expedition (490 B.c.). — After the failure of Mardonius, the conquest of Greece became with Da- rius a question of honor. But his unfortunate experience taught him that the land route was too long and difficult. It required months to make this journey, whereas a fleet could sail directly across the Aegean in a few days. This was the route which he chose accordingly for the second expedition. In the summer of 490 B.C. the fleet of six hundred ships, which had long been prepar- ing, moved westward across the sea, receiving the submission of the islanders on the way. Da'tis, a Mede, and Ar-ta-pher’nes, a kinsman of Darius, were in command. Their object was to punish Athens and Eretria for helping the Ionian revolt, and to conquer whatever territory they could for their lord. First the Persians besieged Eretria. After a brave defence of six days, it was betrayed by two citizens. Eretrian fugitives who brought the sad news to Athens found the city full of the spirit of resistance. Her heavy infantry was well trained in the use of arms.! It was a happy omen, too, for Athens that among her generals for the year was Miltiades, who had proved his ability as ruler of Chersonese, and was well acquainted with Persian wartare. As soon as he and the other generals heard that the enemy were moving against Attica, they gathered their entire force, and de- 1§ 150. Serres ad ree 1 a \ j ee eer eePe aga knee eed Bee er ee eae SRST BATE a i ¢ } ' i 168 War with Persia and Carthage spatched Phi-dip’pi-des, a swift, long-distance runner, to Sparta ta ask help. He reached Sparta, a hundred and fifty miles distant, the day after starting. “Men of Lacedaemon,” he said to the authorities, “‘ the Athenians beseech you to hasten to their ald, and not allow that state which is the most ancient in all Greece to be enslaved by the barbarians. Eretria, look you, is already carried away captive, and Greece weakened by the loss of no mean city.” 1 The Lacedaemonians, though they wished to help the Athenians, had to wait several days before setting out, as a law forbade them to go to war in any month before the full moon. 197. The Battle of Marathon (490 B.c.). — After sacking Eretria, the Persians, under the guidance of the aged Hippias,’ landed at Marathon. The Athenian army, led by the polemarch and the ten generals, went to meet them. It encamped above the plain, on a height which covered the principal road to Athens. The Athe- nian phalanx now consisted of ten thousand men, and was reénforced by a few soldiers from Plataea, a friendly city of Boeotia. The Persians were superior in number, but we do not know how many they were. Their great advantage, however, was that even in their contests with the Greeks they had never lost a battle. When the Athenians saw themselves outnumbered, and failed to receive the expected help from Sparta, they thought of returning home without a contest, to make a defence behind the walls of the city. In the council of war five generals voted for retreat and five for battle. It remained for the polemarch to cast the deciding vote. Thereupon Miltiades urged him to decide for battle, explaining the advantages of an immediate contest and the hopelessness of a long resistance within the city. The polemarch was convinced. It was agreed that Miltiades, the most experienced general, should have the command. He waited till the Persians began their advance with a view to forcing their way to Athens. He knew well that their strength 1 Herodotus, vi. 106. 2 §§ 163, 168. 3 Certain writers who lived centuries after the event give various estimates, from 200,000 to 600,000. None of these figures are trustworthy. The only basis even for a rough calculation is the number of ships in the fleet, and we have no certain knowledge of their capacity. Estimates of modern writers run from 60,000 down to about 15,000. PERC P OURO e Ee Ee OURO PERO PURSUROR ESOT OUOE UL EOS henTET Battle of Marathon 169 lay in long-distance fighting with the bow, whereas that of the phalanx was in a hand-to-hand struggle. When, accordingly, the opposing armies got within bow-shot of each other, Miltiades or- dered the Athenians to charge at a double-quick march, so as to avoid the shower of arrows and bring their own strength to bear as speedily as possible upon the enemy. The Persians, who had no defence against the spear-thrust, fled to their ships, and the victory was won. ‘The great tactic prin- ciple employed was the discovery of Miltiades. The Greeks never forgot it. This was perhaps the most im- portant battle yet fought in the history of the world. In the wars among the great powers of the Orient, it made little difference to the world which gained the victory, they were so nearly alike in char- acter and civilization. The same may be said of the petty strife al- ways going on among the Greek states. But at Marathon, Europe and Asia, represented by Greece and Persia respectively, came into conflict; and the question at issue was whether Europe should be brought under the control of Asiatic government and Asiatic ideas.! In other words, the question was whether Europe was to have Greek freedom or Asiatic despotism. It was well for the future of the world, therefore, that the Greeks triumphed at Marathon. They were no braver than the Persians ; out their freedom gave them spirit, and their intelligence provided PP os7, Liles a i } { \ | A PERSIAN ARCHER SSA ET Es Se TE TY es naan 170 War with Persia and Carthage them with superior arms, organization, and training. The victory encouraged Greece to hope for success in the greater conflict with Persia, which was soon to come, and inspired the Athenians ever afterward to brave danger in the forefront of Hellas. II. AN INTERVAL OF PREPARATION 198. The Disgrace of Miltiades. — Miltiades now stood at the Summit of fame. He thought the present moment favorable for building up the Athenian power and wealth at the expense of the islanders who had sided with the king. So he planned an expedi- tion against Paros, and asked the Athenians for ships and men, promising to make them rich, but not telling them just what he intended to do. He sailed with his fleet to Paros, and demanded a contribution of a hundred talents. As the Parians refused to pay anything, he besieged them without effect for nearly a month, and then returned wounded to Athens, to disappoint the hopes of all. His enemies found in his failure an opportunity to assail him. Xan-thip’pus, leader of the republican party,’ prosecuted him for having deceived the people. The penalty would have been death; but because of Miltiades’ great services to the state, it was light- ened to a fine of fifty talents. He died of his wound, and the fine was paid by his son Cimon. 199. The Government becomes more Democratic. — The repub- licans gathered strength from the victory at Marathon and even from the overthrow of Miltiades. By ostracizing successively the most prominent friends of Hippias,” they utterly disorganized the tyrant’s faction. Meanwhile they dealt the nobles a heavy blow by changing the mode of appointment to the nine archonships. Before 487 B.c. the archons had been elected; henceforth they were to be appointed by lot. The change degraded these old aristo- cratic offices by opening them to men of inferior ability. From this time the polemarch ceased to have even nominal command of the army, and the ten generals took the place of the nine archons as the chief magistrates.. On this issue the citizens were divided into conservatives, who. were opposed to changing the government, 1§ 1092. 2§§ 163, 168, 197. ' POPPER UPR PS EUR ORE RTOS ER EEEra bU Fahh SS —_ eR ce Se a Te cattails ———— . —— et The Building of a Navy 171 re —— = and the democrats, who wished to make it more liberal. These were to be the Athenian political parties of the future. 200. Aristeides and Themistocles; the Building of a Navy. — Meanwhile the state had been deriving considerable income from the silver mines which it owned at Lau’ri-um in southeastern Attica. A dispute as to the best way of using this revenue arose between Ree? des and Themistocles, the two leaders of the democratic party. Aristeides, satisfied with the army which had won the battle of Mara- thon, was evidently willing that the old custom of dividing the revenues among the citizens should _ con- —— = A ener Eas & aii 4: tinue. Themistocles, RRL mas pa GAGA NY AHEAD oa eS ; mh . nod Seema AFL YoASa AN wo Aye AN on the other hand, was MASS ONES Sy M0 38 determined that Athens should have a navy to protect her from the Persian attacks by sea. It had long been in his mind that Persia could not provision a force large enough to con- quer Greece unless she held command of the sea. Thence he reasoned that Athens, by using her silver for building a powerful navy, could outmatch the fleets in the Persian service, and in this way save Greece. Aristeides was ostracized. The friends of Aristeides called him “ the Just,” and tried to fasten on Themistocles the opposite character, while the friends of Themis- tocles retorted in kind. We often meet with the same hero-worship and the same vilification in modern politics. A careful study of the facts seems to prove that these two men were much alike in moral character. In genius Themistocles was vastly superior. After putting down the opposition, he carried his plan through the assembly. ‘The state built two hundred triremes,! which proved A TRIREME | | } i 1 Vessels with three banks of oars. See the ancient illustration. The benches of the oarsmen were arranged in three tiers, one above the other. Each tier re- ee von pi Pe i eaae ee eee i i 1 - See ee 172 War with Persia and Carthage to be the chief means of winning a great naval victory over the Persians and of making Athens the head of a maritime empire. Measured by its far-reaching effects upon Greece and the world, the creation of an Athenian navy by Themistocles was one of the grandest achievements of statesmanship known to ancient history. Ill. Tue Turrp EXPpeEpbITIon 201. Preparations for the Invasion. — Darius was more troubled by the failure at Marathon than he had been by the destruction of Sardis, and was now more than ever bent on the conquest of Greece. Accordingly he began preparations on a grander scale than ever. When he died (485 B.c.), his son and successor Xerxes, after a little hesitation, threw his whole soul into the work. The land route, undertaken by Mardonius, was to be followed, but the army and fleet were to be so gigantic as to crush every opposition by mere weight. Provisions were stored at convenient points along the route, and the engineers of the king were busily engaged in con- structing a bridge of boats across the Hellespont. Rarely in his- tory has a campaign been so carefully prepared. In the spring of 481 B.C. the nations of his empire were pouring their armed forces into Asia Minor, and the autumn of the year found Xerxes with his host encamped for the winter at Sardis. We do not know how large his army was, but it certainly did not exceed three hundred thou- sand troops.1 On the sea was a great fleet manned by Greeks, Phoenicians, and Egyptians. The invasion was to bring Greece into great peril; for Xerxes hoped to win by sheer force of numbers. 202. Union of the Loyal Greeks. — While Xerxes was in camp at Sardis, his messengers came to the Greek states demanding earth quired an oar about a yard longer than the one below it. On the trireme were about 200 rowers. Few states at this time had triremes, but they soon became the normal “battleship.” In later time, vessels with five and six banks of oars became common, and we hear of some with fifteen and sixteen banks. The latter must have been diffi- cult to manage. 1 According to Herodotus, it contained 1,700,000 infantry, besides cavalry, reénforce- ments added along the march, and camp-followers more n:imerous than fighters, making a total of more than 5,000,000. Modern estimates range from 300,000 down to 50,000. The number of ships given by Herodotus, 1207, is also believed by modern scholars to de an exaggeration. ‘There is no doubt, however, o/ its superiority to that of the Greeks. PERRET ER ER PRA ERE EE, POSORUR POPP USEEE ERR UOTEOUESEEEUES hha a re nena OO Xerxes invades Greece 173 and water, and received these tokens of submission from many of them. But none came to Athens and Sparta, as they were to be punished for their treatment of the heralds sent by Darius. A council of the loyal states met on the Isthmus to plan for the defence of Greece. This union was practically an enlargement of the Peloponnesian League, under the leadership of Sparta. The states represented in the council agreed under oath to wage war in com- mon for the protection of their liberties. They also reconciled their enmities with one another, and sent envoys to the other Greek states to invite them to join the League. Most of the states found various excuses for refusing the invitation. The plan of the allies was to build a wall across the Isthmus of Corinth and to make their main defence there. It was a narrow policy, directed by the Lacedaemonian ephors. As Xerxes ap- proached the Hellespont in the spring of 480 B.C., the allies made a feeble attempt to defend Thessaly against him by posting an army in the Vale of Tempe. On the withdrawal of this army, the Thes- salians went over to the enemy. 203. The Battles of Thermopylae and Artemisium (480 B.C.). — To prevent central Greece from following the example of the Thessa- lians, the ephors sent King Le-on’‘i-das with three hundred heavy- armed Spartans and a few thousand allies to hold the pass of Ther-mop’y-lae, and thus shut Xerxes out from central Greece. They professed to believe that he could hold the pass till the Olym- pic games were over. Then, they said, they would take the field in full force. The fleet, comprising the squadrons of the various cities of the League, sailed to Ar-te-mis’i-um to codperate with the army at Thermopylae. Each squadron was under its own admiral, and the whole fleet was commanded by the Spartan Eu-ry-bi’a-des. The Persians failed to carry Leonidas’ position by assault, for their numbers did not count in the narrow pass. The discipline of the Greeks, their strong defensive armor, and their long spears might have held the hordes of Xerxes in check for an indefinite time, had not the Persians gained the rear of the pass through the treachery of a Greek. Most of the allies then withdrew; but Leonidas, with his three hundred Spartans and a few allies, remained and prepared for a death struggle. The contrast between the pa gre rN a ll a } i] ' . | i i i i] i oe174 War with Persia and Carthage Greeks and the Orientals was at its height at Thermopylae: on one side, the Persian officers scourged their men to battle; on the other, the Spartans voluntarily met their death in obedience to law. ““ The Lacedaemonians are the best of all men when fighting in a body; for though free, yet they are not free in all things, since over them is set law as a master, They certainly do whatever that master commands; and he always bids them not flee in battle from any multitude of men, but stay at their post, and win the victory or lose their lives.”’ !_ The dead were buried where they fell, and above the three hundred was placed this epitaph: “ Stranger, tell the Lacedaemonians that we lie here in obedience to their laws.” Meanwhile a storm off the Magnesian coast had destroyed a third of the Persian navy. This enormous loss to the enemy en- couraged the wavering admirals of Greece to maintain their station at Artemisium; and though they learned that the Persians had sent two hundred ships round Euboea to cut off their retreat, they were now ready for battle. After the Greeks had destroyed or captured several Persian vessels, night closed the engagement. Fortunately for the Greeks, another storm wrecked the hostile squadron in their rear, and thus enabled them to concentrate their whole fleet of over three hundred ships against the enemy. On the following day, accordingly, the two navies in full force put to sea against each other. The battle was indecisive; but the Greeks lost so heavily that their admirals had already resolved to retreat when a messenger came with news of the defeat at Thermopylae. It was now clear that the fleet could no longer maintain its position. 204. The March of Xerxes to Athens. — Xerxes was now moving through central Greece toward Athens. Nearly all the states west of Attica submitted and sent their troops to reénforce his army. The men of Delphi, according to their own account, hid the treas- ures of Apollo in a cave and prepared to resist the Persian corps which had come to pillage their temple; then some god aided them by bringing a thunderstorm and hurling great crags down Mount Parnassus upon the advancing enemy. In this way, they said, Apollo defended his holy shrine. 1 Herodotus, vii. 104. ee en NR ee teres een a oe een eo ‘ u ] j i PPPOE ROP UPO PO ERO OP TUROPOEES GES GROG| a aah oneal aed Seeeeeseaneseeeraee eo MNT TA ss Eas Batile of Salamis 175 The Greek fleet paused at Sal’a-mis to help the Athenians remove their families and property to places of safety. This was their last resource, as the Peloponnesians were bent on defending only Pelo- ponnese. Indeed, the other admirals wished to hurry on to the Isthmus; but Themistocles would not go with his fleet, and the others felt they could not afford to lose it. On entering his city Themistocles found it in despair. Some time before this the Athenians had sent to consult the Delphic oracle with respect to the approaching war, and a dreadful answer had come foretelling Lf eeoe > ~ Tae.) tarot Bay OF SALAMIS (From a photograph) utter ruin. The Athenian messengers besought a more favorable reply, saying they would remain in the shrine till their death if it were not granted. Then the god grew merciful, and promised that the “‘ wooden wall ”’ would save them. 205. The Battle of Salamis (480 B.c.). — Some thought that the “ wooden wall” was the fence about the Acropolis; but Themis- tocles said no, it meant the ships, and thus he induced the Athe- nians to quit their homes and place all their hopes in the fleet. Themistocles was the soul of resistance to Persia. His resourceful mind supplied courage, unity, and religious faith. He was now determined that the battle between Asia and Europe should be fought in the bay of Salamis. First, he exhausted the resources of eloquence and argument to persuade the admirals that here was the | penta ecg o ee EE } it ! WW } |es eee a a ea eee ee knee a ene 176 War with Persia and Carthage most favorable place for the fight; but when arguments and even threats failed, he secretly advised the enemy to block the Greeks up in the bay. This message he conveyed to Xerxes by a trusty slave, who was instructed to say that the Greeks were disunited and ready to flee, and that Themistocles, wishing well to the king, ad- vised him to cut off their retreat. By following his advice Xerxes compelled the Greeks to fight. The three hundred and seventy- eight Greek triremes, nearly half of which were manned by Athe- nians, had to face a much greater fleet. But in the narrow strait superiority in number was a disadvantage, — closely crowded together, the enemy’s ships were unable to manoeuvre, and even wrecked one another by collision. Among the Athenian warriors was the poet Aes’chy-lus! who gives a vivid and accurate account of the struggle. In this poem he represents the speaker as a Persian :— First their [the Greek] right wing moved in order meet; Next the whole line its forward course began, And all at once we heard a mighty shout, — ““O sons of Hellenes, forward, free your country; Free too your wives, your children, and the shrines Built to your fathers’ Gods, and holy tombs Your ancestors now rest in. Now the fight Is for our all!” And on our side indeed Arose in answer din of Persian speech, And time to wait was over: ship on ship Dashed its bronze-pointed beak; and first a barque Of Hellas did the encounter fierce begin, And from Phoenician vessel crashes off Her carved prow. And each against his neighbor Steers his own ship: and first the mighty flood Of Persian host held out. But when the ships Were crowded in the straits, nor could they give Help to each other, they with their mutual shocks, With beaks of bronze went crushing each the other, Shivering their rowers’ benches. And the ships Of Helias, with manoeuvering not unskilful, Charged circling round them. And the hulls of ships Floated capsized, nor could the sea be seen, Filled, as it was, with wrecks and carcasses ; And all the shores and rocks were full of corpses, And every ship was wildly rowed in fight, All that composed the Persian armament. 1 See § 240. MOPRER PP OPUPEUUUREUSUORURUEE ESOS Ries.Pe aL ——Ee en ae alarms on ae Plataea and Mycale 17 —] ~ Xerxes, who viewed the battle from the brow of a hill near the shore, was disheartened by the overthrow of his fleet. He returned to Asia, leaving the greater part of his force with Mardonius. Although the fleet dared no longer face the Greeks, it still kept communications open between Asia Minor and the army. Mar- donius was therefore able during the following winter to maintain himself in Greece. The real crisis was yet to come. 206. The Battles of Plataea and Mycale (479 B.C.). — The m- vaders had destroyed Athens; so that when the Athenians returned — —_—_——— os | | (Eom. Fiensis | } A = ; “ SZ Gulf of ; | Megara A SE as ERleusis ay i | ; aa~ \ . ae a | ( Sah ES tars | : FD cae = A. G va a f om ISLAND UNOS —— ei mae Of ) So PEG 0 —_ as ae = {Salamis ——s Ze C ‘ x | A 387 FD) PALE I Zz ~ S —Pe \ ~~ en fie vn >» { f ro ad Nf) 4 | (if. SALAMIS “Sy leg \ o> ‘ . SE: i | WA a f | s FY MAP OF 1) ~ FE x ~ = iy a SALAMIS fl Witiaws Eng. Co nN. Sess eis iter ~ is Sl to their city they found it in ruins. Though they might during the winter have made good terms with the enemy, they remained loyal to Hellas, only urging that the Peloponnesian army should be displayed as soon as possible in Boeotia. In the spring of 479 B.C. Mardonius moved from his winter quarters in Thessaly into central Greece, and the Athenians again abandoned their city. Some of the Peloponnesians were at home; others were busy working on the Isthmian wall, behind which they still planned to make their de- fence. With urging and threats the Athenians finally induced the a After the battle Themistocles advised the Greeks to sail instantly to the Hellespont, destroy the bridge, and thus cut the communication of Xerxes with his base of supplies. rr The move would have ended the war, but the other admirals considered it too bold. N pee —Se a eA openrreeem ee eee nl ee heen SET EEe Os va 178 War with Persia and Carthage ephors of Sparta to put forth their whole military strength in de- fence of central Greece. Pau-sa’ni-as, regent for the young son of Leonidas, brought to the Isthmus five thousand heavy-armed Spartans, as many heavy-armed perioeci, and forty thousand light-armed helots. There the allied troops from Peloponnese joined him, and at Eleusis he was further reénforced by eight thousand Athenians under Aristeides. Herodotus estimates the Persian army at three hundred thousand, the Greek at a little more than one hundred thousand.! Mardonius retired to Boeotia, and Pausanias followed him. The Persians encamped northeast of Pla-tae’a on a level spot which would give room for the movements of their cavalry. The Greek commander took a position on a height above them; but, encouraged by a successful skirmish with the Persian horsemen, he came down to the plain and placed himself between the enemy and Plataea. There the armies faced each other twelve days, neither daring to open battle. But after the Persian cavalry had damaged a spring on which the Greeks de- pended for water, Pausanias decided to retire in the night to a more favorable position near Plataea. Mardonius, who thought this movement a retreat, made haste to attack. When the Persians overtook the Greeks and saw them face about, they made a barri- cade of their long shields by fastening the lower ends in the ground, and from behind this defence they poured their destructive arrows upon the Greeks. The critical moment had come; Pausanias gave the word, and his men rushed at full speed upon the foe. In the hand-to-hand fight here, as at Marathon, the athletic soldiers of Greece easily overcame the ill-armed, unskilful men of Asia. In the summer of the same year, the Greek fleet was tempted across the Aegean by the Samians, who wished to revolt against Persia. About the time of the battle at Plataea, — Herodotus says on the same day, — the crews of the Greek vessels landed at Myc’a-le, and gained a victory over a greatly superior force of the Persians. The battle of Plataea freed continental Greece from fear of Persian conquest; that at Mycale pointed unmistakably to the liberation from Persian influence of the whole Aegean region east and north. 1 Probably the forces were considerably smaller than he states.a SN Greco-Carthaginian War 179 IV. THe War WITH CARTHAGE 207. The Condition of Sicily. — We shall now turn our attention to the war which the western Greeks were meanwhile waging with Carthage. First, however, it 1s necessary to glance at the condition yf Sicily at the opening of the war. The colonies established there * had attained great wealth and prosperity. All had once been aristocratic in government, but had more recently fallen under the rule of tyrants. The ablest among them was Gelon, ruler of Syra- cuse, who made his city the largest and strongest in the island. All southeastern Sicily came under his authority. He increased his power still further by marrying the daughter of Theron, tyrant of Acragas. While the great cities of southern Sicily were thus uniting under the rule of a single family, a similar combination was taking place among the states ol f the north. Rhegium, Mes- sene. and Himera were united by the intermarriage of their ruling families. ‘Then came a conflict between the North and South. The tyrant of Himera * was driven from his city. Escaping to the Carthaginians, he begged them to restore him to his throne. In this way he played the part of a Hippias. 208. The Battle of Himera (480 B.c.). — The Phoenicians, who had founded Carthage, were originally an industrial and trading people, with little taste for war’ But to defend their commercial position in the western Mediterranean they had recently begun on a large scale to hire troops from foreign countries. With her great army of mercenaries Carthage now aimed to win back the lands she had been compelled to yield to the Greeks. About the time that Xerxes was crossing the Hellespont, and probably in agreement with him, Ham-il’car, king of Carthage, landing with his army in Sicily, advanced toward Him’e-ra. He was met and defeated near Himera by Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, with the help of allies from southern Sicily. The story is told that all day long, as the battle raged, the prophet-king of Carthage stood apart from his host, offering victims to the gods, and that at last, to appease the angry | | } ti 1 H | ; t | ria ee a —————— far a 1§ 126. 2 This was Terillus, father-in-law of Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium and Messene. 8 § 49.180 War with Persia and Carthage powers who seemed to be siding with the foe, he threw himself a living sacrifice into the flame. 209. Summary of the War. — (1) After the conquest of Ionia, the Persians attempted to subdue Greece. (2) The first expedition was led by Mardonius through Thrace into Macedon. Its failure was Owing to the wreck of the fleet and attacks upon his army by the natives. (3) The second expedition crossed the Aegean Sea, captured Eretria, and landed at Marathon. There the Persian army met defeat at the hands of the Athe- nians (490). The event encouraged the Greeks to hope for success in the war. While the Persians were preparing for another invasion, (4) the Athe- nians built a navy and (s) the Peloponnesian League was expanded into a union of all the loyal Greek states. (6) Xerxes in person led his great army in the third expedition. (7) It annihilated a Spartan force at Thermopylae (480), and destroyed Athens. (8) But the Persian fleet suffered an over- whelming defeat at Salamis; and in the following year (9) the Greeks de- feated the Persians decisively at Plataea and at Mycale. (10) Meanwhile a Carthaginian army which invaded Sicily was overthrown at Himera (480). 210. The Immediate Results and the Larger Significance of the Victory. — (1) The victory at Himera led to a treaty between the western Greeks and Carthage, according to which both parties were to retain their former possessions. (2) Greece continued the war with Persia for some years, for the purpose of liberating those Hellenes who had been subject to Persia. (3) The victory, gained by individual effort and intelligence, created a stronger democratic spirit, which in the following years we find active in both East and West. (4) The war did much to unite the states of Hellas: Sparta remained for a time the political centre of the East! and Syracuse of the West. (5) Finally, the victorious Greeks. filled with energy and con- fidence by their unexpected success, now entered upon their great age in literature, art, and politics. Persian domination, had it been possible, would certainly have checked the growth of Greek civilization in Europe, just as it did in Asia Minor. Europe might have become for centuries a part of Asia. It would be idle to speculate at length on what might have been; but certainly the victory saved Europe from even the possibility of such a misfortune. It left the continent free to advance along the lines marked out for it by Greek genius. From these considerations it is clear that the Greco-Persian war was one oi the most important events in the world’s history. Suggestive Questions 1. Beginning far back in the Persian career of conquest, trace the events which led to the conflict with Greece. 2. With what object was Hippias guiding the Persians in their invasion of Attica? Find the answer in the ' Till 461 B.c., when the leadership came to be divided between Athens and Sparta. PAURPORPS PRED PERRET OREGE: Pee ueeeee iResults 181 previous history of Hippias. 3. Compare the Persians with the Greeks in military equipments and in mode of fighting. 4. How could a heavy-armed warrior (p. 137) get the better of an archer (p. 169)? 5. Give a history of the archons and of the Council of the Areopagus from the earliest times to the year 487 B.c. Why did no eminent man ever hold the archonship after that date? 6. What state deserved most credit for the victory of Salamis ? for that of Plataea? 7. From Aeschylus’ account of the battle of Salamis, describe the manoeuvres of the ships on each side. 8. What causes of the Greco-Carthaginian War? 9. vasion with that of the Persians. were the Compare the Carthaginian in- Note-book Topics oa Source Book of Greek History, QOQ- tos; Bury, History of Greece, ch. vi. § 7; Holm, History of Greece, 11. ch. 11; Grundy, Great Persian War, ch. iv. Il. Party Struggles in Athens and the Constitutional Reform of 487 B.c. — Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, ch. xxii; Bury, History of Greece, ch. vt. § 9; Botsford, Development of the Athenian Constitution, III. The Battle of Salamis. — Fling, Source Book, vi. § 4; Holm, ii. ch. iv; Grundy, ch. ix. I. The Battle of Marathon. — Fling = 200—-ZErL. > 118-127; Bury, ch. en at ————— iCHAPTER XVII THE DELIAN CONFEDERACY AND THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 479-401 B.C. 211. Fortification of Athens and of Peiraeus (470, 476 B.c.). — As soon as all danger from the Persians was over, the Athenians returned home and began to rebuild their city and its walls. They had sacrificed more than all the other Greeks together in the cause of Hellenic freedom. But instead of sympathizing with them in their misfortune, some of the Greek states, doubtless through jealousy, complained of Athens to Sparta, and asked that the build- ing of the defences be stopped. It was urged that the Athenian walls would be merely a protection to the Persians on another inva- sion, and that Peloponnese would afford a sufficient refuge for all. The Spartan ephors acted readily on the suggestion. They sent envoys who advised the Athenians to stop fortifying their city and to join the Lacedaemonians rather in tearing down the walls of all the communities north of the Isthmus of Corinth. The policy of Lacedaemon was evidently to rule Greece if convenient, and to protect only Peloponnese; but the Athenians would not submit to an arrangement so unjust. As they were in no condition to face a Peloponnesian army, the resourceful Themistocles provided a way out of the difficulty. Following his advice, the Athenians appointed him and two others ambassadors to Sparta to discuss the question at issue. Before setting out, he directed the Athenians to build the wall with the utmost speed. Following his advice, the whole population worked restlessly on the building of the walls, using whatever material they could most easily find. Some remnants of the forti- fication, still extant, contain gravestones and fragments of earlier buildings. It embraced a wider area than had formerly been en- 182 POLO URPARESERPREE EERE RS ES Dea Fie.eee Themistoctes 183 closed, the object being to give the city room for expansion. Though hastily constructed, the wall proved strong enough for every emergency. Meanwhile Themistocles had a work to do at Sparta. Day after day he invented excuses for delaying the business on hand. When a report came that the Athenians were at work on the fortifications he stoutly denied it, and urged the ephors to send envoys to Athens A REMNANT OF THE WALL oF ATHENS (From a photograph) to find out the truth for themselves. They did as he suggested, but the Athenians, secretly advised by Themistocles, detained tne envoys. When at last he heard that the work was finished, he informed the ephors that Athens was now fortified and that Sparta must treat her as an equal. It was a bold game well played. The ephors replied that their proposal to Athens had been intended merely as friendly advice. The outcome of the matter was that, although the Spartans were thoroughly indignant with Themis- tocles, the alliance between the two states remained intact.’ As soon as the Athenians had finished rebuilding their city, 1§ 216 f. | | { |my Fiber nt a cee ee mo toe ee ore po ec 184 The Delian Confederacy and the Athenian Empire Themistocles began to fortify Peiraeus. He surrounded it with a massive wall seven miles in circuit. On the side toward the sea it followed the windings of the shore. There were three natural harbors, which Themistocles in his archonship many years earlier had brought into use.! He was in fact the founder of Peiraeus. It soon became famous for industry and trade. In its markets all the known products of the world were bought and sold. For ages it remained one of the most flourishing commercial cities of the Mediterranean. 212. The Naval Leadership passes from Sparta to Athens. — While the Athenians were rebuilding and fortifying their city and port, interesting events were happening elsewhere. The year after the battles of Plataea and Mycale the Lacedaemonians sent out Pausanias to command the fleet of the allies in their war for the liberation of the colonies. He laid siege to Byzantium, which was still occupied by the enemy (478 B.c.); but while engaged in this work he offered to betray Greece into Persian hands on condition that he might become tyrant of his country and son-in-law of the king, Meantime he was cruel and arrogant to those under his authority. The Asiatic Greeks who had joined the expedition, resenting such treatment, begged the Athenian generals, Aristeides and Cimon,’ to take charge of the fleet. The gentleness and courtesy of the commanders from Athens contrasted strikingly with the brutality of Pausanias. They accepted the invitation. The Lacedaemonians recalled Pausanias to answer the charges against him, and soon afterward yielded the leadership at sea to Athens. They saw no advantage to themselves in continuing the war with Persia, and believed that they would lose none of their prestige by this arrangement, for Athens was still their ally. The Athenians, on the other hand, gladly accepted the burden of the war with Persia, for they hoped by means of their great navy to gain both wealth and political power. 213. Organization of the Delian Confederacy (477 B.C.). — The allies whom Athens thus acquired included from the first nearly all the Ionian and Aeolian colonies of the Aegean islands and eastern coast, many Greek cities on the Hellespont, those of Chalcidice, 1§ 1092. 2 § 108. 3§ o2 f. Louddd baba bbiiiitass eRe T Rhea R WTETeEAE ERE Chee 7 errConfederacy of Delos 185 and afew in Thrace. Some of them, as Naxos, Thasos, Samos, and Chios, were from the Greek point of view important states, able to equip and man about thirty triremes each, whereas the great majority were too small to equip individually a single trireme, or at best but one or two. These wide differences in their financial and military capacities, added to the love of the towns for complete independence, made it exceedingly difficult for them to form a self- governing union on the basis of perfect equality. Such a union, however, Athens now attempted to organize. Each state had an equal voice. The council deliberated on all matters of common interest, whether of peace or of war. The object of the confederacy was chiefly the nrotection of the allies from Persia. It centred at the shrine of Apollo on the island of De’los, and was named therefore the Delian Confederacy. Its organization was patterned after that of the Peloponnesian League.! The allies were to furnish ships and crews led by Athenian generals, and a congress of deputies from all the allied states was to meet at Delos under the presidency of representatives from Athens. In important respects the Confederacy of Delos differed from the Peloponnesian League. It was necessary to maintain a large fleet in the Aegean Sea as a defence against the Persians, whereas no standing force was needed for the protection of Peloponnese. Money is absolutely necessary for the support of a fleet ; hence the Delian Confederacy, unlike the Peloponnesian League, levied annual taxes. Aristeides, who was commissioned to make the first assessment, decided which states should furnish ships with their crews, and which should contribute money. The larger communi- ties generally provided naval forces, while the smaller paid taxes. The total annual cost of maintaining the Confederacy amounted, by the assessment of Aristeides, to four hundred and sixty talents.’ The treasury, in the temple of the Delian Apollo, was managed by treasurers who were exclusively Athenians. The union was to be perpetual. Aristeides and the representa- tives of the league exchanged oaths to abide by the original terms and never to secede. As a part of the oath-taking ceremony they let hot pieces of iron sink into the sea, with the idea that the agree: 1§ 145. 2 The value of the talent was a little less than $1200. ay = Se 4} | ) j {| | iae mk wee pi toe om Hi i 186 The Delian Confederacy and the Athenian Empire ment should be binding till the metal rose of its own accord to the surface. 214. The Growth of the Confederacy. — With Cimon as leader the Delian Confederacy rapidly expanded. He annexed the re- maining islands in the north Aegean, and dislodged the Persians from the Thracian coast and from the whole country about the Mellespont and Propontis, including Byzantium. Then he turned his attention to the southeastern Aegean. In 468 B.c., at the mouth of the Eu-rym’e-don on the coast of Asia Minor, Cimon gained a double victory over a Phoenician fleet and a land force of Persians. It was the most brilliant success of his life. The booty was enor- mous, and the glory of Athens was greatly heightened. As a result of this battle, the Carian and Lycian coasts came into the confederacy of Delos, bringing the number of cities up to about two hundred. The Persians were dislodged from the whole Aegean region, and there was little apparent danger from them for the present. 215. The Revolts of Allies and the Beginning of the Athenian Empire. — But this very feeling of security proved to be extremely mischievous. Many of the allies, finding military service irksome, offered to pay taxes instead. Cimon advised the Athenians to accept these payments, as they could build and equip triremes at less expense than the separate allied towns, and hence could fulfil their agreement to protect the Aegean Sea, give work to the labor- ing class among themselves, and have money left for their own public use. But some grew tired even of paying the tribute. Indeed, they could no longer see the need of a confederacy since the Per- sians had ceased to trouble them. Even before the battle of Eurymedon, Nax’os took the lead in revolting. It had a strong navy and expected aid from Persia; but Cimon besieged the island and reduced it before help could arrive. The Naxians were compelled to tear down their walls, surrender their fleet, and pay henceforth an annual tribute. Thus Naxos lost its freedom and became dependent on Athens (469 B.c.). A dependent state within the Confederacy was one (1) which could not enter into relations of any kind with other states except by permission of Athens, and (2) which had to accept a constitu- PUPAE PASS PROPOR ee Eee EU OPRORR PR UUDER EE SOORPE DEUCES ON EUGep eocienbemiamenns see ee annie ees From Confederacy to Empire 187 tion dictated by Athens. The form of government thus imposed was always more or less democratic. Next came the revolt of Tha’sos, the cause of which was a quarrel between the Athenians and the Thasians over certain gold mines of Thrace, in which both had an interest. Thasos was one of the strongest of the allies ; it had a fleet of thirty-three ships and valuable possessions in Thrace. After a siege of two years, Cimon reduced the island, and punished it just as he had Naxos (463 B.c.). It is necessary now to consider in what way these transactions violated the original treaty of alliance. The change from naval service to money payments, brought about by mutual agreement, was perfectly legal. And it was the duty of Athens to compel re- luctant states to bear their share of the burden. The first violation of the treaty was committed by the states which revolted. Here, too, Athens acted legally in compelling the seceding states to return Cs tn i! aaa ——S— to their allegiance. She exceeded her right, however, in depriv- ing them of their autonomy. Although still allies in law, the de- pendent states formed in fact an Athenian empire. As conditions then were, only two lines of policy were open to Athens: she could either allow the Confederacy to dissolve or she would be compelled to convert it into an empire. The latter policy was in every way to her interest, and she readily adopted it. . Gradually the states were subjected, till, in the Age of Pericles, the entire confederacy became an empire.t The great majority of citizens in all the allied cities were pleased with the change, as it gave them control of their local governments. But the coercion of a free state offended the sentiment of the Greeks in general, who therefore began to look upon Athens as a tyrant city. 216. Political Parties at Athens and their Relations with Sparta. — The Spartans were accustomed to control the affairs of their allies by interfering in their politics. They always took sides with the conservative party.” In the case of Athens they had been dis- pleased with Themistocles ever since he had outwitted them in re- gard to the building of the walls. In opposition to him they there- fore urged Cimon forward as leader of the conservatives. Several prominent men joined Cimon against Themistocles, Representing 1 Cf. § 222. 2 Cf. § 145. 3§ 211. { { f ——sSSO ee a ! I 1 | ii i} ' l OOOO P EEO E Re ae Le 188 The Delian Confederacy and the Athenian Empire their great opponent as dangerous to the state, they had him ostracized (about 472 B.c.), and he finally died an exile in Asia Minor. For a few years after the banishment of Themistocles the Lace- daemonians remained friendly to Athens. But when the battle of Eurymedon had been won, and they saw the victorious city con- tinually adding to her possessions and power, fear and jealousy turned them against her. By promising to invade Attica they secretly encouraged the Thasians to hold out against Athens. This agreement, however, they were prevented from fulfilling by a terrible earthquake, which nearly destroyed Sparta. Only a few houses were left standing, and thousands of lives were lost. To add to the misfortune, the helots revolted, and in the general confusion caused by earthquake and superstition they nearly captured Sparta by surprise. But most of the perioeci remained loyal, and the shattered city was saved by the promptness of King Ar-chi-da’mus. The insurgents, who were mostly Messenians, seized and fortified, in their own country, Mount Ithome,! one of the strongest military positions in Peloponnese. As the Lacedaemonians could accom- lish nothing against them single-handed, they asked help of their allies, including the Athenians. When the envoys reached Athens, a hot debate ensued as to whether aid should be sent. After the banishment of Themistocles, the democratic party, believing that Sparta was a dead weight attached to Athens, continued to uphold his policy of cutting loose from Peloponnese. Its leader was now Themistocles’ friend, Eph-i-al’tes, a good citizen and an upright statesman. He vehemently opposed the resolution to send assist- ance to the Lacedaemonians, and advised that “the pride and arrogance of Sparta be trodden under.” Cimon, who was present, was of the opposite opinion. Jn the debate with Ephialtes, he urged the Athenians “‘not to suffer Greece to be lamed or Athens to be deprived of her yoke-mate,”’ meaning that the alliance between these two states should be preserved at every cost. It was his con- viction that the strength of Hellas should be united in continual war against Persia. The assembly adopted his proposal, and sent him with an army against Ithome. 1§§ 78, 141.— a Greek Unity Broken 189 217. Rupture between Athens and Sparta (462 B.c.); Ostracism of Cimon (461 B.c.). — During the absence of Cimon the popular party, led by Ephialtes, held complete control of the government, and proceeded to make it more democratic than it had ever been before. Meanwhile the Athenian troops at Ithome were unsuc- cessful; and the Lacedaemonian authorities, suspecting them of treachery, insolently dismissed them. Cimon returned to Athens an unpopular man. In trying to check the rising tide of democ- racy, he was met with taunts of over-fondness for Sparta. Athens abandoned his policy, broke loose from Sparta, and began to form an alliance of her own, wholly independent of the Peloponnesian League. Cimon’s resistance to these new movements caused his ostracism in 461 B.C. For fifteen years (476-461 B.c.) he had been leading the Athenian fleets to victory or upholding the principles of old Athens against what he believed to be the dangerous tendencies of demagogues, such as Themistocles and Ephialtes; during this time his influence main- tained friendship between his city and Sparta and harmony among the states of Greece. Under his patronage Athens advanced be- yond all other Hellenic cities in civilization. But with his ostracism the political leadership of his state passed into other hands. Summary (1) After the war the Athenians rebuilt the defences of their city against the will of the Lacedaemonians. (2) Themistocles then fortified Peiraeus, and laid the foundation of its commercial greatness. (3) The naval leader- ship passed from Sparta to Athens. (4) Thereupon the latter organized the Confederacy of Delos. (5) This league expanded rapidly under the leader- ship of Cimon. (6) Discontented with the union, some of the allies revolted, whereupon Athens reduced the offending states to subjection. Gradually the confederacy was converted into an empire. (7) Meantime the demo- cratic party at Athens, making great gains, strove to cut loose from Sparta, whereas the conservatives clung to the Lacedaemonian alliance. (8) Finally the insolence of the Spartan authorities toward the Athenian contingent of their army caused a rupture between the two states. 1 Down to this time, the Council of the Areopagus, a conservative body, had exercised a supervision over the magistrates and over the morals of the citizens (§ 149). Ephialtes, supported by Pericles (see next chapter), deprived it of this power. Pe a ———————— pe A i SE re eerie a ee TET 7Fo ee na cae Neh nr te Nn Emenee Te ee ss j ee snes Oe 190 The Delian Confederacy and the Athenian Empire Suggestive Questions 1. Had Athens remained unfortified, what would probably have been her relations with Sparta? 2. Did Sparta really wish to yield to Athens the naval leadership? Ifso, why? 3. What is a confederacy? 4. Compar2 in detail the Delian Confederacy with the Peloponnesian League. 5. What would have happened to the allied states, had the Confederacy been dis- solved? 6. Was Athens justified in holding the Confederacy together by force? in subjecting the rebellious states? 7. Trace the events which led to the rupture between Athens and Sparta. 8. What part had Aristeides in the organization of the Confederacy? 9. Describe the location of Peiraeus, Delos, Naxos, Samos, Chios, Byzantium, and Eurymedon River. Note-book Topics I. The Founding of the Delian Confederacy. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 148-151 (Thucydides); Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, ch. xxiii; Bury, History of Greece, ch. viii. §§ 1, 2; Holm, History of Greece, li. ch. vil. II. Aristeides. — Aristotle, chs. xxiii, xxiv; Plutarch, Aristezdes. SEeOPOOR PO EREUEPORRORS OE TeRS: maeeeeaans PSS a ee res naioali ee CHAPTER XVIII THE AGE OF PERICLES 461-431 B.c. I. Tue IMPERIALISM OF PERICLES 218. Wars with the Peloponnesians and the Boeotians (461-456 B.C.). — After the ostracism of Cimon, Pericles became the leading statesman of his city. He was the son of Xanthippus,! a political leader and general of the Persian war, and through his mother he was related to Cleisthenes the lawgiver, and to the powerful gens of the Alcmeonidae. All the statesmen of Athens down to this time had been Eupatrids,” and the family of Pericles was as noble as any in the state. Through his public activities we shall be able to study his character. Under his guidance Athens deserted the Peloponnesian League, and allied herself with Argos and Thessaly, and soon after- ward with Megara. The policy of breaking loose from Sparta, which had been advo- cated by Themistocles and Ephialtes, was ) i f \ if i PERICLES now carried out. Hellenic unity, so far as (Copied after Cresilas, a : : % Cretan artist of the fifth cen- it had been attained, was broken; and tury, B.c. ; British Museum) Athens openly became the rival of Sparta for political supremacy. It was commercial rivalry, however, which first disturbed the peace. Aegina and Corinth felt cramped in their trade by the rise of Peiraeus. Supported by some of their neighbors, these two states declared war. But the Athenians were victorious over their enemies by land and sea. They then invaded Aegina and laid siege to the city. After a long resistance Aegina 1§ 1098. ao 2§ 140. 101moieties rarese emo ha ce g eta n= EN Se a bwin a a oo A ans eS 7 Y 4 Hi Hi % an ] i H ‘ PRUE PLP Renee 192 The Age of Pericles surrendered, dismantled her walls, and entered the confederacy as a subject state. In this struggle Sparta gave her allies no direct help. She pre- ferred to create a strong rival of Athens in Boeotia. Disgraced by submission to Xerxes, Thebes had lost control of Boeotia, and the league of cities under her leadership’ had dissolved. Sparta now sent a strong Peloponnesian army into Boeotia to restore the league, with Thebes at its head, as a counterpoise to Athens. Thereupon the Athenians marched forth, and engaged the Pelopon- nesians at Tan’a-gra (457 B.c.). In a bloody struggle the Athe- nians were worsted. So far as we know, this was the first battle fought between Athens and Sparta. The Peloponnesians now returned home, leaving the Boectians in the lurch. Two months later the Athenians took the field and defeated the Boeotians at Oe-noph’y-ta (456 B.Cc.). 219. The Continental Federation (456-447 B.c.); Egypt and Cyprus. — Through this victory Athens brought into her alliance all the towns of Boeotia except Thebes; also Phocis, already friendly, and Locris. ‘The Athenians expelled the oligarchs from the Boeo- tian towns, and set up democratic governments favorable to them- selves. About the same time Achaea made an alliance with Athens. The Athenians were now at the height of their power. Their Continental Federation? extended from the Isthmus to Ther- mopylae, and furthermore included not only Argos and Achaea in Peloponnese, but also Nau-pac’tus, an important station con- trolling the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf. From these events it is clear that Pericles intended to unite as many Hellenic states as possible under the military leadership of Athens. But the federation which he established on the peninsula came to a sudden end (447 B.c.). The oligarchs whom Athens had driven from the towns of Boeotia returned in force, defeated the Athenians, and compelled them to leave the country. About the same time Athens lost control of Locris, Phocis, and Megara, and came near losing Euboea. Only the military energy and the diplo- macy of Pericles saved the empire at this crisis. 1§ 120. 2 This league is sometimes described less accurately as a ‘Land Empire.” POPOPRUPSPURURERE eon, WeevpeLunuanal ea cg REE IE ee eee — - — omph* ——— | | | {| | | | | ' | i } ! ,¢ q “A ‘ — Dn —_ 7 i ome em i | t j A ee P| ¢g N.Y Williams Engraving Co., N.Y. = , z pt dns ~ ; > &( 3 a S\is is ° = | 50 = =. Ss oe Ol a 2 By So) OO ¥ 31.2 Spe SAMOS G7 & i s. ) OELOS GNAXOS gs “8 SS aw) / Q » & Greenwich 26 € PAROS 7 Se a Wy % S " @ eS THERA f Y a Yo 3 | e % os) MELOS from a8 6 ens Sy 9 BOLOTIACS . O_o tansgr _ Octhophyta a: 1 ( 2, OAL Amis jb elre 3 | » “AEGINA ¥ iu S East a | od o| SS 3| = oO = = =| a = = a = S 8 4 ~— Ay Oy ap?’ Lu, bs {Fo go / Vehig/ P i” ‘fy Uf ti x i BIO gout “4 & SF aronic Gulf “S& 4 ath ws tni Ta niclan armament, the project came to naught. The disaster in Egypt, followed by this unsuccessful enterprise, so exhausted the strength of Athens that she had to adopt a more friendly policy toward her neighbors. She abandoned her federation on the con- tinent without a struggle, and she opened negotiations for peace with Sparta. 220. The Long Walls. — During these wars with near neighbors Athens was exposed to attacks from her. many enemies. While most of her forces were absent on service, it would not have been o Pa ooa Seopa ene aaa i | : ] } SO a assoo a eensert treet ea cet er oa Pats an ciwmemmnen Sian De 194 The Age of Pericles dificult tor a hostile army to invade Attica and in a few days’ siege to starve the city into surrender. Pericles guarded against this possibility by building two long walls from Athens to Peiraeus, so as to have a fortified way from the city to the port — about four and a half miles distant. They ran parallel to each other, and far enough apart to enclose between them a broad road. In time of danger these “‘ Long Walls ”’ could easily be defended by a few guards, and thus could be maintained a safe passage for the con- veyance of supplies and for the march of troops from the port to the city. Henceforth so long as her navy commanded the sea, Athens was secure from siege.* 221. The Thirty Years’ Truce (445 B.c.); Peace with Persia. — In 445 B.c. a Truce for Thirty Years was made between the two hostile powers. Each party was to have the right to trade freely in the ports and markets of the other — the “ open door ”’ clause. Athens gave up all her continental allies except Plataea and Nau- pactus. Neither party was to interfere with the allies of the other, but alliances with strangers could be made at pleasure. Athens suffered most by the treaty, as she was not only excluded from Peloponnese, but also lost control of the Corinthian Gulf and the Isthmus. She gained, on the other hand, an acknowledgment of her maritime supremacy. About the same time friendly relations were established between Athens and Persia, and thereafter they remained at peace with each other for many years. 222. The Change from Confederacy to Empire Completed (454 B.C.). —In the preceding chapter we have seen how the allies of Athens were gradually reduced to the condition of subjects.? The change from confederacy to empire was completed by the transfer of the treasury from Delos to Athens, probably in 454 B.c. Only the Lesbians, Chians, and Samians, as free and equal allies, retained whatever forms of government they desired. Some time afterward Samos revolted and was reduced to subjection. The dependent states were required to make new treaties with Athens by which they agreed to adopt democratic constitutions, and to send their im- 1 The earlier view that there was a third wall extending from Athens to Phalerum has recently been questioned by scholars. 2§ 215. POP RURPPRPOUURURUCEOGE ER EULUS EGR]aa ie de Rae ec AT Imperialism and Democracy 195 portant law cases to the imperial city for trial. The tribute from the empire enabled Athens to beautify herself with public works, to encourage literature and art, to provide the citizens with mag- nificent festivals, to give paid employment to most of her people, and to build and maintain powerful fleets and strong defences. Among the allied states Pericles established many colonies, which, besides serving as garrisons for the protection of the empire, fur- nished the poorer Athenians with lands. Thus both city and citizens were benefited by the empire. The allies, too, enjoyed the advantages of peace. Never before or afterward did they have equal opportunity for commerce or for quiet country life. The annual tribute was more than balanced by an increase in wealth and prosperity. The commons, every~ where protected by Athens from the insolence of their own oligarchs, remained faithful. Only the families which had once ruled their communities, and the market-place politicians, were actively engaged in fomenting opposition to the Athenians. Though by no means perfect, the empire was the highest political development which the Greeks had yet reached. Il. THE PERICLEAN DEMOCRACY 223. The Law Courts. — While Pericles was thus engaged in attaching to Athens the common people of the empire by giving them the control of their states, and by suppressing the oligarchs, he was no less busy with establishing equal rights for his fellow- citizens. In earlier times the Council of the Areopagus had ex- ercised a parental watch over the government, but it had recently lost this power.! Pericles believed the Athenians were no longer children in politics, and could now govern themselves. He intended that the people themselves should protect their constitution by means of the supreme court which Solon had established.? It was to contain six thousand jurors, who were divided normally into 1 On the early parental government of this council, see § 149. The democratic reform of 462 B.c. consisted chiefly in depriving the council of this and all other political powers (§ 217, n. 1). It was now merely a court for the trial of wilful murder. 2§ 158, VI. s Roca) en) ee res t i i ;Sa Nam nS a Re ns eB ese Bae wee waned anes Samana ela acne tea ened a en FN santa A came at = oe 196 The Age of Pericles panels, or smaller courts,! of five hundred and one each. As cases were decided by a majority vote, the odd number was to prevent a tie. Originally the archons were judges and the courts simply received appeals from their decisions; but in the time of Pericles the archons had come to be mere clerks, who prepared cases for presentation to the courts and presided over them through the trial, with no power to influence the decision. In other words, the court was a large jury without a judge. As the archons de- clined, the jurors gained in importance. ‘Their large number made bribery and intimidation difficult. Every person involved in a trial as plaintiff or defendant had to plead his own case. There came to be professional writers of speeches for such occasions, but no real lawyers.?, The Athenians considered these popular courts a necessary protection of the liberty of the common citizens from the oppression of the nobles and the wealthy. They served this purpose well. The legislative power resided chiefly in these courts. Once a year, a special body of sworn jurors met and received from the assembly proposals for new laws, and after hearing them discussed, decided upon them by a majority vote. These legislative jurors were called ‘‘ law-makers ’” (No-moth’e-tae). Laws thus made were distinguished from the decrees passed by the Council of Five Hundred and the assembly in their management of the current business of government.’ The introduction of a fee enabled the poorest citizen to attend to jury service. The pay was that of an unskilled day laborer. If frugally managed, it would buy food for a small family. The jurors had been oarsmen or soldiers in their younger days, and now, for the most part too old to work, they were drawing their juror’s fee as a kind of pension, for which, however, they were re- quired to sit on the benches judging from early morning till late at night. Payment for public duties alone made equality possible ; 1 Di-cas-te'ri-a, plural of dicasterium. Some panels were larger, others smaller, but the number was always odd. 2 § 326. 3The laws were nom’oi, plural of nomos; decrees were pse-phis’ma-ta, plural of psephisma.an mae egini ei! Ciel Sopa re TE Government 197 t permitted the poor, equally with the rich, to share in the duties and the benefits of government. 224. The Assembly. — The assembly was composed of all citizens above eighteen years of age who had the leisure and inclination to attend. There were four regular meetings in every prytany, Or tenth of a year, with as many extraordinary sessions as were thought necessary. One meeting of each prytany was occupied with ex- amining the conduct of magistrates ; and any one of them who was thought guilty of mismanagement could be deposed and brought to trial before a popular court. All measures brought be- fore the assembly had to be previously considered by the Council ~ ~ of Five Hundred, but the citizens could offer amendments at pleasure. They had no master; they acknowledged no authority but the laws which they and their fathers had made. ‘There was no higher or more dignified office than that of the citizen who attended the assembly and law courts , he was at once a legislator, a judge, and an executive officer. This position of honor and trust made him public-spirited. The Athenian citizen was called upon, as was no other in the ancient world. to find his larger interests in those of the state. In the assembly and in the courts he received an ed- ucation in law and in statesmanship such as has been granted to but a select few in other states, whether ancient or modern. 225. The Magistrates. —There were fourteen hundred offices, all of annual duration. A few of the more important magistrates were elected by the people in their assembly, the rest were appointed by lot. The people could reélect a man as often as they pleased, but the places filled by lot could not be repeated.’ By far the most important magistrates in this century were the generals. They commanded the army, and were ministers of war, of the navy, of finance, and of foreign affairs. They had to be in constant communication with the assembly. For this purpose the gift of speaking was necessary, and that general who was at the same time an orator was naturally leader of the board. Through this office Pericles ruled Athens and her empire with an authority which surpassed that of kings and tyrants. His power was founded on a eee eee Se — ———————— _ ———— 1 An exception was made in favor of the Council of Five Hundred, the members of which could serve twice, though not in consecutive years, Pos were ees~ EE eases other eI a i et a it | sain ct Se A mma Se an sme stasis a ere eye Ne 198 The Age of Pericles ability and integrity. ‘‘ He was able to control the multitude in a free spirit ; he led them rather than was led by them; for, not seek- ing power by dishonest arts, he had no need to say pleasant things, but on the strength of his own high character could venture to oppose and even to anger them. When he saw them unseasonably elated and arrogant, his words humbled and awed them ; and when they were depressed by groundless fears, he sought to reanimate their confidence. Thus Athens, though still in name a democracy, was in fact ruled by her greatest citizen.” ! III. Socrrty anp EpucatIon 226. The Population: Slaves. —In the Age of Pericles the popu- lation of Attica was about 350,000. About 150,000 were slaves and 40,000 were resident aliens, leaving about 160,000 citizens, including women and children. These facts show at once that however far advanced Athens was beyond Egypt, her people had not yet adopted the idea of equality for all mankind. The slaves differed from the freemen, not in color, but simply in nationality, Some were born in the country, but most of them were imported from the parts of Europe northeast of Greece, from Asia Minor, Syria, and more distant lands. As a rule captives in war were re- duced to slavery, and when traders could find none of this class to buy up, they often resorted to kidnapping. Every well-to-do Athe- nian had one or more slaves, and we hear of a certain wealthy man who owned a thousand, whom he let out to work for hire in the silver mines of the country. Slaves did all kinds of work in the house and field, in the mines and workshops. On ships they served as oarsmen. Some were overseers in charge of other slaves ; a few were well enough educated to manage their master’s business. The few wealthy persons who owned slaves, and were supported by their labor, had the means and leisure to devote themselves to the cultivation of the mind and the taste, and to devising ways of making life more comfortable, refined, and beautiful. It is true, too, that the slaves at Athens were treated well — better perhaps than anywhere else in the history of the world. Yet, after all has been 1 Thucydides, ii. 65 POUR PR UPR OUEORERUESeRROUETE EESee arg remain Susie Society 199 said in favor of slavery, it must be admitted that the institution s cruel and inhuman. Appreciating this fact, some of the more enlightened Greeks demanded, but in vain, its abolition. 227. Resident Foreigners. — Above the slaves in rank were the -esident aliens. Some were from Asia Minor and the Orient, but most of the class were from other Greek states. They came to en- rich themselves by manufacture and trade. A law of Solon (594 B.C.) required the state to admit all such persons to the citizenship ; but as the Athenians grew more exclusive, they accepted none but those who had done some great service in behalf of the state, and then only by special vote of the assembly. Thereafter an alien ~ family might reside many generations in Attica without acquiring a right to the citizenship. In this respect Athens was far different from a modern state. The aliens paid a tax for the privilege of residing in the country, and a heavier war tax than that imposed upon the citizens. They were required to serve in the army when the state was in danger of invasion. All, however, were on @ social level with the Athenians according to their personal fitness. They shared in the religious festivals, and their boys enjoyed the same education. Some lived in Athens, but most of them in Peiraeus. The commercial BUe ee greatness of this city was due |g largely to the labor and the wealth of these resident aliens. 228. Citizens; their Exclu- siveness. — Some of the citizens were laborers for hire; others had little farms, which they cultivated alone or with the aid of a slave or two; still others were shopkeepers or artisans. Many were wealthy enough to live without work, to serve in the cavalry — their only standing army — or to fill the offices COPEL ~ eg eg 7 4 eh Pe r\ | df “a re , YS ATHENIAN KNIGHTS (Parthenon frieze ; British Museum) of the state. ‘There were no paupers, with the exception of a few” disabled persons, and they were pensioned by the government. Less than half the population were citizens — members of the Se | \ ! }~ ieee ee etm ad ™ mond ac a ce ae etd are Seeeacoe ieee ee foe ce a at a Pen ad wor 200 The Age of Pericles state. ‘They considered one another as kinsmen — all descend: ants of the same ‘ancestral Apollo.”! Each family in its own house worshipped Apollo. As the state was one great family, with many sons and daughters, it felt disinclined to admit aliens — that is, to adopt other sons and daughters. As there was the keenest rivalry with other states, often breaking out into war, Athens felt that her citizens must be loyal, and that aliens, who had little interest in the welfare of the country, must remain aliens. This exclusiveness of the Athenians affected their treatment, not only of resident foreigners, but also of allies, who were now in reality subjects. However loyal an allied state might be, its citizens were given no hope of ever securing the Athenian franchise. Thus the whole body of Athenian citizens had become aristocratic, were now living in part at the expense of the many over whom they ruled, and were taking pride in their exclusive privileges of birth. In earlier time Athenians were allowed to marry women from other states, and the children of such marriages enjoyed full citizenship. When, however, Athens had become an imperial city, and the privileges of citizenship had grown to be correspondingly valuable, the Athenians would no longer tolerate the old custom. Pericles put an end to it by a law, 451 B.c., which restricted the citizen- ship to those whose parents were both Athenians. By this measure the Athenians made of themselves a closed caste, practically refus- ing to intermarry with other Greeks. The great advantage to the progress of the world which we find in the character of the Greek state lies in the fact that it is possible by careful training, generation after generation, to make of such a society a superior race of beings, as far above the common level of humanity as that level is above the savage. Unfortunately, on the other hand, a narrow, caste society, like that of the Athenians, with no fresh biood to revitalize it, is doomed sooner or later to physical decay. This narrowness, therefore, though a cause of the greatness of Athens, was to prove more pernicious than all the calamities of war that ever befell her. 229. The Children. —In nearly all ancient states the father had the right to kill his children at their birth, if he did not wish to bring them up. The custom began in barbarous times, and was 1§ 116. ' POLLEngh S ELIS en Children 201 not abolished by so highly civilized a state as Athens. But the Athenian father rarely made use of his right ; for he needed children to continue his family and its worship after him. His own happi- ness in the next world was secure, only if he had children to bury him and to sacrifice at his tomb according to the hereditary family rites... In this way ancestor worship made parents more humane in their treatment of children, and bound the members of the family together in the closest ties of affection and of mutual help- fulness. Soon after the birth of a child, usually the tenth day fol- lowing, the parents gave a festival to their friends and kinsmen. On this occasion the child received its name, the eldest son gen- GT tA WoMEN PLAYING KNUCKLEBONES (From a painting on marble, Herculaneum) erally being called after the paternal grandfather. For the first six years boys and girls alike grew up under the care of the mother and nurses. With their many toys and games they certainly enjoyed life as much as children now do. In order that a person might be known as a Citizen, it was necessary that he should be publicly rec- ognized while still an infant. This duty was attended to by the phratry, as explained in an earlier chapter.” 1 § 100. +§ 115. eed Ee a 7 i Hy if i i202 The Age of Pericles 230. The School. — At the age of seven the boy was sent to school, kept by a master who received pay from the parents of the children whom he instructed. All boys, however poor, learned to read and write. Great care was taken in school and at home to ee eines A ScHOOL (From a vase-painting) teach the boy good morals and manners. He was not to see or hear anything vulgar or debasing, and he was kept entirely away from bad company. He learned modesty, respect for his parents and elders, love for his country, and other virtues. Most of all he was taught self-restraint and moderation. Pleasures were good, but nothing should be done to excess. He had to learn the proper way to sit, walk, dress, and eat. If the father could afford it, he placed over the boy as governor — pae-da’go-gos, “ boy leader ’”’ —a slave, i Ivory Stryius (Fifth century B.c.; found in Euboea; British Museum) generally an old man who accompanied the boy wherever he went and saw that the rules of training were strictly obeyed. At school the boy learned reading, writing, arithmetic, and a little geometry and astronomy. With a sharp iron instrument — stylus — he prac- tised writing on a tablet covered with wax, His books were rolls PUPRRPRPAVRRTESDEPeePeep en ieeneen: PU POPO PRUE O RU PUSRESEEEERE RATS ERY—— ets a ee aah aT SeenesEsenl ss a eoinetieie imal pein Sa SS Education 203 of Egyptian papyrus.! The literature he studied was poetry. Tis chief books were the J/iad and the Odyssey of Homer.” These y0ems picture every phase of life; they encourage in the reader bravery, patriotism, truth, and other virtues with which Homer sndows his heroes. They inspire, too, a love of beauty ; for they ire among the most beautiful poems ever created. The Athenian boys committed them to memory. 231. Music; Athletics. — Lessons at school were but a small part of education. Every boy who was to have a place in respectable society had to learn to sing and play on the lyre. This in- struction was given by a special master. We are far less sensitive than were the Greeks to the influence of music, and for that reason we cannot understand how powerful a force it was with them for moulding character. Care was taken that the | youth should hear and prac- DiscosBoLus (Discus-THROWER) tise those melodies only which (After Myron, an older contemporary of Phidias ; cultivate the nobler feelings. le mwa Meantime the boy or youth regularly attended the wrestling ground — pal-aes'tra — for the practice of gymnastics under a pro- fessional teacher. There he was trained in running, wrestling, jumping, boxing, and throwing the discus and spear. The object was not the development of professional athletes who could enter- tain the public with exhibitions of wonderful strength and skill. All boys took equal part in the exercises for the purpose of making their bodies strong and supple, that as citizens they might serve the *§ 29. 2 §§ 95 ff. SE a ieee ao ven iI204 The Age of Pericles state most ably in peace and war. They held frequent competitions in the palaestra and in the religious festivals, and the most promis- ing winners were sent to represent their state at the great national games. The prize was a simple wreath of parsley, laurel, or olive; for the Greeks set honor above money. No greater glory could come to a state than such a victory by one of her citizens. 232. A Well-Rounded Education. — From what has been said above it is clear that the education of the youth was physical, in- tellectual, artistic, and moral. The aim was not to prepare him for business or a profession, but to make of him the best possible man and citizen. Meantime all his surroundings helped in this direction. Men and boys merely ate and slept at home, and passed nearly all the day in the open air. Living close to nature, the youth came to understand it far better than we do, and learned to live in harmony with it. In that brilliantly clear atmosphere he could see objects near or far just as they were, not | blurred by mist as they are in a great part of our country. He kept his own mind as clear, so that he could describe objects and actions just as they were, with perfect naturalness and truth. His sur- roundings encouraged the growth of his imagination. He saw about him an endless variety of islands, seas, plains, slopes, and hills. From the Acropolis of Athens he looked across the plain to its border of mountains and to other heights still farther and farther away. His imagination led him to these distant places ; it tempted his mind to pass from the known to the unknown on mental voy- ages of exploration. The mind was so well-trained that he could safely follow it. Thus he became a discoverer of new truth, an inventor in science and art. Though he might never have handled the chisel or the brush, he was by nature an artist, whose taste was satisfied with nothing short of perfection in sculpture, archi- tecture, and literature. 233. Military Training. — At the age of eighteen the youth became a man. His name was then enrolled in the register of his father’s township (deme).1 From eighteen to twenty he was re- quired to take military training along with his fellows of the same Hii age. At the end of the first year these young soldiers had to give 1§ 165. Se na oo Sah ne aa Sonera ra } if i , ij i i ! g i he i) bie | Ja. Pen PPLE IPE UR EAO eRe Pee ei eee ee POUPORSUPRUOR URDU ORoEE PRU OPRURUPOEORURUP SURO OREER US ESE eres TORR eee eee ee * - aA. r t——— ii pe a eee ae a = ee ng LM pe — 3 i Hl r . Hy Women and Marriage 205 H iH a public exhibition of their mili- IS =a al asa tary skill; and the authorities of | See SS the state, if satisfied, presented GouwwxX Nereus Le aa ae ; oO a sS SSS each one with a spear and a |S) ee shield. After his two years of |=—Qy SAS drill and garrison duty, he re- <. VCD WSS VY TTCF mained a citizen soldier liable to ) 482 ee ia be called on for military service | w@> a aS till he reached the age of sixty. Se * SZ a 4 234. Women and Marriage. — | , | ~S ! Athenian girls were kept closely | ae L2G instruc- ss | domestic affairs, they had little an(< = — . musical and intellectual educa- - SSS\ yp SS UE : ‘ie tion. Foreign women in Athens (Ses ees oe : tl were far freer; many were men- ens NG = foe gs i tally and socially accomplished, eral | and hence were more attractive than the daughters of the citizens. i mm ' { (From a vase-painting) A MARRIAGE Between twenty and thirty a man usually married. There was no opportunity for courtship ; in fact, the young people rarely knew each other before the wed- ding; but the youth's father chose the bride, and with her father or guardian settled the contract. Marriage was largely a business affair: every father gave his daughter a dowry pro- portioned to his wealth; and as parents were anxious to keep the hereditary property within the family, they preferred to marry their children to near relatives. aone nnn eee be stage wae Pe Jae ee ya at aim 8D Se ome at 206 The Age of Pericles This intermarriage of near kinsfolk was perhaps the chief cause ot the physical decline of the Athenians. Before the wedding both bride and groom bathed in water brought from the Sacred Spring. In the morning a sacrifice was offered to the marriage gods, and later in the day the rela- tives, men and women, feasted at the house of the bride’s father. In the evening a procession escorted her to her new home. She rode in a carriage by her husband’s side, while the rest accom- panied on foot, some playing the harp and pipe, others singing the bridal song. Various ceremonies attended her entrance into the house. The wife was not often seen in public. She was present at the funerals of her kin, and took part in religious festivals. Accom- panied by a slave, she walked or rode along the streets to the houses of her friends. But in her own home the wife was mistress, and she who had the necessary mental gifts controlled the opinions and even the politics of her husband. Restrictions upon her freedom applied to the wealthy only, and especially to the city people. Among the poor, and in the country, women enjoyed a large degree of liberty. 235. The Banquet. — After marriage, as before, men spent most of their time away from home, —in the gymnasia and the schools of philosophy, in the courts or magistracies, in business and society. Often for the celebration of a happy event a man invited his male friends to an evening dinner, ending in a symposium, or drinking-bout. On such an occasion the host entertained his guests with many dainty dishes; but the Athenians were naturally frugal, and their feasts were far less expensive than those of the Romans. The guests reclined in pairs on couches. After they had washed their hands in bowls passed round for the purpose, slaves set before them low, three-legged tables, on which they then placed the food. The guests used spoons, but no fork, and rarely a knife. As they therefore soiled their hands, it was necessary to wash again after eat- ing. For the symposium they wreathed their heads in garlands, and chose a ruler who decided how much wine should be drunk and what the subjects of conversation should be. ‘They weakened their VOOR EPPU PERE RE REESE Ea PRVOPROREPUVONDRDESEROPEOTT ESS Onn 'TTT TE pian! e als TES * a ———————— ; | | eee —— So— pte as tw wee oe oe in fi r / ; | LS ot 2 SEL EEY - Prytaneum Erechtheum Rhee. t Pet r Odeum of Herodes PROPPREU PORE BEERERGL APPR Ere) Pibibade voe[Adolg POET RSTO STOR Wetepatenan Theatre Parthenon AtticusOe . dei ear tt TTT ———————— The Acropolis 207 wine with water, so that intoxication was rare. While they were drinking, jugglers, dancers, and musicians of both sexes entertained them. The guests themselves sang or told riddles or conversed, as the ruler directed. IV. INTELLECTUAL LIFE; THE ATHENIAN GENIUS 236. The Acropolis before Pericles. -— The private dwellings of the Athenians and even their state offices were small and inexpensive. Religion alone inspired them io build beautifully and grandly. When the Persians entered Athens, they burned the temples and other buildings, leaving the Acropolis strewn with heaps of ruins. For a time after their return the citizens had neither the leisure nor the means of restoring these shrines. Cimon, however, completing a work begun by Themistocles, levelled the surface of the Acropolis to fit it better for buildings.! This end was accomplished by erect- ing a high wall along the southern edge, a lower one along the north- ern, and filling up the space thus made with earth and rubbish. The present steep appearance of the hill is due chiefly to this work. ut it was left to Pericles to build the temples on the ground thus prepared. 237. The Parthenon. — For this purpose Pericles used some of the funds from the imperial treasury. When the empire was es- tablished, Athena became its protecting deity. A splendid house for her would be a glory to the subject states as well as to Athens. Revenues from other sources were likewise used; and as the state owned the marble quarries on Mount Pentelicus, the chief cost was for the labor. In 447 B.c. the assembly appointed a commission, of which Per!- cles was a member, to supervise the erection of a new temple to Athena onthe Acropolis. In ten years it was sufficiently completed to receive the statue of the goddess. It extends nearly parallel with the southern rim of the hill, and is about seventy-five yards long and about thirty-three yards wide. It contains two rooms. - The larger one is the cella, in which stood the statue, and the smaller 1 He used for this purpose the money derived from the sale of booty taken at Euryms edon; § 214. ete arwert i } | i|SoS = eee eet treet pears n { } i { i v oe a sere heetetot >. Sa > yy) Pir Mf |I\\\ i of Hadrian’. 3 —Gympasiums ss jin ATEN HK l} \\ ii \ RN WAAAN YAW II] { fiffy HT] fii} {qu Hifi| Lh ht] Yi) Mf Addition made by the Emperor Hadrian ay Additions made by Themistccles =} \ = NN } i I] \\\ \ YAY W\\ \ Williams Engraving Co., N.Y. PLAN OF TEMPLE OF WINGLESS VICTORY PEVEESU PEER opens MEPOERURPESRUDEEU ESOT U PEER ESTO eta: Paeeey ta el iviiei F Tooneont — = reindeer asada a ASE ANNA Parthenon 209 the parthenon, used as a storeroom and treasury of the goddess. The word parthenon means maiden’s chamber. After a time, how- ever, it came to apply to the whole building, and then it signified the ‘““ house of the maiden Athena.” In front is a row of six columns, with the same number in the rear.’ It is surrounded further by a row of columns, eight on each end and seventeen to the side, count- ing the corner pillars twice. They rest on a foundation of three steps. Within the cella is another colonnade which probably supported a gallery. The columns grow smaller from the bottom upward, and this tapering is modified by a slight outward curve. vertical, but incline slightly toward the temple walls. are a perfect combination of strength and beauty. They are not The columns The foundation, too, on which the colonnade rests, is slightly higher near the centre than at the corners. In fact, there is not in the entire temple a straight line of any considerable length. By such means the archi- tects avoided the appearance of mechanical stiffness, and rendered the building natural and pleasing to the eye. It was made of Pen- telic marble. When taken from the quarry, this stone is a glitter- ing white, but changes under exposure to creamy yellow and gold. Some parts were painted, others were left natural. The building is of the Doric order, softened by Ionic influence.’ 238. The Sculptures of the Parthenon. —The sculptures of the temple all illustrate the relations of Athena with the city of Athens. They are, so to speak, chapters in the history of these relations. Some of the metopes? represent fights between the Lapiths, a Thes- salian tribe, and centaurs — between men and monsters. These scenes are from an age which lies back of Athena’s present orderly rule. The all-important chapter is the birth of the goddess. It is represented, therefore, in the most conspicuous place — on the east pediment above the door and facing the rising sun. Here in the midst of gods and heroes Athena springs full-grown and armed from the head of her father Zeus. The next chapter is the contest between Athena and Poseidon for the possession of the city." By 1 A temple with a colonnade in front is called pro’style, and when the row is repeated in the rear, am’phi-pro-style. The Parthenon is therefore amphiprostyle. 2 For the meaning of “Doric order” and “Tonic order,” see §§ 172-174. ’ For the meaning of metope, triglyph, pediment, etc., see § 175. #§ 111. RP sea SS : ee ee rn aa : I210 The Age of Pericles winning the victory she becomes the guardian of Athens and the first of its citizens. This scene is on the west pediment. The final chapter is the frieze.1 It is a band of low reliefs extending around the temple wall within the colonnade. It represents various group of citizens preparing for the proces- sion of the Great Pan- ath-e-na’ic festival in her honor, held every fourth year in the month of July. The idea is that of plenty and happiness under her peaceful rule. In beauty these sculp- tures are fit adornments of the Parthenon. By comparing one of its met- opes with that from Seli- nus described above,? we may see how wonderful an advance the Greeks had made in this branch of art within the short period of a hundred and fifty years. The figures of the Parthenon metope are lifelike, ee cs rep tee hee tae leno ao ae et ear Panter Hi H H ‘ 4 | } i i 1 YW crea: ra LAPITH AND CENTAUR (Parthenon metope; British Museum) ~ < ‘ ; Z| 4 rg A fons ‘ tan % 4 ) a oe Mea Ne Weahit sh PR LFS a BRT tn W/V a ; ig ee ro 7 SM PEK 5 ‘ 5 2 A ~F Se AER i x TT i ee ; etic I Jr Are . An\~ aay Ag \\ i) NY é ih NY mt AR - fi West PEDIMENT OF PARTHENON (Sketched by Carey before the removal of the sculptures to the British Museum) and are wrought with great skill. The earlier sculpture shows a mechanical succession of figures, little related to one another, 1 Strictly this is the Ionic frieze, as distinguished from the Doric. The latter is made up of the triglyphs and metopes; § 175. 2 This adjective signifies “belonging to all the Athenians.’’ Besides the Greater Panathenaea, there was a Lesser Panathenaea held annually. It was a harvest festival. °§ 177. ? 4 ry Leia Sa a sana erence ma aa . oe. = an a — SHURE ee nt PEPPESPRERISEEOUESESSSSPOUOT EEE PU PUT ORREUEEPSURU ENE TT ELV E LL7 sisi niet SS ——— if i v ' MW iSa ‘ a © SS ares i , > ee es PUREE WOPUURERR POUR PURER Sea Eay| THE PARTHENON (From a photograph)oar only : Sculptures of the Parthenon 211 a whereas those of the later piece form a natural group which fills the slab with a variety of graceful lines. The frieze shows still greater genius in design and skill in execution. The colossal statue —————————————————————— eee a ee gait | - ; H i a! tis ae ae GrRouP OF MAIDENS (Parthenon frieze ; British Museum) na of Athena in this temple was made on a wooden frame; the gar- ments were of gold and the bare parts of ivory. We know that this statue was the work of Phid’i-as, the greatest sculptor of all time.! He had the supervision, too, of the other sculptures of the temple. ——— en The nobility of design, the severe beauty, and the finish of these sculptures have never been rivalled. Most of those which still exist were brought to England by Lord Elgin early in the nineteenth 1 Polycleitus of Argos was a contemporary of Phidias, and nearly, if not quite, equal to him in genius. It was Polycleitus who set the style for sculptors of statues till Ly- sippus introduced a new principle. For the characteristics of Polycleitus, see § 330.212 The Age of Pericles century, and are now in the British Museum. The Parthenon can- not compare in size with the temples of Egypt or with the Chris- tian cathedrals of mediaeval time; but in the harmony of all its parts, in the beauty of the whole, in the absolute balance of dignity and grace, it is the most nearly perfect piece of architecture ever created by human hands. 239. Other Buildings. — The other buildings of Pericles, though of great artistic value, can be mentioned but briefly here. At the entrance to the Acropolis on the west was erected a magnifi- cent portal called the Pro-py- lae’a —“‘front gateway.” Nearly touching it on the south is the temple of Wingless Victory Nike Ap'te-ros. It is a neat little temple of Pentelic marble. One of the best-preserved reliefs connected with it represents a Victory adjusting her sandal. Comparing it with the maidens of the Parthenon frieze, we discover at once that its beauty is less severe and restrained. If the Phidian art is the highest attained by mankind, this Victory repre- sents the first downward step.! Northwest of the Acropolis, on a a slight elevation, stands the so- Copy or ATHENA PARTHENOS : (Statuette; National Museum, Athens) called The-se’um. Scholars now believe thatitis really not a shrine to the hero Theseus, but a temple of one of the greater gods. Of all Hellenic temples it is the best preserved. At the base of the Acro- — — a on a a ema eT ; , i i i] : Ss SER 1Tt seems probable that this piece of sculpture was made, not in theage of Pericles but later in the same century, SOU SUOU HERD ERDURD RT ESUURENEUEUS SU ETOR: Te j PuERT Ay y reneea ASA Se taaaieaeaialia A ere i :Ee wre eae pa eon mI Pa ma ni From a photograph) Nike TEMPLE THE PROPYLAEA AND THE (From the Areopagus, showing reconstructions lately made. “ A i <= POP ROR ER OPO ROR URUE SSSR OR GURUS SEEROTE II TIE edad eligi Theseum and Odeum 213 polis in the opposite direction was the O- de’um, which has entirely disappeared. It was semicircular in form, with a pointed, tentlike roof, whose rafters were masts of Persian vessels taken at Salamis. THESEUM (From a photograph) In it were held the musical contests of the Great Pan-ath-e-nae’a. A comic poet of the time, calling Pericles Zeus, as the Athenians often did, and comparing the Odeum to a cap, wrote: — “ Our Zeus with lofty skull appears ; The Odeum on his head he wears, Because he fears the ostrakon no more.” To the right of the Odeum, as we look down from the Acropolis, was the theatre dedicated to Dionysus. In it the audience sat on rough wooden seats, arranged in rows on the slope of the hill. Little else is known of it for this period. The great stone theatres of Greece belong to a later age, and will be described therefore in another chapter.! 240. The Drama. — The rudeness of the theatre was more than made good by the genius of the playwrights. Aeschylus (525-456 B.c.), the first great composer of dramas, saw the beginning of the 1Ch. xxvi, § 329. The Erechtheum, also later than the Age of Pericles, is described in § 271. < ee id “ so See aos “> — anna } | i } | | } , if \ | I a eRe a OT iesa me 0a Nae mtn oe ee eer eee eee a= — ee eer Seat eee ath eS 214 The Age of Pericles age of Pericles. He had lived through the war with Persia, and had fought in the battles of Marathon and Salamis. From this con- flict he drew his inspiration. Of his ninety tragedies we have only seven, but all of them masterpieces of literature. To the student of history the Persians is the most valuable. In represent- ing the invasion of Xerxes, it gives a glorious description of the battle of Salamis.1 The moral aim of the play is to show how Zeus punished Xerxes for his insolence. In fact, overweening pride and its fatal effects are the theme of all his writings. Soph’o-cles was the great dramatic writer of the age of Pericles. Though not so strong or so original as Aeschy- lus, he was a more careful artist. His plot is more intri- cate and his language more finished. We have but seven of hishundredplays. Though the Oed'i-pus Tyr-an'nus won but a second prize, modern VICTORY ADJUSTING HER SANDAL scholars usually consider it (From balustrade of Nike temple; Acropolis his best. It tells how Oedi- Museum, Athens) ; pus, king of Thebes, a just and pious man, brought utter ruin upon himself and his household by unintentional sin.” In the A n-tig’o-ne the heroine faces a con- flict between divine and human law. She chooses to obey the com- mand of God in preference to that of the king ; and she dies a mar- tyr to the nobler cause. It has always been popular, from its first exhibition to the present day. 1See the quotation from it in § 205. 2§ 115.lie History and Philosophy 215 241. History.—In the age of Pericles He-rod’o-tus was at work on his History, the first masterpiece of Greek prose. An exile from his native city of Hal-i-car-nas’sus in Asia Minor, the “‘ father of history ” spent much of his life in travel. He visited nearly all of the known world, and everywhere collected from the natives in- teresting stories of persons and events. These he wove into a his- tory of the war between Greece and Persia. In tracing the causes of the conflict by way of introduction, he gives the history of the world from mythical times down to the war itself. He wrote his work to be read aloud, as the poems of Homer had been, at public gatherings. This helps us to understand why his style is so simple and so interesting. Many of his tales are myths or fictitious anec- dotes; but they are all valuable, as they illustrate the character of nations and of individuals. Herodotus was one of the fairest and most large-minded of historians. Though uncritical, though he takes little interest in politics, or in the deeper causes of events, yet his picture of the world of his time and of mankind in the many countries which he visited makes his work perhaps the truest, as it certainly is the most interesting, of all histories. 242. ‘Philosophy of the Sophists. — Pericles was a patron of litera- ture and art, and friend of philosophers. Among his teachers was An-ax-ag’o-ras, the first philosopher who taught that Mind rules the universe. The class of philosophers called sophists ' was now be- coming numerous. They travelled through Greece teaching prac- tical knowledge of every kind for pay. Especially they aimed to prepare young men for statesmanship by training them in mere cleverness of thought. As a rule they were sceptical; with their false logic they tried to undermine belief in every thing. They destroyed respect for religion by pointing out its inconsistencies and the immoralities of the gods. Their influence, however, af- fected but a few men of wealth and leisure. In seneral, life was wholesome and the people were moral. 243. Character of Pericles. —The noble birth and connections of Pericles were mentioned above.2 His education in literature, music, and philosophy was the best his city could afford. In oratory he had no special training, for in his younger days rhetoric 1 From go¢ds, wise. 2§ 218 ee ameter {| | iREPRE OSPAPESESERPUELALSE SUS TERT RPT ER LUT UR REE TER EREEEREOEEL 216 The Age of Pericles had not yet come into existence.t Though he attended carefully to the wording of his speeches, he had no technical rules of composition to follow. His delivery was not dramatic, but statuesque. He stood quietly, withscarcely a gesture or movement to ruffle the folds of his mantle. The audience was moved by the weight of his words, the majesty of his person, his deep earnestness, and the confidence which his pure and noble character inspired. Other speakers of the time were thought of merely as human; he was Olympian,” the Zeus of Athens. A comic poet of the time speaks of him as “ rolling fateful thunders from his tongue.” Like every true orator, Pericles felt deeply the emotions which he knew how to stir in others; but he kept his feelings strictly under the control of his intelligence, so as to look at everything clearly and calmly. His character had the completeness and the poise which we admire in a Greek statue, and which we describe as classic. Though no military genius, Pericles was an able commander. He was a master of diplomacy and a great statesman. Themis- tocles, a man of far higher genius, had boldly followed his intuitions ; Pericles was cold and calculating, — he would make his entire policy right by most careful attention to all the details. In the enthusiasm of his earlier career he had hoped by a few bold strokes to make his city the head of all Hellas and the dominant power in the Mediter- ranean world. But he had failed; and through the following years of peace he toiled with patience and energy in preparation for a new and more successful trial of strength with Lacedaemon. While engaged in beautifying his city, he paid even more attention to the building of triremes and arsenals and to the manufacture of arms. Proof of this activity is the splendid military condition in which Athens found herself at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War.* 244. Pericles on the Athenian Character.— The Athenians were not only more intensely religious than the other Greeks, but they devoted themselves with greater earnestness and force to po- litical, artistic, and intellectual life. The best interpreter of their public character is Pericles himself. In one of his orations * he de- 1Cf. § 274. 2§ 102. 3 § 247. 4 His Funeral Oration, in Thu-cyd’i-des, ii. 35-46. The language is largely that of the historian. The ideas are those of Pericles.Pericles 217 fines their democracy as ‘‘ equality before the laws and offices for the qualified,’’ after which he calls attention to their social liberality and kindness. ‘‘ There is no exclusiveness in our private inter- course. We are not suspicious of one another, nor angry with our neighbor if he does what he likes; we do not put on sour looks at him, which though harmless are unpleasant. We have not forgot- ten to provide our weary spirits with many relaxations from toil ; we have regular games and sacrifices throughout the year; at home the style of our life is refined; and the delight which we daily feel in all these things helps banish sadness.” The mentality and the physical energy of the Athenians were in his time intense. “ We have the peculiar power of thinking before we act,” he asserts, ‘‘ and of acting, too, whereas other men are courageous from igno- rance, but hesitate on reflection.”’ A great foreign policy, such as he was pursuing, had to be based not on ignorant selfishness, but on kindness and generosity. ‘‘ We alone do good to our neighbors not upon a calculation of interest, but in a frank and fearless spirit.” His object in building the Parthenon and other temples, in en- couraging artists to produce the best possible painting and sculp- ture, in fostering literature and a many-sided education, was to make of the Athenians a people superior in mind and heart to the rest of the Greeks — a people whom none would be ashamed to ac- knowledge as teachers or rulers. ‘‘ To sum up, I say that Athens is the school of Hellas, and that the individual Athenian in his own person seems to have the power of adapting himself to the most varied forms of action with the utmost versatility and grace.... In the hour of trial Athens alone among her contemporaries is superior to the report of her. No enemy who comes against her is indignant at the reverses which he sustains at the hands of such a city; no subject complains that his masters are unworthy of him.” The ideal, though high, was nearly reached in fact. 245. Te Troubles of Pericles. — But the era of peace was rap- idly drawing to an end. The moderate policy of Pericles pleased neither the oligarchs nor the extreme democrats. His enemies, not daring to attack him directly, assailed his friends one after another. First they prosecuted Phidias, the sculptor, on the charge of embez- zling some of the gold entrusted to him to be used in gilding the in et ma Fen | \ : h | ( aesate pe wm Sap eeeee teeta nae Seen eae oe os eee i i ree 218 The Age of Pericles statue of Athena for the Parthenon. Although he was ready to prove his innocence by having the metal taken off and weighed, they threw him into prison, where he died of sickness. About the same time As-pa’si-a was indicted for impiety and immorality. She was a Milesian by birth, a woman of remarkable intelligence. Peri- cles had divorced his wife, the mother of his two sons, and had taken Aspasia to his house, though his own law of 451 B.c. forbade him to marry an alien. She became the teacher of artists, philosophers, and orators, — the inspiring genius of the Periclean social circle. But the Athenians, who in this age had come to believe that a woman must be restricted to the house and must talk with no one outside of her own family, regarded Aspasia’s conduct as immoral. Happily Pericles by personal entreaty induced the judges to acquit her. While he was thus beset by private difficulties, war with Pelo- ponnese began to threaten. Suggestive Questions 1. Write a summary of this chapter like that on p. 189. 2. Compare Athens and Sparta, 456 B.c., in military power and in extent of territory controlled. 3. Compare the Athenian jury system with that of our own country. What are the relative merits of the two systems? 4. Compare the training of boys at Athens and Sparta. 5. What are the seated youths doing in the picture on p. 202? Describe the writing material. Describe the two musical instruments seen in the picture. 6. Compare the appear- ance of the Parthenon as a whole with the temple of Poseidon, and explain the superiority of the one over the other. Note-book Topics I. Government of Athens under Pericles. — Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, chs. xxiv, xxvi, xxvii; Botsford, Development of the Athenian Con- stitution, 221-233; Greenidge, Handbook of Greek Constitutional History, 166-189; Holm, History of Greece, ii. ch. xvi. II. Pericles the Man. — Thucydides, ii. 65, also his Funeral Oration, ii. 35-46; Plutarch, Pericles; Abbott, Pericles, 357-367. Ill. Herodotus. — Jebb, Greek Literature, 103-106; Murray, Ancient Greek Literature, ch. vi; Fowler, Ancient Greek Literature, ch. xv; Holm, ii. ch. xx; Grundy, Great Persian War, xiv. POPUP RU PU PSUR PUNE PSUR ERO E USE U Eien.CHAPTER XIX THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION 431-415 B.C. 246. Causes of the War. —B efore the year 431 B.C. a great majority of the states of Greece had been brought under the leader- ship of Athens or of Sparta. The peace of 445 B.C. was to last thirty years; but scarcely half that period had elapsed when war broke out between the two powers. They were rivals for the leadership of Greece: and the growing power of Athens filled Sparta with jealousy and fear. The Athenians had trouble also with particular states of the League. The usual relations between Athens and Corinth had been extremely friendly; but since the war with Persia, Peiraeus was monopolizing the commerce of the seas, and Corinth found her- self painfully cramped in her trade. Furthermore, Athens was in- terfering between her and her colony, Corcyra. Corinth and Cor- cyra had fought for the possession of Ep-i-dam’nus, a joint colony on the mainland. After suffering a severe defeat in battle, Corinth persuaded several of her neighbors to aid in preparing a great arm- ament with which to overwhelm Corcyra. Thereupon the latter sent envoys to Athens to ask an alliance. Corinthian ambassadors also came, and the two parties pleaded their causes before the Athenian assembly. Believing war with Lacedaemon inevitable, Pericles felt that the navy of the Corcyraeans should by all means be secured for Athens. Upon his advice, therefore, it was resolved to make a defensive alliance with them; and a small Athenian fleet was sent to aid them in defending their island against the great Corinthian armament.! The Corinthians were justly angry with this interference between themselves and their colonies, es- 1Tn the battle off Syb’o-ta, 432 B.C. 219 ee pasret ns a aaa tal anomaey, } | ] ‘ ; 4 | } tee here es eae te reer ee ieee = SET nN sewn any Wee 220 Peloponnesian War to the Sicilian Expedition pecially as they had several times prevented Lacedaemon from interfering in Athenian affairs. They asserted that Athens broke the treaty, and now exerted all their energy to stir up Peloponnese against the offender. At the same time they were urging Potidaea! to revolt. This Corinthian settlement in Chalcidice had grown into a prosperous city, now tributary to Athens. Garrisoned by a force from the mother state, it revolted, whereupon the Athenians laid siege to the place. The Corinthians alleged that this was another violation of the treaty of 445 B.c. They persuaded the Lacedaemonians to call a congress of the League to consider the various grievances against Athens (432 B.c.). When the deputies gathered, the Lacedaemo- nians invited them to bring their complaints before the Spartan assembly. Among those who had grievances were the Mega- rians. Athens had recently passed an act which excluded them from the ports and markets of Attica and of the empire. This, also, the Megarians averred, was a violation of the treaty. Per- suaded by these arguments, the Spartan assembly voted that the Athenians had broken the treaty. The Peloponnesian congress ratified the decision, and declared war against Athens. 247. The Resources of Athens and Sparta. — The empire of Athens, composed of subjects states, was stronger than it had ever been before. Among her independent allies were Chios, Lesbos, Thessaly, and Plataea, besides a few cities in Italy and Sicily. She had thirteen thousand heavy-armed troops, and a larger force for garrison service. ‘There were three hundred triremes of her own, besides those of the allies, and her sailors were the best in the world. She commanded the sea and its resources. The tributes from her subject cities, together with other revenues, amounting in all to about a thousand talents a year, would be nearly enough, in case of siege, to support the whole Attic population on imported food. All the Peloponnesian states, except Argos and a part of Achaea, were in alliance with Lacedaemon ; and outside of Peloponnese, the Megarians, Boeotians, Locrians, and some others; in Sicily and in Italy most of the Dorian cities sympathized with Sparta. The few 1 128.eel a ad Se Pee et a | 1 } ———ae eee ata 3 S'S" £ - \ 4 Zia = : | en ei Z A a aay g iw a ® d ‘ \ Kee \ \ NS A cs! é ‘ {I SH SQ ‘ é } ; Bort (4 / _ nossema Pr. Filicarnhssus po ed oo [a a. oh! oy irk Sf conga Choidus go o> a / z x 2: i Cal 5 at go 3 t) \ Serie re FY =| 6 S y AS y = : 3 ce i / , OA ee | v \ aC - = ww : me ta - | of 1 ( PS & IMBROS “—H ano Mefhry: carr a {. & % THERAD) from : | | | | H V TeH- RAC 0 East See ? 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Fearing to return home, he retired to a castle on the Helles- pont which he had prepared for such an occasion. Thus the Athenians cast away a man who might have saved them. Though working to the end for his own glory, he was wiser now than in his youth, and would have served his country well; but the confidence of his fellow-citizens in one who had been so impious and so traitor- ous could not but be shaken by the slightest appearance of inatten- tion to duty.! 268. The Battle of Arginusae (406 B.C.). — The contending powers now put forth enormous efforts. In 406 B.c. the Athenians, 1 Afterward, while residing in Phrygia, he was assassinated by order of the Spartan authorities. LHD a aaa ‘TePP eae eeneernene 7areata aie — Ee 2 Arginusae and Aegospotamt 237 with a hundred and fifty triremes, met a Peloponnesian fleet of a hundred and twenty triremes near the islands of Ar-gi-nu’sae, and gained a complete victory. Athens lost twenty-five ships; the enemy seventy, with their commander and crews, amounting to about fourteen thousand men. ‘This was the severest battle of the war. After hearing of their disaster, the Lacedaemonians were willing for the sake of peace to leave Athens what she still possessed ; but the Athenians again rejected the conditions. The Athenians disgraced themselves for all time by putting to death six of the generals who had won the victory at Arginusae, on the ground that they had neglected to rescue the crews of the tri- remes wrecked in the battle. The commanders had ordered two ship-captains to attend to the work, but a sudden storm had pre- vented the rescue of the unfortunate sailors. The Athenians violated the constitution in condemning the generals collectively and in refusing them a sufficient opportunity for defence. Soon repenting of their conduct, they prosecuted those who had persuaded them to commit the murder. 269. The Battle’ of Aegospotami (405 B.c.). — Athens and Sparta made one more desperate effort to gain the mastery of the Aegean Sea. The opposing fleets met in the Hellespont, — a hundred and eighty Athenian warships against two hundred from Peloponnese. The Athenians were on the European side at the mouth of the Ae-gos-pot’a-mi, the Peloponnesians on the opposite shore of the strait. Lysander, who was in command, surprised the Athe- nian fleet while the sailors were seeking provisions on shore. There was no resistance. It seems probable that the Athenians were betrayed to Lysander by one or more of their generals. Co’non alone of the commanders escaped with a few ships; and sending the official galley Par’a-lus to Athens with the news, he, though inno- cent, fled for his life with the rest of his ships to Cyprus. 270. Effects of the Battle; the Terms of Peace (404 B.c.). — “It was night when the Paralus reached Athens with her evil tidings, on receipt of which a bitter wail of woe broke forth. From Peiraeus, following the line of the Long Walls up to the heart of the city, it swept and swelled, as each man passed the news to his neighbor. That night no man slept. There was mourning and sorrow for Re aaa ee {i } i238 From the Sicilian Expedition to the End of the War those who were lost, but the lamentation for the dead was merged in even deeper sorrow for themselves, as they pictured the evils they were about to suffer, the like of which they had inflicted upon the men of Melos,” ! and upon many others. Ships and men were lost, and they were soon besieged by land and sea. F inally, when THE ERECHTHEUM (Restoration. View from the west ; two columns in north porch cut away to show interior; on right a corner of the Parthenon is seen) on the point of starvation, they sent envoys to Sparta with full powers to treat for peace. Thereupon a Peloponnesian congress was held in Sparta, in which the Corinthians, the Thebans, and some others proposed to destroy Athens utterly, and to enslave the Athenians. But the Spartan ephors objected; they were unwill- ing, they said, that a city which had done such noble service for Greece in the perilous times of the Persian invasion should be enslaved. They would be content with milder conditions: that Athens should demolish the fortifications of Peiraeus and the Long 1 Xenophon, Hellenica, ii. 2. POROTORERE SEEDS EERE! PRU R POPP OU UOURUUGETOSGEEEEER) aePeace 239 Valls, give up all her warships but twelve, follow Sparta in peace nd in war, and permit the return of the exiled oligarchs. With these oncessions, Athens might remain free and “ under the constitution f the fathers.” As the Athenian envoys entered their city, a great rowd gathered about them, trembling lest their mission should have sroved fruitless; for many were dying of starvation. The major- ty ratified the treaty. Lysander entered Peiraeus with his fleet, he exiles were already coming home, and the Peloponnesians began he destruction of the walls to the music of pipes, with the idea that hey were celebrating the return of liberty to Hellas. Ill. THe Procress oF CULTURE; THE NEW LEARNING 431-404 B.C. 271. Architecture and Sculpture. —In spite of the heavy expenses of the war, the Athenians built a new temple on the Acropolis — the E-rech-the’um — doubtless fulfilling a wish of Pericles. It stands north of the Parthenon. For two reasons it is irregular in plan, (1) the ground on which it was built is uneven, (2) it was intended for two divinities, Athena and Erechtheus. The Athena worshipped here was the guardian of the state, as distinguished from the imperial goddess of the Parthenon. She was represented by a log rudely carved in human form.’ This archaic image the Athenians venerated more highly than all the artistic statues of more recent times. To her belonged the eastern portion of the temple. In the western part lived Erechtheus, the hero, who, as the Athenians supposed, had once been king of Athens. This temple is the most beautiful example of the Ionic order known to us.?. The rich carvings which adorn it have been the admiration of all artists, but no one has been able to equal them. The Porch of the Maidens is especially attractive. Though bearing heavy weights on their heads, the maidens stand at perfect ease. In dignified grace of posture and drapery they are little inferior to the sculptures of the Parthenon.? Through want of money the Athenians of this period accom- 1Cf. § 177. *§ 174. 3 A figure thus used as a support is sometimes termed a caryatid. ————————— — esos Se ea nn ee li ens | ae240 Irom the Sicilian Expedition to the End of the War oe } 1 { F ; | ' t ti i , PORCH OF THE MAIDENS (Present condition; from a photograph) PUPP PROPS PURUGUL EP SUR OES UR ERS E SRLiterature 241 plished little else in art. Good work was done in other parts ol Greece. ‘The most notable statue of the period is that of a Winged Victory by Pae-o’ni-us at Olympia. The Messenians dedicated it there as a memorial of the capture of the Spartans at Sphacteria.' The goddess is represented, not as standing on the lofty base, but floating above it with wings outstretched and garments streaming inthe wind. It wasa bold artistic experiment successfully achieved. 272. Literature: the Drama. — Though the war discouraged art, it stimulated literature. Eu-rip’i-des (480-406 B.c.), a writer of dramas, belongs to this period. His education was broad; he had been an athlete, a painter, and a student of all the philosophy of the time. No ancient writer seems so modern as he; none knew human nature so well or sympathized so deeply with it, especially with women and slaves, with the unfortunate and the lowly. His plays represent a decline in art, but a great advance in kindly feeling. The most popular is the Al-ces’tis, in which the heroine dies to save her selfish husband’s life. Among the strongest is the Medea, whose plot is drawn from the voyage of the Argonauts.” There remain in all nineteen plays of the ninety-two attributed to him by the ancients. The most famous comic dramatist of Greece was Aristophanes (about 450-385 B.c.). His wit never failed; his fancy was as lively and as creative as Shakspere’s; the choruses of his plays are beauti- ful lyrics, fragrant of the country and woodland, free from the polish and from the restraints of life within the city. He has much, also, to tell of the times in which he lived. No one has given so true a picture of Athens and her people, and at the same time such carica- tures of her individual public men. We might compare his charac- ter sketches with the cartoons of the modern newspaper. The Clouds is an attack on the sophists. In his Birds he pictures an ideal state in Cloudland, whose citizens were the fowls of the air. The Knights holds Cleon up to ridicule; the Wasps presents the Athenian jury-system in a comical light. He is said to have written fifty-four comedies, of which we have but eleven. 273. History: Thucydides. — Thucydides wrote a history of the Peloponnesian War, including the events which led up to it. He 1§ 251. 2§ 112. Ree a ae he ma Parente evenness ee eee 1 f i Hy 4 i } ul 242 From the Sicilian Expedition to the End of the War gathered the facts for it with extreme care by travel and personal observation and by questioning eye-witnesses of events. His work is therefore remarkable for accuracy. It contains no anecdotes or myths, which make the history of Herodotus attractive.! In con- trast with Herodotus, he is not only critical and correct, but ex- ceedingly complex in style and thought. He goes deeply into the character and motives of political parties and into the causes and con- nection of events. It is the first scientific history ever written. He admits that his strictly truthful narra- tive may disappoint the ear, but be- eves that it will prove useful to any one who desires a true picture of the past and of what is likely to happen in the future in the ordinary course of humanevents. As his work was to be of service especially to generals, he narrates campaigns with all the de- tails, but pays little attention to in- ternal improvements and civilization. 274. The Sophists. — Since the age of Pericles the sophists — professors VicTORY of useful knowledge — were increasing (By Paeonius. Restoration; original in number and in influence. As they eS aimed chiefly to prepare their pupils for statesmanship, they laid great stress on rhetoric. This new branch of learning was a system of rules for the composition and de- livery of speeches. Through such study, the sophists asserted, any man could fit himself in a short time for public speaking and for statesmanship. It is true that the teachings of certain eminent men of this class contained much that was wholesome. They began the study of grammar and philology, and the criticism of literature. They were founders of the science of ethics, a principle of which was that all men were by nature brothers, and that slavery was there- fore wrong. But many were mere jugglers in words; and the 1§ 241. 2§ 242. POPUP POU EP UURUPE EUR OP SEES UR OEE ROSE ER,— i aia — The Sophists and Socrates 243 spirit of the class was sceptical toward all existing beliefs and customs. They called into question the laws on which state and society rested. Their thinking on political subjects undermined the democracy, and led to the establishment of the oligarchy in AII B.C.; it weakened Athens in the later years of the war. The sophistic spirit is strong in Euripides, and can be discovered even in Thucydides ; in fact, it influenced all the think- ing of the time. Nearly all the educated accepted the view that the present age was one of enlighten- ment in contrast with the ignorance and supersti- tion of the past. The science, philosophy, and literature controlled by this sophistic view may be aptly termed the “New Learning.” 275. Socrates (469- 399 B.C.). — The worth- lessness of the great body of sophistic teaching was pointed out by Socrates, a man whose thoughts and character have left a deep impression on the world for all time. In personal appearance he was “ the ugliest of the sons of men.’ With his enormously large bald head, pro- truding eyes, flat nose, and thick lips, he resembled the satyr masks in the shop windows at Athens. Big-bodied and bandy-legged, he stalked like a pelican through the streets. But beneath the satyr mask was a mind of extraordinary power. In his youth he was but a sculptor —a tradesman from the Greek point of view ; and he did not succeed in his work, as he had the habit of standing for hours, or even for a day and night together, wholly lost in thought. Then, too, he believed himself inspired, —a spirit accompanied him through life warning him against doing evil. Forsaking an occupation in which, under the circumstances, he SOCRATES (Capitoline Museum, Rome) SS. a na SS om ee | i 7244 From the Sicilian Expedition to the End of the War could make but a poor living, he devoted himself to searching for truth. The sophists had said, “We are ignorant.” Socrates, admitting this, heralded a new era in thought when he said, “I will seek knowledge,” thus asserting, contrary to the sophists, the possibility of learning the truth. Though people called him sophist, he gave no course of study and charged no fee, but simply questioned any one whom he met till he had convinced his oppo- nent in the argument that the latter knew nothing of the subject of conversation. In all this he thought he was fulfilling a heaven- appointed mission, — the quest of truth with the help of his fellow- men. ‘Taking no thought of natural or of physical science, he busied himself with moral duties, inquiring, for instance, what was just and what unjust; what was bravery and what cowardice; what a state was and what the character of a statesman. True knowledge, he asserted, was the only guide to virtuous conduct. Thus Socrates laid for ethical science a solid foundation, on which men could build far better than on the sands of sophistry. In religion his teaching tended to strengthen the traditional faith. He often spoke of the gods in the plural, and he performed conscientiously all the religious duties of the citizen in the custom- ary way. But he sometimes spoke, too, of one God, the creator of the universe. His idea seems to have been that the other gods were subordinate to the one supreme being. Moral conduct he based on religion as well as on the reason. We should be virtuous, he taught, not only because virtue is useful to us, but also because it is pleasing to God. God is good because he likes that very con- auct which is most to our own advantage. In this way, Socrates reconciled knowledge with faith. About the close of the Peloponnesian War, thinking people grew weary of the uncertainty of the new learning, and went back to the old faith. Socrates helped this movement, but was himself de- stroyed by it. In 399 B.c. he was brought to trial on the ground that he had corrupted the youth and had acted impiously toward the gods. The accuser was conscientious but ignorant, and mis- took him for a sophist. In fact, Socrates had done exactly the contrary. But the jury condemned him to death. Though he might have escaped from the country, he considered it the duty of Fe wn ee tenant i y] ‘ Zt i ‘ % ee a PRPRRUOPESUREDEEEEESLELOSEOESOORUOERULEL STUNDE TES URSER ENTE!Socrates 245 <= a gocd citizen to obey the laws even when unjustly administered. Cheerfully he drank the cup of hemlock — a poison which caused a painless death. It was the Athenian method of execution. In this way he crowned a useful life by the death of a saint and martyr. Inspired by the great ideal, his disciples scattered throughout Hellas, founding schools of philosophy based on his principles. Through them Socrates influenced the thought of all later time. Suggestive Questions 1. Why did the Athenians invade Sicily? Would Pericles have advised it? 2. Compare the Athenian disaster in Egypt, 454 B.c., with that in Sicily, 413 B.c. Which was the greaterloss? Which had the greater effect ? 3. Compare the government of the Four Hundred with the pre-Solonian government. 4. Why were the Peloponnesians victorious in the war? 5. In describing the operations of this war, why is it wrong to speak of a “Spartan army ’”’? 6. Describe the location of Cyzicus, Notium, Arginu- sae, and Aegospotami. 7. Compare the ‘“‘ Maidens” of the porch in the Erechtheum (p. 240) with the ‘‘ Maidens ” in the Parthenon frieze (p. 217). Which was the more difficult task for the sculptor? 8. In what respects had sculpture and architecture changed since the Age of Pericles? 9. Why was Socrates mistaken for a sophist? ro. In what respects did he differ from them? rr. Write a summary of the entire Peloponnesian War, in- cluding causes and effects. Note-book Topics I. The Sicilian Expedition. — Thucydides, vi, vii (bk. vii is a master- piece of dramatic historical writing). II. Socrates. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 240-249; Plato, Apology; Murray, Ancient Greek Literature, 170-177; Holm, History of Greece, ii. 452-456; Gildersleeye, Essays and Studies, ‘‘ Xanthippe and Soc. rates.” one ee SS a ee ere ae tare ree eee ee or NSSs een ort ar! bn ke ea TNT NEB) | - naa soe oan ne Fe tT a ar ae i] | | CHAPTER XXI SICILY: THE TYRANT AND THE LIBERATOR 413-337 B.C. 276. The Carthaginians invade Sicily (409-404 B.C.). — The fall of Athens was a great misfortune to the Greeks of the West as well as to those of the East. For nearly seventy years the terror of her name had kept both the Carthaginians and the Persians at bay; but on the overthrow of her naval supremacy these two great foreign powers again hoped to conquer parts of Hellas. On the invitation of Segesta, which was still threatened by Selinus,* Carthage sent over to Sicily a vast fleet conveying an army of a hundred thousand men under King Han’ni-bal, grandson of that Hamilcar who had met his death at Himera. This great armament Jaid siege to Selinus; on the ninth day it stormed the city and butchered the inhabitants (409 B.c.). Thence Hannibal marched to Himera, where the siege and the massacre were repeated. Three thousand captives were led to the spot where Hamilcar had sacri- ficed himself,2 and there were killed with horrid torture. In this way, Hannibal sought to appease the hungry appetite of his grand- father’s ghost. A fresh army of mercenaries next invested Acragas, then the wealthiest and most luxurious city in the Greek world. Though reénforced by their neighbors, the inhabitants finally abandoned their city and settled in Leontini. Himilcon took up his winter quarters in deserted Acragas, and sent much of its wealth, including many works of art, to Carthage (405 B.C.). Soon afterwards a young officer of Syracuse, named Di-o-nys'i-us, made himself tyrant of his city. He compelled the people of Ge'la and of Cam-a-ri’na to abandon their cities to the invader and to re- tire to Syracuse. Great was the indignation of all classes against 1§ 257. 2 § 208.Dionysius 247 the usurper; but through his mercenaries he maintained himself against every attempt to assassinate or to depose him, In 404 B.C. he concluded a treaty with the Carthaginians, by which he yielded to them the whole island except the Sicels —a native nation in the interior — and the Greeks of the eastern coast. The Cartha- Fort EURYELUS (A corner in the Wall of Dionysius at Syracuse, interior view ; from a photograph) ginians, for their part, acknowledged him as the absolute ruler of Syracuse. 277. War with Carthage (397-392 B.c.). — But Dionysius did not intend to yield Sicily forever to the enemy. Seven years he busied himself with increasing his power and with preparing for war on a grand scale. He built an immense wall about Syracuse ; he organized an army of eighty thousand infantry; his engineers invented a new instrument, afterward known as the ballista, for throwing large stones against the enemy’s walls. In his new fleet were more than three hundred vessels, some of them quinqueremes, — huge galleys with five banks of oars, invented by his shipwrights. Though utterly unscrupulous, though he ground down the rich248 Sicily: The Tyrant and the Liberator with taxes and violated nearly every sentiment dear to the Greek heart, yet he gained a certain degree of popularity by the military preparations which made him appear as a strong champion of Hellas against the barbarian. He began war upon Carthage in 397 B.c., and with his vast armament nearly swept the Phoenicians from the island; but in the following year Himilcon, landing in Sicily, regained everything which Carthage had lost, ) WS YN and Messene in . oe oe y niiel addition. Most of Serer Be, Uy the Messenians es- NG caped, but Himil- con compelled his men to burn the woodwork and to grind the stones to powder. The in- vaders then de- Hy { i t i } | I KINGDOM OF feated the fleet of ee Dionysius and be- [Berney 4-00.47. sieged the tyrant in Syracuse by land and sea. The newly built ramparts saved the city. The siege was raised and the enemy pushed back till he held but the extreme western end of the island. All the rest Dionysius secured by the treaty of 392 B.c. 278. Conquests of Dionysius in Italy (to 287 B.c.); Other Wars. — Meantime Dionysius was conquering the Greeks of southern Italy. In the year 387 B.c. we find his kingdom extending as far as Croton. Some of the conquered people he removed to Syracuse, others he sold into slavery. Everywhere he showed the utmost disregard for sacred places and institutions, but the Greeks were powerless to resist. In two more wars which he carried on with Carthage, he failed to i t \ % = Pike : Lie ee eee ee iT Ea PPUURPER RUPEE RR UOC RPSURUER ESE US OORT OEDionysius in Peace 249 dislodge the foreigners from Sicily, but still held the larger part of the island, as well as his Italian possessions. He aided the Lacedae- monians in maintaining their Supremacy over eastern Greece,! and his power was recognized as the greatest in the Hellenic world. 279. Dionysius in Peace; his Character. — Though engaged in wars to the end, in his later years a desire for peace grew upon him. He was a poet as well as a general. A story is told that Phi-lox’e- nus, a poet at his court, was imprisoned in a stone quarry as a punishment for criticising the tyrant’s verse. When liberated soon afterward and invited to hear another recital, he endured the read- ing for a few moments, and then cried out, “‘ Take me back to the stone quarry!’’ A splendid display of horses and chariots, of athletes and actors, which Dionysius made at the Olympic games, in like manner won no applause. The orator Lys‘i-as, from Athens, tried to incite the Greeks there assembled to begin war upon the tyrant by plundering his rich tents. The holiness of the festival prevented this outrage, but the reciters of his poems were hissed, and his chariots were overturned in the race. Far from winning the favor and admiration of the Greeks by his exhibit, the tyrant discovered that he was universally hated. In 367 B.c. Dionysius died, after reigning thirty-eight years. No tyrant could have ruled so long without the possession of strong qualities. The private character of Dionysius was without re- proach. On the other hand, he never hesitated at bloodshed, confiscation of property, or anything else which would make him safe. Many spies in his pay watched the movements of those whom he suspected at home and abroad. With all his failings, he performed a service for Greece and for Europe by protecting Hellenic civilization in Italy and Sicily. 280. Civil Strife (367-345); Timoleon the Liberator (345- 337 B.C.). —A period of civil strife following the death of Dio- nysius was at length ended by Ti-mo’le-on, a general sent out by Corinth. Timoleon was a man of remarkable ability and strength of character. Gradually he overthrew the tyrants who since the death of Dionysius had usurped the power in many Sicilian cities. He then gave the cities good laws and settled governments. On the 1§ 201. Ce ees eer Ya ta eae nee ea eee Va 282. The Decarchies. — The overthrow of Athens, at the end of the Peloponnesian War,' left Sparta supreme in the east as Syracuse was in the west. At the summit of power stood Lysander, who had done more than any other man to bring eastern Greece under Spartan leadership. He now had an excellent opportunity to improve upon the rule of Athens; but, though a man of rare talents, he lacked the genius for such a task. He could think of nothing beyond the long-established Spartan and Athenian methods of dealing with allies and subjects. In each newly allied state, accordingly, he set up a decarchy, or board of ten oligarchs, with full control of the government. To sup- port the decarchies, he stationed Lacedaemonian garrisons in most of the cities. The commander, termed “‘ harmost,” was usually a man of low birth, servile to Lysander and brutal toward the de- fenceless people over whom he kept watch. Relying on his sup- port, the oligarchs killed or expelled their political enemies, con- fiscated property through sheer greed, and mistreated the women and children. While Athens ruled, a man could feel that life, property, and family were safe; but under Sparta the Greeks found themselves degraded to the condition of perioeci. 283. The Thirty at Athens (404-403 B.c.). —At Athens Lysander caused a board of thirty to be established with absolute authority over the state. The guiding spirit of the board was Crit’i-as, a noble of the highest rank. He was cold and calculating, ambitious and unscrupulous; within his short career he developed a strange appetite for blood and plunder. i | ‘ j H i} H a ny 1 § 270. 252aan Democracy Restored 25 4 Soon after taking possession of the government, the Thirty began to kill their political opponents. _ For their own safety, they called in a Lacedaemonian force of seven hundred men, and lodged it in the Acropolis at the expense of the state. Supported by these troops, the Thirty proceeded with their bloody work. As they often murdered men for their property, they preferred wealthy victims. Hundreds fled into exile; but the Spartan ephors, to uphold the Thirty, warned the fugitives away from all parts of Greece. Some of the states sheltered them in defiance of the ephors. Thebes, long the enemy of Athens, became their rallying- place. ‘Their number daily increased, because of the cruelty of the government at home. 284. Democracy restored (403 B.c.).—The crowd of exiles swelled into an army. At the head of seventy patriots, Thrasy- bulus crossed the border from Thebes, seized Phy’le, a strong fort high up on Mount Par’nes, and held it against an attack of the enemy. With his army increased to a thousand, he soon after- ward seized Peiraeus. When the Thirty with their Lacedaemonian garrison and citizen supporters marched down to attack him, the patriots defeated them and killed Critias. The patriots returned to Athens. They pardoned all for wrong- doing except the Thirty and a few other guilty officials. The Athenians now had enough of oligarchy. Their two recent experi- ments in that form of constitution — the rule of the Four Hun- dred and of the Thirty — proved that the government of the so- called ‘‘ better class’ was a delusion and a lie, and that the men who claimed superior privileges on the ground of virtue were in reality cutthroats and robbers. The great mass of people, who had little wealth or education, were far more obedient to law and exer- cised greater self-control in public life. Henceforth Athens was content with democracy. 285. The Expedition of Cyrus (401 B.c.). — Although the Thirty fell, the Lacedaemonians upheld the decarchies in the other cities of their empire. It was a part of their policy as well to keep on good terms with Cyrus, who had done so much to give them the victory over Athens. On the death of Darius, the late king of Persia, Ar-tax-erx’es, his elder son, succeeded to the throne, while254 The Supremacy of Sparta Cyrus, the younger, still held at Sardis the command of the most desirable part of Asia Minor.!. Wishing to be king in place of his brother, Cyrus prepared a great force of Asiatic troops and thirteen thousand Greeks. The Lacedaemonians not only favored his en- listment of these mercenaries from Greece, but even sent him seven hundred heavy-armed troops from their own state. With this army the prince marched into the very heart of the Persian empire, and met his brother in battle at Cu-nax’a, near Babylon. Cyrus was killed and his Asiatics retired from the field; but the little Hellenic force was victorious over the immense army of the king.” 286. The Return of the “‘ Ten Thousand.’’ — Then the Greeks under a truce began their retreat in a northerly direction. Their generals were entrapped and slain by the Persian commander Tis-sa-pher’nes, a rival of Cyrus. Thus they were left leaderless in the midst of the enemy’s country, surrounded by hostile nations, with impassable rivers and snow-covered mountains between them and home, with no guide even to tell them which way to go. While they were in despair, encouragement and good advice came from a young Athenian who had accompanied the expedition. This was Xen’o-phon, a pupil of Socrates the philosopher. Taking courage from his words, they chose new generals, among them Xenophon. Then they set out on their northward march, harassed at every step by the enemy. From Media they entered the Car-du’- chi-an mountains, which were covered with snow and inhabited by fierce barbarians. In passing through this rough country the Greeks suffered every kind of hardship, and were constantly as- sailed by the natives, who rolled stones down upon them from the heights, or harassed them in the rear, or blocked their ad- vance. Their losses were heavy, and the wonder is that any escaped alive. Thence they entered Armenia. Their way was now easier; but it was winter, and they still suffered from the cold. The satrap of the country promised thema free passage, but proved treacherous, and the fighting continued. After a long, weary march, full of —4 ee Pa senenns rd i i Ht 1§ ror. 2'The lowest estimate of ancient writers is 400,000. Some modern historians con- sider this number a great exaggeration.ee eet lan A New War with Persia cc Se adventures and of narrow escapes, they neared the Black Sea. As the footsore van reached a certain height overlooking the water, it raised a joyful shout, ‘‘ The Sea! The Sea!” The rest of the soldiers ran quickly up to enjoy the good sight and to share in the cheering. The men embraced one another and their officers with tearful eyes. It seemed like home. They had lost about a third of their number in a journey of perhaps a thousand miles. The thrilling story of the expedition of Cyrus and of the retreat of the “Ten Thousand” is told in the An-ab’a-sis of Xenophon. The courage, harmony, and discipline of these mercenaries in the midst of such hardships and dangers prove the high political and moral character of the Greeks. To the world of that time, however, the expedition was chiefly significant as evidence of Persian weakness. The discovery that so small a force could penetrate to the very heart of the empire and return almost unscathed was the first step toward its conquest. 287. War between Lacedaemon and Persia (beginning 400 B.C.). — The expedition of Cyrus had two important effects: (1) it: brought the Persian power into contempt among the Greeks; and (2) it immediately caused war between Persia and Lacedaemon. For this state, by supporting Cyrus, had incurred the anger of the Persian king. A strong force of Peloponnesians crossed to Asia Minor, and, joining the remnant of the Ten Thousand, began war upon the Persians. In 396 B.C. A-ges-i-la’us, who had recently succeeded to one of the thrones at Sparta, came with a few thousand additional troops and took command in person. The little lame king was gentle and courteous. Faithful in friendship, simple in life, and incorruptible, he was an ideal Spartan. Though forty years of age at his accession, he was wholly without experience in command; but he proved himself an able king and general. With his small army he freed the Greeks of Asia Minor from the Persian yoke. 288. The Corinthian War (395-387 B.C.). — The plan of Agesi- laus for further conquest was rudely disturbed by trouble at home. Sparta was selfish and tyrannical; the greater allied states, as Thebes and Corinth, wished a share in her supremacy; the lesser communities desired at least their independence. As they were all } :256 The Supremacy of Sparta disappointed in their hopes, they began to show discontent. In 395 B.C. they provoked Lacedaemon to a war which lasted eight years. This is called the Corinthian War, because the struggle centred chiefly about Corinth and the Isthmus. Athens, Corinth, and several other states took the side of Thebes, while Persia sup- plied the funds. In the second year of the war, a combined Greek and Phoenician fleet under Conon,! the Athenian admiral, destroyed the fleet of Lacedaemon off Cni’dus. Thus the Spartan naval supremacy fell at a single blow. Conon sailed from island to island, expelling the harmosts and freeing all from Lacedaemonian rule. The next year he anchored his fleet in the harbors of Peiraeus, and with the help of Persia and of the neighbors of Athens he began to rebuild the Long Walls. Nearer home the Lacedaemonians were scarcely more fortunate. Lysander was killed; it became necessary to recall Agesilaus. But the victories he gained on his return helped Sparta little. One of ‘the most important facts in the history of this war is that the well- trained light troops of Athens were now proving superior to the heavy infantry of Lacedaemon. Near Corinth they attacked a battalion of the Spartan phalanx,” six hundred strong, and cut it to pieces. The Lacedaemonians never fully recovered from the blow; the military organization which had always been the foun- dation of their supremacy in Greece proved defective. 289. The Treaty of Antalcidas (387 B.c.). — They acknowledged their failure in the war by coming to terms with Persia. The king was ready to use his money and influence for the preservation of a peace which should assure him the possession of Asia Minor; and Lacedaemon could do nothing but accept his terms. Accordingly her ambassador, An-tal’ci-das, and the king’s legate invited all the Greek states to send deputies to Sardis for the purpose of concluding peace. When they arrived, the Persian legate showed them the king’s seal on a document which he held in his hand, and read from it the following terms imposed by Persia upon the Greeks: “ King Artaxerxes deems it just that the cities in Asia, with the islands of Cla-zom’e-nae and Cyprus, should belong to himself; 1§ 269. *§ 138,Spartan Tyranny 257 the rest of the Hellenic cities, both small and great, he will leave independent, with the exception of Lem‘nos, Im’bros, and Scy’ros, which three are to belong to Athens as of yore. Should any of the parties concerned not accept this peace, I, Artaxerxes, together with those who share my views, will war against the offenders by land and sea, with ships and money.” As the Greeks believed it impossible to wage war successfully with both Lacedaemon and Persia they accepted the terms. It was well understood that Lacedaemon was to enforce the treaty for the king; and this position made her again the undisputed head of eastern Greece. 290. The Violence of Sparta. — The Lacedaemoniens still ruled according to the policy of Lysander, —a combination of brute force and cunning. It was their aim to weaken the states from which they might expect resistance. In northern Greece they assailed the Chalcidic League, which, though newly formed, had already grown powerful. While at war with this league, they seized the Cadmea —the citadel of Thebes — and occupied it with a garrison in open violation of law (383 B.c.). Even the citizens of Sparta, not to speak of the Greeks in general, were indignant with the officer who had done the violent deed; but Agesilaus excused him on the ground that the act was advantageous to Sparta, thus setting forth the principle that Greece was to be ruled for the benefit merely of the governing city. Though the Lacedae- monians punished the officer, they approved the deed by leaving the garrison in the Cadmea. 291. Tyranny arouses Resistance. — The Lacedaemonians were now at the height of their power. ‘Their city was the acknowledged leader of all eastern Greece, supported by Persia in the east and by Dionysius in the west.2 But their policy was soon to awaken forces which were to overthrow their supremacy forever. Resist- ance was first aroused in Thebes, where the oppressor’s hand was heaviest. In that city was an oligarchy somewhat like the Thirty at Athens. Supported by the Lacedaemonian garrison, these oligarchs ruled by terrorism, imprisoning some opponents and banishing others. The exiles took refuge in Athens, and there found sympathy. Among the refugees was Pe-lop’i-das, a wealthy t Xenophon, Hellenica, v. 1. 2 § 279. 8 e eal ar ——— 2 RS ——— f ! a } } aSethe 258 The Supremacy of Sparta Theban, full of patriotism and brave to recklessness, — the very man his city needed to save her. Pelopidas had left behind him in Thebes an intimate friend, Ep-am-in-on‘das, an orator of remark- able keenness and force, and a philosopher. The oligarchs thought Epaminondas a harmless dreamer; but while they allowed him to remain unmolested at home, he was attracting into his school the most capable youths of Thebes, and was arousing in them the moral power which was to set his country free. The young Thebans, who delighted in physical training, learned from the philosopher that mere size of muscle was of no advantage, that they should aim rather at agility and endurance. He encouraged them to wrestle with the Lacedaemonian soldiers in the Cadmea, that when the crisis should come, they might meet them without fear. 292. The Liberation of Thebes (379 B.c.). — Meantime Pelopi- das at Athens was planning to return with the exiles to over- throw the oligarchy. Four years passed in this manner, and it was now the winter of 379 B.c. The Chalcidic League had fallen, resistance to Sparta was becoming every day more hopeless; there was need of haste. Selecting twelve of the younger men, he set out on the dangerous mission of striking a secret blow for their country. They dressed themselves like huntsmen, and, accompanied by dogs, crossed Mount Parnes toward Thebes in groups of two and three. A snow-storm had just set in when at dark these men, their faces muffled in their cloaks, entered the city by various gates and met another band of conspirators in the house of their leader. On the following night an official who was also in the plot held a banquet, to which he invited all the magistrates except one, who was the head of the oligarchic party. While these magistrates were carousing, some of the conspirators entered, disguised as women, and killed them. At the same time Pelopidas with two companions went to the house of the remaining magistrate, and after a hard struggle made away with him. The next morning Epaminondas introduced the leaders of the con- spiracy to the assembled citizens, who elected them Boeotarchs, or chief magistrates of Boeotia. A democracy was now established, ener ery aan be | “| i ' i] i 2° rh es BEROPRUERSUHEPRR EP SEURUOPER UL SU ROR tease WERE RUPaPaG en ; }A New Athenian Confederacy 259 and the garrison in the Cadmea surrendered with the privilege of departing unharmed. Thebes was again free. 293. The Athenian Maritime Confederacy (377 B.c.). — The Athenians, though in sympathy with their neighbor, would gladly have remained neutral, had not Lacedaemon driven them to war by a treacherous attempt to seize Peiraeus. They renewed their alliance with the maritime cities, which had deserted them for Sparta, but were now seeking their protection. The new league was to be a union of the Greeks for the defence of their liberties against Sparta. Each allied state sent a deputy to a congress at Athens. It was agreed that the leading city alone should have no representative in this body in order that the deputies might not be influenced by the presidency, or even by the presence of an Athenian. To be binding, a measure had to receive the approval of both Athens and congress. This arrangement made the leading city equal to all the others combined, but prevented her from ac- quiring absolute power such as she had exercised over the members of the earlier confederacy. There were still to be contributions of ships and money, but as Athens was no longer in a position to compel the allies to perform their duties, the league remained far weaker than it had been in the preceding century. 294. The Peace Convention (271 B.c.). —As the new alliance ‘ncluded Thebes and about seventy other cities, 1t was more than a match for Peloponnese; but the Thebans finally withdrew from the war, and busied themselves with subduing the Boeotian towns. Left to carry on the struggle alone and displeased with the policy of Thebes, Athens opened negotiations with Lacedaemon. There- upon a convention of all the Greek states met in Sparta to establish a Hellenic peace. Though the treaty of Antalcidas was renewed, the Persian king could no longer arbitrate among the Greeks — they now felt able to manage their own affairs. It 1s interesting to see them acting together to establish peace, and endeavoring to form one Hellenic state on the basis of local independence and equal rights. The convention resolved to accept peace on the understanding that every Greek state should be independent and that all fleets and armies should be disbanded. Though all were ready to make peace on these terms, trouble eres "ieee i | \ea ns en OH Ne a mm do enh a el bone nT es eee J ————: ——" onset: — ‘ E 1 i hr 1 * y ¢ i Hy i] i 260 The Supremacy of Sparta arose in regard to ratifying the treaty. Sparta insisted on signing it in behalf of her allies, but would not grant the same privilege to Thebes. When, accordingly, Agesilaus demanded that the Boeo- tian towns should be permitted to sign for themselves, Epaminon- das, the Theban deputy, declared that his city had as good a right to represent all Boeotia as Sparta to represent all Laconia. His boldness startled the convention. For ages the Greeks had stood in awe of Sparta, and no one had dared question her authority within the borders of Lacedaemon. But the deputy from Thebes was winning his point with the members, when Agesilaus in great rage sprang to his feet and bade himsay once for all whether Boeotia should be independent. “ Yes, if you will give the same freedom to Laconia,” Epaminondas replied. The Spartan king then struck the name of Thebes from the list of states represented in the convention, excluding her thus from the peace. 295. The Battle of Leuctra (371 B.c.). — The treaty was signed, the convention dissolved, the deputies returned home. All eyes turned toward the impending conflict; every one expected to see the city of Epaminondas punished, perhaps destroyed, for the bold- ness of her leader. Leuctra was a small town in Boeotia southwest of Thebes. The battle fought there in 371 B.C. was in its political effects the most important in which Greeks only were engaged; to the student of military affairs it is one of the most interesting in history. As a result of studies in military science, Epaminondas introduced a sweeping revolution in warfare. The Boeotians had always made excellent soldiers, and in the Peloponnesian War they had success- fully tried the experiment of massing their men in a heavy phalanx. This solid body of infantry was to be the chief element in the new military system; Epaminondas was to convert the experiences of his countrymen into the most important principle of military science — the principle of concentrating the attack upon a single point of the enemy’s line. Opposite to the Peloponnesian right, made up of Lacedaemonians under one of their kings, he massed his left in a column fifty deep and led it to the attack. The enemy, drawn up uniformly twelve deep in the old-fashioned way, could not withstand the terrific shock. The Boeotian centre purposelyBattle of Leuctra 261 advanced more slowly than the column, and the right still more slowly, so that these divisions of the line took only the slightest part in the battle. But the Boeotian horsemen, who were well trained and high-spirited, easily put to rout the inefficient cavalry of the enemy; and the Sacred Band, Epaminondas’ school of Theban youths, followed the impetuous Pelopidas in an irresistible charge on the extreme Spartan right. The king was killed, his THE THEBAN TACTICS N THE army thoroughly beaten by a BATTLE ayn LEUCTRA much smaller force, and the su- premacy of Sparta was at an end. a a a ¢ ° =) | ES) aT 296. Estimate of the Spartan , i ‘400d fala Policy and Power. — At the close Ts of the Peloponnesian War, the | | Athenian Empire had passed un- ! der the control of Sparta, which oe continued to treat it as subject. Cae But the Spartans were less capa- it rw ble of governing an empire than ra aes mE im the Athenians had been; they were less intelligent, less just and DONE THEBAN CAVALRY mild. They had no experience in iim igean/cortine governing an empire, no knowl- cy SACRED BAND 1,I, THEBANS AND ALLIES BEFORE AOVANCE adoce an< nA os . sx7ctp r Il, II, THEBAN’, ADVANCE IN ECHELON FORMATION edge of finance, and no system ol Soe ee ia pena ertaraidesihes administering justice, as had the SHOWING THEBAN COLUMN AND SACRED BAND CUTTING THE SPARTAN LINE Athenians. They could only think of controlling their subjects as they did their perioeci, or in the most favored cases, their Pelo- ponnesian allies. Naturally they were guilty of many harsh and tyrannous acts. Notwithstanding all these facts, we must admit that after Athens had proved her inability to unite Hellas, it was well for Sparta to make the attempt. A great number of liberty-loving states could not possibly be welded into a nation without the use of force and the infliction of some temporary injustice. But the Greeks were learning to codperate in safeguarding their rights against Sparta, while adapting themselves to her supremacy. In time the system Bormay, Co-, N.-Yo ————— Sr a ele —— =< | fiy 262 The Supremacy of Sparia might have proved as easy and acceptable to the Greeks as it was efficient for protection. But the number of Spartans had dwindled to a few hundreds, and in military skill they were now surpassed by both Athenians and Thebans. Unable to rule by intelligence and justice, they lacked the strength, too, for keeping the city-states in obedience. The result was the end of their supremacy. From this point of view, the battle of Leuctra, a triumph of local patriotism, was a great misfortune to Hellas. Had Sparta retained the leadership, she might have preserved the independence of the nation. After her fall no city was strong enough for the task. ene een Sate toes ance ane = Suggestive Questions 1. Write a summary of this chapter like that on p. 250. 2. Compare the rule of Sparta in the fourth century B.c. with that of Athens in the fifth. 3. Compare the condition of Lacedaemon in the fourth century with her condition in the seventh. In this interval what changes had taken place in her constitution and society ? 4. Did. any good come to Greece from the treaty of Antalcidas ?> 5. Was the peace convention of 371 B.C. in any respect an improvement on that of 387 ? 6. Why should Epaminondas and Agesilaus disagree over the method of ratifying the treaty ? 7. What were the various effects of the battle of Leuctra? H i | Hi | | | | i t t | ; Ty il i ee Note-book Topics I. The Return of the Ten Thousand.— Xenophon, Anabasis, ii-vi. II. The Battle of Leuctra. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 269- 275. III. The Internal Condition of Lacedaemon. — Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 3 (conspiracy of Cinadon); Lacedaemonian Constitution; Agesilaus; Plutarch, Lysander; Agesilaus. PERRET RED ERE GRE CRERRES SUN EEY CREE LPUEUE LURE D ERECHAPTER XXIII THEBES ATTEMPTS TO GAIN THE SUPREMACY 37—302 BC: 297. The Unfailing Courage of Sparta. — When news of the mis- fortune reached Sparta, the ephors delivered ‘‘ the names of the slain to their friends and families, with a word of warning to the women not to make any loud lamentation, but to bear their sorrow in silence; and the next day it was a striking spectacle to see those who had relations among the slain moving to and fro in public with bright and radiant looks, whilst of those whose friends were reported to be living, barely a man was to be seen, and these flitted by with lowered heads and scowling brows, as if in humiliation.” ! Spartan laws degraded runaways, and deprived them of citizen- ship and of all other honors; they had to go unwashed and meanly clad, with beards half shaven. Any one who met them in the street was at liberty to beat them, and they dared not resist. On the present occasion Sparta had sent out seven hundred citizens, of whom three hundred had disgraced themselves by surviving defeat. What should be done with them? | AAs Sparta had only about fifteen hundred citizens remaining, to disfranchise three hundred would be ruinous. Agesilaus, who was requested by the government to settle this serious question, decided to let the law sleep in the present case, to be revived, how- ever, for the future. In this way he piloted his country safely through the crisis. 298. Effects of the Battle on Peloponnese.—In Peloponnese the wildest confusion and anarchy arose. To the friends of Sparta it seemed that the world was falling into chaos, now that she had lost control, while her enemies rejoiced in the freedom assured them by her downfall. The first to profit by the revolution were the 1 Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 4. 263264 Thebes Attempts to Gain the Supremacy Arcadians, most of whom were still shepherds and peasants, living in villages, and following the Lacedaemonians in war. They now resolved to unite in a permanent league for the defence of their liber- ties. They then founded a new city, Meg-a-lop’o-lis, to be the seat of government, and a stronghold against Sparta. When the Arca- dians were attacked by the Lacedaemonians, Epaminondas came Mount ITHOME AND City WALL OF MESSENE (From a photograph) to their help at the head of an army of Thebans and their allies — in all, seventy thousand men. With this great host he invaded La- conia, and ravaged it from end to end; for the first time in history, Spartan women saw the smoke from the camp-fires of an enemy. Unable to capture Sparta, Epaminondas went to Messenia to aid the revolt of that country. With his help the Messenians built and fortified a new city, Messene, near the citadel of Mount Ithome, on a spot made sacred by many a heroic struggle for liberty. Mes- senia became an independent state. The result was that Lacedae- mon, deprived of a third of her territory, sank to the condition of aThe Difficulties of Thebes 265 second-rate power. Thereafter she would consent to no compact with other Greek states which did not include the recovery of her lost territory. As the Greeks would not grant this condition, they were deprived of Sparta’s invaluable aid in future wars for the pres- ervation of their liberty. 299. Theban Relations with Northern Greece, with Persia, and with Athens. — Within the next few years the Thebans ex- tended their influence over Thessaly and Macedon. This was the work of Pelopidas. As the majority of the continental states were allies of the Thebans, they were now the leading power through the entire length of the peninsula. This interference everywhere disturbed existing arrangements but failed to bring peace; their military strength fell short of their ambition. When it became apparent to the Thebans them- selves that they were too weak to maintain order in Hellas, they sent Pelopidas as ambassador to Susa to bring the influence and money of the king to bear once more in favor of peace. Artaxerxes was ready to dictate another treaty; but the Greeks had learned to despise him, and would no longer endure his interference. As this disgraceful business failed, Epaminondas turned resolutely to the almost hopeless task of reducing Greece to order by force of iron. The chief resistance to his plan came now from Athens. The mari- time city he had to meet on her own element, as she refused to dismantle her fleet at the command of Persia. Though as well sup- plied as Attica with coasts, Boeotia had little commerce and no fleet worthy of mention before the time of Epaminondas. But suddenly his state became a naval power, the great tactician stepped into the place of admiral, and an armament went forth to sweep Athens from the sea. 300. The Battle of Mantinea (362 B.c.).— But Epaminondas had no time to complete this task. He had already made three invasions of Peloponnese, and again he found it necessary to march across the Isthmus to restore order. Many allies joined him; Athens and Sparta were his chief enemies. The Theban com- mander attempted by forced marches to capture Sparta, then Mantinea, in the hope that he might thus establish peace without a battle; but in both attempts he failed.266 Thebes Attempts to Gain the Supremacy Then came the conflict at Mantinea. Notwithstanding theit tedious journeys, the condition of his troops was excellent ; they were full of enthusiasm and had absolute confidence in their com- mander. ‘There was no labor which they would shrink from, either by night or by day; there was no danger they would flinch from; and with the scantiest provisions, their discipline never failed them. And so, when he gave them his last orders to prepare for impending battle, they obeyed with alacrity. He spoke the word ; the cavalry fell to whitening their helmets, the heavy infantry of the Arcadians began inscribing the club (of Heracles) as a crest on their shields, in imitation of the Thebans, and all were engaged in sharpening their lances and swords and in polishing their heavy shields.” + Taking the enemy by surprise, Epaminondas repeated the tactics of Leuctra with perfect success. His charging column, now in the form of a wedge, cut through the opposing ranks and shattered the enemy’s host. The great commander fell mortally wounded with a javelin. Carried to the rear, he heard the victorious shouts of the Thebans, but when told that his fellow-generals were both dead, he advised his countrymen to make peace. The surgeon then drew out the javelin point, and Epaminondas died. Pelopidas had recently been slain in battle in Thessaly. The heroes were buried where they fell; and their gravestones in northern and southern Greece stood as monuments of Theban leadership, which ended with their lives. Pelopidas was bold and chivalrous, a zealous patriot and an able commander. Epaminondas was a great military genius. Person- ally he was without ambition, content to live as a private citizen, or to serve his state in the lowest offices. Absolutely pure in character, he aimed only to promote the welfare of his city and of Hellas. Though in statesmanship he was as able as any of his time, though his ideals were high and his methods honorable, he failed to discover the evils of the Hellenic state system, much more to remedy them. Fortune was kind to him and to his worthy helper in cutting them off at the height of their renown, — before they could see the failure of their policy and be made responsible for it. 1 Xenophon, Hellenica, vil. 5. PUR PRPREDOSUR OREO SECS PNGUR beeenSummary 267 301. Summary of the Attempted Supremacy of Thebes; Estimate of her Policy. — (1) The battle of Leuctra destroyed the Spartan supremacy and made Thebes the foremost military power in Greece. (2) With Theban help Arcadia and Messenia revolted ag ainst Sparta, and became independ. ent states. (3) Thebes extended her influence not only over Peloponnese and central Greece, but also over Thessaly and Macedon. (4) Though at- tempting to take the place of Sparta as the head of Greece, she merely dis- turbed existing arrangements, and failed altogether to establish peace. (5) Thereupon she called upon the Persian king for aid, but the Greeks now despised his power. (6) In making a new effort to win control of Pelopon- nese, Thebes fought the battle of Mantinea. (7) The death of Epaminon- das in this battle destroyed her last chance of supremacy. Had Epaminondas lived and succeeded in his plans, there is no reason for believing that he could have benefited Hellas. The Thebans were no better qualified for ruling than the Spartans had been. Their chief fault was their narrowness. Instead of making all the Boeotians Thebans, with full privi- leges in the leading city, they attempted to subject them to the condition of perioeci; and some towns they even destroyed. Their more remote allies they had no thought of binding to themselves by institutions such as hold the states of our nation together. Peloponnese, united under Lacedaemon, had been the citadel of Hellas, the centre of resistance to foreign aggression; and though Sparta was despotic, the Greek states had been learning of late to guard their liberties against her, while they still looked to her for protection and guidance in time of danger. All this was now changed. When Sparta had fallen, Thebes, taking her place, broke up Peloponnese into warring camps, weakened the only power which was capable of defending Hellas, and spread confusion everywhere. As a result, Greece was in chaos at the time she most needed unity and leadership in order to defend herself against the rising power of Macedon. ee ES SS ea i Suggestive Questions t. Were the Athenians wise in joining Lacedaemon against Thebes? Give an account of the previous relations between Athens and Lacedaemon, 2. Why was the foundation of Theban supremacy weak? 3. Compare the policy of Thebes with that of Sparta. Did Thebes introduce any improve- ment? 4. What was the effect of the Theban policy on Hellas? 5. Could we say that any Greek state was blameworthy for refusing to submit to another? for attempting to gain the supremacy over others? i | I . f | i } | i | | { } | | Note-book Topics I. The Battle of Mantinea. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 278-285 (Xenophon, Hellenica). II, Epaminondas. — Plutarch, Pelopidas; Sankey, Spartan and Theban Supremacies, chs. xi, xii; Bury, History of Greece, 566, 592-626; Holm, Histcry of Greece, iii. cbs. viii-x; Curtius, History of Greece, bk. vi. ne 2 eS . etrae ns one me eee nen ee etn te Recents hoa SSS | ¥ 4 ps Lee ee CHAPTER XXIV THE RISE OF MACEDON To 338 B.C. 302. Country and People. — Macedon is the basin of a single river-system. Its waters in their upper course run through plains separated by high mountains, and then flow together in three par- allel streams to the sea. It is somewhat like a hand with radiating fingers reaching from the coast into the continent. The country is made up accordingly of two distinct regions: the Highland, including the mountains and plains of the interior; and the Low- land, nearer. the sea. Dense forests nearly covered the Highland, even as late as the fourth century B.c. The sparse population lived in hovels, dressed in skins, and fed their few sheep on the mountain sides. Their habits were warlike: the youth could not sit at table with the men till he had killed a wild boar, and he who had slain no foe had to wear arope about his body as a sign that he was not yet free. They ate from wooden dishes; they fought with the rudest weapons; poverty and exposure were toughening them into ex- cellent material for soldiers. In each separate valley dwelt a tribe under the rule of a king and nobles, as it had been in the Greece of Homer’s day. The Macedo- nians were indeed Greeks who had not yet emerged from barbarism. The Lowlanders, however, were rapidly learning the ideas and the useful arts of the Hellenic colonies along their coasts. By hard fighting, the king of the Lowlands finally united all the tribes of Macedon under his sway. 303. Philip: Accession and Early Conquests. — In the time of Epaminondas the Thebans interfered in the affairs of Macedon, as explained above,! and carried away as hostage a young prince named Philip. 1 § 200. 268 SU PRER EEE eaeee eeeeEIIUii Ln a a a ee | Philip 269 Thebes was then at the height of her glory: her generals and her army were the best in the world; her schools, streets, market-place, and assembly thronged with busy life; her arsenals sounded con- tinually with preparations for war. The royal youth came a half- barbarian, with a voracious appetite for learning everything which would be useful to his country; he returned a civilized Greek, with an ambition to be the maker of a nation. Soon afterward the king, an elder brother, fell while fighting against the rebellious Highlanders; and Philip mounted the throne, beset on all sides with difficulties and dangers (359 B.c.). Within the next two years he had proved his right to rule by over- coming his domestic foes, defeating his hostile neighbors, and seating himself firmly in power. It became evident at once that he in- tended to enlarge his kingdom by subduing the surrounding states. First he wished to annex the coast cities, that he might have free access to the sea. Some of these cities were allies of Athens, and others belonged to the Chalcidic Federation, restored after its over- throw by Lacedaemon.! Grossly deceiving both Athenians and Chalcidians as to his purpose, he robbed Athens of her allies on the coast and seized Amphipolis, the greatest commercial city in the neighborhood. It must be said in his favor that he treated his new subjects with the utmost fairness, granting their cities more rights than the native Macedonians enjoyed. 304. War between Philip and Athens (357-346 B.c.).— In anger Athens broke the peace with him, but could do nothing more because she was engaged at the same time in a social war, — that is, a war with some of her allies who had revolted. She showed great weak- ness through this period in all her dealings with other states, as many of her citizens were opposed to an active foreign policy. She failed in the social war, and ended it by granting independence to the seceding states, Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium. Other allies deserted, till only Euboea and a few small islands were left, whose war contributions amounted to no more than forty-five talents a year. Philip, on the other hand, acquired enormous revenues by seizing Mount Pangaeus and working its gold mines. This source yielded him a thousand talents a year. With the money + § 290. Sr as Se i a : 1 { | —— enSee terre ae se eee ree eden =—=S—— ee i i } i Hi 279 The Rise of Macedon he was enabled to keep up a standing army, build a fleet from the timber of the forests about Pangaeus, and bribe supporters in nearly every city of Greece. His immediate aim, however, was to make himself master of Thessaly; and the opportunity soon offered itself. 305. The Sacred War (356-346 B.c.). — About the time when Athens broke peace with him, trouble arose between Phocis and Thebes. The Phocians, like the Macedonians, were a fresh, vigorous race, whose martial strength and ardor had not yet been softened by commerce and city life. As they refused to submit to Thebes, this city persuaded the Amphictyonic Council to declare a sacred war* upon them on a false charge of having wronged Apollo. To pay the expenses of the war, the Phocian commanders borrowed large sums of meney from the Delphic treasury, —a perfectly honorable transaction, as Delphi was a Phocian city and the war was in self- defence; yet the enemies of the little state cried out hypocritically against this still more impious crime against the god. By means of this money, the Phocian general brought together a great army of mercenaries, with which he overran Locris, Doris, and Boeotia, seized the pass of Thermopylae, defeated Philip twice in Thessaly, and drove him back to Macedon. This conflict between Phocis and Macedon was for the control of Thessaly. The unfortunate campaign of Philip merely spurred him to greater exertions. In the following year he reappeared with an army in Thessaly, defeated the Phocians, and drove them behind Thermopylae. Only the timely arrival of an Athenian force prevented the victorious king from passing through Thermopylae into central Greece. However, all Thessaly was now his, and immediately afterward he con- quered Thrace nearly to the Hellespont. 306. Philip threatens Olynthus (352-349). — Up to this time the Chalcidians had been in alliance with Philip, whom they looked upon as a petty tribal chief. But alarmed at the wonderful growth of his power, they made peace with Athens in violation of thei agreement with him. The crafty king let three years slip quietly by, during which he won over to himself by threats and bribes a considerable party in every Chalcidic town; then, when fully pre- 1§ 104.er rial irinnetiie meee yea . ad Scecrc eee oa erie ase aaa ee —? Demosthenes 271 yared for war, he ordered O-lyn ‘thus! to give up his step-brother, who had taken refuge from him in that city. As Greeks considered 't a religious duty to harbor exiles, Olynthus refused, and sent at the same time an appeal to Athens for help. 307. Demosthenes. — Among the speakers in the Athenian assembly, when the request from Olynthus came up for eee: ation, was the man who was to be known through future ages as the antagonist of Philip, — Demos- thenes, the most eminent orator the world has known. Demosthenes was only seven years old when his father, a wealthy manu- facturer, died, whereupon the guar- dians took most of the estate for themselves. He was a slender, sallow boy, who, instead of joining with com- rades in the sports of the gymnasium, stayed at home with his mother, nurs- ing his wrath against the unfaithful guardians till it became the ruling passion of his youth. To prepare himself for prosecuting them he studied legal oratory under an experienced master. It is said, too, that even in youth he resolved to become a states- man; but his voice was defective, his DEMOSTHENES body weak and awkward, his habits (Vatican Museum, Rome) unsocial, — his whole nature unfitted for such a calling. Strength of soul, however, made up for personal disadvantages. He trained his voice and delivery under a success- ful actor; he studied the great masterpieces of Attic prose; he steeled his will and so exercised his mental muscles that they became capable of the highest and most prolonged tension. Severe toil, 1 The chief city of Chalcidice. Sn —————————— ! t ‘ iHoJ =a heme She SiS PE Ee et Sei See rs 272 The Rise of Macedon continued through many years, gave him his genius. Success in prosecuting the guardians led to speech-writing as a profession, from which he gradually made his way into public life. He was the first to foresee the danger to Hellenic freedom from Philip, and lost no time or zeal in warning Athens to meet it while it was yet far off. In 352 B.c. he began his opposition to the king of Macedon in an oration called his First Philippic; and when envoys from Olynthus begged Athens for an alliance, he urged his countrymen to accept the opportunity. ‘“‘ Give prompt and vigor- ous assistance, use your surplus revenues for war rather than for festivals; be not content with sending mercenaries, but take the field yourselves against Philip, and you will certainly defeat him, for his strength is derived from your weak policy, his power is based on injustice, and all his subjects will revolt, if only you give them a little encouragement and support.” Such were the sentiments of his Olynthiac Orations. He tried to inspire his countrymen with the vigor and ambition of their fathers, who had beaten down Persia and had founded an empire; yet his words had little effect, as he was still a young man and almost unknown. The Athenians made the alliance, but sent insufficient help; so that before the end of another year Philip had taken Olynthus and the thirty other cities of the League. He destroyed them all, and enslaved the entire population. 308. Character of Philip; his Army and State. — Hellas was punished for the disunion of her states, but this does not justify Philip. The cruelty and violence of all the Greek tyrants combined scarcely equalled this one deed of the Macedonian king. There could now be no doubt that he was dangerous. He ruled Macedon, Thessaly, Chalcidice, and the greater part of Thrace; he had his hirelings among the leading men of the Hellenic cities. He was a self-made man, an incessant toiler, who spared not his own person, but ‘‘in his struggle for power and empire had an eye cut out, his collar-bone fractured, a hand and a leg mutilated, and was willing to sacrifice any part of his body which fortune might choose to take, provided he could live with the remainder in honor and glory.”! The body served a masterful intellect; few men 1 Demosthenes, De Corona, 67.Army and State 273 have equalled him in quickness of thought and in soundness of judgment. The greatest of his achievements was the creation of the Mace- donian army. The rough Highland huntsmen and the peasants of the Plain, organized in local regiments, composed his phalanx. Learning a lesson from Athens,! he lightened their defensive armor and increased the length of their spears. Thus they could move more rapidly than the old-fashioned phalanx, and in conflict with any enemy their lances were first to draw blood. The nobles served in the cavalry as “companions” of the king; the light troops composed his guard; the sons of nobles were royal pages, associat- ing with the king and protecting his person. Gradually military pride, the glory of success, and most of all the magnetism of a great commander, welded this mass of men into an organic whole. The military organization not only civilized the Macedonians by sub- jecting them to discipline, but it also destroyed their clannishness, and made of them one nation with common interests, sentiments, and hopes. And Philip’s country was not so exclusive as the Hel- lenic cities had always been; it readily admitted strangers to citizen- ship, and in this way showed capacity for indefinite growth in popu- lation and in area. Macedon was already far larger than any other Greek state; its army was better organized; its troops were superior ; and its king possessed a genius for war and for diplomacy. 309. Peace with Athens and the Overthrow of Phocis (346 B.C.). — Three years after the fall of Chalcidice Athens made peace with Philip. The treaty included the allies of both parties, with the exception of the Phocians, whom Philip reserved for destruction. His excuse was that they had seized the treasures of Apollo at Delphi; he really wished to gain a foothold in central Greece and at the same time to pose as a champion of the prophet god. A few days after signing the treaty he passed through Thermopy- lae, and as agent of the Amphictyonic Council he destroyed the twenty-two cities of Phocis and scattered the inhabitants in villages. The council decreed that the Phocians should repay by annual instalments the ten thousand talents they had taken from Apollo’s treasury. ‘Their seat in the council was given to Philip. ‘This posi- 1§ 288.The Rise of Macedon tion, together with the presidency of the Pythian games, assured him great honor and influence throughout Hellas. He was now not | only a Greek, but the greatest of the Hellenic nation. 310. The Battle of Chaeronea (338 B.c.). — In the years of peace which followed, Philip was busily winning friends among the Greeks; it was his aim to bring Hellas under his will by creating Pas ee ee en eee ed BATTLEFIEI D OF CHAERONEA (From a photograph) in each city a party devoted to himself. In all his movements, however, he was met by the eloquence and the diplomacy of Demos- | thenes. Gradually the orator brought together a Hellenic League aia | to drive Philip out of Greece. Several states in Peloponnese and i haiblhidieg 4 | in central Greece joined it. | _ As the time seemed ripe fora final attack upon Greek liberties, Philip caused his agents to kindle another sacred war in central Greece. He then marched again through Thermopylae, and occu- pied El-a-te’a, near the Boeotian frontier. As thismovement threat- | ened Boeotia, Thebes was induced to enter the Hellenic League. The allied forces met him at Chae-ro-ne’a in Boeotia. On eachPhilip Lord of Greece 275 side were about thirty thousand men. Philip’s generalship won the day. In this battle a monarch, commanding all the resources of his state, proved superior to a loose alliance of republics. The out- come impressed upon men the idea that monarchy was the strongest and best form of government. Hence it helped to determine that to the present day the civilized world should be ruled chiefly by kings and emperors. 311. The Congress at Corinth. — The Hellenic states hastened to submit to the victor, Sparta alone maintaining her independence. Philip drew up a plan for their organization under his leader- ship. The states were to be free and to govern themselves under their own constitutions. But no more civil strife was to be per- mitted within the states, or wars between one state and another. All were to send deputies to a congress at Corinth. The body was to meet whenever called by Philip to deliberate under his presi- dency on war, peace, and all matters of national interest. The first session was held shortly after the battle of Chaeronea. In the second session, 337 B.C., the Greeks elected Philip captain-general, and agreed to furnish land and naval forces in proportion to their several means. The object of these preparations was the conquest of Persia. Let us for a moment compare Philip’s congress with the one which met in the same place in 480 B.c.! The aim of the earlier session was the protection of Hellenic liberty from Persian aggression; that of Philip’s congress was the conquest of the aggressor. Doubtless there was a certain historical justice in the latter object — in the attempt to balance the right and wrong of the world; and it afforded the Greeks an outlook into a new and great future. But on the former occasion the deputies acted voluntarily, on the latter under fear of a master, whose garrisons held their strongholds. Philip wished merely to be the war-captain of a free and united Hellas ; his leadership was to be in kind the same as that of Sparta or of Thebes. But the majority of the Greeks could only look upon him as a foreign master, whom they for the present were constrained through fear to obey. For all these reasons we must regard the 1§ 202. DAT Fal <| a pa rome i i if Hi i} :Pibayy 276 The Rise of Macedon later congress as distinctly inferior to the earlier in nobility of motive and character. 312. Significance of the Macedonian Supremacy. — At last Hellas was united. The end long dreamed of and struggled for by many patriotic Greeks was reached. The Hellenes were soon to become the leading people in a great empire, and were to offer it the benefit of their superior civilization. In so far as the world accepted the offer, it profited by Philip’s achievement. Now that the Hellenes were at peace among themselves and still living under free governments, we should expect them to progress more rapidly than before and to bring their civilization to a still greater height of excellence. But if we take this view of the case, we shall be disappointed. Progress was thereafter made along certain narrow lines, which will be considered in a later chapter.* In reality the conditions which favored the growth of civilization had passed away from Greece forever. One condition was the fearlessness of absolute freedom, which could not exist under a master, however benevolent he might be. Another was the stimulus of party strife and of interstate warfare, which Philip for a time suppressed. It is true that various other causes were codperating with these two in bringing about a decline of Greek genius; but the fact here to be emphasized is that the classic age of Greek literature and art came to an end with the lives of the men who saw the battle of Chaeronea. 313. Growth of the Idea of conquering Persia; Philip’s Prepa- rations. —Before the battle of Plataea (479 B.c.), the Hellenes could think of nothing further than self-protection from Persia. Soon afterward, however, those who organized the Delian Con- federacy conceived the idea of a perpetual war of aggression upon the great empire. They had advanced so far in confidence and strength as to believe that such a war would be successful, and even profitable. The most famous exponent of this policy was Cimon. For a time Pericles held to it. He believed that he could greatly disable Persia and win an empire for Athens by aiding in the liberation of Egypt and Cyprus. But when these attempts failed, the idea was for a time dropped. Early in the fourth cen- 1 Ch. xxvii, § 345 fi.The Idea of Conquering Persia 277 tury it was revived by the successful march of the * Ten Thousand,” which proved the weakness of the empire when matched against the Greeks. Resuming the policy of Cimon, Agesilaus hoped at least to conquer Asia Minor for the Greeks, and would doubtless have succeeded, had he not been recalled by war nearer home. Writers and orators then took up the idea, and made the public acquainted with it. When, accordingly, Philip came to the leader- ship, he found the Hellenic mind prepared for his proposition to conquer the Persian empire. Preparation for this enterprise went on actively till, in 336 B.C., the army was ready to move into Asia. But Philip was delayed by troubles in his own house. His wife O-lym’pi-as, the mother of his son Alexander, was an Epeirot princess, a wild, fierce woman. Sent home to her kinsmen and supplanted by a younger wife, she began in jealous rage to plot against her lord. Between Philip and Alexander an angry brawl arose; then came a reconciliation cele- brated with splendid feasts and games. In the midst of the rejoic- ing Philip was assassinated. Z 314. Summary of the Rise of Macedon. — (x1) Gradually the tribes of Macedon adopted the civilization of the other Greeks. (2) In the first half of the fourth century B.c., they united in one state under a king. (3) Philip, ascending the throne, 359 B.c., began to extend his kingdom by annexing Greek colonies on the neighboring coasts. (4) For eleven years 357-346) he waged a successful war with Athens. (5) Meanwhile he con- quered Thessaly, most of Thrace, and Chalcidice. (6) During this time he was creating the best-organized and best-disciplined army in the world. (7) Invited by the Amphictyonic Council to punish the Phocians for alleged impiety to Apollo, he destroyed all their cities and transferred their votes in the council to himself. He was now the greatest of the Hellenes. (8) When Athens, Thebes, and a few minor states united to resist his aggres- sions, he defeated their army at Chaeronea. (9) He then organized a Hel- lenic federation, represented in a congress meeting at Corinth under his presidency. In this way he unified a great part of Hellas. (10) But while preparing to lead the Greeks against Persia, he was assassinated. Suggestive Questions 1. Why-did not Macedon develop as rapidly in civilization as Attica? 2. Compare the Macedonians with the Homeric Greeks. 3. Compare the Athenians in the age of Philip with their ancestors in the age of Pericles.Sree nae ct pee ye Nm aS a ij 278 The Rise of Macedon In what respects had they declined or improved? 4. Was Demosthenes wise in constantly opposing Philip? Debate this question. 5. Compare the Macedonian army under Philip with that of Lacedaemon; with that of Thebes under Epaminondas. 6. Was the career of Philip advantageous to Greece? If so, in what way? 7. In the career of Philip, what evidences do you find of his genius? What is your estimate of his general character? Note-book Topics I. Philip. — Bury, History of Greece, 683-737; Holm, History of Greece, iii. chs. xv—-xix; Curteis, Macedonian Empire, 23-85; Hogarth, Philip and Alexander. II. Demosthenes. — Plutarch, Demosthenes; Butcher, Demosthenes; see Indices in the various histories of Greece. Extracts from his Orations, Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 280-295. III. The Athens of Demosthenes. — Curtius, History of Greece, v. 123- 133; Holm, History of Greece, iii. chs. xiii, xv.a tee ——— CHAPTER XXV THE FOUNDING OF ALEXANDER’S EMPIRE 336-323 B.C. 315. Alexander’s Early Character and Policy. — At the time of his accession (336 B.c.) Alexander was a ruddy-cheeked youth of twenty years with eyes and face full of animation and with the form of an Olympic runner. There was in him the same eagerness for knowledge as for exercise; and among his tutors was Aristotle, the most learned of all the Greeks. Alexander was passionately fond of the Jliad, as he found in the hero Achilles his own ideal and image. ee a ala =< —— The young king was an impetuous yet { b i) | manly spirit, sincere in an age of de- ceit, incessantly active in the midst of a generation of drones. When he came to his inheritance, he found the great work of his father rapidly crumbling, — the Macedo- nians disaffected, barbarous tribes threatening invasion, and Greece re- bellious. The wise men of Macedon urged him to proceed cautiously in meeting the difficulties which beset him; but Alexander with a few mas- terful strokes reduced his subjects and his troublesome enemies to order. 316. The Invasion of Asia; Battle on the Granicus (334 B.c.).— In the spring of 334 B.c. Alexander crossed the Hellespont with forty thousand troops, and began his invasion of the Persian empire. He aspired to draw the hearts of his people to himself as the hero who would punish the Persians for desolating 279 SSS ALEXANDER (Capitoline Museum, Rome)aan» Juan nine Sas as at an aS ee teed eee ee 280 The Founding of Alexander’s Empire his country and burning its temples. The enemy first offered re- sistance on the Gra-ni’cus River near Troy; without hesitation Alexander crossed the stream under a storm of darts, and carried the enemy’s position by a bold dash. Half of the force which opposed him there consisted of Greeks who were serving the Asi- atic king for pay. Soon afterward he learned, too, that the war- ships of Hellas would codperate with the enemy. ‘This fact determined him to follow the coast from Ephesus to the mouths of the Nile and to seize all the harbors on the way, that hostile fleets might find no landing-place in his rear. On the march he had to storm fortresses, garrison towns, and keep open his com- munications with Macedon. As the Greek cities of Asia Minor fell one by one into his power, he gave them democratic govern- ments, but denied them the privilege of banishing oligarchs. Hellas had never before seen a policy at once so vigorous and so humane. 317. The Battle of Issus (333 B.c.); Alexander and the Greeks. — At Is’sus in Cilicia he met Darius in command of a vast host, yet posted in a narrow vailey where numbers did not count. By a skilful attack he routed the unwieldy mass, and sent the royal coward into headlong flight. Alexander always exposed himself recklessly in battle, and on this occasion was wounded by a sword. thrust in the thigh. A great quantity of booty, and even the mother, wife, and children of the king, fell into his hands. These persons he treated kindly, but refused to negotiate with Darius for peace. Soon after this battle he took captive some ambassadors who had come up from Greece to form with Darius a common plan of resist- ance to the Macedonians. Instead of punishing the envoys for what he might have regarded as treason, he found excuses for them and let them go. For a time Alexander tried to win the Greeks by similar acts of kindness; afterward he alienated them by his own unreasonableness. 318. The Siege of Tyre (332 B.C.) ; Founding of Alexandria. — From Issus Alexander proceeded to Tyre. The capture of this city by siege and storm was the most brilliant of all his military ex- ploits. Tyre stood on an island; and as he had no fleet, he could only reach the city by building a mole to connect it with the main-INE ee 'ap anand aa me Fore ee ot ea Peart en Cs Si ctiietia ett hearts eae Saal Xt ti teten nt _ “ aM A GEDRROSIA ences -aemee i om / / Pe, 1 lis oy’ <1 Hi] bw fm SO Ath} YY 1 oi 4 Yap > ISS 6 { : =: {2 =< | ny 610 \ \ De SIAR \\ > = 1 N UB (ETHIOPIA) EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT ee Marches of AlexanderTyre and Egypt 281 land. His plan was to lead his army along the mole to an attack on the city. Though harassed by the enemy’s fireships and by sor- ties from the harbors, he at last succeeded in finishing the work. Meanwhile he had collected a fleet of Greek and Phoenician vessels, so that he was able to make the attack by sea as well as by land. Many thousand Tyrians were slain in the storming of their city, and thousands of captives were sold into slavery. The great em- porium of the East was left a heap of ruins. ys ) Darius could no longer look for , help from the Phoenician navy, or gg ~~ +49" from the Greeks. He now offered iM CS still more favorable terms of peace, i eZ SRS, sont SY — Alexander should have all the neni or_ 7, _/ BSSxanasel country west of the Euphrates, and | ] ( EN je should become the son-in-law and ole = Si) (Harbany ally of the king. Alexander replied Con that he would not content himself Wy NM with the half, since the whole was a HA BPs already his, and that if he chose to BRST | marry. his adversary’s daughter, he Sue vente / 2, would do so without asking the father’s consent. Darius then began fresh preparations for war, and Alexander marched on to Egypt, which yielded without resistance. Near one of the mouths of the Nile he founded Alexandria to take the place of Tyre, and with its trade-routes to bind fast his new dominions to the throne of his fathers. It grew to be the greatest commercial city of the eastern Mediterranean. Before departing from Egypt Alexander paid a visit to the oracle of the god Ammon in an oasis of the Libyan desert, and received assurance from the deity who sat in this vast solitude that he, the conqueror of nations, was in reality a son of Zeus. A 319. The Battle of Arbela (331 B.c.). — From the Nile country Alexander led his army into the heart of the Persian empire. Some sixty miles from Ar-he’la, north of Babylon, he again met the enemy. On this occasion Darius had chosen a favorable position, a broad plain in which his enormous force found ample room for movement. Williams Eng. Vo., N. Y.a ag na ea te) PtP er an Se et es st =. — ent LU H | | | Fy | ] 282 The Founding of Alexander’s Empire The two armies halted in view of each other. While Alexander’s troops slept the night through, Darius, keeping his men under arms, reviewed them by torchlight. The Macedonian general Parmenion, beholding all the plain aglow with the lights and fires of the Asiatics, and hearing the uncertain and confused sound of voices from their camp like the distant roar of the vast ocean, was amazed at the multitude of the foe, and hastening to the tent of Alexander, be- sought him to make a night attack that darkness might hide them from the enemy. “TI will not steal a victory!” the young king replied. He knew Darius would lose all hope of resistance only when conquered by force of arms in a straightforward battle. It was a fierce struggle which took place on the following day; but the steady advance of the phalanx and the furious charge of the Mace- donian cavalry under the lead of their king won the day over the unorganized, spiritless mass of Orientals. The long struggle be- tween two continents, which began with the earliest Persian attacks on Greece, was decided in favor of Europe by the intelligent and robust manliness of the Westerners. 320. Other Conquests (331-323 B.c.). —Darius fled northward, and was murdered by an attendant on the way. Alexander as his successor was master of the empire. Babylon surrendered without resistance. This city he wished to make the capital of his world empire. From Babylon he pushed on to Susa, the summer resi- dence of the Persian kings. Here an immense treasure of silver and gold — estimated at fifty thousand talents —fell into his hands. Thence he fought his difficult way, against mountaineers and imperial troops, to Persepolis, the capital of Persia proper. In this city he found a much greater treasure of the precious metals —a hundred and twenty thousand talents. For ages the Persian kings had been hoarding this wealth, which the conqueror was now to put into circulation. One night, while he and his friends were carousing there, the idea occurred to them to burn the beautiful palace of the kings in revenge for the destruction of the Athenian temples by Xerxes. ‘The deed was hardly done before Alexander repented his folly. A few campaigns were still needed te pacify the great country. The victorious marches which he next made into the remote north-Organization 283 erly provinces of Bac’tri-a and Sog-di-a’na and to distant India are interesting both as brilliant military achievements and as explora- tions of regions hitherto unknown to the Greeks. His return from India through the Ge-dro’si-an desert was a marvellous feat of en- durance. Three-fourths of the army perished on the way; but Alexander was now lord of Asia, and to such a despot human life is cheap. His admiral Ne-ar’chus, who at the same time was voy- aging from the mouth of the Indus to the Persian Gulf, opened to the Greeks the water-route to India. It required five months for him to make the voyage. Though under favorable conditions it could be accomplished in less time, the distance and the hardships of the route were a hindrance to its extensive use throughout ancient times. 321. Organization of the Empire. — Immediately after his return to Babylon, Alexander began to settle the affairs of his empire, which reached from the western limit of Greece to the Hyph’a-sis River in India, and from the Jax-ar’tes River to Nubia — the greatest extent of country yet united under one government. He left the taxes and the satrapies nearly as they were, but brought the officials under better control. The satrap had been a despot after the pattern of the king whom he served, uniting in himself all military, financial, and judicial authority; but Alexander in or- ganizing a province assigned each of these functions to a distinct officer, so that the work of government could be done better than before, and there was less opportunity for the abuse of power. He appointed to the offices Persians as well as Macedonians and Greeks. An important element of his organization was the colo- nies which he planted in all parts of theempire. The nucleus of the colony was Greek and Macedonian — usually his worn-out veter- ans. With them were associated many natives. They were organ- ized in the Greek form, and were self-governing and free from trib- ute. Their object was (r) to secure the empire by means of garri- sons, (2) to promote trade and industry, (3) to fuse Hellenic with Asiatic civilization. The opportunity for colonization was one which the Greeks had long been wanting, and in which, therefore, they took an eager part. While engaged in this work, Alexander busied himself with recruit- ———— | | } i ! i 1} i}Fj di ii Pee ieee Fa a as 284 The Founding of Alexander’s Empire ing and improving his army and with building a great fleet; for he was planning the conquest of Arabia, Africa, and Western Europe. 322. His Death (323 B.c.); his Place in History. — When ready to set out on his expedition to the West, he suddenly fell sick of a fever, caused probably by excessive drinking. As he grew rapidly worse, the soldiers forced their way in to see their beloved commander once more, and the whole army passed in single file by his bed. He was no longer able to speak, but his eyes and up- lifted hand expressed his silent farewell. His character appears clearly even in the brief narrative given above. His genius and energy in war, in organization, and in plant- ing colonies were marvellous. His mind expanded rapidly with the progress of his conquests. First king of Macedon, next captain- general of Hellas, then emperor of Persia, he aspired finally to be lord of the whole earth. His object was not to Hellenize the world, but to blend the continents in one nation and one civilization. But the dizzy height of power to which he had climbed disturbed his mental poise; in an outburst of passion he murdered his dearest friend; his lust for worship grew upon him till he bade the manly Macedonians grovel before him like servile Asiatics, and sent an order to the Greeks to recognize him as a god. Year by year he grew more egotistical and more despotic and violent. It would be idle to speculate on what he might have accom- plished had he lived to old age. We must judge him by his actual achievements. His conquests stimulated exploration and discovery, introducing a great age of scientific invention. They tended to break down the barrier between Greek and barbarian, and they gave Hellenic civilization to the world. People of widely separated countries became better acquainted with one another, and thus acquired a more liberal spirit and a broader view of mankind. The building up of an empire far greater than the Persian was itself a stage in the growth of the idea that all men are brothers. It is a fact, too, that Alexander’s con- quests made easier the growth of the Roman empire. On the other hand, the conquest conferred no lasting benefit on the masses of the conquered. The Macedonian successors of Alexander were more oppressive plunderers than the native rulers had been; and theAlexander’s Place in History 285 civilization of the Greek cities did not extend far beyond their walls. Within a few centuries the more remote cities lost their distinctive Hellenic character. Apart, then, from the country lying imme- diately round the east Mediterranean, which kept in close touch with Europe, the career of Alexander and the rule of his successors formed but an episode in the history of the Orient. 323. Summary of Alexander’s Career. — (1) On his accession Alexander crushed all opposition to himself in Macedon and Greece. (2) He then invaded the Persian empire and won the battles of Granicus and Issus. (3) Next he captured Tyre and founded Alexandria. (4) In the critical battle of Arbela he overthrew the vast army of Darius. (5) After- ward he took possession of Babylon and the Persian capitals Susa and Persepolis. (6) In his last campaigns he subdued the northeastern prov- inces of the empire and conquered a great part of India. (7) Meanwhile he was reorganizing the empire and planting many colonies. (8) Prepara- tions for further conquests were cut short by death. Suggestive Questions 1, Can we say that under Philip and Alexander Greece wasstillfree? Give reasons for your opinion. 2. How much was the success of Alexander due to his father and his generals, and how much to himself? 3. What weak- nesses on the Persian side contributed largely to Alexander’s success? 4. Are there reasons for believing that without Philip and Alexander the Greeks would ever have conquered Persia? 5. Explain this statement from Wheeler’s Alexander the Great: “ The seed-ground of European civilization is neither Greece nor the Orient, but a world joined of the two.” 6. In your further study of ancient history, try to find what benefits, if any, civili- zation derived from Alexander’s conquests. 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Williams Eograving Co..Great Powers 297 as sovereign. In this way four kingdoms arose from the empire. Somewhat later Lysimachus was killed and his realm divided. While most of his Asiatic possessions were annexed to the kingdom of Seleucus, barbarous tribes, including many Gauls, seized the in- terior of Thrace and threatened the Greek cities along the coast. 333. The Great Powers. — Through most of the Hellenistic age, therefore, to the Roman conquest (146 B.c.) we have to do with three great eastern powers, the Seleucid empire, Egypt, and Mace- don. To complete the political map of the world in this age we should include the Carthaginian empire, often mentioned above, and Rome, now supreme in Italy. These western powers were equal in strength to those of the East. Never before had the world pos- sessed so thorough a political organization. Finance, armies, na- vies, and internal improvements assumed grander proportions than had hitherto been possible outside the Persian empire. Industry and commerce flourished, and the wealth of the world increased. The eastern rulers were absolute monarchs. They were all Mace- donians, and they based their power on armies made up largely of Macedonians and Greeks. Like Alexander, they professed to be gods. Surrounding themselves with the pomp and ceremony of an Oriental court, they compelled the subjects to prostrate themselves in the royal presence. To the end they remained conquerors in a foreign land. Alexander’s attempt to employ Orientals ‘in high office had failed; for they were morally inferior to Europeans, and could not be trusted. Profiting by this experience, his successors admitted them to the lowest offices only, and in limited numbers to the army. All the court society, and in general the refined and educated society, with the rare exception of individuals, was Hel- lenic, whereas there was much mixing of races in the working popula- tion. The advantage of Greek civilization to the natives, therefore, was exceedingly slight. It was more than counterbalanced by the curse of foreign domination. The Persian empire had meant peace for the Orient, defence against foreign enemies, protection of life and property, and tolerable burdens of taxation and military serv- ice. The new monarchies substituted devastating wars, the in- creased expenses of great standing armies, of an official class of rapacious foreigners, utterly devoid of sympathy with their subjects. ————— a —— ee, ae er ea ST eal ———— SSSsa: De eet aS en =e aca et wmmmen a a eet ete te 298 The Hellenistic Age However desirous of justice the kings may have been, most of them lacked the strength necessary for controlling their officials. 334. The Empire of the Seleucidae. — Among the successors of Alexander, the ablest administrator was Seleucus. Following the policy of his master, he planted as many as seventy-five colonies in his realm. Among them was Se-leu’ci-a on the Tigris, said to have contained six hundred thousand inhabitants and to have rivalled Babylon in splendor. As a capital for his kingdom he founded Antioch in Syria, not far from the sea. The nucleus of these colonies, as of Alexander’s, was a company of veterans retired from active service. They received houses and lands from the king on condition of performing garrison duty for him. Around this nucleus were grouped natives and colonists from Greece. Most of the commerce and industry of the empire, hence also the greater part of its wealth, fell into Greek hands. The new towns were Hellenic in language, in civilization, and in free local institu- tions. Most of them were in Syria, which Seleucus and his de- scendants, the Se-leu’ci-dae, tried to convert into a new Macedon. To a great extent they succeeded in this effort. But they lacked the means of planting colonies in the country farther east in suffi- cient numbers to Hellenize it or to hold it long in subjection. The eastern provinces rapidly fell away from their dominion. On their western border the Seleucid kings held some parts of Asia Minor a little longer. In 180 B.c., however, Antiochus III was defeated by the Romans at Magnesia, and compelled to withdraw perma- nently from Asia Minor. The empire soon shrank to the petty kingdom of Syria. 335. Egypt: the Ptolemies. — On the division of Alexander’s empire, Ptolemy, one of his generals, received Egypt, with parts of Syria and a few other widely scattered possessions. His de- scendants, the Ptolemies, con‘inued to rule Egypt till its incorpora- tion in the Roman empire in 308.c.1. The earlier rulers of this line were able, intelligent men. Aiming to hold merely their own, they generally sought to preserve peace. Because of the situation of their country, the task of defence was relatively easy. They made no attempt, however, to Hellenize the natives, but regarded Egypt 1 § 407.econ re . Alexander's Successors 299 as their private estate, to be worked prudently for the owner’s profit. They refrained from oppressing the natives in order to keep them in good spirits and in good working condition. The only Greek colony worthy of mention was Alexandria. It was now the centre of a commercial world which extended from India to Britain. In wealth, in the refinements of life, and in educational facilities it outshone all other cities of the time. The population was exceedingly mixed. It consisted of native Egyp- tians, mercenaries of various nationalities, pure Greeks and Mace- donians, other foreign residents, like the Jews, who came for trade, and lastly a mongrel class formed by the intermarriage of Greeks with all sorts of people. 336. Macedon and Greece (323-322 B.C.). — When the Greeks heard that Alexander was dead, they revolted, and defended Ther- mopylae against An-tip’a-ter, then governor of Macedon. They as a ss Ne eam besieged La’mi-a, — whence this struggle is known as the Lamian War. Many states, chiefly the Aetolians, supported the Hellenic f } i cause. Fora time all were hopeful; but an attack on Lamia failed, and thereafter everything went wrong. Finally the states fell ~ a apart, and Antipater made separate treaties with them. Athens was compelled to receive a Macedonian garrison in Peiraeus, to exclude her pocrer citizens from the franchise, and to deliver up the orators who had opposed Macedon. Among these offenders was Demosthenes. He fled at once from Athens, and soon after- ward took poison, that he might not fall alive into the hands of his pursuers. Thus his mighty spirit ceased to contend against ee ee eS despotism. On the base of his statue his countrymen placed this epitaph: “ Had your strength equalled your will, Demosthenes, the Macedonian War-God would never have conquered Greece.”’ 337. The Gallic Invasion (beginning 279 B.C.). — The inroads of the Gauls into Thrace have already been mentioned. A horde of these barbarians poured into Macedon, defeated a Hellenic army there, and devastated the country. Thence they crossed into Thessaly to continue their widespread ravages. A Greek army tried in vain to block their march at Thermopylae. They entered central Greece, and robbed Delphi of its rich treasures. On the 1 § 332.ee tc teers weoeduest oar 300 The Hellenistic Age approach of winter, however, they retired northward, suffering great losses from hunger and cold as well as from the attacks of the Greeks. Soon afterward a swarm of ten thousand Gallic warriors with their families crossed into Asia Minor. After plundering the country far and wide, they settled permanently in the district hence- forth named after them Galatia.1 For more than thirty years the states of Asia Minor paid them tribute as the price of security from their plundering. Finally Attalus, king of Pergamum, a little state in western Asia Minor, defeated them in two great battles and put an end to their domination (about 230 B.c.). The artistic memorials of these victories will be mentioned in another place.” 338. The Aetolian League. — The Greeks began to feel that in order to preserve their liberties they must unite more closely. The first to put this idea into practice were the Aetolians, the least civilized of the Greeks, yet among the foremost in political capacity. Their league, which had existed from early times, enjoyed in the present period a remarkably good form of government. Many communities outside Aetolia willingly joined it. Though others were forced to become members, yet all had equal rights, and enjoyed fair representation in the government. 339. The Achaean League: Aratus. — Some Achaean cities, too, renewed an ancient league in imitation of Aetolia. From this small beginning a great federal union was afterward built up, chiefly by A-ra’tus, a noble of Sicyon. The father of Aratus had been killed by the tyrant of his city, and the lad who was one day to be the maker of a great state grew up an exile in Argos. While still a young man he expelled the tyrant from his native city and brought it into the Achaean League. “ He was a true statesman, high-minded, and more intent upon the public than his private concerns; a bitter hater of tyrants, making the common good the rule and law of his friendships and enmities.’”? He advanced so rapidly in the esteem of the Achaeans that they elected him general when he was but twenty-seven years of age. Their confidence was by no means misplaced. Under his lifelong guidance the league extended itself till it came to include all Peloponnese with the See map between pp. 370 and 371. 2§ 345.The Federal Unions 301 exception of Lacedaemon. Nothing was so dear to him as the union he was fostering, “‘ for he believed that the cities, weak indi- vidually, could be preserved by nothing else but a mutual assist- ance under the closest bond of the common interest.” * 340. Constitution of the Achaean League: the States and the Federal Power. — The object of the union was the maintenance of peace within its borders and protection from foreign enemies. The federal power was limited strictly to this object. It alone made war, peace, and alliances, and managed all diplomatic matters. The army and navy, though furnished by the states according to their means, were solely at the command of the federal power. It coined all money, excepting small change, and enforced a uniform system of weights and measures. Aside from these necessary restrictions, the states were sovereign and self-governing. The only requirement was that they should be republics and should remain permanently in the union. They enjoyed full rights of trade and intermarriage with one another; and any state was free to admit to its citizenship the inhabitants of any other. All stood on an absolute political equality. ‘Io prevent any one of them from gaining the leadership, it was decided that the cities should serve in turns as the place for holding the federal assembly. 341. The Federal Government. — The highest federal authority was the assembly of all the citizens of the league. It elected magis- trates and voted on all important matters concerning the union as a whole. The votes were not counted by heads, but by states. Each state was allowed a number of votes proportioned to its popu- lation. The council was composed of deputies from the cities, each send- ing a number proportioned to its population. The total number we do not know. ‘This council deliberated on matters to be pre- sented to the assembly, and settled less important affairs on its own responsibility. It met more frequently than the assembly. The highest magistracy was the generalship. At first there were two generals with equal power, in later time but one. He not only commanded the army, but acted as the chief executive. A board of ten advisers aided him and limited his authority. The same 1 Plutarch, Aratus, 24.Sr Se =e ———— eens 302 The Hellenistic Age man might hold the office any number of times, though not in successive years. This restriction was to prevent him from gain- ing an excess of power. Among the other high officials were the admiral, the commander of cavalry, and the secretary. No treasurer was needed, as the states managed all financial matters. 342. Significance of the Federal Unions.— The Achaean con- stitution, described above, applies in broad outline to the Aetolian league as well. The Achaeans were more progressive in civiliza- tion, however, and more inclined to peace. The federal union, in the form used by these two peoples, was the most nearly perfect political institution created by the ancients. While providing for the security of all, it gave complete freedom to each state to develop its own genius in its individual way. In this respect it was a great advance beyond the league under a city-state leadership, which was always felt to be more or less oppressive. It was a still greater advance beyond monarchy, a form of government altogether foreign to Greek sentiment and character. A striking merit of the federal union is that its increase in area, while affording greater security, in no way hampered the individuality of the states. The citizens of the league were satisfied with their condition, and it rarely happened that any state wished to revolt. There were, however, certain defects in the institution. It was unfortunate that the highest magistracy had to be filled by a man who was both statesman and general. For military science had grown so complex as to demand the whole attention of the general throughout his entire life; in this respect it was in the condition which exists to-day. Usually, therefore, the magistrate was little qualified for one or another part of his duties. A still greater de- fect, from a military point of view, was the weakness of the federal government in relation to the states. It possessed no funds of its own or army of its own, but had to depend wholly upon the states for these resources. In time of war, accordingly, it rarely succeeded in persuading the states to do their best, and it had no efficient means of forcing them. In a word, it was very similar to the union of the American states before the adoption of the present federal constitution. On account of these defects, the federalPolitical Decline 303 unions failed to defend the freedom of the Greeks against the strongly centralized powers of Macedon and Rome. 343. Cleomenes and Aratus (235-220 B.C.). — The further growth of the league was hindered on one side by Lacedaemon, now under an able king, Cleomenes. Wishing to restore decayed Sparta to her ancient condition, Cleomenes abolished the ephorate, can- celled debts, and redistributed property, with a view to increasing the number of citizens and soldiers. Sincere in his desire to benefit his city, he was perhaps the ablest statesman of Greece after Alex- ander. Cleomenes applied for permission to bring his state into the league, and asked to be appointed general. But Aratus refused. One of his motives was political principle. He was a thorough con- servative, who believed that the wealthy should have the greater share of political power, and that the rights of property should be inviolable. Cleomenes, on the other hand, was a pronounced democrat and socialist. Another motive was personal. To admit the brilliant Spartan king into the league meant for Aratus total self-effacement. Such heroic self-sacrifice could hardly be expected of human nature; and Aratus, though he lived for the glory of the union, was selfish. Cleomenes, who had already opened war upon the league, now assailed it so vigorously that Aratus was induced to call upon Mace- don for help. A Macedonian army entered Peloponnese, and thor- oughly defeated Cleomenes. When the Spartan king saw all his hopes shattered, he bade farewell to his ruined country and sailed away to Egypt, where he met a violent death. Greece was now ina wretched plight : Sparta had lost her independence, and the Achaean League had for the time being enslaved itself to Mecedon. Aratus, the mainstay of the union, was poisoned at the instigation of Philip V,! who had become king of Macedon in 220 B.C. 344. The Roman Conquest of Greece (completed 146 B.c.). — But Macedon could not long maintain her supremacy in Greece ; for a still greater power in the West was now interesting itself in Hellenic affairs. This was Rome. Originally a little city-state like Athens or Sparta, Rome gradually won the supremacy in Italy. In the third century B.c. she entered upon her career of conquest 1§§ 430, 433 ff. =o — \ i |Se ee aha teeas at leet eten eet ater aee anal ma 304 The Hellenistic Age outside Italy, and early in the second she began to interfere in the affairs of the Greek peninsula. Acting as the protector of Greek liberty, she defeated the Macedonians in three separate wars, put an end to their kingdom, and divided their country into four repub- lics (168 B.c.). Before completing this work she had defeated the army of the Seleucid king and had forced him to evacute Asia Minor (190 B.c.).1_ Meanwhile changing her attitude toward the Greek states, she became tyrannical. Opinions in Greece differed as to the wisdom of yielding or resisting. Thus every Hellenic city divided into a Romanizing and an anti-Romanizing party. The quarrels between these factions and between one state and another led to further interference from Rome. Besides the Aetolian and Achaean leagues, there continued to be many isolated states. Thus the Hel- lenes were still disunited. They were also more peacefully inclined than they had been in the time of their great war with Persia. Rome, on the other hand, now had more good soldiers than any other state in the world, and they were at the command of one central authority. These facts sufficiently explain the Roman conquest of Hellas. To suppress an outbreak in Macedon and Greece, the Romans sent another army to the peninsula. No force great enough to with- stand it could be brought together. The Romans made of Macedon a province — a dependent district ruled by a magistrate sent out by the imperial government. They destroyed Corinth as a punish- ment for her rebellion. All the states which had revolted, includ- ing the entire Achaean League, were deprived of their independence and placed under the governor of the new province of Macedonia. They may be considered therefore a part of that province (146 B.C.). The rest of the states, including Thessaly, Aetolia, Athens, and Sparta, remained free allies of Rome. Finally, about 27 B.c., all the peninsula south of Macedonia became a separate province under the name of Achaia.? Though the Greeks thus lost their independ- ence, they remained the artistic and intellectual masters of the world. 1§ 334. 2 The story of the conquest will be given in somewhat greater detail in connection with the history of Rome; §§ 433-438.Growth of Realism 305 Tl. HELLENISTIC CULTURE 345. Literature and Art. —In this age, the Greek genius had declined. In literature and art, the two fields which display the noblest activity of the mind, it had ceased to be inventive. Losing sight of nature, both artists and writers were content to imitate ex- isting models. At the same time they lost the classic balance and cee TT { 1 f ‘ i S $0 S85) teas De See THe DyInc GAUL (Capitoline Museum, Rome) self-restraint, and pursued emotional or realistic effects. The most eminent poet of the age was The-oc’ri-tus, a composer of pastoral idyls. His delightful pictures of country life pleased the prosaic scholars of the time, and have charmed the world to the present day. The scientific writings of the period will be mentioned in another place. Classic art had represented persons as types of character stripped of their minor individual traits. It was ideal. The realism of the new age aimed to express peculiarities, and even to exaggerate them. In classic art human beings are portrayed as calm and free from disturbing emotions. In the fourth century, however, the x— ne rN en eee cee Pee ae pet nis are SE note Wen 306 The Hellenistic Age sculptor began to express feeling, and in the period we are now reviewing, he put into his statues a great amount of emotion. One of the best portrait statues of the time is that of Demos- thenes, which combines realism and emotion with classic dignity. 2p Sol pen s A GAUL AND HIS WIFE (Museum of the Terme, Rome) He is represented as the “ mourning patriot,” grieving for his country’s misfortunes. The struggle of Pergamum with the Gauls of Asia Minor brought forth some of the most vigorous work of the age. Among the memorials of the victory won by Attalus, king of that city,? are the “Dying Gaul” and the “ Gaul and his Wife.” In the latter the defeated Gaul, after killing his wife, is thrusting .P. 271, 2 § 337:A Great Age of Science 307 the sword into his own breast. They represent the Gauls accu- rately, and are full of life and feeling, but lack the classic poise. The Apollo Belvedere of the same period, though admired for its refined beauty, is weak in comparison with the Hermes of Praxiteles.* 346. Alexandria: Science. —In every important Greek city of this period, whether in old Hellas or in the Orient, lived poets, artists, scholars, scien- tists, and philosophers. Under the patronage of the Ptolemies, Alexan- dria became the chief of these many centres of intellectual life. In the so-called Alexandrian Age (323-146 B.C.), an- cient science and schol- arship reached their highest point of develop- ment. The campaigns of Alexander had greatly enlarged the bounds of geographical knowledge, and had stimulated men to explore other regions then unknown. ‘The new information they = ie gathered was published Ree i narenene in geographies. Greek (Vatican iliseum, Ronie) scientists had long be- lieved the earth to be round; and now one of the famous geographers computed its circumference at about 28,000 English miles, which is remarkably near the truth. He believed, too, that the opposite side of the world was inhabited, and that India could be reached by sailing west across the Atlantic, were it possible to make so long a voyage. Similar advances were made in astronomy. It was found that the sun is many times as large as the earth, and * § 330.See eS reenter ae ah meee ° aaa epithe SES ee ante gee Se ct ke vy me ene NR a ' a 308 The Hellenistic Age that the earth revolves on its axis and around the sun. This truth was rejected, however, by most scientists of the day in favor of the view afterward known as the Ptol-e-ma’ic system, which represents the earth as the centre of the universe. A certain physiologist found that the brain is the seat of the mind, and that the nerves are of two kinds, for conveying the feeling and the will respectively. He discovered, too, the circulation of the blood. Many of these truths were rejected at the time, or soon forgotten, to be rediscovered in recent years. In the same age the practice of medicine became scientific, and surgeons acquired great skill. 347. The Zodlogical Park and the Museum. — One of the kings of Egypt founded a zodlogical park, in which he and his successors gathered many varieties of animals from all the known parts of the earth. It served not only as an attraction to visitors, but as an in- centive to the study of nature. Scholars began to write works on zodlogy and botany. A far greater institution was the Museum, which contained the largest collection of books in the ancient world. We are informed that in the time of Caesar the number of volumes, including duplicates, amounted to seven hundred thousand. A volume (roll) was not an entire work, but a large division (book) of a work. The history written by Herodotus, who lived in the time of Pericles, contains nine such books, and the poems of Homer contain forty-eight. Besides the library, the Museum included a dining-hall, buildings for the residence of poets and scholars, and porticoes for walking, conversation, and lectures. The entire finan- cial support came from the treasury of the kings. 348. Scholarship, Hellenic and Jewish.—In the Museum sci- entists devoted themselves to the discovery of new truth; and scholars were equally busy with systematizing existing knowledge. They compared and criticised the manuscripts of earlier authors, with a view to preparing correct texts. They wrote commentaries on the language and style of these works, and composed histories of the various departments of literature. Others produced biog- raphies, political histories, and works on philosophy. Naturally the work in Hellenic literature and history was all done by Greeks. 1 The geographer referred to was Er-a-tosth’e-nes; the astronomer was Ar-is-tarch’ us; whereas Hi-er-oph’i-lus was the great discoverer in physiology.Our Debt to Hellas 309 The Jews, who had their quarter in Alexandria, enjoyed equal op- portunities with the Greeks for trade and for culture. Under the patronage of the Ptolemies, learned Jews translated their Bible — the Old Testament — into Greek. This version is called the Sep’tu- a-gint, because, it is said, there were seventy men engaged in the work. ‘The fact that such a translation was necessary proves that even the Jews, with all their love for the institutions of their fathers, had exchanged their own language for that of Hellas. 349. Contributions of Hellas to Civilization. — Most.of the good and beautiful things of the life we now enjoy were created by the Greeks. The fundamental thing is freedom — freedom from the despotism of kings and priests. Perfect freedom gives courage. The Greeks had no fear of men; they loved their gods and looked upon them as friends. It is only the brave, free mind that dares think original thoughts, that dares invent. Their greatest contri- bution to civilization, accordingly, was political, religious, and in- tellectual freedom. Liberty is worth little, however, unless it Is self-controlled. The Greeks have given us the ideal human charac- ter —a strong, perfectly developed body, and an equally strong intellect and feeling, absolutely free and fearless, but held in control by the reason. Their language, their literature, their science, and their art are simply expressions of the classic spirit of symmetry and beauty which we find in their noblest personal characters and in their best-regulated states. The greater part of Hellenic civiliza- tion, however, died out during the later Roman empire and the Middle Ages. As the modern nations in the period of their origin were ignorant of the ancient Greeks, they had to create anew and independently many of the elements of our modern civilization which had once existed in Hellas; much, too, they learned by the study of the literature and the art which survived. ‘Thus it happens that much of the attractiveness and beauty of modern life is Hellenic. Suggestive Questions t. Write a summary of this chapter like that on p. 285. 2. Why did the empire of Alexander fall? 3. Compare the Aetolian and Achaean federa- tions with the Peloponnesian and Delian leagues. In what details of organ- ization were the later leagues an improvement on the earlier? 4. Ex: SE Lee oe esee nh eee lee Ha . : i Sie er ac eee ae aoe = i } } H nae OO a Be wen ee 310 The Hellenistic Age plain the difference between the ideal and the real in art. 5. Compare the Apollo Belvedere (p. 307) with a statue by Lysippus (p. 294); with a statue by Polycleitus. In what respects can you see an improvement or a decline? 6. In which pieces of art mentioned in this chapter do you discover evidences of emotion? In which pieces, individual peculiarities? Note-book Topics I. The Achaean League. — Fling, Source Book of Greek History, 330-338 (Polybius); Greenidge, Handbook of Greek Constitutional History, ch. vii; Mahafty, Greek Life and Thought, chs. Xv, xvi; Alexander’s Empire, chs. Xvi, xviil. Il. Hellenistic Sculpture. — Tarbell, History of Greek Art, ch. x; Gard- ner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture, ch. v. III. Alexandrian Civilization. — Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, chs, ix-xii; Alexander’s Empire, ch. xiv. — SSPART IIl ROME CHAPTER XXVIII THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE 350. The Place of Rome in History. — We have seen that the Greeks were the first Europeans to become civilized. This fact is partly due to their nearness to the Orient. But they so improved upon everything borrowed from the East as to develop a civiliza- tion in many respects the most brilliant in the history of the world. Italy is more distant from the Orient, and for that reason was slower in emerging from barbarism. ‘The Italians, or, as we generally say, the Romans, who came to be the rulers of the peninsula, received most of their improvements from the Greeks, as the Greeks had taken theirs from the Orient. Whatever the Romans borrowed from Greece they modified to suit their own conditions, thus creat- ing a Roman civilization. No other state fills so large a place in the history of the world as Rome. It was the achievement of this city to unite all the Medi- terranean basin in a great empire under a single government and to make the nations of this region one in science, industry, and art, one in customs, thought, and sympathy, one in the Christian religion. This task was accomplished by able diplomacy, generalship, organ- ization, and government. Roman genius is best shown, however, 1n the creation of a body of law, which for its completeness and excel- lence must be considered the greatest legislative work of the human race. It is true that after many centuries of development, the empire declined and finally fell into pieces; but from the frag- ments great modern states, as England, France, and Italy, have grown; and its civilization in a modified form has passed into mod- 3It ener ae > ee rors | } Sa| : Lar Real — " ra te, emer tca acct ee i) Jue oct ann ee oa eae eee — seo Sr co in } a} | stearate 312 The Country and the People ern life. In brief, history may be compared with a tree, whose roots are the Mediterranean countries of pre-Roman time, whose trunk is the Roman empire, and whose branches are the modern nations. It is clear, then, that a knowledge of Roman history is necessary to an understanding of all later time. 351. Physical Features of Italy. — Italy is mainly a peninsula, the central one of the three great peninsulas which branch off from the southern coast of Europe. It is long and narrow, and extends in a southeasterly direction. The northern border is formed by the lofty Alps, eternally covered with snow. On the east is the Ad-ri- at/ic Sea; on the west the Tuscan or Tyr-rhe’ni-an Sea. Instead of clusters of islands, which we find in the neighborhood of Greece, there are near Italy three single islands, Sicily near the toe of the peninsula, often mentioned above as a part of Hellas, and Sardinia and Corsica, which lie close together to the west of central Italy. All these islands are connected with the history of Rome. Examining Italy more closely, we find it composed of two prin- cipal parts, the mainland and the peninsula. (1) The mainland is in the north, and consists chiefly of the basin of the Po River, which lies between the Alps on the north and the Ap’en-nines on the south. This is by far the largest river of Italy. It flows in an easterly direction through a great alluvial plain, forming a remark- ably fertile district. ‘The mainland is usually called northern Italy. For convenience (2) the peninsula is often divided into central Italy, extending from the Apennines on the north to the neighbor- hood of Naples, and southern Italy, including the rest of the penin- sula. There is no natural boundary, however, between the two sections last named. We have spoken of the Apennines as forming the boundary be- tween northern andcentral Italy. This is best seen on the map, p. 310. First they extend eastward along the coast of the mainland, then they verge to the southeast till they pass the centre of the peninsula. After that they continue throughout its length nearly parallel with the coasts. Though not so lofty as the Alps, the Apennines are very high, and the whole interior is rugged. It is a noteworthy fact that this mountain range lies nearer to the eastern than to the western coast. This circumstance makes the ———r <= aa a A Se oa eS Rn ren | } | i | f ae _ ———— SS ar - OES aeee (Perera nn hal Senin an ei nt no seman ae nereeenerie Taree! mse pe yy eer eet — eet St ee a rn Neem os eS i | 4 ~~ THE PUNIC WARS BEFORE SCALE OF MILES 100 fee — rte — 50 0 eet Ariminum c.Cre 4 \ Arretium? te—————S < f | o> res ar) f T wa — AF — / vw é ‘oPracntste % ‘y HERWIC Mug 7 } Sorao”“=~| \ wo Rome n— pr . wu gos - Ye a 4 fae ae > ee Oo 4 <- Oo). "4 a a 3S C o = = m= O 4, O © «“ o 0% 0 * cA , mo of Gulf M\ ¥ D, ARanormus we S Nh. ¥ ev Mh /Catana re a ~ Tay i =F + A Pe. Xo J a O9 3 > | 4 | A | me y Y | ¥ | | <= xr - < andl +t oO i} 1‘ — » SD sh o an Oo, ” 7 f- @® > -~—Hippo Zarytus — Pachynum Pr.| ac — | { { a ree a - | | aae RR a mere oed ot ear teat n or Fe eed Geter tanto —- 8 er sn aren ere en | iY 1 1 —_—e SSEffect of Geography on History 313 eastern slope shorter, the rivers smaller and less navigable, and the coast steeper and more devoid of harbors. The longer slopes on the west terminate in fertile coast plains. The rivers, too, are longer and larger, and a few of them are navigable. The principal river of the peninsula is the Tiber. It rises in the Apennines of central Italy, and its general course is southwest. There are several ha.bors, too, on the west coast. The principal one is the Bay of Naples. The Tiber River itself served as a harbor for small ships. In the south and southeast of the peninsula harbors are more fre- quent. Next to that of Naples, the most excellent is the bay on which the Greek colony of Tarentum stood.! 352. Effects of Geographical Conditions on the History of Italy. —It is necessary to examine the historical bearing of a few great facts regarding the situation and physical features of Italy; for the ereatness of Rome did not depend on the city alone, but upon the whole Italian population. We notice that the Alps are passable only at certain points, and even there with difficulty ; they cut Italy off from relations with the interior of the continent, and com- pelled her to associate with the other countries of the Mediterra- nean. ‘This is one of the great facts in the history of the peninsula. Another is its accessibility. Noteworthy in this connection are its length and narrowness and its nearness to the Illyrian shore beyond the Adriatic. On the southwest it connects closely with Africa. Its nearness to other countries has always exposed it to invasion — from across the Adriatic, from Sicily and Africa, or by way of the [onian Sea, from Greece. Even the Alps, though a hindrance to commerce, have often proved a weak barrier against enemies. From early times, accordingly, many came to Italy from various directions, either individually or in mass, as traders, immigrants, or conquerors. ‘These strangers of diverse nationalities, mingling in friendship and war, stimulated one another to great activity. In fact, for centuries Italy formed the western frontier of civiliza- tion, drawing to itself the boldest and most enterprising people of the older world, and developing intensely the frontier qualities of courage, patience, hardihood, and practical intelligence. There were differences in language and customs between one part of the 1§ 126. as See a a a a { 3 i i i y i Bhi) { 7 5 fi i . (| nPe re ae ont tks contest Se } | aitig trees eee 314 The Country and the People country and another; and there grew up a multitude of small in- dependent states, continually warring among themselves. In time, however, as life became more settled and refined, and a desire for peace developed, the people found the exposed position of their country a positive disadvantage. This circumstance led them to accept the supremacy of Rome, the strongest state in the peninsula and ablest to give protection. Thus the accessibility of the coun- try helps explain its political unification — the first great work ac- complished by Rome in the building up of her empire. The same geographical conditions explain another fact; even when united, the country was unsafe while neighboring nations remained free to assail it; and thus it was that motives of self-preservation led Rome, as the head of the peninsula, into her career of foreign conquest. The political unification of the Mediterranean world was the sec- ond great stage of empire-building accomplished by Rome. The third and most important task achieved by Rome was in civilizing the empire, especially the western half; and in this work, too, she was favored by the form and situation of Italy. The west- ern coast, as we have noticed, is better supplied than the eastern with harbors. It was partly for this reason that the Romans came into closer touch and sympathy with Spain, Gaul, and northwestern Africa than with Greece and the Orient. In some degree they impressed their character on the whole empire; but the fresh, vital peoples of the West were far more ready than the decaying East to adopt their customs, institutions, and ideas. 353. Climate, Soil, and Products, and their Effects. — A more intimate acquaintance with the physical geography of the country will yield other facts which bear on its history. Its extension through many degrees of latitude gives a great diversity of climate, increased further by the Apennines. In the south is a sub-tropical climate and vegetation, nearly like those of Africa ; in the north, especially high up on the slopes of the mountains, we find the air and the products of central Europe. Everywhere the extremes of sum- mer and winter are tempered by the neighboring sea. The sunny sky, the luxuriant vegetation, the great variety and abundance of useful products, — stone, copper, timber, fruit, and grains, — have supported a dense population, promoted its many-sided develop: ———Countries and Peoples 315 ment, and added to its comfort and happiness. Not simply the situation and form, but the climate, soil, and products as well, have influenced the history of the country. 354. The Countries of Italy.— We have seen that Italy is conveniently divided into northern, central, and southern. Northern Italy, the basin of the Po, contained three countries: Li-gu’ri-a on the west, Ve-ne’ti-a on the east, and Gallia between these two. When the Romans wished to distinguish this Gallia from the country of the same name beyond the Alps, they applied to it the adjective Cis-al-pi/na, meaning ‘‘ this side the Alps.’’ Central Italy comprised E-tru’ri-a, La’ti-um, and Cam-pa’ni-a on the Tyrrhenian coast; Um’bri-a, Pi-ce’num, and the Fren-ta’ni (a tribal name) on the Adriatic; and Sa-bi’na, the Marsian country, and Sam’ni-um in the mountainous interior. In southern Italy were A-pu’li-a, Ca-la’bri-a, and Brut’ti-um. Magna Graecia, explained above,' comprised the Greek colonies in the south of the peninsula. The countries of Italy here named were not states. Each was the abode of a people, who in most cases comprised several little states. One people was distinguished from another in a greater or less degree by race, dialect, and customs. 355. The Italians. — Naturally we think of all the inhabitants of Italy as Italians. Though this came to be true in the course of centuries, it was not so at the beginning. For a long time the pen- insula as a whole had no name. For that early age the term Ital- ians is restricted to the group of peoples who in the end were to gain control of the peninsula. The Italians, in this earlier and narrower sense of the word, spoke an Indo-European language, related to the Greek, Celtic, English, and other languages of the same group.’ They came over the Alps or across the upper Adriatic into Italy as early at least as 2000 B.c. Then, moving gradually through the peninsula, the swarms of warriors, with their women and children and herds, drove before them or subdued the earlier inhabitants, and fought among themselves for the best lands. In this way they came to occupy most of central Italy. One horde, passing through the Sabine country, came down upon the coast plain on the left bank of the Tiber. The people formed by the mingling of these invaders 1$ 127. 2§ 9. y)ee Se wm NN re ae Fn eee =. eee ee sate v i 316 The Country and the People with the natives are known to history as the Latins, and their coun- try is Latium. Their language contains many words adopted from the earlier inhabitants. Another branch of the same stock settled UES SZ, aS — -S = eae r 9° ] nda i ? ab MlaysT x & . tate ? , DIT neat ee o— tig “| rat sy Whiz : Tes TRIBES | or ITALY and SICILY For Chapter I. SCALE OF MILES Ss - ) 0 50 100 e| aX 3 44, ; % 2, he, Har REN ang” RO aT < Sa yi rere rok G DD Aufidus R. WS AGB Tarrac in Pe, DN wk \y nm 4 oo tx 2 = Shy > 2 y (m7 - . 3° Cumaeb.% Dak, “oe a VESUVIUS MT. 5 o a fe C5 “~Y, “Asie as; he > ALS &, | oe L§ Tal ys Le, > t wot ye Ei 3 cs Sh a my ole Sy % ‘ aSy baris ~, mm, xf gas? yy < wR KI a 3 i e 14° 2 ad 16°O. W. Botsford, Pel. 18"| ENGRAVED BY BORMAY & CO., NuY, in the country north of the Tiber, the Etruria of historical time. They did not limit themselves to Etruria, however, but occupied the breadth of the peninsula. They, too, paneled W ith the natives, and the race which sprang from this blending is called the Umbrians. Closely related to them —in a loose sense their colonists — were the ——eee Fe areas er aia lop oo iH } r i i a genennaner En A ———————ee tee THE FALL OF THE ANIO Tibur. From a photograph) Le — Ry TeMountaineers and Plain Men 317 Sa-bel’li-ans or Oscans. Starting from the Sabine country and its neighborhood, they extended their settlements over the mountains and the eastern slopes of central Italy. The most important Sabellian country was Samnium. 356. The Mountaineers: Umbrians and Sabellians. — After a time the country north and west of the Tiber was overrun by the Etruscans.! Thereafter the only Umbrians with whom we have to do were those of the interior. We must therefore regard both the Umbrians and the Sabellians as essentially mountaineers. These two branches of the Italic race differed little in language and customs. Both subsisted by hunting, herding cattle, and farm- ing small patches of soil. They lived in villages and had no states like those of modern times, but each mountain valley was the abode of a tribe with its own independent government. The tribes were constantly at war with one another. Whereas the Umbrians lived a more settled and peaceful life, the Sabel- lians were restless and aggressive, and for that reason were for centuries a constant menace to the more civilized plain men along their western border. 357. The Latins. — The country most exposed to these attacks was Latium. It extended from the Tiber to the southeast, between the mountains and the sea, as far as Tar-ra-ci’‘na. On account of their fertile fiekds near the coast, the people of this country grew more wealthy and refined than their kinsmen in the interior. They soon outgrew the old tribal life and founded city-states, like those of Greece. Most of them were built on the spurs of the ranges which reach out from the interior into the plain. Prominent among them was Alba Longa,” high up on the Alban Mount, be- side a lake which fills the crater of an extinct volcano. It was head of the Latin League. Here the cities of the union held an annual festival, in which they sacrificed an ox to Jupiter, their chief deity. A short distance northeast of Alba was Prae-nes’te, one of the best fortified and most powerful cities of early Latium. From Praeneste we may follow the mountain range northwestward to Tibur, an- other well-fortified city in a remarkably beautiful situation. Espe- cially attractive is the fall of the Anio from a great height into a deep a a Se ge i —— LL rete } iF i | 1 § 358. 2 For the places in Latium, see map opp. p. 353.= REO. ,@ eit eerste Pe er he => Sr a a na Ne a } , ] i | } | 318 The Country and the People wooded ravine. There were many other city-states of Latium, but the most important was Rome, on the left bank of the Tiber about fourteen miles from its mouth. The city was on a group of hills, whose situation may be studied on the map (p. 335). The central hill was the Pal’a-tine. This height was easily defended, as its slopes were very steep. The same is true of the Cap’i-to-line A SHORE OF THE ALBAN LAKE (From a photograph) Mount, nearly west of the Palatine, separated from it by a deep valley. As we pass from the Capitoline around the Palatine, keep- ing the latter to our right, we come successively to the Quir’i-nal Hill, the Vim‘i-nal Hill, the Es’qui-line Mount, the Cae’li-an Mount, and the Av’en-tine Mount. It is worth noticing that the Pala- tine, Capitoline, Caelian, and Aventine are isolated heights, whereas the other three are tongues projecting from a broad tableland, which lies on the border of the city. The seven heights named above are spoken of as the “‘ Seven Hills ” of Rome. The Romans of the historical age believed that their earliest settlement was on the Palatine, and that the other hills were gradually incorporated in the city.! 1§ 375.Etruscans 319 358. The Etruscans. — Scholars who have recently devoted much time to the study of the Etruscans are becoming convinced that their ancestors once inhabited the northern islands of the Aegean Sea and the neighboring coast of Asia Minor. If this view is correct, it must have been partly the pressure of early Greek colonization! which forced many of them to seek new homes in Italy. They came by sea, a few at a time, beginning before 800 B.c. In their new home they mingled with the natives. The lan- guage and the superior civili- zation of the new-comers prevailed, but the Etruscan race of historical time was formed by the blending of these immigrants with the earlier Umbrian inhabitants of Etruria. Their country was rich in natural resources, — copper, marble, timber for building, and a fertile soil. The neighboring island of a ae i t i ii : Hf Elba supplied iron. In addi- An ErruscAN ARcH tion to this country, they (Volaterrae, Etruria. From a photograph) acquired by conquest and colonization the greater part of the Po valley and of Campania. With their warships they controlled the sea which washes the west coast of Italy, — named after them, Tyrrhenian.? For a time they were the most powerful and the most ambitious race in the peninsula. Though they have left abundant inscriptions, no one as yet has been able to read their language. Scholars are 1§§ 92-04. 2 Tyrrhenian and Etruscan are equivalent in meaning; the former is from the Greek. the latter from the Latin.Qt wows ne Raa | ! 320 The Country and the People inclined to believe that they were not Indo-Europeans. Part of their civilization they brought with them into Italy. Afterward they adopted from the Greek colonists the phalanx, the alphabet, AN EtRuscAN TOMB (Interior, showing wall-paintings ; Tarquinii, Etruria) various religious beliefs, and advanced ideas of architecture, sculp- ture, and painting. They made vases and sculptures of their own. They paved roads, dug canals for drainage and irrigation, and on Ee SERBS SESSSE SHS SS > J GBOA2SCALESSG srorimsateero WE ¢ Qe AZ cr al AN EtRuscAN BANQUET (Wall-painting in a tomb, Tarquinii, Etruria) iEtruscan Civilization 321 lofty hills they built massive walls, strong towers, and arched gate- ways. The principle of the round arch they got from the Orient. Their religion centred about the system of divination which they had learned of the Babylonians.t By means of this religion the nobles upheld their own power in the government, and kept the working class obedient. Another prominent feature of their reli- gion was beliefinafuture _ life, which led them to i spend much wealth and skill in the building and decoration of tombs. In this respect they were like the Egyptians or like the Greeks of the Mycenaean age.” The tomb of an Etruscan noble was patterned after his dwelling; it often contained several rooms, and the walls were richly sculptured and painted with scenes from life. Much of the noble’s wealth was buried with him for use and enjoy- ment by his soul. Many Etruscan immi- grants came to Rome and the other cities of Latium. Wherever they went, their superior wealth, intelligence, and skill gave them the leadership in public affairs.* The Latins maintained their own language and their own national character against the influence of these clever immigrants, but received from them, or directly from Etruria through commercial intercourse, a great part of the Etrus- can civilization. It is especially noteworthy that the Etruscans AN ETRUSCAN TEMPLE (Model, on the original scale, reconstructed from ruins at Falerii; Villa di Papa Giulio, Rome. From a photograph) 1§ 45. The Greeks, too, adopted the same system, but developed it in a different way; § 178. 2 §§ 26 f., 90, 100. 8 Cf. the story of Tarquin the Elder: § 364 y } Fy i : H | if i i {SE nelle eae ee eeneaeieneiae ——~ - — a nad - os ee aes een mt en NY A ncn as OSES i if i i ! " sa edgar a fare Sa ne ten ee SS est 222 The Country and the People taught the Romans to interpret omens, to organize and equip theit army, and to build sewers, walls, dwellings, temples, and cities. 359. The Greeks. — It was destined, however, that as teachers of the Italians the Etruscans should in the end be outrivalled by the more virile Greeks, who about the middle of the eighth century B.C. began to settle the shores of southern Italy and Sicily. Soon their thriving settlements nearly surrounded Sicily, and lined the Italian coast from Tarentum to Cumae. As these cities have been described in the chapter on Greek colonization,’ it is unnecessary to mention them individually here. We should notice, however, that the Greeks of the West performed a most useful service in impart- ing a large share of their culture to Rome. Particularly the Romans received from them their alphabet, their military organization and equipment, higher and better religious ideas, the elements of all the fine and useful arts, and later the sciences and philosophy. Some of these gifts came directly, others through the Etruscans. 360. Other Peoples of Italy. — The other peoples of Italy were of minor importance. Among them were the Li-gu'ri-ans in the extreme northwest of the country. In remote prehistoric time they had inhabited a much wider area, but had been crowded back into the mountains by Etruscan and Gallic invaders. Opinion differs as to whether they were Indo-Europeans or the original inhabitants of Italy. They were a hardy race, who long maip- tained their freedom. In the northeast of Italy, about the head of the Adriatic Sea, lived the Ve-ne’ti-ans, who were an invading race from Illyria. The modern city of Venice retains their name. Closely related in origin and language were the I-a-pyg’i-ans or Mes-sa’pi-ans in and about the heel of the peninsula. Neither the Venetians nor the Iapygians have any special prominence in Roman history. More important were the Gauls who about the middle of the fifth century began to cross the Alps and to overrun the Po valley.2. They were at the time tall, blond barbarians, brave in battle and greedy for plunder. Early in the following century a horde of these fierce warriors ravaged central Italy and sacked Rome.” Li@bhie xi. 19° 220; 2 Formerly it was held that the invasion began in the sixth century, but this date is now found to be too early. 3 § 398, a eeMinor Peoples 323 Suggestive Questions 1. Compare the physical features of Italy with those of Greece (see maps). 2. How far do the situation and physical features of these two countries explain their different histories? 3. Had the harbors and the best lands of Italy been on the east coast, what difference would this condi- tion have made in the history of the peninsula? 4. From the illustrations of the “ Fall of the Anio ” and the “ Shore of the Alban Lake ” what infer- ences do you draw as to the appearance of the country? 5. Describe from the maps the location of the Po River, the Apennine mountains, Rome, the Tiber River, Praeneste, Tibur, Latium, Etruria, Campania, and the Tuscan (or Tyrrhenian) Sea. 6. Describe the dress of the women and men in the Etruscan banquet scene (p. 320). 7. What do you think of the ability of the Etruscan artist to represent the forms of human beings and of plant and animal life? 8. Describe the Etruscan temple (p. 321). Does it have a peristyle? With what form of Greek temple should we compare it? Note-book Topics I. Italy and her People. — Botsford, Story of Rome, 14-28; Duruy, History of Rome, \. 17-43. Il. The Greeks in Italy. — Holm, History of Greece, 1. 282-291; Bury, History of Greece, ch. il. § 3. es ~~ | ! i i | | ' ‘ 1eee ee a ees om msec Re ih T hn. athe Dae aed tn enn cen ge mead Soe kd bine ae eemmreverseetiel fret oss] —_ — a hd eerie iH \ GHAPTRER oe «be ROME UNDER THE KINGS I. THe Myrss! 361. The Myth of Aeneas and of Romulus and Remus. — When the Greeks had taken Troy by means of the wooden horse” and were slaying the inhabitants, Ae-ne’as escaped by sea together with many followers. And though angry Juno® threatened him with storms and beset his path with trials and dangers, his goddess mother, Venus, guided him safely through every peril, and brought him after many wanderings to a haven on the west coast of Italy. There he landed and began to build a city. Trojans and natives lived together in peace, all taking the name of Latins. A son of Aeneas founded Alba Longa. Many genera- tions afterward A-mu’li-us wickedly expelled his brother Nu’mi-tor from the kingship of Alba, and himself usurped the throne. He had Numitor’s son assassinated, and compelled Rhe’a, the daughter, to become a Vestal Virgin’ that she might not marry and bring forth an avenger of the family’s wrongs. However, she bore to Mars, god of war, twin sons of more than human size and beauty. She named them Rom/u-lus and Re’mus. Set adrift on the Tiber by order of the king, they were cast ashore near Mount Palatine, and would have perished had not a she-wolf nursed them till they were taken up and cared for by a shepherd of that region. When they had grown to manhood, they killed Amulius, and restored Numitor, their grandfather, to the throne. 362. Myth of the Founding of Rome (753 B.c.?). — With the king’s consent, the twin brothers led a colony to the place where 1The Myths are merely for reading, not for study and recitation. On their his- torical value, see § 365. 2§ 113. 3 § 373. 4§ 374. 324The Seven Kings 325 they had passed their youth. There Romulus founded a city on Mount Palatine. Remus, however, in derision, leaped the half- finished wall, exclaiming, “‘ Methinks any of your enemies might leap this as easily as I do.” Then Romulus, or one of his men, replying, “ But any of us might easily chastise that enemy,” struck and killed him with a pickaxe. The new city was named Rome after the founder. Becom- ing its first king, Romulus gave his people laws and a constitution. 363. Myth of Numa, of Tullus Hostil- ius, and of Ancus Martius.— After |Rom- ulus had ended his reign, and had ascended alive to heaven, Nu’ma became king. Whereas Romulus had been warlike, Numa was a man of peace, learned in human and divine law, who made it the aim of his rule to soften the iron tempers of the Romans. Refraining from war throughout his reign, he occupied his time in giving religious laws and institutions to his people. At his death peace came to an end. Tul/lus Hos-til’l-us, the third king, con- quered and destroyed Alba Longa,” an- nexed her territory, and removed the people to Rome, where he settled them on the Caelian Hill. An’cus Mar’ti-us, the fourth king, still further enlarged the Roman domain, founded Os'’ti-a, at the mouth of the Tiber, to be a seaport to his city, and fortified Mount Ja-nic’u-lum, across the Tiber, as an outpost against the Etruscans. 364. Myth of the Tarquins and of Servius Tullius. — While Ancus Martius was king, a certain resident of Tar-quin’i-i, in Etru- ria, journeyed to Rome. There taking the name of Lu’ci-us Tar-quin’i-us Pris’cus (‘‘ the Elder”), he won, by his courteous manners, the favor of all. The people, therefore, elected him king 1§ 357. 2 Ibid, A VESTAL VIRGIN (Museum of the Terme, Rome) 1 Sphere se a og ] if | | a i | Hy | i | if i MWee a rt eeeo ap eo aS ay ae eT TT NN 4 326 Rome under the Kings after Ancus. He gained famous victories over the Sabines and the Latins, and made a beginning of the great public works which his successors carried to completion. At length he was assassinated, and Servius Tullius, the son of a slave mother, succeeded to the throne. Servius built a great wall around Rome, reorganized the army, and made his city leader of Latium. Such were his magnificent deeds. But the plots of his wicked daughter, Tullia, embittered his cld age; and at last he was openly murdered by her husband, Tarquin the Elder’s son, who, succeeding to the throne, gained the hateful title of ““the Proud.”’ The younger Tarquin completed the public works his father had begun. On these buildings he compelled the citizens to labor unrewarded till they cursed the tyrant. One day a prophetess of Apollo, the “ Sib’yl,” came to him from Cumae! with nine books of prophecies concerning the future of Rome. She wished him to buy them, but he objected to the price. After she had burned six of them, however, curiosity and religious fear led him to pay the original price for the remaining three. He placed them in charge of a college of two men of rank, who kept them in a vault beneath the temple of Jupiter on the Capi- toline Mount, and consulted them whenever the state was in espe- cial danger or distress. But the end of kingly rule was drawing near. The last Tarquin broke the laws of the forefathers, slew senators, and so oppressed the people by hard labor that they were ready for rebellion. Col-la-ti/nus Tarquinius and Lu’ci-us Ju’ni-us Bru’tus, both kinsmen of the king, led a revolt of nobles and commons against the tyrant. He was banished, and Brutus persuaded the people to swear that they would nevermore suffer a king to rule at Rome. 365. Historical Value of the Myths. — The account given above is but a brief outline of the story of the seven kings as told by the writers of later time. They could have had no real knowledge of the founding and of the earliest history of the city, for no written ma- terial came down to them from that far-off time. The traditional date of founding — 753 B.c. —is a fiction. Doubtless the begin- nings of the city were far earlier. About 700 the Romans adopted the alphabet from the Greeks, but for two centuries they made little 1§ 126,Historical Sources 327 _ use of it. In the later years of the regal period they began to put into writing their treaties and perhaps also some of their religious laws,' which could afterward be used by historians. Evidently Romulus, whom the Romans worshipped, was not a man, but a deity.” The real names of all the earlier kings have in fact been forgotten, and those only were remembered who ruled toward the close of the period. To this time belong the other six. They, or the most of them, seem to have been real persons. The ac- count of their lives, however, is interwoven with myths; and no two scholars will agree as to what elements of the story are true and what are fictitious. 366. Other Historical Sources. —In the accounts —— given by ancient writers are Tue “Forum INSCRIPTION © descriptions of many customs, {™ srchaic! characters; an’ early, religious’ Jaw. ; ; . oe From a photograph) institutions, and buildings as they existed in historical time. The writers refer them un- critically to the regal period. By careful examination we can often distinguish between those things which existed so early and those which came later into being. Thus we can reconstruct in broad outline the public and private life of Rome under the kings. In this task of reconstruction we derive great assistance from archaeology. A cemetery has recently been discovered in Rome which was used in the earlier regal period. A study of the graves and of their contents throws light on the life of the common people. Such public works, however, as the Clo-a’ca Max’i-ma, the so-called Wall cf Romulus and Wall of Servius, belong to a ‘ar Jater time.’ Pile 2 cae ee ae ‘ i i] : i | i HH | 1One of these religious laws, engraved on stone, has recenu}y been discovered in the Forum. It belongs probably to about ase R.c. 2 Compare Lycurgus; § 140. *§ 375.328 Rome under the Kings Tl. THe PEOPLE AND THE STATE . —- - 4 meray ee eee re ie Fm Seen ae hey emt pend b ratte Fe ansehen mire SONI I SR 367. Occupations and Character of the Romans. —As Rome was on a navigable river, and well situated for small trade with the Etruscans and other neighbors, some of the citizens engaged in making wares and in buying and selling. Most of the Romans, however, were peasants. The farmer, clad simply in his tunic, a loose woollen garment which reached the knee, followed his bronze- shod plough drawn by a yoke of cattle. His narrow mind held only sober, practical ideas; for he saw nothing of the world beyond the mountains bordering the plain of the Tiber, — mountains which inspired him with no love of the beautiful and the grand, but rather with a feel- ing of hatred for the enemies who were wont to sweep down Side rout from them upon his little field. AN USN ON THE FORM Or A Hor! His laborious life, his warfare (Found at Bolsena, Tuscany; Olcott Collection, against famine, pestilence, and Columbia University. From a photograph, neighbors who were always with Professor Olcott’s permission) : zt harassing, made him stern and harsh, and, even in his dealing with the gods, calculating and illiberal. Though love, pity, and benevolence found little place in his heart, he was strong in the more heroic virtues, — he was dignified, brave, and energetic; he revered the gods and the fore- fathers, and obeyed the laws; above all, he was a man of his word. 368. The Family and the Gens. — We find the same simplicity and severity in the family. Marriage was a religious act which made the home sacred. Originally the dwelling was a hut with a single room like that shown in the illustration. In time it came to have several rooms. The dwelling was a holy place. Within lived the Pe-na’tes, guardian deities of the family store, and the Lar, who protected the house from every harm. Every person had a guard- le pete ete earns a Sor rte eee } H ' Ht] Hh " ; i , { i peer Ors aT 1Tn early Latium and Etruria it was customary to burn the dead and to deposit the ashes in urns, often shaped like the dwellings of the living. The urn here illustrated is of this character.Family, Curia, Tribe 329 ian spirit, the man a Genius, the womana Juno. The Genius of the father was the chief household god. The father was priest of these gods, owner of the estate, and master of his wife and children through life. He could load his son with chains, sell him into slavery, or put him to death. Even if the son were a senator or magistrate, the father could drag him home and punish him for misconduct. Woman was always under guardianship, the maiden of her father, the ma- tron of her husband. Nevertheless she was respected. The mother aided in the worship of the home gods, and shared equally with the sons and daughters in the inheritance. In this strict, moral school, young men were disciplined for public life. As the family grew larger in the course of several generations, it often happened that the members, even if widely separated, kept up their social and religious relations with one another. Such an as- sociation of kinsmen, larger than the family, was a gens. In origin and general character it was like the Greek gens. Whereas in Athens a man had but a single name, —the one given him by his parents, — a Roman usually had three. In the case of Publius Cornelius Scipio, for instance, Publius is the personal name given by his parents; Cornelius is the name of his gens; and Scipio the name of his family, a branch of the Cornelian gens. This is the order in which the names occur. Sometimes a fourth name is added to define the individual more precisely, or merely as an honor, and occasionally we find even a fifth.” 369. The Curia and the Tribe. — Several families united in a cu'ri-a, or brotherhood. On certain festal days the men of a brother- hood ate together in a common dining-hall containing a sacred hearth, on which they kept fire burning perpetually in honor of Juno. When war broke out, the members of a curia followed their leaders to the front, and stood side by side on the field of battle. Kinship and religion inspired them to deeds of daring; ‘ the soldier felt ashamed to forsake the comrades with whom he had lived in communion of libations, sacrifices, and holy rites.”” Ten curiae 1§ 116. 2 The first name is the praenomen, the name of the gens is the nomen (simply “‘name”’), the third or family name is the cognomen. A fourth or fifth name is likewise termed cognomen. ” > , ae Ste ‘ wai Sasa if ] in a 3330 Rome under the Kings united in a tribe, and three tribes composed the state. The curia was the same institution as the Greek phratry (brotherhood), and the Roman tribe was practically the same as the Greek.’ In early Rome the commons of each tribe formed a regiment of foot and the nobles a troop of horse. 370. The Social Classes. — The commons were called ple-be’- ians (the ‘‘multitude’’) ? and the nobles pa-tri’ci-ans. In general character the patricians were like the Eupatrids at Athens,’ or like the nobles of most other states. They alone were qualified to be senators, magistrates, and priests. The king could ennoble any ple- beian whom he considered suff- ciently marked by wealth or personal merit. In general the plebeians were like the commons of Athens and of most other states of ancient or modern times. Under the kings and for a long time afterward their rights were limited. They could own property and could en- gage in business. Personally they were free, and had a right to protection of life and property. They could vote in the popular assembly, but were not permitted to sit in the senate or to hold any office or priesthood. As the patricians alone were acquainted with the laws, which were unwritten, the plebeian, Pi emer eng tli a et els aad Peo eee hen See et eae eee ete os Set i : } , AN EtRUSCAN CURULE CHAIR ‘Corsini Gallery, Rome) 1§ 117. 2The word plebeians reicrs te them as individuals, whereas “plebs,” a collective noun, denotes the entire body or class. 3 § 140. 4 The theory that originally the patricians were the only citizens and that the plebs were composed of various classes of aliens originated about 1800 a.D., when modern historical science was stillin its crude beginnings, and before sociology had come into existence. ‘There is no evidence whatever for the theory, and progressive scholars are discarding it. or a detailed examination of the subject teachers are referred to Botsford, Roman Assemblies, ch. ti (Macmillan, 1909).“Society and Government 331 to secure protection for himself and his family before the courts of law, chose a noble as his patron, whom he bound himself to serve as a client. Thus many of the plebeians became clients of the patricians. The duty of the patron was to give his clients legal advice in their business, to sue for them when injured, and to defend them when sued. The clients, on the other hand, followed their patron to war and sup- ported him in public life, labored in his fields or made him presents, that he might fill his offices with becoming dignity. Though the original object of clientage was doubt- less good, we shall see how, after the overthrow of the kingship, it became intoler- ably oppressive.! 371. The Government: the King. — The only magistrate at this time was the king. He was elected for life by the people in the way described in the following paragraph. His authority —im-pe'ri-um — conferred upon him by the LICTORS WITH AXES people, made him absolute commander in war and supreme judge with power of life and death over his subjects. In ‘ad- dition to these duties, he was head of the state religion. All officials, civil, military, and religious, were appointed by him, and were merely his helpers. Although originally but a citizen, his office gave him great dignity. Accordingly he dressed in an embroidered purple robe and high red shoes, and with an eagle-headed sceptre in his hand sat on an ivory throne, the cu- 1§ 381. ac { | i }332 Rome under the Kings rule chair. In his walks he was accompanied by twelve attendants, called lictors, each bearing an axe bound in a bundle of rods. The axes signified his absolute power, extending to life and death. The curule chair and the lictors armed with axes were first used by the Etruscan kings, and borrowed from them by the rulers of Rome. 372. The Assembly and the Senate. — When the king wished to consult his people on questions of public interest, his criers went about the city with ox-horns, calling them to the co-mi'ti-wm, or place of assembly. Here the curiae met, each in a group by itself, and listened to the proposition of the king, with the reasons he might urge in its favor. Then each curia voted whether it would sustain or oppose the king’s wish; and a majority of the curiae decided the matter. This assembly was called the co-mi'ti-a cu-ri-a'ta. The king consulted it when he wished to begin a war, to change an exist- ing custom, or to undertake any other important business. To be binding, such a decision of the assembly had to receive the sanction of the senate,—the pa’trum auc-tor'i-tas. As all, without distinction of rank, had a voice in the comitia, a great majority of that body were necessarily plebeians. It was chiefly through the senate, therefore, that the nobles exercised their politi- cal influence. The king was accustomed to ask the advice of the senate on all important matters; and though he was not legally bound by this advice, he generally followed it through respect for the nobles and through desire for their support and coéperation. On the death of a king the senate took entire charge of the government; the senators ruled by turns, each for a period of five days, in the order determined by lot. The ruler for the time being was termed in’ter-rex, and the period between the death of a king andthe election of his successor was an in-ter-reg’num. ‘The interrex nominated a king, the assembly elected him, and the senate gave its sanction. The imperium was conferred through the election itself. 373. Religion. — The original religion of the Romans, like that of the Egyptians, Babylonians, and earliest Greeks, was a worship of the objects and powers of nature.!_ It came first under Etruscan and oe a ne ee cer eva | i} i, } 1§§ 24, 42, I0T.Religion 333 then under Greek influence. It was mainly the latter which intro- duced the belief that the gods had human form.' In their earliest religion the chief deity was Janus, the double-faced god who blessed the beginnings and ends of actions. The gates of his temple were open in war and closed in peace. Dur- ing the reign of Numa they were shut, but rarely thereafter in the long history of Rome. From the Etruscans Rome introduced the great trinity, Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. Supplanting Janus, Jupiter came to be the supreme guardian of the state; Juno, his wife, was the patron spirit of women; Min- erva became the goddess of war, skill, and wisdom. Mars, a native Roman deity, was likewise a godofwar. Vul- can was the god of fire and of the forge. Vesta was goddess of the hearth. Of the countless deities a few only are mentioned here. When the Romans became acquainted with Greece, they began to identify the gods of that country with their own. Jupiter was identified with Zeus, Juno with Hera, Minerva with Athena, and Mars with MINERVA Ares.2, Venus, a garden deity, they (Etruscan; Archaeological Museum, identified with Aphrodite, goddess of AAS love. The attributes of the Greek deity they transferred to the corresponding native god. Several Greek deities they adopted out- right. One of the first thus introduced was Apollo. .This ex- pansion of the native religion under foreign influence continued not only during the kingship but throughout Roman history. 374. Religious Officials. — Services of the chief deities were held by priests — fla’mi-nes, plural of flamen — whose lives were made uncomfortable by strict rules governing every detail of their conduct. Among the regulations regarding the flamen of Jupiter 1§ rol. 2 § 102. 8 For a group of flamines, see illustration, p. 459. Ee sete Oe f H t f t 4 y } | ; Se 7= rye ee ea site eapenel Se | i { } Hy } i , ; | ma 334 Rome under the Kings are the following: It is a crime for him to ride horseback; he is not permitted to take an oath; he is to have no knot about him, on his cap, girdle, or any other clothing; none but a freeman may cut his hair; the feet of the bed he sleeps in must be plastered with mud. No one knows the reason for such rules of conduct; but they afford us an idea of the strictness of the religion in the details of life, and of its cramping effect upon the mind. Cer- tain religious duties were the care of groups, or colleges, of sacred persons. Such were the six Vestal Virgins, who attended to the worship of Vesta, and kept the sacred fire of the state in her temple. The college of augurs had the duty of interpreting for the king the omens sent by Jupiter through which he re- vealed his will regarding the state. These omens — aus- pices — were manifested in the flight of birds and in the thunder and lightning. The elements of the auspices, bor- rowed from Etruria, were developed in Rome to a complex system. As the Romans were intensely religious, they gave strict obedience to what they believed to be the divine will. It was mainly through the auspices, there- fore, that the magistrate controlled the people. The college of pontiffs had charge of all religious knowledge, including the calendar, which had to do primarily with fixing the sacred days. When any difficult religious question arose, the pon- tiffs were called upon to decide it. This general supervision in all religious matters made the chief of the college — pon'ti-fex max'i- mus — one of the most important persons in the state. So influential were these priests that the government might have AN ETRUSCAN AUGUR (Wall-painting from a tomb; Tarquinii, Etruria)Topography 335 fallen into their hands, as often happened in the Orient, had it not been for the fact that all the important religious offices were held by the magistrates. Thus the king must generally have been pontifex maximus, and probably at the same time the chief augur. The same principle holds for all Roman history : the magistrates were not slaves to religion, but used religion rather as an aid to government. 375. The Growth of Rome. — The earliest settlement at Rome, as we have noticed, was on the Palatine.t Gradually the popu- HARLY ROM HD = CAMPUS MARTIUS 1, Citadel. Temple of Jupiter. Temple of Saturn. Temple of Castor aad Pollux, Temple of Vesta. JIOoe ow Forum, , Comitium, “ey, 8, Senate-House, « t y “ae | 4 4 \ 9, Temple of Janus. 10, Temple of Diana. D\. ——-— = = Boundary of the Clty Tribes of Servius, — —— = — Yy E Z a | es ~ | om pone meant . ES r Ports Capena Zan CA iN me - Z VAN? E H f. £ . My | 5 f | i | | Williams Engravidg lation outgrew this narrow space, and built their dwellings on the neighboring hills. Then one of the kings took possession of the Capitoline Mount, and established his citadel there. At first * § 357. Ne i ae iy | | Nl ‘ i af iin | | in| | } + i | N aSoe my are mn eee tenia apte eee mS t 7 4 i 336 Rome under the Kings the people could not live in the valleys which separated the hills, because they were marshy and often overflowed. The Tarquins drained these low grounds by means of sewers. The most famous of these works was the Clo-a’ca Max’i-ma (“the greatest sewer ’’), which drained the Forum!, or market-place, and made the ground about it habitable. But the great stone arch which now covers it was built hundreds of years after the downfall of the kingship. The public life of the community henceforth centred in this valley. The smiths and the shopkeepers set up their stalls round the Forum. About it the king built temples; and adjoin- ing it on the northwest they made an assembly-place — the comi- tium —in which they built a senate-house. Above the Forum, on the Capitoline, they erected a temple to Jupiter, Juno, and Min- erva, — usually known as the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter. Though in the Etruscan style, it was for centuries the most mag- nificent building in Rome. Under the Tarquins Rome was a group of straggling villages situ- ated on neighboring hills and separated by wide tracts of vacant land. ‘The traditional account of the period asserts that Servius surrounded the whole with a great stone wall. This account may be true; but it is now well known that the so-called Servian Wall, remnants of which are still standing, was built in the fourth century B.C., more than a hundred years after the kingly period. Equally late is the so-called Wall of Romulus on the Palatine. 376. The Servian Reforms: the Tribes and the Army. — The same traditional story represents Servius as the creator of new tribes and the reorganizer of the army. His object was to introduce the Greek military system already adopted by Etruria. As each soldier had to arm and equip himself at his own expense, Servius found it necessary to take a census of the citizens in order to know who should buy heavier and who lighter armor. For this purpose a new local division of the country was necessary, for the three old tribes had been outgrown by the increase in population and territory. First, then, he divided the city into four districts, called tribes, and the country into sixteen tribes. Taking the census tribe by 1 Find the Forum and the Capitoline Mount on the map of Rome, p. 335- 2 § 364.The Servian Army 337 tribe, Servius divided the citizens into five classes, according to the size of their freeholds. He required the members of the first or wealthiest class to equip themselves with the heaviest and most efh- cient arms, those of the second class to buy somewhat less complete equipments, and so on to the lowest. The three wealthier classes were heavy-armed, and stood in ranks, one behind another, while the fourth and fifth classes, as light troops, served wherever occa- sion demanded. The first class formed four ranks with ten cen- turies in each; the second and third classes formed each one rank. Of the light troops there were ten centuries in the fourth class, and fourteen in the fifth. When necessary, two more ranks could be formed of the light troops, making eight ranks in all. Thus the army contained eighty-four hundred footmen. From early times it appears to have been composed of two divisions, termed legions, of forty-two hundred foot-soldiers each. ‘This organization included mainly plebeians; the patricians continued to serve in the cavalry, of which there were six centuries, three to each legion. The army, thus organized for the field, contained the men of mili- tary age — from seventeen to forty-six years. The older men re- mained in the city for the defence of the walls. 377. Causes of the Greatness of Rome. — At the time of this new arrangement the territory of Rome had increased four or five fold, chiefly at the expense of the Etruscans, the Sabines, and the Latins. When Rome subdued a neighboring city, she razed the walls and everything they enclosed, excepting the temples, and seized a third or perhaps a half of the conquered land. She com- pelled many of the dispossessed people to settle on her own hills, and, admitting all to the citizenship, bestowed the patriciate upon the nobles. With the growth of her territory, therefore, came a cor- responding increase in her population and her military strength. After the reform of Servius, Rome could put into the field the largest, best organized, and best disciplined army in Latium. In the character and surroundings of the Romans we discover several other causes of their future greatness. By persistent labor on their little farms the peasants acquired the patience and the strength of will which were to make them the best soldiers in the world. The unhealthfulness of the neighboring plain, by forcing @ pe hi338 Rome under the Kings men to build their homes on the Hills, encouraged city life and in- telligent enterprise. Then, too, the advantage of the situation for small trade and manufacturing made the City of the Seven Hills the chief market of the Latins. Commercial intercourse with the Etruscans and Greeks led Servius to adopt their superior military system, which in turn made Rome the political head of Latium. This event was the beginning of a great career. ~ ee Se " ee eT ee nay esnrn keene. == eee! Tete Rn a an Soares are Suggestive Questions ree eee 1. Write a summary of this chapter similar to that on p. 285. 2. Why do we need to know something of the myths of early Rome, in view of the fact that they contain little historical truth? 3. In what respect does Romulus resemble Lycurgus? 4. Compare the social classes in Rome with those of early Athens. 5. What class of people were most likely to be dis- pleased with the rule of the kings? If a revolution should take place, what class would profit most by it? 6. Compare in detail the Servian reforms with those attending the adoption of the phalanx in early Athens. 7. De- scribe the early Roman dwelling (p. 328). Has it any windows? What are the projections at the top? 8. Describe the curule chair (p. 330). Why did the Roman curule chair resemble the Etruscan? en ns OE ee me } i Fi } | Note-book Topics I. Roman Religion. — Botsford, Story of Rome, 33, 49-44; Munro, Source Book of Roman History, 6-16; Carter, Religion of Numa, 1-61. II. Government in the Time of the Kings. — Pelham, Outlines of Ro- man History, 22-29; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, ch. ii. The theory that in early Rome the curiae were made up exclusively of patricians has no foundation,CHAPTER XXX THE EARLY REPUBLIC: (I) THE PLEBEIANS WIN THEIR RIGHTS 509-287 B.C. 378. The Magistrates. — In 509 B.c. the monarchy gave way to the republic.! In place of a lifelong king, two consuls (colleagues) with equal power were elected annually by the assembly. As each consul had a right to veto any public act of the other, the two rulers by checking each other hindered their office from growing too powerful for the good of the state. They enjoyed most of the authority of the king, together with his trappings and his attendants, as the cu- rule chair 2 and the lictors. But in capital cases the consuls were compelled as judges to grant an appeal to the assembly; over the soldiers in the field, however, they exercised the same power as the king had possessed. The command of the army usually alternated daily. Often in dangerous wars or seditions this double rule was a disadvantage to the state. In such a case, at the request of the senate, one of the consuls nominated a dictator, who, placing the state under martial law, ruled with absolute power. He appointed a master of horse to command the cavalry. His term was limited to six months; and it was an honor to him to bring the government safely through the crisis and resign his command within the fewest possible days. Two quaes’tors, appointed annually by the consuls, kept the treasury in the temple of Saturn on the Forum. 1 The dates for the fifth and fourth centuries B.c., based on the ancient authors, are only approximate. Also some of the events assigned to the fifth century are less certain than those of later time. 2Cf. § 371. The curule magistrates were those who sat in curule chairs. In the republican period the chief officers of this class were the consuls, the dictator, the cen- sors, the praetors, and the curule aediles. If a man elected to one of these offices was not already a noble, the position ennobled him and all his descendants; § 392. $$ 271. 339 te A ——————————— rare” ee Fee a ae en eal | | r= SS -340 The Early Republic The supervision of the state religion passed from the king to the chief pontiff. He appointed the Vestals and the priests, including the “ sacrificial king ” (rex sa-cro’rum). ‘This priest-king now per- formed that part of the public worship which the king had attended toin person. In title the first man in the state, he was the weakest in real power, as he could hold no political office. 379. The Senate. — All important places of honor and trust — military, political, and religious — were filled by patricians, es- pecially by senators. Now consisting of three hundred members, the senate continued to exercise all the powers it had held under the king. It even gained by the downfall of the king; for the consuls felt themselves under greater obligations to consult it and to abide by its decisions. It was composed of life members, who were taken from the leading families and were men of experience and ability. For this reason it was more influential than the consuls, who at the close of their year of office could be called to account for their ad- ministration. As the senate controlled both the magistrates and the assemblies, it was the chief power in the republic. 380. The Comitia Centuriata. — For some time the army had been organized in the way devised by Servius.!_ The principle of the military system was the division of the people into classes accord- ing to property, each class to furnish a fixed number of companies (centuries) of ahundred men each. In the early republic it occurred to the Romans to use this plan of organization also for their voting assembly in place of the curiae.2 Their motive seems to have been to make every citizen’s voting power correspond to the com- pleteness of his armor — that is, to his worth as a soldier. In other words, the more property a man possessed, the greater was to be his political influence. In the new comitia, accordingly, the citizens were grouped into BU centuries, each century with a single vote. There were in all a hundred and ninety-three centuries. As in the army, they were di- vided into knights and infantry; and the infantry were subdivided into five classes, according to the amount of their property. The centuries of which this assembly was composed did not necessarily contain a hundred men each, but varied in size. A century of 1§ 376. 2 § 372. Se pet nent SSS er totais aaa ; ) i] Fy iy f BaoThe Assemblies 341 juniors was larger than one composed of seniors, while that of the landless was by far the largest of all. Meeting in the Cam/pus Mar'ti-us outside the city, the assembly of centuries elected the magistrates, heard appeals in capital cases, and voted on proposals for laws and for wars. To be valid, an act of this assembly had to receive the sanction of the Senate. ORGANIZATION OF THE COMITIA CENTURIATA JUNIORS SENIORS (17-46 years) (above 46 years) I. Class . : ; ; 7 : . 4o centuries 40 centuries EL Class : : : : ; ; IO ce IO Te Class - : ; : ‘ ; : IO - IO = Ve (Class) ; . ; ; : : IO . IO * faaC@lasse. : ; ; ; : : 14 . 14 — —_— 84 centuries 84 centuries 168 centuries Cavalry . : ; ; ‘ ; 18 Substitutes for the killed and wounded : 2 : Musicians and workmen . : ; ; 4 - wanaless:- z ‘ ; : ‘ I - Total ° ° ° e ° e 193 centuries The knights (cavalry) voted first, then the first or wealthiest class, then the other classes in their order till a majority was reached. The knights and the first class formed a majority. If they agreed they decided the question, so that the voting proceeded no farther. It rarely happened that all the centuries were called upon to give their votes. These considerations make it clear that in the comitia centuriata the more property a man had, the more effective became his right to vote. The comitia curiata continued to meet to sanction the imperium of magistrates after their election,! and to attend to other such formalities. It had no longer a real authority. Whatever its or- ganization, a Roman assembly had little power as compared with the magistrates or with the senate. 1§§ 371 f. When the election of the chief magistrate passed from the curiate to the centuriate assembly, the former retained the privilege merely of sanctioning the election, Nene ee i { i a enSe - ne en nh Talal aa ate Se ee aE ae oa | b> a aay ee eed ns meee j ; Se 342 The Early Republic 381. The First Secession of the Plebs (494-493 B.c.).—In most respects the common people lost by the overthrow of monarchy. The later kings had shielded them from the oppression of the nobles. But now that the poor no longer had a champion, the patricians be- gan to reduce their clients to the condition of slaves. They exacted illegal rents. And if the tenant failed to pay his rent at the time agreed upon, the amount due was looked upon as a debt bearing heavy interest. The creditor had a right to seize the delinquent debtor, to hold himasa slave till he had worked off the debt, or to sell him into actual servitude to foreigners. A harsh creditor sometimes threw his debtors into his private prison and scourged them in the hope of influencing their kinsmen to redeem them. The people revolted against such injustice; the whole army, deserting the commanders, marched off in good order to a hill afterward known as the Sacred Mount, and threatened to found a new city there, which should be free from patrician control. The senate, helpless without the support of the plebeian army, sent them an ambassador. 382. Institution of the Plebeian Tribunes and Aediles (493 B.C.). — By an agreement drawn up on the Sacred Mount (Agq2) BC) the plebeians were to have two annual officers of their own, called trib’unes, whose persons were to be sacred, and who were to protect all citizens who felt themselves mistreated or oppressed. Any per- son, even a consul, who injured a tribune or hindered him in the exercise of his duties, might be slain by any one as a man accursed. The law forbade the tribune to be absent from the city over night, and compelled him to leave his door open always, that the injured and oppressed might find refuge with him at any hour. The plebeians had two other officers, named ae’diles, who assisted the tribunes. Meeting by curiae under the presidency of the trib- unes, they elected their officers and passed resolutions which were binding only on themselves. Thus organized, they maintained the liberties they had, and gradually gained more rights. 383. Spurius Cassius. — The plebeians soon found an earnest helper in one of the patricians, Spurius Cassius,’ the most eminent statesman of his time. While he was consul, in 486 B.c., he pro- posed an agrarian law, the contents of which we do not know, 1§ 305.Plebeian Progress 345 He may have wished to take some of the public land from the rich, who were holding it, and to distribute it among the poor. The nobles would not permit his measure to become a law. They asserted that he had offered it merely to win popularity, — that his real object was to make himself king. When, therefore, his term of office expired, the quaestors prosecuted him for treason, and he was condemned to death. The fate of Cassius shows how helpless the plebeians still were, and how strong were their oppressors. 384. Establishment of the Comitia Tributa (471 B.c.). — Though the nobles could not control the plebeian assembly through the aus- pices, they with their clients attended the meetings to impede the business. Among these dependents were many who owned no land. To destroy the influence of the latter class, Pub-lil’i-us Vo’le-ro, a tribune in 471 B.c., induced the senate and the assembly of centuries to pass a law which provided that the plebeian comitia should vote by tribes, each of the twenty-one tribes to cast a single vote. As only landowners were enrolled in the tribes, the landless were ex- cluded from the assembly. The newly organized gathering, called the comitia tri-bu'ta, had as yet no authority over the state, but met simply for the transaction of plebeian business. In the same year the number of tribunes was doubled, and somewhat later was increased to ten. 385. The Struggle for Written Laws (462-452 3.c.).— Up to this time the laws were unwritten. The patricians, who were alone acquainted with them, handed them down orally from father to son. This exclusive knowledge they used for the oppression of the commons; the patrician judge decided cases in favor of men of his own rank, and no plebeian could quote the law as proof of the in- justice. The tribunes began therefore to urge the codification of the laws in the interest of the common people. Their aims were heartily favored by one of the patricians, Appius Claudius, a man of rare intelligence and ability. Under the influence of Appius and the tribunes, the senate yielded, and sent a committee to some of the Greek states of Italy to examine their codes of law. On their return the centuries elected ten men (de-cem'vi-ri), with the power of consuls, for the purpose of writing the laws, During their term | \ } iT if ;344 The Early Republic of one year they were to have absolute control of the government ; all other offices, including the tribunate of the plebs, were to be suspended. 386. The Decemvirs; the Twelve Tables (451-449 B.C.). — Though plebeians were eligible to the new board of ten, the assembly filled it with patricians. Before the year ended they had engraved ten tables of the law, which, after ratification by the senate and people, they set up in the Forum, where all could read them. As they had not finished writing the laws, and as their government gave satisfaction to all alike, it was decided to elect decemvirs for the following year. On the new board were Claudius and three — possibly five — plebeians. Their liberal policy, and especially their efforts to promote manufacturing and commerce, angered the peas- ants and most of the patricians. As the senate and assembly re- fused, accordingly, to consider the two tables engraved in the second year, Claudius, with his colleagues, determined to remain in office till they secured the ratification; for the constitution compelled no magistrate to retire against his will. Hereupon their enemies accused them of acting like tyrants and of attempting to maintain themselves in power for life. The plebeians seceded again to the Sacred Mount, and thus compelled the senate to depose the decem- virs contrary to law. Claudius and one of his colleagues were thrown into prison, where they were probably murdered; the other members of the board fled into exile. Then Va-le’ri-us and Ho-ra’-ti-us, consuls in 449 B.c., secured the ratification of the two tables. 387. Contents of the Twelve Tables. — Intermarriage between patricians and plebeians was prohibited by one of these laws, as it had already been by custom. With this exception the Twelve Tables equalized the private rights of all, and continued to be the fountain of justice for centuries. As a part of their education there- after Roman boys had to commit them to memory, —a text-book more useful than entertaining. The following are a few of the more interesting laws : — Let none make use of gold in funerals. But if the teeth of the deceased are fastened with gold, let none be prosecuted for burying or burning the deceased with that gold.— [PERRASSEARERURSSSEO RSS nsesnni The Valerian-Horatian Laws 34 U1 Let not women scratch their faces or tear their cheeks or raise lamentations on account of a funeral. Let the father have power over the life and death of his son. Let no man take more interest for money than one per cent a month. If he shall do otherwise, let him be fined four times that sum. If any one breaks the limb of another and makes no reparation, let retaliation take place. If any one shall publish slander or write verses to the defamation of another, let the offence be capital. If any shall assemble in the city privately at night, let the offence be capital. 388. The Laws of Valerius and Horatius (449 B.C.). — Before this time the resolutions of the comitia tributa, the assembly of tribes, were binding on the plebs only. But Valerius and Horatius, who were friendly to the lower class, had a law passed which gave their assembly legislative power. With the previous consent of the senate, the resolutions of the comitia tributa were henceforth to have the force of law for the whole people. It was a great gain for the tribunes, who alone had presided over this assembly. Soon, however, state officers began to call it for the election of such minor officials as the quaestors,? and occasionally for other business. Some time afterward it was agreed that the tribunes should place their bench at the door of the senate-house, through which they could listen to the proceedings within. If, then, the senate passed an act to which they had no objection, they signed it, thus abandon- ing their right to oppose the enforcement of the act. But if the measure under consideration displeased them, their ‘“ Veto,” shouted through the door, ordinarily caused the proposal to be dropped. If the senate or magistrate ignored the prohibition, the tribunes resorted to obstructing the administration of the govern- ment in every possible way — even by sedition and secession. After more than a century and a half of this kind of warfare (449-287 B.c.), the tribunes succeeded in establishing for themselves an un- 1§ 384. 2The quaestors were at first appointed by the consuls (§ 378), but soon after tha decemvirate they came to be elected by the tribes. seer es if i! t \ oS <=.yi —— i wate wae D Frees T. wah perp a re Rn TR a m = te ta i eet eae Pree een Liters sab a a ree coed ir Ps -_ 7 346 The Early Republic restricted right to veto all acts of the magistrates, the senate, and the assemblies. 389. The Canuleian Law (445 B.c.); the Consular Tribunes (444-367 B.c.). — A few years after the consulship of Valerius and Horatius, a law of the tribune Can-u-lei’us permitted marriage be- tween the two social classes. Those wealthy and influential ple- beians who alone were in a position to profit by this reform looked upon intermarriage with the patricians as a stepping-stone to office. They reasoned rightly; for immediately after the passage of the Canuleian law, the patricians formed a plan of admitting them to office, though not to the consulship. It was agreed that whenever the senate so determined, military tribunes! with consular power — or, more briefly, consular tribunes — should be elected for the year in place of consuls, and that both classes should be alike eligible to the office. The plebeian candidates, however, were so often defeated that at length the leading men of the party came to re- gard the consular tribunate as a disadvantage to their cause. 390. Institution of the Censors (443 B.c.) and of the Military Quaestors (421 B.c.). — All the powers of the consuls did not pass to their substitutes, the consular tribunes ; for in 443 B.c. the Romans created two new patrician magistrates, the censors, whose chief duty was to make a register of the citizens and their property and to assign each man to his tribe and class, —-a work hitherto per- formed by the consuls. They also let out the privilege of collect- ing the taxes to the highest bidders, and attended to the erection of public buildings. They were elected at intervals, usually of five years, and were required to complete the census within eighteen months after their entrance into office. For a long time the censors remained strictly patrician magis- trates. In another direction, however, the plebeian leaders began to meet with greater success in their struggle for office. In 42r B.C. two military quaestors were instituted to attend to the financial business of thearmy. At the same time it was agreed that plebeians ‘ Before this time they were purely military officers appointed by the consuls. Six military tribunes commanded each legion. ‘The change mentioned in the text consisted in the occasional election of from three to six additional “ military tribunes with consular power” to take the place of the consuls for the year.The Licinian Law 347 also should be eligible to the office of quaestor, whether civil or military. 391. The Licinian Law (367 B.c.).— But the leaders of the commons desired especially to a the office of consul thrown open to them. Many plebeians, too, felt oppressed by debts, and were discontented with the way in which the authorities disposed of the public land. When they acquired land in war, they either (1) granted a part forthwith to settlers, or (2) leased, or (3) sold it. To these ways of disposing of the land the poor did not object; but (4) the larger part was left unsurveyed, and the authorities proclaimed that all who wished might ‘‘ occupy ” it on condition of handing over to the government a tenth of the grain and a fifth of the fruit pro- duced each year. From those who kept flocks on these lands, a share of the animals, both oxen and sheep, was required. In spite of the liberal form of the proclamation, however, it is clear that the patricians and w eu plebeians alone exercised the privilege of “occupying” or “ possessing” portions of the unsurveyed land. They bought, sold, and bequeathed it, till in time they came to look upon it as their own. Not satisfied with this ad- vantage, a rich proprietor often ejected his poor neighbors from their small farms, which he then annexed to his estate. There 1s no wonder that the poor were dissatisfied with the unjust working of this system. The tribune Li-cin’i-us with his colleagues accord- ingly proposed a reform bill, which he urged all discontented plebe- ians to support. After a long struggle the bill became a law in 367 B.c. Its provisions were as follows : — (x) There shall be no more consular tribunes, and one of the two consuls shall henceforth be a plebeian. (2) Interest already paid on debts shall be deducted from the principal, and the balance of the debt shall be paid in three equal annual instalments. (3) Noone shall occupy more than five hundred acres (ju’ge-ra) * of the public land. Probably prov ision was made for distributing the surplus among the poor in seven-acre lots. (4) No one shall pasture more than a hundred cattle or five hun- dred sheep on the public land. 1 The Roman acre (jugerum) was about two-thirds the size of ours, o—_——., Soret we nn a i Hi} a qeee eee eee f } } hs 4 b ; - | 348 The Early Republic 392. The Effects of the Licinian Law. — The second clause of the law was but a superficial remedy for the distress of the poor ; it did nothing to remove the cause of poverty. The patricians were still eager to retain in their own hands as much authority as possible. The senate accordingly would not permit the first clause to go into effect till the people had consented to the institution of three new patrician magistrates: the prae’tor, who was judge in civil cases, and two curule aediles, who were to supervise the streets and public buildings, the markets, and the public games. After gaining admission to the consulship, the leaders of the plebs had less difficulty in winning their way to other places of honor and power in the state. At the end of the century we find them eligible to all offices and to the college of pontiffs and of augurs. The opening of the consulship to plebeians gradually enlarged the nobility. Henceforth it consisted not only of pa- tricians but also of all plebeians who were admitted to a curule office,* — themselves called “new men,’ — together with their descendants. In other words, the patricians and the plebeians ceased to be the political parties; thereafter the parties were (1) the nobles, who were office-holders and their descendants, and (2) the commons, who were the other citizens. Understanding that the fewer they were the more honor would be theirs to enjoy, the nobles strenuously opposed the admission of new members. They preferred to have one of their number hold the consulship four or five times, and other high offices in addition, rather than to receive new men into their privileged society. But when a law? was passed that no one should hold the same office with- in a period of ten years, or more than one office at a time, a greater number of new men was necessarily elected, and, in consequence, the nobility became more representative of the people as a whole. 393. Liberation of the Assemblies. — While the leaders of the plebs were winning political rights, the people in their assemblies were striving for legal freedom from the control of the senate. It has been stated above’ that no act either of the centuriate or of the tribal assembly was valid unless authorized by the senate. 1§ 378, n. 2. 2The Genucian Law, 342 B.c, 3 §§ 380, 388.Summary of Development 349 In the latter half of the fourth century B.c., however, the centuriate assembly succeeded in shaking off this control. From that time it was constitutionally free to pass whatever laws it saw fit. Even more important was the emancipation of the tribal assembly. In 287 B.C., a law of the dictator Hor-ten’si-us declared that without the consent of the senate a resolution of the plebs in their tribal assembly should have the force of law. Constitutionally the assemblies were now free from the senate and were the sovereign power in the state. In form the government was therefore a democracy; but in fact it remained aristocratic, for the senate exercised more actual power than ever. As it was composed of the ablest and most experienced men in the state, its moral influence was irresistible. Through the college of augurs it controlled the auspices, which both magistrates and people reli- giously obeyed.! 394. SUMMARY OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT (509-287 B.C.) 1. Magistrates. — During this period the duties of government were be- coming more numerous and difficult, and for that reason the number of offices gradually increased. At first (1) there were (a) two consuls, who were chief executives, judges, and commanders in war; (b) two quaestors, whose chief duty was the care of the treasury, and who were appointed by the consuls; and lastly (c) an occasional dictator, who took entire charge of the government and ruled with absolute power. Next (2) were instituted tribunes of the plebs for the protection of the citizens from oppression. At first two, the number gradually increased to ten. (3) The two plebeian aediles were their assistants. (4) The decemvirs for compiling the laws, and (5) the consular tribunes, to act in certain years as substitutes for the consuls, were temporary expedients. (6) The two censors, elected at inter- vals of about five years, made a census and assessment of the inhabitants. In time they acquired a supervision over the morals of the citizens. (7) Two military quaestors were appointed to accompany the army and to have charge of the military chest and the supplies. (8) The praetor was a judge in civil cases. (g) The two curule aediles had supervision of the streets, markets, and public games. Soon the plebeian aediles were as- sociated with them in this work. The number of quaestors and of prae- tors gradually increased. 2. The Assemblies. (1) Under the kings there was but one assembly —the comitia curiata. (2) About the beginning of the republic a new the comitia centuriata — was instituted. In the former there assembly 1§ 374.=== Ne mea nc a a a aaa Se nn ree ra eh r i f e | orn 350 The Early Republic was equality among the members, in the latter the citizens voted in the ordet of their wealth — the more property a man had, the more his vote counted i: the decision of the question before the people. The comitia centuriata took the place of the curiate assembly, leaving the latter hardly more than a mereform. (3) Early in the republic a third kind of assembly — the comi- tia tributa — was introduced. At first it attended solely to plebeian busi- ness, but the Valerian-Horatian laws gave it the right, with the consent of the senate, to legislate for the state. In this assembly all had an equa. vote, as in the comitia curiata; but the great advantage which came to the plebeians from the tribal organization lay in the fact that it was presided over by the tribunes, who were naturally more inclined than patricians to introduce laws favorable to the commons. Soon patrician magistrates be- gan likewise to call the people together in this form of assembly for making laws and for electing inferior magistrates. The distinction between the three forms of assembly is mainly one of organization; for all practical purposes we may consider them identical in composition. After the institution of the centuriate and tribal assemblies, the next step was their liberation from the control which the senate exercised over them by constitutional right. This emancipation was completed by the Hortensian law of 287 B.C. 3. The Senate. — In the way described above the senate lost its consti- tutional right to control the assemblies. Meanwhile, however, (1) through its great ability, recognized alike by magistrates and people, (2) through its management of the auspices, it gained more real power than it had ever held before. At the close of our period it was actually, though not legally, supreme. 4. The Rights of the Plebs. — At the beginning of the republic the ple- beians (rx) lacked the protection due them as citizens, and (2) were debarred from all political and religious offices. They gained the necessary protec- tion (a) through the institution of the tribunes, (b) through the publication of the Twelve Tables. Thereafter the chief aim of the leading plebeians was to win admission to the offices. They became eligible (1) to the decem- virate for compiling the laws, (2) to the consular tribunate, and (3) to the quaestorship. (4) The Licinian law then declared that one consul had al- ways to bea plebeian. This was by far the most important gain. After- ward (s) all other offices and influential priesthoods were rapidly thrown open to them. In the early part of this struggle the right of intermarriage between the two social classes was established by the Canuleian law (445 B.c.). The alliances which the leading plebeians were able to form by inter- marriage with patrician families were a great help in the struggle for politi- cal rights. Beyond the security of person and property, the masses gained little in these conflicts. ‘The main tendency was always toward aristocracy rather than toward democracy. The leading men in the state formed a new, office-holding nobility, and the old distinction between patricians and ple- beians disappeared.Government and People WwW on _ Suggestive Questions 1. How did the change from monarchy to republic affect (1) the magis- trates, (2) the senace (3) the people? 2. Why did the Romans prefer the two consuls toa single king? 3. Makea table of the magistrates, showing the date of institution and the functions of each. 4. Make a table of the assemblies, showing the composition, organization, and functions of each 5. Which assembly was the most representative of the people, and why? 6. From the laws of the Twelve Tables quoted in § 387, what may we infer as to the customs and character of the people of that time? 7. Makea list of all the laws on constitutional subjects mentioned in the chapter, with a brief statement of the contents of each. Note-book Topics I. The Government of the Early Republic. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 24-29; Ihne, Early Rome, chs. x—xiil. II. The Decemvirs. — Botsford, Story of Rome, 90-92; History of Rome, 76-79; Ihne, Early Rome, ch. xviii; Duruy, History of Rome, i. 327- 340. SN aS ee { if HH ‘i iH ifieee Chk eS CHAPTER XXXI THE EARLY REPUBLIC: (II) ROME BECOMES SUPREME IN ITALY Reet Se we a nna 509-264 B.C. ( if | | F T. SoutaH ETRURIA AND LATIUM BECOME ROMAN 395. Weakness of Rome; Alliance with the Latins. — While the Romans were improving the government and the condition of the plebeians in the way described above, they were gradually extending their power over Italy. In tracing this territorial ex- pansion we must begin with the founding of the republic and con- tinue through the period covered by the preceding chapter. The downfall of monarchy weakened Rome; for the state no longer had a single strong ruler to lead in war and to put down civil strife. ‘The dissensions between the patricians and the plebeians * exposed the country to attacks from all its neighbors. The greatest danger came from the Latins, whose cities had long been united in a league.2 Under the later kings they had acknowledged the headship of Rome, but now theyrevolted. After a brief war Spurius Cassius,’ the leading Roman statesman of the time, negotiated with the Latin League a perpetual peace (493 B.c.).4 396. Wars with the Aequians and the Volscians (486-405 BiG): —It was well that the Romans and the Latins renewed their alliance; for they had soon to begin a long, hard struggle in defence of their property and their lives against the hungry tribes of the hills. Year after year the Sabines, descending from their mountain homes, pillaged the Roman territory. Often, too, the Aequians burned farmhouses and drove off the peasants’ cattle. The story is told that once they entrapped a consul and his army 1 See especially § 381 for the secession of the plebs. *§ 357. 5 § 383. 4 This is the year in which Rome for the first time had tribunes of the plebs; § 382. 352fa wremrs ara ! i \ ' ‘se! manrree Severs wir Peas 4142) ‘ a) | > “~ Ss ON | ? oo Rotasford, Dai OQ Ce eee Enact, sand tenon Ss “ A N ty ee =r E \. aS Se earner at ~ en Ne et - Or. ——~ : s 0 Anagnia Q E 7 iss r 1 oCarsioli E es / ‘ ’ , f y ! 5 , S S 4 re a 5 i ! be. Soe St, O° Qu } 5 ° < o . 3 See ™ Been aa 7 5 EN E | ® >a sys S — a : ems ss a NN . £ t 20S aN NA SS p 3 S i oy Ao, 25 4) — \ A | i) es 0, — < &| ci w 2. “ A 5 3 AD & ns % 0 ‘ io S| iH o0 8 © ‘ — ‘ san = | S D No . : 1 Ss q Oo = a oak 8 S| | ii 42 Ses Pc O| \ = fH } | fy Z t Ya Ds \ | H 4 3 < Ueihie, a a} = = 1 z < Vy 2 | z wi ee “> Y | < Re 0 ‘ Qo a z 3 | | zfs 5 Ys a) Hi | {@ ~ 5 1 mata He | | es 52@ 4 | S ~~ i ! | | ‘ | of iS | | | | ‘ = | | | | | 12° } ® Tarquinii E VF | y > be % zee aed % Se BE . Soy ae R ee ees ¥ hr el ed T & || |———E errr nese A Aequians and Volscians 353 in a valley. Thereupon the other consul, at the request of the senate, nominated Cin-cin-na’tus dictator." Messengers then bore the commission across the Tiber to his four-acre farm. Finding him in his tunic, engaged in some rural work, they greeted him as he leaned on his spade. Then, wiping the sweat and dust from his brow, he listened to the message. He took command. Without delay he relieved the besieged army, humbled the enemy, and re- turned to Rome, his troops laden with booty. So brilliant was the victory that the senate granted him a triumph. A grand pro- cession, accordingly, moved along the Sacred Way? through the Forum, then up the Capitoline to the temple of Jupiter. In front were the captive leaders of the Aequians; men followed with the standards of the enemy; then came the triumphal car in which sat the general clad in splendid robes. Behind the car the soldiers marched carrying the booty, singing the hymn of triumph, while the citizens spread tables before their houses for the entertainment of the army. The procession halted before the temple, that the general might bring the chief of the gods an offering of gratitude for the victory. Then, resigning his command the sixteenth day after taking it, he returned to his farm. Though not genuine history, the story of Cincinnatus gives a true picture of the simple life of those early times and of the triumph of a victorious general. After Cincinnatus, the Romans had still many years of unsuccess- ful war with the Aequians. Meantime the Volscians, who lived in the mountains southeast of the Hernicans, descending into Latium, overran the country to within a few miles of Rome. At one time the mountaineers held nearly all Latium. But after a long struggle for existence, Rome and her allies began to make headway against their enemies. Before the end of the century they had recovered Latium (405 B.C.). Though the Aequians and the Volscians still gave trouble, they ceased to be dangerous. 397. The Siege of Veii (405-396 B.c.). — Toward the end of the century the Romans began war upon Vei'i, an Etruscan city as large as their own, situated twelve miles distant on a steep and strongly fortified height. After a long siege the dictator Ca-mil’lug 1§ 378. 2 A street in the city, indicated on the map, p. 457- 2APe a nt an na a ae As tar ee SS eon es ae | f i | 354 Rome Becomes Supreme in Italy took it. This conquest doubled the Roman territory, which soon afterward extended on the north to the Ci-min’i-an Hill. 398. The Sack of Rome by the Gauls (390 B.c.). — In Etruria Rome first came into collision with the Gauls — tall warriors with fair hair and flashing eyes. Wherever they marched, “ their harsh music and discordant clamors filled all places with a horrible din.” REMNANT OF THE SO-CALLED SERVIAN WALL (From a photograph) Shortly before this time they had begun to cross the Alps and to drive the Etruscans from the Po Valley. Now they were invading Etruria. About eleven miles from Rome, on the Al’li-a, a tribu- tary of the Tiber, they met the entire force of the Romans. The barbarians fought in dense masses; their enormous swords cut through the helmets and gashed the heads of the Romans. The men, who had often faced the hill tribes in battle, fled in terror from these gigantic northerners. Some took refuge in deserted Veii; others bore news of the disaster to Rome. The city was in a panic; no one thought of defending the walls. The soldiers and 1§ 360.First Samnite War 355 the younger senators hurried to the citadel to strengthen its de fences. The rest of the city was sacked and burned. At length, weary with continual watching and threatened with famine, the Romans on the Capitoline offered the Gauls a thousand pounds of gold if they would withdraw. It is said that the barba- rian chief threw his sword into the scale, exclaiming, “‘ Woe to the vanquished !”” and that while the parties were disputing over this increased demand, Camillus, again dictator, appeared with an army on the scene, and drove the Gauls away without their gold. The people returned to the city and proceeded to clear away the rubbish. Each man built his hut wherever he found a convenient place. Within a year Rome, with her narrow, crooked streets, arose from the ashes. To guard against future attacks, they surrounded the city with a great stone wall, remnants of w hich are still standing.’ 399. The First Samnite War (343-341 B.C.). — The half-century following the rebuilding of the city was a time of great military success for Rome. On every side she was victorious over her enemies, and either won new territory or secured more thorough control of the lands she had already acquired. In this period she came into contact with Samnium, the most powerful nation in the interior of the peninsula. For a time the two states were allies, but afterward quarrelled over the possession of Cap’u-a, a wealthy city of Campania. As the Samnites threatened to conquer Capua, this city gave itself up to Rome in return for protection. By ac- cepting these terms the Romans brought upon themselves their first war with Samnium. The two nations, however evenly matched, differed in character. The Samnites were mountaineers, who had no cities, no wealth, no king or aristocracy. Poor but brave and free, they looked greedily down upon the well-cultivated plains on their western border. With their skilful swords they hoped to win a title to these rich lands. The Romans and Latins were far superior in military organ- ization and equipments. Their army was a peasant militia, obe- dient to command, brave, patient, hardy, ready for long marches 1 Writers who lived long after these events assigned this wall to Servius Tullius; §§ 364, 375. Scholars now agree, however, that the work is no earlier than the fourth century B.C.Sete ee a oie a ners ee = Se pe nas meee et Pe een i | 356 Rome Becomes Supreme in Italy and severe toils, rarely over-elated by success or cast down by misfortune. They were inspired, too, with the idea that the struggle was one for home and country, in defence of the wealth and civilization of the plain against encroaching barbarism. They fought, therefore, with great spirit and success. As a result of the war, the Romans not only retained Capua, but gained control of nearly all Campania. 400. The Great Latin War (340-338 B.c.). —In 341 B.c. Rome and Samnium suddenly made peace and alliance; but the Latins and other allies of Rome continued the war. Finally the Latins, thinking that they were as strong as the metropolis, demanded that they be made citizens of Rome and that one consul and half the senators should be chosen from their number. The demand was rejected with scorn; “a foreign consul and foreign senators sitting in the temple of Jupiter would be an insult to the supreme god of the state, as though he were taken captive by the enemy !’’! War followed. The Romans and the Latins had the same arms, the same military organization and discipline. Rome, however, enjoyed the advantage that comes to a single city in opposing a loose confederacy. She brought the war to a successful close in one or two fierce battles and a series of sieges. She then dissolved the Latin League. 401. Admission of South Etruria, Latium, and Campania into the Roman State. — The territory now under the control of Rome extended from the Ciminian Hill in Etruria to Mount Vesuvius in Campania. It remains to consider how she organized the territory recently acquired in war, and how she treated its inhabitants. Rome enslaved the people of Veii.? The territory belonging to that city she assigned to her own citizens, and made of it four tribes,* in some such way as new states are formed from territory acquired by the American government. There was no reason, however, for treating the Latins harshly; for in blood and language they were one with the Romans, and as soldiers they would be of great value to Rome in her future wars. The senate determined therefore to admit most of them to full citizen- ship, and to organize them and their territory in new tribes. A 1 Livy, viii. 4 f. 2 $$ 357) 395- 3§ 307. 4§ 376.—————— Second Samnite War - / vi 3 few Latin towns, however, remained inferior to the rest. They were admitted to the Roman citizenship, but were not given the right to vote or to hold office at Rome. Thus their citizenship was limited. The Etruscan city of Caere had already been ad- mitted to the Roman state and placed in this position. Such people were described as citizens without suffrage cives sine suffragio. Like the other citizens, they were required to perform military service. A large part of Campania had fallen under the Roman power ;! and the inhabitants were likewise placed in the same class of inferior citizens. Whatever the grade of their citizen- ship, the people admitted to the Roman state retained their towns with self-government in local matters.” All the Latins, however, were not taken into the Roman state. Tibur, Praeneste, and one or two other old Latin cities ? remained independent, and separate treaties of alliance were made between them and Rome. Several colonies, founded in Etruria and Latium, were, like Tibur and Praeneste, given the position of allies. Such were called Latin colonies.* Il. THe CoNngueEst oF ITALY 338-264 B.C. 402. The Second Samnite War (326-304). — For fifteen years there was peace between Rome and Samnium. During this time the Romans continually gained strength. This ambitious policy made the Samnites fear for their own safety. Accordingly, when Rome laid siege to Naples, a free Greek city of Campania, the Sam- nites reénforced the place. This unfriendly act led to the Second Samnite War. The fortunes of war varied. At first Rome was successful; then the tide turned in favor of Samnium. In 321 B.c. Pon’ti-us, the Samnite leader, enticed the consuls with forty thousand men into an ambush at the Cau’dine Pass, in a valley of the Apennines, and compelled them to surrender. The consuls, in the name of the 1 § 390. 2 As explained in § 405. 3 § 357. 4 Among them were Sutrium and Nepete in Etruria and Norba, Satricum, and Setia in Latium. a) { I ; } i! HFa tt a ee tle ep te wo i al | Hi i \ 358 Rome Becomes Supreme in Italy state, swore to the enemy’s terms of peace. Then a yoke was formed of three spears — two fixed upright in the earth and the third placed across the top. Deprived of their arms by the enemy, the Roman troops passed humbly under this yoke in token of their complete submission. It was the worst disgrace a soldier could undergo at the hands of an enemy. All were allowed to return home, excepting six hundred knights, who were detained as hos- tages. To the people at home the surrender was a greater humil- lation than would have been the entire destruction of the army. Accordingly they soon found a pretext for breaking the treaty. After the disaster at the Caudine Pass, the war dragged on from year to year. It was the policy of. Rome to settle and organize every foot of conquered ground, and to hem in her enemy by estab- lishing fortress colonies on the border. Although the Samnites were reénforced by the Etruscans and the Umbrians, Rome now met with success in all her battles. The consuls ravaged Etruria, and captured the strongholds of Samnium. The war ended in 304 B.C.; though the Samnites had suffered great losses, they remained free, and renewed the former treaty. 403. The Third Samnite War (298-290 B.c.).—In the Third Samnite War all the Italic peoples, the Etruscans, and a horde of Celtic invaders took part against Rome. The decisive battle was fought at Sen-tinum in Umbria (295 B.c.). Here by a hard- won victory Rome broke the league of her enemies. Deserted by their allies, the Samnites held out resolutely for five more years. At last Man‘i-us Cu’ri-us Den-ta’tus, a peasant who by personal merit had raised himself to the consulship, compelled them to sue for peace. They were now dependent allies of Rome. The strife between the plain and the mountains began in the wars with the Aequians and the Volscians as early at least as the beginning of the republic.! In time it culminated in a fierce struggle between Rome and Samnium, which, with brief interruptions, raged for more than half a century. The long conflict was now ended. It had desolated Italy from Etruria to Lucania. Cities and villages were in ruins; pastures and cornfields had become a lonely waste; thousands of warriors had fallen in battle and thou- 1§§ 356 f., 396.— eee tt TE ITE en eatieemmrmie-wneineninccaimerma icra . War with Tarentum 35S sands of men, women, and children once free were now slaves of the Romans. Civilization had triumphed, yet at a great cost; the war whetted the Roman appetite for plunder, and fostered slavery, the curse of ancient society. 404. The War with Tarentum or War with Pyrrhus (281-272 B.c.). — After winning the supremacy Over Samnium, the Romans naturally thought it expedient to round out their league, by gain- ing control of all southern Italy. The principal states in that region were Greek. But many Greek cities had been conquered by the natives. Naples and a few others had become allies of Rome. The only important state remaining wholly independent was Ta- rentum.t It had long been a great centre of commerce and indus- try. The chief activity was the manufacture and dyeing of woollen goods. As most of the wool for this purpose came f the Tarentines felt that their trade was menaced by the extension of the Roman supremacy over that country. They had made a treaty with the Romans according to which the ships of the latter should not sail past the La-cin’i-an promontory in the direction of Tarentum. With their city strongly fortified, they felt secure so long as their fleet held command of the sea, and it hardly oc- curred to them that Rome could build a fleet strong enough to dispute their naval supremacy. When they saw a small Roman squadron, in open violation of the treaty, sail beyond the for- bidden point, they put to sea in great indignation, sunk several of the Roman ships, and massacred the crews of the others. The Romans sent an embassy to demand reparation for this and other alleged wrongs. The insolent treatment of these ambassadors led to war. Thereupon the Tarentines called on Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus, for help. This king, a brilliant military genius, came with a small but strong body of troops who were skilled in the arms and tactics of the Macedonian phalanx.” He first met the enemy at Her-a-cle’a (280 B.c.). Seven times the light battalions of Rome threw themselves against his “hedge of spears,’’ only to be repulsed each time with heavv loss. Then his trained elephants, charging the weakened enemy, breached their lines like a volley of artillery. The Romans were shrinking before the “ gray oxen,” 1§ 126. 2 § 308. rom Samnium, Sp sR cea360 Rome Becomes Supreme in Italy as they called these enormous beasts, when a sudden dash of the Thessalian horse completed their ruin. Allies now began to join the victorious general, who pushed on till he came within forty miles of Rome. So great had been his own losses in the recent battle, however, that he was anxious to make peace with the enemy, whose bravery and discipline he admired. Cin’e-as, his ambassa- dor, spoke eloquently in the senate; but Appius Claudius Caecus, a statesman old and blind, was carried on a litter into the senate- house to raise his voice against these shameful proceedings: “‘ Let Pyrrhus return home, and then we may make peace with him.” In these words he set forth the principle that thereafter Rome would take care of the interests of Italy. Failing to win his cause by eloquence or bribery, Cineas returned to his master with the report that the Roman senate was an assembly of kings. Pyrrhus won another battle at As’cu-lum (279 B.c.), so dearly that he re- marked to his friends, “‘ Another such victory will ruin us.”” Then he crossed over to Sicily to aid his countrymen against the Car- thaginians ; but even with his brilliant successes there, he failed to dislodge the enemy from the island. Returning with a few vet- erans to Italy, he was defeated at Ben-e-ven’tum (275 B.c.) by Dentatus, and thereupon withdrew to his home. After his de- parture Tarentum surrendered, and soon Rome became mistress of all Italy south of the Rubicon. ee een eee annette See eee eee ; i { } ; H Suggestive Questions 1. Write a summary of this chapter like that on p. 285. 2. Describe the triumph of a victorious general. 3. From the map facing p. 353 show the increase of Rome’s territory to the conquest of Veii. Describe the location of all the peoples mentioned on the map. 4. Describe the location of the Allia River, Rubicon River, Ciminian Hill, Caere, Naples, Asculum, Heraclea, Beneventum, Sentinum, Lacinian Promontory, and Tarentum. 5. Describe the structure of the Roman wall illustrated on p. 354. What is the shape of the stones, and how are they arranged? 6. Which wars of this period formed part of the long conflict between the plain and the mountains? Wote-book Topics I. The Second Samnite War. — Botsford, Story of Rome, 72-77; Munro, Source Book, 74-77; Duruy, History of Rome, i. 425-445. II Pyrrhus. — Botsford, 77-83; Plutarch, Pyrrhus.. ee SL CHAPTER XXXII THE ORGANIZATION OF ROMAN RULE IN ITALY; PROGRESS IN CIVILIZATION I. ORGANIZATION 405. The Roman Citizens. — Within the territory united under Rome were communities of every grade of privilege, ranging from full Roman citizenship to subjection. First let us notice the Roman citizens. Many of them lived in Rome, or so near that they could use the markets of that city for buying and selling and could have ee a Ss their disputes settled before its courts. Others lived too far away to enjoy these advantages. Such persons had towns of their own called mu-ni-cip'i-a. A municipium of the best standing was practically the same as our municipality. It had a government nee of its own, consisting of magistrates, council, and an assembly of all the citizens. The assembly was like a © town-meeting,” but it met oftener and had more to do with the government, as it elected magistrates and voted on laws. In origin and general character it was the same as the popular assembly at Rome or at Athens. The ‘nhabitants of such a municipium usually had their law cases settled in the courts of their own town, and followed their several vocations there. As they were Roman citizens, they had a right to go to Rome and vote in the assemblies or present themselves as candidates for office. An example of such a municipium was Tusculum. 1 | | i i a ————— Other municipia, however, were of inferior grade. They had their own local self-zovernment, no less than those of highest standing. Their inhabitants were also citizens of Rome; they had a right to trade with the other citizens and to intermarry with them, but not to vote or to hold office at the capital. Caere has been mentioned as an example of this class! The inhabitants were termed ‘“ citizens without suffrage 1§ 401. 301362 The Organization of Roman Rule in Italy Rarely to punish a town for rebellion, Rome deprived it of self: government and sent out a prefect to rule it with absolute power. Such communities were called pre’fect-ures. They were the lowest ert a eG Stites reese oh Ce me 7 on ert * i TBS Sa i SO a 1S = = . is" { COLONIES —+ AND | " MILITARY ROADS OF Hee ITALY i ce fe cy Sr, % re i] "a ~ | a | me neh p 7 | i i f i | ) a\* . << - £S eWay aks Ke Be = Cr a 7 : xeon @ * Pateol Q mreaey 2fum Venusia 291 ” «° cia | Q} Salsniin ANY = Pr 4 o FR Sw i} "Pace stum’e. ; i 273 Bux¢ ‘oa f 7] i 3 v 10 20 30 40 50 «60 70 © Roman Colony. ® Latin Colony. © Other Cities amma Military Road. The numbers are the dates i3s° (B. C.) of founding. 10° Longitude 12° Fast from I “Greenwich * maT G.W. Botsford, Del. 18° grade of municipia. The inhabitants were in name citizens with- out suffrage, but in reality they were subjects. We hear of no more than two cities! which were treated in this way, and their degra- dation was only temporary. 1 They were Anagnia, which rebelled in 306 B.c., and Capua, which in the Second Punic War deserted to Hannibal.— a Allies 363 There was one more kind of Roman community — the Roman colony. It was alwaysa garrison, usually of three hundred citizens with their families, placed in some newly conquered town. It was generally on the coast, and the garrison was for the protection of the seaboard. A third of the land, taken from the natives, was transferred to the new settlers, and they were given full control of the government. They stood therefore toward the natives as nobles toward commons. ‘The natives were given citizenship with- out the right to vote; and gradually they acquired the full citizen- ship. The distinction between them and the colonists then dis- appeared. 406. The Allies: Latins and Italians. — Thus far we have had to do with Roman citizens only. We are now to take under consia- eration the allies. Those nearest to the Romans in blood, language, customs, and sympathy were the Latins. They consisted (1) of the few old Latin towns, like Tibur,’ which had not yet accepted the Roman citizenship, (2) of many Latin colonies founded in all parts of Italy. Romans as well as Latins took part in these settle- ments; but they were called Latin colonies because they had Latin rights — that is, they were in the same condition as an old Latin town, All Latin towns, whatever their origin, were self-governing, almost sovereign states. Each was bound to Rome by an individual treaty, which regulated the relations between the two states. The Latins who came to Rome had an unrestricted right to trade, to buy property there, and to intermarry with the Romans, and could easily obtain the citizenship if they wished. The colonies of this class served as garrisons for holding the neighboring country loyal to Rome, and as a means of extending the Latin language and civilization to the natives. Inferior to the Latins were the allies called simply the Italians, for instance the Samnites. As in the case of the Latins, each com- munity had its separate treaty with Rome. There was among them every gradation of privilege; some were little inferior in rights to Rome, whereas the independence of others was more restricted. Neither Latins nor Italians paid taxes or tribute to Rome, but all their communities furnished the number of troops 1§ yor. ) } \ | mf i i :] fi} ! Bi 1 ‘| | a i} | | it ql j 1 i Ree Anh eerie ce sae i? *, 304 The Organization of Roman Rule in Italy fixed by treaty to serve in whatever wars Rome might wage. Those on the coast, especially the Greek. cities, furnished ships with their crews. All the allies had to equip, provision, and pay their own troops. They had no voice, however, in the declaration of wars or the conclusion of treaties. The political organization of Italy here described had the form of a league of small states under the leadership of Rome. It was like the Peloponnesian League or the Delian Confederacy, but far more strongly centralized than either. It included the whole peninsula south of the Rubicon, excepting the Umbrian coast which was occupied by Gauls. They had been conquered by Rome, and were now tributary subjects. Indeed, it was chiefly In opposition to the Gauls that the Italians, led by Rome, had come to look upon themselves as one people, — the nation of the gown against the nation wearing trousers. This federal system, based upon Italian nationality and directed by Rome, assured to the peninsula domestic peace, and to the leading city a place among the great states of the world. The foremost powers of the East! at this time were Egypt, — with which Rome allied herself in 273 B.C., — Macedon, and the Seleucid Empire; of the West, Car- thage and Rome. 407. Members of the Roman-Italian League I. Roman Citizens 1. Those living in or near Rome, using its markets and courts. 2. Citizens of municipia of the first class — with local self-government and the right to vote and hold office at Rome. 3. Citizens of municipia of the second class — with local self-goy- ernment, but without the right to vote and to hold office at Rome. 4. Citizens of municipia of the third class, or prefectures — with neither self-government nor the right to vote and hold office at Rome. 5. Citizens of Roman colonies —in privileges like inhabitants of municipia of the first class. (I. Allies, bound by treaty to follow the leadership of Rome in war, not tributary. I. Latins, especially favored, had easy access to the Roman citizen: ship. US1333-a Military Reform 365 a. A few old Latin towns. b. Latin colonies. 2. Italians, less favored, differed greatly from one another in privileges. III. Subjects. — The Gauls of Umbria, tributary. 408. Military Reform : Change from the Phalanx to the Legion. — During the first century of the republic the phalanx, as organized by Servius,! was used. The soldiers served without pay, and equipped __ themselves according to their means. In the war with Veii, however, the senate began to pay them for service, thus making possible a thor- ough change in the military system; for henceforth the citizens, who had been accus- tomed to short sum- mer campaigns, could serve the entire year, when necessary, and the poor man as well ITALIAN SOLDIER as the rich could buy (From a vase-painting, about 300 B.c.; British Museum) a cormplete equipment. Hence the distinction of classes in the armor and in the arrange- ment of the troops gave way to a ranking according to experi- ence. The recruit entered the light division; after a time he passed to the front line of the heavy infantry, thence to the second line, and when he became a veteran, to the third. The soldiers of the first two lines, besides defensive armor, carried each two p7'la, or javelins for hurling, and a sword. The veterans were armed in the same way, except that instead of javelins each carried a lance. 3 1 § 376. | i | Hi ems Uy or ew : ee- 2ST, «- Fn nc Rn eee ed bk ny Roane nea ener {eee SEO char eer ate aes ee tea raatal iH HY i y re Noctark e e 366 The Organization of Roman Rule in Italy In place of the solid phalanx, the lines of heavy-armed men were now divided each into ten companies, called maniples, stationed at intervals in such a way that the vacant spaces in a line were covered by the companies of the following line. Each line was several ranks deep. Ordinarily a legion consisted of three thou- sand heavy-armed troops and twelve hundred light-armed. The number of legions varied according to the requirements of war. As (A bronze coin of the fourth century B.c., weighing 104 0z. Front, head of Janus; back, prow otf a galley) There were regularly three hundred cavalry attached to each legion. The beginning of this military reform is ascribed to Camillus,! the famous dictator who captured Veil; it was nearly completed at the end of the war with Pyrrhus. II. CIvILIZATION AND CHARACTER 409. Public Works. — While the Romans were becoming masters of Italy and improving their laws and their constitution, they were also growing richer. In the fourth century B.c. they began to coin bronze, and early in the third, silver. The nobles reaped the profits of large tracts of conquered land and bought a great number of 1§ 404.ee aaa cre eT TETAS — —_ arene a : Roads and Aqueduts 367 slaves. The state, too, acquired considerable property through conquest. Some of this wealth could be used for public works. Appius Claudius Caecus, during his long censorship, 312-307 B.C.,* built an aqueduct, named after him the Appian Aqueduct, which brought the city plenty of fresh water from the hills about ten miles distant. Through a great part of its course it ran under- eround. This was the first work of the kind at Rome. After his time, as the city continued for centuries to grow in population, larger and longer aqueducts had to be built. In some of them the water flowed high above ground in a channel supported by a series of stone arches. Another great work of the same censor was a military road — the Appian Way — extending from Rome to Capua. This, too, was the first A DENaRIUS of the kind. It was built as straight (Asilver coin struck soon after 286 B.c. A - : Front, head of Roma; back, Castor and as level as possible. Steep hills and Pollux on horseback) were tunnelled, and marshes and deep valleys were spanned by gigantic causeways of stone. In the more even places the road-bed was made of tightly-pressed earth, and the surface was everywhere paved with large, flat, durable stones.2 Along the side milestones were set up, and at less inter- vals other stones as steps for mounting on horseback. The example of Claudius was followed by other statesmen, till in the course of cen- turies a network of these roads covered the whole domain ruled by Rome. The primary object was the rapid movement of armies and of military supplies and official letters. They were free also to the public for travel, commerce, and all other purposes. It was largely by means of such roads that Rome was able to protect the great empire she was building up, to govern it efficiently, and to bind all parts of it together by the ties of commerce and a common civilization. These, however, were but the far-off results of the example set by Claudius. 1 He held the censorship during this long term for the purpose of building the public works described in this paragraph. 4 For an example of such a pavement, see illustration, p. 470.368 The Organization of Roman Rule in Italy 410. Education and Intelligence. — Business and diplomacy forced the more ambitious Romans even in this early time to learn the Greek language. There were probably as yet no schools, so that children had to get at home, from their parents or from Greek slaves, their whole education. Apart from the Twelve Tables and a few poems, proverbs, and orations composed by Appius Claudius, the Romans had no books whatever, and Greek literature was not yet studied, excepting by a few individuals. The Romans continued, however, to adopt Greek gods. One of their latest ac- quisitions in this period was Aes-cu- la’pi-us, god of healing, for whom they built a shrine on an island in the Tiber adjacent to the city. It was customary for sick persons to pass the night in this temple, in the belief that the god would heal them while they were asleep. Many stories of divine healing were in circulation. 411. Personal and Public Char- acter. — The early Romans were dis- tinguished for their patience and energy. Their virtue, the fruit of a AESCULAPIUS simple life, increased in strength and (Excellent ancient copy of a fifth century in severity throughout the period. (B.c.) original. Probably stood in the This growth was owing to the care shrine at Rome. National Museum, . : : Naples) with which the republican govern- ment supervised the citizens. The magistrates had power to punish, not only for crimes, but for every offence against order, however slight, and even for immorality, including lazy or luxurious habits. ‘ While all officers enjoyed this authority, it became the especial duty of the censors to see that every citizen subjected himself to the severe discipline prescribed by the state. SSE eS eee rr a ne ee ee reo ee Ce eee 5 4 a 'ee naam nniceairaesl ioscan eric oe ——— a ne Character 369 The aim of education in the family and in public life was to re- press the freedom of the individual in the interest of the state, to make a nation of brave warriors and dutiful citizens. The highest results of this stern training were reached in the Samnite Wars, — a period known thereafter as the golden age of virtue and of heroism. A citizen of this time was, in the highest degree, obedient to au- thority, pious, frugal, and generally honest. But though he was willing to sacrifice his life for the good of the state, he was equally ready to enrich himself at the expense of his neighbors ; the wealthy did not hesitate to sell the poor into slavery for debt, till they were forbidden to do so by law. Their hard, stern souls knew neither generosity nor mercy. Severe toward the members of their family, cruel in the treatment of slaves, and in their business transactions shrewd and grasping, the Romans of the time, however admirable for their heroic virtues, were narrow, harsh, and unlovable. As long as they remained poor and under strict discipline, they were moral. In the following period they were to gain greater free- dom from the control of their magistrates, and, at the same time, power and wealth. These new conditions were to put their virtue and even their government to the severest test. Suggestive Questions 1. Compare the Roman and Greek colonies. 2. Some of the allies in Italy refused the Roman citizenship when offered. Explain why. Did an allied city have any advantage over a municipium? 3. Compare the Roman-Italian League with the Confederacy of Delos; with the Pelopon- nesian League. 4. Trace the development of the Roman military organiza- tion from the earliest times to the end of the Pyrrhic War. 5. From the il- lustration on p. 365, describe the equipment of a warrior of about 300 B.C. How does the text agree with the illustration? Would you conclude there- fore that this warrior might be a Roman? 6. Why did the Romans stamp the prow of a galley on their earliest coins (p. 366)? 7. Why did the Romans introduce Greek gods into their state? 8. Compare the Roman discipline with the Spartan. Note-book Topics I. Organization of the Roman-Italian League. — Pelham, Outlines of Roman History, 96-107; Greenidge, Roman Public Life, 295-310. Il. Internal Condition of Rome during the Samnite Wars. — Duruy. History of Rome, 1. 500-524. 2B NN bs os eae eS i i i j y i: i an TE. 0 en a nnnenneneemrenme) | re Tm] = ( Me tt else ayers es: meer 4 , z i we CHAPTER XXXTITI THE EXPANSION OF THE ROMAN POWER TO THE END OF THE SECOND PUNIC WAR 204-201 B.C. I. THe First Punic War: A STRUGGLE FOR THE POSSESSION OF SICILY 2604-241 B.C. 412. Carthage and her Empire. —On the northern coast of Africa, opposite Rome, was the Punic city of Carthage.! Not only did the country about it produce abundant harvests, but it was well situated for trade with the East and the West, and with Sicily and Italy. ‘These advantages made the city wealthy and prosperous. In time it became, too, a political power. On the coasts and islands of the western Mediterranean Carthage built up a great empire. It included the larger part of the north coast of Africa, a strip of the western coast beyond the Pillars of Hercules, part of southern Spain, and of Corsica. all Sardinia, and nearly all Sicily, besides many small islands. Carthage was about te wrest the remainder of Sicily from the Greeks when Pyrrhus came as their champion.? Hé tried in vain to drive her from the island. As he departed, he is said to have exclaimed regretfully, ‘‘ What a fair battlefield we are leaving to the Romans and the Carthaginians!” These two nations were then allied against him, but he knew well that they would soon dispute the possession of Sicily. Quickly the Carthaginians regained the whole island with the exception of the territory belonging to Mes-sa’na and Syracuse. If they could conquer these two cities, they would naturally invade Italy. Rome, the protector of the Italians, was anxiously watching her rivals’ movements. The ambition of the Carthaginians was even more for commercial £§ 49. “Punic” (Punicus) is Latin tur Phoenician 2 § 208. 3 § 404. 37°TEAR ern ne ell | | Ha SS ——— = SSSmere een en hr ett eS te Re Nowe wag ae ee Tn ee aioe reuia! i i Longitude — Saguntupyo < v Nr a fae } <> 4 { O ¥ Y¥enusia Dr Ves ZS. %, ; “Da 9.82 Prrseatis as] ; i >to cr New (Carthage or WaeS NG Folgengum g Utica ps : Syrac ~~ r~~Aoss | Pome axa /~ Tirta OY, a J 0 6 EID 1O- ip U6 fama ee Q 7 ” }PROVINCE < > | ~~ a : » f 1 OF Thapsus & | ze J wT if \ AFRIC 4 BE alee ea] 7 IE SS. Qe Va o Artis Minor Cc (sy vy Aiter the Romans had declared the Greeks free from Philip, Antio- chus with a small army entered Greece, and in his turn played the game of freeing that country from Rome. Driven from Europe, the king suffered an overwhelming defeat at Mag-ne’sia, in Asia Minor, at the hands of Lucius Scipio, brother of Africanus (190 B.c.). As a result of this unsuccessful war, he gave up all his possessions west of Mount Taurus. Rome left the states of Asia Minor inde- pendent under her protectorate. Antiochus was stoned to death Pee neha ep A errata ) vl 1 | ee 1 Polybius, xviii. 46, 2§ 334.Third Macedonian War 391 by his own people; and his great empire rapidly dwindled to the petty kingdom of Syria.’ 436. The Condition of Greece; the Third Macedonian War (171- 167 B.C.).— Meantime the states of Greece constantly accused one another before the Roman senate, and constantly invited that body to settle their quarrels. Accordingly we find one committee of the senate after another coming to Greece to arbitrate disputes and to look after the interests of the republic. Even had the Greeks been able to unite their strength with the Macedonians under one gov- ernment, they could not have hoped long to resist the vastly su- perior power of Rome. But their love of personal freedom and of complete independence for their cities was as strong as ever. It not only prevented them from uniting in defence of their common in- terests, but frequently stirred up jealousy and strife among the states. Though their genius was not nearly so brilliant as in the age of Pericles, they were by no means degenerate either morally or mentally. In fact, they continued to furnish the brain and skill for all the higher activities of life throughout the civilized world. The spirit of independence, which had always been their noblest trait, was largely responsible for their political ruin. The Romans, at first their protectors, began after the second war with Philip to pose as their masters. Their respect for Greek culture did not prevent them from fostering disunion — from encouraging in all the states the growth of political factions subservient to Rome. To md themselves of a troublesome Hellenic patriot, these “lovers of Greece ”’ sometimes resorted even to assassination. Such was the state of affairs when Philip died and was succeeded by his son Per’seus, who cherished the noble ambition of champion- ing Hellas against barbarian Rome. His clever diplomacy and the desire of the Greeks for independence were rapidly bringing them into touch with Macedon, when Rome, to prevent this dreaded union, declared war against Perseus (171 B.C.). The principal commander on the Roman side was Lucius Aemilius Paulus,” a man of rare honesty and ability. He met and conquered Perseus at Pyd’na, a city of Macedon (168 B.c.). ‘‘ Aemilius had never seen a phalanx till he saw it in the army of Perseus on this 1§ 470. 2 Son of Aemilius, who died at Cannae (§ 429).~ — pel eee eek wae Oe Preas a - es met 2 Bo Rives beeen aera a hese os - erm = ¥ he Sus Seer ness See pan Dot nea onare nee eel me tyy tached ji ie] 1) } i 392 The Expansion of the Roman Power occasion; and he often admitted to his friends at Rome afterward that he had never beheld anything more alarming and terrible; and yet he, as often as any man, had been not only a spectator, but an actor inmany battles.” 1 The king escaped, but was taken later, and after following, with his young children, in the triumphal proces- sion of the conqueror, he died in prison, either by his own hand or by the cruelty of the jailer. Macedon the Romans divided into four republics, which they prohibited from all intercourse with one another. ‘Thus a great state perished. The cities yielded to the victor shiploads of furniture, precious metals, and works of art. 437- Macedon becomes a Province (146 B.c.).— For Greece there was to be no more freedom. ‘Those who sympathized with Perseus in the war were sent to Rome for trial. Among them were a thousand men from the Achaean League alone, including Po-lyb’-us, the statesman and_historian. Far from being given a trial, how- ever, they were detained sixteen years among the towns of Etruria. The influence of Polybius procured the release of the three hundred who then remained. When these exiles returned home, they excited their whole nation against the city which had treated them so unjustly. About the same time Sparta, a member of the Achaean League, seceded, and the Achaeans attempted to force it back into the union. Rome not only took the side of Sparta, but also decreed the separation of cer- tain other states from the union. Thereupon the Achaeans prepared for war with Rome. Meanwhile Macedon revolted-against Rome. An army under Me-tel’lus easily suppressed the revolt. Metellus then united the four republics in the province of Mac-e-do’ni-a. This was the end of a kingdom which had once been the strongest in the world. RU 438. The End of Greek Freedom (146 B.c.). — While Metel- lus was in Macedon, the Achaean war broke out in Corinth. The Spartans who chanced to be present were murdered, and some en- voys from Rome narrowly escaped with their lives. In two battles the Achaeans were irretrievably beaten. The consul Mum/’mi-us, who had succeeded to the command, then entered Corinth, killed most of the men he found, and enslaved the remainder of the popu- 1 Polybius, xxix. 17.End of Greek Freedom 393 iation. After plundering the city, he burned it to the ground. Shiploads of movable goods, including furniture, statues, and paint- ings by the great masters, were transported to Rome. The de- struction of Corinth was nominally to punish the inhabitants for their violent outbreak against Rome. A stronger motive seems to have been to be rid of a commercial rival; for Kome was now ruled DETAIL OF A BRONZE STATUE (Found in sea, off Cythera, Greece. Probably lost during shipment to Rome. Age, about 350 B.C. ; original or excellent copy ; National Museum, Athens.) by capitalists, who, like those of Carthage," sought by destroying competitors to establish for themselves a monopoly of commerce and speculation. As was explained inan earlier chapter,’ the Greeks who had proved loyal to Rome during the last war — for example, the Spartans, Athenians, and Aetolians—continued independent. All leagues among them, however, were abolished, and the right to take part in the local government was everywhere restricted to the well-to-do.* Those who had taken part in the war were compelled likewise to 1§ 412. 2 Ch. xxvii. § 344. Such a government was a timocracy; § 121. Throughout her empire Rome fol- lowed the same policy in relation to her weaker allies and her subjects.394 The Expansion of the Roman Power give up their leagues and their democracies. They were deprived, too, of their independence, and placed under the governor of Mace- donia.! 439. The Kingdom of Pergamum and the Province of Asia (189- 129 B.C.). — The protectorate which Rome had acquired over Asia Minor by treaty with Antiochus (189 B.c.),2 continued through the period of the Macedonian and Achaean wars. The country contained a number of native kingdoms and Greek city-states. The most important kingdom was that of Pergamum, which centred in a city of the same name not far from the Aegean coast. It had adopted the Hellenic civilization, and was only less famous than Alexandria asa seat of art and of culture in general.’ The kings were steadfast friends of Rome. The ruling family had greatly degenerated; and the last king, Attalus III, was a weakling. At his death (133 B.c.) he bequeathed his kingdom and treasure to Rome. When the Romans attempted to take possession of their inheritance, their claim was resisted by a pretender to the throne. In 129 B.c. he was put down, whereupon the kingdom, with some neighboring territory, became the Roman province of Asia. 440. The Third Punic War (149-146 B.c.). —In the year 146 B.c. the Romans destroyed Carthage. For the beginning of the trouble which led to this event we must go back to the close of the Second Punic War. The treaty with Hannibal had forbidden Carthage, without the consent of Rome, to defend herself against attack. Taking advantage of this condition, Masinissa,‘ king of Numidia, an ally of Rome, continually plundered the territory of Carthage and seized some of her best lands. In answer to her complaints Rome sent out various commissioners, who in every case were in- structed to give secret encouragement to the plunderer. As a member of such a commission, Cato, a narrow-minded statesman, of whom we shall hear more, brought home a startling report of the wealth and prosperity of Carthage. In his opinion the city of Han- nibal still menaced Rome. Indeed, he is said to have ended every speech in the senate, whatever the subject, with the words, “ Car- = Seepage Meee tee 4 Pee le a “=< me an ern een Se at nena Veen hs mae = bremteendia) | cca me | - i ie er i af —— one emmere a> SS errr SITS Son Sa ar a co areata bia oe Fo a j 1 8 i 1 Tt was not till about 27 n.c. that all Greece south of Macedonia became a province under the name Achaia. 2§ 435. 2 § 346 °§ 432Destruction of Carthage 395 thagemust be destroyed!” Heeasily convinced the capitalists, who wished for a monopoly of the world’s commerce, and who formed a majority of the senate. Accordingly the consuls sailed for U’ti-ca with an immense army. To avoid war the Carthaginians were ready for every concession. First they handed over three hundred children as hostages. The mothers, who gave them up, “ clung to the little ones with frantic cries and seized hold of the ships and ot the officers who were taking them away.”! “If you sincerely de- sire peace,” said the consuls on their arrival at Utica, ‘“‘ why do you need arms? Surrender them!” After vain protests, the people gave up theirarmor. ‘‘ We congratulate you on your promptness, ’ the consuls continued; ‘‘now yield Carthage to us, and settle wher- ever you like within your own land, ten miles from the sea; for we are resolved to destroy your city.”’ At first the people were overcome with grief; but finally they resolved to defend their city to the last drop of blood. As they had to make new weapons, they converted even the temples into work- shops, and the women gave their hair for bowstrings. They gal- lantly repulsed the attacks of the consuls, and for three years defended themselves like heroes. At last Scipio Ae-mil-i-a’nus’ forced a passage through the walls. His soldiers massacred the inhabitants, then plundered and burned the city. After they had destroyed this innocent people, the authorities of Rome cursed the ground on which the city stood, that it might never be rebuilt. The territory it ruled they made into the province of Africa. 441. Ligurian and Gallic Wars. — The story of the conquest of Greece and Carthage, just told, illustrates the character of Roman warfare during the half-century which followed the peace with Han- nibal. Through a great part of this time war was raging in northern Italy. Incited to rebellion by Hannibal, the Gauls continued to fight long after he had fallen and all hope of success had faded away. They were desperately brave, preferring death to slavery. In alliance with them were the hardy Ligurians, who peopled the mountains ‘Appian, Foreign Wars, viii. 77. 2 Son of Aemilius Paulus (§ 436), but adopted into the family of Scipio, the conqueror of Hannibal. ‘The name Aemilianus indicates his birth in the Aemilian gens. , eee a eae } ALA396 The Expansion of the Roman Power on their western border. Year after year consuls were baffled and soldiers slaughtered in conflicts with these tribes. Before the mid- dle of the century, the task was completed. The spirit of these brave people was crushed. Thousands of Ligurians were trans- ported to Samnium. To hold the rest in check, the Aurelian Way, a military road, was built from Rome along the west coast of Etru- ria to the Apennines. 442. The Spanish Wars (197-133 B.c.).—In the war with Hannibal Rome had wrested from Carthage her entire Spanish dominion. In 197 B.c. two provinces — Hither and Farther Spain — were made of this territory, and two praetors were sent out to govern them. But the natives resisted. The bloodiest and most desperate war Rome ever waged now began. The mountaineers were almost unconquerable. It was no unconimon thing for them to slaughter a Roman army; and when the Romans succeeded in taking a stronghold, nothing was gained but barren rocks. 'Women fought along with the men; to prevent capture they were as ready as the men to kill their children and then themselves. Most of them carried poison, to take in case they fell into the enemy’s hands. In 178 B.c. peace, favorable to the natives, was made. Fifteen years later a fresh revolt broke out, and the work of conquest began anew. Failing in arms, the Romans resorted to treachery. They violated treaties, and massacred troops who had surrendered under agreement. The resistance centred in the little town of Nu-man’- ti-a. Through many years a few heroic Spaniards held out against the power of Rome. The camp of the besiegers thronged with fortune-tellers, quacks, and all manner of disreputable persons, who led the common soldiers into the vilest life. The generals were base, treacherous, and incapable; and the senate, which directed the operations, showed an utter lack of principle in dealing with these brave enemies. After many an army had been beaten, and many a Roman general had disgraced himself in the siege, Scipio Aemilianus took command. He banished all vile persons from the camp, and reduced the soldiers to strict discipline. When at last he gained possession of the town, he found but fifty survivors, to follow his triumphal car. All Spain was now conquered excepting a small mountainous district in the northwest. soa omnes ne ie eee ee area eee eared teeter er a en le Nal — 4 } | i] i | my i NI H ae , } { ] | 4 4 ] i hi |Summary of Acquisitions 397 Few colonies were planted in Spain by Rome, but during these wars thousands of soldiers from Italy, discharged at the end of campaigns or deserting the army, settled in the country, marrying Spanish wives and mingling with the natives. To these settlers is chiefly due the rapid extension of the Latin language and civilization over Spain. Less than two centuries after the fall of Numantia, we find the peninsula thoroughly Romanized. 443. Summary of Acquisitions: the Provinces andthe Dependent Allies (241 to about 133 B.c.). —At the close of the period we have been reviewing the Romans ruled most of the territory from Mount Taurus to the Atlantic. They had seven, possibly nine, provinces under governors sent out from the capital. These provinces, in the order of their acquisition, were (1) Sicily, acquired in 241; (2) Sar- dinia and Corsica, seized soon afterward and organized in the same year as Sicily, 227; (3, 4) Hither and Farther Spain, acquired in the Second Punic War and organized in 197; (5) Cisalpine Gaul, reconquered early in the second century and organized at some un- known time afterward ;! (6) Illyricum, acquired in the third Mace- donian war (167), the date of organization being unknown; (7) Macedonia, organized in 146; (8) Africa, acquired and organized in the same year; (9) Asia, acquired in 133 and organized four years later. Among the dependent allies, often called client states,’ were all those of Asia Minor outside the province of Asia. In Africa, Numidia and Egypt, with Libya, were in this condition. In Asiathe kingdom of Syria possessed more freedom, but was already sinking into clientship. It was less than a century and a half since Rome embarked on her policy of expansion beyond the borders of Italy. Within another period of equal length she was to round out her empire so as to include all the countries which surround the Mediterranean. But these two cycles of conquest were to bring with them momentous changes in the character of her government and in the condition of her citizens. 1 Not later than 81 B.c. 2 So-called because a state of the kind stood toward Rome in some such relation as a client toward his patron; § 370. , os Feo eae ee ae renee | | | | ) —398 The Expansion of the Roman Power Suggestive Questions 1. Why at the beginning of this period were the Roman citizens anxious for peace? 2. Give an account of the origin and early history of the Seleu- cid Empire (ch. xxvii). 3. Why did the senate establish a protectorate over Greece and Asia Minor instead of applying the provincial system to these acquisitions? Were subject allies or provinces more serviceable to Rome? 4. Enumerate the causes of the political decline and fall of Greece. 5. Enu- merate the causes which contributed to the Roman conquest of the Mediter- ranean. 6. Describe the location of all the provinces acquired in the period 241-133 B.C. 7. How did the Romans show their appreciation of Greek art? 8. Compare the statue found in the sea (p. 393) with those of Poly- cleitus and Lysippus (pp. 293, 294). Which does it more nearly resemble? SS at ee Note-book Topic The Organization of a Province. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 88-91; Greenidge, Roman Public Life, ch. viii; Arnold, Roman Provincial Administration, chs. i, ii. tee Ee TE a a \ eee ay es iesal |rc anda CHAPTER XXXV THE GROWTH OF PLUTOCRACY! 241-133 B.C. I. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 444. Character of Roman Rule. — As long as a city-state, like Rome, remained so small that all the citizens could attend the assembly and take part in public affairs, the government worked well. But when the state outgrew these limits, the citizens who were near at hand managed the government in their own interest to the injury of those who were farther away. For this reason the more territory Rome acquired, the more unjust and oppressive became her government. Her early supremacy in Italy was on the whole fair.” Some ad- vantages came likewise to the provinces from Roman rule.’ Usually they enjoyed peace. The cities of a province retained their own laws and self-government in local affairs. The less civilized subjects, too, profited greatly by adopting the customs and ideas of their masters. In spite of these advantages, their condition was anything but happy. In regulating trade Rome favored her own citizens at the expense of the subjects. In place of native merchants accordingly a horde of greedy money-lenders, speculators, and traders poured from the capital over all the provinces; and while their citizenship * at Rome protected them, they unjustly acquired most of the prop- erty in the subject countries, and reduced the people to debt and misery. Driving the peasants from their farms, these speculators 1 Government by the wealthy and for the wealthy; § 446. 2§ 406 f. These two sections should now be carefully reviewed. 3 Review carefully § 4109. 4 Roman citizens in the provinces enjoyed many privileges and rights not possessed by the provincials, and it was generally impossible to punish them for wrong-doing. 399 , Ce ne ee a ee f iu i if H Eee2 me ey amet Ends ok mad Since ss pean syd Sa sere oe rte Ce FE a at NN ts 4 i { = ST cree eae pitt mime oul fs i 400 The Growth of Plutocracy built up vast estates worked by slaves. The system, too, which Rome followed of letting out the collection of taxes to contractors! was full of evil. The knights,? whose wealth enabled them to take these contracts, compelled the provincials to pay many times their due. Occasionally we find a governor, like Cato, who was perfectly upright and just and who attempted to check these wrongs.’ But generally the governor was himself cruel and oppressive. Not content with the wealth of his subjects, a greedy ruler seized their works of art, including the statues of the gods they worshipped, and even sold many freemen into slavery. The rapid change of officers increased the evil. In his short term the governor expected to make three fortunes: the first to pay the debts he had contracted in brib- ing his way to power; a second to satisfy his judges in case of prose- cution on his return to Rome; and a third to enable him to live in luxury for theremainder of hisdays. Though a special court* was established for the trial of extortion committed in the provinces, it accomplished no good; for the judges were of like mind with the culprits. Thieves and plunderers sat in judgment on thieves and plunderers ; a year or two would reverse the rdéle of the two parties. Thus the provincials found no protection from injustice. To them the “‘ peace of Rome ” meant slavery, decay, and death. 445. The Decline of Italy: Commercial and Agrarian Conditions. — Italy was to experience a similar decline. As long as Rome treated the Italians justly, they were satisfied with her rule. At first they sided with her against Hannibal, but after the battle of Cannae many in the south of the peninsula deserted to him.? When Rome reconquered them, she treated them not as erring kins- men, but as subjects and slaves. She seized large tracts of their land; she degraded many of them from the condition of allies to that of state serfs. By monopolizing the trade of Italy Roman capitalists destroyed the prosperity of the towns. The great commercial cities of Capua and Tarentum disappeared; in the streets of the once prosperous Greek towns which still remained merchants gave place to beggars. The farming class suffered equally with the traders; for as Rome 1 § 410. ‘ 2 §§ 380, 446. 3 § 440. 4 5 459. § 430.Commercial and Agrarian Conditions 401 now drew her food supply from the provinces, — cheap produce of slave labor, — the Italian peasants could find no market for their grain. Those who lost their little farms through poverty or by any other means usually flocked to Rome, to swell the numbers of a worthless, dangerous mob. The system of great estates worked by slaves spread itself over Italy. The large proprietors forcibly seized the farms of their poor neighbors. Although the peasants who did their own work failed, slave labor was as profitable in Italy as in the provinces. ‘‘ Thus the nobles became enormously rich, and while the race of slaves multiplied throughout the country, the Italians dwindled in numbers and in strength, oppressed by penury, taxes, and military service.’’! Such was the condition of Italy at the close of the great period of foreign conquest (264-133 B.C.), treated in the preceding chapter. Had the Italians been able to secure representation in the Roman senatc, they might by this means have protected their property and their freedom. Such a measure was suggested, but the senate was too selfish and short-sighted to consider it. In fact, the Romans were reversing their former policy of liberality toward strangers. So highly did they esteem the privileges and honors they enjoyed as an imperial people, that henceforth they refused to bestow the citizenship upon others, except in the rarest cases. Exalted by conquest to the position of aristocrats, even the common people looked down upon the Italians as inferiors. 446. Roman Citizens: the Populares, Optimates, and Equites. — The competition of slave labor ruined the Roman peasants as well as the Italian. In the capital, too, skilled industry and business were in the hands of wealthy persons or of corporations of knights, who relied mainly on the labor of slaves and the business cleverness of freedmen.” The many peasants and tradesmen who lost their honest livelihood turned to begging and robbery or became clients of the great nobles. It is now easy to understand how it was that while in theory conquest was making the Roman citizens lords of the earth, it was really bringing most of them to misery and render- ing them unfit even to govern themselves. In politics the masses of common citizens and their leaders were called po-pu-la’res. 1 Appian, Civil Wars, 1. 7. > § 510. 2D — a402 The Growth of Plutocracy From the end of the Second Punic War, we see the nobles, op-ti-ma'tes, rapidly declining in character and in ability. They became a hereditary caste, consisting of a few great houses, and rarely admitted new men to their privileged circle. They kept all the higher offices for themselves, and passed them in rotation among the members of their families. A young noble, after service as an officer in the army, and perhaps after enriching himself as a provincial quaestor, secured election to a curule aedileship.! In this position it was his duty to entertain the people with costly religious festivals and shows, chiefly at his own expense ; in this way he gained their favor and their votes for the higher offices. With this legal and pious system of corrup- tion, he had little need of resorting to open bribery. Thence he advanced to the praetorship and to the consulship. As praetor, propraetor, or proconsul,? he governed a province, where he glutted himself with spoil, and where irresponsible power made him haughty and brutal. If he won distinction in this career of honors, the people showed their appreciation by electing him to the censorship — the crown of glory of the nobility. To complete our understanding of the nobles of this period, it is necessary to bear in mind that they were capitalists, who sought office not merely for honor, but also as a means of absorbing the riches of the world. The nobility of merit became a narrow, self-seeking plutocracy. In other words, the empire now had a government by the wealthy and for the wealthy. The nobles and other wealthy men filled the eighteen centuries of knights, eq’wi-tes, in the comitiacenturiata. Stillother men of means who might be required to furnish their own horses for service in the cavalry were also called knights. The class so named, originally including the senators, were the capitalists, who took government contracts for collecting taxes and for building public works, and who had in hand most of the commerce and industry of the Roman world. 447. The Government: the Senate, Magistrates, and Assemblies. — The government still consisted, as in earlier time, of senate, magistrates, and assemblies. The senate, however, had gained 1§ 3092. 2 § 419. a= a beet ———— i |Constitution 403 power at the expense of both magistrates and assemblies. It was composed chiefly of men who had filled offices at home, had com- manded armies, and had served on embassies to foreign states. The leading members were, therefore, trained executives, generals, and diplomatists ; and having once been enrolled on the senate list by the censors, they usually held their positions for life. It is natural that in a period of conquest the senate, composed of such men, should become supreme. The magistrates, who were already senators or were looking forward to enrolment in that body, were with rare exceptions obedient to its commands. The higher mag- istrates have been named in the paragraph above in the order of their rank. Constitutionally all citizens with full rights were permitted to attend the assemblies. In fact, these bodies were composed of those who lived in and near the city, as distance prevented most of the citizens from attending. Hence the city population, which was fast becoming a rabble, alone exercised the right to vote. Again, a member of an assembly could not propose a law or a candi- date for office, or speak on any subject; he could merely vote for or against the candidates and the measures offered by the presiding officer, who rarely failed to enforce his will upon the comitia. In other words, the magistrates controlled the assemblies. In this period, as earlier, there were two principal assemblies, the tribal and the centuriate. The tribal assembly elected the quaestors, aediles, and tribunes; it ratified treaties of peace; it received appeals from the judicial decisions of magistrates In cases involving fines; and it was the chief legislative power. The cen- turiate assembly elected the higher magistrates; it ratified declara- tions of war; it acted as the highest court of appeal in capital cases ; and occasionally it passed a law. The two assemblies differed merely in organization. II. PROMINENT ROMANS; CIVILIZATION 448. Scipio Africanus. — We are helped to an appreciation of Roman character by a study of prominent men. Especially worthy of attention is Scipio Africanus. The conquest of Spain| ' if } j 1 404 The Growth of Plutocracy and the victory at Zama made him the greatest manin Rome. Fot fifteen years he was foreman of the senate; he was consul twice, and censor. It was his firm conviction that Rome should not organ- ize the conquered countries into provinces, but should hold them as dependent allies; for he saw that the need of garrisoning the provinces would soon exhaust the strength of Italy. In keeping with this principle, he planted in Italy several colonies whose military strength was to be reserved for the defence of the peninsula. ‘Thus the chief of the nobles carried on the colonial policy of Flaminius.! But he had many enemies. Ac- customed to absolute command in the field, at Rome he acted the king. He used his immense in- fluence for the political advance- ment of his family, and trampled upon the law to protect a brother from trial for embezzlement. Finally the tribunes of the plebs prosecuted him on the ground that he had received bribes, and that he had been extravagant and ty- as rannical. Without replying to the PUBLIUS CORNELIUS ScIPIO AFRICANUS charges, he is said to have spoken (Made third century a.p., doubtless from as follows: ‘‘ Tribunes of the an early original ; National Museum, Naples) people, and you, Romans, on the anniversary of this day, with good fortune and success, I fought a pitched battle in Africa, with Hannibal and the Carthaginians. As, therefore, it is but decent that a stop be put for this day to wrangling and litigation, I will immediately go to the Capitol, there to return my acknowledgments to Jupiter, supremely good and great, to Juno, Minerva, and other deities presiding over the Capitol and Citadel ; and will give them thanks for having, on this day and 1§ yar.Cato 405 at many other times, endowed me both with the will and with the ability to perform extraordinary services to the state. Such of you also, Romans, as it suits, come with me and beseech the gods that you may have commanders like myself.”* The whole assembly followed him with enthusiasm. But though he was a man of cul- ture, fond of literature and of luxury, his talents were chiefly mili- tary. Unable to cope with his political enemies, he retired into the country to private life. 449. Marcus Porcius Cato. — Marcus Porcius Cato, his chief antagonist, was narrow, unsympathetic, and close-fisted, but strictly moral—a model of the older Roman virtue. He was a peasant by birth, and drew the inspiration of his life from the memories of Manius Curius Dentatus,? the great peasant-statesman of the good old time, whose modest cottage stood near his father’s farm. Ac- cordingly “‘ he worked with his slaves, in winter wearing a coarse coat without sleeves, in summer nothing but his tunic; and he used to sit at meals with them, eating the same loaf and drinking the same wine.’ ® By the patronage of a rich neighbor, but more by ability and hon- esty, this thrifty peasant rose to the highest offices of the state. “When he was governor of Sardinia, where former rulers had been in the habit of charging their tents, bedding, and wearing apparel to the province, and likewise making it pay large sums for their entertainment and that of their friends, he introduced an unheard-of system of economy. He charged nothing to the prov- ince, and visited the various cities without a carriage, on foot and alone, attended by one public servant, who carried his robe of state and the vessel for making libations at a sacrifice. With all this, he showed himself so affable and simple to those under his rule, so severe and inexorable in the administration of justice, and so vigilant and careful in seeing that his orders were executed, that the government of Rome was never more feared or more loved in Sardinia than when he ruled that island.”’ * In his home policy he assailed with untiring energy the luxury, the refinement, and the culture represented by the Scipios; it was 1 Livy, Xxxviil. 51. 2§ 403. 3 Plutarch, M. Cato, 3. 4 Plutarch, M. Cato, 6. : re } |ee BOE ee a | - f serene! — a nen ny ot ~ te i i 4, ; J i Sa 406 The Growth of Plutocracy chiefly his influence which overthrew this powerful family. The nobles feared and hated the red-haired, gray-eyed, savage-tusked ‘““new man,” who rebuked their follies and their sins. Chosen censor in spite of their opposition, he expelled from the senate a number of disreputable members, taxed luxuries unmercifully, administered the public works and let out the public contracts without favoritism. 450. Civilization: Literature, Religion, and Morals. — In this period education became more general. As in the preceding age, the children of the wealthy studied under the instruction of educated Greek slaves owned by the family. For the poorer classes, however, private schools were established in which small fees were charged for instruction. Both Greek and Latin were taught. A Latin lit- erature was now coming into existence. The Romans began to com- pose poetry, history, and oratory. The first history of Rome in Latin was written by Cato. This work no longer exists. Wehave remaining a few comedies of Plau’tus and Ter’ence, who lived in this period, and mere fragments of the remaining Roman literature.! The Romans were attracted to the useful more than to the beau- tiful. Their public works, as sewers, bridges, roads, and aqueducts, were the best in the world. They produced little sculpture and painting, but preferred to import shiploads of art as plunder from the cities of Sicily and Greece. With little appreciation of real beauty, the nobles took pleasure in adorning their houses and villas with stolen statues. Along with foreign art came the ideas, the religion, and the morals of strangers. They began to worship the Greek Di-o-ny’sus, or Bac’chus, god of the vine and of life, including future life, and the Phrygian Cyb’e-le, Mother of the Gods, whom noisy processions honored in the streets with drums, trumpets, and cymbals. As the native worship was cold and formal, the Romans found satis- faction in the excitement of these Eastern religions. 1 The most famous poets were Nae’vi-us and En’ni-us. The earliest Roman historian was Fabius Pictor, a member of the senate during the war with Hannibal. His Annals of Rome was written in Greek. Polybius, a Greek statesman of the age, wrote an able history on the expansion of the Roman power. Considerable parts of his work have come down to us, and are very valuable,Civilization 407 Morals, already declining, were corrupted by Eastern influence. The unimaginative Roman saw little beauty in Greek mythology and art; but welcomed the baser pleasures of an advanced civili- zation. At the same time Greek scepticism ! unsettled his religious faith, the foundation of his moral conduct. It is not to be assumed that all the Romans were now vicious. The peasant who escaped economic ruin was still sound at heart ; and even the circle of aristo- crats produced the pure-minded Scipio Aemilianus and the noble, self-sacrificing spirit of the two Grac’chi, who were to be the leaders of the coming age of revolution. But in the city corruption was almost universal. Crowds of beggar clients attended the noble, and voted for him in return for the loaves he doled out to them, or for the shows of buffoons, beasts, and gladiators ? with which he amused them from time to time. The rending of flesh and the flow of blood gave this rabble its keenest delight. As to the higher ranks, the greed of the capitalist and the insolence of the noble, already described, were surpassed only by the impurity of their lives, while among all classes in the state and empire mutual fear and hatred lurked. This condition of affairs called loudly for reform. 451. Summary of the Growth of Plutocracy. — (1) The political organization of Italy under Roman rule was on the whole fair and just, as it assured to the allied states protection and local self- government. (2) The provincials, on the other hand, were subjects. They were generally protected from foreign enemies, and the more barbarous peoples among them were benefited by contact with Roman civilization. But they were oppressed by restrictions on their commerce, by Roman traders and speculators, by the tax- collectors, and by rapacious governors. (3) Because of the pro- vincial system Italy, too, declined. Rome began to oppress the allies. They could not compete in trade with the Roman capital- ists, or in agriculture with the slave-worked estates in the provinces. (4) The common citizens of Rome suffered in the same way as the Italians, but to a greater extent. (5) The only persons benefited by the empire were a few great capitalists, who monopolized its business or held its lucrative offices. (6) These new conditions changed the old aristocratic republic into a plutocracy. (7) Mean- 1 Cf. § 274. 2§ 473. ed le oe Smeal ? | iH ' ' | 4 iste wens cana eo ye ob Loe eenate -—o: = oe ce eae Ss Fg mes eee inatean ete teen mma i} 1 1 408 The Growth of Plutocracy while Hellenic culture, coming into Rome, was aiding the develop- ment of great and noble characters like those of the Gracchi and Scipio Aemilianus, and on the other side was fostering scepticism and vice. (8) In all its parts the empire was beginning to show symptoms of decay. Suggestive Questions 1. Why did not the Romans extend their federal policy to all territory acquired outside of Italy? 2. What were the defects of the provincial sys- tem? 3. Compare the expansion of the Roman power with that of England or of the United States. 4. To what extent was the deterioration of Roman morals due to conquest? 5. Define “ populares,” “ optimates,” and “equites.” 6. What privileges and what degree of political influence did each of the following classes enjoy toward the end of this period: nobles, knights, city plebs, country plebs, Latins, and Italians? In what way were the nobles and the city poor attached to each other? Note-book Topics I. Scipio Aemilianus. — Botsford, Story of Rome; 144-150; see also in- dices of the various histories. If. Government of Rome during the Punic Wars. — Botsford, 127-136; Munro, Source Book of Roman History, 47-52; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 63-80; Greenidge, Roman Public Tife, chs. iii—vi. Ill. Manners, Morals, and Religion. — Botsford, 136-140; Munro, 93-100; Carter, Religion of Numa, 104-145; Duruy, History of Rome, i. ehs xx) il, Cha xxxv.vor CHAPTER XXXVI THE REVOLUTION: (I) FROM PLUTOCRACY TO MILITARY RULE 133-79 B.C. I. THE REFORMS OF THE GRACCHI 143-120 B.C. 452. The Gracchi. — A reform of the evils described in the pre- ceding chapter was attempted by the brothers Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus. Thoughplebeian, they belonged to the highest nobility.* Their father had filled all the great offices; Cornelia, the mother, was daughter of the Scipio who conquered Hannibal. ‘Their edu- cation, as well as their birth and connections, fitted them for a splendid career. The gifted mother taught them eloquence ; Greek tutors instructed them in the philosophy and the political ideas of Hellas. Both married into noble families. When as young men they served in military and provincial offices, the allies, the depend- ents, and even the enemies of Rome respected and loved them for the kindness of their forefathers and for their own high character ; for they had inherited a generous sympathy with the peasants, the provincials, and even the slaves. 453. The Condition of the Lower Classes. — Tiberius, who was nine years older than his brother, saw how miserable was the con- dition of the lower classes. As explained in the preceding chapter, a few families enjoyed nearly all the wealth of the world, including the use of the state lands,? whereas the masses were homeless. We have a quotation from a speech of Tiberius which describes their condition ; ‘‘ The wild beasts of Italy have their dens and holes and hiding-places, while the men who fight and die in defence of Italy enjoy indeed the air and light, but nothing more. Houseless and without a spot of ground to rest upon, they wander about with their 1§ 302. 2 Cf. §§ 301, 421. 4°99 a ee a | \ f aEars ene a en ee ae eh Fehr ————— Ne creo os } | — é - etn at ns I a a ed na et Sc et ne ene a ree eee neretia) | ene ae 1 men ae —— = ba 4 Lf J io AIO The Revolution wives and children, while their commanders with a lie in their mouths exhort the soldiers in battle to defend their tombs and temples against the enemy ; for out of so many Romans no one has a family altar or an ancestral tomb, but they fight to maintain the wealth and luxury of others, and they die with the title of lords of the earth without possessing a single clod to call their own.” Strictly men without property were forbidden military service; but we learn from this speech that in fact armies had recently come to be largely composed of the poor and homeless.1 454. The Agrarian Law of Tiberius Gracchus (133 B.c.). — Re- solving to do all he could for the improvement of the poor, Tiberius became a tribune of the plebs for the year 133 B.c. With the ap- proval of the consul Mu’ci-us Scaev’o-la, the most eminent jurist of the age, he proposed to reénact the Agrarian Law of Licinius 2 as follows : — (t) No one shall have the use of more than five hundred acres of the public land. (2) No one shall pasture more than a hundred cattle or five hun- dred sheep on the public land. He added as a third clause a law passed after the time of Li- cinius : — (3) Of the laborers on any farm, a certain proportion shall be freemen. To these clauses he joined the following : — (4) The sons — not exceeding two — of present occupiers may each hold two hundred and fifty acres of public land. (5) A committee of three, elected by the tribal assembly, shall divide the surplus among the needy in lots of thirty acres each. His plan was to rescue as many families as possible from idleness and poverty, and to fill the country with thrifty peasants in place of slaves. By giving the poor an opportunity to earn a living, he hoped to make them honest, useful citizens. An equally important aim was to strengthen the army by increasing the number of citi- zens legally qualified to serve. But the rich, who for generations had bought, sold, and bequeathed the public land, like private prop< 1 Before the time of Marius armies thus composed were exceptional; § 462. 2 § 391.toneiens 10" West 10° Longitude AR R JITAsINn SS ee a 2 Adu, % cellas 25 Ro *°Wratina ef ee extiae se Marseilles (Massilia) I Bt ; % j q i THE EXPANSION OF THE ROMAN POWER > FROM =a THE GRACCHI to the Death of AUGUSTUS. nam 133 B.C. to14A. D. 05 SCALE OF MILES Roman Power in 133 B. C. TI ie 100 50 0 T 100 EEENTOD0 MEET ODO 400 Acquired 133 B, C.- 14 A. D, of Allies of Rome, 14 A. D. ot! 0 10°an e z oe) ~~ Pistipren » Ai a e nox Ce aff ae { s 7a, — AS Pergs a Lo \\ A 4, - Cg A y NO BN oA \ "I Y OS | ays NSS fSbalu8 peseoyC X= \ : P ad tS TN sh = = {\ (foxy, x ast jum,o 4 er 4 oF ) ae V (So es eee ne rte | | | | } | \- | | { f IJ. THe RESTORED SUPREMACY OF THE SENATE T21—-87 B.C. 461. Gaius Marius; the Jugurthine War (111-105 B.c.). — The death of Gaius Gracchus restored the misrule of the senate. For the safety and happiness of the empire it was necessary that this corrupt nobility be permanently overthrown and a juster, abler government set up in its place. Although Gaius saw clearly what should be done, no political party would support his reforms. The work of establishing in the army a solid foundation for the new government remained to his successor, Gaius Ma’ri-us. This man was born among the hills of Latium in a family of moderate circumstances. As a boy he learned not only to work 1§ 225. 2 Plutarch, Gaius Gracchus, 18.War with Jugurtha 4I7 hard, but to be sober and obedient. At an early age he entered the army. As a military officer, tribune of the plebs, and after- ward propraetor of Farther Spain, he showed-himself-honest..and able. On his return from Spain he married Julia, of the patrician family of the Caesars. Soon afterward he found employment for his military genius in Numidia. Ju-gur’tha, grandson of Masinissa,! after killing the rightful heirs, had himself usurped the throne of Numidia. Though the senate intervened, he bought off its embassies one after another. When Rome made war upon him, he bribed the first commander to withdraw from Africa; and by corrupting the officers of the sec- ond, he compelled the surrender of the army and sent it under-the yoke. Meanwhile he had visited Rome to justify his conduct be- fore the senate. While he was there he brought about the murder of aman who might have contested his right to the Numidian throne. After the murder he could no longer remain in Rome. While de- parting he is said to have exclaimed, “ A city for sale and doomed to speedy ruin, if only a purchaser appears!” Such was the scate of affairs when Metellus, a man of energy, took command (109 B.C.). With him went Mfa¥ius as lieutenant. With the help of Marius, he reduced the dissolute soldiers to order. Then he occupied a whole year in a vain attempt to conquer Jugurtha by force or to take him captive by stratagem (108 B.c.). The next year Metel- lus defeated him: but he soon gathered new forces, and seemed stronger thanever. Then Marius, elected consul, superseded Metellus in the command. He rapidly besieged and captured one strong- hold of the enemy after another, and defeated Jugurtha twice in battle. Finally Lucius Cor-ne’li-us Sulla, a young aristocrat who was quaestor under him, captured Jugurtha by treachery. After gracing the triumph of Marius, the African king died in prison. With diminished territory, Numidia remained a dependent kingdom. The war, with the events which preceded it, showed clearly the incompetence and the moral degradation of the senate. 462. The War with the Cimbri and the Teutones (113-101 B.C.). — The Romans had acquired a strip of territory along the southern coast of Gaul, and had madeaprovince of it under the name Nar-bo- 1§ 432. 2E —- Natt peer = rit — _ “Ae ee 7 ahhs‘ Pe etene ivan et) CE A hana ei sia EeEaenaeS ae {) Desi oc} oer aes es - . t & emacs Se ean eters eet ee a trate eather SSes —— , i] 418 The Revolution nen’sis (about 121 B.c.). North of this province lived the Celts, a warlike people who were divided into many independent tribes. At that time the Celts inhabited not only Gaul, but also a narrow territory north of the Alps from Gaul across southern Germany to the valley of the Danube. About the time the Jugurthine War began, the Cimbri, a German tribe, invaded the Celtic territory north of the Alps. When the consul Carbo with an army hastened to defend some Celtic allies of Rome in that region, he was defeated by the invaders, and barely escaped with his army (113 B.Cc.). Two years later the Cimbri crossed the Rhine, made war upon the native tribes of Gaul, and threatened Narbonensis. With them were now associated the Teu- tones. According to some authorities, the latter were Germans; according to others they were Celts.| When the Romans came to the rescue, these barbarians overthrew four more consular armies in succession. They threatened to invade Italy, but a delay of three years gave the Romans time to prepare. Reélected consul year after year, Marius busied himself with reorganizing and training the army. When at length the Teutones were ready to cross the Alps into Italy, he met them at Aq’uae Sex’ti-ae in southern Gaul, and annihilated their great host (102 B.c.). In like manner he and his colleague Catulus in the following year slaughtered the Cimbri at Ver-cel’lae, in northern Italy, after they had succeeded in crossing the Alps. The army which gained these great victories had a new character. Before the time of Marius it was a militia; the men who waged Rome’s wars had lands and families at home, and thought of them- selves as citizens. But this middle class of citizens had died out in the economic decline of Italy, and the attempt of the Gracchi to restore it had been undone by the nobles. To save the state from invasion Marius found it necessary, therefore, to make up his army chiefly of men who owned no property. What had been illegal and exceptional he thus converted into a custom. By keeping his men long in the service and under careful training, he made them professional soldiers. Such persons placed all their hopes in their commander, and were ready to follow him in every undertaking, even against the government. Although Marius wasRule of the Nobility 419 himself loyal, later generals used the army to overthrow the republic. These considerations make it clear that the policy of the Gracchi had in reality been conservative; by restoring the middle class they would have saved the republic. But the undoing of their reforms made necessary the creation of a soldier class which lacked the loyalty of the citizens and which willingly aided the establishment of a military government in place of the republic. 463. The Rule of the Nobility. — The nobles, who sat in the senate and held all the higher offices, had resorted to violence and bloodshed for stopping the reform movement of the Gracchi. After the murder of Gaius, they proceeded to undo the good work he had accomplished through the founding of colonies and the distribution of lands. They repealed his law for the colonization of Carthage, and then the agrarian law; and they made it possible for the wealthy, by purchase or by force, to gather up into their hands the small farms held by the peasants under the agrarian law. ‘The dis- tribution of cheap grain, however, which Gaius had introduced as a temporary expedient, they continued, and they used it as a means of maintaining themselves in power. The respect in which the senate had once been held was now nearly gone; it could keep its position as head of the state in no other way than by catering to the mob. In the Jugurthine war the nobles had shown themselves worthless and corrupt; afterward the rise of a man from the common people had alone saved the country from barbarian invasion. While out- wardly the supremacy of the nobles seemed to be fully restored, a revolutionary undercurrent, in Rome and among the Latins and Italians, was rapidly gaining volume; in time it was to overwhelm the senate and the republic itself. 464. Marius, Saturninus, and Glaucia (100 B.c.).—In his sixth consulship (100 B.c.) Marius allied himself with Sat-ur-ni‘nus, a tribune, and Glau’ci-a, a praetor, to pass a law for planting colonies of his veterans in the provinces. _ These two men, though violent ir. their methods, were aiming to carry out the reforms of the Gracchi; they represented the peasants in opposition to the city rabble, which now supported the senate. With their armed followers Saturninus and Glaucia forced the measure through the assembly of tribes. Soon afterward another riot broke out between the rabble and the a = = = RS i } ' f ae rane aaa re me Ss ee A 4 i 420 The Revolution peasants. Then the senators and the knights called upon Marius as chief magistrate to put down the sedition. Reluctantly he armed some of his forces to defend the constitution against Saturninus and Glaucia, his former associates. After some time they surrendered ; and though their enemies demanded their death, “ he placed them in the senate-house with the intention of treating them in a more legal manner. The mob considered this a mere pretext. It tore the tiles off the roof and stoned them to death, including a quaestor, a tribune, and a praetor, who were still wearing their insignia of oliice,”* In casting his lot with the nobles, who were his enemies, rather than with his friends, the reformers, Marius made a grave mistake. Far better would it have been for the Roman world had he seized the opportunity to make himself master of the state and to use his military power, if necessary, in carrying out the most needful re- forms. But lacking political wisdom, he failed to grasp the situa- tion. In fact, too great success was undermining his hardy peasant character. He missed his destiny; and the fate of Rome passed into other hands. 465. Drusus (or B.c.).—The senate now found itself surrounded by enemies ; the knights, the mob, and the peasants were all openly or secretly hostile. At the same time the oppressed Italians were on the point of rebellion. These conditions led some of the more liberal aristocrats to think of winning the support of the Italians by granting them the citizenship. The leader of this movement, Marcus Livius Dru’sus, a young man of great wealth and illustrious family, became a tribune of the plebs in 91 B.c. His proposal for the enfranchisement of the Italians passed the assembly, but was an- nulled by the senate ; and soon afterward Drusus was murdered. A law was then passed which threatened with prosecution any one who dared aid the Italians in acquiring the citizenship. 466. The Social War (90-88 B.c.). — The death of Drusus and the passing of this act deprived the Italians of their last hope of obtaining their rights by peaceable means. It was not that they wished to vote at Rome; for most of them lived too far away for the exercise of that function. But they needed the protection 1 Appian, Civil Wars, i. 32.=— ReRREERAESASRORESSSRO SSS eae The Social War 421 which citizenship gave; their soldiers desired humane treatment at the hands of the commanders; in the affairs of peace they asked for the same rights of property and of trade which the Romans had always enjoyed; but most of all, they desired Roman officials and private citizens to cease insulting, scourging, and killing them for amusement or spite. So much citizenship would have meant to them. Accordingly, in 90 B.C., the allies, chiefly those of Sabellian race, revolted, and founded a new state. As their capital they selected Cor-fin'i-um. In the main they patterned their government after that of Rome; they gave the citizenship to all who took part with them in the war for freedom; and they aimed to annex the whole of Italy. The struggle which now began between Rome and her allies (so’ci-i)1 is called the Social War. As the opposing forces were divided into several small armies, the military operations were intri- cate. Though fighting against great odds, the Italians were so suc- cessful the first year that, near its closef Rome felt compelled to make sure of those who were still faithful by giving them the citizen- ship. Soon afterward the same reward was extended to those who would return to their allegiance. These concessions not only pre- vented the revolt from extending, but so weakened it that, in an- other year, the Romans broke the strength of the allies. In addition to local self-government in their own towns (muni- cipia) ? the Italians now possessed the Roman citizenship. At last the whole Italian nation south of the Rubicon River was organized in one great state. But the new citizens were degraded by being en- rolled in eight new tribes, which voted after the old thirty-five. Dis- satisfied with their condition, the Italians still looked upon the senate and the city rabble as their oppressors, and they were ready therefore to welcome the strong man who as absolute master should make these enemies his footstool. Hence the idea of monarchy grew apace. 467. Marius and Sulla. — Accordingly politics took a new turn ; the questions of the future were, who was to be the man of power, and how much authority was he to snatch from the senate. The first conflict came between the veteran Marius, and Sulla, his quaes- 1 § 496. 2 § 40s. oe a te ae — a aime pat Sepe Swek win ES Fonts ao © a ee Sad cn ee eee . = ——— - ¢ he Pe an Tn naan ee ee ead et ees tee : 422 The Revolution tor of the Jugurthine war. The latter, patrician though poor, was endowed with a remarkable talent for war, diplomacy, and politics. “His eyes were an uncommonly pure and piercing blue, which the color of his face rendered still more terrible, as it was spotted with rough, red blotches interspersed with white, ...a mulberry besprinkled with meal.’ Success as a general in the Social War brought him the consulship in 88 B.c. In this year it was necessary for Rome to send an army against Mith-ri-da’tes,? the powerful king of Pontus, who was threatening Rome’s possessions in the East. Ordinarily so important a com- mand was given by the senate to a consul, who, after the expiration of the year, continued in duty under the title of proconsul. In this case the conduct of the war was intrusted to Sulla as consul. A vote of the assembly, however, gave the command to Marius. Ina con- flict of this kind the assembly, embodying the sovereignty of the people, had the superior constitutional right. But Sulla led his army to Rome, and settled the question with the sword. Marius escaped to Africa. This was the first time the army appeared in politics — a critical moment in the history of the republic. We are to bear in mind that the revolution begun by the Gracchi still went on; its leaders, however, were no longer tribunes, but generals. After restoring the authority of the senate and giving it complete power over the tribunes, Sulla proceeded with his army to the war against Mithridates. Ill. THe OvERTHROW AND RESTORATION OF SENATORIAL RULE 87-79 B.C. 468. The Revolution of Marius (87 B.c.) ; the Rule of Cinna (87-84 B.c.). — No sooner had Sulla left Italy than an armed conflict broke out between the consuls, Octavius and Cinna, over the enrolment of the Italians in the old tribes. In this struggle ten thousand men lost their lives. Octavius, leader of the aristocracy, drove Cinna, champion of the Italians, from the city. The senate deposed the popular leader from the consulship. But Cinna quickly gathered an army of Italians, recalled Marius from banishment, and following 1 Plutarch, Sulla, 2. 2§ 460.Democratic Rule 423 the example of Sulla, marched against Rome. Marius returned from an exile which had been to him a series of adventures and of hairbreadth escapes.! In his old age, the greatness of his character had changed to rabid fury against the aristocrats. “ Filthy and long-haired, he marched through the towns, presenting a pitiable appearance, descanting on his battles, on his victories over the Cim- b=, and his six consulships,” ? and with grim determination promised the ttalians their rights. The two revolutionary leaders entered the city with their bands of Italians, foreigners, and runaway slaves. They killed Octavius and all the eminent aristocrats ; for five days they hunted down their opponents, massacred them, and plundered their property. They gave the Italians their rights. Marius re- ceived his seventh consulship, but died soon afterward. While condemning the bloody policy of Marius, we should not for- get that the nobles, by murdering the followers of the Gracchi, by opposing every peaceful attempt at reform, and by their greed and tyranny, brought this terrible punishment upon themselves. The revolution, here described, again overthrew the senate, and placed the democratic party at the head of the government. Its leader, Cinna, reélected to the consulship year after year, continued in power till 84 B.c. In all this time he attempted no reform, but showed himself as incompetent as the nobles had been. Finally, while preparing to oppose the return of Sulla from Asia, he was killed by some of his soldiers in a mutiny. 469. The First Mithridatic War (88-84 B.c.). — At the close of the Asiatic War in 1809 B.c., as has been explained above,’ Rome es- tablished a protectorate over Asia Minor. Among the small king- doms coming thus into dependent alliance with Rome was Pontus, a country on the south shore of the Black Sea. About the time when the senate began to have trouble with Jugurtha, the throne of Pontus came to be filled by a young man who was to prove a dan- gerous enemy to Rome. This was Mithridates VI, often styled the Great. He was a man of gigantic strength, attractive personality, and brilliant genius. A genuine Oriental polished by Greek educa- tion, he remained, in spite of many heroic traits, cunning, unscrupu- 1 Some of his adventures are related in Botsford, Story of Rome, p. 177 £. 2 Appian, Civil Wars, 1. 67. 3§ 435. een ere Ea ee eee t ’ | ' if / t /424 The Revolution lous, and brutal. Taking advantage of Rome’s troubles with Ja: gurtha, and afterward with her allies, Mithridates rapidly extended his power through conquests and alliances. First he brought under his control nearly all the north coast of the Black Sea. When, however, he began to annex the other kingdoms of Asia Minor, Rome, their protector, intervened, and war began (88 B.c.). Mithridates soon made himself master of Asia Minor, including the Roman province of Asia. In this province, by an order of the king, all the Italian residents, men, women, and children, to the number of perhaps a hundred thousand, were massacred on an appointed day. Afterward he crossed with an army to Greece, whose inhabitants welcomed him as a deliverer from Roman op- pression. At this time Rome was threatened with the loss of all her possessions east of the Adriatic. But the massacre of Italians in Asia roused the whole body of her citizens to the necessity of im- mediate action. On taking command, Sulla hastened to Greece with five legions. The capture of Athens by siege, and two victories over the enemy in battle, drove the king’s forces from Europe. Meanwhile Asia Minor was disaffected by the king’s cruelties. He was forced to make peace and to give up all the conquests he had made at the expense of Rome and her allies, including the kingdoms of Bithynia and Cap-pa-do’ci-a. But no one could doubt that he would break the treaty as soon as an opportunity offered itself. 470. The First Civil War (84-82 B.c.). — After patching up this hasty treaty, Sulla returned to Italy with a victorious army devoted to him. The democrats, now in power, resisted his return, and a civil war broke out between them and Sulla. Their principal leaders were Carbo and Marius. The latter was a son of the famous Marius. ‘These men were supported chiefly by the Samnites and the Lucanians, who had taken part in the Social War and had not yet submitted. The details of the war need not be described here. The decisive battle was fought outside the Col’line Gate at Rome. In a fierce struggle Sulla crushed his enemies. Thousands of pris- oners taken in this battle were massacred in cold blood. Carbo had already fled to Africa. Marius had long been besieged at Prae- neste. When his men were forced to yield, Marius died by his own SS a = ee ete eee A tt = PN) ale OLS Lata - ~ 7 ee N 1 }Sulla’s Legislation 425 hand, and the surviving garrison was massacred. Soon all Italy lay prostrate at the feet of the conqueror. The brave Samnites were nearly exterminated. By the.wholesale.destruction.of prop- erty and life, the Social and Civil wars nearly completed the ruin of ‘Italy, which had long been declining in wealth and population. 471. Sulla in Power (82-79 B.c.); his Constitution. — When Sulla had made himself master of the government, he proceeded with reckless butchery to destroy the opponents of his party. Day by day he posted a list of his victims (‘‘ the proscribed ”’), whom any one might slay and receive therefor a reward. ‘The goods of the pro- scribed were confiscated, and their children disfranchised. The number of persons thus murdered at Rome amounted to nearly five thousand, including senators and knights. Many were the victims of private hatred, and many more were killed for the sake of their wealth. At the same time, murder and confiscation were carried on over all Italy. No one dared shelter a victim, not even children their parents. This Satanic law, while branding kindness and affec- tion as criminal, placed a premium upon malice, greed, and murder. After a time Sulla assumed the dictatorship, an office long disused, and put his hand to the work of restoring the aristocratic constitution. (xt) As many senators had perished through war and proscription, he permitted the tribes to elect new members from his partisans. The whole number of senators was to be six hundred. This remained the normal number till it was further increased by Caesar. (2) An- other law ordered that no measure should be brought before any assembly without the consent of the senate. This statute, a repeal of the Hortensian law of 287 B.c.,! gave the senate the complete con- trol of legislation which it had enjoyed during the early republic. (3) Next he enacted that no one who had held the plebeian tribu- nate should be eligible to a higher office. By these measures, and others of a similar character, Sulla attempted to set the government of Rome back to the condition it was in more than two hundred years earlier. These arrangements, however, lasted only ten years. His other changes were more useful, and hence more lasting. (4) He increased the number of quaestors to twenty, and made this office a regular stepping-stone to the senate, Eight were to be em- 1§ 303.—- eee wan! fees ee re Dn a a ee Rad nb a, co a ere ee ate ETE ei = — een . ° c% — ek eee ene ein oie i i 426 The Revolution ployed in Rome and twelve in the financial administration of the provinces. (5) Instead of six praetors, there were now to be eight. The object of this increase was to provide judges for the criminal courts.' (6) There were to be seven of these courts, each charged with jurisdiction over a particular class of crimes. Each court continued to be made up of a praetor as judge and a large body of jurors. Gaius Gracchus had enacted that knights only could be jurors”; but Sulla repealed his law and composed the juries of sena- tors only, just as they had been before Gaius. After ten years this measure was amended. (7) A man had to be a quaestor before he could be praetor, and praetor before consul, and he was not per- mitted to accept the same office within ten years. (8) The prae- tors and the consuls could hold military commands only“in eXCep- tional cases; theirauthority, wholly civil, was limited to Italy south ol the-Rubicon, (9) But on the expiration of their office, they be- came promagistratgs with military authority for an additional year in the provinces. I These laws, with the exceptions mentioned, remained a permanent part of the constitution. When he had completed these arrangements, he retired into pri- vate life. Soon afterward he died, and was buried with pomp and splendor such as nations rarely display even in honor of their kings, He was not yet in his grave when his government began to totter. Suggestive Questions 1. What prevented the Gracchi from adopting the methods of reform which Licinius and other tribunes of earlier time had used? Did circum- stances justify the methods of the Gracchi? 2. Did Tiberius or the senate begin the revolution? 3. In what respect was the agrarian policy of the Gracchi conservative? 4. Throughout the period covered by chs. xxxvi, XXXvll the government tended to become monarchical. What did the Gracchi contribute to this end? What did Marius contribute? 5. What causes of discontent had been growing among the Italians from the time they came under Roman leadership to their revolt? Are there any reasons for believing that they would have founded a better state than Rome? 6. Why did Rome grow more and more illiberal in bestowing the citizenship on aliens? 7. What is your estimate of the character and policy of Sulla? What did he contribute to the growth of monarchy (cf. 4)? 1§§ 444, 450. ? § 450. $ For a summary of this period with that of the following, see § 492.Constitutional Changes 427 Note-book Topics I. The Public Lands of the Romans and the Law of Tiberius Gracchus. — The first part of this topic is to be studied in the various histories of Rome by means of the Indices (see Agrarian, Land, etc.), and the second part will be found in the chapters on Tiberius Gracchus. Il. Gaius Gracchus. — Botsford, Story of Rome, 159 f., 167-171; Plu- tarch, Gaius Gracchus; Oman, Seven Roman Statesmen, ch. ii; Greenidge, History of Rome, i. ch. iv. Compare the view of Greenidge with that of Heitland, History of Rome, ii. ch. xxxvill. III. Marius. — Plutarch, Marius; Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. vii; Beesly, Graccht, Marius, and Sulla, chs. iv—-x. al ! | | i} t ‘ i | ; aes—lssnhtss CHAPTER XXXVII ae THE REVOLUTION: (II) THE MILITARY POWER IN CONFLICT WITH THE REPUBLIC ; ; } } 79-31 B.C. I. Pompey, CICERO, AND CAESAR 79-44 B.C. 472. Pompey (to 70 B.c.). — Sulla was the first to enforce his will upon the state by means of the army. After his time the po- litical power fell more and more into the hands of the generals. Among the rising officers of the army Gnaeus Pom’pey was most fitted to be the heir of Sulla’s policy. While still a young man he had joined in the civil war upon the democrats, and had shown himself so able an officer that Sulla hailed him as “the Great.” After the death of his patron, Pompey proved himself still further a champion of the nobility by helping put down a democratic rebellion against the gov- ernment. A good general was now needed in Spain, and the senate, ac- cording to Sulla’s arrangements, should have sent thither as proconsul a man who had already been consul. But as it could find no able person with this qualification, it gave the proconsulship to Pompey, who had not filled even the ““PoMPEY THE GREAT”’ (National Museum, Naples) office of quaestor. 428Spartacus Ser-to’ri-us, a democratic leader, had gone as governor to Spain in the time of the civil war. Regarding Sulla as a usurper, he claimed to represent the true government of Rome. He was perhaps the first Roman to sympathize thoroughly with the governed, to make their interests his chief care, to give them the genuine benefits of Latin civilization. With the small forces at his command he routed the Roman armies sent against him, including that of Pompey. Not till Sertorius was murdered by one of his own generals did Pompey succeed in putting an end to the war (76 B.c.). 473. The War with Spartacus (73-71 B.C.). —Not long after the close of the war in Spain Rome had a great danger to meet at home. The new enemy was Spar’ta-cus, a gladiator. Gladiators were persons who fought with swords or other weapons for the amusement of the people. Exhibitions of the kind originated in Etruria in connection with funeral festivals, and Rome had introduced them from that country. At first they were given rarely and by private persons only ; but before the time of Pompey it had be- come customary for the magistrates to entertain the voters with this brutal and debasing sport. At Capua was a school in which slaves were trained as gladia- tors. A Thracian by birth and a brave, intelligent soldier, Spartacus had been taken prisoner, sold as a slave, and sent to the training school. With a few of his comrades he struck down the guards and ee — i } i + (umesny_ ystig £ Jorja uvtodwmo0g) SHOLVIGVIL) JO SLVANO.) he A a | an —— a— striae Le a a re enna = recto es =< rare i ] TOE i Sn Ss a eral 430 The Revolution made his escape to Mount Vesuvius. Slaves, criminals, and discontented persons of every class flocked to his side till, he had under command an army of more than a hundred thousand men. Fortwo years he defeated Roman armies led by praetors and consuls. Then the praetor Marcus—Licinius—Cras’‘sus, with eight legions, defeated and killed him and dispersed his army. At the last moment Crassus was slightly aided by Pompey, who had just returned from Spain. 474. Pompey as Consul (7o B.c.); as Commander against the Pirates (67 B.c.). — These two generals were eager for the consul- ship; and as the senate hesitated on the ground that Pompey had not yet been quaestor or praetor, they turned for support to the people, promising them the repeal of Sulla’s laws. Elected consuls in 70 B.C., they restored the power of the tribunes and took from the senate the authority Sulla had given it. Thus the aristocratic government, after standing but ten years, was overthrown by the man its founder had styled “ the Great.” This was a victory, not so much of the democracy as of the army; for the tribunes when restored began to attach themselves to the service of the great mili- tary leaders. For some years pirates had been swarming over the whole Medi- terranean Sea. ‘They seized cities, captured Roman nobles, whom they held for ransom, and by cutting off the grain supply they threat- ened Rome with famine. As the senate seemed powerless to check the evil, Ga-bin‘i-us, a tribune, proposed to give Pompey for three years absolute command of the Mediterranean, together with a strip of its coast, fifty miles wide, as far as the Roman empire extended... He was to have a vast number of ships and men’and a large sum of money. Though the senate opposed the law because it gave so much power to one man, the people carried it with enthusi- asm. Within forty days after his armament was ready, Pompey cleared the sea of pirates. He destroyed their hive in Cilicia and made of that country a Roman province. 475. The Second and Third Wars with Mithridates (83-82, 74- 63 B.c.). —After Sulla had made peace with Mithridates,! 84 B.c., his successor to the command in the East provoked the king of 1§ 460.Mithridates 431 Pontus to a second war. Peace was soon restoréd by order of Sulla. While Rome was fighting Sertorius in Spain, Mithridates made ready for a new war. He allied-himself-with-the- powerful king of Armenia, and won to his support the barbarian tribes along the northern coast of the Black Sea. In 74 B.c., the king of Bithynia died, leaving his realm as a legacy to Rome. It was at once made a province. This event provoked the king of Pontus to war, as he himself coveted that territory. _Mithridates commanded a powerful fleet and army, but opposed to him was the consul Lucius Lu- cul’/lus, a remarkably skilful general, at the head of five legions. Lucullus first expelled the enemy’s forces from the provinces of Asia and Bithynia, and then invaded Pontus. With little fighting he drove Mithridates from his kingdom. ‘The fugitive took refuge with his son-in-law Ti-gra’nes, king of Armenia: With a few troops Lucullus marched boldly into Armenia and defeated a greatly superior force of Tigranes. He might have con- quered the kingdom; but his troops mutinied and compelled him to retreat. Mithridates returned to Pontus, and Lucullus lost nearly all the territory he had gained (66 B.c.). 476. Pompey in the East (66-62 B.c.) ; End of the Third War with Mithridates. — Had the Romans supported L*cullus, he would doubtless soon have overthrown Mithridates. But many thought Pompey the only man able to conquer this great enemy. The tribune Manilius, accordingly, carried a law which gave the com- mand in the East to Pompey in addition to the power he already had. He easily drove the king from Pontus, the most of which he joined to the new province of Bithynia. Mithridates was after- ward killed, at his own request, by a Gallic mercenary. Pompey then invaded Armenia and received the submission of Tigranes. The latter had conquered Syria and other neighboring countries, but was now obliged to give up everything outside his native kingdom. In 64 B.c. Pompey entered Syria and made a province of it. This was the end of the Seleucid Empire. As the Jews were unwilling to submit, he besieged Jerusalem, and after three months took it while the inhabitants were keeping the Sab- bath. In the temple he intruded within the “Holy of Holies,” a ta ————— ~~ ee a { eaeeen he eee wr m ca Reson rer er ee el be coast a MSs i ISS Pe eee etenpaed Ena ¢ A i] i i 432 The Revolution shrine which none but the high priest could enter. But he left the temple unpillaged, and in other ways he respected the native religion. Jerusalem retained its self-government under a high priest who was friendly to Rome. Pompey attended conscientiously to the organization of the East. The new provinces thus far mentioned were Cilicia, Bithynia, and Syria. Crete, too, became a province. A few small kingdoms remained in and about Asia Minor; their rulers, though allies in name, were really vassals of Rome. With the great Parthian empire beyond the Euphrates he made a treaty of friendship. These arrangements were all admirable. With her dependent allies and her provinces, Rome now occupied the entire circuit-of the Mediterranean, p< 477. The Conspiracy of Catiline (63 B.C.).—In the absence of Pompey im- portant events were taking place at Rome. Cic’e-ro became consul in 63 B.c. Though he was from a muni- cipium ' and a man of moderate means, his brilliant oratory and ad- ministrative ability won for him the highest offices at Rome. In his consulship a conspiracy, which for some time had been forming ona vast scale, threatened to destroy the government. The leader, Lucius Cat’i-line, was a man of high birth and of splendid talents, but vicious and depraved. He drew to himself the most desperate men in Italy, including all who wished a renewal of civil war and massacres, as well as debtors, gamblers, and assassins. While the head of the conspiracy was at Rome, its members extended through- out the peninsula. When these anarchists had their plans well laid for killing the magistrates and the nobles and for seizing the government, the vigilant consul discovered their plot and denounced Catiline before the senate. The arch-conspirator fled to the army he had been preparing in Etruria, where he was soon afterward CICERO (Vatican Museum, Rome) 1§ 405. Though the members of municipia were Roman citizens, the inhabitants of the capital usually looked upon them as inferior.The First Triumvirate 433 defeated and killed. Cicero arrested a few of Catiline’s chief asso- ciates who remained in the city. They were condemned by the senate, and the consul put them to death.! His success in saving the state made Cicero for a time the most eminent man in Rome. The people saluted him Father of his Country; and though he was a “‘new man,’’* the senators recognized him as their leader. He was strongly attached to the republican form of government. But the forces opposed to him were over- whelming. Such in fact had become the condition of public affairs that the statesman, however grand, appears strangely dwarfed and out of place; for the age of generals had come; they were the only strong men and managed the politicians as their puppets. It was in vain, therefore, that Cicero hoped to make Pompey a defender of the republican constitution. 478. The First Triumvirate — Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus (60 B.c.). — All were anxiously awaiting the return of Pompey from the East. While both nobles and democrats claimed him, some feared he might overthrow the government and make himself dic- tator by means of his army, as Sulla had done. But his belief that his influence alone would bring him all the honor and power he needed Jed him to disband his army and come to Rome as a private citizen. He was bitterly disappointed. The senate, which had always distrusted him, hesitated to sanction his arrangements in the East. The great general found himself as helpless in politics as Marius had been. It happened, however, that two eminent politicians needed his aid. One was Crassus, whose great wealth gave him influence. The other was Gaius Ju'li-us Cae’sar. This young man, though a patrician, was leader of the democratic party. He, as well as Crassus, desired a military command like that which Pompey had held. Seeing Pompey cast off by the senate, they came to him with a proposal that they three should act together for their common interests. This union of the three men, though unofficial, is called oe j ; 1 Cicero had received from the senate absolute power to deal with the conspirators (§ 450, n. 2), but preferred to make the senate responsible for their punishment. The popular party, however, denied the right of the senate to act as a court in such a case, and asserted accordingly that Cicero had put these men to death without a trial. 2 § 302. 2FBen nO emmy —— 2S LER PSS ee ennaet epee ———— atime 4 | i | 434 The Revolution the First Tri-um’vi-rate. Pompey contributed to it his military fame, Crassus the influence of his wealth, and Caesar his popularity and his commanding intelligence. According to agreement, Caesar received the consulship in 59 B.c.,and in return secured from the people the ratification of Pompey’s Eastern arrangements. As the tool of the triumvirs, or at least under their protection, the tribune Clo’di-us carried a decree for the banishment of Cicero on the ground that in his consulship he had put citizens to death without a trial. The people soon recalled him, however, and restored him to honor. 479. Caesar Proconsul of Gaul (58-50 B.c.). — At the close of his term Caesar as proconsul received for five years the government of Cisalpine Gaul, Narbonensis, and Illyricum. He now held the kind of position for which he had long been striving; it would give him an army through which he might make himself the greatest power in the state. Before the end of his period of government the triumvirs renewed their alliance. Caesar was to have five more years of command in Gaul; Pompey and Crassus were to be consuls in 55 B.c. and afterward to take charge of some of the best provinces in the empire. In this way these men divided among them the Roman world. 480. The Condition of Gaul. — Mention has been made of the Roman province of Narbonensis on the southern coast of Gaul and of the free Gauls north of the province.? Gaul was a great fertile country, which’supported a dense population. Most of their civ- ilization they got from the Greek city of Massilia? on the coast. Though inferior to the Romans in culture, they made their living chiefly by farming, and they had many strongly fortified towns. The principal divisions were the Aq-ui-ta’ni-ans in the south, an Iberian‘ people with a slight mixture of Celts, the purer Celts in the centre, and in the north the Belgians, who were Celts mixed with Germans.. The Aquitanians were the most civilized, the Bel’gi-ans the most barbarous and warlike. Each of these three groups comprised several independent tribes. 1§ 477, n. I. 2§ 462. 8§ 130. The Greek form of the name is Massalia, the Latin form Massilia, and the modern form Marseilles. 4 Of the same race as the natives of Spain (ancient name, Iberia).Gaul 435 East of the Rhine were the barbarous, half-nomadic Germans. A crisis in Rome’s relation with these Northern peoples was noy at hand, like that with which Marius had successfully grappled. A powerful German tribe under the chieftain A-ri-o-vis’tus had crossed the Rhine and had seized some lands of the Gauls. Thi: movement was but the beginning of a German migration, which if unchecked would have thrown Gaul into commotion, and might RoMAN SOLDIERS MARCHING (From Schreiber, Adas of Classical Antiquities) have brought both German and Celtic hordes into Narbonensis, and even into Italy. A more direct menace to Rome came from the Hel-ve’ti-ans, a great Celtic tribe of the Alps, who were abandoning their home in the mountains for the broader and more fertile lands of southern Gaul. 481. The Conquest of Gaul (58-50 B.c.).—Caesar, who at this time had had little experience in command, thus found himself confronted by enormous difficulties and dangers. But the ease with which he overcame everything in his way marked him at once as a great master of the art of war. With wonderful rapidity heEE hehe Preeti a at Rc me Ne aad directions. 486. Caesar’s Government and Reforms (49-44 B.C.). — He held at one and the same , time the offices of consul and dictator, granted him for long periods and finally for life. As pontifex maximus he was head of the state religion. These offices made him king in all but name. He received, too, for life the title Im-pe-ra’tor (“‘ general ”’), from which the word emperor is derived. Evi- dently Caesar wished to make his power hereditary ; and as he had no nearer heirs, he adopted as a son his grandnephew Oc- tavius, a youth of remarkable talent. Caesar allowed the assemblies little ENR eedtenibel made ROWE, and made the senate a mere advisory study, though a very success- council. Sulla had doubled the number of Leeda) senators; Caesar increased it to nine hun- dred by admitting not only knights, but also many inferior citizens, and even some half-barbarous Gauls. Probably he wished in time to make it represent the whole empire. In the provinces the evils of aristocratic rule, described in an earlier chapter,! were now at their height. By abolishing the system of leasing the direct taxes, Caesar prevented the capitalists from plundering the subject countries. He appointed able, honest governors, and held them strictly to account. The officers whom he appointed to command the legions, under the governor, and the revenue officials, who were his own servants and freedmen,”? saw that his will should everywhere be enforced. ‘The “ estates of the Roman people,” as the provinces had been called, were to be culti- 1Ch. xxxv. § 444. 2§ 5109. JuxLtus CAESARCaesar’s Achievements AAI vated and improved, no longer pillaged. He gave citizenship to the Gauls, and it was his wish that as rapidly as possible all the provincials should become Romans. At the same time he greatly improved the condition of Rome and Italy. 487. Caesar's Death (44 B.c.).— The nobles were envious of Caesar, and longed to regain the privilege of misruling the world. While they forced upon him honors such as belonged only to the gods, they began to plot his murder. Chief among the conspirators were the “‘lean and hungry” Cassius, and Marcus Brutus, a scholar and strong republican, but unpractical. All together there were about sixty in the plot. Pretending to urge a petition of one of their number, they gathered about him in the senate and assailed him with daggers. He fell, stabbed with twenty-three wounds. The senate dispersed. Mark An’‘to-ny, Caesar’s colleague in the consulship, delivered the funeral oration and read the will, which, by its generosity to the citizens, stirred them against the murderers. 488. Estimate of Caesar.— With the possible exception of Hannibal, Caesar was the most brilliant military genius the world had thus far produced. He was, too, a master of simple prose, an orator of great clearness and force, and an incessant builder of useful public works. His character was many-sided, his capacity boundless. He was mild to the conquered; and when political ene- mies had laid down their arms, they found him a friend and bene- factor. In the brief intervals of peace between his campaigns he displayed a statesmanship equal to his ability in the field. The most grievous wrongs he righted; and by taking measures to secure the responsibility of the provincial governors, he doubtless believed that he had provided for the future welfare of his subjects. The inhabitants of the empire were thus made happier by his rule. The continuance of his policy, however, required a strong executive perpetually in office. Had his plan of establishing an absolute monarchy succeeded, it would have been but a partial solution of the problem of reform. For the evils of absolute rule we have only to look to the Oriental nations, and to the Roman empire itself, when three centuries after Caesar the government came to have that character. Neither Caesar nor any other Roman statesman seems to have entertained the idea of creating institutions by means of a nea j iy 1} t t i i i) A i i } } } H | MN ' ti= eeenrrys eerie ie ek miareety etn igetmmmrmeneey cme re bong een peers z pa Oihaks 8 me kb me = — — = - Pea ee reed tS 1 | : 1 \ 442 The Revolution which the inhabitants of the empire, dispensing with paternal despotism, could safeguard their own interests. The grant of citizenship to the provincials and the admission of representatives of the provinces to the senate would have been a great benefit; yet even a measure of this kind might not have prevented the ultimate decline of the empire. What Caesar would have accomplished, had he lived, cannot be known. His murder was a great political mistake, as it plunged the world again into desolating war. In this struggle the question at issue was not as to the form of government to be adopted; it was what general should succeed to the power of Caesar." II. THr STRUGGLE FOR THE SUCCESSION AA—3% B.C. 489. Beginning of the Third Civil War (44 B.c.); Caesar’s Heir. — Fearing the enraged populace, the chief conspirators, or “ liber- ators,” as they called themselves, fled from Rome. Cicero, who approved the murder, though he had no hand in it, sailed for Greece, but was driven back bya storm. Thereupon he returned to Rome to take the lead of the senate against the consul Mark Antony, who was acting the tyrant. In the next few months Cicero delivered against him a series of powerful speeches, known as the Philippics from their re- semblance to the orations of Demosthenes against Philip of Macedon.” But eloquence had ceased to be a force in the world. Henceforth issues were to be decided by armies. TREE ort Cae oo ctetace Octavius was pursuing his studies in The bust is modern. Vatican Illyricum when news came of his great- Biuscums;Rouie) uncle’s death. He sailed at once for Italy, OcTAVIANUS 1 On the character of Caesar, see Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. viii. 7 § 307.Octavianus 443 and taking the name Gaius Julius Caesar Oc-ta-vi-a’nus, he came almost alone to Rome, into the midst of enemies. But he soon gained friends. By promising the people all their late ruler had bequeathed them, he readily won their hearts; and for a time he sided with the senate against Antony. Deceived by his show of frank simplicity, Cicero declared that the young Octavianus was all for the republic. In fact this youth of nineteen years had no enthusiasm for any cause; in cool cunning he outmatched even the political veterans of the capital. 490. The Second Triumvirate (43) ; Overthrow of the Liberators at Philippi (42 B.c.). — With an army he had raised, Octavianus helped win a victory over Antony. ‘The senate, now feeling secure, cast off the boy. Immediately he came to an understanding with Antony, his rival, and with Lep’i-dus, Caesar’s master of horse, who still held an important command. These three men made of them- selves “‘ Triumvirs for Reéstablishing the State,’’ — an office they were to hold five years, with power to dispose of all magistracies at will and to issue decrees which should have the force of law. They filled Rome with their troops, and renewed the hideous pro- scriptions of Sulla.! Each sacrificed friends and even kinsmen to the hatred of the others. Among the victims of Antony was Cicero, the last great orator of the ancient world. Antony and Octavianus led their armies to Macedonia to meet the republican forces which Cassius and Brutus had collected there. Two battles were fought near Phi-lip’pi. After the first, which was indecisive, Cassius killed himself in despair. Brutus, beaten in the second engagement, followed the example of his mate; the republi- can scholar could not live under the rule of iron. 491. War between Antony and Octavianus (31 B.c.); End of the Republic. — The triumvirs renewed their authority for another five years; and when the incompetent Lepidus dropped from the board, the two remaining members divided the empire between them. Antony ruled the East, and Octavianus the West. To cement the alliance, the heir of Caesar gave his sister Octavia in marriage to his colleague. But trouble soon arose. ‘Though a clever orator, a diplomatist, and no mean general, Antony was fond of luxury and 1§ 471. Cf. Shakspere, Julius Caesar, Act IV, Scene i. a tne EE } edOS a al - ee eres pagan br mee mm an eee ere eT | 444 The Revolution of vice. Neglecting his wife and the interests of the state, he spent his time with Cleopatra in frivolous dissipation. The Italians supposed he intended to make her his queen and himself despot of an Oriental empire with Alexandria for his capital. They willingly followed Octavianus, therefore, in a war against this national enemy. The fleets of the rivals met off Ac’ti-um on the west coast of Greece (31 B.c.). A-grip’pa, an able general, commanded the ships of Octavianus against the combined squadrons of Antony and Cleo- patra. In the early part of the fight this infatuated pair sailed away, leaving their fleet to take care of itself. It was defeated and taken by Agrippa. After the battle, Antony’s land force sur- rendered. At last, when he and Cleopatra committed suicide in Alexandria, Octavianus was master of the empire. The battle of Actium was one of the most important in ancient his- tory ; it saved European civilization from undue Oriental influence ; it ended the long anarchy which followed the murder of Caesar; and it placed the destiny of the empire in the hands of an able statesman. 492. Summary of the Change from Republic to Empire. — (1) Conquest brought excessive power and wealth to a few of the Romans, while it reduced the bulk of the citizens to poverty and wretchedness. (2) The senate, representing these men of wealth, became corrupt, oppressive, and weak; it could neither maintain order in Rome nor protect the provinces. (3) Tiberius Gracchus began a reform, which the senate stopped by violence. Gaius Gracchus organized the city mob, a revolutionary force, through which he set aside the authority of thesenate. (4) Butin the army, as reformed soon afterward by Marius, an ambitious man could find a far more reliable and effective weapon for overthrowing the senate and for making himself master of the government. (5) Sulla first used this military instrument for political purposes. (6) It was the work of Pompey in his war with the pirates and with Mithridates to show how beneficial to the Roman world the rule of one man might be. (7) The government of Caesar was a real monarchy, though it had too powerful enemies to be lasting. (8) After his death the senate failed to recover its authority, and the civil wars following decided that Octavianus, his heir, should be master of the empire.Literature 445 III. CULTURE 493. The Great Age of Republican Literature (82-31 B.Cc.). — One of the most eminent writers of this age was Caesar. His Commen- taries on the Gallic War and on the Civil War tell the story of his campaigns. The work is a model historical narrative, — plain, direct, and elegant, with no pretension to ornament of any kind. It is true that the story represents the author in a favorable light, and that Caesar undoubtedly intended it to justify his conduct of the Gallic war; but these circumstances do not prove the story un- trustworthy. Especially the modesty with which he speaks of his own achievements, and his generosity in excusing the mistakes or in praising the merits of others, commend the work as a truthful narrative. ‘Toward the end of the period Sallust wrote a short treatise On the Conspiracy of Catiline, and another On the Jugurthine War. Along with his narrative of events, he tried to analyze im- partially the character of society and the motives of conduct. His works are valuable sources of information for the subjects treated. These were the chief historians of the age. Cornelius Ne’pos wrote a work On Eminent Men, in which he treated famous Romans and foreigners. Most of the lives which we still possess are of Greek generals; they prove him to have been an inferior and untrust- worthy author. The foremost orator of the period — one of the most famous of all time — was Cicero. His birthplace was that of Marius — Arpinum, a municipality among the hills of Latium. But he had hardly a taste of the severe country discipline which Marius ex- perienced; for while he was still young, his parents changed their residence to Rome, to give their children the best possible education. Cicero received his early instruction at home and in private schools. In youth he studied law, listened eagerly to the eminent orators of the time, took lessons in Greek and Latin rhetoric, and finally went to Athens and Rhodes to complete his preparation as an orator under the greatest instructors of the age. Returning to Rome, he gradually entered public life, and by ability he forced his way up through the career of offices... The narrow circle of nobles, as 1§ 446. | f | t i cea. ae. a a ar ee ==>446 The Revolution exclusive as ever, had to admit him to an equality with themselves, Through his writings we know his character more intimately than that of any other Roman. His own words tell us that he was vain, and in politics often wavering; but in these respects he was prob- ably no worse than any of his contemporaries. His tastes were literary and intellectual; and in spite of small weaknesses he could always be found, in great issues, on the side he believed to be right. His Orations, like those of any political speaker, must be critically sifted in order to determine what statements in them may be used for historical purposes. Far more trustworthy are his Letters to friends, in which he speaks candidly of passing events. In fact, this correspondence gives us a remarkably full and accurate knowl- edge of the social, moral, and political conditions of the time. His many philosophic works are a presentation of Greek ideas in the Latin language. The soundness of his character and his desire to raise the moral standard of the reading public are evinced by his constant choice of the nobler ideals of philosophy in preference to the merely useful and material. In his Republic he suggested the idea that a state, when distracted by internal strife, like the Roman empire of his time, needed the paternal care of its leading citizen — prin'ceps. The task of the princeps would be to hold the various offices and powers of the state in harmony with one another and to require all to perform effectively their several duties. It is a remarkable fact that the government of Augustus, which we shall soon examine,' embodied Cicero’s idea. But the greatness of Cicero lies chiefly in the fact that he was a literary artist of surpass- ing genius. “‘He created a language which remained for sixteen centuries that of the civilized world, and used that language to form a style which nineteen centuries have not replaced. . . . Before his time Latin prose was, from a wide point of view, but one among many local ancient dialects. As it left his hands, it had become a universal language, one which had definitely superseded all others, Greek included, as the type of civilized expression.” ” Lu-cre’ti-us, a poet of the age, composed in verse a work On the Nature of the World, in which he tried by means of science to dispel from the mind ail fear of death and of the gods, — to free men from 1§ 496. 2 Mackail, Latin Literature, 62. ned Beast —— —— men es SSS Sree ee egg ae onan mats = Ne seatrax: ; =. = an we csEducation 447 superstition. It is a work of remarkable genius. Ca-tul’lus, who lived at the same time, wrote beautiful lyrics and elegies on subjects of love and life, and some bitter lampoons. On the whole, the poetry of this period is less celebrated than that of the following. 494. Education. — A boy first attended an elementary school, in which he learned the rudiments of reading, writing, and arith- metic. After com- en ee me pleting this course, he | fae rer ie eee ee | entered a higher ee school, kept by a gram- mat'i-cus, who taught him Greek and Latin literature. Among the Latin books read were the poems of Naevius and Ennius, the comedies of Plautus,! and a Latin translation of Homer. History, oratory, and the Laws of the Twelve Tables” were also studied. There were schools, too, for girls, though less is : : ales ee aa ee rt ue iy a o a. Bs yA =f iy: Ss er ns oak a ue i ee knownof them. Often = = : A ScHOOL the wealthy educated : : (Mosaic, Museum at Capua) ther children at home, as in the preceding period, with the help of Greek slaves or hired tutors. After the course in literature the youth who wished to enter public life studied the theory and practice of oratory under a rhetorician. In this course some work was done in philosophy, which included ethics and science. Already we find a beginning of the tendency to neglect the study of cause and effect and the deeper truths of science and history for a mere skimming of the surface of knowledge. In the pursuit of the useful the higher facul- 1§ 450 and n. 1, 2 § 387. pach peer > iy } } f i a ——— ae448 The Revolution ties of the mind were left to decay. The children of the rich were neglected by their parents and pampered by their slave teachers. Doubtless many a father wished to see his son develop a strong moral character; but the surroundings of the youth were no longer pares = ob wet Seber arte Aas soe els sr See eee tant | } { i Hi CroacA MAXIMA (Later republic, but showing Etruscan influence. From a photograph) favorable to the growth of the heroic virtues which had made Rome great. 495. Public Works — Art (to 31 B.c.). — Though the chief influ- ence in the art, as in the literature of the Romans, was Hellenic, they did not copy merely, but whatever they learned of others they adapted in their own way to their own needs. Next to useful- ness the works of their hands are most famous for grandeur and durability. These, too, were qualities of their character; but they were able to achieve their ideals partly because of the excellent building material in and about Rome, and partly through the use of the round arch. ‘This form of architecture they employed in sewers, in bridges, and, with necessary modifications, in the domes of some of their temples. The arched covering of the Cloaca Maxima,! 1§ 366.Sug. = se » ink i } | eee a ei pe i leoe yb eid atten: nhuntasl omete aioe ee Coane PS ees ey SOTO OID aa 4 oe Ps Ba! INTERIOR OF THE BASILICA JULIA (Restored by Gatteschb’'Public Works 4AQ which still exists, belongs to the later part of the republic A com- paratively new form of building at Rome was the ba-sil’i-ca. It was a large, oblong structure, consisting of acentral hall surrounded by galleries. The latter rested on columns or on square pillars. The plan was adopted from Greece, and has continued down into er ore TomB OF CAECILIA METELLA (Appian Way. From a photograph) modern times in one form of the Christian church. The first basilica at Rome was built by Cato the Elder. On the south side of the Forum Caesar erected a large building of the kind, named after him the Basilica Julia. Its foundations still exist. The Roman basilicas were used for mercantile and banking business, and for the session of courts. The families which had acquired great wealth began to esteem their individual members more highly even than the state. The increasing importance of the great family and of its members found expression in the building of magnificent tombs. For miles be 26 Se ea oo fi occa rSS ——s ae met ES me eat i } 5 4 } A i pn en 450 The Revolution yond the city gate the ruins of these great tombs line both sides of the Appian Way. That of Cae-cil/i-a Me-tel’la, built in the age of Caesar, is the most impressive. While we appreciate the progress of literature and of intelligence, we must not lose sight of the fact that in nearly every other respect Rome was rapidly decaying. Her once sound morals had given way to vice; republican freedom had long been a mere shadow; the empire was threatened within by anarchy, without by barbarians. Suggestive Questions 1. In what respect may we regard Pompey as the successor of Sulla? 2. Had Caesar resigned his command at the order of the senate, what would have happened to him ? 3. Was he justified from any point of view in crossing the Rubicon and making war upon the senate? 4. Why was the rule of one man, like Julius Caesar, less oppressive to the Roman world than the aristocracy had been? 5. How far is Shakspere’s Julius Caesar his- torically true? Does it show a partisan bias? 6. What provinces did Rome acquire in the period of the revolution, 133-31 B.c., and in what order (map. p. 410)? 7. Describe the structure of the Basilica Julia (opp. Pp. 449). 8. Describe the appearance of the school children pictured on P- 447. What is a mosaic? 9. What light does the tomb of Caecilia Metella throw on the character of her family? x10. What are the various pairs of gladiators represented as doing in the picture, p. 429? Note-book Topics I. The Conspiracy of Catiline. — Botsford, Story of Rome, 194-108; Sal- lust, Conspiracy of Catiline; How and Leigh, History of Rome, ch. xl vii ; Sihler, Caesar, ch. v; Strachan-Davidson, Cicero, ch. v; Heitland, History of Rome, iii. ch. li. II. Cicero in Politics. — Plutarch, Cicero; Strachan-Davidson, Cicero, especially chs. iv—viii; Sihler, Caesar, see Index under: Cicero; Boissier. Cicero and his Friends, 22-78. III. Cicero as an Orator. — Mackail, Latin Literature, 62-68: Cruttwell, Roman Literature, 159-174; Duff, Literary History of Rome, 340-307. IV. Caesar’s Government.— Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 133-138; Sihler, Caesar, chs. xvii-xxii; Strachan-Davidson, Cicero, ch. xii; Fowler, Caesar, ch. xviii; Pelham, Outlines of Roman History, 333-356.— SERERERASSSEASSSES SRS S Sn CHAPTER XXXVIII THE FOUNDING OF THE PRINCIPATE; THE JULIAN PRINCES 31 B.C.—41 A.D. 496. The Augustan Government. — The battle of Actium made Octavianus master of the Roman world.!. As Lepidus had been dropped from the triumvirate, and Antony had committed suicide, Octavianus was sole triumvir. He had, too, the consulship. For a time it seemed doubtful whether, in imitation of his adoptive father, he would retain all the power in his own hands, or resign it after the example of Sulla; but finally a middle course was taken. Early in 27 B.c. he laid down the office of triumvir, with all his extraordinary power, and restored the government to the senate and people. This was a formal return to the republic. Appreciat- ing his service in the reéstablishment of peace, the senate voted him the title Augustus. Heretofore this epithet had been reserved for the gods and their shrines. In conferring it on Octavianus the senate granted no power, but wished to mark him as the one whom all should revere. Although we shall henceforth speak of him as Augustus, we are to bear in mind that all his successors held this title as their chief distinction. It is nearly equivalent to His Sacred Highness, yet without denoting any official position, whether re- ligious or political. The senate, however, did not allow him to retire into private life. It assigned to him certain provinces, For their government it gave him proconsular power. Soon afterward it voted that this power should include a supervision over all the provincial governors. As these officers commanded the armies of their provinces, the superior position of Augustus made him general-in-chief of all the military forces. After holding the consulship many years by annual election, he gave up that magistracy. The assembly conferred 1 § 4or. 451452 The Founding of the Principate; the Julian Princes on him instead the tribunician power, without the office of tribune. This authority made his person sacred,' and marked him as a cham- pion of the people. ‘Through it also he had a share in the govern- ment of Rome and Italy. Sometimes, with a colleague, he under: took the duties of the censor; and when Lepidus, the pontifex maximus, died, Augustus accepted for life an appointment to the latter office. It made him head of the state religion. Augustus was also imperator. In his time the title still meant ‘“ General ”’ ; not till more than a century after his death did it come to signify ‘“ Emperor.” In estimating the position finally held by Augustus let us notice that his military authority was the same as that of the President of the United States; his civil authority was far less. All the old republican magistrates still existed, and continued to exercise the same functions as before. Constitutionally Au- gustus was on a level with the consuls. In honor and in personal influence, however, he overshadowed all the other officials. He was always consulted on the suitability of candidates for the various offices and on every other matter; and his policy was usually carried out. It is clear that most of his power was exercised, not as a magistrate, but as a political “‘ boss.”” The Romans dignified his position with the title princeps, ‘“‘ leading citizen.”” The idea came in part from Cicero’s Republic.2 We may translate this title by its derivative, “ prince,” with the understanding that in Roman history it means simply the most influential citizen, whose actual power as a “ boss”’ far exceeded his constitutional authority. In this sense a principate was a republic controlled by such a prince. The Roman principate was in fact a transitional stage between the republic and the monarchy.? 497. The Provinces. — The border provinces, and all others which danger threatened, were under the direct care of the prince. His lieutenants had charge of their judicial and military affairs; his agents attended to finance. Egypt was not called a province, but a prefecture, governed by a prefect appointed by Augustus. The Egyptians looked upon the prince as a king, and the prefect as his viceroy. The older and more peaceful provinces still belonged to the senate, which appointed annual governors. This division of 1§ 382. 2 § 403. § 512. = eee et rn or ea a ee yguspememenemre cee Cbg Punter ants Sie te a a ee — - ma. Sar sem a NS Sp nh Sn ee iy | if ; i ¢ iy i i}| Longitude — 10° war we / 4 OTLAND Pee / CALEDONTA | Lk eae a f | Z yd, — | 50 Y 7 — a LR x oh { —_& vA we ~\ “ LF d i / ple ules S / FSS tial - 8 as 4 / ———___ ng ere i / - rr } * 4 or a == eres | To ] OSm ° ee Me re enn to LY - , : e)\ © oe ul Héreulanounbiges eRUiNs CAPRI PQmpel b | | i ccaniatie Iss ei eees ast THE ROMAN EMPIRE FROM 30 Naa AUGUSTUS to DIOCLETIAN SCALE OF MILES =i — —t= 3 L-—-— tet 100 50 O 100 200 300 400 600 4 a a Boundary at Death of Augustus; Beyond this the later additions. | ———___ Italics,- Barbarian races which, after Marcus Aurelius. Sees in the places indicated. © one 1 = —— 0° z 10°> S| - geese § “cB \ fem). Berenice 7 \ « j | 4 \ \ aN | 2 \ i. \ les \ | \ | a \ on | oo — lie 120 Siti hilo Naseteeet spe ae =) 20 30 G.W. Botsford, Del. . —a ’ mulpe > perge s ir oo krayi} -ands , KASS Q .eEsey nan P — ~ A wen C4 Jo 9 pany roe" / 08 etn, f~ 2cH 5 eee vr alk (J o U ne \8° SC pe?” Go \ mt xan dé ’ \ \ i . Pe See \s G™iN mere ce eee Ay { Ja Palace of the Caesars PALATINE [MT, 107 FET Pome Is is i ee ay oF x *" THE SACRED. WAY oN GW. Botsford. Del, — Augustus planted His aim was ~- pe Ses } f { |458 The Founding of the Principate; the Julian Princes not only to furnish his retired veterans with farms, but also to re; settle vacant districts, so as to increase the prosperity of the country. With him begins the great age of Roman architecture. He him- self tells us of his public works : — “The Capitol’ and the Pompeian theatre I have repaired at enormous expense... . Aqueducts which, by reason of age, need tse ad tener Coe seme ee inet ¥ \ i THe TEMPLE OF Mars THE AVENGER (In the Augustan Forum. The high wall borders this forum on the north. From a photograph} were crumbling in many places, I have restored . . . and have finished the Julian Forum and the basilica which was between the temple of Castor and the temple of Saturn, works begun and almost completed by my father?; and when that same basilica was con- sumed by fire, I began its reconstruction on an enlarged scale, in- scribing it with the names of my sons. If I do not live to complete it, I have given orders that it be finished by my heirs. In accord- ance with a decree of the senate, while consul for the sixth time, 1The Capitoline temple of Jupiter. 2 J.¢. Juliys Caesar, the adoptive father of Augustus, On the Basilica Julia, see § 495.o terre ht se —_ Soe Ls esd } ; 1 Paar an cpanel ————— con oon PUR or AO — CAPITOLINE TEMPLI NO, AND MINERVA tteschpD OF JUPITER, Ju 4 4 G (Kestored byTemples 459 I restored eighty-two temples of the gods, passing over none which was at that time in need of repair. In my seventh consulship I [re] built the Flaminian Way to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and the Minucian. ‘Upon private ground I have built with the spoils of war the temple of Mars the Avenger and the Augustan Forum.”! The Mars of this temple was not to be the god of conquest; his function rather was to punish foreign powers which dis- turbed the peace of the empire. The Pantheon, which means the “ all- divine.” was the work of Agrippa, the prince’s ablest minister. In it men worshipped Mars and Venus, the chief gods of the Julian family. It was afterward rebuilt by Hadrian. The activity of Augustus wrought a complete change in the appearance of Rome. At the close of his princi- pate he could boast that he had found the city of brick, but left it of marble. | One of the most re- FLAMINES markable works of the (From the Altar of the Augustan Peace; Museum of the Terme, Rome) age was a great Altar of Peace erected by the senate to commemorate’the suppression of disturbances in Spain and Gaul, and more generally to express the spirit of peace for which the empire now stood. It was richly 1 Augustus, Deeds, xx, xxi. This document is an account of the achievements of Augustus, composed by himself. It is preserved in an inscription — known to scholars as the Monumentum An-cy-ra’num, from Ancyra, the place where it was found,400 The Founding of the Principate; the Julian Princes adorned with reliefs representing not only the imperial family, senators, magistrates, and priests, but also plants and garlands. The reliefs of persons are doubtless real portraits, influenced, like ay SS ic ak ie pate nent SAE atl Cohen me ne Nee | v id GARLAND OF FRUIT AND FLOWERS (From the Altar of the Augustan Peace; Museum of the Terme, Rome) the busts and statues of the time, by Greek idealism.! The fruit and flowers are chiselled with wonderful accuracy and taste— the most beautiful art of the imperial age. 504. Literature and Religion. — The principate of Augustus is known as the Golden Age of Roman literature. He encouraged and aided literary men. Through their works he aimed to purify 1§ 345.pores as ed at ere oe a NS i } | iy ' i \ee Nn nee Fo ee aan nce ea ne tee i Mi Hy ; eee We Basilica Julia and Pollux e Caesars Temple of Castor = — OS a 4 Vw 4 © wv Ore CS og SY S N.S ag CSO ons u W $3.0 o> De oO KX Temple of Vesta Temple of Julius Caesar Temple of Venus and Roma ROMAN Forum (Restored by Becchetti) 5 A PART OF THILiterature 401 and ennoble the present by bringing it the life of the good and great past. Livy, the most eminent author of prose in this age, wrote a history of Rome in a hundred and forty-two books. In preparing this work he took little pains to discover the truth, but relied chiefly on earlier writers of annals.: He was lacking, too, in depth and in that knowledge of military affairs and of law which was essential to the historian of Rome. But he loved what he believed to be true and right. The story of Rome, as he tells it, 1s always lively, vivid, and interesting. In several ways Ver’gil, the poet, resembled Livy. Both com: posed in a lofty style with high moral aims. Inspired by the greatness of Rome, both were intensely patriotic, and expressed more perfectly than any other writers the ideals of their nation, The poet’s narrative is as lively and as dramatic as the historian’s. Vergil is graceful, tender, and childlike. His principal work is an epic poem called the Ae-ne’id. In this story of the wanderings of Aeneas, he glorifies the beginnings of Rome, and, at the same time, the imperial family, which claimed descent from the hero of his poem. Horace, author of Odes and Satires and of Epistles in verse, was the poet of contentment and common sense, who bade his friends — “ Snatch gayly the joys which the moment shall bring, And away every care and perplexity fling.” * S ) per] y g Leave the future to the gods, he taught. A comfortable villa, some shady nook in summer, and in winter a roaring fireplace, good wine, pleasant friends, and a mind free from care make an ideal life. After the stormy end of the republic, the world needed such a lesson. In the later republic, Roman society forgot the gods and lost its morals. Augustus restored the ancient ceremonies of worship, which had fallen into disuse, and attempted to lead the people back to the old religion and to the pure, simple life of the ancestors who had made the city great. Julius had been deified after his death, and this example was followed in the case of many other princes. 1 § 450, n. I. 2 Odes, iil. 8. eres at Se tee ‘ Ht a] iH itas i toe eet ee ————— i a Hi i A i i] j i A ED ee 462 The Founding of the Principate; the Julian Princes The provincials built temples in which they sacrificed to Augustus as to a god. In Italy and the western provinces the freedmen formed associations for his worship. Quite different was the wor- ship of his Genius or guardian spirit. From the beginning the Romans used to set up, at the crossing of country roads and of streets in the city, images of La’res, protecting deities of the adjoining lands.1. They now adopted the custom of placing an image of the Genius of Augustus among these Lares. The idea was to make his Genius the centre of public worship, just as the Genius of the father was the centre of the family religion.” Hence willingness to sacrifice to the guardian spirit of the prince came to be the test of loyalty to the government. In fact, the worship of the prince and his Genius became the most vital force in the religion of the Roman world till the adoption of Christianity. 505. The Principate of Tiberius (14-37 A.D.).— Augustus died in 14 A.D., after forty-five years of rule. His wife Livia, who had been his strong support during life, secured to her son Tiberius the peaceful succession.° Immediately after his accession the armies on the Danube and the Rhine mutinied, in the hope of gaining some reward for a prom- ise of devotion to the new prince. Fortunately the generals proved loyal, and with difficulty suppressed the outbreak. The prince’s nephew Ger-man’‘i-cus, who commanded on the Rhine, then led his army across the river, and avenged the defeat of Varus. But as Augustus in his will had advised his successors not to extend the boundaries of the empire, Tiberius recalled his nephew from Germany. No important war disturbed the remainder of his rule; he de- voted himself, therefore, to administrative work, in which he showed marked ability. ‘He was careful not to distress the provinces by new burdens, and to see that in bearing the old they were safe from the rapacity of their governors.” 4 By rebuilding twelve cities of Asia Minor which had been destroyed by earthquakes, he taught the Romans that they had duties as well as privileges in 1 The protecting deity of the house was also a Lar; § 358. 2§ 368. 8 § 500, n. I. 4 Tacitus, Annals, iv. 6.Tiberius 463 their relations with the provinces. There is no wonder, then, that the subject nations respected him. But the populace disliked him because he fed them poorly and provided no shows of gladiators. The nobles hated him still more. Conspiracies became so common that he began rigorously to en- force the law of treason and to encourage de-la’tors (informers) to bring accusations. Not only the suspicious temper of the prince, but also the moral degradation of society, made the delations terrible. Greed, hatred, enjoyment of bloodshed, — in brief, all vicious and criminal passions, — were at their height under the principate. No one felt safe; for each rightly judged his neighbor by himself; and the prince could hardly restrain the senate from condemning men for the most trivial offences. 506. Capri; the Character and Death of Tiberius (37 A.D.). — The first half of his administration he passed in Rome, the remainder in Cap’ri, a lovely island off the Bay of Naples. From this retreat he still watched over the government, while he left the direct man- agement to Se-ja/nus, prefect of the pretorian guard. This man, too, conspired against the prince, and suffered death for his treason. Tiberius grew more and more hateful to the nobility and to the Roman mob. Not that he was especially cruel or vicious; he seems rather to have been a stern, unsympathetic man, whose motives the nobles did not wish to understand. He was unsocial, tactless, and economical, — qualities which would have made any prince unpopular. Notwithstanding his faults, he was an able, conscien- tious ruler. Caligula, son of Germanicus and successor to Tiberius, seems to have been insane. His principate (37-41 A.D.) is unimportant. Octavius, afterward Augustus, had been adopted by Julius Caesar into the Julian gens. Augustus had adopted Tiberius, who adopted Caligula. The first three princes were therefore by adoption Julian. Having also been adopted into the family of Caesar, they were all called Caesar. After Caligula the principate passed to another gens and family,! but the name Caesar was retained as a title. 1 In the name Julius Caesar, Julius designates the gens and Caesar the family (§ 368) The Julian gens was followed by the Claudian. eee at ert es { Hy ' ia aor = q ° oe ni {% TTT 464 The Founding of the Principate; the Julian Princes a a . Suggestive Questions ee 1. Write a summary of this chapter like that on p. 444. 2. Give in your own words a brief, clear definition of “‘ principate.’’ 3. In what respects was the principate an improvement on the republic? What class, or classes, lost by the fall of the republic? What classes gained? 4. Can the concen- tration of political power in the hands of an individual be an unmixed or lasting good? 5. Why did not the senate try to check the growth of the prince’s power? 6. Compare the government of Augustus with that of Caesar. 7. What republican institutions survived under Augustus? 8. Enumerate the reasons why the literature and art of the Augustan age is called golden. o9. What is the order of architecture of the Capitoline temple of Jupiter? of the temple to the Guardian Jupiter on the left of the picture? io. Compare the former with the Parthenon in proportion. ee ss ea mm Sonar om ieael ara’ Note-book Topics I. Augustus. — Augustus, Deeds (his own account of his achievements ; translation in Shuckburgh, appendix); Botsford, Story of Rome, 233-241; Munro, Source Book of Roman History, 143-148; Jones, Roman Empire, ch. i; Firth, Augustus; Shuckburgh, Awgustus, especially chs. 1x—xil. II. The Principate.— Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, 266-288; Greenidge, Roman Public Life, ch. x; Pelham, Oullines of Roman History, 398-469. III. Vergil. — Mackail, Latin Literature, 91-105; Duff, Literary His- tory of Rome, 432-495; Tyrrell, Latin Poetry, ch. v. IV. Livy. — Mackail, pp. 145-155; Duff, 625-663; Simcox, Latin Liter- ature, 1. 384-415. V. Tiberius. — Botsford, 241-253; Jones, 42-52; Allcroft and Haydon, Early Principate, chs. viii-x; Duruy, History of Rome, iv. 401-494; Tarver, Tiberius the Tyrant. peatu aN ny W a eeeCHAPTER XXXIX FROM PRINCIPATE TO MONARCHY : THE CLAUDIAN AND THE FLAVIAN PRINCES 4 I —9O A.D. so7. The Principate of Claudius (41-54 A.D.). — The senate would have had the principate end with the Julian line; but while it was discussing the situation the pretorians made a new prince, Their nominee was Claudius,! uncle of Caligula. From early youth he had applied himself with great zeal to the study of history and science, and had published a number of works in these fields. Grotesque in manners and lacking in mental balance, he was gen- erally considered a learned fool. We are surprised, therefore, to find him making his principate the beginning of a new era. Breaking with the policy of Augustus, he bestowed the Roman citizenship freely upon provincials. Thus he began the process of making the provinces equal with Italy and Rome. And, in appointing governors of provinces, he used to say, “ Do not thank me, for I do you no favor, but call you to share with me the burdens of government; and I shall thank you if duty well.’ you fulfil your Mingled with this generosity and wisdom, was firm- ness in punishing offenders and in protecting the frontiers. One of his generals conquered southern Britain and made of it a Roman province. For nearly four hundred years Britain remained a part of the empire. His kindly temper shows itself in a law for the protection of sick and aged slaves from cruel treatment, and in his efforts to pre- vent famine in Rome. ‘To supply the city with pure water, he built 1 Thus began the rule of the Claudian princes. There were but two, Claudius and a stepson adopted into the Claudian gens. The father, as well as the son, was a Claudius Nero, Nero being the name of the family. For convenience we call the father Claudius and the adopted son Nero. 2H 465 aSae a am ees ee ene nt om nh ee SP Ss i i 406 From Princtpate to Monarchy two magnificent aqueducts, one of which was the famous Claudia. Later princes continued to build aqueducts, till all of them together poured into Rome more fresh water each day than the Tiber now empties into the sea. Notwithstanding many plots against his life, he would have no informers or law of treason, but preferred to surround himself with REMNANT OF THE CLAUDIAN AQUEDUCT (From a photograph) soldiers, who even waited on his table, and accompanied him into the senate-house. Distrusting the nobles and the knights, he employed his own freedmen! as helpers. His principal secretaries, taken from this class, became the chief ministers of the empire. In this way and in others he attempted to make himself independent of the senate. Thus the balance of power between the senate and the prince was turning decidedly in favor of the latter. In other words, the principate was developing into a monarchy. 508. The Principate of Nero (54-68 A.D.). — His successor was Nero, the son of his wife A-grip-pi’‘na by a former marriage. As the new prince was only seventeen years of age, and showed more taste for dancing and music than for official work, the government for the first ten years of his administration was in the hands of Sen’e-ca, his tutor, and Bur’rus, pretorian prefect. Both were able men. 1§ sro.Nero 467 A Spaniard by birth, Seneca was a philosopher of the Stoic school, which taught that virtue alone is sufficient for happiness, and that a man should rise above all passions and follow his reason. Man, it asserted, is lord of his own life, and may end it when he thinks fit. This severe, practical philosophy suited well the char- acter of the Romans. From the later republic to the adoption of Christianity, many found in it a guide to self-discipline. Although Seneca lacked moral firmness, his intentions were good. Under him and Burrus the provinces were well governed; and a law of theirs per- mitted ill-treated slaves throughout the empire to bring their complaints before the magistrates. This provision marks a ereat advance in the improvement of man- kind. Burrus died in 62 A.D., and as Nero began to take the government into his own hands, Seneca retired to private life. Accused of NERO sharing in a conspiracy, he killed himself (The most authentic portrait ; by order of the prince. The men of this Ao ptt age did not hesitate to die, but they knew not how to live and fight for freedom and principle. By recommending suicide, Stol- cism aided tyranny. The personal rule of Nero was a capricious despotism. But though he was vain and extravagant, his acts of cruelty were few. When a preat fire destroyed the larger part of Rome, he sheltered and fed the sufferers, and helped rebuild their houses. The worst blot on his principate was the persecution of the:Christians on the groundless suspicion that they had caused the mischief. Many were condemned. “ Mockery of every sort was added to their deaths. Covered with the skins of beasts, they were torn by dogs and perished, or were nailed to crosses, or were doomed to flames and burned to serve as a nightly illumination ”! of the prince’s gardens. The Romans, who as yet knew little of the Christians, 1 Tacitus, Annals, xv. 44. Nero was himself suspected of having set fire to the city but with little reason. a ee iy 7 | {i— — pe sare sr bs Ve aa athe ee ee eh De one ea eee SS ™ non = — sd - o- ~ i Set ee eee an! om “ pe tam pee — gh — = i 5 468 From Principate to Monarchy considered them a sect of Jews, and despised them because they then belonged to the lowest class of society. Nero’s persecution, however, was only a sudden outburst of ferocity which did not extend beyond the city. But at last his tyranny stirred up revolt. Gal’ba, a governor of Hither Spain, was proclaimed imperator. Nero fled from the city, and took refuge in a dingy cell provided by a freedman. A few attendants stood about him. ‘‘ Some one show me how to die,” he begged, but no one obeyed. The end was drawing near. The senate had declared him a public enemy, and he heard the tramp of approaching horses. “Pity that such an artist should die!” he said, as he stabbed himself. 509. The Principate of Vespasian (69-79 A.D.). — Galba was followed by O’tho, and Otho by Vi-tel’li-us. These three princes together ruled about a year. All perished by violence in a civil war concerning the succession. Then Ves-pa’si-an became prince. He and his sons are called, after their gens, Flavian princes. Though a plebeian by birth, he was broad-minded, able, and experienced in public affairs. Among the many difficulties he had to meet on his accession, the most serious was a revolt of the Jews. His son Titus besieged Jerusalem, their strongly fortified capital. As they refused to accept any i. terms offered them, no quarter was there- Uecp STN after given. It wasa wartodeath. The (An excellent example of Roman Jews believed that God would protect His Been eum ots the “holy? ‘temple; sand sthat ati the! ‘critical erme, Rome) 5 moment the Mes-si‘ah would come to save His people from the oppressor and to make them rulers of the world. They fought therefore with fanatic zeal, and as famine threatened they even ate human flesh. When after a five months’ siege, the Romans stormed the city and the temple, the Jews killed their wives, their children, and then one another, as the lot determined, so that the victors found nothing but flames and 9Ves pasian 469 death. More than a million Jews were destroyed during the siege ; not a hundred thousand were taken captive (7o A.D.). The trium- phal arch of Titus, finished by Domitian, still stands as a monu- ment of this victory. As the nobles and knights were dying out, Vespasian recruited their ranks with new families from Italy and the provinces, — the STORMING A City (From Schreiber, AWas of Classical Antiquities) best and the most loyal he could find. Looking upon the prince as their patron, these provincials generally supported him. Hence the principate became more solidly established, and fewer conspira- cies threatened it. During the late republic and early principate the society of Rome had been vicious and depraved; but the new families brought to the capital wholesome ideas and better morals. To repair the fortifications and other public works, which had long been neglected, Vespasian found it necessary to increase the taxes. But with careful management he had money left for edu- cation, for the help of unfortunate cities in the provinces, and for new buildings. The most famous of his works is an immense470 From Principate to Monarchy a eres ere RTT a tn me Se pms THE SACRED WAY (Ascending the Velia east of the Forum. Notice the ancient pavement. At the highest point of the road, to the right, is the Arch of Titus. To the right of the arch rises the Palatine Hill.) Set | ]hea TERR T Ca Casoeaie i PROREEORABRGORARCURERTAA ARES EURSAGGED ] J SERRSRASRESRDESESER OOS cannes RANA tn AACR REREMNANE SEEN Titus 471 amphitheatre, usually known as the Col-os-se’um. It could seat about forty-five thousand spectators.! Its oval form and enor- mous size may be seen in the illustration. Though in ruins, it re- mains to-day one of the most impressive buildings in the world. In it the Romans gathered to see the combats of gladiators and of men paeeserneent myteste tal { ee mae : 4 al Weasel — Pe , 7 oe Fy a * 4 4 . ox tea ae ie woe * _ , . es : 2 : "s _ 7. ‘ rye ~ ma e " e* " b — a La 1 © ad - a oy = : ‘ eee AM Oy a THe COLOSSEUM OR FLAVIAN AMPHITHEATRE (Present appearance ; from a photograph) and savage beasts. As Vespasian died before completing the work, it was finished by Titus. 510. The Principate of Titus (79-81 A.D.). — Titus succeeded his father. His kindness toward citizens and subjects alike made him the most popular of the emperors, “‘ the delight and the darling of mankind.” Once at supper, remembering that he had favored no one during the day, he exclaimed, “ My friends, I have lost a day!” As chief pontiff he thought it his duty to keep his hands pure; and accordingly after accepting that office he would condemn no man to death, however great might be the offence. In fact he was too indulgent to be just; this easy temper made his successor’s task more difficult. The chief event in his administration was an eruption of Ve- su’vi-us. For ages this volcano had been inactive, so that the Cam- 1 The statement of the ancients that it could seat eighty-seven thousand people 1s found on careful measurement to be a great exaggeration.472 From Principate to Monarchy panians had fearlessly covered its sides with vineyards. But in “9 A.D. a fearful eruption buried Pom-pe'li, a city of twenty thou- sand inhabitants, Her-cu-la’ne-um, and some smaller places. After eighteen centuries Pompeii has been unearthed. Its temples, shops, and dwellings, with their statues, wall paintings, furni- — Spel ea ea ee are ae aa ed TPs FEE HG dGposneneaeaes * os E a ol seen eS ine S 7 Yes! he ey “ete 7 a - a et * ae I bi Hy Rae ao ee Oe Ce a ne an ee eS INTERIOR OF THE COLOSSEUM (Showing combats with wild beasts; restoration by C. Nispi-Landi) ture, and tools, make real to us the life and civilization of the ancients. s11. Principate of Domitian (81-96 A.D.). — After ruling but two years, Titus died, and was succeeded by Do-mi'ti-an, his younger brother. Though the empire was rarely at peace, the principate of Domitian is especially noted for wars along the north- ern frontier. A-gric’o-la, an able general, extended the boundary of the province of Britain to Cal-e-do’ni-a, the modern Scot- land. The prince himself took the field against the Germans. Still later the Da’ci-ans, who lived north of the Danube and who were fast adopting Roman civilization, invaded the empire. In his war with them Domitian met with so little success that he granted a eCDomitian 473 them favorable terms of peace, and gave their chief valuable pres- ents, which the enemies of the prince maliciously termed tribute. Domitian was a firm ruler. Able men commanded on the frontier, and the provinces were probably never better ruled than under him. An autocrat by nature, he tried to gain entire control of the government and to put the senate beneath him. The dis- covery of a conspiracy, in which many senators shared, inflamed him against them. From that time to his death he was a terror to the nobility. But at last a plot developed in his own household. His wife Domitia, fearing for her own safety, induced some serv- ants and pretorians to murder him. “Like their god Janus, the Roman emperors have a double face.” In estimating their character we must bear in mind that the one most hateful to the nobility was often the most just and merciful protector of the provinces. So it was with Domitian. The aristocratic historian ! has branded him a tyrant; if the sub- ject nations could speak, they would bless his memory. 512. The Growth of Monarchy from Augustus to Domitian. — | The Augustan government was a republic under the patronage of a man of overwhelming personal and family influence. This man, the prince, held: a combination of military, civil, and religious Hi | powers. The government was still spoken of as a republic ; the a senate had still an important part in the administration, and far more independence than it wished to maintain. Although it was in a position to check the prince and to reduce his influence, the members strove among themselves for precedence in flattering him and in voting him more authority. Under these circumstances the prince gradually gained power at the expense of the senate till, in the second century A.p., he came to be a real monarch, still some- what limited by the senate. The word imperator, originally mean- ing commander in war, then came to be used in the sense of emperor. The growth of his power was aided by religion. The worship of the prince exalted him above the senate and the ordinary magistrates. Another reason for the increase of the prince’s authority was the disposition of the people to call upon him to right all their wrongs and to make every needed improvement, in some such way as the =e eee i } ey ' in Uj 1 On Tacitus, the historian here referred to, see § 528. ratA ee perenne oe i t t 474 From Principate to Monarchy people of the United States are more and more inclined to depend upon the President. Readily accepting such invitations, either through interest in the public welfare or from love of popularity, the prince generally accomplished the desired improvement to the satisfaction of all. In this way he continually acquired new duties and new power. No magistrate, however able, can rule as a monarch without a large number of trained, loyal helpers. Augustus found no one acquainted with the duties of administration outside the senate. The knights collected the tribute throughout the empire, and sat in the juries at Rome, but had no other part in the administration. All the higher civil and military offices in Italy and the provinces for a long time had to be filled as before by senators, who remained on the whole loyal to the republic. Some less important duties con- nected with the prince’s share in the government Augustus intrusted to his more intelligent slaves, his freedmen, and his personal friends among the knights. In the course of a few generations there grew up a class of knights well trained in administration and devoted to the prince, as they depended on him alone for political advance- ment. Meantime beginning under Claudius, the various public duties above mentioned were developing into offices, and new duties were constantly undertaken. The growth of this system of off- cials helped change the government from principate to monarchy. 513. The Frontier and the Provinces. — From Augustus to Domitian the frontier policy had been one of peace. Generally wars were waged merely for defence. Judea and Mauretania be- came provinces, but no important change of boundary took place either on the east or on the south. Along the Danube the Romans with difficulty held their own. On the upper Rhine they drove the Germans back from the right bank and began to settle the district thus made vacant. It was not organized as a province, but became tributary under the name “‘ Tithe Lands.” Along its eastern border the princes began to build a line of strong fortifications, which when finished extended from the Rhine to the Danube. The con- quest of Britain has been mentioned. In the south of that province Roman civilization began to take root, but it never became so thoroughly Romanized as Spain or southern Gaul.Condition of the Empire 475 During this period life and property in the provinces were more secure than ever before. The result was general happiness, pros- perity, and doubtless an increase in wealth. But the growing expenses of the government and the increasing taxation were a beginning of the oppression which in time was to become un- endurable. 514. Commerce and Travel. — Domestic security promoted commerce. A great network of roads, centring in Rome, extended over the entire empire. Along all these ways, as well as over the seas and on the rivers, merchandise of all kinds circulated. No heavy duties restricted trade. Commerce was not confined within the empire, but reached out to India, central Asia, and northern Europe. Thousands of Italian traders swarmed over the provinces and the border countries. Tribute from the provinces flowed in to Rome, then back to the provinces in exchange for the necessities and the luxuries of life. Much gold and silver went thus to India and never returned. At the end of the period the precious metals were becoming insufficient for the needs of business and government. The most important result of this great commercial activity was the blending of all the peoples of the empire in one race and one culture. The same Greco-Roman religion, the same education and culture, based on the Latin and Greek authors, the same social and political system, prevailed over the empire. Latin was the language of the West, and Greek of the East. Good roads and security promoted travelling. ‘“ It was a time when all the world was in motion, — the trader hastening to his market, the centurion to his cohort, the administrator to his duties, the invalid to the healing waters and the altars of the helpful divin- ities, the superstitious to the renowned shrines and famous oracles, the idler to festivities and solemnities, and the man of taste to places consecrated to history and art, to the architectural splendors of Rome, Greece, and Egypt.”?! Students travelled to their schools ; professors often went on distant journeys in quest of pupils; rhetoricians and sophists visited city after city, to display their eloquence or wisdom before crowds of generous listeners. 515. Cities and Towns. —In the countries which Rome found 1Duruy, History of Rome, vi. 177 f. De nee head { |476 From Principate to Monarchy already highly civilized were many large cities. In other parts, as in western Europe and along the Danube, people usually lived in the country. In all these places Rome encouraged the growth of cities. Asa result of this policy most of the states of the empire in the West came to be city-states, just as they already were in the East. These city-states were like those of Greece, or like Rome before she began to extend her power. The population of a city consisted of slaves and freemen. The latter were either citizens or non-citizens. Citizenship could not be acquired by residence, but was occasionally bestowed asa gift. Allthe citizens had the right to attend the assembly and vote in the election of magistrates and in the making of laws. Those only who possessed a certain amount of property fixed by law, and who had an honor- able character and occupation, were eligible to offices. The chief magistrates were the du-o'vi-ri (“ board of two ”) patterned after the Roman consuls. At the expiration of their year of office all the important magistrates, including the duoviri, became life members of the cu’ri-a—city council—if they did not already be- long to it. Every fifth year the duoviri took a census and made an assessment of their community. As there were not enough re- tired magistrates to fill the curia to its normal number, usually a hundred, the duoviri supplied the deficiency by enrolling among the members — cu-ri-a’les — the more wealthy and distinguished pri- vate citizens of the community, and sometimes even rich or cele- brated strangers. In the period we are now studying there was spirited rivalry for office. On the walls of Pompeii may be found written in large letters! such expressions as, ‘“‘ The barbers wish to have Tre’bi-us as aedile”’; and “ The fruit-sellers unanimously support Hol-co’ni-us Pris’cus for duovir.” To ridicule a candidate some one wrote, “ All the sleepy men nominate Vatia as aedile.”’ 516. Public Spirit in the Cities. — The magistrate received no salary; in fact on entering office or on becoming a curialis he had to pay a fee fixed by law. Public life gave him little opportunity for illegal gains. On the contrary, the people expected him, in addition to the required payment, to expend his own money in entertaining them with feasts and shows and in building or repairing public — se air, Ser a ee an eet conten ee ob ce tee ioe catia ore a am. OF x ("= neon anges eee reonrmeiera ara ne ca rn Sete ste Hy yi ; } 4 1 These writings are called by the Italian term Graff.MMIT OF THE SACRED WAY SU atteschi) ‘ x (Restored by C . . ar i : =) . y — i an 4 4 il | tS 2% J fi " _ ~ Sis = Sie > Pr = : 4 A hs ~ q y 7 al f a” i uO a 4 ry F => * 1] ~ =) . - ) — a ale ae en VO PANTHEON (Interior, present appearance ; from a photograph) his slaves for the purpose of extorting evidence; and he originated the legal principle on which all trials are now conducted throughout the civilized world, that an accused person should be considered innocent till proved guilty. Enlarging on the charitable policy of Trajan, he set aside an endowment for orphan girls, whom he called Faus-tin-i-a’nae, after his wife Faus-ti’‘na. His long reign, un- marked by events, was prosperous and happy. 527. Marcus Aurelius Emperor (161-180 A.D.). — When he died the imperial powers passed to Marcus Au-re'li-us, his adopted son. This emperor associated with himself as colleague Lucius Ve’rus, his brother by adoption; so that Rome was ruled for a time by two Augusti. Verus sought only pleasure; Aurelius was a Stoi¢ philosopher, whose chief aim was to do his duty toward his fellow- men. But he had little time to give to books and meditation ; for the easy disposition of his predecessor had left him a great legacyMarcus Aurelius 491 of troubles. On his ‘accession, he found war brewing along the northern and eastern frontiers. The troops of Syria had grown too effeminate to resist the invading Parthians; but fortunately there a akytanaliarartan eral oeatnea Pea Nene \ eee ‘ i = es ee as A tae > Mee 5 THE TomMB OF HADRIAN (The Tiber in the foreground. Present appearance; from a photograph) were good generals in the East, the ablest of whom was A-vid'1-us Cassius. A Syrian by birth, but of the old Roman type of severity he put the licentious troops on coarse rations, burned the dis- obedient, and restored discipline. He defeated the Parthians, over- ran their country, and compelled them to sue for peace. Rome retained a part of Mes-o-po-ta’mi-a. Meantime a fearful pestilence was raging in the East; .and as the troops returned from the war, they spread the disease over the eastern half of the empire and over Italy itself. It weakened the army; in some places, as in Italy, it carried off perhaps half the population; and the efforts to relieve it so drained the treasury that the prince lacked funds for the defence of the empire. The enemies of Rome were growing formidable. All Europe be t f i Hi h —492 The Five Good Emperors yond the frontier was full of restless tribes, which threatened the civilized countries of the Mediterranean. The Parthian war was scarcely over when they broke into the empire in a con- tinuous line from northern Italy to the farthest limits of Dacia. The leaders were the Mar-co- man’ni, a powerful German nation, who lived in southern Germany, and who gave their name to the war. Both emperors took the field, and when Verus died in the following year, Aurelius con- tinued the war alone. After seven years of hard fighting, he won an honorable peace, which, however, was broken while he was engaged in putting down a revolt of Avidius Cassius in the East. As soon as he had finished this war, he returned to the Danube, and reconquered the Marcomanni. He was about eeeees Mets: — Bd eles otal pees ome ne ep a nt pe nS oh Vien eee — a a Pa nee ele cieecrreaes ne oe Snes Gentine | to make their country into a (VaticantMuscum: Rome) province when death cut short his work. 528. The Silver Age of Literature. — As the Augustan period of literature has been called “ golden,” the age which followed is commonly described as “ silver.” After the principate of Augustus a decline set in. Most writers, considering a simple style insipid, sought to attract attention by rhetorical bombast, far-fetched metaphors, and other unnatural devices. Seneca, the philosopher, shared with his age the striving after brilliancy in language. Nevertheless he gives evidence of the broader, deeper thought which the provinces were bringing Rome. A great improvement in this direction came with the Flavian princes, who patronized literature and introduced fresh life fromLiterature 493 the provinces. In this age Plin’y the Elder wrote a Natural History in thirty-seven books. In addition to the natural sciences, it in- cludes geography, medicine, and art. What Pliny did for science Quin-til’i-an, a native of Spain, achieved for rhetoric. His Training of the Orator, in twelve books, gives a complete course in rhetoric, beginning with the boy and ending with the well-equipped public speaker. The work is valuable, not only for the famous author’s principles of rhetoric, but also for his opinions of the leading Greek and Latin writers. The age of the good emperors produced the last great writers of classic Latin, Tac’i-tus and Ju’ve-nal. The Ammals and the H1s- tories! of Tacitus covered the period from the death of Augustus to the death of Domitian. Besides these larger works, he wrote a brief treatise on the Life and Character of Agricola, the conqueror of Britain, and another, the Ger-ma’ni-a, on the character and institutions of the Germans of his time. His experience as an army officer and a statesman gave him a clear understanding of military and political events. He was conscientious, too, and we may trust his statement of all facts which were known to the public at the time of their happening. His styie is exceedingly rapid, vivid, and energetic. His excellences as a historian, how- ever, are balanced by serious defects. He belonged to the strictest circle of aristocrats, who looked upon all the princes from Tiberius to Domitian as usurpers and tyrants. Hence he was unfair in judging the motives of these rulers. Like the his- torian, Juvenal, author of Satires, was powerful and dramatic. In the spirit of Tacitus he looked back to the society of Rome under Nero and Domitian, to discover in it nothing but hideous vice. But if we allow for his gross exaggeration, we shall find his writings a storehouse of information about the manners, customs, and morals of the age. The Letters of Pliny the Younger, a nephew of the elder Pliny, are valuable for the study of the times, but show a decline in style. The Lives of the Caesars from Julius to Domitian, by Sue-to’ni-us, 1Of the Annals we have Bks. i-iv, parts of v and vi, and xi-xvi, with gaps at the beginning and end of this last group of books; of the Histories there remain Bks. i-iv and the first half of v. —— SS ae ee { 7 i ' ' a] a} EE ee ————EN OO Ty es On amen a ad er at ee eee eet ens hrm i pr eS 494 The Five Gooa Emperors Hadrian’s secretary, is a chaotic mixture of useful facts and foolish gossip. The Meditctions of Marcus Aurelius is one of the best and noblest of books. It contains the ripest fruit of Greco-Roman philosophy. A revival of Hellenic literature in this age produced some authors of unusual merit. Ap’pi-an of Alexandria wrote a narrative History of Rome, which we find very useful. In this age, too, Pausanias compiled his Tour of Greece, which describes the classic monuments of that country. ‘‘ Above all Plutarch wrote his immortal Lives, perhaps the most widely and permanently attractive book by one author known to the world.” + While the Greeks were producing literature, they did not neglect science. Ga’len, a physician of Marcus Aurelius, wrote many works on anatomy and medicine. Ptol’e-my published a system of astronomy, in which he represented the earth as the centre of the universe. His views were accepted for more than a thousand years, till they were superseded by those of Co-per’ni-cus (1473-1543 A.D.). 529. Art. — From the time of Augustus Rome was the artistic centre of the world. ‘The greatest architects, sculptors, and painters of Greece gathered there, to find employment in the service of the prince or of wealthy citizens. With the increase in wealth and power of the princes it was natural that their palaces, temples, aqueducts, baths, and other public works should be planned on a grander scale. Examples are the Claudian aqueduct and the Pantheon, already mentioned.? Such works required a thorough acquaintance with practical science for their planning, and great care and skill in their execution. From the time of Hadrian the artistic value of buildings rapidly declined. In the column of Trajan we find a new idea in sculpture. Around it from base to summit winds a spiral band of reliefs,’ represent- ing the successive events in his Dacian campaigns — his marches, battles, sieges, the building of camps, the burning of towns, and the care of the wounded. Though Trajan’s own account of these wars has been lost, this ‘‘ chiselled picture-book ”’ gives us valuable knowledge, not only of the campaigns, but of the military habits of 1 Murray, Ancient Greek Literature, 3095 f. 2 § 507, 525- 8 On the meaning of the word see § 175.Sculpture 495 the Romans and of their northern neighbors. The figures in these reliefs are cut with remarkable accuracy and taste. The column of Marcus Aurelius, in commemoration of his German campaigns, is similar to that of Trajan, though inferior in artistic merit. Tr gf ae ra ee Serr 5 Th TE ; See peas Te RSP ~ SOT She Bae Woe Spgs HMB Naps NY ea a DBF an Soe aol Se Se SUC MC AH lhe SJ ATU SS ie ee SS SS RRR SS gi eT PE SSS UT ee . 1 Te whi HRT bs 4. Hy bea == WHE y i Ay . ~ Lt ROI * Paulie i SS we = aa —_—™ Wras. ne Se .) Zee oy) CLS RRA Sf ae? — z EG ¥ BIE or oe OL MRS 4 Sith pt Lordy Laptd fo z o r EL ' RS ‘ « t Pad/ , oe! eels ‘a a: Ba Yi, a yy 7 H QYALG PM YO/SG/ £2 i Apgar Yi ppg) SU fp us. CLL, YIiGi/j0 YY ( Aj 4 - = LAG fhy, Wii ——2 Bs Ulf, mS WHat oy oS 5 . ¥ 6 Ss ~ \te ‘ aA VS Rama N * bY aati? AL Za ASAI SS AS \ Ra ne SES Af) oe! J NN tA) \ \tarrg SAfy , IY AA Pe 4 ) i] \ \ ~ Ay , AY SANT: f y v 1. Oi SAN fore Ke Nie 4 a TR on i * 4 | AH | SSeS PROCESS OF BUILDING (Relief from the Tomb of the Haterii; Lateran Museum, Rome) military service! As the precious metals were disappearing, he had to debase the silver coinage with thirty per cent of copper. But these symptoms of decay passed unnoticed at the time. Suggestive Questions 1. Write a summary of this chapter like that on p. 444. 2. Makea list of all the important acquisitions of Rome between 241 B.c. and 117 A.D., giving date and location of each (cf. the maps). 3. What countries were 1§ 556.Decline 499 civilized before they came under Roman rule? What countries were bar- barous? What kind of civilization did Rome give the conquered barbari- ans? 4. What were the causes of the good feeling of this period (96-180) ? 5. Why did Hadrian take more interest in the provinces than in Rome and Italy? 6. What evidences of decline were appearing in this age? 7. What new form of art was introduced in this period? Compare Hadri- an’s portrait with that of Vespasian — with reference to the degree of real- ism in these two types. Note-book Topics I. The Provinces under the Antonines. — Munro, Source Book of Roman History, 217-2 373 Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, i. ch. ii; Duruy, History of Rome, vi. ch. Ixxiv. A careful examination of conditions shows the existence of less prosperity than either Gibbon or Duruy supposed. Hadrian’s Travels. — Botsford, Story of Rome, 295-299; Jones, Roman Empire, 179-185; Capes, Age of the Antonines, 55-62; Duruy, v. 344-390. III. Roman Architecture. — Hamlin, History of Architecture, chs. vill, ix; Anderson and Spiers, Architecture of Greece and Rome, especially chs. ix-xiii; Sturgis, History of Architecture, 1. bk. v chs. lli-v. IV. Roman Sculpture. — Marquand and F rothingh: im, History of Sculp- ture, ch. xiii; Gardner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture, ch. vi; Strong, Roman Sculpture | from Augustus to Constantine. Topics III, IV are not restricted to a special period. Geren ne arma ea i ————— Prem enrtPte re eT Te heheh edd — rer hereehttres— ne pea - a nee ee