> es ie
ok. a = ~ 7
a P< 4 "i
il ee
mateo a elke ale 7
- paired
Famed uta hue ee ese
eo tee . KO
See ee
r pe
Ra ari he Sid tak a, IS
ieee Sts
CHAPTER XXIX
eed + mpl ake
~
ge eine eit
BEFORE AND AFTER CAPORETTO
A Change of Tone in the Diary—A Warming as to Leninist Influence
Une Patx Quelconque—Mussolini admonishes the Government—
Italy and the Allies—The Tragedy of Caporetto—A Forecast of
Victory.
SS SE pens : = ae re =,
il Dr in Ne > —_ _ a
eee ok = = me
N his latter days at the front the Diary no longer
has the same tone. A few strangely discordant
notes appear.
' January 27, '17.—Snow, cold, perpetual un-
pleasantness. Orders, counter-orders, disorders.”
To those who know the man, these brief utterances
are signs of an unhappy frame of mind. He saw many
things on which he makes no comment, and their portent
may be inferred from the little he does say.
Thus: ‘Our officers press me too insistently as
to my opinion of the duration of the war.”
A little later, even more ominous :
' Troops returning from leave show very bad
morale. ‘They talk amongst themselves of the tumult
which has arisen in Italy because the ‘ old men’ and
women want peace. One can see that the officers have
something on their minds. At Rome, intrigues are on
foot.”
And he concludes with the terribly prophetic cry :
' A Government based on national feebleness ! ”’
Indeed, from the outset, he saw where danger
threatened. From the moment when he gave up
journalism and civilian life in exchange for the uniform
of a “ grey-green ”’ he stressed the words already quoted,
~ Do not disarm ! Be on your guard !_ We do not wish
to be stabbed in the back!’ Unhappily, this could
233
Ee Se ee Tee Ve erase
om — me
Lh eo gl
» rat
Qin tac
ema ishaany aati. Tn
( RatePetc TT Ser gd
Ti RECT
3 a a er - —
lS ge ae a = . 2 Hy at =
ct a ee ee 1 Feet ab -- y=! pe thas a Pe
se “ => - —. f * 2 Re
een oe
See 3
Ce Ne ee ee ee en el ee ed Ee pepe
PE eae *
a
oe
ee
7 ao Qa
* ra —
es .
XO DLS OE DE ge RRS PA nate la ins oR ee a he a aD
a
eh ee
a a a oa
a
pet ee
PAGS
ae
a de ar)
oe,
a
es
- a
ate ae
MJ
it
se —
a,
i
.Peers kas a f ee mie ny pe eo — yas, —— ih Pra Lat an yy a = eS
© ica wn’ yet seed ws i % ‘ " “™ 4 = - ot a ee -
. eer ee . Oo ek Pe oe ‘ pai pe Z < Saye “ ~ , o
et oe eee NDC eny
Sie Tea gh een Bae Bk Say Bad a a ea al
os
“ Pee
ih incl git ak es aa ae oe
ee a es Bn a Tie et NU Na Re od :
aT ee abc alee tins ns eS Sika cine Sire i ie a tn ene ee
5 aa ae
~. ceo ae Be
™ * a tl
234 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
not be ensured. It was not in the power of the corporal,
of the soldier, to warn and to foresee all.
Nevertheless, he did take advantage of a brief
interval of leave in December, 1915, to issue a warning
against “the insidious and subterranean propaganda of
the priests and the Socialists” who “ were working for
eace at all costs, a peace of compromise, even one with
the Hohenzollerns.”’
‘““ Une paix quelconque ’’ were the very words spoken
in Paris by one of our most prominent Socialist deputies.
Other prophetic words were spoken by Mussolini
exactly one year later when on leave in November, 1916.
An Interventionist had just been killed by the Socialists
who favoured neutrality, and in this incident he per-
ceived a serious symptom. He writes: “ This sordid,
obstinate, hateful propaganda has poisoned and will
continue to poison the minds of the populace. It will not,
indeed, prevent Italy from following the course she has
mapped out for herself, no indeed, not that | But it does
threaten to awaken in the land that unhappy spirit of
‘sanfeidismo’ (do nothingism) which was the torment of
Italy during the Risorgimento.”’ Fiercely he turns upon
Signor Orlando: ‘‘ This is not the time to ‘ ignore,’
to take no notice,” he admonished the Italian Premier.
“Your vacillating, wavering policy must stop. The
lawyers in the Government follow a poor policy in peace
and a worse one in war | A nation in arms should have a
government of soldiers. Rome, mother of ancient
wisdom, can teach you something of this.”
He concludes: ‘‘ There should be no mercy for
the soldier who flies before the enemy and none for him
who tries to stab the nation in arms in the back.”’
Orlando, in truth, had too small a mind to appreciate
the greatness of the passing hour, or to care much for
those who would spare nothing in the cause of their
country.
The people themselves, however heavy the burden,
and despite the incitements of the lazy and the criminal,BEFORE AND AFTER CAPORETTO 235
would never lay it down before having reached the goal.
The liquidation of the ancien régime in Europe had
begun and must be brought to a conclusion. After the
Romanofts came the turn of the Hohenzollerns and the
Hapsburgs. The Central Powers were doomed. The
new generation in Italy was ready to go to the citadel of
Trent to complete the rite of purification. Now or never
was the word !| The Government itself never foresaw the
terrible danger of the cry being raised: ‘‘ Let us
retreat.” Mussolini felt it by instinct from that August
day when in hospital he had studied the map in order to
follow the advance on the Bainsizza, and had thus ex-
pressed himself :
' Members of the Cabinet, Italy once more offers
herself to you, strong in her energy, animated by all her
hopes, full of heroism and determination. Do not
waste such treasures. The Bainsizza has been occupied.
The Austrians have suffered a reverse. Great. possi-
bilities open before us. . . . A war of movement has
hitherto been proscribed by the pundits who rule the
Press. A war of exhaustion, a long-drawn-out agony,
this has been the language of both Neutral Socialists
and the Vatican. When the Pope speaks of the war as
"a prolongation of useless carnage,’ he is speaking of that
military policy which condemns us to a stationary front.
With the capture of the Bainsizza, will this policy change?
Can we hope for this? . . . Gentlemen of the Govern-
ment, leave for a moment your usual preoccupations with
administration. Leave your party quarrels. Compose
those fatal differences which hamper the success of our
arms. . . . Tell those who fight that not in vain do
they toil and struggle, tell those who suffer at home that
their sorrow shall be turned into joy. Ancient Rome
gave land to her legionaries. England to-day looks
forward to a similar policy. Give the German gold
to the families of the fighters !_ The land to the peasants!
Reforms, however radical, are due to those who have
made such great sacrifices. Send a wave of hope through
a
i eee ——
rz =
es ps
pa. et 4 i ie pe
anal FS ast * >i.
ee a ee
. ss
eg ee
y
ia re :
a aw eg ake
ia hee petrol -
sine eis
~ -
ee
ee
fg ermine
=
e. - a
-s ae. Ft . ‘ A d
oe -e
i ae ak
sn ™ i
aie te a ve ee eee ar say ay
“ Se ra
a
pe ee
Ryans
la =
" ty te
ee Pa ee
Pe *
Nan Sr EI Bias Pierre. aie te oy Roy Kae -
ee Eel s a
Oe te tee ay ~
1 C yam
tee
ee ee ee
a
ke
sy
—
*
Oe Vien A a hentia ke eh yt —_ => 2 cf hae
Chee
or rer
nd
od
es = ‘ ggg
nF tee hee LF; | a han No
ae ae ee rd Stee ie oom SR ee ee ae
——
3s
Ep TE EE oe ATES RN By eee fe
Oe et ee ee a en ee ae
—
—
ee ape eee ey ®
ee ge ee eee Pee ern
Pa
2
Saree ae a
a an to |
ee od
ae
Pa =
ae ‘ aN Se Ps Oa_—
— — - - —y " - - - ~ 5 = Y - .
RS Fey fen SITES RES er arabia ee oats gt : 2 Ra 7 pty eS be
peg ina ect a ie tl a a de Means gL, Re alt Back Tah ak a ET i wae ra 7
p 3 ~ eT 5g oe yee re, mm gahelny agit agi EI NE, Rl Rh el Tig ga Ge a Hee “ a al Se mr ae eet Ee
A eg! a ks a PR rah —- ag pe et Em. ae prea - = ee RR oh tee 4 pornos. ad ‘et rae
toa oH fA ah ne ‘a k poe Rn pe kg ; apes Lge hag a
- a ~— a. " im et eee et Sy ee a _— = . aT) — at = . ~“ Lat emery. FO olla art | a= ie te 5
- ‘ d abe - - -_
RS a eee”
2 e - ee Py ae
= a ee ah : _ = - — " _ pas
% a eons lige PP gry —ie
ae ee
~ : ci rt eae gee er QAR Nerney as
236 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
cities and villages ! You owe much to this people which
is resolved to conquer and wi// conquer.”
All in vain. The Government would not lead,
it only let itself be led. Its members were not mission-
aries, only functionaries. They had wasted the great
promise of May, 1915 ; now they wasted that of August,
1917 !
But a nation which had such reserves of strength
will find in itself its salvation, and will cast out the
politicians who after three years of world-war continue
to follow and apply the old outworn system.
When did the world ever listen to prophets? The
victory of the Bainsizza, so say those competent to judge,
instead of being pressed home and full advantage taken
of the sacrifices which had won it, was wasted and thrown
away. Krom that success actually sprang the germs of
future disaster, since thereby the first line was moved
from its excellent position and drawn out into a long
narrow wedge difficult to manage, especially as it obliged
too large a body of troops to use lines of communications
which were too narrow and too steep.
Some say that the victory of the Bainsizza had its
wings clipped for want of troops and, above all, of
munitions and of reserves, which—as regards both men
and materials—were needed to reinforce and press home
the attack.
It is certain that Italy was left too much alone by
her Allies, without any aid and obliged to face as best
she could the united forces of her enemies. Throughout
the war there was endless talk of a united front, but
actually little was done in unison. ‘There was no
combination in the allied attacks, Every time that our
military leaders and politicians asked that the English
should not fight only on the French front, but also on
ours, they were met with refusals, more or less courteous
but none the less decided, not only on the part of the
generals but by the Prime Minister, Lloyd George. Itisi ee Gar a a
~~ .
.
3 a"
~ \ . »
= a ;
ee Sa
ae.
Pe ey
y
wg
am
ES
eee
BEFORE AND AFTER CAPORETTO 237
at F,
s LS ee
said that even his own military advisers tried in vain to
alter his determination.
Not until three weeks after Caporetto, when our
resistance on the Piave had, as by a miracle, stood firm,
did there arrive those few battalions of English and
French who remained fighting by our sides and whose
services were fully recognized in the accounts issued
after the glorious day of Vittorio Veneto.
Great as were the military errors, even greater
were those of the politicians. The Roman Empire fell
when the attacking barbarians without found allies
within and the ideas of Christianity weakened the
resistance of those who kept the gates. “All are
brothers! Resist not evil.”
So now another great illusion came in these days
from the Slavs. ‘‘ Great words have crossed the
frontiers”’ and catchwords from Russia hypnotized,
like a madness, our own Socialist movement. Hitherto
that movement had merely been favourable to Germany
and toa policy of neutrality. Now it suddenly turned
towards the extreme ideas of Lenin. In vain the
Socialist leaders tried to stem the tide of invading
Bolshevism. The Government, blind and obtuse, let
things slide and allowed great latitude to the Socialists
in the illusion that they were showing toleration and
liberality. They ignored the fact that such latitude
was really criminal in face of the dangers which
threatened the country and its defenders.
From another quarter came discouraging words.
The Holy Father talked of ‘‘useless sacrifices ’’; and in
the Italian Parliament the phrase was uttered, “ Next
winter there ought not to be one soldier in the trenches,”’
and this was taken up and repeated in thousands of
copies of newspapers, pamphlets and leaflets distributed
by the Socialists.
The editor of the Popo/o, though still suffering from
his wound, had once more resumed the helm at the
ofce of his paper. He set himself to oppose the evil
= “ amen
ite Tay ie
rs
s -
stage *,! Kis a tall sae
ey aly
. a ye
Seis han ahaa
a ee eee
inna
- i. Sania aot o ae
eed a ea ea nn Ta ae Sethe e aye FT ine aires
ae
See OEE PY teem
<-Ny e mn . = = ow
: — Rte ARE or
he eters te Se ee ee ee ae Le Be why oh cn
= : :
dae can
—s
ee er
Reatnniite as
A it
ee eae a |
J ae ei a Ps
— 2 ae
— View |
= at ae
- a
ney Pe Mo a ge A= Sav me, =
mel ae pont gre . a ae
eae pas
aot Aiea
SE eg a Ne LEE Oe Fe LE ot ae Od A EO ANE SRE Sy a ae eyed whom
i a ae ee ies ees ae ee bt an eee ee ee et ee ane ee
a ee Pee
ca Ft ge et a neg Po Rae
a ene
ee ee
ae
aD sot
: 2
—
al
d
Ar
a
. > .
a
}
P— : ai. es
fae fF yee re page ett i et dh aS UE oe Se Sr en gn a pan Bh
PR ig © ae a = alarm Te, ticker Re pe ee eer ape St |
oN eT st a Sy ae. eS : aaa! ier re ale neo Boe pt 4 yelled
et ar 4a . ~ P ~ . eran Piwts? ie » , a r- b es ~ af “ - = s
3 Le my aa ie wa oe ty Ry tes an . nae S : oa. ee Pe aD
we
eS
= Bn “$4
bi ig a a ee a
~
“ras
Blt ne aa
ae aa pe ole prea aera s ag na - . =
= i ae ee Fagot kee "ye OX b= 2 ae
& an seta ie nc
238 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
influences which he felt arising, and to prepare for
the storm which he foresaw would burst upon us. He
fought hard, but alone.
‘‘ What does it avail,’’ he asked, “‘ to have thousands
of guns and machine-guns if this efficiency in material
equipment is accompanied by a deficiency in our
spiritual equipment ©
‘The order of the day i is this : next winter the war
will not be confined to the trenches, the Germans will
strain every nerve to break down the unity of the allied
nations and will stir up internal opposition to the war.”
These words are dated September 3rd, 1917.
The situation became more and more acute.
Depression reigned everywhere. To fight? To die?
Why?
The editor of the Popo/o with ever increasing energy
repeated in various formule his underlying conviction :
“ Political liberty is for time of peace. In time of war
it is treason. It is not possible that while on millions
of men there is laid the obligation to fight for their
country, a few thousands can be allowed freedom to
betray their country and render fruitless the sacrifices
of those who fight.”
A few days after the great disaster of Caporetto,
on October 17th, he issued an appeal which later events
proved to be only too well justified : “ It is absolutely
necessary that a decision should be made. It is not the
moment to pander to the extremists and to those who are
openly anti-patriotic! The policy which Leninism
has brought from Russia must be openly acknowledged
as a false policy. . . « We must abandon the great
phrase of ‘ Liberty.’ There is another, which in this
third winter of the war ought to be on the lips of the
Cabinet when they address the Italian people, and it 1s
Discipline !
~ Our dilemma offers us only two alternatives,BEFORE AND AFTER CAPORETTO 239
either discipline to-day in order to achieve victory
to-morrow, or collapse following upon defeat.”
When, after a reverse which was small in itself,
and which ought to have been made good, the troops
found themselves without guidance and as it were left
unsupported, the gravest results followed. ‘‘ The war
is over, let us go home,” was the utterance made by these
disheartened troops. The fault lay with their leaders,
who lost their heads and did not set to work at once to
stem the tide of defeat. Facts and documents collected
on the spot by the deputy and minister Gasparotto,
at that time an ordinary officer of the line, have been
published as The Diary of a Foot-Soldier. They prove
clearly that wherever a competent commander was found,
there also were troops found worthy and capable of
following his lead, even to the extremity of suffering and
death.
When at last reorganization was accomplished,
the damage had been done. In those few days, not more
than a week, the enemy had been able to overrun two
whole provinces, rich and flourishing and thereby to
furnish themselves with all the things they so badly
needed.
Yet how swiftly and effectively that reorganization
was carried through! ‘The troops of the unbeaten Third
Army, of the army of the Duke of Aosta, the troops of
the Carnia, all the many posts and lines which had never
wavered for a day, only withdrew under orders. They
withdrew in perfect formation, keeping their front to
the enemy, fighting and contesting every inch of the
ground. Withdrawn from the Isonzo, they clung to
the Tagliamento, fought on the Livenza, and held the
line of the Piave.
In the days which followed they clung to that piece
ot ground with the desperate hope of him who clutches
at every twig, every blade of grass, as if to tear him
from each twig and blade were to tear him from life
itself. In those few days the whole spiritual atmosphere
te te a ee «ay a
= it eS wg nF eee at -s yt
Ee
= a |
SO
oo bait, ha
nite ‘
ear
Co
tae. ae
yt ag
inks ee
Pees ee
hinds at 4
- a ee ee
EE ot Seg hin te aca pans ok ee
fo ere eT gy _
Oe Saat Ne aaa ee
3 ~ nae.
teat el oes
~ nor iinet fe oe.
ra . ~ Ve a 2 = ile ee
ae TY B ~ rs
eth ane eel ge -
ile iene earl en ee Pe NT Lara hat ek Paes pad AOD
ines Se ee a
ma at ied fey o
Feng tee SH
ee
ae Pg
Te ee
it Ce ee re -
_—
Ep ape tee 4
=
—
Se
ae eae INE ot tat a ea
Sy Pe a pes at)
ee ei Se Mie a ee een af
eg A Pine
a ge eh roma tas
Fa
2 oe atel rees rar
= ate ~< Pieris” *
aba bin os _ .
a aga ee
7 - -
Se a ey
. Ea
oa Te
a Te
Ne: ail poy Ngan ind =
See ie -
tars
eT Ene
Sen
a = ta = fi gel ge
Bs i at fe a ae exe
ay Se ot v- Le tt ae
eh Ps
ne Se ee TY eee oh
Bs - - a = 1 Ae aks TR” ae
en Pe ed ee i ae
ie hey wie sie
a
eS ee
oo
«J a oe
“
Ct
os
Rg ne en ee
tee
—
—
oes
te
6 ee are
Se eae a ee ee ee en
ae |
*
eae eres
= tin
Ce ee eee ee
Pee ST ee ree re
se
a: a
I OL ea
ae se Ee Fo) Se kT eee neersSs o> ett A " A :
FW Oi Sata amb abort cok at : » .
pee ot” Nl te on, ee a, en eC Rh - 8 ee F, : ‘ 4 ;
— ae - = th so es wh Sh Es ae as —~ St Ae ny oD callie Ve fon a ee oe ea Q — Gs 7 . aed :
ee zis Ja ee : . hee he i li iS rn ha ht a mT psi
Se ee 7 r : nh ’ o “ Le _ ap de ale ie eta = oa) cae a os
* S : © i: a a :
ne
“PREerera res
pat ant
. Fee tr ea eae)
Sa a a
244 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
engagement, in the first successful attempt to regain lost
ground, after Caporetto.
Enthusiasm returned. ‘‘ Turn again, turn again,
Garibaldi |’ the words of a popular song were taken up
by the Popolo as a war-cry. In articles, in speeches,
made in all the cities and towns of Italy, this return to the
‘““ red-shirts ”? of Garibaldi flamed out. Not indeed to
the actual uniform, but to the spirit of those old warriors.
“ The war will be won by that body of belligerents who
can most speedily and effectively alter the character of
the war,” Mussolini wrote. ‘I am convinced that,
instead of saturating the trenches with human blood...
we should pin our faith to those men who make war with
conviction and passion. The masses are the rock, the
will is the mine. ‘The mine can move the rock.
The leaders of the army will accomplish nothing unless
they recognize the essential importance of a “pickedi
element, an element of shock tactics, of volunteers for a
forlorn hope. Every army in every age has always had
this element, ready to do a little more than 1s possible
for others to perform. . . . We must not curb this
ardour. We must leave nothing untried. . . . We must
assert this article of faith, ‘Nothing is impossible.’ . . -
The human mass is as inert as the inorganic. A fulcrum
will move it, however heavy it may be, and ‘a lever can
overturn the world’ is as true in the spiritual as in the
material world. . . . Christ, Buddha, Mahomet have
demonstrated the truth of this.”
These reflections are the revelation of an original
mind. ‘They were uttered at a time when the war
seemed to have reached an utterly arid mechanical
phase. Guns, tanks, machine-guns—masses of troops !
Nothing else was thought of. The great originality of
Mussolini lies in this, that while on the surface he may
seem changeable, yet in reality his nature is unalterable
and forms a harmonious whole. In some respects he may
appear a romantic. In essentials he is a pure classic, aTHE ENEMY RETREAT 245
Roman of the ancient mould, in the assurance with which
he places us, mankind, and our human will, in the centre
of creation as its ruling force.
[ remember how, in the spring of 1918, the third
anniversary of Italy’s entry into the war, he spoke of the
responsibility for that act and rebuked those who now
regretted having taken that course. ‘‘ We will leave
such base moral cowardice to those who go about seeking
for applause ; and those who, like myself, think but
poorly of parliamentarianism and demagogy are far from
that line of action. . . . There comes a moment when
"we mustassert our will.’ All that Machiavelli points out
(“The Prince,” cap. 6) in speaking of those who by their
own strength acquired power, can be applied not only
to individuals, but to races. ‘In examining,’ says the
great Florentine, ‘the actions and lives of these men,
we see that they had no great assistance from fortune,
save opportunity, which enabled them to shape things as
they pleased, without which the force of their spirit
would have been spent in vain. . . . While their oppor-
tunities made these men fortunate, it was their own merit
which made them recognize these opportunities and turn
them to the glory of their country.’
‘’ Equally one can say that without the opportunity
of the war, the merits of our country might have been
wasted, but without those merits the opportunity of
the war would have passed by.’’
This was his contention: where there is the will,
there will be a victory. Brute, material force will not
prevail over the spirit which knows how to arm itself.
He recognized, certainly, with his intuitive knowledge
and his experience of life, which the war had enriched,
that there had been a great mistake made at the outset,
in that month of May, in not going more to the root of
things, in not making more sure of victory.
‘“We, who willed to enter the war, who ought to
have seized power, we young men committed then a
mistake for which we have paid dearly ; we sacrificed our
= :
oa - ¥ "as *
SOT fiek ent Soe ne a
ete 5m me
Rey et las
xe ee
ek a See
end
4
os
oe
a
ae x
Po
r to
eee ee
b vende &
alt
>
ee a ee
ery
gaat tee
Pa Set ee er gr ih Pee ai en ban ans oe
a6 2 5 aaa” ~ :
- ae
~ nes
hahien dee fe .
——
Se eee
tS a he eek el Bs
a ee nO a Stee te ae
he
* = a =
ete eS *
ce
a
~~
7?
ene
ae ee at ae a a
=
a tae ee coed « i és
A NL Stine fe oral: Monts
aaa Pte kee ae’
nce
~~ ee)
ta a
aoe wigs Wnceg
Pe ee
ed
=-
Se OD Oe ey a gO co ey Ra ee
belek ceataen adtiae Nett ei ee ee a eae a ee ea at
an
ss
ee
Pot. fi Yi eng gd Sl a
ee a Pa - > =
St ae ee eae a Ste a ieee ere PON ar pt er Mee em
OWE
Aas Pet- et» -_%s
“cts ese
“ ms J a
fan tee tee totais
‘ a
.
mime, ye
mag
~~
2
a a te 8
an
ek
es
yr
Ca
lilt ia ati nt et Sart nee nn al ae EE ee
Pring SS cartes pe Baril ee al A ne eg ns
Neen ce teeta rea
a meee
ed -
—"
¢ < Pe = - re el =
i ow Spl, psa te og a ei <
rae a > a a - ~—*
poe, Se eis a A gh i . ‘ ae
ee a ee ar ee ee ee Pe Ps al =
a
246 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
aoe youth to miserable old age. . . . I mean not
y those who in actual years are aged. Some are born
ied: I speak of those who are surpassingly old, who have
become incumbrances. ‘They have never understood,
never grasped any of the realities of the war.”’
The mistake must not be repeated. But meanwhile
it had produced consequences which did not stop at
Caporetto.
In May, 1918, he uttered these grave words:
‘* The battalions of those who return have the slow and
heavy step of those who have seen and suffered much....
To them we say, Let everyone ... as he fulfils his
appointed task, in the field, in the munition factory, in
the noisy city or the silent countryside, let each one,
when the task is over, the duty fulfilled, raise the standard
of our new Campaign. Get rid of the sluggards | Away
Ros
with those who, i f dead themselves, ought to die and be
buried decently |! §$ We, the survivors, we who have
returned, claim the governance of Italy, not to hurl her
into es ation and “disorder, but to lead her onwards,
higher, to make her in thought and in deed worthy to
take her place amongst the great nations who direct
the destinies of the world.”’
All this was to come to pass. It was bound to come,
since history tells us that while flesh and blood give
movement, rule and direction come from the will and the
intellect of man. It was bound to come because the man
was there, armed with faith, not only with knowledge but
with will.
Later he writes: “‘ Yes, many of our companions
have left their bones on the Carso and on the Alps.
But we bear their memories in our hearts. Perhaps we
shall end by loving those rocks and caves where so many
have lived and died. We may love the Carso, that land
covered with the crosses which mark the resting-places
of the fallen. We may love the Carso from whence we
may see the promised land, Trieste. . . . To those who
fell on the Carso, those who have fallen now in 1918,t ¢Ce* he
THE ENEMY RETREAT 247
will, as the poet says, “ bear good news to Purgatory.’
‘First they will hear of our resistance on the Piave,
glorious and wonderful. Then of the great victory of
Vittorio Veneto, when in very truth ‘ on the banks of a
river of Italy,’ according to the prediction of November,
came “ the crowning glory of the story of Italy.’
“The victory of the Piave was the victory of the whole
nation, which there found itself. We are proud of the
victory of to-day and we make ready our arms and our
souls for the greater victory of to-morrow.”
Again he speaks : “ We must repay the Austrians
all we have suffered. We must give them their Capor-
etto! . . . We recovered from our disaster because we
are a nation with a past and which will have a future.
But the old Hapsburg monarchy, with no nation behind
it, will never recover.”’
On the 28th October, four days after our advance
began, when our troops had already crossed to the left
bank of the Piave, Austria attempted to obtain terms of
peace, showing a belated love for humanity and the ideals
of President Wilson and asking him to negotiate terms.
Austria does not change! She behaves now exactly
as she did in 1866, when, sooner than negotiate directly
with Italy and suffer the indignity of ceding Venetia
direct to her despised enemy, she placed herself in the
hands of Napoleon III.
If Austria remains the same, Italy however does not.
No longer, as in the days of Garibaldi, are her troops
restrained from fulfilling their victorious impulses.
The Austrian army is driven back, our troops advance
triumphantly, “‘ because our men are filled with a sacred
fire which will not suffer them to rest until beyond the
Isonzo they see the Julian Alps. . . . The Italian
troops give the coup de grdce to that last fragment of
Austria’s power, her army. The Italian troops bring
the war to an end by their triumphant advance.” _
Thus we come to the 4th of November, that glorious
day—‘‘ that day of absolute happiness, when the tumult
-
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Ce ES, os leh Seed at hae ee Sjytt- Ci atl sled LEI, Oh A. ee Ses AIS plete Pb
pre Paget acs Pa fae ae ie eR Ce tg Ps pe a pear Dn Te — Kigeoee
— _— Pm ee ae a i ya , = - S aa = ig Hee me :
a = i » - - oe x . ee a -< ~ a - as >". ~ ~ Pend amare, = “~~ “ Fans “s
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Sa a i aaa ea ree
248 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
of emotions almost stops the beating of one’s heart and
brings a lump to one’s throat. The long agony is at
length crowned with triumph and tears of joy spring to
eyes which have wept other and more bitter tears. .. .
‘““Ttaly regains her unity and puts the seal of accom-
plishment to the work of centuries. Dante waits for us
at Trieste. Not only in his efhgy of marble and bronze,
but in his immortal verse which marked out the borders
of Italy. . . . With him await us the spirits of all who
have gone before. They have guided our army, they
have led the advance guard. . . . The last act of our
drama, begun in 1821, has closed in 1918. . . .
‘“ What words can we write in such an hour ? Words
are but vain things before the great facts which face us.
~ An immense shout rises from the streets, ringing
from Sicily to the Alps : Viva, viva, viva Italia! May,
1915: October, 1918. ‘The beginning and the end !
Will—Constancy—Sacrifice—Glory | ”’
Everywhere in Milan the cry “‘ Victory | Victory !”
echoed. People rushed up to one another in the streets,
laughing and crying. The crowds flocked to the centre
of the city, in black compact masses, filled the streets
and squares, all clamouring for news.
The brief official despatch, giving the great news,
simple, clear, concise, was read out every ten minutes
from the lowest windows of one of the newspaper
offices and little leaflets giving the official account were
distributed and, passing rapidly from hand to hand,
spread the glorious news everywhere—peace and victory!
Twenty times I heard that news and was never
tired of hearing it. And every time hearts were filled
with sacred exultation at those concluding words, ‘“‘The
soldiers of what was once one of the most formidable
armies in the world have retreated in disorder down the
valleys and on the Castello di Buon Consiglio,and above
the Hill of San Giusto, the tricolour now waves.”
The sun set that day on the two heights which+4
Te Oe Pe ae
THE ENEMY RETREAT 249
faced, the one the Adriatic, the other the Alps, on the
two fortresses which mark the natural boundaries of
Italy, and for centuries had been the aim of Italians.
Thrice happy those who had seen this accomplished
with their own eyes. Happier still those who had worked
with their own hands and brains for what had come.
Happy also those who perished with that supreme
glory before their eyes.
These thoughts passed through my mind as I
listened to Mussolini, pale, burning, vibrating, as he
recalled the memory of the dead at the great celebration
of the armistice held. in Milan.
He stood on the pedestal of the monument of the
Five Days. On every side pressed the vast crowd, come
from every quarter of the city. Everywhere flags waved,
everywhere the people overflowed with joyous tumult.
Beneath the great granite obelisk, at the foot of the
bronze figures, suddenly Mussolini appeared, as strong
and firm as those figures themselves and the whole
soul of those people welcomed him. Not the political
Chief, still less the demagogue was he in that hour.
Fle was the tribune, but still more the soldier, and
because he could answer “‘ Present!” to the call of
victory, he could recall to memory in the hearts of those
around him those who were absent—those who had
fallen, his fellow-combatants.
3
RN aR ee 2 le a eS a
ie ». = tien oe Rees mt aes gle ~ “ Tr %. * ria > ber Pat mp _ . . ry
Rat Ee RIN ON RN he AE SOR ey oo et Nae eee Pe eee
Pi fat ear arty ee een RATT pep en's eae od Ay Se a eS a ote ee 2s —
tn ahy
ain ene 9
- ret 7 ya Ata
rl Me intitecm nae a CP er tea phe es a
merge es mys meee v Oe ae AS 2. pee
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ee Oe ee eae et ae
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at a ad
<* ee ae
ae eer ate a eeeCHAPTER XXXI
ANTI-CLIMAX
New Wine in Old Bottles—Europe and the Fourteen Points—The
Threefold No !|—Sufferings—The Barometer of Bolshevism.
N the great European war, the Italian race won its
victory more spectacularly and triumphantly than
any other nation. The Italian army carried victory
from her own territory right into the heart of the enemy.
Our troops beheld before them an open road to Vienna
and Budapest, with no army standing between them and
those capitals.
Italy, thus victorious as was no other nation in the
war, was beaten as no other nation was by the peace.
Italy lost in the diplomatic contest which followed the
war. Once more she suffered from the leadership of
the old, who neither understood nor cared for the new
spirit, and who upheld the old method of compromise.
Chief amongst those who prevented the total destruc-
tion of Austria was Giolitti, whose dynastic and con-
servative instincts were shared by many. ‘The best of
our politicians, Sonnino, had had so little prevision of
the total collapse of Austria that in the famous Pact of
London, though claiming for Italy much other territory
to which she was entitled, he had not included in his
demands the city and port of Fiume.
This half-hearted state of mind was not confined to
Italians. A Belgian Minister, after the Russian revolu-
tion, when the abdication of the Kaiser was spoken of,
replied, ““ Oh, I don’t know about that. Enough crowns
have already rolled in the dust. There must be a limit.”
These were not the views of the new men, of revo-
lutionaries such as Mussolini. He declared :
250ANTI-CLIMAX 2st
~ We must have the peace we desire, victorious,
just. . . . Germany, who made war on humanity, is
destroyed. Bismarck’s empire is a ruin. Where is the
Kaiser? Where are the princes of Germany? Scat-
tered in flight. The salvation of Germany has come not
from within, but from without. . . . We must be worthy
of peace, as we were of war. We must keep, in the
midst of our triumph, the ideals of this supreme moment.
It is the moment when Fate knocks with her golden
hammer at the doors of silence and calls our dead to a
second life of immortality. . . . Let us lift up our hearts |
With dignity, with discipline, with the firmest faith in the
destiny of our country and the world !”
President Wilson seems in reality to have grasped
the need for remaking Europe. Only he wished to
remake it according to the ideas of an American who did
not understand the Old World. At the back of his mind
lay the desire to see a “‘ United States of Europe,’ and
he did not ‘realize that such a conception could not be
translated into fact, by reason of the deep and ancient
enmities of Europe. Wilson did at least hold up a great
ideal. He put into words what many felt in their hearts,
he pointed out a goal to which to aspire.
In his “ Fourteen Points’? he was supported by
Lloyd George, representative of the claims of England,
and the two men found themselves drawn together by
the bonds of common ancestry and a common speech.
They began by dropping at once all talk of “ freedom
of the seas.”’
Beside them appeared the strong, dominating per-
sonality of the “ Tiger,” with all the fierceness of his
youth reinforced by the craft of age, determined to
press to the utmost the demands of devastated France.
All concentrated their animosity on Germany.
None remembered that Austria, ‘‘ poor Austria,” had
actually been the immediate provoker of the war.
Austria was allowed to shuffle off her responsibilities.
We found that there was here no longer any enemy for
Sie
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, * a **. a «le Ss a so : _— Pr ~ ~~ Pe Powe ¢ ™ . of ~™ >
4 b el tape Sa tha dk Be clad tis ined acacia a ai ae ea Se a Rotets sa eta ie BE ok o “ke = rs P
. yes pal ube, 2a eee s > ae 3 ee ee ee OE ch eae eek tees oe f ee rT Lhe paca :
Le “ - am a= at fm te "< ae i a a sh : - om oe geen Mee es Sees TS in 7
Pe Oe mr . ny ay a pd ae = As . - ; “3 he: « sc hag PO ie pi ~ - foci “ete ne th
~. . = " a r ea - pF LE ges ~~ < ae at ee r z oe uy - = ¥ bay es a my et -
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RR ed SE a at ae i aa a ae CP a eS a sel rh ne
252 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
us to face. Austria existed no more. There existed only
Bohemians, Magyars, Jugo-Slavs, all eager to join in the
overthrow of the “ common enemy.” Yet none of these
had shown the smallest hesitation in hurling bombs and
shells upon our lines. Every concession, every generous
gesture towards the conquered was made at the expense
of Italy, which, alas! suffered from the weakness of
her representatives. Italy, clamouring for colonies
for her increasing population, was denied all share in
the German colonies, which were allotted to England.
Smyrna was taken and given away to Greece. Even the
Dalmatian territory, promised to us in solemn treaties,
was not left tous. And not only this, but as a crowning
irony, the principle of self-determination was invoked
against us, and we were on that pretext deprived of Fiume.
The blame lay with Italy herself. The cause of
her failure may be found in her ancient fault, in that
she was, as for centuries past, disunited. While France,
Italy, Spain, became united peoples in the fourteenth
century, Italy alone remained undisciplined, disunited,
a prey to external enemies instead of combining to repel
them. ‘The same fatal weakness showed itself in her
divisions to-day. She was weakened by internal feuds.
Her politicians, quarrelling amongst themselves, called
in the foreigner, President Wilson, whose ideals and
preconceived notions all inclined him to the side of
England and France.
On the 1st January, 1919, the Popolo issued a
leading article with the heading ‘‘ Dalmatia and Fiume,’’
in which it dealt with the “ profound humiliation ”’ and
‘“ miserable spectacle’ of the country, torn by faction,
while England and France, “‘ united and strong,’’ gave
an immense impression of solidarity and popularity.
In commenting on the resignation of Bissolati,
the Popo/o enquired whether this was meant as a protest
aginst the imperialism of Italy, or against that of France
and England. ‘“‘ We must make plain once for all
what we mean by ‘ imperialism,’ ” it said. “ImperialismANTI-CLIMAX 253
is the law of life, eternal and unchanging. At bottom
it is nothing but the need, the desire, the will to expand,
felt by every individual and by every nation with vitality.
It is the methods employed which differentiate one form
of imperialism from another. Imperialism need not
necessarily be aristocratic and military; it can, on the
contrary, be democratic, pacific, spiritual.
~ If France will not give up her political strategy
of security by means of the Rhine frontier, why should
Italy abandon the similar policy which she wishes to
adopt on the Adriatic and Alpine frontiers? If France
has no scruples in annexing German populations, why
Should Italy have any in annexing at the utmost half a
million Germans and Slavs? . . . Some may ask,
‘And what about a war of democracy?’ I answer
that the whole basis of the war was democratic. The
Central Powers were the strongholds of reaction in
Furope, and have been overwhelmed by the
democracies. Sine
~ The year which has just begun ought to go down
to history as the year of world-wide peace. . . . But that
peace ought to give the nation complete assurance that
the conditions necessary to its full development shall be
secured. Jo attain this, the Government ought to
have all its ideas clear-cut and precise, and the people
ought to give no cause for the campaign of defamation
which is being waged against Italy.”
Bissolati, after his resignation, came to justify his
policy in a great meeting held in Milan. How bitterly
we all regretted the speech in which this friend of old,
brave, devoted and heroic, tried to defend the methods
by which he had betrayed the cause! How grievous
to hear the fury of the audience against him! How
grievous to see the bitter animosity which had sprung
up between sections of those who had fought side by
side! What a fearful anti-climax from the delirious
days of victory |!
ak ll
*
Re ae
Fines
_ Ph ae, | .
Leb me Be ey
2S A a. te "
, er
-
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2
SN a naan eT ig Pens ee OE
opt een he pie t ph
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a
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—
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.
iris ns dareetarn ada oa
oa
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Clipe Benge IS
ee
“= oe eS. a a
4
= shccaaiont Tow
Oa eo a
aie Weds
el x
- te tl ta
eae Pn
ae — Sr:
= Pp + geen anes
a ——,
a
A Pie 7 -
- ee ee a
Re eee ay
BS pee ee eee
POON eS eT Poe et a eee
Pte ee ee ee er ee en, ee
Me ee, Sere ea ae
ie oe le oe P =
a A Ee Ts Aa Sees aes
een re
see a kt ea ee254 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
Once more we saw the old coil of faction raising its
head. No one party was ready to submit itself to
national needs, to put the country before all else.
The Editor of the Popo/o, his face pale and set, sat in an
obscure place in the hall. But the public was already
beginning to recognize him and to feel his magnetism.
Suddenly a general shout was raised. ‘‘ Mussolini,
Mussolini, let us hear Mussolini!” At first he would
not speak, but suddenly, roused by a particularly strong
remark against the claims of Italy to Dalmatia, he sprang
to his feet, shouting, “ No, no, no!” The audience
burst into uproar. Mussolini and Bissolati once more
found themselves face to face, opposed as they were in
ideals and antagonistic even in appearance. Bissolati,
thin, tall, bony, the student and man of letters, honest but
incapable of understanding life ; Mussolini, strong,
robust, broad-shouldered, with the limbs of a fighter,
his square Roman face and proud glance, the man of
imperious strength and obstinate will.
Weak and uncertain in foreign policy, the Govern-
ment showed itself equally feeble in its conduct of
home affairs.
~ For three years,’’ wrote Mussolini in his paper,
~ we have urged the Government to prepare its policy
towards the men coming back from the war. .. .
For three years we have proclaimed the need for a
policy of social reform. . . . Now demobilization has
begun. We have only the satisfaction of giving the men
a triumphant reception due to the soldiers who have
actually demolished ‘one of the most powerful armies
in the world.’ ”
It was on Jan. 16th, 1919, the Popo/o thus raised
the question of the apathy shown towards those who were
returning from the trenches. France was giving each
poilu” a gratuity, 250 francs for each soldier, with
additional pay according to length of service and the size
of the men’s families. Our troops were refused even theANTI-CLIMAX 255
modest proposal of a gratuity of ro lire for each month
in the trenches! And while the French troops passed,
laurel-crowned, amidst shouting crowds through the
Arc de Triomphe, the city which had first seen both
arches and triumphs remained with nothing but the blue
sky blazing down upon an empty Forum. Quietly and
unobserved the ‘ grey-greens’ returned to their homes
throughout the towns and villages of the peninsula.
~ Rome no longer celebrates her triumphs.”
When, in 1919, the Socialists had begun to hold
pacifist meetings, Mussolini invoked in Opposition to
their views the memory of Enrico Toti, a man who,
though he only had one leg, had joined the cyclists’
corps, had gone to the front, and there been killed,
fighting, so it was said, to the last. ‘‘ Toti, Roman Tott,
your life and death avail more than the whole body of
Socialists. You and the great crowd of heroes who
flocked to fight and to die . . . you will never need to
fear that the jackals shall fight amongst your bones. . . .
Fear not, ye glorious dead! We will defend you. We
will defend your memories.”’
In two ways this was to be fulfilled. By caring with
tender respect for all those who now were faced with
want, and by waging war against those who cared
nothing for the miseries of others, miserable intriguers
and politicians.
‘The soldier who has returned from the trenches,”’
Mussolini wrote, ‘‘ seeks for work and finds none. He
has no money and finds it difficult to earn any. It 1s
shameful that those who shouldered the rifle against
Austrian and German should now have to hold out their
hands for charity, charity which can only satisfy
immediate wants but cannot solve the problem. It is
terrible that those who were ready to die for their country
now cannot finds the means to live.”’
He wrote in vain. The governing Classes had made
mO preparations for demobilization. The value of the
lira dropped day by day. The war industries closed
ah + he
——
7
i”
; \
‘ a
a aaa S Mace i. = »
es er “
s eee T+ t fae
ee pray
lia ee se.
a 4 tan =
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at
ae a ae ae ae ar
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ae, tay
Gea ee Te
aettns a —"
—_ Pi me i
ee ee ay*
ttt a ee ee
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.
ae Nee ER ENS it ie prime et eget wt tage ea ee
rome = ~" : a 5 uk ea
ae Se Ps am ae ae tees Pa Ret ie eherals =
thee ee es ee ee te Geet
— & = Che society which Socialism holds up as a model
to the deluded crowd is nothing but a revival of the
barbarianisms of the eleventh century.”
At this juncture of affairs the Popolo changed its
sub-title. It was no longer called ‘‘ The Socialist Daily,”
but the “ Journal of the Fighters and the Producers.”
The editor, indeed, was not a man who could ever leave
anything Stationary, he always wished to change and
advance with the times. His ideas constantly developed,
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4
260 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
and more rapidly than ever in these few months. War
had necessitated a complete revision of Socialist values
-, his mind. He swept away like old lumber many
wrecked ideals and substituted for them one concrete
reality, Italy.
In addition to the changes wrought by his personal
experience of war, there was the profound influence of
an even more important series of events. The world
now saw in Russia a concrete example of Socialism
put into practice, in favourable circumstances, in a
country rich in resources and economically independent
to a large extent of other nations, with vast stores of raw
materials, with a population accustomed to obey the
decrees of an autocratic government, and yet with some
experience of collective action in the working of the
“Mir” system. The population of that country was
semicAsiatic and therefore far removed from the un-
bridled individualism of the west. The genius of a
Lenin, aided by men of first-rate ability such as Trotsky
and Chicherin, had, nevertheless, in spite of the concen-
tration of all power in their hands and the fact that they
were undeterred by any scruples, not succeeded in causing
the great Muscovite republic to revolve on a Marxian
*
basis nor to advance by an inch the coming of the longed-
for millennium.
This failure, coupled with the terrible bloodshed
which went with it, constituted the true failure and
tragedy of Bolshevism. That thousands had been
executed, thousands more imprisoned, hundreds of
thousands slain by famine might be justified from the
point of view of history. It might appear that such
sufferings were necessary and inevitable if the goal were
to be reached. The Popolo summed the question up
thus: ‘‘In Eastern Europe there existed a sinister
power, standing for the negation of all human rights.
The war has shaken it to its foundations, it has fallen.
A dynasty which was the object of the veneration of
millions has vanished from the horizon, like mist meltingFASCISM 261
before the sun. It does not matter if the new rulers employ
the whip and the hangman’s rope, what matters is the
fact: the Romanoffs have fallen |
~ The convulsions which rend the body of Russia
may be, and it is to be hoped that they are, the birth-
throes of a new and better order... . But in what direction
is this evolution tending ? Not towards Socialism, that
is certain. At the end of 1920 Lenin himself admitted -
' The economic basis for a true Socialist Republic does
hot yet exist.’ Lenin continued: ‘Communism iS
failing. Russian expectations are not towards communism,
but towards capitalism. . . . The capitalist classes are
advancing in serried ranks towards the promised land,
destined to become in a few decades one of the greatest
productive forces in the world.’”
No one followed the developments of Bolshevism
more closely than Mussolini. When the great magnates
and high officials did not consider the movement worth
studying and dismissed it with a shrug of their shoulders,
he declared, ‘‘ It will last ! It will last ! It has lasted
some time already |!” It is a delicate matter for idealistic
demagogues to be obliged to face the fact that what
seemed like a tyranny did not horrify him sufficiently
to prevent him from seeing the other side, realizing as
he did that a temporary suspension of liberty may in the
end be productive of much good to a great nation.
History shows that development is not always at an equal
rate for different groups and different races. ,
Bolshevism arose in, and is confined to, Russia.
Russia has adapted herself and her vital energies to its
system, or perhaps the system has adapted itself to
Russia. But can such a system be applied to Italy?
Miussolini’s reply was a definite ‘‘ No.”
If the unsubstantial and bloody illusion of Com-
munism had Only turned Russia towards the capitalist
system—an irony of fate which history often shows us,
as when Cromwell produced a Charles II and Napoleon
a Louis XVI [I]—was it likely that Italy would abandon
nee Ox as eS ae
‘cont aa a PL ps ee eS i
See et 77 OF gat sett Sey ead alert oi ¥ Ee or tee a ae ae
Su Nee cat ms Eg ES eta ee a> TS, PD eed tp tee ee Pe 2 ae x ry Pe he so
iaceinatietiietnil Neel ee aT ae ye a RO BY pissin ~~
ot ak net ae oar we
= +> fe toe ee a
oo o on ~
: opti ae
See ee “
on ue
Sk ie ee od “ ~
iz ee =
ee ae ee ee es ee a262 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
her own ancient civilization with its proved benefits
to follow the mirage of an alien Utopia?
A conviction of this sort, in characters of his type,
was calculated not to produce a state of passivity, but
to lead immediately to the taking of certain resolutions.
Mussolini gave himself to the task of showing up the
Communist illusion; combating it foot by foot, pitting
man against man, brain against brain, fighting both by
action and by the spoken word, by propaganda, argument
and ‘‘ heavy artillery.” It is necessary to insist on all he
did in this respect, for now it is apt to be forgotten. Nor
was the work of Fascism undertaken only in the interests
of Italy. In the footsteps of Russia followed Roumania,
Hungary, Poland ; the Bolshevist propaganda spread
with alarming rapidity. If pestilence is in the air, it is
no use to remain calm simply because so far it has not
appeared in our home ! One should be grateful to one’s
neighbour who has disinfected his house, swept out
every corner and fumigated throughout, so as to destroy
every germ. Nations do not live in water-tight compart
ments, immune to the influence radiating from their
neighbours. The danger to Europe was imminent and
great. In preserving herself, Italy also saved England,
Germany, France and even America from the dreaded
infection.
And if a few ‘‘ hard-heads ” could be convinced by
nothing else in the way of argument but by a tap on the
head, the game was worth the candle. The game as
played by the Fascisti only involved a few doses of castor
oil and perhaps here and there a good cudgelling. The
Russian tyranny had caused thousands and thousands of
young men to lose even a life in which there no longer
remained either joy or hope.
It must not be thought that “‘ to fight Bolshevism ”
was the whole programme of Fascism. A general recog-
nition existed of the fact that some sort of revolution was
necessary for Italy. It was no longer possible for men to
continue to breathe the old, stagnant, used-up air.FASCISM 263
But the crux of the problem lay in this: How and in
what way should sucha revolution be shaped—in accord-
ance with the spirit of the past or in keeping with that
of the future? The question was a serious one, for in
all Italy the only man with the true temper of a revolu-
tionary, the only man who could possibly be the leader
of a revolution, was Mussolini |
When, in 1914, he had been expelled from the
Socialist assembly of Milan, he had shouted defiantly,
~ You think you can turn me out, but you will find I
Shall come back again. I am and shall remain a Socialist,
and my convictions will never change, they are bred in
my very bones.”’ It was true. Socialism, once adopted,
is a mental attitude which is never lost. A very able man
once said to me: “‘I do not believe in Collectivism nor
in its ultimate aims, but its means are good and the
important thing in life is not always the unrealizable
ideal, but the tendency.”’
Mussolini laid down certain principles, which later
were to become the basis of legislation under his rule.
~ I do not intend to defend capitalism or capitalists,”
he wrote. ‘‘ They, like everything human, have their
defects. I only say that their possibilities of usefulness
are not yet ended. Society has already assimilated some
portion of Socialistic doctrines, which it has been able
to adopt without evil results. . . . Capitalism has borne
the monstrous burden of war and to-day still has the
strength to shoulder the burdens of peace. . . . It is not
simply and solely an accumulation of wealth, it is an
elaboration, a selection, a co-ordination of values which
is the work of centuries. Thus from the cold skies of
Russia shine the pale stars of Communism—a doctrine
which always appears in periods of great misery—and
yet they call upon the names of Vanderbilt or Stinnes and
put into practice the principles of what is known as
capitalism. Many think, and I myself am one of them,
that capitalism is scarcely at the beginning of its story.
Immense tracts of Asia, Africa, even of America and
= » ry
er
“ =
ra in toh eso
ae
————
Se
ia ae
o ag Cee
- a
tae
~ ae
’ a ae re
-
= ve ee
. are,
Pa
— = oe
ee Na gi meh a
ee walle nat
any =k we ary
eet
ed
a eR Ee UE ee ete Se Se
a . .
a p F 2
er
oy no
pete >
eee
oe eS
es = ‘Gor 5
. tee et ed | S
a ee eee
et eae
wee OO ee ete
a ~ eo .
_
Se eo ae ae
te
ee ee
A Steg Are
J
SE ee eet ee eee
oy
~ et ae te ee ee ie
e pl ta had 5 . J
: Ca, 2 ah Ra ear ie otal ed ‘ [= — (ae See ae ti ee
Se Ae ee ee Dre ee ge eto ne er oe oa Be Pn re264 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
Australia are still undeveloped. Capitalism, spreading
from Europe, will cover the whole world. The shoulders
of the proletariat are not yet strong enough to bear the
terrific burden of civilizing such areas. The proletariat
must follow in the wake of the capitalists and at a given
moment come to terms with them, dividing the spoils
and sweeping aside all the parasites of both Right and
Left who live on the margin of production.”
And again, “ State ownership! It leads only to
absurd and monstrous conclusions: state ownership
means state monopoly, concentrated in the hands of one
party and its adherents, and that state brings only ruin
and bankruptcy to all, labourers, townsmen, mankind.
. This is a fact, proved by the experience of Russia,
where State ownership produced a centralized tyranny.
Property, after it has been nationalized, goes back into
the hands of groups and individuals. Truly Socialism
has a history full of paradox! The first Communist
revolution, that of Russia, first proves its impotence and
then turns society back on capitalism.”’
If Communism has thus been shown to have failed
as an ideal, the same bankruptcy has, owing to the war,
overtaken the methods of democracy. Foresight and
preparedness is an intellectual property which cannot
be left to the mercy of mere numbers, but which necessi-
tates a selection of individuals. This involves a contempt
for parliamentarianism, for mere talking-machines, for
electoral systems which give supremacy simply to
numbers—and this contempt, though not new, has now
become vastly stronger. Thus, for the first time, on the
lips of all we find a growing use of the term “ aristoc-
racy.’ The first Fascists were an appeal to the aristocracy
created by the war, one of fighters, of “‘ men from the
trenches,” a reflection of the warlike superman of
Nietzsche.
An American journal once gave the following
explanation of the origin of the word ‘‘ Fascism.” ItFASCISM 26¢
declared that in Italy new-born infants are wrapped in
swaddling bands, long pieces of stuff which are twisted
right round them and which are called » fascia,” and thus
it said, “ Every Italian baby is born a fascist.”
In reality the word is derived from the “ fasces ”’
or bundles of sticks carried by the lictors of ancient Rome
as symbols of authority.
The spiritually aristocratic nature of the movement
is clearly demonstrated in the speech which its founder
made in its first assembly. He began : ‘* The assembly
of March 23rd renders its homage first to the memory
of the fallen, to the wounded and to those who fought
for their country and for humanity, to all who declare
themselves ready to throw themselves into the task of
restoring social and moral order which will be under-
taken by the associations of ex-soldiers.
~ To-day we feel the greater in that we have chosen
the path we mean to pursue. .. . The war has produced
two good results, one negative, one positive. One
negative in that it has prevented power being in the hands
of the Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs ; and one
positive inasmuch as in no nation in the world is to be
Seen the triumph of reaction.”
Secondly he announced : “‘ The assembly of March
23rd declares itself opposed to the imperialism of other
nations at the expense of Italy, and to the possibility of
Italian Imperialism being used to the detriment of
other nations, and accepts the postulate of the League
of Nations which presupposes the full national develop-
ment of each one of its members, a national develop-
ment which in the case of Italy must be fulfilled on the
Alps and the Adriatic, with the annexation of Fiume
and Dalmatia.
~ Other nations have their colonies, which they hold
irrespective of any theories that may arise in different
quarters, . . . Imperialism in reality is a principle of life
for every expanding people. One form of Imperialism
differs from another only in its means. The means we
= Ph
a ae , 5
“4 te te b " ,
“ - A F ;
a . a
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7 “Se Raa ual
- aon .
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a ea ea Re
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be ee eee
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SR Ee ee en ee ee eons
Oe ee ee et Pe ee Se Pe eee eae
oe ee OPE a Te we en oe eae ee
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Bee 5 Coy
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At cb Se
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- — - , rl
as : :
i
+
oe og are a led ori gem, —- es . a 4
, ee a pines a as = Kh pe 2 ee pe ak a iP str gia \. a Se se Se y.
270 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
ef
pele: =
lit at Fiume sprang up into a flame which swept through
Italy. Fiume, with her glorious Commander and his
legions, was the beacon on the Adriatic to which all eyes
turned. From the plain of Lombardy it was answered
by the beacon of the Popo/o and from one to other flashed
the words of hope and glory.
“The Commandante is a great poet and I admire
him with all my heart,” said Mussolini. And the one
set himself to fulfil, in the domain of reality, the ideas
put forward by the other in his exalted prose.
The subscription ‘“‘ For Fiume”’ filled columns of
the Popolo. Fiery articles attacked the line taken by the
Government and covered it with ridicule. The Govern-
ment dared do nothing against the Editor, though it had
him shadowed, in case he too should wish to go to
Fiume.
On October gth, at a Fascist meeting at Florence,
Mussolini, before beginning his speech, begged for
indulgence as he had not had much time in which to
prepare it. He had but that moment come from Fiume,
whither he had gone by aeroplane to confer with
d’Annunzio. His speech, none the less, was one of great
importance, for in it he laid down the basis of the most
original creation of Fascism, the scheme for syndicates
of agrarian and industrial workers. It wasa scheme which,
while in its aim rather of a Socialist and Collectivist colour,
was yet in its methods purely aristocratic and based
entirely on the community of national interests. No
concessions were made to the mob, no appeal to ‘he
so-called ‘‘ true working-man.” ‘I do not tell you, O
people, that you are as gods. As I love you truly, so I
should say to you that you are dirty, you must arise and
cleanse yourselves ; you are ignorant, therefore set
yourselves to gain instruction. . . . Horny hands are not
enough to prove a man capable of guiding a State... .
You can make a revolution in twenty-four hours, but
you cannot in that time create a new social order for a
nation which is part of a world order. You must not,
a a ee ee
a ras mn or
- “ ~ oF
a he - a
odes Yo oy ak. + anne #9 pi a -*
is Se ee ee he 5. ae a Tank
seo a NE ee ee
iN a EER on (ee eed on ee
: pepe - tn spe, at Fak Bl ie ae a a a aah he a.
2 - a - La ares 5 x ages = a Fm nF aee5 Ae ney Sea 3
pa
co Py i ba oo cia Sian deal tical iE aad
i
Te at
!
\ wef
——
.FIUME 271 ff
however, mistake us for a kind of body-guard of the
bourgeoisie, which, in so far as it consists of profiteers,
is utterly vile and contemptible. These people must
defend themselves, we will not defend them.
~ We shall defend the nation, the people as a whole.
We shall work for the moral and material welfare of the
people. And I believe that with our policy we shall be
able to make the masses one with the nation.”
It was necessary to show the Socialists that he’ was
not afraid of them. No one was to be able to boast that
the Fascisti dared not appear openly in the streets. It
was decided to hold an open-air meeting, in the evening.
The place chosen was the Piazza Belgiojioso. A plat-
form with a few seats was erected there, up against the
wall of the house where Manzoni lived and died. The
Piazza itself is a corner of old Milan, surrounded by the
gardens which back on to public offices. The fame of
the orator, combined with curiosity, brought all the city
to the meeting. Mussolini appeared, like one of the ancient
tribunes on his rostrum, his figure lit by the light of
torches which some of his followers carried. His pose
and that of his adherents recalled memories of the war
so clearly that it seemed strange to see that the street
lights were no longer dimmed for fear of air raids.
The very voice of the orator seemed warlike in its
clear notes,* warm in tone, never strident, but strong and
carrying far. In the great piazza not one syllable was
missed. By the red flickering light of the torches he
looked down on the vast crowd gazing at him wonder-
struck. “I don’t agree with his ideas, but he’s a brave i
man, he’s not afraid anyway ”’—that was the kind of x
comment one heard.
Mussolini’s courage undoubtedly impressed the
populace. He had bearded the lions in their den and
they did not hurt him. Perfect order prevailed, followed
by applause which grew ever louder.
rr Ee me i
eee etal ot Te ail ae
marys
- ee he
he hes ee ee Fr
ee ee ee be -
a Nit Pi ee oi one Foy
a eee ov
ne i a -
ad ae tae gS oe ee ee ee ae Pe ra ay ae
on
a oe
~
, Pred eae vite cet
eee Te ee ent ee
tag oe
Oe
ep ea
Gasetetns, Ts eis"
ae
we
eta ata.
pone
gi nna Ae
ae
ee
Gobble Saget or i eh Rese ee Eee IT —— Pa ry | ; - e *
- 4 a + “ ~ - ~ oe peel ghee a B= ir el aie es he > .
Cw . ad reat pe e > - > , . ee “i " “ - re a ee St
aor i. i
—
re
ae
Se ee wae
eo
he r
ina uid Oe Fae he pi dee
eo li a ne ae e.
. ' = e
ae
4 an, gtd kd ne i
ee ae Se " Sy ee ee. ee
a > o ad - Po ie P
rin Be ae ee ee ee
ape eg he eR TE Be A EN ee ES er ee eee
1 ee Pree ek ents Oe a ar Ta eee er ae ate Peto
p>
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friwis
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ae ee ee .
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POT eT a eee eee ee ee
ee ee ae =
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So hs See re Oe ee enean
inf
= nS
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ay
Scan oe Maen ee tn) Del de da ne Mah oer ° Se
Cs ae A gee ati er ial ot “fin hg La) re BO err od ae ge ee -
pa IR hee ares fee eins ots Sa i scm rn
rae a i
pecan tae -
Sa Aa i ih a at a eee ee I a ees rd ae ee eT ee
hie i in ii tal a ed Th Tan we be ee ee “ "
iy . 8 As. > i . s3 33 te o— a =e an et Nt ae oe i= eT — arn aaa ve a es sie, ; ay ~
nae
ase ene a ener
a Ne, yy ee he
a,
f
iH
ve
ty
a2
5
“oe
ti
274 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
by the constant strain of editing the paper, conducting
the political campaign of the Fascisti, and organizing
propaganda throughout Italy. His activities were
innumerable, and he added to them by all sorts of
fantastic occupations. Every day the courtyard re-
sounded with the click of crossed swords, his daily
fencing lesson. Next, he took up motoring and ob-
tained a driver’s certificate. Then he learnt to fly.
And all this while he was writing five articles a week
for the paper.
In the depressing days after his electoral defeat ana
arrest, he worked harder than ever at the paper. He
stuck to his task, undismayed, untiring. I think he
never worked harder, nor with a greater zest for life.
I might almost say he enjoyed that rude time of struggle.
Later, in more prosperous days, he may even have looked
back with regret to the strenuous times of the past.
“Tt is necessary,” he once said, “to have one’s mind
always attuned to change. ... One may go from a hut
to a palace provided one is always ready to go back from
the palace to the hut.’’
He lived in no danger of stagnating. When there
was nothing in the way of strikes, demonstrations,
threatened attacks, to occupy him, he would find himself
confronted by some unexpected incident, such as a
duel.
Sometimes, the reaction from these states of feverish
activity left him in a condition of inertia and indifference.
“To-day I feel as if I had no will. I only ask to obey
orders. It was good, in one sense, to be in the trenches,
like a straw blown by the wind ! Corporal Mussolini
for water fetching! For distribution of rations ! For
distribution of munitions! If anyone wishes to com-
mand me in any way I shall be happy to carry out any
orders.” And he would employ his energies in showing
how lacking in energy he felt—for the space of five
minutes !
From these days of physical reaction he would findAN INTERLUDE 27
Lr
relief in the exercise of his imagination. Thus he planned
out a work, to be called “‘ Myth and Heresy,” for which
he made notes in a little pocket-book, and he also talked
of various possible subjects for plays. I do not know how
far he ever got with anything in this connection, but he
would sometimes talk of the scenes, characters and
dialogues he had planned. Two plays I know were to
be of a Grand Guignol type ; one was a tragedy, for
Mussolini’s dramatic ideas were not of the gay and
cheerful variety.
Fle was really very much taken up by his dramatic
schemes. A short time after the sinister Matteotti affair,
which caused him such terrible suffering that for a while
his life seemed completely wrecked, I met him going
out one day, looking more cheerful. He showed me a
packet of manuscript, which he told me was his new play,
with which he had succeeded in distracting his mind
when in need of relaxation from his worries and troubles.
It was a play based on life in the Campagna, and thi
man, tired, exhausted, worn out by his bitter experiences,
had found refreshment in recalling the incidents of his
childhood.
Meanwhile, his aviation made great progress. He
Was on the point of getting his pilot's licence. His
fellow-workers regarded this with disapproval. “‘ He
has no right to risk his life in this way, they complained.
And then came an accident. He was bruised, but no
limbs were broken. The aeroplane was damaged, and
nothing infuriated him more than any suggestion that
the crash had been his fault. His instructor came to
see him as he was recovering from his injuries, and it
could be seen that, while the instructor thought the
novice had been too bold, the novice thought that the
instructor had been too cautious. He enjoyed his recovery,
though by sheer force of will he got up and was back at
work while everyone thought he was still confined to
xed. I found him looking out of his office window at
the sun and the new green shoots of spring. “ Life is
; a:
= be >
on “qety*
= > 4
ee gt Re ou,
ial!
bs . Sn Poe ae.
a eS a *
pee ee *
* —— oy =
ees F
ws Fee
PP aS
ae
~
es ~~
Cee
ee.
a eo
a a et Pee Ne as OPER SRE Be
Ae
neni
atteihett ot nae ~
net” et 8 ——
- an + "a a ee ‘ re
x . Fe ms Fe = a eee —
mts _ ee
eee ie nee
oe
ee ee
eee gn Sei ge
Le eee one ere
a
DS a ee ee ee ee eee en ee ee 250
oe, ee eo
ee
nae Pie
same.
- Pf
wom
cat Ae eee ee ae eee a ee
*276 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
very beautiful. It is worth risking it, it 1s necessary to
risk one’s life in order to know how much one enjoys
it.’ he said. !
‘‘ Live dangerously,” the motto of Nietzsche, he was
to cite later, in a tragic moment, in August, 1924.
rn koe, se _ . p —- P . : _
i ES nt ehh ia wey > Oe ie - F " : ee eee
my + Pe ee eee Pen pens orm el itm ley Sk ah Tm ym ee le En Sf _ é ae x
Me A rE ge ew Lage Ta th ar tet eh ng yt >. pe ke et il a) a en a oe Se ge eee a eS Lo aa re Fn ;
= Pa, RR Ree pe sae : pl OH aE Ni aE a I Bane OY
= a ye ae eae aan si be ~ - a => a YT 7 = a "lea 4 — > T ‘athe --
al Pe. = rs ae _—— . a, a ‘ . - w r eae c ~ — , “ ied - Sa SS ‘
= - er er ee ae Se ae an ne 4 yang et 5 rn » - e - iin teePecs Cg inal B a ae a .
~
|
Bi
-
——
Se Ne cae et ane aaa
CS mt %
Pa ed
a=
a
wie
=
rag
oo a
a S
rr
—
.
a MCHAPTER XXXV
THE COMING OF VICTORY
Talk of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat—Lenin on Mussolini—
Trotsky’s Opinion—A Tragedy—dAlbania, the Lost Land—A
Sign—The Elections of 1921.
| vara was filling the streets of the city.
April was in the air and mingled with April’s
scents was the tumult of the “* Red Flag.”
Everyone was full of the Dictatorship of the Prole-
tariat during those early months of 1920. The people,
enraged at the high cost of living, were still further
inflamed by the Socialist leaders’ talk of profiteers,
speculators and the feebleness of the Government.
Much that they said was true, but strikes did not avail
to lower the cost of living. The lira fell until it was
only worth a quarter of its pre-war value.
No one seemed capable of resisting the populace.
Many of the bourgeoisie seemed to fear their fellow-
countrymen more than they feared the foreigner.
In the Chamber a deputy, Misiano, who had been
a deserter from the army, and a hundred and fifty-six
of his companions sang the “‘ Red Flag ”’ while the King
was entering to open the session. The Fascisti, however,
fell upon him and he had to apply for the protection of
the police whom he had so frequently vilified.
It was the period when “starving Austria and
Germany ”’ filled the world with their complaints and
the Socialists took in Viennese children and gave them
hospitality in the public institutions. The Popo/o organ-
ized hospitality for children nearer at home, children
of Fiume whose parents had been ruined because they
were pro-Italian.
“77
ea ale en itn ee ra
+
= , ,
eel * Se
+ Doty bs al ad
‘aN a
Soe te he es ere Ee ed ae a
pa ae oe
a
ow
ieee ee Ne
ithe a ee ee sol
ES ty eye a
oe
Niemead ts Aeon ae .
° - ~ aa”
Se fe =a
= =~ 4 oe >
——_
ae
ee Pe vt eee art
eee) ced ‘
eS a oe ee i a 2
ise
SOT are oe eee
sd
eee eS ce a eae ae Ree
ie —
ste et an ie OT ee - ae fe
= = ~~ a _ - = a _
, ee ee Fhe
Ne: EO Eee
ee ee ee ee es
ad ge
BP ent Mm a
re ts
ts, a
ee ees &
ed hata ae eee OP an ae een a
i ae
Sd ~~ r - =
on a nd
a ise
Ds ane
men f
-_
if
:S
oe ,oe ee rl a wel ad fm ae eS . eae
—— ‘ P a o
Flee BOs An tis hem Lin Sone a oe Sarees ee ae e ; — ; *,
i Pe he a ae aaa i a and x weber oe ediateae es > ee a a Se a a Od att ae at oe a ,
I PR Hi tT ges St ae a at Sook op ees hee a le ae tae
— . a ~ pone A, i aka 4 PE pe Py io ee vn ld . 9%
SK ends I) ~ ~
ii iia a A a on oe tic ied RE} ope are
—
aa
ae al a Be Na lila le at an oe rae
278 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
No doubt if the Communists had had at their head
a good leader, they might have won over the great mass
of labourers and workpeople and dragged in their wake
the Socialists and reformers of the Confederation of
Labour.
I do not go so far as to say that the “ Dictatorship
of the Proletariat ’’ could have lasted in Italy. Under
the pressure of the material conditions of the people,
it would probably have collapsed eventually in a sea of
blood. But for the moment any resistance to it would
have been of the slightest and it could easily have seized
the reins of power. It is useless, however, to speculate
on what might have been. Mussolini’s chief asset is his
severe realism, his insistence on obedience and his
willingness to take risks—all qualities which are the exact
opposite of the unbridled adulation and the grasping,
pleasure-loving policy of others.
Lenin knew this and remarked: ‘‘ Mussolini?
A great pity he is lost to us ! He 1s a strong man, who
would have led our party to victory.” These were his
words in addressing a deputation of Italian Socialists
who visited Russia in 1919 and 1920.
Trotsky spoke in the same vein: “ You have lost
your trump card ; the only man who could have carried
through a revolution was Mussolini.”
Exactly one year after d’Annunzio had occupied
Fiume, the Socialists seized the factories, September,
1920. They expelled the owners, the engineers, even
the technical experts from many places. In a few cases
they held the owners and their families as hostages.
They set up ‘“‘ committees of workmen,’ after the
Soviet pattern and the “ Dictatorship of the Proletariat ”’
was attempted on a large scale.
Yet Giolitti refused to grasp the situation and
remained set on peaceful methods of persuasion. ““ Let
the workers see for themselves how difficult it is to
conduct an industry !”’ he said. ‘‘ Let them find from
experience how bad is the state of trade |! Let them runTHE COMING OF VICTORY 279
their heads up against economic laws | Besides, our
troops are all needed to protect the public buildings,
we Cannot scatter them all over the country.”
Owners sought protection for their factories in vain.
Small bodies of troops could not even make their way
through the tumultuous streets. The authorities stood
by and watched the forces of usurpation.
In the height of a glorious summer, the news of a
terrible tragedy flared from Turin throughout Italy.
Sentence was given against the student Sonzini, found
guilty of fascismo and against the gaoler Scimula, simi-
larly accused. In vain did Scimula appeal to the evidence
of his good character, to the fact that he had an excellent
record for kindness, especially to political prisoners ;
in vain did he beg for justice in the name of his mother
and his children. Both men were condemned to death
by the Soviet which had set itself up as a tribunal of
justice. They were to have been thrown alive into the
great furnaces of the metal works, but the furnaces,
without the technicians to keep them up, had gone out.
The two were therefore shot with revolvers. “ These,”’
commented the 4vanti, “are the risks run by those who
think to fight for Fascism.”’
Meanwhile, what was happening to the army?
Military revolt had appeared «in several places. The
men took their officers prisoner and disarmed them.
In Ancona, in order to subdue the rebellious garrison,
it was actually necessary to bombard the city.
Albania, which had cost us such sacrifices, was
abandoned, together with Valona. The sufferings of our
men, the fevers caught during the campaigns, the work
done by the submarines in transporting troops, the toils
of those who had covered that country with a network
of roads, the long marches endured by the soldiers of
Italy, often on insufficient rations, with little water to
drink, all were thrown away. Albania, the lost land I..
‘ When one sets foot on the road of renunciation,
wrote the Popolo in these days of July, 1920, “‘it is
I ea .
Spe ‘ otha
a
P fs ‘
Sif -
ach, be hy
« -
ae tat ay ie
ee
ee
a
. ee
=
=
er glee
Peete e
a
mea
, eee -
aie ema a a o
ee ey Fe ge 8 eee oats ae
Soe
a a eee Lata ha Sy aR ERENT oy
see
re
ns -
=~ "S Se SS
Pa See oe
ee Een x a ae
Re tage nS
ee aed
- Ce 7 — a
- ae
=
ed
— a
= et fe es pele
—
~
eos oh eae See te
om
a ee ee
Se eee Ps
at i
Pod
Tit ae 5 Se se OG OS AE BG leis
=
SP Ch pee Tr pie aoa
ee ee ee ee |
po
- a c a
a i ee Te —
pe er ae arene a eee ey
nee ea ta eSee es 7 ia -
SG Se Ae a is Ral ie Bn cite a Cee ae m
: RR PS wee Be me a i Sa me eae a la A a lI kt ” = * z
=
wag speiai. *be weetye
se Tare — . et he
ae oe eee ei 2
lt ot rem a
ee A al ee Tai pig ee! ee
ee a os . ee . oie thd mS, ps
7 ee ag eh eds . Sr an
a a Re re ND es ak oe gece ete
280 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
dificult to call a halt, especially when one’s opponents
interpret every act as due to weakness, and put down as
cowardice what may be merely conciliation. The exhibi-
tion of weakness shown since last November by both
Government and people is not the best method of
preventing armed conflict... . Except for the torch which
d’Annunzio keeps burning, the whole of Italy, bour-
geoisie and proletariat, the governing and the governed,
is covered with ignominy.”
At Bologna, the head-quarters of Socialism, four
Fascisti succeeded in being elected to the municipal
council. At their inaugural session, one of these Fascisti,
Giordani, who had been badly wounded in the war,
was killed by the hail of missiles thrown at him. Iwo
others were wounded. A month later, at Ferrara, the
tumult provoked by the Socialists ended in the death
of six or eight of the Fascist.
But at Bologna, when Giordani was slain, his com-
panion, Oviglio, coolly laid on the seat beside him a
loaded revolver : ‘‘ Kill me if you wish, I will not shoot
an Italian.” This gesture stood for the new spirit of
Italy, for the new national conscience.
We come to a sad and memorable day, Christmas,
1920. News had to be sent to the editor of the Popo/o,
to the supporter of the ideals of d’Annunzio, that the
beacon of the Adriatic had been extinguished in blood.
Fiume had_been taken and evacuated, the Commandante
had been wounded, and, brother fighting against brother,
forty legionaries had fallen at the hands of their brother-
soldiers of Italy.
Though wretched and troubled, Mussolini at once
recognized the bitter needs of the hour. The Treaty of
Rapallo, provisional as all treaties are, was yet capable
of improvement, like all human things. Now that the
State had decided, now that the nation was pledged,
it was necessary to accept the position. Five weeks after
these events, Mussolini said in an important speech :THE COMING OF VICTORY
" Let no one reproach me because I have not made
that little, easy, cheerful, pleasant thing called ‘a revo-
lution’... The Fascisti have never promised to make
a revolution in Italy, in the event of Fiume being attacked
Ayal, personally, have never written to d’Annunzio
to make him believe that revolution in Italy depended on
my inclinations. I do not ‘bluff’ nor talk Not air =
He explained clearly the theory of revolution which
later he was to put into practice. A revolution, above
all things, should have a mind of its own, Clearly defined:
Only with clear ideas could the populace be won over.
It should have a precise objective, a programme already
laid down, so that’in the hour of victory it would not
fail through dissensions.
~ Revolution is not a ' Surprise-packet’? which can
be opened at will. I do not carry it in my pocket. .
Revolution will be accomplished with the army, not
against the army ; with arms, not without them ; with
trained forces, not with undisciplined mobs called to-
gether in the streets. It will succeed when it is surrounded
by a halo of sympathy by the majority, and if it has not
that, it will fail.’’
After the day of tragedy, his far-seeing brain caused
him to view the future with hope. ‘‘ D’Annunzio and
his legions, never surrendering, are the glory of our
stock,”’ he said to me. ‘‘ They are not called ‘ iron-
heads’ for nothing. Perhaps one should also admit
that Giolitti has an iron head too, since he will not give
way either. It is necessary, I know, to enforce respect for
the Treaty, once it has been accepted by the State and
recognized by the nation. It is a terrible clash between
reasons of State and ideals !”’
In the Popo/o he gave this warning: ‘‘ The legions
of Ronchi, who to-day are being dispersed into all the
corners of Italy, obey, departing into the night away
from the shores of Fiume because of these principles :
liberty and justice. They undertook their enterprise in
the cause of liberty, since Fiume is to be trampled down
=e WP Oar Se s
«
“a
Pe : . 4
= OF «, P
a wits
a, aie
i
renee eee
faa a
Ch ee
pe
c .
a = ~ x ~~ — a oD Ca ee a ares . e ae ey rere ao rl ee
re
caabdag ie Soe ko
. - -
Ce Le eae i
‘ - a + Je
e
res
ee Tet eee Pet ihn
ee ast
=. Dele Pany os,
ee ee
= oe a 3 ‘ — - a
ae
Se eae
aii agent ed
en ee ae
a
FR.
deh ch pele age sentie ae een ey M
oh
ae te
oN ee ee ee ee
LE RP ne ee ere ee
ere er et ee ee oe
awe Pew
a inne ge
aE OP a ee a Peer ge—
re ti ah
MELE PES Arty >
a ea le ae a Pcie tee _
7.
— coy
pe ee et beats - Se ea - iy ye TS cn a ee *
ee a SE Phe em “<> ~ - =< = ace A ~ me i Met _ a s
a - ™ 4
Zc ag ek al acca. | ihe Boe a ke .
— *- “= ~ a Peg J 2 ie ea
“s eal ps I a te are
aye oh. need
Fee et ;
ee
a ee nae pepe eaten gee A
— be rae: a aoe
a ile 5 ee, ~ 6 = * “ , ,
mead aie pea iene at a ae ane ne Eat ee ne gee eee eee tena
7 PAPE SE tn ah hg TE og ey A
‘
fa
es
682 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
by the policy of England and handed over to the Croats :
it was an enterprise of sovereign justice because it strove
to prevent the committing of a great wrong. . .. Their
action was a superb defiance of the world ; it has proved
that besides official Italy, entangled in tortuous negot-
tiations, there is another Italy, a warlike Italy which
will not be attached to the triumphal car of successful
plutocracy. For fifteen months the attention of the
whole world has been riveted on this little rebel city.
-__ T see d’Annunzio before me in my imagination, and
beside him stand the souls of the forty soldiers who have
fallen and I take them to my heart. These are the last
to fall in the Great War and, like the rest, not in vain |
_.. These dead prove that Fiume and Italy are one, one
flesh and blood, and that the dark forces of diplomacy
will never succeed in divorcing those who are for ever
sealed by blood:
‘Ajj honour to the Legion of Ronchi, to its leader,
to the living who return and the dead who will return
no more.”
On the 3rd of March, 1924, Mussolini was to sion
the treaty of annexation whereby Fiume was joined to
the kingdom of Italy !
Gabriele d’Annunzio was created Prince of Nevose.
The founder of the Popolo was made a Knight of the
Collar of the Annunciation, which gave him the prero-
gatives of a member of the Royal Family.
The evil auguries of Christmas, 1920, cast their
shadows on to the new year 1921.
Every evening the sound of firing would be heard
in the cities of Italy. As night fell, it became continuous
and, driven away from one district, the bands would
collect in another. The value of property destroyed ran
into millions and the loss on the railways was almost
incalculable.
That winter, the usual rhythm was to be viclentlyTHE COMING OF VICTORY 283
interrupted. One evening I saw people running. A
bomb had been thrown, wounding one passer-by and
two more had been thrown but had not exploded. A
few evenings later, another bomb was put in front
of a well-known restaurant. One day in February,
while I was giving tea to some friends, the cup fell from
my hand, the windows rattled and the house rocked as
if it would collapse. We ran to the windows. All was
deserted. After a moment or two of that deadly stillness
which precedes a storm, a crowd of apparent madmen
came running down the street, gesticulating, dragging
themselves along, in absolute silence, without cries,
voiceless, as though-they had been stricken dumb in
the dark abyss from whence they fled. Cries followed
later, when—first one by one, then two, then ten at a
time—came the terrible procession of cars bearing
wounded and dead through the streets of the horror-
struck city. A plot of the Communists had filled the pit
of the popular theatre of Diana with dead and wounded,
massacring the audience who were listening to an
operetta. Amongst the gilding and bronze and velvet
were scattered fragments of flesh, pieces of limbs,
mutilated bodies and blood and brains bespattering the
whole place.
Seventeen coffins were borne through terror-struck
Milan. On the steps of the Duomo the Cardinal-Arch-
bishop Ratti—now Pope Pius XI—stood with his clergy, .
in his robes, giving absolution and blessing to the
corpses as they were borne before him in turn. Behind
him from the open doors the church shed forth a mystic
glow of light and of hymns. a
The Fascisti companies, drawn up in military
formation, made their first public appearance on this
solemn occasion. Each troop had its leaders, its name,
and its banner. They passed along, orderly and quiet—
~ The Nazario Sauro, the Cesare Battisti, the Mussolini,
the Intrepid, the Enrico Toti, the Company of the
Carroccio, the Company of the Dead,’’ names renowned
5
a
4
« _
ai. kee
tT ig a ees eee Oa ye
ny ee = a a er
a rt
— ie Py po
CE ese
Fee a - G =
re
a
= es 5 ;
. ~~ ee Se A
= age es rs
at ad ed
ae , ae
e —t wes > “=
a
oa. eat) . ag PS pa as ee
a
pe
= =
4 A 1 .
- - :
en
os » ied
a
BIE a i SSN aA are itn Sd ake a ET Sw
— \« t- P~
% a Pa, NOV gh
Ses
ee
So eee
a eee
- Ae es ae =
ve a
eas
os ¢
tose ek kal Oe en ee eee eee naa Eee ee eae aI
——
ee ee ee ay ee eet Be a end Soe t es
baaes
We a iis tals iy ot ciel
ps pe ies
- ed
Pali ala ea
Ey a
m4 oe A ‘ > um 7 eee at tad : " ~ > = =
att: ep _ - ys * ~ b fe - he ee E = ¥ =e a
Pt we Oe et ee aie bee ae tal ;
a co ae ales Raed Sa Nila ae CI eet oa ge a seen
ie a a eee - 7 ” ' _ x .
apt ober teied a a ae aa i i a al hae ad a on =r . “a
_ Cha yt ee ewes ‘ ae 3 2 => Ms ie ae Rak et gt p i : » png ee as ares a ee in a = ‘ i LZ NS" ~] +s 0 i
ot Seal Mn ty ice, Me el oa - EL Sp ny gn Ok el pee ah Peper ee ie ee as oh. | aati
7 ad he ~ se ene ee a= err Fs on i” ms ra a a + ny ae - BF f = it: es 7 + Rae — F pore. ¢
284 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
‘n war, names sacred in the history of yesterday and of
to-day.
Alone, on foot, at the head of all, marched the Chief,
his face set, so alone, so upright in his martial bearing,
that in the midst of the crowd he seemed as if he were on
horseback. It was impossible to avoid thinking of that
other Condottiere, upright on his bronze horse in one
of the great squares of Venice, Colleon.
The crowd gazed only at him. A quiver of expecta-
tion and emotion ran before him, far more moving than
applause. Behind him swelled forth loud cries of accla-
mation which followed his triumphal way along the
entire route.
A rumour flew through the crowd which filled the
piazza that a woman had been fallen upon and killed.
There was a sudden wave of terror that bombs were to be
thrown, or that a fusillade of musketry would break out.
Panic seized on vast masses and might have led to the
most terrible disasters, but a glance from the Chief,
and a word of command to the ranks of Fascisti, instantly
stopped it and the tumult was quelled. Thus symboli-
cally the discipline of the volunteers, obedient to an
idea, dominated chaos, creature of selfishness and of
fear.
Two months later, 16th May, 1921, the political
elections all over Italy resulted in complete triumph.
The Socialists could not believe their eyes. So many
who had thought their seats safe lost them. The leader
of the Fascisti was not only elected for Milan, but also
for Bologna and Ferrara—the law allowed only two
candidatures. Both sent him to the Chamber with that
avalanche of votes which he had foreseen two years before.
He was now the leader of a Parliamentary group which
had sprung from nothing to thirty-three members. The
battle of the polls neither depressed him when defeated
nor exalted him when he was victorious.
Observers who were either interested persons, oF
sceptics, were always saying that Mussolini and Fascism
Beg
{
’ i
|
v
4
a idTHE COMING OF VICTORY
eo
f
ir
“2
tl
were exhausted, without vitality, done for, spent, buried.
Let the facts speak for themselves.
~ Is this new, young, vigorous, ardent, heroic move-
ment finished ?’’ Mussolini had asked at Bologna just
before the election. “‘ I myself, who claim the paternity
of this child of mine, which abounds so with life, | myself
sometimes feel that the movement has already burst
beyond the modest confines I had assigned to it.
We are on the eve of the election. Well, do you not
feel that the rudder of State will never be given back
into the hands of the old men of the old Italy . . . used
and abused, tired and even worse than tired? This
Fascism is the wind of all the heresies knocking at all
the closed doors. It says to the old priests, who are more
or less like mutes at a funeral : Fly from those storms
which threaten your ruin | And we say to all, great men
and small men of the political sphere, we say : Make
way for the youth of Italy, which wishes to impose its
faith and its passion. And if you will not make way
voluntarily, you will be swept away by our ‘ punitive
expedition,’ which will unite in one bond al) the free
spirits of the nation.”’
Electoral triumph had come overwhelmingly. More
remained to be accomplished.
es ere
ys .
[tr
~- ‘ * ,
Ey fs ,
Py Nia by
~ : ad
Se ee ees or
——
+ a
i
ek ie etre
Po tad
he ceamndlas =
a —
ee
a ee > oy
ee a y . >
a ae ~
eh, oe ee, 3
ed ANE EY S “ay See NT ne ae a
Orr Las Sh oe ae TN eerie ny Ee AD oe Te
F
ae eae
»
~ * ss ——~ oe,
eins
AG
se CS Se
ee ee ae Te
—
aa
Pens fa eee ee ane SE
-
net Ae ard
~.« = a
ae
dt eo
a 2 ~
a ee eee eee “iti ic ae
Oe Pe ee ee ee
fF eae oes
sage . Ce s
rv a
\
me |
es os era a ener tare gers ees a.
ae
Cae heee
_ — : > ’ ‘ - é
Sc Annee Lok Shara
Cr a Pe
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t
i
5
‘
!
]
i
CHAPTER XXXVI
HIERARCHY
The Order of the Great Umbrella—The ‘‘ Enemy of the Rose ’’—
The Pact—Concrete Problems—Hierarchy—Berlin and Angora—
The Episode of Corfu—-The State and Fascism—A Non-neutral
Government.
HEN he belonged to the official body of Socialists,
the revolutionary leader had said, at a Congress:
‘““Men are nothing, they disappear—only ideas
remain.”
The sovereign importance of man had now, however,
been hammered into his mind on the forge of experience.
He tried in vain to render Fascism impersonal, detaching
it from his personality by means of fresh ordinances,
changes of the constitution and distribution of respon-
sibility over a wider area ; but the attachment of this
great body of men to the one man remained invincible.
Even the enemy thought of him alone; the whole
responsibility rested on him. Once he assumed that
responsibility, he insisted on obedience. “ Do you know
who I am? The founder and inventor of the order of
the Great Umbrella, the universal protector!’ he
exclaimed with sarcastic irritation when he was begged
to intervene and correct the mistakes of others and to
put things right by throwing his personal authority into
the balance.
One of the earliest crises arose in June, 1921, Over
the “republican tendency’ which divided the party.
At that time the imprudent and ill-considered actions
of the Government seemed to threaten the prestige of
the Crown itself. The intention of the Soldier-King to
be poor amongst those who were poor, to give to his
fellow-combatants his splendid mansions and _ historic
286
(~ae~
aL a . aoe A : _ - — ae
Stan cht oA eat at ioe Alaa es om cS eee ar earl eee gees et ae sabres ' oan — ee :
= ne aah Pd, mig ey ig icp ng nah A rn oman apa fo 2 Sp it Cam a So we ag tee Na a a -
5 ae ay ee ee ee ‘ i pina yh : ee ed tr eT a ee ics a we ‘ as
- " - é 5 - he ri aligns eae yn ~ * ere <<. ye es . aa te 7 - e oe
ee ee eee See 85 pe Pe se rag axe ee ene le ON A ee ee ee ree:
. a ee aL ne a es es ae i p - ee ie . Mee at be or’ a f
_ . a a . a a we oo a A es + * Re ene i. er a F al — ee = —* =
- —
etl at tr a tr
es
mie. The
ne
ee ee.
a cs Ni lie ale a ee Ee en ea ee ete ered
ees ee
oie eee
py eg -
a ye -
-~
ae SY
%HIERARCHY
villas, was full of beautiful idealism. But a saint cannot
deprive himself of his halo in order to make it into bread.
~ Why are we Republicans? In one sense because
we see a King who is not enough of a monarch... al]
would become grey, mediocre, flat. Everything is done
to attenuate, to hide, to diminish the authority of the
State ...and the democracy does not understand that
the masses despise those who have not the courage to
be that which they ought to be.’ So affirmed this real
man of the people.
An even more acute crisis arose in August, 1921,
by reason of a pact agreed to between Fascists, Socialists
and Populars, against violence.
Faced by the intolerable pretensions of some groups
which were not sufficiently held in check by their local
chiefs, Mussolini’s warning broke forth with bitter
reproach :
~ The nation turned to us when our movement
appeared as a liberator from a tyranny ; the nation will
turn against us if our movement takes on the guise of a
fresh tyranny. ... The nation needs peace in order to
recover, to restore itself, to fulfil its highest destinies.
You do not understand, you do not wish to understand,
that the country wishes to work without being disturbed.
I would enter into alliance at this moment with the
devil himself, with Anti-Christ, if that would give this
poor country five years of tranquillity, of restoration,
of peace ’’—I heard him utter these words with glittering
eyes, accompanying them with a blow on the table.
When, after endless negotiations, the pact in question
was ready for signature, at the last moment some of the
subordinate officials rebelled against it. Confronted
with their opposition, Mussolini declared that he would
go back “into the rank and file.”’
» From my point of view, the situation is absolutely
clear : if Fascism will not follow me, no one can oblige
me to follow Fascism. I understand and sympathize
a little with those Fascisti who cannot get awav from their
Ste ee ee
ae ee =
ene eae
t Seats ggg Tags ce fey
a a en - —+ = pe. KF
» i” =]
pe
S roe ‘a Mt “FF
bam ~~
a een .
a eet hn oe ee eth ney Wy eee ROS ye oY ET
= are,
- | ay ;
ee =
=
id
a“ ~
ae kee
. —_— x
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_ Se’ 5 Fe Int . cs
288 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
own surroundings. They stand for that love of one’s
own home town which is really opposed to us, to us
who wish to centralize Italy and make her into one
national entity, fused into one whole from the sea to
the Alps. But the man who has founded and guided
a movement, who has given it the fine flower of his
energy, has the right to proceed from the study of a
thousand local elements to a synthetic consideration of
the political and moral panorama ; he has the right to
see from a mountain top a wider horizon, a panorama
which is not that of Bologna, or Venice, or Cuneo,
but is Italian, European, world-wide. ...I ama leader
who leads, not a leader who follows. I go—now and
above all—against the current and never abandon myself
to it and I watch always, above all, for the changing
winds to swell the sails of: my destiny.”
The minds of men were too heated and irritated ;-
the words of civil peace and toleration, listened to by
men of goodwill in both camps, found but few followers
amongst the mob. But ¢ the pact ’ served to destroy the
legend of violence for the sake of violence at all costs,
an end in itself. It achieved even more important results,
in that it showed the need for a hierarchy in Fascism
and demonstrated clearly the principle, “ A hierarchy
ought to culminate in a pins point,”’ as the President
would declare, taught by the varied experience of these
two or three years spent in what he called © the office
of the Great Umbrella’’ before he assumed the post
which was awaiting him, that of // Duce—the Chief.
For Fascism, new and greater réles were indicated.
No longer was it a movement of reaction against
Bolshevism, with a limited and sterile programme of
negation and opposition, it now became a movement of
expansion. It ceased to be local and became national,
and in passing beyond the nation became an active
element in the life of the whole world.
os ° 8
Discussions of a theoretical nature were not possibleHIERARCHY
in a daily newspaper, Owing to lack of space and to the
popular nature of a journal meant to pass into the hands
of all sorts of people. Still less could a daily paper,
meant for active propaganda, such as the Popolo, serve
the purposes of deeper study, of more concrete culture,
which the founder desired for Fascism.
Flence, for these reasons, he always thought with
longing of Usopia, his ancient review. He is made like
that : he would suddenly give up one of his creations,
but he would always come back to it. Fickle and yet
constant, after twists and turns he would come back to
his old ways enriched by experience. “‘ We will have
a review—you shall see! I have it all planned out.”
We sought for a title. One day, amongst other ideas,
Gerarchia— Hierarchy ”—was suggested. He pounced
on it like a cat on a mouse—“ That will do, that will
do.”’
“The idea of publishing a review which should
announce its programme in its title, while that programme
should itself be a challenge, arose at the end of 1920,
when the times were particularly stormy and the future
seemed uncertain. The fact that its circulation sreatly
exceeded that of any other political review points to the
conclusion that it gave expression to the spiritual ten-
dencies of the new generation, illustrating them and
inspiring them.”
In the closing part of 1917, Mussolini had written
In the Popolo: “Revolution is a discipline which
substitutes itself for another discipline, it is an order,
a hierarchy, which takes the place of another order.”
Fle expressed his views even more clearly in the first
number of the Review : f
“ He who talks of ‘hierarchy’ means a scale of
human values ; he who talks of a scale of human values
means a scale of responsibility and duties ; he who talks
of ‘ hierarchy ’ means discipline. Above all, he who talks
arf hierarchy ” in reality takes up a fighting position
against all those who tend—in spirit or in life—to lower
T
ee
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22
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a.
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a aah
eld tk
290 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
or destroy the necessary ranks of society. “ Necessary,’
I call them, not merely traditional. Tradition is certainly
one of the greatest spiritual forces of the people in so
far as it 1s a continued and constant creation of their
minds. But we cannot accept the absolute test that all
which is traditional is sacred, immutable and inviolable :
such as the traditional hierarchy. History offers a
panorama of hierarchies which rise, live, are transformed,
decline, die. It is necessary, therefore, to preserve the
values of the hierarchies which have not exhausted their
usefulness ; to graft on to the trunk of such hierarchies
new elements of life; to prepare the way for new
hierarchies. And in this way we shall solder the links
between past and future.
“We do not mean to repudiate the past. We should
repudiate ourselves. We are already the past, since we
live in the present and face those who are to come ;_ nor
do we mean to cut ourselves off from the life of the
future, since our present is in itself a future faced with
those who have gone before us. . . . Confronted by the
words and ideas which bind us together, Left bound to
Right, conservatives to revolutionaries, tradition to
progress, we do not cling desperately to the past, as to
our only hope of salvation, nor do we hurl ourselves
headlong into the tempting clouds of the future. Our
philosophical and political position is that of a watch-
ful control, of a meditative discipline, bent on determining
a synthesis or state of equilibrium which will enable
us to emerge from the stormy sea of the world crisis.”
This ‘‘ stormy sea”’ had to be known and appre-
ciated, not only in its effects on our little shores. It was
the overwhelming importance of international problems
which caused Mussolini, when he became ruler, to set
aside an immemorial tradition and combine the post
of President of the Council and Minister for Foreign
Affairs. 1 heard him say
“You ought to see me busy with the affairs of
Europe, you ought to see me busy over the position ofHIERARCHY 291
Italy in Europe and in the world, and you think I can
throw myself heart and soul into the squabbles of the
Fascisti of Tradate |
~ Italy is bottled up in the Adriatic, a little bow] of
water one could wash one’s face in. Compared with
the problems of world politics, that of the Mediter-
ranean is but a small affair, a little overflow from two
oceans. Yet I cannot take up the question because |
am called to attend to the contest at Peretola, or because
there have been blows struck at Gorgonzola or Roccan-
nuccia, someone has been killed, all Italy can think of
nothing else, Fascism is entirely absorbed in the matter! ”’
And he wrote :
~ [ hold that having broken the pride, which was one
not of words alone, of Italian Bolshevism, Fascism ought
to become the watchful guardian of our foreign policy.
I think that Fascism ought to trainupa generation of new
men, without provincialism or local feeling, who would
feel” the Italian problem, who would hold it to be a
problem of self-consciousness, of expansion, of Italian
prestige, in Europe and in the world, and, to attain this
object, would adapt both minds and methods. If
Italy wishes to play a guiding part in the destinies of the
world, if Italy has the pride which she ought to have,
She should prepare herself now; she should assemble
a band of technical experts, of students who would
bring both devotion and efficiency to the examination
of special questions, and at the same time she ought to
awaken amongst the great mass of Italians an interest
in foreign policy. Only by these means can Italy be-
come a great nation, and, what is even more important,
while presenting herself to the outside worldasone united
and complete whole, preserve and safeguard her political
unity at home. .. . It is necessary to force Fascism
to change its front and to turn it away from bitter local
quarrels in order that it may become the motive power
of our foreign policy. A hard and ungrateful task, but
4 necessary one. Either Fascism will become this, or
ee Soa
rns Fe ‘
aS +g Z oe a” Se
gg te ig “s
= a a - ~ = ~s os es ae
a r P yan < os an — — a a Wa tte
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5 * : »
a a
ety
a Pat al ae
3 \ a
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ee
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Cast
ee te eee ee ee ee re a eee
en
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=
CL La Se Pernt Tee eee eee292 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
else, its warfare against Bolshevism being brought to an
end for want of enemies, Fascism will cease to have any
Objects:
At this period, Mussolini wrote for Gerarchia his
studies on ‘° The Drama of Cannes,” on — The Masks
and Faces of Germany,” and later on “ The Crescent
Moon.” ‘They seem to-day, even more than when they
were written, prophetically realistic, so closely did they
probe the problem of the Franco-British conflict and of
the alarming reappearance of German activity, behind
which lay the shadow of a Russian alliance.
“The memory of man is short,” he said. “ Few
are quick to remember that France has twice been
invaded by the Germans. Few are ready to believe that
a third attempt is amongst the possibilities of the future.
In the universal misery, in the universal effort of Europe
to emerge from this period of uncertainty, France has
been judged as the last factor which disturbs the settle-
ment of Europe, as the only militaristic nation of the
world. No one reflects that, if the Treaty of Versailles
were torn up, France would have only her guns to
depend upon. All are ready to believe in the Pan-
European idealism of Lloyd George. The English
world follows an optimistic conception of the future of
Europe; the French world has a conception of the most
pessimistic kind. The Germany of to-morrow, thickly
populated and prolific, inflamed with rancour and agitated
by old dreams of power which have never been dispelled,
the Germany of to-morrow, leader of Russia, which she
has already begun to colonize, will she ever adapt herself
to existence on an equality in that Concert of Europe
which can be discerned as the ultimate object behind all
the oratorical outbursts of Lloyd George?.. -
“The violent revision of the Treaty of Sévres has
led . . . to a war of ‘ periphrasis,’ which has made all
Europe tremble,” Mussolini wrote in another article in
Gerarchia in September, 1922. ‘‘ Other violent revisions
may plunge Europe into another war. Behind Germany,HIERARCHY 293
materially disarmed, but spiritually armed, Russia may
appear. Luckily, if England is unarmed. or practically
so, France has an army and Italy has an army, possibly
two. The moral of the Kemalist victory is this: Europe
to put herself on her feet again, needs at least fifty years
of peace. This half-century of peace might have been
given by a military peace. It was not so given because
the Wilson mentality prevented it. For lack of the peace
given by the sword, we must do what we can, within the
limits of possibility, for a peace of approximate justice,
Either we do this or we shall have another war, and with
another war the collapse of European civilization.
This is the dilemma which is to be seen in Anatolia,
lit up by the flames from burning Smyrna.”
Certainly one source of strength in the English is to
be found in the fact that the vast bulk of the middle
Classes occupy themselves very little with politics, but
there is a general and widely-diffused political conscious-
ness, which is based upon principles that are deeply
rooted in the hearts of the people, and once a decision
has been arrived at in favour of one or other of these
historic principles, the people leave to their leaders the
charge and responsibility of putting them into practice.
One man thinks for all in public matters. The millions
of citizens control him in essentials, and for the rest
follow him and support him, from a distance; they know
they can depend on him in their turn; they can rid them-
selves, if they wish, of the burden of public affairs which
they place on his shoulders and can pass on with the great-
est alacrity to their private business. The Fascist
Government tends to give to Italy, and to the Italians
scattered throughout two worlds, this keen consciousness
ef being Italians, controlled, but also supported, by a
strong government. ;
~ One can understand,” says Mussolini, ‘‘ how
thousands upon thousands of Italians, especially those
from the south, who in the past twenty years have
wandered all over the world, know from bitter experience
mse eta
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hid See ae see et a a IR Sg FS a a rn ae re Santali Gambit SP el a ie Pia ca - ee ee ee
ald _ ee as r. ~ a aibeber += 2 = a: oe es ~ on ger) _* mez = . :
age folk So lea we we Fe gd A gee Be Be ie Fk siheaeag a pee yo TP ns
Ey ep F ~ = a , CN i ade Sms o aioe 8 * =
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cog Brera SN ota se 9 i an a le Sl a a en ee eee
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294 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
what it.means to belong to a nation which is weak in
the military sense and without prestige.’
The action taken over Corfu, which has been judged
from various standpoints and criticized abroad, was
nothing but the logical sequence of this principle, the
principle of respect for the dignity of Italy. It was not
decided upon lightly. One of our generals together
with our diplomatic mission were massacred and be-
trayed; unarmed they were ambushed in the woods of
Janina. Orders were sent at once, threatening 1m-
mediate retribution, and in that night of September,
1923, forty ships, seven thousand armed men, with
munitions and baggage, concentrated before Corfu,
the outpost of that chief provoker of war, Greece.
“I give you seventy hours to occupy the island.”
“Tt is not possible.”
SaltemuUst Den.
Mussolini did not sleep that night, nor any other
night in that month of September. . . . He gave back
her dignity to Italy; and Italians throughout the world,
from the pampas of the Argentine to the oases of Africa,
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, felt themselves for the
first time guarded, defended, by the strong and willing
arm of a father.
He replied to the remonstrances of the Swiss Govern-
ment that he could not admit that a nation which had
not fought for seven centuries could judge a nation
which in four years had lost 600,000 dead.
And to the other Powers, who vaguely hinted at a
blockade: “‘ Exports in excess of imports would delight
>)
me.
He was content to win, not to “ shatter.”” This in
itself was a victory over his own nature, with its bent
toward “‘ shattering.”” His wisdom acted as a curb on
the impetuosity of his instincts.
‘“‘Let us hope this severe lesson will cure Italians
from the malady of conventional phrases,” was the
conclusion drawn in Parliament and drawn from theHIERARCHY
hostility aroused against us on the part of nations which
in the conventional phrase had been “ traditionally
friendly.”
In June, 1922, Mussolini had written in Gerarchia:
~ Is Fascism a movement to restore the authority of the
State, or one to subvert that authority ? Is it order or
disorder? How can we reconcile its reiterated pro-
clamation that it wishes to restore the authority of the
State with its action in flouting the representatives
of that authority ?. . . Can one be conservative and sub-
versive at the same time ?
~ In the programme of Fascism, the State is defined
as © the judicial incarnation of the nation.’ The formula
is vague. The State... is this, but it is more than this.
The State is, in origin, a hierarchical system. The day
when a man, from a group of other men, first assumed
command because he was the strongest, the cleverest,
the wisest, or the most intelligent, and the others from
love or fear obeyed him, that day the State was born
and a system of ranks created, simple and rudimentary
as the life of man then was. The head has to create a
hierarchy to make war, to give justice, to administer
the goods of the community, to obtain payment of
tribute. It does not matter how the State originates.
- . . In every instance the State builds up for itself a
hierarchical system, which to-day has become infinitely
complex, in accordance with life which to-day is more
complex both in intensity and in extent. Decadence
of the hierarchy means decadence of the State. When
the military hierarchy loses its virtue, defeats follow.
When the hierarchy of the exchequer becomes rapacious
and devours the wealth of the country without scruple,
the State totters. When the political hierarchy lives
for the moment and no longer has the moral strength
to take long views, nor to win over the masses to support
those views, the State finds itself faced with the alter-
P
~~ pa
Se i kote
s SS es es
= Sa
Pra oe
ane z
ker ae ee . #
> -
Bo a a a ae =
=
oo ee
a
~ eet
aon
r’
bes
Spee oe ree
ee ee
Se ee ae ee ee ee
x YT ee
a Ww 2) ~-
ee ee
re Ter eet, s ? ot Oe ee ee ee et
et yrsay
ml
x
eg SO
wee
298 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
_
rool vrata iit a
ad pe
es ye vate Tad
tay ae. to
~ ye eR a -
ee as
eT
19 and in ’20, what she was in ’21 and ’22, what she has
been in ’23."
Both the one and the other are the words of the same
man.
After the promise, the beginning of fulfilment :
the goal is the same.
i a BS a See ee a oe
ey a he then SE cotta tenis ail petits Re gh a ee
H
fl
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i)
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a
:
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f ;
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MAIR Ea TES
a) -.
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ee
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-
~
~~
CHAPTER XXXVII
OMENS AND WARNINGS
Milan—Angora and Rome—Unity threatened and Revolution
necessary — The Strike — Agrarian Slavery — D’Annunzio —
Jaurés and the Horse of Attila,
46
HIERE are now two States within the State,
two Governments, two leaders. I am _ the
Mustapha Khemal of a Milanese Angora, swift, irregular
and victorious, in opposition to a Roman Constantinople,
feeble and paralysed, the eternal Byzantium.”
The opposition to the Chief was inspired by the
events of the summer of 1922. Nitti had been succeeded
by Giolitti. The threatening of revolution was not
understood by those with whom lay responsibility.
The signs so clearly written escaped the eyes and were
not given credence. Events were sliding down an
inclined plane, and it was not possible to arrest them.
On the night that the railway strike broke out over the
whole of Italy, the Minister of the Interior, Bonomi,
was at the theatre. Eleonora Duse had had the doors
barred at the very beginning of the performance, and
from nine o’clock till midnight, deputies and officials
In vain tried to get into communication with the head of
the Government. In August another general strike was
declared. Fascism sprang upon it and crushed it.
Engineers, professors, deputies, hurled themselves eagerly
against the quarrelsome Trade Unions. At the furnaces,
the machines, the railways, the trams, the national life
refused to stand still in obedience to an arbitrary decision.
~ To fold one’s arms’”’ was no longer the remedy for all
ills. Youths and students gladly did their eight, ten,
299
ea at
a ‘ - i 4
Sa ee eee et ee eo 0 ae oe ae
ee er
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2 7 le le ke hs ra ry ==
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= a
ay
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Ba
Fe ee Tee ae) Poe ee yt ee
ry
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Rt et Pare p Oe
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ome yas earth s ne as png a alin ag ad a rahe oe enn a eet ane eee
ef RN, rhs hg aye : ra ne asa x Se, ee - oe an ore " i i
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P r
b as.
aT | i 5
Pa 4 Pd
n
ied
7
i
goo THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
twelve hours of manual labour, or went on the tramways
through the most disturbed districts, giving out tickets |
and taking fares with the utmost calm.
In Milan, where the Socialists dominated the muni-
cipal council, they began the struggle. The water
supply was partially cut off, the public services collapsed.
What bitter complaints broke out over the snow which
lay blocking the streets while the scavengers demanded
enormous wages |!
Even more significant events occurred in Bolzano
and the Upper Adige. ‘The inhabitants, accustomed to
the centralized authoritative government of Austria-
Hungary, jeered at the relaxation of the Italian regime,
pointing to-the paralysis and discontent it produced,
and proceeded to outbursts of disorder and revolt.
After three years, the Italy of Vittorio Veneto was a
timid interloper in her own house. In arfswer to the
energetic remonstrances of the Fascists, the Governor
of the province indeed allowed himself to speak of it as
“the house of other: people,” at which the new Finance
Minister and some of the new deputies shut the door in
his face, declaring him turned out of office as unworthy
to hold it. They took the government into their own
hands. The populace itself upheld them.
The Congress of Rome in 1920 had declared that
Fascism would substitute itself for the State, whenever
the State should show itself incapable of suppressing
elements of disorder and disintegration.
Hence came the logical conclusion : “ The situation
is paradoxical ; it cannot continue. For the country’s
sake it is necessary to subdue this State within the State,
to subdue the revolutionary force by the conservative
force. There cannot be two or three States within the
State.”
3. a 2 vt
Udine, on the 22nd September, 1922, saw the
great work begin at its Castello. Mussolini that morningOMENS AND WARNINGS 301
entered the city and in the Castello addressed the people
who had flocked from all parts of the Veneto.
What heights were reached from this moment
onward by the fanatical devotion to Mussolini, no one
who has not seen can believe. Enemies and opponents
tried in vain to injure him by calumny. He was too
detached from material matters and totally impervious
to the lure of wealth. In answer toa friend who told him
of some journalistic slander, he said: “| cannot run
behind all the mad dogs which go about barking in every
province : oh, yes, everyone knows all about the eight
millions I took from Giolitti, the five from Genoa, and
three from Elba, and that I do not know where to put
all my millions |”
The same people, in order to try and hinder the
astounding success of Fascism in the country districts,
labelled it as “‘ agrarian Slavery ’’ and asserted that if
not the Chief actually, still the whole movement “ had
sold itself to the combinations of great industrialists.”
It was necessary to have followed the Chief in his
progresses through the countryside to realize how exact-
'y opposed to these statements was the truth. Crowds
Hocked to hear him. I have witnessed strange signs of
devotion and of gratitude in strange circumstances,
which showed clearly how many people carried the image
of him in their hearts and had always before their eyes.
" Fascism,” said its founder, ‘“ in many regions
is the sign awaited for centuries. Its historic merit
is that it has succeeded in incorporating vast masses of
rural elements into the living body of our history.
During the Risorgimento, these were either lacking, or
were hostile. The war recruited them by thousands,
but only as passive elements. Fascism has turned this
passivity into active support of the reality and sanctity
of the nation. The tricolour, ignored for nearly a century,
waves to-day over the most obscure villages. Not all
‘hat blossoms to-day in this springtime of the race will
survive. I know that, but I also know that such a
ath aay a = a et “ = 3 wa = ~~ ra ae aN fy eae xe ¥
ER tie ai ee A a a eet te ee ee ord
>
ne
yer:
a a = c ,
rs ~
ge. A ="
9
ee ee
=n 7 “3 : e at os “ tC tn . = 4
coe) aE eae ee ES Tn ee Te oe ae =
aw
ee
el os x
.
tig wns
4
2 on I : = ei rap sa 7 a,
a Se te ae < ae ee ra Py is OE = ii
oo
4 pe eS -
ae wi mee
See ee
_—
- ee ug a * Pert 3 > ie z : i : ; a j —? ee - 4 : Sat . Pe ew ont — " lta ne pd ~ Se ga
- . ae ns ot Miner 3 wal ah Pt Se es ee eee Ree ee EO La a ey ca ale Eat
ke Ci pas Po ek Ce eee ee ee a tN eR et oN eee a eee Se ge ee oe Bag tes kee eee Rate ae ete eee
AE tg ee ateaia
— 3 . oo " . ~ ‘ _— ~ = ? i
ea BS a Bi a OL om ont an: ™: ee ; = Saeed = a = Re ;
ah a tir Shih ea oa ae a cael Pl Ne ee a OSES i dpe: lines
» ap Fe ont ; =A ae sf * : i he . c bs i > mee , - a = x a al = ma Sole ae yg Sori “eh = pie ey
nose on Sete ee ae a, FE pee RE, A ee : - * ~ as Ph, og ae ao Tote ty
a = == . . * ra ‘Se a or — a Se ee y
_
~
a
SA er Che et ae Fn ign aah Nek ia Sg Ls et ee ET — :
a a ae a pn eee ate
302 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
spiritual awakening will leave profound traces behind
it. *
Mussolini’s eloquence, closely adhering to realities,
was simple and direct, He neither used much gesture,
nor rounded his periods, two curious characteristics in
a Latin country.
His speeches were apparently prosaic pronounce-
ments, concise almost to brusqueness. But by flashes
and bursts he rose from the recital of bare facts to the
heights of thought and imagination. He who has
experience knows the difficulty of fulfilling the precept
of Montesquieu : the art of good writing lies in doing
away with intermediate ideas. Mussolini did away with
them, in hundreds of unpremeditated outpourings,
delivered fresh and unprepared in numbers of halls and
squares, over a period of years in every corner of Italy.
‘““T confine myself to the giving out of ideas,” he
said when his career was beginning in 1909. “... |
try to substitute ideas for phrases. The old rhetorical
form of oratory has become out of date. ‘To-day we
need conciseness and exactness.’
But while avoiding rhetoric, he did not despise
an occasional vivid figure of speech, especially when he
spoke of Italy and Rome.
I recall one instance, when he told the Fascist
companies who had come to take the oath of loyalty
before the Palazzo Chigi : ““ You must love your country
with unquenchable love.”’
His eloquence, resembling the bulletins of Napoleon,
is not that of a man of letters, accustomed to seek at his
writing-table the nuances of expression. He 1s a true
man of action, living through in his own experience the
experiences of history and touching the heart of a people
through its imagination.
The pilot on that river called humanity knows that
all goes onand nothing returns, and the river of a thousand
years remains diverse and yet unchanged.OMENS AND WARNINGS 303
' To restore the State, I have found the secret
of a small forgotten word,” says the President to-day.
‘For years the Italian State, always acquiescing, has lost
credit and authority. He who wishes to govern must
learn to say: No! ”
Fascism aims at giving back to words their ancient
virtue of absolute truth. If other merits be denied
the Fascist revival, this will remain: it has restored
truth to a country grown accustomed to sophistry.
Mussolini, before, during, and after the revolution,
turned to the Italian people with rude honesty, as man
to man, not with words of praise as to children whom it
was necessary to deceive. The spiritual optimism
which does not deny pessimism but accepts and over-
whelms it, because evil exists only in a material sense
and the unconquerable forces of good will overcome it—
this courage both of mind and deed gave to the Chief his
Magnetic prestige.
In his speeches during September and October,
1922, he declared open warfare on the opponents of
Fascism and of the nation, in words which were without
any rhetoric, which were composed of hard facts :
' Dante is great,” he said, ‘‘ because he understood that
words are living things . . . the mystery of words is a
mystery of life.”’
Mussolini as an orator produced an effect which
was the exact opposite of that created by d’Annunzio.
Mussolini seemed a torrent of lava, restrained and
utilized by an iron will. You felt in him the constraint
which he forced upon himself, and that he was, as it were,
putting his ideas into the form of a soliloquy.
One who saw the notes written by Jaurés for his
superb final oration at the International Socialist Con-
press in 1914, on the eve of the world conflict, tells me
that on one folio appeared the solitary phrase, “ The
norse of Attila is let loose.” His eloquence sprang up
in a fount from this image.
I have observed the notes made by Mussolini for
ery
= om
oy
“——
a eee a
a eT grea g we e
me ek a
a Sj S x
a | o
eee ee ~
! ' te a
> 4
re Pe ha
ae Te
4 _
Set ne ap oe
“ Fig
Cis ee
ae 1 ie
ay oe in ee
co
A
a he eR Te Dee Ty GEE
rm
Re ee ee ee
———
oe ed
eee |
Berd ewe
a
es a
my
ae ae ae
ve ~
Pao
Se ea,
We ee ee
er
re
at om ee hole
Rt Fn ooh
Tr
ete
ted => ¢ ver ring wD in ce he
er eae 0 aie. eS ath om
Sei ae ere Oke ae a. Somer est304 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
some important speech; they are notes of facts, jotted |
down in a few syllables. Men are necessary instru-
ments, therefore they must be won over, but he despised
and avoided the plaudits of the crowd. He had need
of popularity, but suffered from it, though it pleased him.
He fled from applause with the haste others show in
seeking it. But communion with the crowd acted as a
magnetic current and did away with all dissimulation.
The people understood him, were united to him by some
hidden thread and were the miore closely drawn to him
when he least permitted them to break into facile accla-
mations. ,
Hence the seed sprang up and flourished the more
because the snow had obliged it to send down strong and
deep-twisted roots.ft J
Se |
CHAPTER XXXVITI
ON THE BARRICADES
Minister without Portfolio—The Strategy of the Triple Screw—
October 1922—-The Moment arrives—A Rifle and a Bullet—
Was there a Revolution ?—A Responsible Leader—A Master-
stroke—Not a Minister, a Governor.
HE men of the old régime had believed in many
rumours of revolutions, which turned out only
to be plots that failed.
In September and October, 1922, people did not
whisper of revolution, they cried the word aloud. It
became essential to appoint some Minister to counter-
act the movement. Whucsalins was offered the post.
Not with too great haste; there was no need for that.
. . . otill, he was to bea Minister! Without a portfolio,
it is true, but one so young could afford to wait!
~ Yes, now I am to act as the Great Umbrella at the
Ministry! A Minister without a portfolio, like poor
Bissolati: solidarity without autonomy, responsibility
without power !’’ remarked the Chief caustically. ‘‘ We
are the new Italy: her only hope of salvation. We
cannot let ourselves be wasted and used up in this way.”’
But he was working to gain time and mature his
plans. His adversaries would not be able to parry a
blow. Men more clear-seeing, more aware of the need
to act quickly, would have accepted his proposals at
once, proposals which were both moderate and legitimate.
~ The time has gone by for that,”’ he declared at once,
on finding his proposals met by trifling concessions or
evasions. And when it was decided to act on lines
laid down by him, once again the most important parts of
his programme were omitted and once again ‘‘the
ime has gone by.”
3095 v
om ad
inthe » q
, a ™ Py
fhe o en”
Ree i >
gu
ala te
- Gp ae a
Oe tee ee! Fae
ee S -
~
u fi
- ‘ar -
os
oa RE Rae ae oe Valarie he ates pe
_.
Re Nea
eng one tn, TD
Ce ed
tans
Or eet
a
Pees tt
Oe ee ee eon a eee ee
a eee
wm Oe et ee a oe
- ih eet eB ie EE ce
Pa erat ee ee ae ee
a an = o * eee
eh tae aes306 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
Threateningly and stormily he said it, for in times of
tempest delays are unpardonable. “ To-day and at
once,’’ according to the motto of St. Catherine of Siena— |
Now is the right time.
On the 24th of October, 1922, at Naples, he made
an important pronouncement, speaking as a soldier
commanding his troops.
‘Leaders, legionaries, black shirts of Naples and
all Italy !
‘To-day, without striking one wounding blow, we
have conquered the burning, vibrating soul of Naples,
the burning soul of all the south of Italy. The demon-
stration is complete in itself and cannot be turned into
a battle, but I tell you with all the solemnity that the
moment calls for—it is a matter now perhaps of days,
perhaps only of hours—either the Government must be
handed over to us, or we shall seize it by marching on
Rome !
“Tt is necessary, in order to act simultaneously,
and in order that in every corner of Italy we may seize
by the throat the miserable men who hold political
power, that you should be ready and on the alert. I tell
you solemnly and swear to you that orders, if they are
necessary, will be given ! ”’
That day, for the first time, he wore, over the black
shirt of his uniform, the scarf with the colours of Rome.
The Congress broke up, in the orderly tumult of
an army, with the fateful cry—‘*‘To Rome ! To Rome 7
On the evening of the 27th, he was at the theatre
in Milan. Half-way through one act, word was brought
to him. “ A telephone message. It has begun.” He rose,
calm and quick. ‘‘ Here we are. Good-bye.’”” He went.
At Cremona, the Black Shirts, anticipating his plans
by a few hours, had seized the telephone, the telegraphs,
the postal services and the public offices, with inevitable
loss of life—a dozen young victims.
Towards midnight, at the Popo/o, feverish prepara-ON THE BARRICADES
tions were made for the barricades. The last motors
left hurriedly, bearing the last copies of the ultimatum,
which had been secretly made ready for some days past
and which next day were to be placarded all over Italy.
“ Fascists of Italy |!
~ The hour for a decisive battle has Struck! Four
years ago, the National Army entered upon the supreme
offensive which was to lead it to Victory : to-day the
Army of the Black Shirts grasps that incomplete Victory
and, marching with determination on Rome, leads her
back to the glories of Campidoglio. To-day, Leaders
and Legionaries have been mobilized. The martial
law of Fascism has been put into force. Under the
orders of the Chief, a secret Quadrumvirate has been
formed, with a mandate to concentrate all the military,
political and administrative functions of the party in
their hands.
~ The Army, as the supreme reserve and safeguard
of the Nation, ought not to take part in the struggle.
Fascism lays renewed stress on the deep admiration it
feels for the Army of Vittorio Veneto. Nor does Fascism
march on the agents of the public administration, but
against that class of imbecile and mentally deficient
politicians, who, during four long years, have not known
how to give a Government to the Nation. Those classes
which compose the productive bourgeoisie know that
Fascism wishes only to impose discipline on the Nation
and to aid all those forces which assist its economic
expansion and its well-being.
~ The working classes, the people of the fields and
of the factories, the transport workers and the civil
servants, have nothing to fear from the Fascist rule.
Their just rights will be loyally observed. We shall be
Benerous to our unarmed adversaries. We shall be
pitiless towards the others.
~ Fascism draws its sword to cut the numerous
‘sordian knots which enmesh and strangle the life of
Italy. We call upon Almighty God and upon the souls
* ee ee ee
A ee ee ee i 4
~~
ba
ae . Nd 4
Ly ‘toe, - J
rt fi %
ae OE Fa. oyety,®
crak hone a
ad _-
ae ge ee ee Sea aE ee Be oe et hE aT ey
Pee at at ree we ee et
eee PT te
ee
ete me
_ = —
hn |
ae
eet
ohne Meg oe ee
4
aE eee ee
Se ee +
oh ee
_ =
ena
Phillies
P ri > : -
he vt oa is o
ee er a, ey oe
-
ee ees
——
Sets
Sie, Serene
Beets
ale
a
| eae I I AS rye Pin Sena ee a ae en
Se ee ee en ee ee ee ae
ee F
oe —
—
~~
rat eee
ate ee ele det
-? Se ee
al
Pre oe pen
ss
ae Pes
ae
lame pak
a et eee
ee, Pee ee
we
2
ee ba a ee eee aed TRA ae CE a oeen ne er fi a BE a
el ie ee Fe * ca - et = r py.
: oy 4 Pg Po - hk ee i
: Pe ie ie
- ln 1 aK
oe - hort ae
fille Eines ce ee
Si a acre eR eas inca bern a ae :
Doge RE ail are Raat oe apt > bes Be a edit en te wa Sea eat hn
eS
ek Pn ie
308 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
of our five hundred thousand dead to witness that only
one impulse animates us, only one desire draws us
together, only one passion inspires us ; to contribute
to the salvation and to the greatness of our country.
“ Fascisti of all Italy !
“As Romans, summon up your spirit and your
strength. We must conquer. We shall conquer.
“Viva Italia! Viva Fascismo!”
The next day, the Popo/o came out with a clear and
stirring appeal
“This is the situation: a great part of northern
Italy is completely in the hands of the Fascists, Central
Italy—Tuscany, Umbria, the Marches—is entirely —
occupied by the Black Shirts. In places where the public
offices have not been taken by assault, the Fascists have
occupied the railway stations and post-offices, the nerve
centres of the life of the nation. . . . Victory 1s seen to
be complete, with the practically unanimous consent
of the nation. ‘The Government must become entirely
Fascist.
“ Fascism will not abuse its victory, but it will not
see it cut short... . The Fascisti have been, and are,
wonderful. Their sacrifices have been great and must be
crowned by complete success. ... [he men of Rome
must understand that the old forms must be done away :
with. To-day a constitutional settlement may be arrived
at, but to-morrow it will be too late. ... A decision must:
be made! Fascism desires power and will have it.”
The genius of Mussolini’s plans consisted in their
unexpectedness; he took people by surprise, treating
matters, men, and situations in a way quite different
from what was expected.
While all were waiting for an attack on the capital,
according to the usual tradition, he set to work on a plan
adapted to Italian realism: his campaign was to work
from the circumference, drawing a line through numerous
points simultaneously, taking in the smaller cities.
In this way individual attacks would be more easilyON THE BARRICADES 309
successful and in the widespread national movement
even an occasional check would lose importance relative-
ly: a local affair could be easily prevented from spreading
and would be compensated for by successes obtained
elsewhere.
Perugia, at the geographical centre of Italy, had been
chosen by the military Quadrumvirate as its headquarters.
The assembling of two hundred and fifty thousand
Black Shirts, of whom one hundred thousand had
been mobilized, was carried through with speed and de-
cision, according to plans drawn up by the Duce himself,
with infallible strategic foresight. The centre of Italy
was cut across by three diagonal lines, which, while
protecting important points, all converged on Rome,
ready to crush her in the grip of their three claws: one
line ran from Pisa to Civitavecchia, the next from
Perugia to Monterotondo, and the third, possibly the
most important, ran from the Paduan valley along the
coast of the Adriatic, from Rimini to Ancona and Castel-
lamare. Along each line were posted garrisons and
reserve troops; each ended in a body of armed men under
their leaders.
~ Our destiny as a nation is riveted to Rome,” said
the Chief, and not without cause was the revolution
expressed as “the March on Rome.” But it was neces-
Sary to advance on Rome from outside, not as many
expected, to take Rome in order to hold Italy; from all
over Italy the advance was made on the supreme goal.
Facta was Prime Minister. He thought of offering
armed resistance and issuing a decree declaring Italy
in a state of siege. The King, who had experience of
actual warfare, held that it would be wholly absurd to
offer the ridiculous sight of a few cavalrymen posted on
the banks by the Ponte Milvio at Rome.
War is always terrible and horrible; civil war is
horrible and infamous; a theatrical parody of it is a thing
intolerable.
The head of Italy’s army refused to sign the decree;
-
* voll
a
ant td
S Cay oe a * oe ee b
a bent aoe Re a ae | * a pe —— Sa oe .
SN TR a ee et ei ye ar. 4
SN Tile ile cans, hr ak ee OT EL te Chere
cand te ee ee SE en ‘etc! ne BS 3 7 ar er 2S 3 os ~~ wt
gee a
te -
en
OF Oa ACRE ais fai BARES
ee oF oe
eo
ade
oe es
CR ng a
Pet eee
TS are
~
a!
ert ene
SS eee
ee iS eee = S + - ae >
eine’
i A
CA SOLA IO AIP nen, Fret gl Gt pS Sh Re It eae aa = er oe ty
ON Me a ee ee ek Ieee an ee ear eee eee OE re a aay ee eT te Se a ot
s #8 ae =e Ln =
Pa a ee
—
_—
a
ite as Cae a)
~~.
~ a
y ate
De
v
% Sa r
Pr ——
ae Tegtheca a Salis van hae Ae ee Sane eee ae = : F
PARTS ne ee RE See ere ee ier kee ge dee ge — " eet as
Ne ag ot eee i oy hig ae att ON a ee i yy ee — ene : . : ” ee
Be Era ee pag as heat ap ay OR cS EN ae NON a ern he RO Sa aril eee hla a dae ihe a one
ae Need na aS
a
- Sel s "
; —
ee
310 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
some say, with words of bitter blame: +f I know my
people better than their leaders: I will not sign.”
Meanwhile the old Parliamentary hands tried to save
the game, offering the prominent Fascisti a share in a
Ministry which should be presided over by Salandra
“in order to preserve Parliamentary continuity.”. . .
“After all, your Mussolini has never even been an
Under-Secretary! ’’ And the good Fascisti in question,
knowing the sad state of inferiority which consists in
being young, timorously hung their heads.
Not so, however, their Chief. The time had come,
he felt, to end the deadlock by the intervention of force.
General Fara issued the order to the legions drawn
up at Santa Marinella, at Monterotondo, at Tivoli, at
Orto: “ At dawn on Monday, the Fascist columns will
advance on Rome at all costs.”
Mussolini had given the call to arms.
It was not a metaphorical call to arms. Those arms
were a reality.
Amongst Mussolini’s papers was a list, written in his
own handwriting, containing the names of those destined
to be Ministers and Under-Secretaries. He had his
Government all drawn up and ready. “‘I do not mean
to create a Government from a faction. Not the whole
of it, but only a small part, is Fascist.”
One of the proposed Ministers, a good, honest
Lombard, who was not a Fascist, when asked if he would
accept, replied:
~ I must consult my friends and my party.”
~ What friends ? What party ?”’ asked Mussolini.
~ Ll ask you because you are yourself, not because of your
party.’ And he won his point.
The headquarters of the revolution were the offices
of the Popo/o at Milan, with the neighbouring Casa del
Fascio, which was filled with Fascist troops. No one
received any pay, each person paid his own expenses,
besides a personal contribution to the levy. FactoryON THE BARRICADES 311
hands, peasants, students, clerks and shop assistants,
all alike were ready to accept scanty rations in order to
see the Duce and show him their readiness to lay down
their lives, their devotion and their obedience.
Towards midday on Oct. 28th, firing was heard in
the street below the windows of Mussolini’s room.
With a bound he seized his rifle and rushed down to
the barricade: ‘‘ Steady all! What is it? What has
happened *’’ At that moment he ran the greatest risk
of his life. One of the young men who followed behind
him, seeing him mount the barricade, levelled his rifle
in the direction of the enemy and fired, the bullet grazing
the head of the Chief and whistling through his hair
just above his ear. The rage of the rest of his followers
was such that they were ready to lynch the clumsy youth,
but Mussolini, smiling, consoled and defended him.
The revolution was, as all revolutions are at the start,
wise and moderate. Not a drop of blood was shed
except that of its own legionaries.
Hence many doubt, and some deny, that it was a
true revolution.
The sole “ terrorist’ measure taken at Milan was
the temporary suspension of the newspaper of the
extreme Keds and the censorship imposed on other
journals. Only one of these, that with the largest
circulation, refused to conform. On October 28th, it
issued an appeal urging the army to fight in opposition
to the revolution. With what sort of spirit would that
army have taken action ? How was it possible to ignore
the fact that the Fascists were all ex-combatants, brothers
and comrades-in-arms of the army? The head of the
Quadrumvirate was the general who had held the
Pasubio against the enemy, Emilio De Bono. At the
head of the Legionaries marched a famous general,
Fara, and the ex-generals Gandolfo, Ceccherini, Zamboni
and Igliori, bravest of the brave.
The editor of that paper tried to negotuate, but
.
= , }
fate ‘
Sa. be Na
a :
a
———
ca re
die ae =a a ee
why we F a rn
ne a ahed io
a
ee _ eS pea
oatideintiteeate ila Ee es ee TP ee SR EAS Me ert
ol ey
=
ES sii eagle hides te
a
~~
SE Or a eee i
Sore
ae
fe ee
Oe kee Pe
ie
el aE er tan et ta en
a rede eee te a Leen Gere mew Ste ee ae rN a
-
+ fe
J L ss
ee
4 a a eem
le aoa
ae)
ct
ss
end i
eee) on -
-
—
ean oy Ps.
- . pm
" —— a
- iG a
a re Sr an Seiad
af
a
a — 5
ae
a
es G
de
. Ee
a -
oa ant me ”
be
— ’
De AE ae Nae ee ee ta ican
na a gai ap ghee Ph arr Bele Ok Po gh Tm ;
a ES Ee it a pete Re ae Al RR
= “
- ns
ae el wi eae rhe nea
SE a Sy Fal
_
eae Ra eg mend a
eee wa al pela at Gi Nia a ee
ee eRe bale _.~ ae
oii. a
a mM ae =
el ee ee ee ba ~ ae
3 x a. i
+ hn gee a
-—
—
ih aa
ae
7 a -
-
et
‘
7
ar al
a
ra
212 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
J
Mussolini decreed either censorship or suspension :
‘“I am a Leader ; I am responsible for every one of my
men, for every drop of blood of the least one of these
ealdiers who have put their trust in me. « . - A paper
such as yours is widely read, one word may suffice to
precipitate events. No concession, no indulgence.
That is my duty.”
oy e
On the 28th October, Mussolini, still in Mulan,
had brushed aside the proposal that he should take
office under Salandra. ‘“‘ Tell him I will not come to
Rome to discuss and compromise. Unless 1] am given
an absolute mandate to form a government—my own
ministry—I will not leave Milan, save to place myself
at the head of the legions.”’
At midday, on the next day, October 29th, General
Cittadini, aide- de- -camp of the King, called up Mussolini
on the telephone.
A silence fell upon the room.
‘Yes, certainly. I thank His Majesty. I should
like to receive confirmation of the official mandate by
telegram. I will then leave for Rome at once.”
Half-an-hour after the yellow envelope was delivered.
His Majesty the King begs you to come at once
to Rome. He wishes to offer you the task of forming
a Ministry. Signed—General Cittadini.”’
Notified by telegrams, telephone, messengers, the
legionaries cheered and shouted, “To Rome! to
Rome !”’ Throughout the city, notices were distributed
with the swiftness of a sigh of relief and happiness.
‘God protect you! God protect Italy !’’ people shouted
on seeing him descend the stairs, From the steps of the
flower-decked train he spoke a few words :
~ To-morrow Italy will not have a Ministry. She
will have a real Government.’’*
That night the train carried him towards Rome in
® * Domattina l’ Italia non avva un Ministero, Avra un Governo.”Shas Gigs
oe ee)
ee ey he
adminis a it
7
>a
= het
MUSSOLINI AND HIS FASCIST STAFF IN 1922
Se a
en
ee eal
es
Ps
es Se
See ee ee ae ae Bee
ee ee ee ma Sex ae ere
MUSSOLINI IN ROME
Salute
A FacistON THE BARRICADES 313
triumph, stopping at the stations to be surrounded by
shouting crowds.
At Civita Vecchia, at Santa Marinella, the Chief
addressed to the triumphant Black Shirts a few words of
thanks and encouragement and admonition.
~ We have won a great victory. It is our victory,
we must not spoil it. Until the new Government has
been formed, you will remain under arms. What we
have taken we shall hold. I insist upon the strictest
discipline, the most complete order and absolute sobriety.
‘ Italy is in our hands and we swear to lead her back
into the ways of her ancient greatness.
“Within a few hours—I shall be in Rome.”
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fCHAPTER XXXIX
MUSSOLINI IN POWER
The New Government—Forty Thousand Men Demobilized in Thirty-
six Hours—‘‘ Impossible is No Word for Me ! ’’—The Triumphal
March in Rome—An Orgy of Hard Wor
on Mussolini—Mussoliny’ S Methods “Educitionsl Reform—
The only ‘‘ Revolutionary Measure ’—Labour Measures—The
Question of Force.
IGH-SOUNDING language was putin Mussolini's
mouth on the occasion of his visit to King Victor.
The report went that after apologizing for his appear-
ance before the King in the black shirt of the Fascisiz,
he uttered these words: “I bring to Your Majesty
the Italy of Vittorio Veneto, reconsecrated by new
victories, and [| am Your Majesty’s faithful servant.’
i heatticalitics of this description would not have
been at all in Mussolini’s style. The reality was very
different and was marked by a frankness which was free
from all flattery and all the more respectful for that.
At midday, October 30, 1922, the new Prime
Minister left the Quirinal and made his way through
excited and enthusiastic crowds to his hotel, where for
the next five hours he devoted himself to matters of
urgent moment, including some of those minute details
upon which great enterprises are so often wrecked.
He entrusted to a small body of very prominent
‘ Black Shirts,” the duty of acting as a Guard of Honour
to His Excellency Signor Facta ; he despatched others
to various strategical points throughout the country,
keeping an eye on all the publishing-offices of the
Opposition newspapers ; he issued precise instructions
to officials of all ranks ; finally, he constituted the Govern-
ment, which by seven o’clock that evening entered upon
314MUSSOLINI IN POWER 315
its duties with the sanction of the King—a “‘ record ”’
in the history of Italian Ministry-forming |! He then
summoned to his presence the head of the railway
administration : it was all-important that no untoward
incident should mar the course of the historic day.
~ I give you 24 hours as from 8 o clock,” he announced to
that functionary, “in which to despatch from Rome
to their respective stations the 40,000 Sguadristi who are
now being demobilized.”
~ But Excellency, that is impossible ! That could
not have been done even in war-time! We shall need
at least three days.”’
~ Twenty-four hours, I said. Impossible is no word
for me. I must ask you to carry out my orders.”
And with a swift change from his air of authority
to one of friendliness, he added with a smile :
~ Come now, Commendatore, it can be managed quite
well. And it must be managed! And you will see that
the Government will know how to reward good services
to the State.”’
It is difficult to withstand an order from the Chief —
to withstand one of his smiles is impossible. The
Commendatore promised, and sixty interminable trains—
over and above those engaged in the ordinary service—
issued forth from Rome that very evening. |
Poor “ Black Shirts!” Many of them were in
Rome for the first time in their lives and had been
looking forward to a bit of a stay in the Eternal City.
Great was their disappointment and there may well
have been a little grumbling but there was no breach
of discipline. The will of the Chief must be obeyed.
Perhaps the brief hour of triumph will stand out all
the more gloriously in their memories.
The first /egioni had entered Rome at dawn that
morning of October 30 by the Ponte Milvio. There
was a vain effort at resistance at one spot, shots being
rained down from the windows of houses in the quarter
4 bl ‘ .
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ses da a a Ete ee at ht pe ee ee eee E mate a
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of NR ee pr Bt POL re f Sig he a pe pes aod Pa ES sek Gf og - aap:
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316 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI}
of San Lorenzo. A few of the Fascisti bathed with their
young blood the very threshold of Victory, but no lives
were lost and very wisely there was a complete abstinence
from reprisals.
When, finally, amidst outbursts of every form of
jubilation, the immense stream of legionaries had wound
its way into the Piazza del Popolo, only the Egyptian
obelisk, older than Rome itself, stood out with its lions
above the sea of men, the steps below it covered by a
phalanx of bareheaded youths with their black pennants.
At three o’clock there came a fanfare of trumpets
and an unfurling of banners. The Chief placed himself
at the head of the forces, which proceeded to move
forward in magnificent array.
The triumphal march took five hours, the route being
by the Corso and past the resting-place of the “ Unknown
Soldier ” in the Piazza Venezia, every man genuflecting
before the Symbol of the great sacrifice.
The Chief then led his victorious followers up the
hill of the Quirinal in front of the Palace from which the
King looked down upon them. General Diaz, the
Commander-in-Chief of the Army in. the war, and
Admiral di Revel, the Admiral-in-Chief of the navy,
rode to either side of him. Mussolini had already
chosen them as Ministers of War and Marine respectively
and the King ratified the appointments in due course.
The great function over, Mussolini was heard to say
“FE adesso, andiamo a lavorare !”»—‘‘ And now, let us
go and work !”’
The work was to prove hard and wearisome |
‘““We have accomplished nothing yet,” Mussolini
was to say after two years of arduous exertions.
‘““No, we have accomplished nothing new. We
have been only getting things to rights. When we
have cleared off the arrears, then there will be something
worth looking at !_ For the present I am busy preparing
the way merely for the future, getting rid of all theMUSSOLINI IN POWER 317
troublesome old unsolved problems of the past—
problems which have been lying buried under mountains
of words during the half-century and more of our
modern Italy. A Government is in its essence a thing
with continuity. Just reflect that for a very long period
Italy has had no Ministry which has been able to remain
in ofiice : a six months’ tenure has been about the
average. How could you expect a Government to think
things out seriously, to embark upon lasting enterprises
to assume responsibilities for the explanation and
justification of which time is essential? A mediocre
Government which remains in power would be preferable
to excellent Ministries unable to do so.”
That was the burden of a long article in Gerarchia,
in which Mussolini proceeded to contrast his own
methods with those of Moscow. The present Revolution
he declared, was not going to destroy at one blow,
“the delicate and complex machinery ” of Italian State
administration. It would proceed steadily and regularly
in the true Roman fashion, taking for its motto : nulla
dies sine lined.
This article appeared on New Year's Day, 1923—
the first Fascist year.
On that same auspicious New Year’s Day, while the
Fascist Chief was motoring towards Rome along the
ancient Appian Way in the dusk, there flashed forth
suddenly in the sky an immense shooting-star—almost
comet-like in its magnitude and brilliancy. It slid
swiftly to the horizon and vanished.
I witnessed it myself together with other persons
seated in the car.
The amount of work which Mussolini had to cope
with during the first few months of office was incredible,
amazing. To friends who urged him to spare himself
and who warned him that human powers were limited—
even his—he would reply: ‘‘ No matter lit 1s now
or never. We are surgeons at the bedside of a sick man
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318 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
who is in danger of death. No matter if the surgeon is
tired, the operation must be proceeded with at once,
without a moment’s delay. If I knew I should die
to-night { could not now take a moment’s rest.”’
The sittings of the Council of Ministers lasted for
five or six hours and there were thirty-two sittings during
the first two months of office. Mussolini kept his eye
on the work of all his colleagues, all matters of importance
even in regard to details being decided by him. His
colleagues worked with similar energy ; one of them,
quite a young man, dying from overstrain.
It would be a better, simpler and easier state of things,
if to belong to a party meant to rise to a high ideal, and
if the acceptance of a watchword—even one enriched by
sacrifice and consecrated with blood—always implied
the possession of an individual conscience guided purely
by this ideal. But as long as the world has existed the
good, quiet, easy-going people have been fully occupied
with the little round of their household and business
affairs, and never risk themselves in a revolution. Two
kinds of men make revolutions—the best and the worst.
When the fire of passion and feeling blazes up and ideals
and personal interests set multitudes in agitated move-
ment the cream and the scum come bubbling up together.
Men of high ideals, young, ardent, pure-souled, take
action; but with them are wild, impulsive, violent
spirits, those for whom to strike a blow is an object in
itself, and whatever is the cause for which they fight
they are simply urged on by their own restless nature.
There were both classes in the Fascist movement, but
the latter were in a minority compared with the great
majority whose good intentions were, if anything,
exaggerated in their idealism.
But not all those who mean well possess real strength
of character. Most men are fickle and changeable.
The longing for power and ease, the allurements of
riches and pleasure are terribly powerful agencies ofMUSSOLINI IN POWER 319
corruption. Only men of the highest type have at
their command a brake power that will act effectively to
stop a descent by the slippery down-grade that self-
interest makes it so easy and pleasant to take. All
history and tradition shows us this as the track on which
nearly all revolutions have ended in destruction. Gold
and blood are like to quagmires in which they disappear
headlong. The evil and dishonourable acts of individuals
supply weapons for those who oppose their ideals, and
bloodstained acts of repression provoke a sanguinary
reaction.
But the Fascist Revolution was essentially an ethical
one, comparable only with the English Revolution.
It was not, like the French Revolution, a rising of
representatives of the new Social classes, urged on by
tyranny to take possession of the Government of the
Country in order to assert their rights. It was rather
in the nature of an uprising of vindicators of moral
values which had been trampled in the dust.
So it was in its beginnings, and so, thanks to the
strength and determination of Mussolini, it was to remain.
~ We must arrive naked at our goal,” said Mussolini,
when there was some talk of conferring on him the title
of Duca di Rodi—‘* Duke of Rhodes ”—to commemorate
the annexation of that island. And on the occasion of
the marriage of the Princess Royal Yolanda, he insisted
that the vacant Grand Cordon of the Annunziata, the
highest honour the King could confer, should be bestowed
not on himself but.on the venerable President of the
Senate, Signor Tittoni. ‘‘ I have as yet done nothing,”
he said, “‘to deserve such an honour. Your Majesty
will allow me to wait ; for the present my one ambition
is to work.”’
© A glutton for work,’’ Mussolini has been called by
Mr. Washburn Child, ex-Ambassador of the United
States in Rome, and no other foreigner knows the
Italian Prime Minister so well. ‘‘ Do take care of
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322 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
above the hundreds and thousands of students and
teachers and professors more immediately concerned;
but it was in accordance with the interests of the country
and it was instituted with inflexible energy.
“Of all the reforms which we have introduced,’
says Mussolini himself, “ the Gentile law is the only one
measure which has been in very truth revolutionary;
it has transformed a state of affairs which had existed
since 1859."
“Tt isn’t possible that he should go against us poor
working people,” remarked one Luigi Arsari, a humble
innkeeper, as he gazed upon a photograph of Mussolini
which he is in the habit of carrying about with him.
He has been one of us himself. He has known poverty
and has done manual labour. He is bound to wish us
well, knowing as he does what it is to have to earn one's
daily bread—and even what it is to have to go abroad
to do so. I was a prisoner in Vienna,’ he went on,
‘“and I was there again as a soldier with the Italian
Mission after the Armistice. They laughed at us,
for all we were the victors. ‘ What are you about, you
Italians?’ they said. “You have no Government,
you have no leader!’ Well, we’ve got a Government now
and a leader, too.”’
In point of fact, the first measures which were intro-
duced were labour measures. Of all the European
nations Italy was the only one which adhered officially
and without restrictions at the Washington Convention
to the proposal for an Eight-Hours’ Day, now established
by law.
In 1919 the Fascists’ programme had been formu-
lated as follows:
(a) The institution by law of the State of an eight-hours’ day;
(6) The institution of a minimum wage ;
(c) The ceding to representatives of labour of the right to
take part in the management of industrial concerns ;MUSSOLINI IN POWER 323
(qd) The entrusting to proletarian organizations (proved to
be competent and worthy) of the management of public
works and services ;
(¢) The rapid and complete systematization of railways and
all forms of transport ;
(f) A necessary modification of the law regarding sickness
and old-age insurance, lowering the limit of aye from
65 to 55.
In less than two years, these demands had been
translated into action by the Fascist Government, which,
having won the confidence of the people, had gone so
far towards establishing general prosperity that the
amount of time in the year lost in strikes was decreased
to 200,000 days from the enormous figure of 7,000,000
which it had reached in the year before the march to
Rome.
In regard to foreign affairs, great was the general
surprise when the real nature of Mussolini’s so-called
~ Imperialism ’’ was discovered. Instead of being a
maker of wars he was found to be a maker of treaties.
The fact is that Mussolini’s ‘‘ Imperialism ”’ is merely
one more aspect of the simplicity of his outlook: and
merely a recognition of a concrete fact. As he himself
puts it:
~ There will never be a period of peace until the
peoples shall have abandoned themselves to a Christian
dream of universal brotherhood and shall be able to ex-
tend their hands to each other across the oceans and the
mountains, JI, for my part, have no great faith in their
ideals, but I do not rule them out because I rule out
nothing: everything is possible, even the impossible and
the absurd. But to-day, seeing how things are to-day,
it would be a blunder , a danger, a crime, to build our
house on the shifting sands of Christian Socialist-
Communist Internationalism. These ideals are worthy
of respect, but they are still far from realization.”
Force is not everything, Mussolini admits, but it 1s
the fundamental thing—the thing to which we must
inevitably come back in the end, ‘ Others do not always
alin Ee, Ik SE
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aor ae ee aera DT tie ren 7 eet Enea eee ee ht eS ee Bae eae eee ae ee324 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
keep this fact in mind,” he says : ““P-do. ‘Tsnever rule
it out from the play of possibilities. For there 1s no
need to desire war—that atrocious business, and all
who have had a hand in it know how atrocious it is, and
above all there is no need to wage war; but one cannot
afford to be oblivious of it. "The nation which rules
war out as the u/tima ratio is lost.”’CHAPTER XL
WHAT FASCISM STANDS FOR
‘‘From a Revolutionary Movement to a Legalized Status ’’—The
Founding of the Volunteer Militia of National Safety—The Great
Duty of Obedience—‘‘ For my part I prefer 50,000 Rifles to
5,000,000 Votes! ’—The Fascist Ideal: Order, Hierarchy,
Discipline—The Anomaly of the Italian Constitution—Fascism
and Religion—The Fascist Code—A Leader.
S Mussolini himself is given to saying, it is no easy
A matter to effect a transition from a revolutionary
movement to a legalized status: the problems involved
have taken his thoughts continually, he declares, ‘‘ while
others are sleeping . . . Io suppress all the squadron
organizations and ‘ Squadrism ’ itself, which had brought
the Fascist party into power; not to go beyond the
limits of the Constitution (and I have always taken the
greatest care not to touch what are the main pillars of
the State) and to reduce mere demolition to the minimum,
because to pull down is easy, but to build up 1s difficult :
these are the important points we must bear in mind.
. . Without any exaggerated pride, we may well be
content with what we have done and we must continue
our work. We have laid the foundations. We have
now to construct the building.”
Thus he spoke to the Ministers and to the Chamber
of Deputies on January Ist, 1924.
The Sguadrismo of the Black Shirts had given the
impulse to the creation of various other such bodies—
to the Blue Shirts of the Nationalists, very elegant in
their appearance; to the Red Shirts of the Republicans
and Socialists, an untidy lot; and to the drab Khakt
Shirts of the Liberals. |
Mussolini, as soon as he assumed power, abolished
325
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fe ain ° i a = os
. re < sapere ‘ te .
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a - - Seen no* : Z 7 ms
aes 7 Me A a aan
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a ss eae
Ce A a ea326 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
all the Sguadrismi, merging them in the Volunteer
Militia for the National Safety, instituted ‘as the outcome
of a decision taken by the Council of Ministers and form-
ally sanctioned by the King.
This was Mussolini’s biggest achievement as a
statesman—it had about it that characteristic of sem-
plicita of which he spoke when treating of Machiavelli.
Have you ever noticed that in England and America
the hero of the detective stories, from Dupin to Sherlock
Holmes, is always the representative of justice while
in France, a Latin country, from Vautrin to Arséne Lupin,
the hero is the criminal? This fact is significant. To
have made a popular figure of the man of order and to
have won the warm sympathies of youth for the forces of
the law, is an achievement of genius reminiscent of
Tom Sawyer’s when he contrived to make his school-
fellows regard the whitewashing the wall in play-time
as a privilege to be aspired to and delighted in.
[ do not contend that Mussolini has in a single
second transformed the ex-Sguadristi and the actual
Militiamen into model human beings, but he has got
rid of one ideal and replaced it by another. He has given
a new direction to feelings and tendencies. What more
was ever done by the greatest reformers of all time?
What was Christianity itself but the greatest of all these
transformations of accepted ideals ?
Obbedire !—** To obey! ”—that is the watchword,
contemned and despised, which Mussolini has raised
to the highest pinnacle. He has reasserted the joy, the
dignity, the worth, of obeying—he has made men realize
that obedience is |the virtue of the soldier, the true, the
brave, with -discipline and responsibility for its corol-
laries.
“ The Black Shirts,’”’ declared Mussolini in July,
1923, represent the flower of the Party; they are the
trusty, vigilant, invincible Guard of the Fascist Revolu-
tion.” The new Militia into which they had been
turned was not to be thought of just as an addition toWHAT FASCISM STANDS FOR a9 7
the army. Ihe army was based upon conscription,
while the Militia was based upon a free offer of service,
and had clearly defined duties which the army by its
very nature could not perform. YS
To the great organized force of 300,000 men are
added 10,000 young Fascisti of from 1§ to 18 in Van-
guard Legions, and 100,000 small boys of from 6 and
7 and 8 to 15, children of the people, grouped together
under the significant name of “ Balilla,” from the
gallant youth so-called who in 1746 threw the stone
which was the signal for the uprising against the
foreign invaders. How proud they look, these little
fellows, of their black shirts and of the paternal regard
shown them by the Duce! And what a sight it 1s,
above all at the great parade, to see the tiniest of them
all, little mites of three or four, perched proudly upon
great broad shoulders and borne thus as the “‘ mascots ”’
of the companies!
You will perhaps remember Rudyard Kipling’s
story, ““ The Army of a Dream” ? It may almost be
regarded as having been a prophetic picture of the state
of things now existing in Italy. An armed nation—
the classical democratic and anti-militarist ideal fully
realized—-embracing males of all ages from early child-
hood to full maturity, It is not without significance
that among the earliest to fall in Rome in the cause of
Fascism—wounded by a treacherous shot-—was the
Lombardian Franco Baldini, a man of about fifty, who
had by his side his young son of seventeen.
“For my part, I prefer fifty thousand rifles to five
million votes ’’—-so Mussolini may be heard to assert
to-day. It is an assertion worthy of the anti-
Parliamentarian who in April, 1919, declared: a
firmly believe that Parliament is the pestiferous bubo
which poisons the blood of the nation !”’
And in Gerarchia, in March, 1923, he expressed
himself on the whole subiect very characteristically.
ee ee Pe
aati ns
M x
rAd
Pal
a
= eat Se “5 < ‘: “. ea " a
eae og F- a ee ie An -
Ean om Ema ti CaN cree ea ered Ae ts ae bee pet ee es awe
ne IS a ity Sek Pa ec es Ba en Sse a Ps a ea och i SB Netra Gon a a. ee
SS ae Seah el hal ale Mi UE WEE nce ah a eR a MC DR mr SS a
- me, “hal sap i
330 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
able are the maxims which inculcate toleration. Without
reciprocal toleration we could not live. But the man
who is nourishing a great project with the best of his
blood, the real constructor of a great idea, cannot regard
without hatred those who oppose him and place obstacles
in his way.
Every reform is a disturbance for the inert and has
to run counter to existing interests and provoke some
discontent. A stone displaced on a mountain slope may
bring down an avalanche. A man who means to carry
through a whole-hearted policy cannot act on other
men if he is disarmed. Cesar, after winning many
battles and saving Rome, said he would be a prisoner
or proscribed if he had not the Legions at his back.
For Mussolini, with his determination to carry con-
tinuously into effect his great ideals, even the five million
votes he obtained from the Italian people in that mar-
vellous plebiscite of the elections of 1924 were only
such a support as a turn of fortune might sweep away.
Such a dubious form of security was not enough.
As he himself said :
“We have still a Constitution which is like the pina-
fore of a little girl of twelve worn by a buxom young
matron inthe twenties. Italy did not yet exist, Piedmont
in 1848 was a powerful little state stillin embryo. The
press, city life, the great industries, methods of com-
munication, were things to come, phenomena in process
of formation. Consequently the pinafore is very short
and skimpy and worn and full of holes. Yet people
cry out that we must not touch it! Why not? There is
no governing by means of patches! ”’
The latest patch was the recent decree regarding
the press which evoked so much clamour.
In Italy we have no one organic law dealing with
the press, and this poor “‘ patch” displayed itself bene-
ficially despite its shortcomings. Mussolini has en-
trusted to a Commission of eighteen members the task
of deliberating on the reforms that may be advisable inWHAT FASCISM STANDS FOR 331
the Constitution. But he insists that everything of this
kind is only a means to the end and he insists that
what Italy needs most is “a generation of expert wor-
kers.”” His eyes sparkle when he discourses upon this
topic :
“ Twenty thousand leaders, twenty thousand
condottiert !—teachers, engineers, bankers, captains of
industry and five thousand officers; three thousand
magistrates ; ten thousand functionaries: all men of
the first order, thoroughly equipped experts, men who
have taken science into their very tissues. That is
what Italy needs. That is what I must get ready for
her. From forty to fifty thousand men, functioning
with the regularity of clockwork.”
And he insists on each individual in the organized
nation—and above all each “ leader ’—realizing his
own responsibility. Even the subordinate “leader ”
must regard his work as a “ vocation.”
" Every great calling,” he declares, “‘ is a priesthood
which stamps with its character all a man’s acts, even
the least of them. Jealous of his honour, prodigal of
his life—that is the true officer ; high-minded, serious,
almost ascetic—that is the magistrate ; smart, fierce,
but justice itself—that is the police official. Iam talking
of the fifty thousand experts whose task it would be to
act as guides to the whole nation. ‘The people are sick
and tired of politicians. What we have to bring into
existence is a great aristocracy of experts. I have made
a beginning. I have distributed.the State officials
and employés into thirteen grades comprising a little less
than half a million Italians—as it were in pyramid
fashion. In the higher grade there is to be only one
man: the head of the judicial magistracy.”. . .
The recognition of hierarchies as the basis and
origin of the State is embodied by Mussolini in his
treatise, “‘ State, Anti-State and Fascism.” | .
Every form of sacrifice and privation experienced in
the pursuit of a great aim is regarded by this aristocratic
*
a » ,
= oe ;
ry oe bin hy
ee
Sete a Dee ay eee SE eee Ee os oe te Ie ed
_—
le
FN ae hale
7 ao
- “~ Pin? maim Se,
s en
Fin ant 4!
- ~
ope = - ae
as a ‘ Pais vs
a
See SS RE eee ae
aE ee ee ome ne ae rh ty gE
ae a
i a
P - =
Se By Be oN »
rt “ir ae ity
: 7
ee eae
ee een Rae ae ir Sond ee eagle yi Tg aes
- ~ ae ‘ =
a 2 Se ee ee P
pepe ee EO Mi eh tee rn ee ah ae
ee Pe eee ee” Wa nh le eee ey
—
See SE ale Petco aes i Po gam
hen La ne ee Pee ee ee Re ag ee Pee eRe ee Oe Oey
-
ow a F
- - at,
a, ea,2
=,
s
F
ae rs oe s~ vive
he os
ae
332 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
a
son of the people as a high privilege, almost as a sacer-
dotal honour. For the common people the commodities
of life—enough money, enough bread, enough—but
not too much—of wine ; all that is necessary for their
happiness and welfare. But for the thinker, the man
of science, the poet, he preaches the doctrine of endurance
and the rule of calmly-accepted self-denial.
Hence, also, and not as the result merely of oppor-
tunist calculation, the spiritual revival brought about by
Fascism. Religion is viewed by Mussolini as an
important political and social fact, but in his own heart
also he is religious and the name of God is frequently,
and never idly, on his lips.
His attitude was made clear in an official communica-
tion recently in which he dealt with the subject of Free-
masonry. He wrote:
“Fascists regard themselves as Crusaders, whose
ideal is summed up in two conceptions : God and their
native land; and they are called upon by a mystical duty
to sacrifice themselves to the national cause. The
religion of the people, that weighty and ancient force
which has upheld it in times of submission and of
suffering, which has shaped that moral and civil
spirituality, that individual loftiness of mind, which
constitutes its greatness, is recognized by Fascism.
Fascism, therefore, refuses to associate itself with any
kind of warfare against mystical ideas which the people
have inherited from their forebears.”’
Fascism, in itself, indeed, in Mussolini’s own words,
“ before being a party is a religion,’ and the oath by
which the Militia devotes itself “‘ to the service of God
and the Country ”’ is impregnated with aristocratic and
soldierly mysticism. To find similar expressions of
fervent religious feeling we must go back to the days of
Mazzini and to the formula with which men entered
into the association of his ‘‘ Giovane Italia’? : “In
the name of God and of Italy, in the name of all those
who shall fall in battle for the greatness of the country,
—
es ee ot “ ee Md - a - —— , i en e _ ~
whee the - = — es Pn - = ~ Fe ee ae - ae il ri oS
ay re el. _ oe a err ea “ See on hg aut y a oe i + ee ee ae a
b . et pe > ~~ “ , 3 . nee cad
* A ” - - i =f 1 a
~ ne
> ot
PERE DI ERT OR PRY CNN TCHR IOC NLL RINSE HORE
Sead
on
a a)
“ty, tah.
a a - 2 my Sg pt A bat
“ paler in oe mma 0 Ge Sa FR ce et
~ a ———
“ - ge
lie ia al i i Nt teal enn a
—.
aoe
ae Be ig Sa tan - ~ _
Se a a ia a ee eed
a rans A =
2 em Bae
" ha SS
nat ewan = Nags
i; fa oY aWHAT FASCISM STANDS FOR a53
I swear to consecrate myself exclusively and unceasingly
to the welfare of Italy !”
And the Fascist Code thus defines the aims in view :
~ The military uniform of the Militia is the symbol
that gives to the country a new masculine vigour and that
lays down the foundations of a powerful hierarchy to
which the Party will be able eventually to confide the
destinies of the nation.
“ The Fascist Militia will serve in a pure spirit
derived from a deep mysticism, based upon an invincible
faith, dominated by an inflexible will, scorning all
opportunism, and all caution as signs of cowardice,
resolved to encounter any sacrifice for their faith, conscious
of the weight of a solemn mission to save the Great
Mother of all, to come to her support and to purify her.
The Fascist soldier knows only his duty. His sole
right 1s to do his duty and to find in it his only joy.
Officers and soldiers alike must obey with humility
and command with vigour. Obedience, in this Volunteer
Militia, must be blind, absolute and full of respect
towards the highest grade of the hierarchy, towards the
Supreme Chief and towards the Executive Committee
of the Party.
‘The Fascist soldier has a moral law entirely to
himself. The common moral law, associated with the
family, with political affairs and with social relations,
primitive as it is, is of no value to the Fascist soldier.
Honour is his law as it was for the Knights of old:
a law which aspires to the highest grade of perfection
without ever attaining to it, a law full of vigour, stern,
absolutely just, even when it is opposed to the formal
written law, which is always inferior to the moral law
of the Fascist soldier.”
I shall give now a fragment of a dialogue between
the Fascist Chief and some Black Shirts, in the presence
of a crowd assembled on a certain occasion in Milan
on the subject of Rome—it is typical of many such
occasions.
: ee)
ad) Bet ee
7
4 re <* rl
oe [> a
Fe. “rss
Pao a
PR oe Tae a EL OS me ue
SRS ar eae i ie pe Ts a
fe aes “s E Aue . ~ ~
4 = . — a oe
eae a - 4 Se @
ee 4 “ ‘
— oe an oie
a ee «<,
_ ee A ee ee ee:
“=
rn ne ae
ied
Se - ae
a ihig atts fe eae ae
Ke ena
. Ps ae
~ Nee
ory x a + — po
a tie
——
, 1. oe aes tes"
botnets
al
ae
AP en en et ea ge ce ee ee
etek Rett ae ET OM eT a Bar Sy eg ine Ee Oe ee ee eree Te = > r ao one i fi ~ =
r ~ 7 + ey Se = ~~, a Set ep
ea te fl Pea a te Pm 9 fe ae Pe
Sete eR it a SO eae, hare on rae te eee wrk Sede ee eee . ee ee en ee :
$f ay Fy ape a a) ee ee eee eu eee CN pring Fam nr TP ag Oe tox’ ee aie aes a a a - ts ‘ 4 oF 4 ~— r .
Bo Daa ag gM, igh Og eR llinegy dons Be omy Fer ape Ey f _— lenge gee Be mn ae IO EE yer pn OK ee ON EPO ce a ee ee pant
. a " ~ - “- pe = ge a ne oo = ~ eee Fe a she cacscceehgus ~~ tld tas a ¥ Tog
es dele ial A tind Gos en Sh ae ah pape andy a Pg ee - BR a Be git | ree : . 4
— a et a | - , -* A x, " ma ent led mare. he p Pd i a ¢ = a ee
S *
“ “am - me
ee ‘ mi os 2
Be ey Sa ag - pe ms a
~ i ae ie Cd ros x toners ‘Ore hes Sud n _ . » _
7 sia peo Sat a le ies is Si Si Se ane hi teeta ans at ee ee “
oe el Se eS AP gee ar ae OO ie arg hg ee 9 Che ined af Ga aia as a ily ott Gye Salas ayer cl ei
334 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
‘‘ The revolution,” said Mussolini, “‘ has been made
with sticks. What have you in your hands now, all you
to whom I speak?” (The Fascts# shout out “ Rifles !”’
and lift up their rifles and brandish them in the air.)
‘““ 1 want to have a talk with you and I am sure your
replies will be clear and bold. My questions and your
answers will be heard not only by yourselves but by all
Italians and by all mankind, because to-day, after a lapse
of centuries, Italy once again is giving a lead to the course
of the civilized world’ (Applause).
‘“‘ Black Shirts, I ask you: If the sacrifices of to-
morrow should prove heavier than those of yesterday,
will you sustain them?” (Vociferous shouts of assent.)
‘Tf, to-morrow, I asked from you what may be called
the sublime proof of discipline, would you give me this
roof ?’’ (Enthusiastic Fascist shouts of “ St! S#/—
Yes l Yesulys)
“If to-morrow I gave you the watchword, the
watchword of the great days, of the days which should
decide the destiny of the peoples, would you stand by
me?” (Outburst of enthusiastic cries: “ Yes, we
swear it | ”’)
“If to-morrow, I were to tell you that we must
resume and continue the march and advance in other
directions, would youcome?” (More shouts of “ Yes |!
Mes) ths):
‘““Are your hearts ready for all the ordeals which
discipline may demand from you, including the humble
obscure ordeals of your regular day’s work?” (Fascisti
unanimously, “ Yes! Yes! Yes !”)
Fascism—lI repeat—is the latest in date of those
crusades that come from time to time to reinvigorate
mankind with a martial idealism that takes serious count
of realities, and presents in its novel outward appearance
the attraction of new methods and forms, when those
that the same eternal instinct had inspired at an earlier
time have become worn with long use and grown un-
attractive by familiarity. When the essential andWHAT FASCISM STANDS FOR 335
practicable objects of such a movement have been
attained, it may be that, as the high-souled and dis-
interested pioneers disappear or fall away, it may sink
into the decline of utilitarian materialism. There is the
ceaseless swing of the pendulum, changing its direction,
it may be almost invisibly at first, then faster and ever
faster. It reminds us of the old myth of the pheenix,
which as it grows old prepares its funeral pile and arises
from it renewed in life and vigour.
In such times of change it is rarely that we find men
with such elastic temperaments and many-sided gifts of
mindas to make it possible for them to play a leading part
in the movements of two successive eras, or to hold a
prominent place in one such movement and themselves set
in motion and guide that which follows. Such was
Napoleon, the instrument of, and a leader in, a Revolution,
who then became the creator of an Empire. Such too
is Mussolini.
In his “ War Diary” written among the Carnic
Alps, at the date of May 3, 1916, we find Corporal
Mussolini noting as worth remembering these words
of Joseph Mazzini :
“The really important things are not fixed by
diplomatic documents, even though these may forecast
the course of their own era. The secret of power 1s in
therwilk . ..
And he cites further on, from Mazzini’s pamphlet
of 1832 on “‘ Some things that impede the development
of Italian liberty,” this passage : |
“* There is a lack of leaders ; what we want is to
have the few who can guide the many—men strong in
faith and in self-sacrifice, who will temper like steel the
excited feelings of the multitudes ; who will have a
united grasp of the end in view ; who, fired by every
generous impulse, will concentrate on one thing only—
victory ; who will take account of all the various elements
of the problem, and find the words of life and guidance
for all; who will look forward, not backward; who
i all
_*
— ae » A
st af s
an be em -
- " 3
aS Sas aca ole hn igi ba A a
te a0,
- a “4
—
ann ae
a
rs a”
~~ Pend
-
Be ape ie nat aR rd at ras Ee ee Pee
pee
Sel Sete ee m
“ .
—_
cae et eee Tee ae an et
Raa ae ee ie Dae” =
Fe Ce ie Be a ee
—
Om ad Pe ~
Oy in ni
Ce ae ha Ps
oe Nae
idee er es a — -%
ee oe ee rs a
a:
oi A Sey etn aL
oa gk To ee ee ee ee eee ee
P
a
a a ae eee eae a I eS Se at ee ee eee ee
- a ee ee
- _— =-
-_
~ -
a re F
= . . Sk -
SP is ae na tala a a ast er nn gi ae ree res
ee —_
oo)
oe 8 ae ee a
" = oS Sa ee
a . gage ge =
fi ‘ “abet Bg a
~~, = .s . ™
Pam) ux ee ;
ied i eS ee A) ee
re fou — a ~ js
gt ind ge (ee ae , :
a eT ted elt ro Pe
- ra
ee ee Oe a
- wie ae, at Tce a Ce a ee eS BE me ee
PP OR Ma CST DUO ee PP PAK NS ee NG P se ai oe = a sa , ; . -
336 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
will make themselves the comrades of the people and face
all dangers with the resignation of men doomed to be the
victims of one or other of them ; who will inscribe on
their banners, ‘ Success or death,’ and who will keep
this promise.”
The war brought to men the sense of the realities of
life, and faith in the necessity of leadership. And the
disorders of the after-war time persuaded them of their
need of organized leadership. From the anonymous
despotism of a hundred thousand nonentities, they turned
with eager longing to the One who could command in
earnest. As Schiller sang of another crisis—‘ The
people rejoiced because the time of horror had passed
away and a judge once more watched over the land.”
So Fascist Italy respected its ordered hierarchy of new
leaders, because they depended upon the One Chief,
whose undisputed claim to authority was imparted to all
the lower grades, these deriving their right to command
from him.
Men feel the need of a leader, and it is so rare a thing
to find one that, when this happens, there is an almost
miraculous outburst of joy in the satisfaction of their
desire. So Mussolini had not to think of any magic
strokes of a wizard’s wand when he imposed upon
his people self-sacrifice, work, hardness of life and the
curb that was needed to avert anarchy.
It is only the proud recognition that a Chief has
been found once more, ready to work and to direct for
all, that can explain the enthusiasm he evoked at gathering
after gathering, where his mere presence drew the
people from all sides to greet him with frenzied acclama-
tions. Even the men who at first came out of mere
Curiosity and with indifferent or even hostile feelings
gradually felt themselves fired by his personal magnetic
influence. I have often heard men find fault with him
in his absence, but never in his presence have I heard
anyone dispute his orders or even his simplest suggestions.
I do not say these are always to the point, or that he 1sWHAT FASCISM STANDS FOR B37
in any way infallible. He who multiplies his tasks and
his responsibilities thereby multiplies also the occasions
and the probabilities of error. He has made such
errors because he is a man, and errors sometimes on a
grand scale because he is so great a man. But because
of this also his very mistakes are not fruitless, because
he learns from them. The firm self-reliance and the
inherent consistency of decisions that at first sight seem
hardly to be in true accord, and the courageous honesty
with which he takes the consequences, even though they
may be serious and unpleasant for him, create an atmos-
phere of confidence around him. The widespread
persuasion that he must be right is an element of success.
~ It’s lucky we have Mussolini ’’—‘‘ This is what
Mussolini has willed ’’—such expressions as_ these
became almost proverbial in the first days of the
movement. Forty millions of Italians gladly shouldered
each his own burden, when they saw what a mighty load
this new Atlas was bearing up. ‘There arose in those
early days a kind of fetishism, of which he was the object.
It was grotesque with some, touching in the case of simple
folk for whom it became almost a superstition. Thus,
when Etna broke out into eruptiona newspaper described,
as if it were an actual fact, its lava streams checked in their
advance by the fiery glance of his eyes. The story was
told of a visitor to the Etruscan tombs of Orvieto hearing
from the guide that their inscriptions were written in an
old language that had not yet been deciphered, and
replying, “Ah, that’s because Mussolini has not yet
been here. When he comes we shall see what he will
find out.”’
The women of the Abruzzi, and especially the
widows and mothers of those who had fallen in the war,
strove to touch his hand as they would crowd to touch
a shrine or a relic. Some would hold up a fatherless
child before him, others a war medal. There was not
one of them who did not show with her sorrow the pride
of sacrifice.
Y
ee aa a re
ra . oe Ae nth ol
Sake Aas .
ee aa rg ue ee eed meme ae vee
2
ae — i eee at ne eA
= < oe
i :
F ial hare
ic ae ee a aa
i
Kia en ae Ee 4
Fe a =< hy :
edn
Ch eee
-
poe ee eee Ot as Ay
SO oad
Ca
ee sd
a eae
= a ~
x ra *e we anes a eee wh os re
eal
St eee
eR nt
Baie eae
_
oe
J
ee oe pe ee ee ee ae ee en
Ce
a=
Pia ap aie eee ee rn ene ee ae ae ee
a
- Uy sae
aie
ae
MaLsan, Fes,ee
a Yo
ek
_— 4 " m = _ A — = ~ - 7 7 - -
[a ee ROSE an a pn Et a Cah ee! Co me eat : ey oT et a ee . . — .
eg hw .~ tat eke ek ee > a a oe a ne STL jeer Sk = — G .
a o ee ae re crete ey ane - rr - :* * ~ poe z= ar oy = e oe. Pie =! 7 fa
eo. eX Es ne =~ - er a — ~ ee pat hee a a = Dae ae A eae = So dike a rd eaten a
— on F ae a . Dal = Ee ~~ . ae - - a oT = eae - * eS ae -
oP cai i kia A — ot Ret E e rez ; - oP PS PRE Sie yee: E
i ae ga Cae ee ae di nee
pt + 4 tn Ny
acd a << -
” Ny Saye te ba an
SASS Saree Pe os eo aes ee ohne) Cede et D - ot ~
Sa aE ale SL a aa eine one eee ee
na >
Sf a eg eg
338 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
The mayor of a little Sicilian village stopped the
Chief’s motor-car, and said to him, “I have nothing
to ask of you, but this only. Perhaps you will never
again pass over this ground of ours. Dismount that
you may touch it with your feet!’’ Another of these
village mayors came to him wearing his scarf of office
over the Sunday coat of a small farmer, and said gravely
to him: “‘ At dawn this morning my two brothers,
who were killed in the war, appeared to me in a dream,
and said to me, ‘ Go to meet the Chief, kneel to him, and
tell him that we, the silent dead, bless him and thank him
for having saved Italy for which we died.’” Then
with uncovered head he knelt upon the road.
This state of mind is fertile in legend, but it can also
work wonders. On the other hand, there is always the
danger that such hero-worship may collapse under the
weight of exaggerated expectations of the impossible.
All the same, there is some measure of a man’s real
greatness in this personal magnetism, these myths which
grow up around him, this devotion which he inspires.
Yet, though he has passed through the greatest
crisis of his career with a sudden rise to fame, there has
as suddenly been let loose against him and against
Fascism a storm which is still far from being calmed.
Action which does not generate reaction is an impossi-
bility. With a party of energetic young men, some of
them inclined to violence, the more that is accomplished
the more likely is friction to arise, and it is impossible
that mistakes will not be made. Even though they are
kept in hand by a severe discipline, it is inevitable that
there will be at times excesses, all the more when they
have to meet the provocations of those Italians who
banked on the ruin of Italy, who lost and who do not
want to pay.
A crisis was inevitable—not so the way in which
the crisis actually developed. ‘That was especially cruel
and lamentable because it implicated persons in delicate
positions, and standing far too near the Chief himself.A
3
-
a ¥
™ :
, hk
PY oi ae |
aN 9
ie
erae thy ie
xe Lk ae
tice ate ee
ae ey ET
* ne ae
WHAT FASCISM STANDS FOR 339
a i
. - :
a
He has suffered thereby to an extent one can hardly
describe. But when was it ever in the power of man
to choose the form in which inevitable evil is to fall
upon hims
Some weaker part of the superstructure may break
under the shock of the Matteotti crisis, but it will leave
unbroken a solid mass of humanity, strong in its great-
ness, standing clear of fogs and clouds, and—above all—
united with that one man who, though he may err and
is not omnipotent, has in himself the power and the
courage to make history that will become a legend.
gt toe 2d ie Bin
a
— ae bs ~
ny ey Mer sie aan) - a
a ae ad a ee ag eee EE ON Te eee Pe nC
aay
iat bP cae: “ier
mn “—
ae, a oat ek)
—_
——>.
~~
ee ee ene ee eee es
ree We Pe be
te mate
re od 2 ee
a ee pee a
es
oo
ete ee ee en ee
rs
ee hs. 2 ee ae eee eRe er eee Se ee nee ee ae ea ee a adLe 2 : - oat ‘ : ne = a: . : = — y
i Sa NT a ar Tar TI gn le EE tin py en ite hn ite. & - a .
a aaa a Not ¢ - si eit ie hom er er CaP mr, oS Lye a Orr 7
pa Pay —e ae Bo ngs Oe ee Se akand teak on a sel pte trae ee
Fp gr a 5 eee ee ,
Cpae~ S
Sa le Ba an SO Ee, Se Lode es a
—
ee
—
' eT" eS
et
a a Ni a a a eT
FRA S p
PA nae
_ as naan tha. te
a . aaa
4
CHAPTER XLI
MUSSOLINI THE MAN
A Newspaper Discussion of His Character—His Own Comment—
The Journalist in Him— His Portraits and His Smile—‘ The
Blacksmith’s Frowning Son.’
ITH all the contradictions in him and all the
comp! lexity, all the apparent but not real
inconsistencies, what are we to make of Mussolini?
Some time towards the end of 1924, the Fascist
daily paper of a great Italian city set on foot a discussion
among its readers regarding Mussolini’s_ character.
Mussolini put a stop to it. “ Be so good as to send
for the editor,” he telegraphed to the Prefect of the
district, ““and request him to close the discussion with
the following remark: Potché Ll onorevole* Mussolini
dichiara di non sapere esattamente cid che egh é, assat
diffict/mente lo possono sapere ght altri.’—As he did not know
exactly what he was himself, it would be very difficult
for others to know. The newspaper in question was,
he commanded, to publish this autodefinizione, as he
called it, and to bring the correspondence to an end.
It might be resumed, perhaps, fifty years later !
An error in psychology, perhaps, for we are apt not
to understand our own dispositions so well as others do,
but it makes an interesting document |
The journalist in Mussolini comes out in most of his
public utterances.
Answering a body of great manufacturers, who were
endeavouring to muzzle a well-known Labour spokesman
and agitator, he called on them to desist and not to injure
*«‘ The honourable,” used asa prefix to the names of members of
the Italian Parliament.
340MUSSOLINI THE MAN
the man’s prospects. ‘“‘In the Mussolini of 1914,
he urged, “could you have foreseen the Mussolini
of to-day ?”’
Even now, when he is Prime Minister, as he con-
fessed once to a gathering of his newspaper colleagues,
Mussolini has not ceased to be a journalist. He takes
a supply of scribbling paper with him even to Cabinet
Councils, and often, when he mayseem to be engaged upon
ministerial memoranda, he is really composing “little
articles’’ for the Press. Even in his official com-
munications we shall often find the true journalist’s
touch. ‘“‘ We are surrounded,” he declares in one such
document, “ by pedagogues and wiseacres, every one
of them preoccupied with some logical dilemma.”’ And
it is the leader-writer of the Popolo d'Italia whom we
recognize in the phrase in which the Italian Premier
sums up the League of Nations as “‘ unm couvent de
laiques, fantasques, tmpuissants et, par cela méme, dan-
gereux.
Statesman and journalist, his are the methods,
frank, sensible, brusaue, which have rid us of the
diplomacy of the old order. He says out boldly and
clearly what others would whisper 1n circumlocution.
His words reach their goal unmodified and unimpeded.
And concerning things as to which he might be misin-
terpreted, he holds his tongue. |
“Tt is journalism that has formed my mind,’ he
himself has declared; “‘ it was journalism that enabled
me to get to know the human material of which politics
are made. Before receiving in the Hall of Victory at
the Palazzo Chigi those Commissions which bombard me
daily with their memorials .. manythousandsof Italians
of all professions and of all ages had made their way
into my little editorial den. . . . It was as though all
Italy had been unrolled before my gaze. It was journal-
ism, moreover, that gave me a certain capacity for hard
work. The function of governing 1s not a transcendental
thing, as some people seem to imagine—it 1s Just a matter
r
a ee SS a
RL ght
= ad “i mn re je oS ~H a
pe Oe tt oe ea
m . Py = ee et = — *
F ee P ie Pe . - ne Para ™ —
nt " ai ie ee =. “| ” ae - ed
3 — ro - me . “ c . + Seat
- a “ eke eel
or + +
Pe a
—*
pee ers
os =~ Se Si
i
-——_
re ee Ne ee a ee a rae er ee Geert Be Pe aha eae ay
=
Be ceeed Tie
ye
ew oe fe
os
ae ce eee
7 =
A St as Sages
=r S ee a ee eed ae vn
=
Pe ee ate Be eee ls
J
er rae Pee
-_
—
a ae a a ; - x pee ee 7 ‘ t y f ne
ee Mi ee ee Ye | mit eer ats oa
-
We a
Mie: ie "7 Pater ae,
cs, lee
c= wl
* *
eat
i ch he ee Say
Se ee Lad ea
Pa x io ae amar 5
aaa 26
P —s ee seer 2 “oN tants Ay " ~ . — . _— - " - '
Fa a a a a rere ee ee RT UE ee
<~ Se RE eee : me A 7” sagas dae 7 "yr ce ane, : aa Roe. - : i 7 Sehr Peg wc ae grange L Pe bar a ice pe sie a dle dons Reach et ini TYRE oy
\ ‘
aa
a
,
ee é
Pe .
od
a
ee ae
mi =o. ee - r pak _ nee —y"
ee ae bs = «. + — “ “ p Shy ng F~ a
5 ’ ee) - - 7 A ad
=. i eee ar at Saree Ks eo elt “ - = 4 * Vat eas Bae . ig
- a)
nee ie a?"
wean ee
ne pas am
Fi a Ne, phe hea rt a — ~ . —_
nee ee i rs ae 5 af Ragan
[i ee
342 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
of working hard. It means remaining at your desk from
ten in the morning until midnight.”
Speaking once to a number of journalists, Mussolini
said: ‘‘ You know I respect journalism and I have given
proof of this. All I ask is that journalism shall take into
account certain inevitable historic necessities. I want
the press to co-operate with the nation. And with all
my friendly and brotherly feeling for you, there is also
a feeling of real respect, because I do not know but that
some of you may carry the marshal’s baton, I will not
say in your knapsack, but in your editorial portfolios.”’
@ 2 8 o ° 3
Impulsive and meditative, a realist and an idealist,
perfervid and yet wise, a romantic in his aspirations but
a classic in his handling of practical affairs, Mussolini
has a groundwork of consistency in him underlying all
these seeming incompatibilities. ‘This, above all, may
be confidently said of him—he is a man of courage.
He loves danger. The very idea of cowardice revolts
him.
His physical courage has found amusing illustration
of late in his treatment of the lioness which was presented
to him some time ago and with which he is often to be
seen playing in the Zoological Garden. “ Jtalia, Italia,
bella!’ he calls out to it in tones of tender affection,
and the splendid young animal comes bounding up to
him. ‘That was all very well when it was only a small
cub, kept in the house, in a little room close to his study.
But now it is big and it is caged with four other young
lions which, as the keeper says, “do not know His
Excellency,” and frolicking with it is a dangerous
pastime. The keeper, for his part, thinking of his own
responsibilities, would gladly see it ended!
This also may be added. He is a man of energy
and a true Italian.
‘““A man like yourselves,’’ Mussolini described
himself in an address to a body of miners, “ with justISSOLINI
AND
HIS
MORNING RIDI
FAVOURITE
YOL
NG
LIONESS
ah gle ee
> Detar
“
it
.
~~
-
rn
ee ee tee
sf
ae Te
ee ee ee ee
a ee eee
es
noe ae eg Se ae ed Saat
~
ee
Bs oe
=
wine oe
eee ee ee
7
a
“oe Fs
a,
at ae de SP eae ee eee ae Dot
att
nsa aia
~~
eee dgatoa te
">
- ~
aes SS =
we
ay
1
sac bs fen
bd
p
4
oreo.
het tie ia lal
at
J
Sells.
Tea a ee eeeMUSSOLINI THE MAN 343
your own qualities and your own defects—with all that
constitutes the essential elements of that peculiar type
of humanity which makes the Italian.”’
An Italian, then, par excellence, and a young Italian.
“Why do I go about on horseback ?”’ he exclaimed once
in the Senate, in reply to some carping allusion to this
habit of his. “Why, because I am young! Youth,
however, is a malady of which one becomes cured a little
every day.”
This characteristic outburst occurred in the course of
one of his great speeches. He had been discoursing
gravely and emphatically to his distinguished audience,
which comprised many of the most famous men in Italy,
but at this point he had broken out into a vehement
improvisation. Youth with Mussolini is something
more than a matter of mere chronology, it is a synonym
for life and energy and power.
His youthfulness is, indeed, the thing about him that
most impresses strangers who meet him in private for
the first time. ‘‘ He is not a bit like what he seems
in his portraits,”’ you will hear them declare. “ He looks
so young!’’ And, on public occasions, when he smiles
the effect is astonishing. ‘‘ Why, he is all amiability! ©
those who have known him only from his photograph
exclaim. ‘This is not the morose, brutal-looking
Mussolini that they had imagined. A countrywoman
from the Abruzzi, who had forced her way through the
crowd and come close up to him, exclaimed out loud
with naive audacity: “‘ But why do the pictures always
give you such an ugly scowl?” ~ The blacksmith s
frowning son” an American once called him.
The essential truth, indeed, may be found in that
legendary frowning, scowling Mussolini. He knows
men and he knows how undesirable and how dangerous
it is to be at too close quarters with them. ~ A group
of four” is his ideal. With more than that you begin
to have a mob. He has no liking for a “ refectory,
he will complain when he has to sit down at table with
a = —
le ele i ae
Res hag 5 es ee a Le eo
ee ide a lend
a, = i ne o
- ee ae hig be ee ee =a
a. ae --
a a or
~ : - cs ~ 9
oti eet Speer nr! See Sati. “odie Me .
ene “ se ee pa tent
oes eae =e =
— a ae a ee
Pe pe
ad a =
a" —
>
- ~ aN YP s Se age pee es } ree ce a ay! - Se oy vr 4 4
Pet TO TNR ees te tee ao Ape yeas ae ay Sao wedey HOS Be Sn te oe elie Ten ns
eee Te” MEE TET ME OTe petro eee TT
ey
ween:
be ert
a aes
2%
ie Se ee eae re
7
ee
+
oe ree ee ee eee
Flee!
er pies ” aoe
fe le en es ae
, a
os ae
ee i an nO ee eS
ee a ie ae ee ee a ar eee el eg i ed
Cres
a _ [a
«er
ok ES
Se a ne Se HH
, ’ oe -*
are
aa,
ie
Ne_
~
ie
-
peat a a Ps " a be v ~"
BI aa ee OF Ee Fa pt at es . Ss
Se Ne ee ee ts aa!
SS -
* rr rl se eg a at
eg
eee
oa ey ~~
Sra)
reeset
eagles
ee lle oe
> Pm. ae os
a
Ta LST
re pa Nt a all
on ld
- +e os -
“7
;
A
a pa ea) ee
Sait, Ot
7 ee Vir
SS kl ee
i Ai eR AS es a oe ee taal hat a La
rap ah “4 . / *
ce AS A ala at ntact a ee eal ee
344 THE LIFE OF BENITO MUSSOLINI
too large a company. When on occasion we of the
Popola d’Jtalia indulged in some festive celebrations, he
did not drink convivially like the others. He emptied
his glass at a gulp, standing alone.
An unconvivial, unsociable individualist by nature,
Mussolini cultivates this inborn aloofness as a weapon
of defence; this explains the frown. We have here a
co-operation of instinct and policy. A man’s attitude
is a confession, sometimes, of the aspect which he would
fain present to others.
No one finds him haughty or repellent, but no one
can boast of being on terms of intimacy with him.
| have seen him kiss on both cheeks a number of men well
on in years upon whom he was conferring the order of
the Star of Labour—an order which he himself in-
stituted. He kissed the first of them on both cheeks
formally in correct ‘‘ protocol” fashion, but when it
came to the others, the kisses that were exchanged be-
came quite hearty. The old men might have found in
him a long-lost brother! I have, indeed, often seen him
embracing other men and I have seen him kissing the
hand of a lady or fondling a child in the affectionate way
that seems so natural in this land of lavish caresses:
but | have never seen anyone presume to buttonhole
him or to place a hand upon his shoulder. Were
anyone to do so, I sometimes wonder what kind of
cataclysm would come about! Even those who are
entitled to address him by his Christian name—his
brother, for instance, and the comrades of his boyhood
—do so with a certain involuntary hesitation and in
accents of respect, almost of reverence.
He knows well the meaning and worth of that word
comrade—camerata. The word “friend” is another
matter. He calls no one friend. ‘‘ If the Eternal Father
were to say to me: I am your friend,’ I would put up
my fists to Him,’ he is capable of declaring in angry
mood. And when some case of perfidy or treachery
has come before him he will exclaim: ‘ If my own fatherMUSSOLINI THE MAN 34.5
were to come back to the world I would not place my
trust in him.’
~ No intimate friendship, a minimum of personal
feelings ’’—that ideal of Buddhist and Christian monas-
teries, of Port Royal and of all religious ascetics, might
almost be taken as Miussolini’s rule of life. Apart
from the cause to whichhe has devoted himself and from
the ideas which he incarnates, he holds aloof from the
world. The “ curriculum vite’’ of those who surround
him does not interest him.
Nothing mean or petty can take root in him. And
as he does not go through life haggling about things
but pays the full price, he secures the big things, the
unportant things, which are essential to his ambition—
‘‘ ambition, that last infirmity of noble minds.” He him-
self laughs at this infirmity in his own case.
‘ If all shall have gone well,’’ he said to me once with
a smile of irony on his lips, “‘I shall perhaps thirty
years hence be accorded a bust which will serve as a
rendezvous for nursery-maids and their young men in
some public garden. ‘ Behind the Mussolini bust at
eight,’ perhaps some young lovers will whisper! A fine
satisfaction that will be! ’
He was silent for a time.
‘ After all, Signora,” he continued, “ what have I
achieved ? J am a bit of a journalist, and for the time
being a Minister, like so many others. I must get this
peo} ople into some kind of order. ‘Then I shall have
fulfilled my task. I shall feel then that I am someone.”
Another silence. Then he went on:
‘And yet—and yet! Yes, I am obsessed by this
wild desire—it consumes my hole being. I want to
make a mark on my era with my will, like a lion with its
claw! A mark like this! ’’
And, as with a claw, he scratched the covering of a
chair-back from end to end!
Se ae
= an a
a
a.
~ = - -
ee 8 ®
D aes «
YF)
4 >
hee ae See ST eee eer ee ee ae
a an
—_
Ce
a we
yi
aad
a iia 2
ee ee
aod ee
\
ae
Oe oe ee = ees 3
a —
_
See ee re ne Se SIR AEE it es ec eee ean what Orta Le een ee ee tet ae
te a et
ee ae
J
ee
oe ie aoe I
= s = P
eee eee
eta
a <> is ” <
Pe ee
~~
eee a
Pt a ered 7 Fi
et eae
a ay ered rs ae ero ets
cs
ret Pe ad -
a eat ae
(
EX a Sabre eas “ ore sen) os a sh = hos sie Sle “al Te. Sy. TT Ce te aa a 3 - - o _
Sees Sale Se la tS ai Na ele a a ora ee nal BS Na a a er ioe a i at Da ee cele Ee Lad ae
CHAPTER XLII
A CURTSY
To His Excellency, Signor Benito Mussolini, President of the Council
and Chief of the Fascists, from the writer of this book, taking farewell
of him and of her readers.
HE story of your life, Signor Presidente, ought
really to have been written by yourself. You
had some thought of writing it—you went so far even
as to devise for it the admirable title Dalla Strada al
Potere,* but it remains one of your numerous poten-
tial works!
Downright and vigorous, well stocked with facts and
rich in general ideas—how dissimilar it would have been
to this book of mine! Maine is essentially a woman’s
book. It is taken up largely with details which you,
perhaps, will dismiss as “‘ gossip.’’ But, for my part, I
read too much of history to disdain gossip. It is
only through visualizing the protagonists that we come
to understand the nature of great events. The story
of Rome lives in the recorded actions and thoughts,
loves and quarrels, of individuals. How much less we
know of some of the greatest figures in history than we
do of the kings of France who still walk and talk for us
in the pages of Froissart and Saint-Simon!
From my post of vantage, bordering theturmoil, ina
comparatively quiet backwater, I have noted something of
the memorable occurrences of our time. The scene,
Signor Presidente, is dominated by your figure. The
* “ From the Street to Power.”
346©
ae ;
ay
1
i
ce
aa
—
a
AS ey Mes at
eh ie
é aS
—
Se ee Bae ges
i
a
res
e
os
ea ae Ps = ee
ra
.
Ft |
OUEST S|
AS
oe ee ee)
—
is te
SSOLINI GREETING KING GEORG!
nom ee
mn
oat Oe
: eons
a4
ee eere
= ag hee
a
—
r
Spe ES»
9
si
"
ce
Fo clay, me
{ i
hae
doa
a
%
a
et
i te Ke Si a ee ale ae
rs ~
5
yer Ga ky
ot
Se Nias cd 8
5
rez:
ta bes Das i Seco a
=, ry
2 a «
- Ses 4 *
om
en
9
— ae
Lanse” ee
ae
A CURTSY
Se ee
~ et
-
- SS ue
landscape 1s lit up by the steadily rising sun of your aims
and hopes—by your love for Italy and by your un-
swerving resolution to bring her to the attainment of
her Destiny.
So may it be!
Peas wt J
a Pei Le
a
. Ps es
a a ARS IS GER ei a AAR NS SAN ah EN lect Don nels de OS
eos
eee se
Rhee TE eh ete ge
- ; oe ee led oo |
- at! *
i
—
=
oc
is
a
ee Pa een
tou
i
1
my
re
hae “2
Se et ee MY een et ee
Pe ee ee = =
Je A ee
-
= Mt,
a
ey
— fo ee
cea a ee ee a ae a et ee ge ie ne er
ee
*
A
ea)Sicha 4 e pd
—
m
cand
i
;
a 9
Ane DLR
5
<2 Sih ole ela ad Ae
BS
3
wasCavell, Edith
PAGE
Albert, King - - - ~ 17
Annunzio, Gabriele d’,
7, 242, 2090, Z51-S2Z, 3
— occupies Fiume - - - 269
Anseele - - - - - 193
Austria asks Italy for terms 247
Austrians shell hospital - - 231
Avanti, 39, 46, 50, 51, 184,
187, 201-3
— circulation - - = Wiehe
— offices destroyed -.- 268
— taunts Mussolini - ee
Azeglio, Massimo d’ - - 22
Babeuf - : - - - I05
Bacci, Giovanni - : alia
Bakunin - - - - : 21
Balabanoff, Angelica - 114-117
Baldini, Franco - - eae
Barboni - - - - - 85
Battisti, Cesare - ne 47,152-55
Bergson - - - - I01
Bersaglier1 - - - - 216
Bethmann-Hollweg - : 16
Bianchi, Michele - . - 46
Biancherl, Signor - - - I05
Bissolati - 39, 176, 252-54, 3°5
Blanqui - - - - - 199
Bolshevism - - 257-64
Bono, Emilio de, General - 3II
Bonomi, Minister of the In-
terior - - - - = 290
BonserviZl - - - - 92
Bilow, Prince - . - @2I1
Cadorna, General - - - 22
Candotti, Monsignor - seas
Capitalism - - - ZO
Carso - - - - =“ 22
Catholicism - - - 68-7
I
I
Ceccherini, General
Chamberlain, Houston
Child, Washbum_ ~-
Cittadini, General -
Clemenceau - -
5
Cirillo, Mussolini’s chauffeur 5
I
5
= apna. 3
- LOE
eshte
'
ie
= 17; 2
INDEX
349
PAGE
Communism - - - 162, 283
Corfu action - - - - 2094
Corridoni, Filippo, 209, 212,
227 -2An
Corrieve della Ser - - - 208
Costa, Andrea - - - 21
Crispi1, Francesco - - 74-75
Cromwell, Oliver - - - 15
Crucifix in schools - - - 70
Curzon, Lady - - - 75-76
— Lord - - - . . 76
D’Annunzio. See Annunzio.
Diaz, General - - - =) 316
Direct action - - - - 169
Duse, Eleonora = Maoh Mie OG
Eight-Hours’ Day - =) |) e322
Einstein - - - - - Io!
Facta, Prime Minister - 309, 314
Faliero, Marino - - - 50
Fara, General - - - 310-11
Fascism, 264-65, 288-308,
319, 325-39
Fascists: first appearance - 253
— — meeting - - - 258
— Legislative measures - 320
programme - - 322-23
Filosoft a senza forza - - I4!
Fiume . - - - 268-7
Foch, Marshal- ~- - - 10
Forlimpopoli, Teachers’ In-
stitute at - - : 72-73
Franck - - - - 193
Freemasons ~- - 68, 177-78
Friuli, people of - ~- 134-37
Futurism - - - . - 156
Gib: Signom: = 9.5 ak ae
Giolitti, 170-71, ! me 211-12
250, 279, 81, 299
Giordani, murder of - - 280
Giuliani, acting-editor of Popolo
ad’ Italia - - - 52, 203
es eee J
belie ring ee eee eT ERS "
es St ee iin eee an at
De See re ae Sd
Ted
~
7). Seo an
ee a es See eee
“ . * ie rs rs
Seneil
eae ce awa aeSiee PE enya oP ee ee oer tat ee ar ee =e
Ser era ee
ee
Pe
Pea er
wi i Yet pa
ETag "
ee 3
agen
ee ee ee
—_ —
eg
Baia haity or oe taka eee
ES See he
Ce Pee eee
ae eee
a
~
oe j 7
5 Sa
Lae
fa owe J x
et ee ee ess
es toe al
ee
A eer ee
Rn eee eg Tee
Rem ee eed
o -— eid
3 acer aese
eee
¥ wa
Sea yl ee.
re rf %
Ba
— abe
75. a
a
.
3 *
ape
one ae
pe -
iP —
: -
fe
cat oh
SDN OT NEI PIE
=. = lS
a POA ee Rage hae RP Pak, 3
hem ges ayy oa
a a i ir enh arin hee atl
Saale ce at A at in i dint asia
7 ee ~ "
in
ae
ied —
a i a fe A i re ec rs
ic ei
350 INDEX
PAGE
Gobineau - - - = 057
Gandolfo, General - - = ai
Garibaidi - - - -- 23-24, 78
Gasparotto - - ~ =. 230
Gentile, Professor Giovanni 321-22
George, David Lloyd - - 17
Gerarchia - - - - - 289
German offers for Italy’s
neutrality - - - ~ 2iiy
Gualtieri = i, = 78-80
Hindenburg, Marshal von - 17
Fiugo; Victor = =) = = G2
Idea Nazionale favours Cen-
tral Powers - - - - 196
Igliori, General - - * 235%
Imperialism - 252-53, 265, 323
Italian neutrality not an
armed neutrality at
first - - - 195-96
— Revolution ~ = 32577319
— soldier - - - = 25
— soldier after the war = 1255
Italy’s intervention - - 207
— share from the war - - 252
Jaurés a idehr sy fe en! =) OS
Joffre, Marshal - =e 16
Kipling, Rudyard - - . 94
Klopstock . - . 147-48
Kuliscioff, Anna, 21, 163, 170,
176, 201
Labriole, Arturo - - - 164
Landor, Savage - - - 10
Lassalle - - - - - 166
Legislative measures by the
Fascist Government, num-
berof - - - - = 320
Lenin - - - 19, 20, 261
— opinion of Mussolini - 278
Teonardo- - - -+ ~- 163
Liberalism - . ~ - 328
Libyan Expedition - 170-74
Lotta dt Classe - - 39, 162
Liebknecht - - - - 18
Ludendorff, General - - 17
Machiavelli - - . 126-33
Marinetti - - = 493°1565 273
PAGE
Martini, Ferdinando 1092, 194, 195
Matteotti - - =~ Nor, 275
Max, Burgomaster - ~ 17
Mercier, Cardinal - = i 17
Miserocchi, Captain - - 54
Misiano - - - - = 299
Missiroli, Mario - - - 200
Mocchi, Walter - - =» 164
Moltke, General - - - 16
Morale, Mussolini on - 219-20
Musolino, brigand - - = 22
Mussolini, Alessandro (father
of Benito M.), 20-21, 26-27,
ae 30-34, 63, 67, 74, 81
Mussolini, Arnaldo (brother)
ay 31, 35, 74
Mussolini, Benito
and the Catholic Church 68-71
and question of language 161
and question of milk prices 169
and Tripoli Expedition - 173
applies for post of Com-
munal Scrivener at
Predappio - - 73-74
arrested’ - - - = 273
asks King of Italy to
bestow honour on Sig-
nor Tittoni - - - 319
— becomes an errand boy - 99
— becomes a hodman and
mason ‘=; j= (= 91-98
— birth - - - - - 29
— boyhood - - 30-32, 35-38
— called after Benito Juarez 35
el
— character sketch of - - 342
— compares Christ and
Buddha of te a= TOO
— concentration - - - 51
— condemned by Socialist
Party for war attitude 205
— confused with Musolino,
the brigand of Calabria 229
“corpse in an advanced
state of putrefaction ” 50
declared to have accepted
money from France 203
declares for neutrality 192-95
declares for war - - 205
deported from Austria 154
Diary of the war - - 217
dislike of party - 210
early days - - 30-32, 35-38
edits Avanti - 39, 184, 187
—-—— resigns - 201-03
— Il Popolo d’Itaha 203-10
— La Lotta di Classe 39, 162
elementary teacher at
Vaneva - - 134-37
|PAGE
Mussolini, elementary teacher
at Gualtieri - 77-80
— enters Teachers’ Institute
at Forlimpopoli - - 72
— errand boy - - 99-100
— expelled from Austria - 154
— expelled from Zurich - 118
— fights duel and is expelled
from Switzerland - 119
— fights duel with Treves - 211
— first imprisonment - - 92
— founds Utopia - ~ 187-88
— “glutton for work’”’ 217-20
— goes to Annemasse - - 108
— goes to College of the
Salesian Fathers - 64
— goes to Zurich - - 112-14
— hatred of beards - - 53
— hatred of Freemasonry,
68, 177-7
— hatred of pomposity - 53
— housein which he was born
bestowed - - . 40
— impfisonment - - 140,175
— inthe Army - - 216-24
— interest in animals - - 67
— King requests him to form
a Ministry - - = 312
— leaves for Rome - - 74
— letters from prison - =—irS4
— letters from Switzerland,
80, 82-87
— letters on joining-up- - 214
— mason - - - 98-99
— maxim: ‘“‘A Hierarchy
must culminate in a
pin-point”’ - - - 185
— method of taking a “‘rest’’ 43-44
— not ceased to be a journa-
list - - - 341-42
— on morale - - : 219-20
— on paper-money - - 320
— on parole at Trent - - 154
— oratory compared with
d’Annunzio’s - - 303
— orders mummy to be re-
moved from Palazzo
Chigi - - - m= ROX
— origin of M. family - . 20
— personality - - - 51
— petaversions - - - 53
— playwright - - - 275
— prints his ‘‘ Sulla Poesia
di Klopstock - - 147
— professor of French at
Oneglia - - - 139
— pronouncement of 24 Oct.,
1922 - - : - 306
INDEX 351
PAGE
Mussolini publishes Essay on
john Huss - = <=) %49
— publishes ‘‘La Filosofia
senza forza ”’ - =| 5aX
— Russian friends - . 100-17
— Secretary to the Socialists
of the Chamber of
Labour at Trent - 144
— Shadowed by Government 270
— soldier - ~ - 216-24
— “‘Storia della Filosofia,”’
MS. burnt - - =“ oLAG
— studies in Geneva - 100-02
— trial regarding Roccagorga 181
— voice - - - - a TY
— wounded in the war 229-31
— writes stories - - 150-52
— writes “ Il Trentino vedu-
to da un Sacialista’’ 156-59
— youthof - - 30-32, 35-38
— and passim.
Mussolini, Signora Rosa
(mother of B.) 27-28, 63, 67, 103
Napoleon I - = a 15, 72
Nietzsche - - - 141-42
Night Prayerin Italian Navy 70
Nitti - - . - 273, 299
Nivelle, General - - - 16
Orlando, Signor - - - 234
Oviglio, Fascist - - - 280
Paper Money - - - - 320
Papini, Giovanni. - : 155-50
Pareto, Vilfredo 47,60, 101-02, I4I
Pascoli, Giovanni - - . 23
Platen, August - - - 148
Popolo @’Italia, 40-46, 48-55,
74, 203-10
Prezzolini, Giuseppe - 155-56
Red Week : - . - 190
Rensi, Professor Giuseppe - 124
Revel, Admiral d1 - - 316
Romagna - - - -21-25
Rome, festival of the founding
of the City - - . - 66
Rossato, Signor : . - 64
Russia _- - - : 260-61
Saint-Just <)> jak st) |g ee
Salandra : - = 222, 312
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352 INDEX
PAGE
San Giuliano, Baron di - - 192
San Marino - - - - 23
Sarfatti, Roberto - - =i 1244
Scimula, shot for Fascism - 279
Socialism in Italy, 155, 164-66,
188-89 and passim
Socialist (Italian) Party and
the war - - - - 197
Sonnino - - - : - 250
Sonzini, shot for Fascism - 27¢
State ownership-~ - - 264
Stefani, Signor de, Minister of
Finance - - - - 320
Sturzo, Don - - - - 69
Tittoni, Signor me - 319
Toti, Enrico - - - - 255
Treves, Claudio = 3570, 171; 241
Tripoli Expedition - 170-74
Trotsky’s opinion of Mussolini 278
Turati, Filippo 163, 170, 171, 185
Reprinted by Percy Lund, Humphries & Co. Lid., Bradford and London
PAGE
Unknown Warrior - 1§
Utopia - - - - 187-88
Vandervelde - . 104-6, 193
Vergani, Vasilico - - = P55
Viollier, Eugenio Torelli - 208
Vittorio Emanuele III 55, 319
— refuses to suppress
Fascismo - - 209-10
— summons Mussolini - 312-14
Voce, La - - - - - 156
Wasbingren. George =a 15
Wilde’s ‘ Soul of Man under
Socialisin hs - - - 167
William, Kaiser - - - 16
Wilson, President 49-50, 251-52
Zamboni, General - - =, 32!
Zibordi, Giovanni - - - 77
Zini - - - - - . 87Sah nes wep
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