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GIFT OF
DR. DAVID RANDALI-MACIVERand Mandatl-Yfac WerPUBLICATIONS OF THE
METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART
EGYPTIAN EXPEDITION

EDITED BY ALBERT M. LYTHGOE
CURATOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF
EGYPTIAN ART

ROBB DE PEYSTER TYTUS
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iT Vike eetPLATE XLIV
THE NORTH CHAPEL FROM THE HALL

The inscriptions are not wholly authentic, as will be seen from Plate XLV. Restoration in
color by N. de G. Davies

(See page 5 and Volume I, pages 8-10)THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

THE TOMB OF PUYEMRE
AT THEBES

BY -
NORMAN DEGARIS DAVIES

WITH PLATES IN COLOR
BY N. DEGARIS DAVIES AND H. R. HOPGOOD
OF THE EGYPTIAN EXPEDITION

VOLUME II

THE CHAPELS OF HOPE

NEW YORK
MCMXXIIIIN MEMORY OF
ROBB DE PEYSTER TYTUS
THIS VOLUME HAS BEEN PUB-
LISHED BY THE METROPOLITAN
MUSEUM OF ART WITH A FUND
GIVEN FOR THAT PURPOSE BY
CHARLOTTE M. TYTUS
MCMXIVCONTENTS

VOLUME II

PAGE

ILLUSTRATIONS «= . 9. 526 es!

CHAPTER VI

BURIAL ASSURANCE 2). 39 |
Tue NortrHern CuHapet. The three chapels; their doorways;
arrangement of the scenes in the north chapel; the descrip-
tive texts; the funeral procession; dramatic presentation of
the life to come; the voyage to and from Abydos; funeral
furniture; an appeal to the gods for food in the world beyond;
divine assurances on the false door; two ancient spells. . . 3

CHAPTER VII

CEREMONIAL AID eS TD

(A) Toe Mippie Cuapet. Carnal preoccupation and higher out-
look; scenes of slaughter; Puyemré sacrifices to the gods;
details of the scene; a companion picture; Puyemré at the
table of the gods; the companion scene; the temple and the
individual; the walls reflect what occurred within them; ritual
services by the priests of Amon; and by the priestesses of
Hathor; chants of the male and female choirs; an alternate
Version. 2. 9. ee re)CONTENTS

PAGE
(B) THe Surine. The shrine a larger statue-niche; the portal;
the protecting gods; spells for producing light; for unction;
and for clean clothing; the ritual meal of the dead; a strange
form of ceiling decoration; its origin; its texts. 6

CHAPTER VIII

EOVIMIVGIEONONIEIIYE ee 8 ltt Cw Ctl wltwsCS
Tue SourHeRN Cuapet. A family chapel; the niche; the pri-
vate provision of food for the dead; family piety; fragmentary
SCCMOSMCCIIIMCMUCNUSM Me ll st OF

CHAPTER IX
ADDING ee ne ery. ht

Tue STELAE AND Cerincs. Inscribed doorways; stela C and
its panel; stela D and its panel; lintels; stela F and its panels;

Stelacr Grand Ei= cellme patterns and texts. 9 2 .  . . 43
APPENDICES

APPENDIX B.

DE EACADE AND COURGVARDIONTHEMLOMB 7  . =. . ©. . OI
APPENDIX C.

EMIeOCKMONOM CG ANIIEANDS .  . =. . . . +. :s «» OF
APPENDIX D.

REBEBSERONMONSOROUDPNGE 45 95 5 wis 8 ' tui. 78
APPENDIX E.

GEMIENIPPES@GHMINHEBES = 4 °° 4#«. 4#. °°. ~«.~«. +... s 98
TUNING ie ties ets 8

xWr

FIGURE

ILLUSTRATIONS

1 Representations of old age

Frontispiece

Plate XLV
XLVI
XLVII
XLVIII
XLIX
L

LI

LI
LUI
LIV

LV

LVI
LVIlI

LVIIl

PLATES

(Plate XLIV) Decorated doorway
(restoration) .
North chapel; doorway
North chapel; east wall
North chapel; north wall .
INorthyehapelhtbackewalli
North chapel; south wall. Ceiling text
North chapel; south wall (continued) .
North chapel; the stela and its location
Middle chapel; east wall .
Middle chapel; north wall
Middle chapel; south wall
Details of Plate LIV .
Middle chapel; back wall
Shrine; east wall. Middle chapel;
ceiling texts
Shrine; side walls
x]

FIGURE IN THE TEXT

PAGE

79

In color

In line

In line

In line

In line

In line

In line
Photogravure
In line

In line

In line
Photogravure
In line

In line
In lineILLUSTRATIONS

   

LIX Shrine; back wall moe 6.) Cs, In line
PxGsonkinewcelimes — . +. +. . «. «. Inline
LXI Ceiling design (detail from Plate LX). . Incolor
LXII South chapel; back wall. Doorway . . Inline
Dai Southichapels north wall, =. =. =O. SC iwsésdIn line
DEVE sournichapel: soutiwall.  . . . +. Inline
LXV Puyemréand Senseneb . . . ._ . Photogravure
DXaVil hacade;northtablet, A. . . . . . Inline
IDV Hacades southttablet FE 2 .° . =. +. Inline
OVligehacadestelaaD = . | . #. . +. Iniine
IDX HacadesstelaeGand 5 + | . «. ‘Inmiine
LXX Facade; StelaH. Fragments. . . . Inline
IMC Rortico; sandstone reciets » |) » =. #«. Iniime
LXXII_ Portico; incised sandstone fragments . . In line
LXXIII Plan of tomb and courtyard . . . . Inline
LXXIV_ Longitudinal section. Stairway tomb. . Inline
LXXV_ Elevations of portico and facade. Sections In line
LXXVI Passage to burialchamber . . . . Inline
OQ burtalshaits . . = = . .« . « Inlme
LXXVIII Two interior doorways . . . .  . Photogravure
LXXIX Objects found on the site. . . . . Photogravure
xl
adCHAPTER VI

 

BURIAL ASSURANCECHAPTER VI

BURIAL ASSURANCE

THE NORTHERN CHAPEL
(PLATES XLY-LI)’

AS the plans have shown (Plates IV, V), three doorways open out of
the back wall of the hall, giving entrance to as many chapels, one
vaulted, one flat-roofed, one canopied. Though there is no cogent reason
in ritual for the provision, e.g., as being for the service of Puyemré and
his two wives, yet the mural records support one’s natural expectation
that the three chapels would be put to somewhat different liturgical
purposes, and justify sufficiently the captions I have used.

The inscriptions on the frames of the doorways to the three chapels
are naturally religious in character. The jambs of the central door con-
tained hotpedens prayers to Amon(?), Atum, and Anubis on the right,
and to Amon(?), ‘‘[lord of] heaven,” Osiris, and Anubis on the left. The
blessings sought from them for the ka of Puyemré seem to have been
those customary. A fragment suggests that similar prayers, written
both ways from a central |, occupied the lintel.

The formulae on the jambs of the two decorated doors (Plates XLV,
LXID take the form “He who is in favor with . . . the second
priest of Amon, Puyemré, born of the honored judge, the scribe, Puya”

‘This chapel had received the following injuries. North and South Thicknesses. Extensive injuries
to the upper registers. Hast Wall. Fracture of lintel inside (three fragments of the boat recovered by us
are restored in Plate XLVI). North Wall. Loss of the seated figures and the goddess by removal of masonry
and by crumbling, and damage by attempted theft to the groups in front of her (two fragments of the
goddess have been replaced). Back Wall. The blocks by which it was faced and the central stela having
been removed, nothing was left in place but the lower part of the wall up to the level of the shelf of the

3

The three
chapels

Their door-
waysTheir door-
ways

Arrangement
of the scenes
in the north
chapel

BURIAL ASSURANCE

(north door). On the south door (Plate LXII) the parentage of Puyemré
is omitted. One of the two gods whom he names as his patrons there is
‘“‘“Atum, prince of the great temple (?).””’

On the reconstructed lintel of the south door the text seems to run
“The Count, royal chancellor . . . [superintendent of] temples, he
who is responsible for their contents, [Puyemré],”” and ‘‘The Count,
etc., Puyemré. Lo! he sets out with burial-privilege (hotpedens) and
rises in Sekhet-hotpu (‘Field of offerings”) where Ré is, [Puyemré].’”’
The sentences on the lintel of the north door may perhaps be ‘‘The
Count, the chancellor, the courtier greatly loved . . . one who has
access (tkn) to the King of North Egypt(?) . . . Puyemré,” and ‘‘. .
he who acts as the eyes of the king in South Egypt, the ears of His
[Majesty in North Egypt], Puyemré.”*

The north chapel is decorated as follows. The back wall once con-
tained the great granite stela,’ Puyemré’s supposed path to his place of
rest underground, flanked by religious texts of ancient origin and pictures
of funeral furniture. The north (right-hand) and east walls hold those
pictures of burial rites which are usually relegated to the south wall of
the passage to the inner chamber. The south wall is occupied by a list of
food-offerings and two mystic texts. The high barrel-vault, roughly semi-
circular in section, is decorated with a chequer pattern (Plate X XIX, 3, A)
whose line of separation from the pictures on the vertical part of the
side walls is furnished by the usual kheker frieze and border, and by a
horizontal inscription under it.

stela, with two blocks of inscription (the restoration on Plate XLVIIL is, so far, only on paper). South Wall.
Fall of patching blocks and a hole near the floor. Vault. Fairly perfect except towards the back. The
restorations in the plates can be trusted, with the serious reservation of the reconstruction of the back
wall. The study of other versions of the text justify, however, the general arrangement, and as a fit against
the old plaster bedding was secured for the block containing the top of the text on the left, the others
cannot be seriously out. Under these conditions the intervals shown by me cannot be used as a guide to
the recovery of the text; but need, on the contrary, slight alterations if they are to conform to other copies.

jah peal oo: Heliopolis is meant.

fe NA. = ——— =o GS ==) p
BESSY Ms ond CANT RAS e RI MM oT | SS seem tobe the readings.
° For remarks on the architectural features of the doors see Vol. I, p. 8. The lintels have been built

up of detached fragments, the black ground of which guarantees their origin. The arrangement on the
south door is almost certain: for the north door there is little further guide than appears in Pl. XLY.
4Now in Cairo Museum under the number 34,047.

h

 

i asTHE NORTHERN CHAPEL

The text on the north wall (Plate XLVII) reads, ‘‘A ritual offering
to Ha,’ lord of the West, that he may grant residence at his court as
one of his train in the kindly West, to the ka of the noble, rich in insight,
upright of heart towards the king, . . . , Puyemré.”’ The opposite
heading (Plates XLIX, L) runs, ‘‘A ritual offering to Thot, ruler of the
wise (rhy.t), that he may allow the mummy to be rehabilitated in connec-
tion with his sepulchre, and (his) soul to be in thriving contact with the
mummied form of his body, for the ka of the prince, secure of approval
when he decides a case, self-collected () in the hall of the magistrates
(srw), [the priest, Puyemré].”* The phrases used here to describe
complete salvation give striking expression to the vital necessity for
the dead of the tomb, the mummy, and all the customary burial
equipment.

The yellow rib along the crown of the vault records a ritual offering
‘forthcoming at demand” to Osiris ‘“‘lord of life,’ couched in common-
place terms (Plate XLIX). The thicknesses of the entrance show equally
uninteresting reliefs of four men entering with offerings, two on each
side (Plates XXX, 2 and XLIV).*

The acts of ritual on the north wall (Plate XLVII) are naturally
directed towards the sepulchre in the west. This region is represented
by the goddess Semyt-Amentet, the personification of the western slopes,
and by the deceased, who enjoy their meal behind her, secure in the pat-
ronage which her kindly words assure to them. ‘‘O, Puyemré! She who
lives for ever adopts thee and throws her arms about thee.”°

Three series of episodes from the drama of Osirid burial face those

‘For the name of this somewhat rare god, a male duplicate, apparently, of the goddess of the western
necropolis, see Sethe, Pyramidentexte, 1013 d, 1712 b.

* The inscription concludes = aK Al Le eel The end of the wall, being
almost destroyed, is not included in the Plate. For ikr §3r.t cf. Pl. X XIX, col. 10 and Couyat and Montet,
Wady Hammamat, p. 113.

°For the attribute of Thot, who is himself a rhw, see Naville, Deir el Bahari, Pl. LXXIX. Read
twt ib.

“The office of this attendant is written with the picture of a scribe’s case apparently, but the value
of this sign is not known. Cf. Davies, Tomb of Antefoker, Pl. XIII, for an object similar in shape to the
hieroglyph.

*Puyemré is styled here “a spokesman who gives satisfaction in the whole land (r3 shrr),” as on the
Cairo stela. Senseneb, “‘house-mistress and [chantress] of Amon,” is with him.

o

The descrip-
tive texts

The funeral
processionThe funeral
procession

 

BURIAL ASSURANCE

so deeply interested in it.’ (1) In the upper register the body is drawn
on a sledge to the place of interment by a pair of oxen under the convoy
of three men, representing sacred localities or classes. A lector purifies
earth and air before the dead by libation and fumigation; the priest of
Sokar and women personating Nephthys and Isis, the sisters of Osiris,
are in attendance. The swathed body lies on a couch upon the platform
(or within the walls) of a gaily painted catafalque. Four “‘companions”’
with staffs bring up the rear (R., I, 2).’

(2) The second register shows the arrival of articles of burial equip-
ment second only in importance to the coffin itself. The first piece con-
sists of a boat set on a plank which is painted blue to represent water
(R., II, 2). The strange object in it I imagine to be a seated statue of
the dead, but boxed in and covered in front with a veil which only the
officiating priest may lift; for the ancient custom of immuring the statue
in a cell betrays a fear that it might escape and injure the living. The
brightly colored decoration of the enclosure resembles that given to the
pictograph for ‘‘palace.”” A doll-lector in the boat confers on the statue
by spells its magic power of personating the dead when needed, and two
dead gods of the city of Pai keep watch and ward at prow and stern. The
statue is shipped; for it is not destined to stay in the burial vault, but is
to go to the city of Buto in the Delta and represent Puyemré there at
that court of the kings of eld. The journey thither may have been made
by worldly transit, or by the easier method of the magic word. The
treasure contained in a casket which is treated exactly like the mummy
(R., I, 3), must be the jars of entrails removed from the body at em-
balmment. Yet a third contribution to the full personality of the dead is
provided by the ‘“‘Teknu” drawn on a sled by three men from Keden,
wherever that is (R., VII, 7). This mysterious figure who is sometimes
shown squatting as here, sometimes crouching on his face, and generally

‘For another presentation of these rites in our tomb see p. 64. The standard exemplar, with textual
explanations, is in Tomb 100 (Virey, “Rekhmara,” Pl. XIX) and the identifying references inserted here
(R., 1, etc.) are to the episodes in the ten registers of rites shown there, commencing with the lowest.
Cf. also Davies, Five Theban Tombs, Pl. XXI, and Tomb of Antefoker, Pls. XVII-XXII; Gardiner, Tomb
of Amenemhét, Pls. X to XIII; Griffith, Tomb of Paheri, Pl. V.

2Plate XLVI. The scene extends round the corner on to the return wall north of the entrance.

6THE NORTHERN CHAPEL

enveloped in a skin or shroud which may, or may not, cover the face as
well, possibly represents an ancient form of burial without coffin. The
abandoned custom is thus honored in dumb show and secondary place,
lest its omission should be avenged by some unknown god.

(3) The lowest register shows the first ritual acts, commencing with
a meal, the hospitality perhaps of the infernal gods. The entrance to the
nether world lies through a forecourt, whose walls are topped by a
chevaux de frise of spikes (R., VI, 3). Four demons, all the more terrible
because their armless state points to eerie powers of offense, play the sen-
tinel within.’ Once past these sentries, the adventurer discovers the
attractions of the Promised Land. On its threshold he finds a harem with
mistress and maids ready to welcome him (R., VIII, 8),’ and a watered
palm-garden outside for his delight (R., [X, 2). It is the home, too, of
the gods of the nether world and little coffin-shaped tabernacles are pro-
vided for their avatars (R., X, XI. Cf. VI, 1)?

An additional group of tableaux is found on the right-hand side of
the entrance (Plate XLVI), and as it has no clear connection with the texts
on the adjacent wall, though it faces that way, it may be added to those
already noticed. The tableaux in the top and bottom registers seem to fit
well on to that last mentioned. We see there the porticoed house
(R., VII, 9) assigned to the new arrival in the necropolis, represented by
the hawk whose perch is planted there (R., [X, 4). The deceased (or a
watchman) sits contentedly before the house, having first seen to it that
lights shall be furnished him. Consequently we see an officiant propitiat-
ing the fire-god Sejti(?), by an offermg symbolic of light (w, {), and
then helping in a ceremonial kindling of three lamps (R., VI, 4; VII, 8).
Water too is a necessity, so each pool of the desert is given a cup of it,
that the giver may be repaid a hundredfold (R., VIII, 1). It may be a

‘Placed as gods within one of the shrines in Tomb 15, and styled so in Tomb too.

* There is abundant evidence that the pleasures of love were not overlooked in the Egyptian heaven.

*The number of the shrines and their occupants varies in the tombs. Seven or fourteen is favored,
however; perhaps because of the fourteen burial mounds in the underworld or the seven souls and fourteen
kas of Ré. Generally five deities are visible, Anubis being always one of them and apart. Two gods and
two goddesses sometimes accompanied him, as here ()). Judging by the tomb of Rekhmiré, the five are
Sokar and Sokaret, Sejti (2) and Sekhmet, and Anubis.

7

 

The funeral
procession

Dramatic
presentation
of the life

to comeThe voyage to
and from
Abydos

Funeral
furniture

BURIAL ASSURANCE

far-fetched suggestion that the two mimes of Hathor (R., IX, 3) are
meant to show that love and merriment will not be lacking in the
eternal home.

The voyage of the dead to and from Abydos, where a cenotaph or
other memorial was supposed to be placed, so that the dead might form
part of the court of Osiris there, was also included in the rites of a full
funeral, and perhaps in this case as a real and not a dramatic episode (for
the boats are not dragged on a mimic sea). It is shown here on the
lunette of the same wall (Plate XLVI) where the barge of Puyemré is
being towed down the river by two rowing craft, manned by twelve (?)
oarsmen each. ‘‘ Voyaging auspiciously down-stream to Abydos in the
train of the great god, lord of the West.”

The return voyage from Abydos seems once to have occupied a
corresponding position on the (reconstructed) back wall (Plate XLVIID,
facing the scene just noticed, but was afterwards erased to make room
for a design showing the dog-god Anubis in his two forms watching
over some central symbol.’

The depiction of funeral furniture, seen on this wall, belongs of right
to the funeral procession (R., II), and is transferred here for lack of space.
On the right hand are articles of toilet or military equipment in pairs
(either to provide for a change or for the double personality), wands of
office, tunics, bundles of arrows, collars. Similarly rolls of cloth, toilet
vases, etc., are ranged on the other side. On the top mat is seen a
libation-vase and a box of cult-objects, the contents of the latter being
indicated by two of those flags the primitive use of which made them the
lasting symbol of deity.’

‘The stern of the barge is still visible on the right and the sail of the tug on the left. The change
was perhaps made because the granite stela occupied more room than had been provided. All the decora-
tion of this wall is on blocks of coarse limestone and the work is correspondingly bad, though its deficien-
cies were partly hidden by bright colors thickly laid on. The designs at the top of the wall are especially
rough, no care having been taken to erase fully the chisel marks of the original designs.

The flag (if I am right in taking it as such) consists of strips wound round a stick so as to leave
loose streamers at the top which can flap in the breeze. Torn originally from the clothes of a person, their
dedication at any sanctuary keeps him under the protection of its divinity, their movement in the wind

drawing the attention of the god by dumb petition. As these objects are rarely depicted, their use seems
to have ceased in official rites; but they may have been so much the more in favor with the vulgar.

8THE NORTHERN CHAPEL

Below the rows of burial equipment was written a text, beginning
on the immediate left of the stela and ending on the extreme right.
Enough fragments of it remain to identify it with a spell which has come
down to us from ancient times.’ It is entitled ‘‘A spell for victualing the
dwellers in the west.”” It opens thus: ‘‘Hail to thee, he who shines in
[his] disk, [the living one who ascends on the horizon. The prince]
Puyemré [knows thee and] knows thy name, [and knows the name of the
seven cows and of their mate], who give bread, [victuals, and nourish]-
ment to the Westerners. Give [Puyem]ré bread, beer, [and nourishment].
Grant [to Puyemré that he may be a welcome soul in your train, and that
he may enjoy what is under your thighs (i. e., the udders)].”. Then follow
the names of the seven sacred cows and ‘‘the bull of bulls, mate of the
kine,” and afterwards those of ‘‘the good steering oars” of the four
quarters of heaven.’ Some vague divinities mentioned in the Book of the
Dead, such as the ‘“‘horizon-dwellers,” seem to have been added, and all
are invoked to give their gifts of food ‘“‘in heaven, earth, and the horizon
(i. e., the temple) of Heliopolis” to Puyemré. A puzzling colophon
which we find in the parallel text appears to have formed the close.

The rose-granite stela’ from the center of the wall may be described

‘Put in the first person (‘I know, etc.”) we find it in the Abydos stela of Nehy, viceroy of Nubia
at this time, where it is joined directly to the text we shall meet with on the next wall (Lange and Schaefer,
Grabsteine, pp. 117, 118). This double coincidence makes some connection almost certain, but it is difficult
to see what it is. Puyemré’s text on the south wall is longer than Nehy’s and cannot therefore be taken
from it. On the other hand, Nehy’s version of the text on this wall seems earlier. Curiously enough, if
his text and that of the Book of the Dead exchanged titles, these would better correspond to the contents.
Aba of Tomb 36 copied the text from our tomb in the XXVIth dyn.; for he divides it similarly between
two sides of a doorway (Scheil, Tombeau d’Aba, Pl. VII).

?The names are generally appended to vignettes of the cows and the four rudders which are often
seen on the walls of tombs (e. g. Scheil, loc. cit. and Berlin Museum, Aeg. Inschriften I, pp. 92-96) and in
the Book of the Dead, Chapter 141. In the latter the deceased makes offerings to a countless number of
divinities, these among them, the spell being named “Book of that which a man should do for his father or
his son at the festivals of the west.”

P|. LI,B. Published in the Catalogue of the Cairo Museum (Lacau, Siéles, p. 80 and Pl]. XXVIII).
The stela is well formed and inscribed with incised green hieroglyphs. On the tablet over the lintel (that is,
through the top-light) Puyemré and Senseneb are seen sitting inside, not only before the table of food, but
also before a ka-standard, which gives pictorial expression to the phrase “for thy ka” and is sometimes
used as a table in such scenes (Tomb 181).

The name of Amon has been left intact, though the word “gods” has been lightly erased. This
anomaly is also noticeable on the stelae outside, suggesting that the earliest attack was directed against
polytheism rather than Amon, who, after all, was trying to pose as a solar god. See p. 47.

9

 

An appeal to
the gods for
food in the
world beyond

Divine assur-
ances on the
false doorDivine §assur-
ances on the
false door

Two ancient
spells

BURIAL ASSURANCE

as if it had been allowed to remain in place. The texts commence in the
center and read both ways, thus:—

Outer frame. (Right). ‘‘Ho, second priest of Amon, Puyemré! Thou
hast passed, hast been rehabilitated, and hast power over the shrines of
the gods. A spirit is formed within thee; thou hast every power behind
thee and thy crown on thy head, O Osiris, the temple-father, Puyemré.”
(Left). ‘‘Thou layest commands on the gods of the dim shrines, and their
revered occupants guide thee, these thy ministers attending thee in their
name of ‘They of the dim shrines of eternity.

Inner frame. (Right). ‘“‘Ré, standing by the side of thy mother Nut,
purifies thee. (Then) they lead thee to the streets of the horizon, that
thou mayest make thy beautiful home there along with thine imperish-
able ka.” (Left). ‘“‘This temple-father Puyemré appears as Nefertem, a
lotus-flower for the nostrils of Ré. When he rises on the horizon, the
gods grow pure at sight of him, daily and without end.”

999

Inmost frame. (Right). ‘““O Puyemré, the Hesat cow has come,
whose . . . are lapis-lazuli and (her) sailing crew the company of gods.
Horus blue of eye affixes the head and binds it on (?).”” (Left). ‘Lift
up your heads, O ye gods who are in the underworld! Puyemré has
come that ye may see him who has become a great god. Thou shalt not
suffer violence or decay through the ages.”

Doorway. (Right). ‘‘Puyemré, the liegeman of Osiris and of Anubis
of Ut. He is accompanied by his kas to the fair West!” (Left). ‘‘Puyemré,
liegeman of Sokar and of Anubis, chief of his hill. They grant him fitting
burial in the western hill to (his) satisfaction.”

On the south wall Puyemré is seen sitting before an array of offer-
ings supplemented by a long list of rations and luxuries, arranged in
ninety-five items of one to four allowances each, with directions here and

there for a ritual act.” This conventional list need not detain us here.

‘Cf. Vol. I, p. 35 and Sethe, Pyramidenteate, §§ 266, 272.

* Tbid., § 253, where a blue-eyed and a red-eyed Horus are referred to.

*This list, together with the two texts with which it is curiously mixed up, after a fashion set by
Middle Kingdom coffins (perhaps reflecting a liturgical office in which longer recitations were interspersed,
like the sermon or lessons in a Christian service), is found also, and in duplicate, in the slightly earlier
temple of Deir el Bahri (edition of Naville, Pls. CIX, CX), and also in a copy of this temple text in the tomb

IOTHE NORTHERN CHAPEL

The exact applicability of the texts is far from clear and their inner
cohesion is difficult to establish. The shorter one, as the vignette at-
tached to the Horbeit version shows, is in some measure a spell regard-
ing the lotus, which was the symbol of the god Nefertem and as such a
popular amulet. Its theme is the old one of a well-pleasing sacrifice to
the gods working out salvation. As the lotus has to be torn from its roots
to give pleasure to the nostril, so Osiris was torn from life for the glory
of God and was rewarded with heaven. So also Horus gave his eye for
Osiris; and so also man must die and by association in loss with these
divine prototypes may hope for their reward also. Such seems to be the
noble theme, but it is set forth in obscure mythological allusions which
have no vividness for us. The longer text according to the ‘“‘Book of the
Dead” is a spell ‘‘for setting up the mummy, opening its eyes and ears,
fixing its head and putting its face in place,” or, in another version, “‘for
making provision for the table of offering.”” The double title indicates
the varied blessings which the magic recital ensures, varying from the
simple prayer for pure food to the extravagant claim to be the equal of
the gods. A translation of these corrupt texts is useless; for it could only
approximate to the original sense if it went back to the recensions in the
ancient pyramids and only sought help at need from subsequent versions,
or perversions, such as this.

of Aba (Gcheil, Tombeau d’Aba, Pl. VIII). The upper text is also found on a Ramesside () sarcophagus
from Horbeit in the Delta, in a copy having close resemblance to that of Deir el Bahri (Naville, Annales du
Service, X, p. 191; XVI, p. 187). The lower text occurs also on the stela of the Nehy just mentioned
(Lange and Schaefer, Grabsteine, p. 118, col. 16), in Sethe, Pyramidentezte, §§ 204-212, and in the Book
of the Dead, Chapter 178. This last closes with a reference to Nefertem (see above), and it may be for
that reason that the upper text has been associated with it so persistently. Puyemré in this case follows
the text of Deir el Bahri closely. It appears as if at the time this combination of spells was strongly
favored by the scribes both at Thebes and Abydos, since they could furnish Puyemré and Nehy with
differing recensions. Nehy was buried at Thebes, but his tomb is unknown.

It is interesting to find that the scribe of Aba, who followed as his model the tomb of Puyemré
close by, preferred in another case the version in the temple; while the scribe of Puyemré, who copied
the lower text in the temple, took the upper from another and less trustworthy source. Dr. Kees deals
fully with the latter in A. Z., 57, p. 92.

Il

Two ancient
spellsCHAPTER VII

CEREMONIAL

 

AIDCHAPTER VII

CEREMONIAL AID

(A) THE MIDDLE CHAPEL
(PLATES LII-LVD’

IN selecting a phrase descriptive of the subject-matter of this
chamber, I ignore as inevitable and proper that concern for food which
almost monopolized the forethought of an Egyptian when he was provid-
ing for his welfare beyond the accident, or incident, of death. For com-
pensation, and for insight into the ideas that occupied the limited leisure
of his time and spirit, we must in the main look to the spaces left vacant
by this engrossing subject, and be thankful if we can find faint traces of
the personality of the patron, the taste of his artist, or the predilections
of his spiritual adviser.

The entrance gives hopes of something more than carnal preoccupa-
tion by furnishing us on the wall-thicknesses with the figure of Puyemré’s
sons carrying the triple head of papyrus, the bare stems of which are
covered by deftly inwoven leaves. This foliage not only brings freshness

‘ScuEmE or DEcoRATION. The scenes on one side of the room are duplicated on the other through-
out with slight divergencies. On the lower half of the walls is a scene facing inward showing the conse-
cration of food to Puyemré, and one facing outward showing an offering to the gods for or by him; on
the upper half are two scenes of ceremonial facing inwards and starting from the middle point of the east
wall over the doorway (Pls. LII-LIV). The cheeks of the east wall are occupied by butchering scenes
(Pl. LI). The back wall is occupied by the framed door of the shrine (Pl. LVI).

Insuries. (1). Widespread damage to lintel of east wall (four fragments replaced with fair cer-
tainty). (2). Extensive loss of surface on north wall due to various causes (one piece over the right
seated figure of Puyemré and eight pieces belonging to the two groups of men have been replaced with
approximate certainty). (3). Widespread injury to south wall, probably due to fire, and early mutilation
of priestly figures in the lower scene (seven pieces replaced in the upper scene, those on the left fitting
into place, and two pieces of offerings over the table in the lower scene). (4). Entire collapse of the

1D

 

Carnal pre-
occupation
and higher
outlookCarnal pre-
occupation
and higher
outlook

Scenes of
slaughter

CEREMONIAL AID

into the tomb, but is a symbol and promise of upspringing life and has
been consecrated by previous presentation in the temple of Thothmes near
by. ‘‘His beloved son Menkheper, [priest of] king Menkheperré, enter-
ing auspiciously with a bouquet of Amon-Ré” (Plate XXX, 1). The like
figure with similar inscription on the north wall represents a younger son
“<1. 2 Of thewkimexs . | awe

The man of sentiment will not be sorry that the gloom almost hides
the scene of slaughter on either side of the doorway by which he has en-
tered (Plate LII), nor will he care to call up the corresponding rites for
which the courtyard outside so often afforded room. The men actually
engaged do not give any signs of squeamishness, to judge by the cheery
chatter which accompanies, without hindering, their task. The artist,
however, took no great pleasure in this piece of hack-work, though it is
well executed. Of the three scenes on the one side two are replicas, and
all three are merely reversed on the other, so that there are practically
but two tableaux after all. The scribe, too, though he knew of many
merry or pious exclamations which went with such scenes, was content
with small variations. One episode relates how, after the animal had been
thrown, the four hoofs were tied tightly together, while its struggles to
rise were checked by twisting its tail; the second demonstrates how, when
the throat had been cut and the neck laid bare to the shoulder, the fore
leg was untied and severed.’ The remarks made by the butchers show

masonry of the back wall on the north side, with heavy sandstone lintels and cornice. (See Pl. LXXVII, 2
for its condition and relation to the shaft behind.) All this side, with the exception of two fragments at-
tached to the top and bottom of the north wall, was rebuilt by Mr. Mackay. The success of the re-
construction is its best guarantee. Three pieces also have been assigned to the top panel on the left jamb
and three to the inner jamb there. (5). The ceiling is so burnt that the pattern can scarcely be traced,
and the middle inscription is lost.

1Qne would think of Mentiwi, butler of the king (Tomb 172), but there is scant room for so long a
name. The title of Amon has been restored as “‘lord of Nesuttawi.”

2This restriction of the scenes of slaughter, even when clearly following Old Kingdom models, is
characteristic of the age now opening, and perhaps based on aesthetic grounds. The artist might have
gone for his scene to the Hall of Offerings in Deir el Bahri, as did the later decorator of Tomb 34 (see
Erman, A.Z., 1914, p. go), but his hand had learned facility in such scenes in prentice days. The subject
is treated by Montet in the Bulletin de l'Institut Francais, VII, p. At.

*The Egyptian butcher skinned the animal piecemeal as he proceeded, perhaps for the sake of
cleanliness. The generous waste of good meat is perhaps more apparent than real, for it is the worst
joints, the fore leg, the head, and the heart, that are first and most generally given to the gods or to the
dead.

16

 

aTHE MIDDLE CHAPEL

no originality: their comrades of a thousand years earlier had apparently
created classical instances of wit and piety. The graver age of Puyemré
had only retained the piety; and even this retention was soon to be, if
it was not already, an archaism. In the lowest picture on the left, the
assistant who holds the fore leg says, ‘“‘Good speed to thy hand, that we
may present the joints to Amon, lord of Karnak!” and has his prayer
seconded ‘‘Accept a boon, O Amon; that thou mayest give a blessing to
the temple-father and favorite!’ So on the other side, ‘“‘Good speed to
your hands that hold the joits” and ‘‘Hold firm by his fore leg; that I
may present his joints (to the god) for the well-being of Puyemré!” In
the middle register on the left the prayer, ‘Make ready an offering of
Amon; that he may accept it and the favored one who makes it,” calls
forth another ‘‘Accept a boon, O lord [of eternity]; that thou mayest pro-
long the years of him who offers to thee.”” On the other side the prayers
are a little different. ‘‘Get ready an offering for the lord of eternity and
for Hathor, lady of carousal; that they may accept the favored one who
makes it!” and ‘“‘Accept a boon, O Atum, lord of the great temple; that
thou mayest prolong the years, etc.!” In the upper registers the good
wishes for the dead are a monotonous repetition of phrases we have al-
ready heard. Two slightly vary. ‘“‘I present jomts to the lord of eter-
nity; that he may give long life to the effendi in his house, the temple-
father,” and ‘‘I do () the pleasure of [Amon, that he may give life,]
stability, [and health to the] owner of [this] tomb.”

Since the homage paid to the invisible gods who rule over the day
and the land, or preside over burial, was not shown by reliefs in the outer
chamber, it is represented in the lower picture on both sides of this room,
facing the doorway. On the south wall (Plate LIV) the figure of Puy-
emré is erased, the reason being that, as he held the office (Vol. I, p. 42),
he has donned here also the skin of the sem-priest, a functionary who was
hateful to the followers of Akhnatén.’ He is engaged in pouring out the
inflammable oil of incense into the bowl of a standing lamp.’ Two other

‘Shown by a trace of the tail between the legs. The titles above identify him with Puyemré. He
appears with shaven head, though it is not the usual practice of the sem.
Really the ordinary bowl of fat and a tall pot-stand, combined in one.

BY]

Scenes of
slaughter

Puyemré
sacrifices to
the godsPuyemré
sacrifices to
the gods

Details of the
scene

CEREMONIAL AID

kinds of fragrant oil are at his disposal. The flesh and fowl heaped up
on two circular stone stands have already been treated in the same way
and a light applied; for we see the flames curling about them.’ One
table is probably for Osiris, one for Hathor; for the inscription runs,
‘“‘Presenting the meal of a god, offering resinous oil’ and incense, and
feeding the braziers for Hathor, lady of carousal, and for Osiris, lord
of Eternity.”

On this side of the tables lies a collection of food, flowers, and beer; on
the other a group of four handsome vessels. Two of them are of a type well
known to us in picture (see Volume I, page 99 and Plates XX XVIII, LY).
Made less for use than to exhibit beauty or ingenuity of design, the rims
of these cups are furnished with a balustrade of open metalwork, in
which the craftsman uses familiar decorative elements in new and often
charming combinations, sometimes harmonizing with the use of a cup as
a reservoir of liquid, but not infrequently having no reference to, or con-
sideration for, its employment. Thus in the two present examples the
rim supports a series of miniature cups (a form of decoration in use in
Egypt from prehistoric times to the present day), alternating with open
green lotus-flowers. As all these are lightly connected, they present a
wall sufficiently strong to be carried out in the thin sheet metal out of
which the cup is beaten. The second example has lotuses crowned with
mandrake (>) fruit in the lower rank and Hathor-emblems in the higher
—a fitting decoration for a cup, since she is the goddess of jollity. The
other two bowls (green?) may be glaze vessels, for such cups are known
in that material and form. The plain walls rising from the rim probably
imitate the contents of the bowl; for one sees such in the tombs filled

‘The regular shapes of these tongues of flame (still stiffer on the opposite wall) may be due to the
sculptor’s limitations, but it may be that the edge of the offering-table was sometimes furnished with imi-
tation flames which served to keep the contents in, and perhaps saved the inconvenience of real fire. The
table was sometimes fitted with |_| arms for the same purpose. The lesser height of the further flames
might be due in part to a sense of perspective; for such effects were suppressed, not unperceived, by
the Egyptian artist.

* Anti is a tree gum (colored a deep maroon in Pl. XXXII); but, as it is poured out of a jar in
ceremonial use and is often determined by a vase, it has evidently been reduced by admixture or other-

wise to a viscous or fluid state, instead of being made into pastilles like Snir. It is shown as a medium
on the painter’s palette in Naville, Eleventh Dyn. Temple, III, Pl. VIII.

18THE MIDDLE CHAPEL

with an upright bunch of some succulent green stem.’ The objects un-
derneath, elsewhere colored pink or red, may be cakes. No help in inter-
pretation is gained from the superscription, “All manner of good and
pure food for Hathor, lady of carousal, and Osiris, lord of Eternity.” A
vase in the lowest group, with tall stem and a cover imitating an in-
verted blue nymphaea lotus is particularly graceful.’

The similar scene on the north wall (Plate LIII) shows minor varia-
tions. There are two high lamps as well as two altars for the rites, and the
four bowls are replaced by ten kinds of oil, its specific name being written
above each. The inscriptions, on the other hand, reveal the important
fact that the officiant in this case is apparently not Puyemré, but a priest
who seeks to induce the gods to be propitious to his patron.* “‘A pure of-
fering [daily?] to Amon-[Ré, lord of KarnJak (°) for the sake of the health
of the owner of this tomb.” ‘Presenting the meal of a god, offering
resinous oil, incense and pure fats to . . . and sup[plying ()] the bra-
ziers‘ [of Amon]. If he is satisfied therewith, let his ka be likewise. For
the sake of the health (>) of the owner of [this] tomb ... .”* The out-
ward direction of the act of worship is more appropriate to Amon-Ré
than to Osiris and Hathor; but they might be considered as having
their seats in the necropolis outside.

On the other hand, the inward direction is fitting for the adjacent
representation of the meal of the dead and it always meets us in this
position in the tomb. On the north wall we have, however, an interven-
ing episode, which should have occupied the thickness of one of the

‘Both the bowl of stems and the heap of cakes (?) are distinctive offerings to Hathor in her form
of the divine cow (Scheil, Tombeau de Rateserkasenb, Wall A, and Naville, Eleventh Dyn. Temple, I, Pls.
XXV, XXVII, and III, Pls. VII, 7; XIV, 7; XXVI, 5; XXX, 1, 2; XXXI, 4. An actual bowl is per-
haps seen Jbid., III, Pl. XXVI, 5.

Carried out in its proper colors in Tomb 93 (cloisonné work?). It may be observed that all these
stemmed vases are derived from stemless vases set on stands. Cf. Vol. I, pp. 73, 99. For vases without the
foot see Carnarvon and Carter, Explorations, p. 43; Davies and Gardiner, Theban Tombs Series, Vol. III, Pl. IV.

‘The attitude is that of the sem-priest, and a slight indication on the edge of the fracture shows
that his free hand was duly gathering the skin about his loins.

‘Tt seems that ©h can be determined either by the common lamp-bowl or by the stemmed stand of
burnt-offering.

*For a parallel cf. Sethe, Urkunden IV, p. 977, where the offering is made for Thothmes III by
the deceased.

1g

 

Details of the
scene

A companion
picture

Puyemré at
the table of
the godsPuyemré at
the table of
the gods

The compan-
ion scene

CEREMONIAL AID

doorways. If Puyemré does not personally offer to Amon here, it is not
out of lack of devotion to that god. He had, indeed, left the tomb with
that in view, and it is to be supposed that he has performed it and gained
an appetite by the exercise; for we see him returning from his walk,
equipped with his long staff and the wand of office which he will not lay
by, even when unseen of men.’ ‘‘Puyemré, second temple-father of
Amon, making a happy return, after performing the good pleasure of
Amon-Ré, to receive the provisions of the gods (2) in the auspicious place
of the Presence (the temple). May one pure of face (?) bring all manner
.’ He is not disappointed. The lector Yahmosy is
ready to make the mundane food available for the ka by means of his
office and the spell, ‘‘A ritual offering to the great ennead of Osiris, and
the lesser ennead of the shrines of South and North Egypt, that they
may grant thousands of bread and beer, meat and fowl, roast shoulders
and cuts, of ro and therp geese, of set and ser ducks, and pigeons, on which

of offerings

a god lives, doubly pure offerings of a god for Osiris-Puyemré.” To
this formula the lector adds on his own initiative (or is it an impersonal
address to Puyemré, since it is treated as a descriptive note?), ““O Puy-
emré, thy soul has become a (star) on the bosom of Nut,” while thou art
actually in thy house of innumerable (years), close to the great god.”
To the sound of these pleasant promises Puyemré is ‘“‘partaking of all
manner of things.”

The south wall (Plate LIV) shows a precisely similar scene, except
that in this case Senseneb is associated with her husband in the reception
of food.t The officiant, however, is not ‘“‘making a ritual offering” but
“presenting a supernal offering® and going through transforming rites.”

‘Such is the attention of the artist to detail that the cane shows the sheathing at the joints. These
are often carved on Egyptian sticks in imitation of the more prized cane.

2 That is to say, on the under surface of the overarching sky,

*The exceptionally high dais may indicate the raised floor of the adjacent shrine, where the offer-
ings were laid. Cf. Vol. I, p. 35.

‘Puyemré is here styled ‘“‘one who has access to the divine (royal) presence.” So Pl. XLV, Vol. I,
p. 13, and the Cairo statue. The caraffes with high conical seals and set on tall stands are an unusual
form of beer or wine jar. I have met with one parallel.

‘Literally “A field of offerings” (cf. pp. 4, 25). Sekhethotpu was a fertile district in heaven, ruled
by a god of the same name, so that its produce made the partaker a denizen of heaven. Puyemré was

20

a alllTHE MIDDLE CHAPEL

The effect, however, is the same; for each of seven gods is called on for

a blessing. ‘‘O! Chancellor, etc., Puyemré! . . . Osiris-Khentamentiu
(has granted) . . . Horus has granted that thy ka be exalted and not
perish (him) . . . Anubis has granted that the lord of life welcomes thee
to the Presence, (as) a magnate . . . while thou thyself art actually in

thy house of innumerable (years), thy original soul with thee, and thy
heart of aforetime. Thou receivest praises in the bark ‘Innumerable
(years),’ being a god, without enemies of thine.’”’

The place which the temple of an important god occupied in the life
of the individual Egyptian is not easy to estimate. The impression we
gain is that it was very restricted, though a man, no doubt, would attend
the great festivals and, as he could afford it, dedicate a statue of himself,
or some lesser memorial, in the temple court. This view is supported as
we notice how poor an appeal the temple and its decoration was likely to
make to the piety of the common man. Two scenes on the upper half
of the side walls of this chapel add welcome items to our knowledge of
the benefits which the temple cult conferred on its supporter. They
came to him in fact after death, and perhaps only in return for corres-
ponding contributions. To take the most tangible, the mass of offerings
presented to the gods in the temple became, by their good will, available
for the hungry dead after them; even as the superfluous merit of the
saints, in Roman doctrine, can be used for the salvation of more wayward
souls. The demand of the necropolis of Thebes on the income of Karnak
must have been formidable; but we do not know how much of this was
met by endowments, general or particular, and how much by the piety
of the living.

The practical duplication of these, as well as other scenes in the

superintendent of such offerings at Karnak (p. 45). Perhaps it was due to a play on this word that
scenes of sport occupy so persistent a place in the tombs. The sportsman’s booty turned into the coveted
produce of the heavenly fen-lands. It may also be that the common offering table garnished with upright
reeds was an attempt to turn its contents into a “field ( QO) of offerings.” When, as in Tomb 181, the
table-top is formed like a htp sign, the symbol is complete.

‘The readiness of Egyptian eschatology to accept almost irreconcilable elements is well illustrated
by the location of the soul in the sky and yet with the dead, almost in one breath. The burial vault is a
fact; the sky a lofty dream; but the dead man clings passionately to the promise of being himself and
having a home on solid ground—somewhere.

21

 

The compan-
ion scene

The temple
and the indi-
vidual

The walls re-
flect what
occurred
within themThe walls re-

flect what
occurred
within them

Ritual ser-
vices by the
priests of
Amon

CEREMONIAL AID

chapel, must not be taken to indicate poverty of imagination. It is more
probable that they simply present an almost photographic record of what
did, or should, take place beside these walls. The real presentation of
food offerings to Puyemré was certainly made at the raised entrance of
the shrine between their pictorial presentations; not by loyal friends
only, but by a compact with the temple staff. We may conclude, too,
that the quickening of the spirit of the dead man by contact with the
sacred emblems, as shown in the upper picture, was a ceremonial of only
secondary importance, and one frequently celebrated here. And if we
find the two opposite pictures meeting in the center of the front wall, the
arrangement is not unstudied. The procession of performers files in at
the door and, once within, falls into two ranks on the two sides of the
little room. The difference in detail on the two walls must of course not
be taken too seriously, though it was grounded on permitted latitude.
Similarly an offering to the great gods on behalf of the dead may well
have been performed facing the doorway as a preliminary rite. The pro-
vision of the offerings by slaughter, no doubt, took place outside; other-
wise, unpleasant memorials of it would still be traceable.

It appears that the Egyptian temple, during the night at least, was
guarded by four companies (¥! ,) of priests, who probably kept watch
for spells of three or four hours each’; since the institution was modeled
on that of the ship, where the four watches corresponded to the four
stations of the crew, viz., the two sides, the bows, and the stern. These
watches were formed from the class of priests, called wennutiu, a term
which does not seem to be nautical, though the names of the watches
were.’ If the inscriptions had been preserved, we should probably have
found that all four were represented on the walls here; the starboard and
aft watches on the north (Plate LIII), the port and forward watches on
the south (Plate LIV). To judge by the picture, each watch consisted of
four men, but this may only be a deputation. These priests bring to
Puyemré the viands which had been laid before the god in the temple of

‘Or possibly, like the priests generally, each watch served for three months in the year.
Sethe, A.Z., 54, p. 3. The terms “‘starboard watch”’ and ‘“‘port watch” are still in use. The fifth
company, introduced in Ptolemaic times, may have served as a dog watch.

22,

 

aTHE MIDDLE CHAPEL

Amon at Karnak, for a defined share in which Puyemré had no doubt
contracted during life.’ He now has his reward; the priests have not
failed to impose the obligation on their successors. So he is sitting
‘ooking on at the procedure which the temple-watches have communi-
cated to their fellows of the temple of Amon of Karnak (Plate LIII,
upper picture).”” The mutual greetings are fixed by custom. ‘The wen-
nutiu priests of the temple of Amon say, ‘For thy ka! A bouquet of thy
lord; for he [loves and favors] thee,’ and receive the welcome from
Puyemré, ‘Ye have come safe and sound, (because) Amon-Ré has favored
you.’” The priests are divided into two groups of four and dressed like
laymen. The foremost carries a tray of varied rations in the one case, a
bouquet (?) in the other. The one group forms ‘‘the starboard watch,”
the other ‘‘the aft (2) watch” (imy nds.t). We can still decipher the
special greeting of the former, “‘Ho, [Puyemré]! For thy ka, loaves of
the courtyard—one ration (}). Mayest thou eat them for innumerable
years (°).” Little is left of the parallel picture in which I conjecture the
port and the forward watch (s3 n {3 wr and s3 n h3.t) to be represented
(Plate LIV). In this case the upper group presented a bouquet in the
words already quoted: the spokesman of the lower group, in returning
Puyemré’s greeting, ‘““[Ye have come safe and] sound [because your
fathers] who are in the necropolis [have shown you favor],” uses the same
regular phrase of welcome.

The remaining scene (again in duplicate) presents the other blessing
conferred by the temple staff, on the more favored families of the district
at least.’ This time it is the temple women who act as mediators of the
divine gift of long, full, secure life. They come, not as women to the aid

‘Puyemré is given here a new set of antiquated titles, “he who is over the mysteries of the twin
lions (Shu and Tefnut), administrator of the two thrones of the god, approved adjudicator, attached to
the dancing-places (?) of the courtyard, royal relation in the palace (?).” Cf. Lepsius, D.T. III, p. 252;
Beni Hasan I, Pls. VII, XXXV; Mariette, Abydos II, 23; Kees, Opfertanz, p. 230; J. EH. A., 1918, Pl. XXI, line1.

Either one generation to another or one rota of priests to another after completing its period of
service. Cf. my Five Theban Tombs, Pls. XXVII, XXVIII. Aba probably based a scene in his tomb on
this one (ed. Scheil, pp. 632, 633).

*The rarity with which Hathor rites are depicted (in tombs Nos. 21, 53, 60, 82, 86, 100, 109 at Thebes
and at Meir) suggests that comparatively few benefited by them. To the notices in Gardiner, Tomb of
Amenemhét, p. 95, add Davies, Tomb of Antefoker, Pl. XXIII; Blackman, Tombs of Meir I, Pl. XV;
Virey, Tomb of Rekhmara, Pl. XL.

23

Ritual ser-
vices by the
priests of
Amon

And by the
priestesses
of HathorAnd by the
priestesses
of Hathor

Chants of the
male and
female choirs

 

CEREMONIAL AID

of women, for Puyemré is alone; but as priestesses of Hathor, who, with
Osiris, is specially invoked in this chapel. In the Egyptian pantheon she
represents enhanced life, both on higher and lower levels.

In each picture Puyemré sits and stretches out his hand to touch
the sacred symbols, the media of the divine grace. The descriptive
texts make this clear. “‘The count . . . superintendent of the [highest]
offices, [great of] titulary (°) in [Ast]josret, marshal of ceremonial entry

. of the palace, etc., Puyemré, putting out the hand towards the
sacred menats and [the whisks() of Hathor].”’ These ‘‘ornaments of
Hathor”’ which her priestesses are presenting are of four sorts, the well-
known menat or necklace of clustered beads; that tinkling instrument,
the sistrum, the musical quality of which cannot much have exceeded that
of a baby’s rattle; the fly-whisk (recognizable as such by the arm-shaped
handle); and the flag (°) with pinked ends, attached to a staff (Plates
LIV, LV).° These are probably all articles from the person of the goddess
or of her attendants, and as such are permeated by her aura and can com-
municate it by touch or, still better, through the nostrils.’

The women on the north wall (Plate LIII) carry only the two com-
moner emblems. The shorter text accompanying them probably was,
“Coming from the temple of Amon after performing his rites.” The
longer text runs* ‘‘O, Puyemré! For thy ka the seshesh sistrums and
menats of Amon of Jeser-josru. Thou hast received them held to thy
nostril. Thy lord Amon has favored thee in that thou art close to him
to innumerable (years). He assures thee life in his train. He has quick-
ened (2) breath for thy nostrils.” Thou art as enduring as heaven. Thy

1 Reading Meena eele ny BP cee UN ee For the pictograph of
the whisk with single flap, compare the military emblems in Davies, HE Amarna, I, Pls. XVI, XXVI, XXIX.

2A sash, brightly colored and hanging down in front, is worn by the women of Hathor in Tomb
g3. It is carried in the hand as a tie in Aba’s tomb (ed. Scheil, Pl. II). The whisk is seen in Naville,
Eleventh Dyn. Temple II, Pl. VII, 5.

*Probably the sistrum was also a personal ornament before the suspending ribbon and the horns
were blended into one, and it was converted into a rattle (Davies, J. E. A. VI, p. 69).

+All four texts remaining to be quoted take the columns in reverse order, so as to bring the crucial
word “Puyemré” as close to him as possible and to give visible proof that the prayer touches him.
Emendations are mostly taken from Sethe, Urkunden IV, pp. 977, 978 (Tomb 109).

sIf this whisk with single instead of triple tail be also named np3h3, this word nb may be used
in allusion to it.

alTHE MIDDLE CHAPEL

life is stable, and thou renewest youth [like] the freshness (°) of water.
Thou, as well as thy ka, art pure . . . as Osiris. Thou joinest the gods
of the horizon and they set thy soul among the dwellers there, the
temple-father Puyemré.”

This address was probably chanted as a recitative, for in the con-
tinuation of the scene on the east wall (Plate LIT) we find a trio of men
(also “‘coming from the temple [of Amon]”’) in an attitude of address
(““chanting”’).' Accordingly an antiphonal chant is assigned to them.
‘‘Praise to heaven, [exultation in the solar bark], jubilation throughout
Egypt to Amon in . . . his fane of the south, the north, the west, the
east, that he may grant [high and honored age] to the temple-father,
Puyemré, most honorably acquitted before him. The doors of heaven
are opened, the doors of Kebh are thrown wide, the road in [the necrop-
olis] is opened, that Puyemré may be refreshed this day. The called-up
meal is given to him, his heavenly rations are issued to him.” Anthems are
[chanted] to him in the [evening] bark the while he presents a hotpedens
offering to Amon . . . and to the gods of his train, that they may accept
him who makes it as one who has found favor.’’*

The parallel texts on the opposite side (Plate LIV) are of the same
tenor. ‘‘Said by the priestesses ‘[Receive thou the ornaments] of the
lady of heaven. O gold goddess, lady of carousal, ....’* [Place] his
[star?] among the stars, the second priest of Amon, Puyemré. . . . [the
im|perishable stars . . . protecting thee. They open to thee a road

‘The word dhn is almost always associated with the attitude of address here shown. It apparently
denotes a declamation of praise which opens or accompanies ritual, being chanted probably as a recitative,
since the favorite accompaniment was that of the tambourine or sistrum (the word has these determin-

atives in later times). To references in Kees, Opfertanz, p. 226, add the following. In the replica of this
scene in Tomb 109 we have aoe over these three men (“taking up the refrain”>); in Tomb 93

oo

© -~_1 is written over the women of Hathor who follow the statue; in Tomb 100 Se is affixed to
a woman in the boat of the dead (with pendent hands), and SSp.t dhn to the lector who receives the
funeral procession (Virey, Rekhmara, Pls. XXI, XXIII). It is applied to men in Hathor rites at Deir el
Bahri (unpublished).

*See note above, p. 20.

*In face of this clear statement I must accept Dr. Gardiner’s view that the 1 \== offering is
made fo the god at this period as a propitiation.

‘In Tomb 109 we read [Vol Bel Se ame Bom OTE H(i AP So - Here

—— a nn 7 Bo
we must read Sl, eS 3

25

 

Chants of the
male and
female choirs

An alternate
version

ITS

ee

Tatar see Suciap
ee =An alternate
version

The shrine
a larger
statue-niche

CEREMONIAL AID

in heaven, they throw wide to thee the doors of Dat. So thou
ascendest, dawning as a god, becoming a perfect being in heaven
and taking shape in Dat. Thy sin is expelled by Ré; thou art set on
high by Osiris, O Puyemré!’” The men then take up the strain
(Plate LID, “{[O] . . . Puyemré! Thy lord [Amon] has shown thee
favor in thy house of the living . . . rejoicing in. . . [of Sutekh ()]
and Atum'.. . [If thou art satisfied therewith] let thy ka be also. . .
to Thot that he may propitiate .. . the hands of the horizon [are
offered] to thee, the gates of [heaven] are thrown wide . . . and thou
risest, dawning as [a god, O Puyemré]!”’

The two side inscriptions on the ceiling are preserved, the southern
being placed in the mouth of Nut. ‘‘Ho, Osiris . . . Puyemré! Mayest
thou be followed by thy kas to thy pure seats”; and “‘|May they placel
thy seat amongst them, at rest for ever” (Plate LVII).

(B) THE SHRINE
(PLATES LVII TO LXD?

The back wall of the chapel is occupied almost wholly by the door-
way to the shrine and its framing, and its decorations therefore have
reference to the purpose to which this farther room was put. The side
walls within show parallel pictures of the ritual of the daily offering; the
rear wall, the adoration of Osiris and Hathor-Semyt; each side of the front
wall, a magic spell; the ceiling, an architectural design. In many Theban
tombs a little niche is cut in the back wall of the inmost room, often
set at some distance from the ground, and in the case of two of
Puyemré’s predecessors taking the form of a little chamber perched at a

“Sutekh purifies [thee] and Atum opens thy mouth” (Tomb 109).

?The chamber was originally built of masonry, as ancient burial-places penetrated the site, but
when found was in great ruin. The north wall (save two foundation blocks) and with it the vault and
the north side and upper part of the front wall had disappeared. Half the back wall, too, was gone, and
during the progress of the work the greater part of the kneeling figures there was carried off by thieves.
The whole chamber has been rebuilt, and a margin of error is possible in the case of unimportant frag-
ments on the lunettes and the west wall.

26THE SHRINE

quite inaccessible height.’ It is not surprising that in a tomb with so
many pretensions to architectural merit as this, the statue-niche should
take a shape worthy of the whole, and in fact no shrine, unless it may
have been those just mentioned, can compare with it. It has, in fact,
become a vaulted chapel, decorated and inscribed like the others, though
on a reduced scale. Set on a higher level, it was not intended to be en-
tered, though the texts of the front wall could not be read by the living
otherwise.” It served to enshrine a statue or statues, and as a roomy
sideboard for the offerings laid before them.

The elaborate framing of the doorway (Plate LVI) takes the form of
a square-topped stela with roll and brightly colored cornice, standing
itself on a corniced basement, and having on each side of it a narrow
upright panel, containing framed prayers to Geb and to another god,

‘‘An offering of the King and of Geb, heir of the gods . . . a breath of
the pleasant air of the north wind to the ka of the owner of this tomb
) Ruyemnress

The inmost jambs of the door contain similar hotpedens prayers to
Atum and Osiris (right) and to Amon of Karnak and Geb (left), seeking
for the ka of Puyemré (1) ascent to heaven and transport across the ex-
panse of the sky, (2) a lost request, (3) the company of the god ‘“‘at both
seasons” (day and night), (4) the same boon as is asked from Geb above.
The sandstone lintel contained the titulary of Puyemré, and perhaps a
prayer for a place in the train of the sun-god ‘“‘when he sets in life.” The
broad outer jambs are divided into four panels with complementary

‘The walls of these niches of Senmut and Rekhmiré (Tombs 71 and 100) presented the same
scenes as ours and contained statues and a granite stela at the back. For the small niche see my Tomb
of Nakht, p. 37. In the tomb of Menna (No. 69) the opening to it is surmounted by a decorated en-
tablature (Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 529). That of Tomb 161 was concealed.

* The conditions of the ground in front are such that steps, if they once existed, could scarcely have
left any traces.

A very similar feature will be found in the tiny recess branching westwards out of the chapel of
Thothmes I in the altar court at Deir el Bahri (ed. Naville, Pl. I). Simple niches will also be found on
two other sides of the court, and eight elevated niches for seated statues in the main upper court (Jbid.
Pl. CXIX). Hatshepsut’s nobles seek to imitate this.

*Tt looks as if the prayers on this doorway (as perhaps also in the south chapel) were still in the
old form, ‘‘May the King and Geb grant an offering, a breath, etc.,” as there seems to be no room for
the New Kingdom addition “that he may grant.”

27

The shrine
a larger
statue-niche

The portalThe portal

The protect-
ing gods

CEREMONIAL AID

tableaux containing the promise of supplies for the deceased from (1) the
tree-goddess of the west;' (2) the northern and southern pools;* (3 and
4) men and women who till the earth. The personifying figures are male
and female alternately, and take the place of similar Old Kingdom
figures representing the farms of the deceased. The goddesses say, “‘[I
bring thee] . . . pure bread which comes [from me]” and ‘“‘[I provide
thee] with bread . . . The lady of the desert (?) embraces thee, [O
temple-father of] Amon, Puyemré.” The pools declare, “I bring thee
my products, all kinds of flowers [which I have] created;” and “‘I offer
to thee . . . which issues from me and all kinds of green things in
which | am verdant (?).”” The farm-laborers say, ‘‘One pure [of face (°)
brings] the water and air’ which (she) produces to the owner of this
tomb” and perhaps ‘‘One [pure] of face* brings what grows (rwd?) on the
surface of the earth, various offerings, O temple-father (?) owner of this
tomb!” In the lowest panel the prayer is ‘“‘For thy ka! offerings and
nourishment, O temple-father, owner of this tomb!”

This doorway leads to the last chamber accessible to the living, a
mysteriously dark recess, which was even darker when a wooden door
reduced its narrow opening. Here is the place where the meals of the
dead were set out, and we must expect to find the decoration simple and
stereotyped, like man’s essential needs.

Instead of the false door, for which a roomier site had been found in
the north chapel, a naos has been sculptured on the back wall wherein are
figures of the deities who preside over the world beyond, on the thresh-
old of which we here stand (Plate LIX). Osiris, ‘‘ruler of eternity,” is on
one side, ‘‘the kindly western desert” on the other, and each is receiving
the adoration of their new subject. ‘‘[A presentation of praise] and
homage to [Osiris . . . | chief of the gods of the necropolis (?), king of

For the tree-goddess in this form see my Tomb of Nakht, Pl. X.

2There were pools of the four quarters of heaven (Kees, Opfertanz, p. 157). But the lakes or
watered estates personified in this figure with the defining attribute on his head probably represent the

sporting grounds in the Delta and the Thebaid which the rich man sought to acquire (p. 72), or their

heavenly counterparts.
*Perhaps standing for “products of water and air” (plants and birds) to supplement the earth-
products on the other side. Cf p» 20:

28THE SHRINE
South and North Egypt . . . by the count, father and friend of the

991

god, and sem-priest . . . Puyemré.”’ The titulary of Puyemré runs
overhead, and above this the two familiar forms of the guardian dog,
Anubis, face one another.

The east wall (Plate LVII) carries on the lunette a central device
showing Life holding Power in each hand, and the divine eyes, to which
homage is paid in incense and libation. On the sandstone lintel Puyemré
once more by titulary and parentage lays formal claim to the proprietor-
ship of the shrine. On the cheeks of the door are three spells which have
some slight connection. The appropriateness of the first is clear, for in
this recess of the tomb, foreshadowing the dark underworld, some arti-
ficial illumination was most desirable. Hence the spell of “lighting a
lamp and supplying fat”? accompanied by an illustration of the action on
the part of a lector.’ ‘‘[The eye of Horus] comes [and is bright. The eye
of Horus comes] and is clear. The eye of Horus comes auspiciously gleam-
ing, like Ré on the horizon. The power of Sutekh is driven out (dr)
before [him who carries the eye of Horus]. It seizes him and brings to
him the heat of its flame. O Osiris Puyemré, the eye of Horus is pre-
sented to thee! [If] thy stomach is ill at ease owing to that which thou
hast swallowed, get rid of it (ifh).’”

A second spell begins with the third column.* Scented () fat was
presented with the taper of spirally bound fibres, perhaps that the latter
might be saturated afresh with it from time to time. The same fat was

‘Unfortunately I had made only a rough note of these inscriptions before they were damaged.
For the form of Osiris see Lanzone’s Dizionario, Pl. CCXCIII.

?Chapter 137 B in Budge, Book of the Dead. Cf. Moret, Rituel du culte divin, p. 9. This is the
“spell for lighting a candle” or “striking a light.”

?A comparison of the texts shows that our version at any rate is corrupt. The last phrase, e.g.,
is found in Sethe’s Pyramidentexte, § 192 b. The similes are necessarily involved, being drawn from two
separate accounts of the service rendered by Horus, (a) in pursuing Sutekh and making him deliver up
the eye of Ré which he had swallowed, and (b) in substituting one of his own, which thereby became
the type of every divine boon and power. The last words read like a spell which Puyemré can address
to Sutekh or any other enemy by means of the eye. But originally it seems to have been the god who
swallowed his eye to preserve it from the enemy and had to eject it again. The whole spell here plays
on the fancy that the candle is like the bright eye of Horus which put to flight the power of darkness, but
is deliberately obscure.

‘Tt is found in Sethe, loc. cit., §§ 1799-1804, and in Moret, Rituel, p. 76, as “the spell of present-
ing fat.” Cf. also Budge, Book of Opening the Mouth, II, pp. 53-57.

29

The protect-
ing gods

Spells for
producing
light

For unctionFor unction

And for clean
clothing

The
ritual meal
of the dead

 

CEREMONIAL AID

also used as an unguent,’ and hence this second spell for that unction
which occupied so important a place in the toilet of the statue. It runs
thus, ‘‘I have come [and have filled] thee with [the moisture] which is-
sues from the eye of Horus [so that thou art filled] therewith. It knits
thy bones and unites thy limbs. It has drawn [together thy flesh] for
thee. When thou hast received it thy scent is pleasant as (that of) Ré
when he ascends from the horizon. [The gods] of the horizon welcome
[thee] as [they do] Ré. [The scent is the eye of Horus for thee; (so that)
the gods in the train of Osiris are gracious to] thee, and thou takest the
wrr.t crown by means of it. By the command of Horus [himself, lord of]
mankind.”

The presentation of unguents is generally accompanied by that of
clothing also. This need is provided for by a spell written on the north
cheek of the doorway, but now in a very broken condition.’ It is illus-
trated by the figure of a priest “presenting two lengths of the cloth
‘Pure’,” and is found in the Book of the Dead as ‘‘a spell for binding on
the ‘Pure’ cloth.’ The fourteen gods who are addressed by name are
enshrined in compartments. ‘‘O Atum, [Shu and Tefnut, Geb and]
Nut, [Osiris and Isis], Sutekh [and Nephthys], Hathor of . . . Mont,
lord of Thebes, [and Amon, lord of Karnak (), Harakhti and Khepera.
Ye gods] and goddesses who are in the abyss, in [heaven and earth,
give this ‘pure’ cloth to] ... Puyemré. O gods [of the south], the
north, the east, and the west, [they who are in heaven and earth, grant
that this cloth]* be serviceable to the perfected spirit, [the second priest
of] Amon, Puyemré. [Assign it to him eternally; and], if ye are content,
remove [the evil which adheres to him].”

The scenes on the side walls represent, as did those outside, the rites
which were performed between them, so far at least as the conclusion

1 Mdd is a general term for unguents. The taper is a comparatively recent invention; for the
pictograph still shows a bowl with floating wick. For the rite see Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhét, pp. 97, 107.

*The fragment at the end of the lintel inscription should probably be lowered to form the name
of the god Atum and the doorway slightly raised to admit of it.

®Chapter 171. The lighting of the taper and the presentation of clean clothing are closely associated
in Loret, Mission Francaise I, Pl. Il and p. 31. :

“Emending to Se 9 TT Be Sew on the supposition that aii was erased and restored as We

30

a bfTHE SHRINE

was concerned; for, as has been said, the officiants must of necessity
stand outside the little room, which we must imagine occupied by a
statue of Puyemré, and perhaps, as the pictures suggest, by a group
comprising his two wives also and his parents (Plate LVIII)." This
familiar scene presents (a) the figures of the deceased before the table of
bread and the pile of varied provisions; (b) the tabulated list of offer-
ings; (c) the officiant or officiants. The list of foods, drinks, and mate-
rials for ritual is an abbreviation of the longer list we have already met
with (Plates XLIX, L). One item stands by itself and seems to be
an initial call to attention, like the ‘‘Oyez!” of the courts of justice,
OER a fee
everence!

The first act of the ‘“‘meal of a god,” after a purification of the
offering-table (a flat slab covered with a white napkin), is “‘the presen-
tation of cold water” and ‘“‘the burning of incense” by the priests (“father
of the god” is the term used here instead of the usual ‘‘servant of the
god”’).” The fourth officiant here is a sem-priest (erased, as always), who
with the prescribed gesture ‘“‘makes a ritual offering” in the regular
terms, as indicated by the précis written under the table. A lector, with
his fellow on the opposite wall, adds spells which safeguard or enhance
the happiness of the dead, perhaps those for light, recuperation, and
purity, which we have just read on the adjoining walls, and which are in
fact a continuation of these rites.’

The decoration of the ceiling (Plates LX, LX1I) of this chamber is of
considerable interest, having, so far as | know, no extant parallel.’ Its
true character, indeed, would scarcely have been guessed at, had not the
remotest part of our excavations yielded an entire segment of the stone

‘See Vol. I, p. 35. The pictures being practically in duplicate, the northern one, which is entirely
a reconstruction, has been shown less completely. For full information regarding the rite see Gardiner, Tomb
of Amenemhét, pp. 73-79, and for formulas used at such rites, Virey, Rekhmara, pp. 100-120.

2We must imagine the servant pouring out the water from beside the kneeling priest, not really
over his head.

°The north wall no doubt contained a similar if not an identical depiction of the rite. The gold
libation-vase on that side is inscribed with the name of Puyemré in red.

*A little niche in the courtyard of Tomb 15 seems only to have found room for the lower part of

our design on its vault. (Carnarvon-Carter, Explorations at Thebes, Pl. III.) See also my Five Theban
Tombs, p. 4; a false door on a ceiling then appeared to me an impossible suggestion.

31

The
ritual meal
of the dead

A strange
form of ceiling
decoration

 

a os eeA strange
form of ceiling
decoration

Its origin

 

CEREMONIAL AID

vault, with the colored design well preserved.’ The mode in which the
whole vault was to be restored thus became clear, and if 1t occasioned no
little surprise to find a series of decorated false doors of the Old Kingdom
model in that position, the intervening texts which set forth the claims
of an imakhy were decisive regarding the explanation. The upper part
of the room is in fact treated as if it were a Middle Kingdom coffin; only
that the decoration is on the interior instead of the exterior, and that the
designs on the sides are transferred to the domed lid, to which only the
mid-rib inscription is proper.” The application of the design to a ceiling
and the comparison of the shrine with a coffin can scarcely be commended.
Bright matwork designs, however, were not suitable either, and for some
reason—or none—the starred ceiling, which would have formed so good a
setting for an appeal to the sky-goddess, was reserved for temples. The
model borne in mind was perhaps less the coffin proper than those round-
topped, coffin-like caskets which receive similar decoration and enshrine
sacred objects or gods.’ The incongruity of doorways in a roof is miti-
gated by the semi-vertical position of the lower parts, and it is just
possible that the absence of the usual blind door in the back wall influ-
enced this provision of an exit faute de mieux. It is as though the spirit
of Puyemré sought access by a separate door to the realm of each of the
gods to whom he owes fealty.

The bright and intricate design in the upper part of the three panels

!'The colors in Pl. LXI have sometimes been enhanced to a brightness learnt by scraping away the
corroded surface from small fragments of the same ceiling. Pl. LX is pure reconstruction, but, except for

parts of its incised texts, scarcely to be challenged. The names of the gods at whose court Puyemré claims
a place, have as sole support the occurrence of Nut, Geb, Hapi as the first three on the opposite arch,

the formula being guaranteed by “a [4] js & J Ri 7 ral ee iN and 44 no
\=[e| > (SN) oe Probably ‘“‘temple-father” should be read everywhere, as this designation is
preferred in the religious texts. The inscription on the mid-rib is completed from numerous examples on
coffins and ceilings, the variations in which are slight. Cf. Sethe, Pyramidentezte, §§ 638, 825, 1607; Stein-
dorff, Sarg des Mentuhotep, pp. 4, 11.

The clearest parallel is afforded by the three coffins of Mentuhotep (loc. cil., Pls. 1 to IV) which
show three decorated doors on the side, separated by inscriptions, and on the ends a plain door such as
forms the dado here. The cover of the outer case is canopied like a casket. Cf. also Lacau, Sarcophages,
Pls. XIII, XV; Carnarvon-Carter, Explorations, Pl. LX. The yellow vertical bands and the longitudinal
band on the top are characteristic of coffins.

2See Pl. XLVI. The brick vaults of the Ramesside tombs adopt the division into panels by
vertical coffin-texts (Campbell, Birth of Amenhotep III, p. 171).

32THE SHRINE

represents the facade of the palace of the ancient kings in a highly imagi-
native form, already stereotyped under the Old Kingdom, and derived
from overloaded memories of the rich woodwork of the niches and of the
variegated matwork lashed down over the plain surfaces between. The
patterns cannot be further analyzed here; but the reader has a right to
know that, in facing this gaudy surface, he is contemplating history as
muchas art.' The lower part of the design, as we have seen (Vol. I, p. 6),
represents in a simpler way the same theme, the recessed niches of the
archaic brick wall.

The text which occupies the crown of the arch and separates the two
similar designs, is appropriate to the position and often placed on ceil-
ings and covers of coffins.” “‘Nut (the sky), thy mother, extends herself
over thee in her name of ‘She who opens heaven,’ and causes thee to be
a god without enemies of thine in thy name of ‘the god Puyemré.’”

The running inscriptions on the spring of the arch are such too as
would be found on coffins. They read, ‘‘A ritual offering to Anubis, chief
of his mountain, dwelling in Ut, lord of the necropolis, that he may grant
happy burial in his eternal tomb, to the honored second temple-father
of Amon, Puyemré,” and (south wall), “‘[A ritual offering to Anubis, lord
of Selpa, warden of the shrine of the god, that he may grant transit of
the sky and interment here, and that . . . . . . Puyemré may ascend to
the great god, lord of heaven.”

‘For colored pictures of the old model see Davies, Ptahhelep 1, Pls. XIX-XX A, and Quibell,
Tomb of Hesy, Pls. VII, 1X. See also Borchardt, A.Z., XXVI, p. 87.

?T have restored this from my Five Theban Tombs, Pl. XIX. But Dr. Griffith has pointed out to
me that the earlier version of the name of Nut is eee “She of Shetpet”’ (a source of natron in the north).
Compare Sethe, Pyramidentexte, §§ 580, 638, 825, with §§ 26f, 27e. The New Kingdom version has
sought a closer assonance to ps.

‘These are the regular boons from this god (Lacau, Sarcophages, pp. 88, ror).

Its origin

Re er Suis

sense ma Nt

=

Its textsa om

CHAPTER VIII

 

FAMILY LOYALTYSc

   

aCHAPTER VIII

FAMILY LOYALTY

THE SOUTHERN CHAPEL
(PLATES LXII-LXIV)!

EACH of the three chapels was naturally a refectory. The dead must
find hospitality awaiting him as he steps across any of their ghostly thresh-
olds. But apart from this, we found the north chapel reserved for
memories of the burial ritual with which Puyemré’s new life was ushered
in and inaugurated, and the axial chapel and shrine reserved, more or less,
for the formal reiteration of rites by the priesthood at due intervals. In
this, the third chapel, we find distinct emphasis laid on the loyal piety of
the family towards the dead; a more pleasing, but perhaps a more pre-
carious ground of hope.

We met with the figures of the two sons of Puyemré in the entrance
to the central chamber, taking a very secondary part in the ceremonial.
Otherwise there has been a marked silence as to Puyemré’s descendants.
Mention of them had apparently been reserved for this family chapel,
but the rock has proved a defaulting guardian of the information. Per-

1The chapel has sustained the following injuries. Its front has fallen away down to the level of the
dado and no fragments can be assigned to the entrance walls with certainty. An irruption of rubbish from
shafts behind has also carried away the adjacent end of the south wall, and part of the offerings (unimportant
fragments of Puyemré’s knee, the ox, and heads of papyrus have been replaced here, but lack confirmation).
The lintel of the recess (a limestone slab) has fallen, owing to the collapse of the left jamb. The center part
of the back wall of the recess has been carried away by another irruption, but the main features of the scene
have been reconstructed from small fragments.

37

A family
chapelA family
chapel

The niche

The private
provision
of food for
the dead

 

FAMILY LOYALTY

haps it was never very exact or full; for Puyemré has not followed the
old custom of assigning names and offices to all but the very humblest
servitors.

We have met with the two wives of Puyemré before, assigned im-
partially to opposite walls. So here Tanofret is his companion on the
north wall, Senseneb on the south; but, as the back wall is treated as a
prolongation of the side wall, with a repetition of the scenes, the two
rivals for the affection or affectionate memory of Puyemré come together
back to back in the center of the niche (Plate LXII), giving a false im-
pression of a lack of domestic harmony. The side walls of the niche,
where the various articles of food of which the pair are to partake are
displayed, complete the double picture.*

The niche is raised on a corniced shelf as in the case of the shrine,
and it is possible that in the mansions of the great the heads of the
household were served on a raised dais. This seems indicated by the slight
rise in the floor at a point which would take in the figures of the pair and
their table.’ This niche is in itself a shrine and its pictures are surmounted
with the ornament peculiar to these last recesses, as if the wall separating
life from the underworld needed to be guarded by spikes. The framing is
of the usual kind. The homage of an Imakhy (a retired dignitary in royal
favor) to the four genii of the dead fills the strip of wall on either side of it,
and a similar tribute to Atum, ‘“‘lord of the great fane,’’ and to Amon of
Karnak, the lintel.’ The jambs seek ritual blessings for Puyemré (1) from
‘“Amon, sweet of love, magic power(?) over bread and beer’’;* (2) from
‘‘Anubis, who presides over the tomb-shaft, the burial of the mummy in
its cave’; (3) from ‘‘ Osiris, lord of eternity, the opening of the mountain
(dw) of the west.”

The side walls repeat the subject of the niche, but present us in
addition with figures of those who might be expected to supply the table

1The subject is so commonplace in treatment that these narrow walls have not been reproduced.
Notice the old-fashioned seat, the sides of which end in a head of papyrus. This feature is even applied
to the more modern chair with leaning back (Pl. XLIX).

2So in Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhét, Pl. XX XIII; Borchardt, Mitleil. d. D. O. G., 55, p. 21.

*The erased name is restored in ink; a scrawl that has usurped the place of the title of Puyemré.

*T adopt the reading vA Cf. p. 48 below.

38

ips ea ae ene) SeanTHE SOUTHERN CHAPEL

of their departed head and patron. These loyal relations and retainers
must have been encouraged in any devotion they showed to the invisible
dead by these life-size presentations of their lost friends. We ourselves
feel the sweet dignity of the face of Senseneb (Plate LXV); and, though
all are no more than ideal profiles, without attempt at portraiture, that
was probably a merit in the judgment of contemporaries. —The immedi-
ate relations, too, found themselves and their act of piety already fore-
shadowed; others needed but to choose their portrait from among the
unnamed and impersonal figures. And if a feeling of shame at their
scantier offering were aroused in any of them by the pictures of liberal
supplies set out in daintily arranged receptacles, that effect, too, may
have been foreseen by Puyemré. His part lay in ‘‘receiving food of a god’s
giving”; theirs, apparently, in ‘‘making provision from that which has
appeared in the Presence.”

It may be that even private gifts had to pass, or were esteemed
more highly for having passed, before the god in the temple; for on the
south side (Plate LXIII), where the family alone’ bring gifts, there is
again mention of this previous dedication. Puyemré ‘‘rich in (men’s) af-
fection” is there “‘accepting the acts of homage, enjoying himself at the
opening of the year and beginning endless eternity (nhh m 3w.t di).” These
phrases are novel, and, unless too much is being read into them, imply
that the occasion of this visit from his family is the festival of the New
Year or the anniversary of his death,’ and that, owing to the loyal pro-
vision for his needs, he can look forward with pleasure not only to the
immediate but to the endless future—a message from the world beyond
full of comfort and hope to the visitors. It may be that the triple head
of papyrus which is so much in evidence among the tribute was symboli-
cal of endless existence. This, witha simple repast of the dead, is the gift
of each son, presented with the short grace, ‘‘A god’s portion from Amon;
may he show thee favor!” The eldest son is “‘Menkheper, priest of Amon

1Cf. Davies, El Amarna V, p. 17 (Any). Or are we still dealing, as strict syntax would indicate, with
Puyemré’s own provision for his after-life by a charge on his estate?

2So far as we can see. There is room for three sons and three daughters on this scale.

*Cf. Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhét, p. 97.

39

The private
provision
of food for
the dead

Family
pietyFAMILY LOYALTY

Family in [his temple] ‘Endowed with life.’

aa The daughters(?), of whom,

too, only the foremost is preserved, are “bringing gifts to this effendi

” “Pure unguent” is contained in three little jars* set out on
a tray and the group is defined still further as “‘a presentation of oint-
ment [by the chant]ress of Amon, Nebl[seny?].”* Puyemré seems to

have lived to see grandchildren by both wives, ‘‘a daughter of [her]

3

(Senseneb’s) daughter,” with her great-grandmother’s name, Neferyah
(Plate LXIV), and ‘‘a child of [her?] (Tanofret’s) child, ...’ (Plate

LXITI).

Fragmentary On the north thickness of the wall there can be still discerned the feet

ig of a figure entering, perhaps a son. On the north door-cheek inside, too,
are the feet of a large figure facing the entrance. It is probably Puyemré
offering to, or going to greet, the sun, as his name is still extant and the
phrase imy.w ht (‘‘[the gods] who are in [his] train’).

cone The ceiling being ‘‘canopied”’ (coved in front only), it was difficult

to make a text on it legible. The scribe commenced it at the summit, ran
it down the short slope, and then went back for its continuation to where
he began, writing now in the reverse direction (Plate XLIX). The pray-
ers are holpedens propitiations of Osiris and of Atum of Heliopolis in
every-day terms.

1This is the mortuary temple of Menkheperré (Thothmes ITI) three hundred yards or so south of

our tomb. Another son may have been a simple priest of Amon, as an extant fragment shows ra call]
in large hieroglyphs.

2 Probably not more than a few inches high. One has to be incessantly on one’s guard as to the
real size of pictured objects; their relative proportions being often determined, not by fact, but by the im-

portance desired in the particular picture.

‘aR ay [ele SIRs ITCHAPTER IX

ADDENDACHAPTER IX

ADDENDA

THE STELAE AND CEILINGS
(PLATES LXVIII-LXX)

MEN today often find it convenient to write their names and pro-
fessions on their doors, and in simpler communities sometimes carve a
homely prayer on their house-front. The ancient Egyptian did the same
to his earthly residence, and to a lavish extent in the case of his more
lasting abode in the necropolis. Each of the six stelae which once adorned
Puyemré’s fagade represents an elaborately framed entrance, and each
was once filled with a few prayers to the gods and interminable praises of
himself. The name and career of the owner were made secure against any
doubt, and the ka of Puyemré was met by heavenly promises as he went
in and out of these spirit-doors, but the records are so summary and so
injured that they only merit an occasional comment.

Stela B and its flanking panels, like the greater part of A and GC,
were chiseled away in antiquity.

Stela C2 (Plate LXIX. Right Side, Ilia) = = alll manner of
food, [good and] pure, by which a god [lives] . . . Puyemré (III b)
_. . greatest of the great, . . . pronouncing verdicts(?)* in Dep (the

town of Buto), one who represented (?) him who is in the palace, councilor

‘Tt will be remembered that the stelae are separated from one another by inscriptions in relief on
bordered panels, or, at the corners, by the triangular spaces afforded by the slope of the walls. The jambs
are numbered I, II, III, the columns, a, b, ¢, from the center. Parts of C and D were preserved because
the end of a solid brick wall was built against them for the purpose, perhaps, of supporting the architrave
and roof of the portico. Two fragments of C have been replaced with certainty; the elevation of the
third and uppermost one is not fixed in any way. i A |

3

Inscribed
doorways

Stela C and
its panelStela C and
its panel

Stela D and
its panel

ADDENDA

of the king()), support(®) of the instructed,’ regulator of every temple
avocation, one rich in game()) ... (III c) .. . governor-in-chief of
Nekheb, judge and administrator lof Dep] . . . Amon, lord of Karnak,
child of the king, the acceptable companion of his footsteps’ by night
and by day, [one] whom the dwellers in his city [loved], Puyemré.’’

Triangular panel (west wall). “‘[O ... PuyemJré! Thy soul be in
heaven with the imperishable stars (ihm.w sk) and thou live free from
any death!”’

Some goddess (the western desert?) must have been depicted in the
corner, saying “‘[I bring] thee all manner of good and sweet things.”

Triangular panel (north wall). (Plate LX VIII.)

‘““The utterance (of another goddess whose feet are visible). ‘I bring
thee all manner of good things which | contain.’’’*

Stela D. (Plate LXVIII* Left side. I a) ‘. . . in the temple of
Amon, over the secrets of the temple ritual, who sees the beauty of his
lord (Amon) daily. (I b) . .. second priest of Amon, superintendent
of the south, honored liegeman to Osiris, lord of the west, Puyemré,
a man of favor.”

(II a) “‘. . . knowing how to direct his [feet] in the palace (life,
happiness and health to it!), watchful of his walk among the high officials.
(II b) . . . beloved by Horus who prospered him, constant to him who

made his fortunes, one unrivaled in efficiency, whom his lord placed (II c)

. whom his peers [respected], the soundness of whose policy Egypt
recognized, of whose merits the people were cognizant, father and friend
of the god, honored liegeman to Amon lord of Nesut-tawi, Puyemré.”’

‘See Spiegelberg, Recueil, XXI, p. 46. * Reading I WHS fx.

*This divinity may personify. the northern game-preserve of Puyemré; for a shard preserves a
written memorandum which may read ‘‘Her name is ‘His preserve’ (hnti-s.f). I have come (?) and bring
thee all kinds of good things... .” Pl. LXX, 4 shows the shard and 3 what may be its execution in stone.

“As the hill fell away rapidly, the right third of the stela was built up from the ground in square
blocks of masonry. A good many of them seem to have been recovered by us, but gaps rob them of nearly
all their value. The positions assigned them in the plate have been determined by apparent connections
of the text, by the breadth of the columns and borders, and other data. There may have been a narrow
column of bordered inscription on the right of the stela between it and the pilaster, and a fragment showing
an oryx (?) facing left, in relief, may come from the adjacent triangular panel on the side of the pilaster or a
similar position.

Ah

ee ee ets ag wae = a ncTHE STELAE AND CEILINGS

(III a) ‘‘. . . [superintendent of all the works of] Amon, lord of
Karnak, Puyemré, who says, ‘When I came from my city and departed
from my district,' I had done what men desired and the gods approved.
(III b) . . . according to his inclination, | gave bread to the hungry,
clothing to the naked, in the hope of proper burial and entry into divine
favor. I was a copyist of religious texts, one deeply spiritual()). (III ¢)

. master of the secrets of sacred lore in the temple of Amon, super-
intendent of the temple offerings in Karnak, an efficient leader in South
Egypt, superintendent of the establishments of the temple, second priest
of Amon, the honored veteran Puyemré.’”’

(Right side. Ia). ‘‘. . . superintendent of the temple, judge and
administrator of Dep, and pillar of’ . . . the palace, support() of the
instructed, second priest of Amon, Puyemré, honored liegeman to the
great god. (Ib) . . . worthy of the honor done to him, deeply spiritual,
equipped for [his duties]* ..., in that which his lord bestowed . . .
superintendent of high posts, Puyemré, a man of favor.”

(If a) ‘“*. . . loyal and beloved [scribe] of the king, . . . whose in-
sight (¢3r.t2) made him great... (II b) . . . the temple of Amon,
... Puyemré... (II c) ... the king of the North, prominent at
[court].”

(Il a) ‘‘. . . the Count, royal chancellor, special companion, [friend]
of the king, [versed] in solemn installations, . . . having charge of the
mysteries in Karnak . . . (III b) . . . [on land and] water successfully
() . . . honored liegeman to Osiris . . . this his tomb in the necropolis,
he left [his nome] ... (IIIc) .. . Abydos . . . [at the monthly] and
half-monthly festivals, at the . . . all kinds of fruits and offerings which
are offered... .”

Some fragments of a lintel (Plate LXX, 1, 1,2,3, 21) which probably
come from this stela show that the outer (topmost) lintel was inscribed
in three lines, beginning on the left with, ‘‘Ho! Osiris, second priest [of

1A circumlocution for death.

2For this curious title see Lange and Schaefer, Denksteine, II, p. 153, and a statue of Anpy found by
Petrie at Lahun in 1920.

*For this phrase see p. 48 below.

Ad

Stela D and
its panel

LintelsLintels

Stela F and
its panels

ADDENDA

Amon] ... Puyemré ... against thine enemies (and they) are de-

99

Stroyed: .. The texts of the middle lintel run both ways from the
center, the middle line of the three giving a hotpedens formula, the upper
and lower lines taking the form im3hy hr... Pwimr‘. This arrange-
ment seems to have held good for two stelae at least, but not for F,
which retains parts of its lintels.

Panel north of Stela F (Plate LXIX).'

“19... ] Puyemré! Come .. . the meals which those on earth
have served to thee.”

Stela F (Plate LXIX. Right side. I a). ‘“. . . I have performed
thy monthly festivals(?) (Lb) .. . thy half-monthly(») festivals there
_. . O temple-father Puyemré.”’

(Ila) ‘‘. . . if thou desirest to be far from it, let them(?) not com-
pel thee. (IIb) ... thy enemies(?) are the enemies of Horus who
defended his father. (IIc) . . . Osiris, thou art established in the
kindly West.”

(liika) << see thyelimbs thou art bound as by (lb)... ene-
mies (2). Be on the alert (2) between them. (IIIc) . . . [thou strikest
with] thy sceptre, thy baton, and thy forked wand.”’

(Left side. IIc). ‘‘{O] Osiris, second priest of Amon, Puyemré here;
stand thou at the doors of the sanctuary(?) ...’ (IIIb) “. . . the
aliens(?) [prostrate themselves] on their faces, they make obeisance
toithee. ae.”

The formulae on the lintels run:

(La) ‘“‘Liegeman to the god of his city(), the temple-father(?)

_” (IIb)... Puyemré. She welcomes thee and protects() thee
and gives thee [her two hands] . . . (IIc) . . . Puyemré. Thou art with
her, and she expels evil()’ . . . within her (it?).””

South panel. Besides titles one only sees ‘‘thy enemies.”

1Seven numbered fragments have been added to the stela without very good grounds. The panel to
the left is all reconstruction; but the pieces are identified by the double column, one for each stela.

2For forked wands see Lacau, Sarcophages antérieurs au N.E., Pl. XLIV, Nos. 301-303. The true
version of the text is found in Maspero, Mission Francaise, I, p. 14g.

°For hsr see Vogelsang, Klagen des Bauern, p. 200.

46

aa Be ess : i ee ee
cere ae SSTHE STELAE AND CEILINGS

Stela G. Of the left-hand stela nothing is now left but the ground-
plan on top of the paneled basement and a few of the lowest hieroglyphs.’
Several blocks can be assigned with certainty to the triangular space in
the corner (Plate LX_X, 2). The first column reassures Puyemré regarding
his ‘‘provisions.” In the second a female figure bringing forward a gazelle
says, ‘| have come to bring thee offerings . . . of Kbh (?).”

Stela H. Nothing is left in situ of the south (end wall) stela or its
basement, but there are inscribed blocks which must, and several more
which may, have belonged to it. These are assembled for convenience on
Plate LXX, 7. They yield the mention of Sutekh and Nebthat on both
sides, of succession ‘‘by thy son to thy office,” and of the promise, “‘I do
not permit thee to die the death,” etc. These and other phrases may
prove to have some value for comparison with parallel phrases elsewhere.

Our tomb follows the usual custom of decorating the roof with
brightly painted patterns and except for the instance noted (p. 31) em-
ploys very ordinary types (Plate X XIX). In the hall only the ceiling of
the north bay preserves its patterns and inscriptions (three longitudinal
texts). A fragment giving the commencement of the middle text shows
that there were, as usual, cross-beams marking out an axial aisle.’ There
was apparently only one pattern (EK), but it seems to have been carried
out in different colors within the cross-beams.’ The inscriptions in the
hall are edged on both sides by a border consisting of a white zigzag on
red. Pattern A on the two halves of the vault of the north chapel is an
early type. The soffit of the entrance carries the pattern B. The whole

1T have not been able to allocate any of the derelict blocks to this stela with any certainty; but, as
it is unlikely that none survive, some of those allotted to Stela H may come from it. Laborious attempts
to fit together the numberless fragments met with little success. The most important pieces have been
collected on P]. LXX,1. The fragments of the stelae often preserve their bright yellow color, showing that the
portico sheltered them until their fall, and that this occurred before the fire above mentioned. The niches
were yellow. It may be noticed that the name of Amon is spared here; there is indeed no clear instance
of erasure on any fallen blocks. Does this imply that they and this south wall also had fallen before the
time of Akhnaton? The erasures on all the stelae show indifference or laxity (cf. p. 9). On Stela D, e.g.,
the censor has spared half the occurrences of the name. It would be quite in keeping with history if the
iconoclasts proved chary of interfering with burial customs, strictly speaking.

2For the arrangement see my Tomb of Nakht, p. 45.

‘The black whorls are on a white instead of a yellow ground and the rosettes the contrary. For the
colors see the Frontispiece.

Stelae
G and H

Ceiling
patterns
and textsCeiling
patterns
and texts

ADDENDA

roof of the middle chapel seems to have been covered by the design D,
divided into two parts by a central beam and bordered by others at
the sides. The texts always run from front to back. B is used again in
the south chapel, divided by a central text, as a fragment shows. C isa
soffit(?) pattern found on both limestone and sandstone fragments
(cf. p. 56).

Two inscriptions in the hall have sufficient interest to be quoted. On
the west side (Plate VI) we read ‘“‘. . . an excellent noble, qualified for
his duties, who spake kindness and repeated compliments and performed
daily the prescribed rites to the god(») of his city . . . Puyemré,” and
(on the middle beam) ‘“‘O ye gods who are in. . . grant ye. . . [to the
ka of] . . . one [faithful®] in all duties .. . Puyemré. Mayest thou
have bread at command, beer in floods and be happy as a semen goose
on the sandbanks!”’

These broken prayers express so well the bourgeois ideals of the
average Egyptian that they furnish by chance a fitting note on which
to close this protracted survey.

AsAPPENDICESaAPPENDIX B

THE FACADE AND COURTYARD OF THE TOMB

TOO little attention has been paid to the exterior of Theban sepul-
chres, partly because the researches necessary involve considerable
expense for little reward, partly because great pains and wide knowledge
are necessary to recover any details at all of the original features from
amidst the tangle of later interments, in the interests of which the ancient
constructions were exploited without scruple. It is fit, therefore, that a
more detailed account of our work on the site of Tomb 39 should be pro-
vided than properly belongs to a description of the tomb. It is important,
too, to investigate the exact form which the portico assumed, bearing in
mind its unique character and that for long it afforded to the magnates
of Thebes a model of solid dignity, the influence of which may have been
much greater than appears at present.’

Tue Facape. Not only the form of the decoration (false doors at
slight intervals and rounded tablets) but also its execution (the backward
lean and the incised inscriptions in monochrome) shows that this is treated
as an exterior wall, though sheltered by a colonnade. The multicolored
columns of inscription in relief—one on each side of the false doors and
therefore doubled between them—which make so pleasant a variation,
suggest, however, that the proposed shelter was taken into consideration.

The only indication we have of the mode of completion towards the
top is a shelf cut in the rock, which is observable at one point, 4.15
meters above the floor. Considering the quality of the rock at this level,

1Many Ramesside tombs had decorated frontages, some had peristyle courts (e.g., Nos. 23, 41, 183),
one at least a columned porch (No. 51), and one a portico (No. 216).

51APPENDIX B

the cornices of the false doors could not be cut init. Flat stones, twelve
to fifteen centimeters thick, providing the upper part of the cornice, seem
therefore to have been laid on this shelf, the roofing stones stretching
from them to similar slabs placed on the architrave.’ The cornice on the
inner face of the architrave is perhaps meant to afford a slight additional
support to the roofing beams, as well as to balance the corniced doors op-
posite. The panels were probably crowned by the kheker ornament, as in
the middle chapel (Plates LVI, LXXV). The height of the biographical
tablets is not fixed. They probably reached almost to the roof; for the
sandstone cap entered the wall deeply, perhaps to provide a bearing for
the roofing block. The border of rectangles followed the curve of their
tops. The device of the divine eyes would no doubt fill up the spandrels.

The return wall (south wall of the colonnade) creates a difficulty,
next to no traces of it being left.’ A brick chamber was found there with
walls still a yard or so high and a doorway in front. It took in the space
between the base of the side column and the boundary wall, the inside
depth being exactly that of the portico, inclusive of its wall. That wall
had been removed to its foundation (marked by a slight trench), as well
as the raised step* along the facade and the whole of the end wall. In
addition, an extension of the portico was roughly hewn out to the south,
and its rock wall continued upwards in brickwork. A pit (No. LX, Plate
LX XIII) was hewn in the corner of the portico, leading at the least pos-
sible depth into a large chamber (No. 11) situated under the south end of
the hall, with a second room (No. 12) returning under the extension just
named. The brick construction was therefore obviously the chapel con-

1The main block of the architrave is only just deep enough to take in the inscription below the
cornice. This looks like an architectural crime in face of the great span. Many thin slabs providing the
jutting cornice were found, the plumes on which were in three or four breadths (perhaps from the archi-
traves, the screen wall, the stelae, and the portal of the shrine within). There were corresponding variations
in the breadth of the fragments of the roll.

21t has, nevertheless, been rebuilt by me from the floor up, in order to define the original limits of
the frontage, and to preserve the blocks assigned to it.

The shelf which runs along the foot of the facade served for the placing of offerings before the false
doors. It is additionally high at the ends of the colonnade, because it was preferably before the end
stelae that offerings were made, as inside the tomb (Vol. I, p. 34). Asa corner of the south step is left, the
disappearance of the rest is probably accidental, the extension forming the raised place of worship connected
with the burial in the pit.

bo

Se reer ensTHE FACADE AND COURTYARD OF THE TOMB

nected with this burial. From the size of the room it would appear as if
the portico was still standing, up to this point at least, when the former
was built; but it is difficult to see how it could extend over the room, as
the pier which would support the end architrave was more than half cut
away by the extension. The hillside recedes at this point; so that the
whole south end of the facade above the paneled dado, including Stela G,
was built up of blocks. If this part collapsed early, the brick chapel may
have been built by some member of the family to replace it; for its
burial-pit balances that of Puyemré in the other corner. The shallowness
of the pit is probably due to a fear of cutting into the chamber of Shaft
X. Some blocks from Stela G or H were found in the filling of the pit.

A few millimeters of the return wall exist, showing the same batter
as the facade. The lack of fragments from its paneled dado indicates that
it must have been chiseled away piecemeal. The existence of Stela H
seems indicated by the presence of the stones which | have assigned to it
(Plate LX X), all of which cannot, apparently, belong to Stela G, and one
of which shows clearly the point of the triangular panel which filled up the
corner. The block placed below this one, however, does not show the roll,
nor can its inscriptions be brought down to the level of the rest. But
some small irregularity may have existed which the scanty data we pos-
sess do not indicate. The adjacent side of the pilaster would afford a
triangular space which would balance that on the facade (Plate LX XV).

Portico Front. The data for the reconstruction consist of the frag-
ments found, many of which are worked into the plans, and the founda-
tions still in situ. The latter, beginning from the north end, comprise (a)
two courses of the limestone blocks of the pilaster(»),’ (b) one course of
the sandstone blocks of the connecting wall (perhaps a reconstruction,
and half of it removed to give access to the later entrance of the tomb),
(c) the base and lower part of a sandstone column let into the rock, (d)
one course of the sandstone wall, (e) two sandstone blocks forming the
base and lower part of the central columns, (f) one course of the sand-

1 Being in limestone on both sides, and not bonded with the screen wall, they do not seem to form
part of it. Limestone pilasters (antae) would match the buttresses and boundary walls.

53APPENDIX B

stone connecting wall, with a fragment of the recessed panel of incised
scenes, (g) the base of the south column let into the rock and now half
cut away to make room for the intrusive brick chamber, (h) a trench for
the blocks of the connecting wall, (i) part of the rock base of the pilaster.

These materials admit, no doubt, of an interrupted portico which
does not continue in front of the doorway, the architraves returning from
the two central columns to the facade. But there is no example of this
prior to the tombs of El Amarna.' It would have distinctly weakened
the structure, and is not likely to have been adopted. A fragment found
suggests that there was a rounded parapet on top of the cornice, to hide
the ends of the roofing slabs, and some of the cornice blocks seem to need
this counterpoise to keep them from overbalancing. The whole of the
portico, except the pilasters, was carried out in sandstone, wooden keys
being used to tie the blocks together. Its height has been fixed by that
of the stelae, and by the shelf above mentioned. Ten centimeters or so
might be added to it to admit of a rather higher cornice to the stelae,
but the height of the drum of the column found is, without the abacus,
just one third of the shaft, and this is some support for the dimensions
adopted in the plan on quite other grounds.

Pirasters. The need of shortening the span, as well as the example
of Thothmes III at Medinet Habu,’ justifies the addition of pilasters at the
ends of the colonnade. To harmonize with the severity of the style they
would be plain, not corniced as at El Amarna. But on the inside (north)
face there seems to have been decoration. I assign, viz., to this position
on the south pilaster a large limestone block which was found at this
point. It is a corner piece, showing on one face a deeply incised kneeling
figure, of which only the thigh is preserved from the knee to the body.
On the blank side there is a slight turn, showing that a stone had been
built against it there, with a batter which is that of the buttress, being
a little steeper than that of the facade.’ The figure must have occupied

1Davies, El Amarna, V, Pls. VIII, XVI, and shown outside a magazine in I, Pl. XXXII.
2 Jéquier, L’ Architecture, Pls. 42-44.
"Ch. Pie LXOxaV.

ohTHE FACADE AND COURTYARD OF THE TOMB

two blocks in width and two or more in height. Placed on the south pi-
laster, the figure faces outwards; but as both knees are on the ground in
a liturgical attitude rather than one of adoration (cf. my Five Theban
Tombs, Pls. VI, VII, X XJ), it might face inwards, and so come from the
north pilaster, despite the batter. The dimensions place it about six feet
up, above the dwarf wall. Perhaps the incised text in yellow, No. 8 on
Plate LX-X, comes from over the companion figure on the other pilaster.

Burrresses. The lower parts of these exist in rock, or rock combined
with limestone masonry. The inward batter is about 1 in g, the outward
about 1 in 13. Such buttresses are already seen in the Middle Kingdom
tomb of Daga (No. 103) and were very necessary to support the thrust
of the heavy roof. As it was, the north buttress had to be reinforced, or
replaced, by a solid brick wall later on.

ScrEEN Watts. The extant fragment of the scenes (No. 45, Plate
LX XI) implies recessed panels divided by a narrow frame half-way be-
tween the columns, and other pieces prove that this pier contained a
vertical line of text. A small fragment contains a horizontal line of
text of the same breadth, and | therefore have continued this frame
under the cornice.’ This breaking up of the scenes into panels, and, still
more conclusively, the remains of the engaged column on each side show
that the scenes did not run on continuously, but left one side at least of
this column exposed along its whole height. There are no signs of any
gate posts built against the central columns, except a recessed cap which
suggests such a feature. | presume that the inside of the wall had no
cornice and that it presented a continuous surface, for the base of the mid-
dle column is cut away. The reliefs would probably finish at the top in a
narrow border; for nearly the full height would be needed for the large
figures. A few extant hieroglyphs show that the scenes were accompa-
nied by texts. The wall seems to have had a black dado nine inches high
at least, surmounted, as usual, by a yellow and a red band (verified by
a fragment found). (For the fragmentary scenes see pp. 63-65 below.)

1See Pl. LX XII, 4 (omitted from the reconstruction on Pl. LXXV). Two other fragments are of
considerably greater breadth, and perhaps come from the lintel of the entrance.

ooAPPENDIX B

Cotumns. An extant drum is inscribed down one side only. The
central columns, however, might well have had a second text facing the
entrance-way. A square wooden dowel, four centimeters square, was
fixed in the end of the drum found. The lowest drum was not con-
sidered to need this security, but one stump attached to the base is scored
with two runnels at right angles in order that the plaster might adhere
better, and to prevent twist.

Arcuitraves. Besides the large section of full height and breadth,
put together from several pieces, there are three or four smaller frag-
ments, as well as parts of hieroglyphs. These face both ways. The in-
scription started therefore from the center, whence a chip with |/\(°) on
it probably comes.

Crrincs. Seven or eight small fragments show large incised hiero-
glyphs in blue between yellow lines, reading from right to left. They
are of the same size as those of the architrave and can only be assigned
to an inscription down the center of the ceiling of the colonnade.’ None of
these fragments preserve patterns at the sides. There exists, indeed, a
piece or two of a small ceiling-pattern on sandstone; but this I have at-
tributed to the interior of the tomb; for the soffits of the entrance to the
shrine, south chapel, and hall may have been formed of sandstone blocks.

Bounpary WALLS. Three or four courses of stones, carefully cut and
jointed, together with a projecting course of foundation slabs, are pre-
served on the north face of the south wall over two thirds of its length,
and also one course of the end of the wall whose sloping sides must have
given its termination the shape of a blunted isosceles triangle. ih, UCO,
has a batter, and therefore is slightly less blunt than a section of the wall
would be. It is built on filling, as the rock fell away rapidly here. The
unusual regularity of the blocks, their yellow, weather-worn appearance,
and the knowledge that the dromos wall of Mentuhotep ought to run
near the bottom of this courtyard, led Mr. Winlock to conclude, no
doubt rightly, that Puyemré had taken the stones from the more ancient

1 There are two smaller sizes as well, perhaps from soffits of the interior. The blue seems to have
been painted over yellow.

56

a ae syTHE FACADE AND COURTYARD OF THE TOMB

construction. Puyemré may even have leveled a section of that wall to
free his courtyard. He would not need, of course, to build the wall to
exactly the same pattern, so long as he kept fairly near the ancient
batter (1 in 5). The high mound of rubbish which covered the south wall
prevented us from clearing its south face; but | was able to follow it a
little distance from the end, where four courses still remain, and satisfy
myself that both faces were alike. The core of the wall is rock, which
towards the end becomes no more than gravel or artificial fillmg. The
south face of the north wall is formed of rock, so far as it is preserved,
supplemented by a few patching stones, but this only lasts half-way
down the court. Thence onward it must have been entirely built of
masonry, and a sandstone foundation slab, with the mark of the wall on
it, still remains in proper alignment. The end of the wall, if extant, is
buried deep under a native’s house. A course or two of the north face is
still in place, based on the platform of rock which rises about four feet
above the level of the courtyard. It, too, could not be traced to its end.

INTERMENTS in the courtyard. As has been said in Chapter I, the
place of interment of Puyemré himself, behind and beneath the tomb
chapels, was reached by means of a well (No. VI) sunk in the north
corner of the colonnade, and by a passage to the west leading out of it.

The same well gives access also to another and more imposing
burial-place (Plate LX XIV); but whether this arrangement is original |
am unable to determine. There are, in fact, two wells of similar breadth
(Nos. VI and VIII), separated from one another by a wall of rock and
masonry, or rather one shaft of unusual length divided up in this way.
Well No. VIII is still covered by three heavy sandstone slabs, one of
which is now broken through. The division between the two wells is the
foundation on which the front wall of the colonnade rests. It consists of
a bridge of limestone blocks, built up ona large slab of sandstone. One
end of this rests on a wall of masonry, the other on a pier of crumbling
rock; leaving between them a low passage, by which the two wells com-
municate: Why, since a passage underneath is provided, well No. Vi
should be necessary, or why, since two wells are there, a communication

o7APPENDIX B

seemed so important that the wall above had to be carried on a bridge,
instead of being built up from the floor, is very hard to divine. The pier
of rock below seems to preclude the supposition that the two wells were
at first one. It will be noticed that the foundations of the screen wall at
this point are not formed of blocks the full breadth of the wall, suggest-
ing that this is a restoration. Hence the bridge of masonry which carries
it may also be of later date, despite its very solid construction. The
probability is that the outer well (No. VIII) is the original one, and that
a passage ran westwards from this to the burial chamber. But, whether
at once or after an interval, the rock above gave signs of being too weak
to support the heavy pilaster. It was therefore removed, and the bridg-
ing masonry substituted. Later, when the stairway and chambers were
run out eastwards, the well was also extended to the west on the old lines,
so as to afford a separate entrance to the western place of burial, from
within the portico.

The gallery to which the outer shaft gives access is as imposing as
Puyemré’s own is tortuous and unpromising. A wide passage (No. 16,
Plate LX XIII. See also Plate LX XIV), which at first is of some height,
descends by a long flight of easy steps, as well cut as the rock allows and
broken in the center by a narrow slide on which heavy coffins might be
lowered with ease. More than sixty steps are counted before the end is
reached in a spacious room nine meters by three, at twelve meters below
the level of the court. There is a further goal, however. The writer,
remembering his own sensations when, having crept over the debris
nearly blocking the long descent, he plunged knee-deep into a wild
tangle of human remains, mummy bandages, and cartonnage, can well
imagine’that the designer of the sepulchre, if he shared at all the feelings
of the explorer, might well attribute to the dead also a preference for
lying a little nearer the upper air. For this reason, perhaps, a narrow,
but not ill-hewn passage, which leads out of the diagonally opposite
corner of the room, ascends again sharply for a considerable distance.
It issues in a low room, in the middle of which, by the dim candle-light,
one sees a rude stairway plunging steeply down again. This time the

58

pi bfTHE FACADE AND COURTYARD OF THE TOMB

descent is only eight feet long and is final. A small chamber, the entrance
to which is half blocked by a slab, is the final lot of the most unhappy
dead. The state of the hot air in the terminus of this winding burrow,
thick with the smell and dust of rent bodies which had been steeped in
preserving materials, can scarcely be imagined; and self-compassion over-
came any false pity for the dead on the part of the discoverer, long before
the plans were completed and the loathsome contents of the rooms ex-
amined.

Little of interest was secured from this mass of dry corruption.
Woodwork of coffins, if there had been any, had all been carried to the
fire. The remains gave the impression of a late age, and this opinion was
more than confirmed by some small pieces of cartonnage which were
composed in part of Greek papyri. But this does not in any way give a
date for the hewing out of the chambers, though these too wear a late
aspect. On the other hand, the descending slide suggests heavier burdens
than the late period generally furnished, and the mass of extruded coffins
of the Twenty-First Dynasty which were found in the courtyard may
have been previous occupants. The small size of the actual sepulchre in-
dicates that the tomb was not hewn as a common grave; while, on the
other hand, the dimensions of the lower chamber suggest a hospitable
attitude towards relatives or retainers.

A break in the ceiling in the corner opposite the ascending passage,
leads into the burial chamber of an upper tomb. By a short shaft one
gains the chapel above. It is uninscribed, and the doorway to the north-
east must issue somewhere not far beyond the bottom of Puyemré’s
courtyard, east of the center.

The shaft (No. X) in the center of the boss of rock gave access toa
long, low chamber (No. ro), opening out of its western end and running
to a point underneath the doorway to the south chapel, thus supporting
the suggestion that it may have been the sepulchre of a wife or near re-
lation of the owner (Vol. I, p. 6). Besides smaller fragments of the
tomb, it yielded the topmost drum of one of the columns, and so materi-
ally aided the reconstruction of the portico.

59APPENDIX B

The smaller shaft (No. XI) between it and the wall opened at a
higher level into two rough and small chambers (Nos. 13, 14), one at each
end; but contained no clue to the date or identity of any of its occupants.
The brick surround to this pit on the surface still retains two or three of
its courses. It is probably later than No. X, as its makers appear to
have been afraid of breaking into the chambers of that shaft.

In clearing the boundary wall of the courtyard on the north we came
upon the well (No. VII) of the gallery tomb which lies next but one to
our tomb on the north. This was emptied in the hope of finding addi-
tional fragments. At the end of the bottom of the shaft is a tiny and
very rude recess; at the other are two low and also very roughly hewn
chambers opening out of one another (No. 7). In one of these there lay
two thin slabs of sandstone, go cm. by 38, one of which was half covered
on one side by twenty-one lines in hieratic character; but the ink was so
abraded that only the expert, if even he, will be able to gather its gen-
eral import. The name of Thothmes III appears upon it. The two stones
are rabbeted, and together seem to have formed the end of a sarcophagus
built up of such stones, like that of Puyemré, or the doors to the chamber
they were found in. Shards of four pottery ‘“‘canopic’’ jars were found
also, with inscriptions in ink of the type $4] © I=)l— go f=. Nefer-
mosy seems, then, to have been the name of the owner of the jars, and
perhaps of the original occupant. See Plate LXXVII, 3.

The center of the courtyard was occupied by a large pit, or sunk area
(No. XII), to which an approach ran down from the east, reaching it
finally by a rough little stairway of two steps, projecting out into the pit.
At the other end was the doorway to the tomb. This consisted of a large
chamber (No. 15), long for its breadth and ending in a narrow shrine.
On the right side of the entrance in the area is a slight mastaba of rock
indicating that the common practice of placing a stela (in this case of
mud-plaster2) on the right side of the court had been followed here.
Part of the stone pavement in the entrance was still in sifu, and one
stone of the right jamb. The pivot-hole into which the pin of the door
fitted is provided close by. Evidently the thicknesses of the rock walls

60

ee es i ici oeTHE FACADE AND COURTYARD OF THE TOMB

were once cased with limestone blocks, if not the entire chamber as well.
No inscriptional material attributable to it was found here, however,
unless we have in fragment 9, Plate LX.X, an inscription from the jambs.
From the back of the shrine, which seems as if it had been cut or length-
ened for this purpose, a little gallery communicates with the chamber of
the early shaft (No. 1). In front of the shrine is a very large well (No. XIII)
occupying most of the breadth of the chamber. At a depth of twelve
meters a low chamber is entered to the west, entirely occupied by two pits
sunk in the floor to receive coffins (Plate LX XVII, 1, 4, 5). One had
probably never been used. The other was filled by an unpolished granite
sarcophagus of rude workmanship and anthropoid shape. This we had
been prepared for, not only by native report, but by signs (on which
perhaps that prophecy was based)—the size, namely, of the shaft, and the
provision above it in the walls of the chamber of large holes designed to
receive the ends of two thick beams. The lid had been broken in
two by previous thieves, and the sarcophagus (4 meters long by 1.16
wide) did not contain so much as a bone. Under the circumstances it
was comforting to think that perhaps it never had. It rested in its
narrow pit on a layer of finest gray river sand, apparently placed there
for liturgical reasons, since materials much closer to hand would have
served to form a bed and break the shock of its descent. Utilizing the
means by which the enormous block had been lowered, we succeeded in
raising the two parts of the cover, and they lie now in the courtyard as
a proof of the level to which ambitious art, devoid of taste, can descend.
It is possible that such decadence may already have been reached by the
end of the Nineteenth Dynasty, but it would be hard to affirm. A
trench across the floor chamber near the door was presumably the resting-
place of some humbler soul. The approach to the tomb was filled with a
mass of anthropoid coffins of late date, mingled with fragments of sculp-
ture from the hall of Puyemré. There was no attempt to place them in
order or to protect them in any way; they had been treated only as in-
conveniences to be put out of sight. This dump may be the work of men

who in the Greek epoch sought to clear the stairway tomb for re-use.
61

et

aesAPPENDIX B

With the end of this approach a sudden dip in the ground was
reached which may be the line of the dromos of Mentuhotep. Close to
the end of the southern boundary wall and slightly below its level, a
plastered pavement was reached and a slight enclosure of brick to the
east of it, which appeared to be the superstructure of a shaft. As these
were deeply buried and lay outside the tomb area, they were left for
later examination in the course of our general excavations.

It was to be expected that scattered remains might be found of a
period earlier than that of our tomb. Two splinters of one of those
boards covered with fine, smooth, ivory-colored stucco, which the Egyp-
tians used as writing-tablets in the Middle Kingdom and subsequent
period and buried with their dead, even when not of funerary import,
were exhumed, but unfortunately can only afford us separate words or
parts of words (Plate LX XIX, A). A toy bird, to be mounted on a horizon-
tal pivot and made by means of a string to peck at crumbs, also found
its way into the baskets (cf. Garnarvon-Carter, Explorations, Pl. LXIV).

Nearly all excavations in the necropolis produce some of the stamped
pottery cones which are associated with the burial of most officials,
though not some of the greatest. Puyemré is among the exceptions; but
these cones stray far in Thebes, and some belonging to men assuredly
not buried in the vicinity were picked up on the site. They include one
example each of Nos. 65, 146, 212, 261, 278, 289, in Daressy’s Cones
Funéraires, and two examples of a cone of Amenemhét, scribe, fan-
bearer(?) of the king, superintendent of the kitchen(»), the treasury, and
the ‘hnwti. A dozen or more cones of ‘‘Wajmosy, scribe of the second
priest of Amon,” seem to be really connected with the site, as the number
of cones and his depiction in the tomb testify (Plate VIII, 3). Besides
this there are similar stamps on fragments of burnt brick (Daressy, Nos.
273 and 111), and large mud bricks of the ami-khant, Amenhotpé
(Lepsius, D. T., II], p. 250), and of Khons, steward of the treasury.
Two poor ostraca, inscribed, one in hieratic, the other in Coptic, were

also found.’

The latter, as published by W. E. Crum in his ‘‘Short Tezts,’ No. 361, suggests that an anchorite,
named Paul, was living on the site at the end of the sixth century B. C.

62

ee ecm se — z os peTHE FACADE AND COURTYARD OF THE TOMB

Plate LX XIX, C, shows a pyramid-shaped fragment of stone on
which a scribe of the Ramesside period(?) has painted with extreme rough-
ness a sketch of Hathor seated, staff in hand, before a libation vessel on a
stand. It is worthy of the men who effected the restoration of the name
of Amon in the tomb. The group of coffins and other definitely late re-
mains are of little importance and belong to the history of our general
excavations in this valley. Two blocks of poor limestone, with large,
rough work in sunk relief, and evidently derived from the neighboring
Ramesside temple, were found on the site: one shows a king ““making
an offering of unguents”’ by presenting to the god a royal sphinx holding
a pot of ointment; the other, a fragmentary cartouche.

SCENES ON THE SCREEN WALL OF THE Portico. The fragments of sand-
stone relief which I assign to the inner side of the dwarf walls connecting
the columns of the portico will be found on Plate LX XI. They fall into
the following groups:

(r) Six guests, facing right, each of whom has a stand of food in front
of him (Nos. 9, 13, 14). The feet of Puyemré and of the table of bread
are also preserved.’

(2) A scene (No. 8), facing left, in which men present trays of three
cups of incense or grain and a piece of cloth(?). They are separated from
one another by divisions.”

(3) A scene of purification (Nos. 4, 4a), resembling one in Tomb 75
(No. 5).°

(4) A chariot(?), facing right (No. 1), with saises running behind (?)
and attendants (Nos. 10, 11, 12). Cf. Plate XXVIII

(5) A large standing figure, facing left (No. 2), might form a second
episode in the rite of purification.

‘None of the fragments are connected; the guests may therefore have been arranged in two or
three rows.

2They probably serve as determinatives to a list of offerings. Cf. Tomb 112.

*It might be a figure from scene 2 (cf. Pl. XXXV); but the small fragment from a scene of puri-
fication (No. 4a) has better claims.

‘T cannot restore fragment No. 1 in any other way than as a chariot, and the existence of the proper
attendants makes it almost certain. There would scarcely be head-room for a figure in the chariot. No. 6
shows that inscriptions were attached to the scenes; No. 7 I do not understand at all.

63APPENDIX B

(6) Two pieces of a duplicated, but differently directed, inscription in
large characters (Nos. 3, 3a) ‘“‘. . . water and all manner of vegetables
formthevka of. 7"

It may be inferred therefore that on entering the south bay of the
colonnade the visitor saw at the far end of the dwarf wall a figure of
Puyemré enjoying a banquet with his guests, and in the nearer half a
scene which showed his arrival by chariot (so in Tomb 75). Turning to
the north bay he found a representation of the purification of the dead by
water and incense and a figure at the far end to whom presentations were
being made. The reliefs were decorated in polychrome.

The surviving fragments of incised work from the outer face of the
wall are more abundant, being better protected against injury, but the
proportion is still very small in relation to the amount lost. The sunk
surfaces are colored yellow. The work is of moderately good quality
without effort at excellence. The space is devoted to illustrations of
burial ritual, not as a supplement merely to those in the north chapel,
but as a second exemplar. Such pictures are generally set out in face of
one or more of the gods of the dead, and of the deceased under their pro-
tection. Of such figures nothing remains but a scrap of the skirt of
Puyemré before the dining table (Plate LX XII, 1).

The panel on the extreme right, then, may have contained the scene
of the consecration of the food; that near the entrance, the goddess of
the west and the commencement of the tableaux; and the two panels to
the south of the entrance, their continuation. As the tombs of Thebes and
El Kab afford many depictions of these rites in stereotyped forms, these
broken fragments have no great value. The tombs show great variations
in the order of the rites. Puyemré seems to have followed in general the
arrangement of Tomb too (Rekhmiré).

Most of the fragments:can be relegated to their proper scenes, but
this may be postponed till a full collation of the numerous versions of
these rites is undertaken. Number 2 is possibly part of a device consist-
ing of the two cartouches of Thothmes and his serekh name. It would be

1T cannot suggest a place for these, unless it be the lintel, Pl. LVI.

64THE FACADE AND COURTYARD OF THE TOMB

from the entrance lintel. Number 3 apparently gives the titles of
Puyemré as on Plate LX VU, and may possibly contain the opening words
of Stela A (Plate LXVI). Number 4 appears to come from the upper
framing on the south side, as Numbers 31, 32, 33, 35 come from one of
the vertical divisions. Number 44 shows the picture for which the sketch,
mentioned on p. 15, Vol. I, served as a rough draft. Its vertical inscrip-
tion follows R., VII, 1, 2, but the horizontal text ‘‘the companions
landing and depositing (the oars) before Puyemré” has its parallel in
Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhét, Plates X, XI.

Tue Inscripep Cotumns. (Nos. 46-55.) As is commonly the case on
sixteen-sided columns, a text ran down the outer side. On the large
upper fragment preserved to us we read (46) “. . . I live without com-
mitting trespass and without. . . .”

6eé

Nos. 47, 48 (perhaps from the same
. the god . . . before me and the lady of the
two lands(2) . . . the Osiris Puyemré” and ‘‘Horus has opened for thee
[thy] eyes.” No. 55 is of limestone and must be an intrusive fragment.

column) contain

65

SS ri etl esFa oes ae : *

paAPPENDIX C

THE LOCATION OF GAME LANDS
(NOTE TO VOLUME I, p. 45)

THE recurring description of scenes of sport is almost fixed, except
for minor variations, but the word idhw used here is rarely employed in
it, and it is not easy to determine whether that word is to be taken in its
particular sense of ‘‘reed bed” or its use as an appellation for ‘‘Upper
Egypt.” The former meaning is indicated in Newberry, El Bersheh, II, p.
23; the latter in Gardiner, Notes on Sinuhe, p. 87. A similar difficulty
exists in the case of the words mhy and dl, ‘‘papyrus,” when the deter-
minative @ is omitted or has disappeared. It is certain from numerous
instances that fa mhw designates North as opposed to South Egypt,
but from Davies, Ptahhetep, II, Pl. XIII, and Steindorff, Grab des Ti,
Pls. 110, 115, 128, it appears that simple ~‘% (mht) usually signifies
‘papyrus,’ ‘‘papyrus-fens”’ (cf. Spiegelberg, Recueil, X XIV, p. 179, and
0. L. Z. 1906, p. 276). ‘In the Delta” (SRE, F, [|] kh. >) is added
to the descriptive notes in the tombs of Nakht, Anena, and Amunejeh at
Thebes as well as in the cenotaph of Hapuseneb at Silsileh (Sethe, Urkun-
den, IV, pp. 72, 487, 954), and there is little doubt that the broken inscrip-
tion in this tomb (Plate VIII, 3) is to be completed in this way. This
localization in the Delta may even be indicated in tombs far to the north.
Those at Sakkara which have it, being actually in the northern province,
balance it by referring also to the fens of southern Egypt. A passage in one
of them (Newberry, El Bersheh, II, pp. 19, 20) may even supply the word
lost here before idhw, ‘‘breaking off(>) rushes on the edge (g3wt?) of the
reed bed”’ (or ‘‘marshes of the Delta,”’ h3t idhw). We also read there of

67APPENDIX C

“fish-catchers in the Delta splitting fish of the desert edges” (S=.?),
which seems to be an echo of a passage in my Sheikh Said, Pl. XIII.
The archaic ss) == is usually employed in the legends at Thebes to
denote the fishing grounds, and it may be that its use indicates that the
papyrus was not so common in the southern districts as the traditional
representations suggest. It is noteworthy that in Piahhetep II, Pls. XIII,
XIV, 24 of the North is opposed to 8.9.9 == of the South.

Wreszinski, then, is no doubt correct in saying of our picture (Atlas,
30) ‘“The scene takes place in the Delta,” though whether he has as good
ground for his further statement, ‘‘Papyrus had some time ago disap-
peared, or at least become rare, in Upper Egypt,” | am less qualified to
judge. Is there, then, a special reason for this addition ‘in Upper
Egypt” in the cases mentioned, or is it always to be supplied mentally
at Thebes, the traditional description having been taken over from a
northern source where such an indication of locality was naturally
omitted ?

It may be said at once that with regard to hunting scenes the stereo-
typed heading never receives any such addition, and the only indication
of a northerly site for the best hunting grounds is the location chosen for
such scenes on the north walls of tomb chambers. To judge by present
conditions, a certain number of gazelle would always be met with on
either bank where there were wadys of any size. But for a quantity of
larger game and for carnivora, such as the pictures represent, there can-
not well have been adequate feeding ground on the west bank anywhere
south of the Fayum. The eastern desert of Upper Egypt, where the
system of wadys is far-reaching and cultivation often confined to the im-
mediate vicinity of the Nile, affords a much better hunting ground to-
day, as is evidenced by its production of charcoal. If, then, in ancient
times thé inscriptions and their position in the tomb assume that the
superiority was then held by the western bank, it points either to relli-
gious considerations, or to a northerly location for the main haunts of
such game.

The north and west position for scenes of sport is generally main-

68THE LOCATION OF GAME LANDS

tained at Thebes (see the schedule of positions in my Tomb of Nakht, pp.
30, 31). Our tomb, not being in the western slope, faces down river.
The end wall with the hunting scene therefore faces northwest, and the
other pictures of sport are on the north half of the (north-) east wall,
conforming therefore to the canon as far as possible. The claims of the
stela to the end wall have even been curtailed to give the picture of the
chase its most appropriate position. It may be that this strong desire
to place the scenes of sport on a north wall is a more potent reason for
the invasion of the passage to the burial chamber for this purpose than
presumed religious considerations (Tomb of Nakht, p. 25). As at Thebes,
so in the earlier tombs of Beni Hasan, El Bersheh, and Sheikh Said,
which lie much farther to the north on the east bank, the same rule
is almost invariably observed; but for the Old Kingdom tombs at
Sakkara, where we are already in the northern province, it is no longer
imperative. Local conditions perhaps modify the rule at times as well as
exigencies of space. In Tomb 2 at El Bersheh the hunting scene is on the
east wall, but then the wady of El Amarna, still rich in gazelle, is close
by this site. So, too, the district south of Deir el Gebrawi (east bank)
seems likely to have afforded the sportsman a small paradise in ancient
times, and it may be on this account that the fishing and fowling scenes
there are on the south walls of the tombs, and that the pictures of the
chase occupy southern and eastern positions in the tombs of the two
Ukbhoteps at Meir on the opposite bank. However, the aquatic scenes
there are still kept on the northern wall.

With regard to fishing and fowling, the fringe of the western desert
would probably afford plentiful opportunities even in Upper Egypt dur-
ing the winter months (granted the existence of the papyrus reed so far
south). At Thebes itself, and for a considerable mileage to the north,
there was probably little scope for the sportsman, and Theban pictures
may be influenced considerably by northern models which show richer
sport than the local magnate could generally hope to enjoy. His expec-
tations were, in fact, limited to the moderate-sized and not very densely
stocked pools (u,22, and 28) which Upper Egypt, or even his own

69

sie a ~ re Fs ee a sr = eS eeeAPPENDIX C

neighborhood, afforded. Proof of this may be read into the words of
Hapuseneb engraved on a site still more southerly and less promising than
Thebes, ‘“‘bringing the various desirable products of the marsh-lands in

and this is supported by the picture in the
tomb of Ptahhetep quoted above. Of course the romantic addition of

Upper and Lower Egypt,

the crocodile and hippopotamus, as if of ordinary occurrence in the fishing-
pools, can only have been true of the Fayum and of the large lagoon-like
lakes in the Delta. For ordinary sport, then, the facilities within reach
of Thebes, when Egyptian magniloquence is taken into consideration,
were probably sufficient to justify the scenes and the descriptions of fish-
ing and fowling at Thebes, and were, generally speaking, those referred
to by the owners.

The waste-lands were valued, not only for the production of game, of
papyrus, lotus, and what not, but also as breeding and pasturing grounds
for cattle (one kind named ‘“‘fen cattle’’ being specially raised there) and
as wine-producing districts. The pictures show that the two sources of
profit were closely associated, and it is in connection with larger aims than
sporting-records could satisfy that the resources of Upper Egypt were
found lacking, and the northern province called in to supply the need.
The ‘‘North” probably began just south of the Fayum, so that the lakes
of the Delta were not necessarily intended. Were the southern nobles,
then, in a position to hold sporting reserves in the North) Such a distant
holding would imply an indifference to distance, a security of tenure, and
a trust in delegated powers that one is inclined to look for only under
western civilization. The king, however, must have had a northern resi-
dence and is likely to have possessed large reserves of land there which
could supply the palace with cattle, game, fowl, papyrus, and wine. The
officials to whom the oversight of this possession of the crown fell would
naturally find recreation as well as duties there; and perhaps others ob-
tained sporting and grazing rights, if not grants of land, in this royal
demesne as a “favor of the Court.’’ As Amon became the rival of the
king in wealth and mundane power, his temple-estate is sure to have in-
cluded a similar source of northern produce. Anena, whose high respon-

70THE LOCATION OF GAME LANDS

sibilities do not seem to have included agrarian matters very definitely,
was overseer of the double granary of Amon and of the ‘“‘fields of divine
offerings,” and as he claims that his house was supplied with all necessi-
ties from the king’s table, he might with justice assume a personal in-
terest in any royal demesnes in the North. When, then, he is shown
‘proceeding to inspect his marsh-lands (sh.f) and his herds which are in
North Egypt,” this may not of necessity involve a private estate there.
Or, if it does in his case, the like is not to be assumed for everyone who
depicts himself as a sportsman. Still, there is some ground for trusting
this indication of private ownership. Nakht, as a lay-priest, does not
seem to have any business in North Egypt except as a landowner there.
Nor are there obvious official reasons why Amunejeh should depict him-
self ‘“‘beholding the unlimited products of the Delta in cattle, fowl, fish,
lotus,” and should pray for still more boundless supplies; but perhaps it
was on account of immoderate ambition that his tomb was appropriated
by Mery the high-priest.

In the case of Puyemré, second priest and superintendent of the cattle
and lands of Amon, the walls of whose chamber are occupied, save for a
few inconspicuous reservations, by pictorial records of his official duties,
these sufficiently explain his visit to this estate in the far North, where,
if he enjoyed himself in hunting the hippopotamus and helping personally
to lay the papyrus thickets under tribute, the relaxation was not the less
enjoyable for falling under the head of an official inspection. We do not
need to take the record too seriously. His family may not have made the
journey with him, since few will believe that he was so bold as to hazard
his success with the fishing-spear by inviting his mother and daughter toa
share of the scanty deck-space of the skiff. The emendation “in North
Egypt” in the descriptive heading is made almost certain and given a most
welcome definiteness by the further information that the vineyard lay in
the ‘Road of Horus” (Wady Tumilat). The wines of the eastern Delta,
and especially of the sea littoral, met with very decided approval in
Roman days, and if we have our doubts whether a modern epicure would
endorse this verdict, such a climate and soil at least seem vastly more

71.

 

APPENDIX C

fitted for viticulture than the rainless skies and parched loam of Thebes.
Not that the vineyards of the South, any more than the papyrus beds,
are altogether mythical. The pictures, however, retain in their details
memories and standards of North Egypt, and present an ideal of which
the local realities fell not a little short.

But a more subtle reason than the abundance of game and pasture
seems to have influenced the Egyptian gentleman in seeking sporting
grounds in both Egypts. As is well known, the custom of duplicating
buildings, offices, and titles to correspond to the division of Egypt into
North and South was persisted in with a tenacity that only religious con-
siderations could account for. The custom extended also to the royal
pleasure-domains (Breasted, A. R. I, $ 745) and would be gradually
adopted by the nobles also. They, too, sought pools and fen-lands both
in North and South and are seen receiving the produce of the farms of
their estates in southern and northern Egypt. How far a nominal tenure
satisfied this ambition cannot be decided. Time-serving, like other
earthly practices, extended for the Egyptian mto the other world too,
and in face of the dynastic struggle in the heavens, he sought to make
sure of divine patronage by becoming a client of Set as well as of Horus.
Here is an additional reason why the sporting scene can carry a religious
tinge and be placed among the pictures of burial ceremonial at need.

Puyemré’s private ownership of lands in the Delta, then, if unproven,
is not improbable, since such possessions were coveted and apparently
often enjoyed by his equals.

72APPENDIX D

REPRESENTATIONS OF OLD AGE
(NOTE TO VOLUME I, p. 63)

THIS tomb affords an unusual number of examples of men having
an aspect that at times is strangely in contrast with the ordinary facial
type. Less marked examples in other tombs have passed without much
comment, but these, as well as some rather striking figures in the tomb
of Paheri at El Kab, have led some critics to suspect, or even feel confi-
dent, that we have to do here with a non-indigenous race or strain
(Petrie, Racial Types, No.672; Burchardt- Meyer, Darstellungen d. Fremd-
volker, Nos. 635, 786-790; Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 58; Wres-
zinski, Atlas, 30, 54). Wreszinski says, “‘They differ in feature so widely
from their Egyptian fellow-workmen that they cannot in any case be con-
sidered as belonging to the same people.” He therefore regards them as
‘Libyan slaves” or “inhabitants of the Delta, of Libyan origin.” My first
inclination was in the same direction, but closer study showed me that the
impression of a strange physiognomy was a mistaken one, due solely to the
lack of hair, which not only revealed a flat cranium and bulging occiput,
but contrasted strongly with the steep brow, the thick hair, arched crown,
and beardless chin of the typical Egyptian. The profile remains the same,
and the special traits are no more than the signs of old age, viz., the dis-
appearance of the hair on the crown and forehead (where, however, a tuft
may survive), and an unusual growth of hair on the back of the head and
chin due to disinclination to personal tidiness. The dislike of the Egyp-
tian to long hair and the beard is probably much exaggerated by us, since
we follow pictures which set forth an ideal of attention to the person by

73APPENDIX D

showing the beard very closely trimmed or removed, the hair, whether
long or short, arranged tidily in very regular curls, and the man of lower
rank with shaven head, or hair cut short like that of his betters.’ But
later and more realistic draughtsmen not only show unkempt locks among
this class with greater frequency, but, not uncommonly, the stubbly
cheek and chin as well (e.g., Tomb of Apy in Mission Frangaise, V;
Newberry, Rekhmara, Pl. XX1; and Wreszinski, Atlas, 84).

Under the Old Kingdom the peasants, and especially those of the
desert edge of the Delta who live under rough conditions and are remote
from centers of culture, are shown with bald crown and close-cropped hair
(very numerous in Steindorff, Grab des Ti; Davies, Ptahhetep, II, Pls.
VII, XIII, XIV; and Murray, Mastabas, Pl. XI, where\the harvesters
are bald while the fishermen have ordinary heads of hair). This mode of
representation seems at times almost too general to have reference to
natural baldness. The churl, for cleanliness’ sake, may have shaved the
front part of the crown, or else exposure and rude conditions were apt to
cause premature baldness. It is sometimes associated distinctly with a
decrepit condition (Blackman, Meir, I, Pl. X; I, Pl. II1; Davies, Ptah-
hetep, 1, Pl. XXVIII); or with an incipient beard (Lepsius, D., II, 69,
96); very occasionally with long hair also (Wreszinski, Atlas, 95); and
not infrequently with tasks demanding long experience and reliability
(delivery of cows, supervision of labor, presentation of valuable beasts for
inspection, etc.). The type is seen on the east bank also (Davies, Deir el
Gebrawi, IH, Pl. XX; Sheikh Said, Pls. XU, XVI), but not at Medum;
so one cannot think of Libyan influences, nor, indeed, has even the later
Libyan chevelure much resemblance to this. At Meir the realism of the
provincial designer shows examples of slovenly shocks of hair that are ex-
ceptional in pictures, but probably far from being so in occurrence. Meir,
II, Pls. If1, 1V present a shock-headed old man with long beard, bent body,

1The mention of wigs and skull-caps (‘“Schweisskappe’’) is much too common in our descriptions of Egyp-
tian scenes. The curled close-fitting “wig” is, I am persuaded, only a head of well-kept hair, and the smooth
“cap” indicated by outlines only is either very close-cropped hair or a shaven head. Where the forehead
is shaved or as good as bald, the thin hair is still indicated by an outline or by color (stone color or pink
as against the black, red, or gray of the longer hair). I fancy most men and women wore natural hair
generally.

¢

74

spas TEE ad bfREPRESENTATIONS OF OLD AGE

and hair thinning in front, as well as fen-dwellers whose foreheads are not
quite bald yet, but have a much shorter growth there than at the back.
A more important conclusion is reached with regard to the remarkably
tousled, crook-backed, rheumatic, and scraggy herdsmen, leaning heavily
on staffs, in whom Blackman, not without much excuse, sees Beja
nomads. They are, in my opinion, nothing but the oldest and most un-
kempt of the population of the desert-edge, who, in contrast with the

&) ye CLR

HEADS FROM A SINGLE SCENE
Toms 261

  
   

ae drab
f, i

Toms 86

RIS oS £9 Ge es 2

MEIR Et Kas SakKARA

 

 

ILLUSTRATIONS SHOWING THINNING OR UNKEMPT HEADS OF HAIR Toms $1

FIGURE 1

older men elsewhere shown, can boast of a quantity of hair and of that
alone. Whether there is in such men any admixture of alien blood or not,
we cannot postulate it. Why are only the old and decrepit of this pre-
sumed race portrayed; men who are the least likely to be presented to
a nomarch unless as very old herdsmen to whom the cattle are most
amenable? The artist, from whose pictures age and idiosyncrasies were
generally banned, has delighted to sum up in these old starvelings, per-
haps not without a scribe’s contemptuous pity for the yokel, the peasant’s
last appearance on the human scene. To come to the Eighteenth Dynasty

and our pictures, the general style of which suggests an early model,
79tf Sis

APPENDIX D

Plates XI-XIII and XV—XIX give undoubtedly a somewhat more
careful presentation of age than is usual at this period. The special
features introduced are the isolated tuft of hair on the forehead, which
is common both here and in the tomb of Paheri, but not invariable; the
long or longish hair, which always accompanies the baldness; and the
pointed beard. An accompanying mark of age seen once here (Plate XV),
but recurring in other tombs, is the fat and flabby condition of the body.
Gray hair is given to the man cutting up fish n Plate X VII, and the color
of his skin too may be an additional sign of advanced years. It is a bright
orange, a hue given to men occasionally in older times, and in a less
marked degree to women (Tomb of Nakht, Pl. XXV). To the Egyptian
this seems to have implied paleness; so, strange as it may seem, this
brilliant tone may be meant for the pallor due to age and to increasing
avoidance of exposure (for this pallor see Petrie, Medum, Pl. XIII).
His gray hair and his flesh-color may show that he is more aged than all;
for other old men have the deep red flesh-color of their young assistants.
It will be noticed that the beard is only worn by the rustic; the old arti-
san in the city (Plate XXIII) is bald and somewhat long-haired, but
shaves the chin. As regards the operations these men perform, they can-
not be said to be distinctive of age against youth, but the herdsman is,
as of yore, an old hand; and among craftsmen the difficult tasks are more
often than not given to the older men. In Plate XIX we should have
expected the man carrying papyrus, and the youth splitting it, to have
changed places; but the artist did not execute his pictures in order to
make generalizations easy for remote archaeologists.

In what concerns evidence from other tombs, those most nearly re-
lated to ours support these conclusions in every way. The very similar
trades scenes in Tombs 86 and 95 show old artisans, as here, mingling with
the younger men. In Newberry, Rekhmara, Pls. XVII, XVIII, there are
only three or four old men among a crowd of workmen, and only two in
Scheil, Tombeau des Graveurs, Pl. 11. In the Theban tombs a few old men
will generally be found among the peasantry, e.g., in Tombs 81 and 261.
Gray hair is seen in Tomb 8o and in the Tomb of Nakht, Pl. XX. In

76REPRESENTATIONS OF OLD AGE

other cases bristles of hair on the red forehead reveal thinness of hair
there, while red streaks on a lighter red on the back of the head mean
that the red scalp is showing through the scanty locks (the color of the
hair having either been a faint gray or ignored altogether by the artist).
The statuette of the well-known dwarf Chnemhotep shows the hair and
bodily appearance of old age (Erman, Egypt, p. 410; cf. also p. 430,
where there is a note with references). In the tomb of Paheri at El
Kab the old men are clearly distinguished. One is being jeered at by a
youth for his senility.’ So the sculptor Auta (Davies, El Amarna, III,
Pl. XVIII) is already aging, though his hair is still plentiful behind. It
may be added that old age in gentlemen is generally marked only by
gray locks (so in Tomb 181), but baldness was no doubt concealed by
a wig, or not admitted in the portraiture. Obesity is another sign of
increasing years; it is especially marked in viziers, who would as a rule
not attain that office till well past middle age.

Important evidence is afforded by the word-sign for old age, which
often adds to the bowed figure the bald forehead of age, and occasionally
the pallid color also. Finally, there is astonishingly little proof of the
maintenance of any serious proportion of foreign slaves in Egypt at this
date. The prisoners of war seem to have been merged in the popula-
tion readily and quickly. Their labor would have been in request, if any-
where, for the manufacture of chariots, vases, etc., on Syrian models; yet
no clear sign of foreign dress or any note of their prevalence is given us,
so far as regards the lower classes of the people.’ The Libyan tribes would
be among the least likely to appear, or to be in such numbers that a scribe
could not let their presence pass unnoticed.

1 Griffith, in Paheri, p. 13, is content to see old men merely in these figures.

There is a slave girl (?) in Syrian dress in Caillaud, Arts ef Métiers, Pl. 35, and the brickmakers in
Newberry, Rekhmara, Pl. XXI, are described as captives, though they show no very marked peculiarities
of form or dress.

TiAPPENDIX E

THE TEMPLES OF THEBES
(NOTE TO VOLUME I, p. 96)

A COMPARISON of contemporary lists of temples with that given
by Puyemré may serve as a basis for further studies. The tomb of Anena,
inscribed early in the joint reign of Thothmes III and Hatshepsut, gives a
list of nine temples participating in a grant to Theban temples for
monthly needs. Our tomb, which is probably to be dated about the
thirtieth year of the king (Sethe, Urkunden, IV, p. 526), allocates a gift of
incense to fifteen temples of gods, associates of Amon at Thebes. Rekh-
miré (Tomb roo) enumerates fifteen temples of Egypt in whose offerings
he hoped to have a part, describing those of Thebes as ‘“‘the house of
Amon and the temples which are under his sway” (Sethe, Urkunden, IV,
pp. 1156, 1168). As this official saw the accession of Thothmes the Third's
son, these three lists were made (1) before the strife of the king and queen,
(2) during the rancor, which even the queen’s death did not terminate,
and (3) when the king’s old age or death had brought peace. The num-
ber fifteen is not casual, apparently; for we have seen reason to believe
that Anena’s list was derived from one of fifteen, making up two irregu-
lar enneads (the leading triad and two trains of six). The other two lists
contain, besides Amon himself, seven forms of Amon and his circle, and
seven other shrines which acknowledged his headship (for this number
see note, p. 7). If the list had to conform to a fixed number of fifteen,
some notable inclusions and exclusions would be more easily explicable.

But this motive will not be taken into account here.
78iS CoN) EGE Cl & ©9 WY

vem em
a OO NS ee)

—
On

(1)

(2) Men-asut, the earliest of the series of mortuary temples of the

 

 

THE TEMPLES OF THEBES

The lists are as follows:

Rexumirét

1 AmoninKarnak]® j\,

(assigned a double offering)

. <<)
3 Amon in’.

5 Amon in o=,*, (sic)
6 Amontin' t=, (sic)

7 Acoore ae

4 Amon in 6° i,

9 Amon in wo,

8 Amon in wj2,

g-15 The chief temples
of Atum, Maet, Osiris,
Thot, Upwawet, Anubis,
and Ptah-sokar outside
Thebes.

Puyemreés ANENA
Amon (sc. of Karnak) 1 Amon “etre
Amunet (or Mut) 2 Mut — (neshare)
Khons 3 Khons
Mont 5 [Mont]
Ptah 4 Ptah
Amon of 77] -@ Ouro lee eh ieee)
Amon of ~w>e
Amon of 2e (sic)
=e
fate
=e
allie 7 ewndl i ® (two shares)
°c 8 Sp Fe (one share)
[Ge of Nofretari
2ST MLo 6 \aktr
(Ninety-four shares in all,
leaving six temples with one
share each tomake up fifteen
temples and one hundred
shares)
The value of these entries is best learned by a survey of each list.
I. Anena enumerates
Six temples on the east bank.

XVIIIth dynasty, ranged from north to south along the edge of the
western desert.

hir-amun.

79

(3) Two mortuary temples of Deir el Bahri, Mentuhotep’s and Hert-APPENDIX E

Anena probably puts Men-asut first out of reverence for his first
sovereign Amenhotep I. Akh-asut follows by assonance, Hert-hir-amun is
last as the latest foundation. The assignment of only one share to Akh-
asut suggests that Thothmes had not yet built the chapel Jeser-akhut there.
On the other hand the triple grant to Heri-hir-amun shows that all three
shrines (terraces?) at Deir el Bahri had already cults instituted in them.
The existence of only two ka-chapels by this time is surprising; but
Thothmes I may have hoped to place his at Deir el Bahri, and its later in-
clusion in the series of temples begun, so far as we know, by Amenhotep
I and Nofretari may have been an afterthought of Hatshepsut.

II. Puyemré enumerates

(1) Five temples on the east bank.

(0) Three shrines of Amon at Deir el Bahri—Jeser-josru, the XVIIIth
dynasty (northern) temple there, and two others which seem connected
with it, and may be the lower, middle, and upper terraces respectively.

(3) The four mortuary temples which make up the known series of
ka-chapels of the XVIII[th dynasty in an order in which local succession,
(reversed) chronological sequence, and a linked assonance of names are
in accord (with perhaps one exception). They are those of Thothmes III,
of Thothmes I, Men-chnemet (Thothmes II»), and Men-asut (Amenhotep
[?).

(4) The XIth dynasty mortuary temple of Deir el Bahri.

(5) The ka-chapel of Nofretari (probably within Men-asut, and sepa-
rated from it here only in order to keep the rhyming names of (3) and (A)
together).

(6) Shrines at Luxor, named here and not with the first group, either
as the last to come upon the revenues, or as supplementary to the houses
of the great gods on the east bank.

Thus the shrines implicit in the larger grants to Nos. 6 and 12 by
Anena have here been separately placed (Nos. 7, 8, 14); Deir el Bahri
(north) has been raised from a ka-chapel to a seat of Amon in three parts,
and the newly founded chapels of Thothmes I, II, and III have been
added.

80

<— bsTHE TEMPLES OF THEBES

III. The list of Rekhmiré commences with the following eight
local seats of Amon:

(z) Karnak.

(2) ‘Two sanctuaries at Deir el Bahri: (a) Thothmes III’s shrine in the
southern temple; (b) the northern temple.

(3) Four mortuary temples, beginning with that of Mentuhotep and
continuing with those of the X VIIIth dynasty, taken from south to north,
Men-chnemet being omitted.

(4) Medinet Habu (Jeser-ast), placed last owing to its local isolation
or as an anomaly.

This last accession to the previous lists may have been founded as a
mortuary temple by Hatshepsut in connection with the tomb which she
excavated in a lonely ravine in the hills behind (Carter, J. HE. A., 1917,
p. 107). On their marriage it seems to have been devoted to their joint
cult, but their quarrel put it under a ban for some years, and when it
emerges, after the queen’s death, it is as a seat of Amon. In Tomb 86
three priests bring bouquets of Amon from the temples Henket-ankh,
Jeser-akhut, Jeser-ast, whether as the three newest foundations of
Thothmes or as representing three parts of the necropolis—Deir el Bahri,
the series of ka-chapels, and the southern district. The inclusion of Jeser-
akhut for the first time shows that it was built by Thothmes after the date
of Puyemré’s list. It is reckoned here with the places of worship, not
with the ka-chapel of which it forms a dependency. Although it is a
shrine of Hathor, and Amon only occupies its back wall, yet it is described
as his seat. It proves, I think, that this cella was constructed in order to
filch for Amon the popularity of Hathor, to whom Hatshepsut had built
so beautiful a shrine in the northern temple. Though a cult in the
necropolis was more proper to her than to Amon, she has no place in the
lists of recognized divinities at Thebes, for I know no grounds for Sethe’s
restoration of her name in Anena’s list. J ealousy of any rival to Amon
and of the queen’s achievements are both to be suspected here. This list
also suggests that the shrine of the ill-starred Thothmes II had already
fallen into neglect, or else that Puyemré with characteristic imprudence

81APPENDIX E

alone dared to mention it and claim a share for it with the rest. If, how-
ever, it was housed in No. ro or 12, Rekhmiré’s condensed list might omit
it, as he does Nos. 6, 8, and 14.

IV. Another contemporary, but more casual mention of Theban
temples is made by one Didiya =|, a chief craftsman and director of
the staffs in certain temples which he enumerates (Legrain, Catalogue of
Statues I, p. 72). His list has a certain orderliness, due perhaps to a link-
ing of the names by the syllables mn, isw.t, 3h, dsr, but more probably
to their locality. As the statue on which it was inscribed was dedicated
in Karnak, Didiya begins with A kh-menu, the columnar hall of Thothmes
there. He then takes the nearest route to the western necropolis and
passes by the temple Men-asut on the way to Deir el Bahri, where he has
three sanctuaries (the two temples and the Hathor shrine of Thothmes
III) to inspect, visiting the ka-temple of that king (No. 9) conveniently on
his return journey.

The order followed in these cases, though admitting other explana-
tions, serves to support the proposed identifications. A more cogent rule
seems supplied by the way in which the motto adopted for one temple
plays upon that of its predecessor.

ish is.wt Mentuhotep

mn is.wt Amenhotep I (?)
mn hnm.t Thothmes II (??)
hnm.t “nh Thothmes I
hnk.t “nh Thothmes III
ssp “nh Amenhotep II

Starting, too, with the temple of Akh-asut in Josret of Mentuhotep, we
have the imitative names of the shrines Akh-akhut, Khay-akhut, of Hat-
shepsut and Jeser-akhut of Thothmes, as also the temples Jeser-josru of
the queen, Jeser-ast of the king. It is plain that a totally new form of
name was avoided by kings, whether for themselves or their buildings.
The only divergence from chronological sequence in the above list could
be avoided by assigning Men-chnemet to Amenhotep I, Men-asut (on the
same site) to Nofretari, and leaving Thothmes II without a shrine. But I
82THE TEMPLES OF THEBES
have preferred to suppose that the ka-chapel of Thothmes II was provided
with a name before that of Thothmes I, an event quite likely to occur in
the royal wrangles of the time, especially since the latter was built by his
daughter and not by himself.

The following additional comments may be made on the sanctuaries
in the list of Puyemré.

Prau. The name of Ptah, which Anena apparently inserts, has
sometimes been erased by the heretics (Naville, Deir el Bahari, Pls. XI,
XLV) and may therefore have given occasion for the mistake of the re-
storer. But the name is spared in our tomb on Plate X XIX, and the
list is otherwise confined to Amon’s intimate circle. It is very tempting
to read Jeser-akhut with Rekhmiré, but the traces are against it.

Heri-uir-AmuN. In the German translation of his Urkunden, p. 37,
Sethe suggests that this name may imply a direction face to face with
Amon’s temple at Karnak, but the special term for that is afforded by
the name Khaftet-hir-nebes, applied to this part of the necropolis, and
Heri-hir-amun seems to denote the devotion of a person rather than lo-
cality. In any case it is too vague. A walking stick in my possession
gives oy? |S. “my face is fixed on the West.” For personal names
formed on this model see Gardiner, Inscription of Mes, p. 23. In the
slightly later tomb, No. 84, a priest of Amon in Hert-hir-amun is men-
tioned, showing that a separate cult was still retained in this shrine, or
that the ancient name could still be applied to the northern temple. Mr.
Winlock has also discovered in the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge
two late stelae with adorations (a) of “‘Nofretari ¢72_|&=,” and (b) of
‘“Nofretari 2” (with other misspellings). Yet the first place given in
all the lists to Deir el Bahri among the western temples seems to place
this shrine definitely there. Now a solid retaining wall of Amenhotep I
and Nofretari exists on the north limits of the temple of Hatshepsut (Car-
narvon and Carter, Explorations, pp. 28, 29), suggesting that they built
a ka-chapel there for themselves or for Ahmes. If so, Hatshepsut may
have retained it in her plan, so that her temple kept the old name till its
completion or till the appellation Jeser-josru became established as the

83APPENDIX E

official title of the whole temple. If the lower terrace really had a sepa-
rate designation it must have had a cult place, and this hypothetical
shrine on its north side would provide it. The late revival of a connec-
tion of Nofretari with Deir el Bahri, however, is surprising, unless an
ancient epithet of hers was taken over. The sanctuary on the upper
terrace, being named Akh-akhut, is excluded. It is noticeable that the
name Heri-hir-amun is of a different type from those of other mortuary
temples and is less fitting, but this may only betray its earlier date.

Kuay-akuut. The order of the signs in our list should be reversed.
The shrine is mentioned by Thoti (Breasted, A. R., II, 8 375) after Jeser-
josru, as here. Now a name attached to the middle terrace must refer to
the shrine either of Anubis or of Hathor, and it is strange that it does not
appear in the inscriptions in either case, though two of the doors of the
latter have names, Chnemet-neferu and Sart-jefau. Yet in Jeser-akhut
Thothmes seems to have imitated, not only the shrine of the queen, but
also its name. Ona bead which perhaps belonged to Senmut, builder of
Deir el Bahri, Amon is styled ‘‘lord of Jeser-josru, dwelling in Khay-
akhut” (Sethe, Urkunden, IV, p. 381), rather implying that his position
there was secondary.

HENKET-ANKH is identified by the stamped bricks found on the site
during its excavation in 1905 (Weigall, Annales, VII, p. 121; VIII, p.
286; Sethe, Urkunden, IV, p. 885; Spiegelberg, Recueil, XIX, p. 86).
We know from an inscription at Karnak that the cult of Amon was in
full operation there in the 23rd year of the king (Breasted, A.R., II, $ 552).
A son of Puyemré also belonged to its numerous priesthood (Pl. LXIV).

CHNEMET-ANKH. One leaf of the double door of this temple, naming
Thothmes | as its occupant and Thothmes II either as participator or
(more probably) as donor, has just been acquired by the Metropolitan
Museum. As the name of Thothmes II has been substituted for that of
Hatshepsut on the jambs of her mortuary chamber at Deir el Bahri, it is
not unlikely that the defaced stela there was similarly treated, and the
chapel actually assigned to that king. It may have been this chamber
that was denominated Men-Chnemet. This wooden door fits the entrance

84THE TEMPLES OF THEBES
of the small room behind the mortuary chapel, but not that of the chapel
itself. Yet, if it does not come from this suite of rooms, we are faced with
the problem of two ka-chapels of Thothmes I.

Men.-asut is known to have been a seat of the popular cult of Queen
Nofretari, for she is said to be ‘‘of Men-asut, mistress of the West” by a
late adorer (Maspero, Recueil, III, p. 110 and Daressy, ibid., XX, p. 75),
and two broken inscriptions from a building just behind, and probably
forming part of, the temple of Amenhotep I afford good presumption
that that is its site (Newberry and Spiegelberg, Theban Necropolis, Plate
III, 1 and 3). But this still leaves it uncertain whether this is the name
of her shrine only or of a temple of Amenhotep which sheltered or ad-
joined it. The connections of Amenhotep with the site are indubitable
(Spiegelberg, Zwei Beitrage, Pls. II-VI; Carter, J.H.A., III, p. 147; Win-
lock, ibid., IV, p. 11). The ruins there may only be part of a more ex-
tensive building, and its arrangement seems past recovery. Amenhotep
became in later times an oracle to whose arbitration village disputes were
submitted, but his cult is never associated with any of the official epithets
for the mortuary temples. He was known vaguely as Amenhotep “‘of the
garden,” “‘of the portico,” “‘on the west of Thebes” (Breasted, A.R., IV,
8§ 513, 514; Maspero, Recueil, II, p. 165; III, pp. 110, 111; IV, pp. 110,
114; Lepsius, D. T., III, p. 238), suggesting that, for the vulgar, all the
royal Amenhoteps became forms of the benignant genius of the necropo-
lis, so that at last even Amenhotep son of Hapi profited by this indis-
criminate homage to the name. The designation “‘of the portico” (“fore-
court’) is the commonest, and the two entrance pylons of this temple are
pictured in Tomb ‘19 (Spiegelberg, Zwei Beitrdge, p. 3) and labeled “the
temple of Amenhotep of the portico.” That the ruins seem to show a
portico with connecting walls, like that of our tomb, is a coincidence on
which nothing can be based. The discovery of a royal tomb by Mr. Carter
in the hill above the village of Draa abu’l Naga does not help us beyond
showing the approximate site of the tomb of Amenhotep, and making it
likely that Ahmes, his queen, and his son were all buried, or at least re-

buried, together there. It is conceivable that Men-chnemet is the second
85APPENDIX E

shrine which Anena seems to recognize within Men-asut, and not the ka-
chapel of Nofretari. For the romantic relation of mother and son was so
strong that the populace would certainly assign her a home where he
found one, even if she possessed a shrine already. Men-asut is also the
name of the pyramid temple of Neuserré of the Vth dynasty; but there
is no sign that any royal temple of the X VIIIth dynasty was combined
with a pyramid as Akh-asut seems to have been.

Axu-asuT. ‘The variation in the singular and plural forms of such
names as this (-as.t, -as.ut) may have depended on the shrines being re-
garded as homes of one or of more cults. The latter was the case with
Men-asut and Akh-asut, but not with Jeser-ast.

The ka-chapel of Anmes-Norretari. If this was originally at Deir el
Bahri, either the official, or the popular, place of offering may have been
shifted to Men-asut, consequent on the erection of the great temple on
the former site and her son’s on the latter.

Oper. The name in Anena’s list probably had the form given to it
by Sethe, and not that of Puyemré’s tomb. For the early history of the
temple of Luxor see Sethe, Urkunden, IV, p. 25; Breasted, A.R., II,
§§ 97, 351; Borchardt, A.Z., XXXIV, p. 122.

These unstable conclusions have been modified to meet criticisms
made by H. E. Winlock, whose excavations in the necropolis have led
him to a study of the subject. It is to be hoped that he will before long
engage both his spade and his shrewdness more deeply in the matter and
finally remove some at least of the doubts which beset it.

86INDEXINDEX

“Administrator of Dep,” II. 44, 45

“Administrator of the wardrobe,” I. Ar

Adze in use, I. 67, 69

Aft watch, II. 23

Age of dead mentioned, I. 33, 4o

Age, signs of, I. 4g, 63, 70; Il. 73-77

Agricultural scene, I. 56

Ahmes, king, II. 83, 85

Ahmes Nofretari, I. 95, 96; II. 80, 82-85

Akh akhut, temple of, II. 82, 84

Akh asut, temple of, I. 95; II. 79, 80, 82, 86

Akh menu, hall of, Il. 82

Altars, I. 100, ror; II. 19

Ambassadors, foreign, I. xx, 80, 90, 91

Amenemhab (see also Tomb 85), I. 33

Amenemhét, I. 65; II. 62

Amenhotep I, king, I. 99; II. 80, 82-85

Amenhotep I, the deified, II. 85

Amenhotep II, king, II. 78, 82

Amenhotpé, I. 62; II. 62

Amenhotpesisé (see also Tomb 75), 1. 27

Amon, associate gods of, I. 93

Amon, temple of, I. 62, 88,93, 94; II. 24, 44

Amon, the god, I. xviii, 87, 92, 94, 97, 983
II. 3, 9, 19, 20, 47, 78, 81

Amu, people and land of, I. 80, 86, gt

Amulets, I. 74, 100, 101

Amunet, the goddess, I. 14, 94; II. 79

Anena (see also Tomb 81), I. 26

Ankh-imi product, I. 85

Antefoker (see also Tomb 60), I. 46

Antelope, I. 87

Antimony, I. 87

Anubis, the god, I. 14, 39; IL. 3,7, 8, 10, 21,
29, 33, 38, 79, 84

Anvil in use, I. 71-73

Arabia, I. 86

Architectural models, I. 100

Architraves, I. 4,5; II. 52, 54, 56

Arrows, bundles of, I. 70; II. 8

Artificial (2) flames, IIL. 18

Artists’ devices, I. 34, 46, 52

Asher, temple of, I. 21, 94

Assasif, valley of, I. 3

Asses depicted, I. 63

Assonance of names, II. 80, 82

Ast-josru(?), II, 24

Atef crown, I. 101

Athanasi, I. xix

Attendants, I. 49-51, 56; II. 63

Attitudes, peculiar, I. 24, 25

Atum, the god, II. 3, 4, 17, 26, 27, 30, 38,
ho, 79

Axes, I. 68

Baboon, I. 87, 103

Baboon, as device, I. 102
Balances, I. 89, 93

Baskets, woven, I. 83, 84
Batter of walls, I. 4; II. 54, 57INDEX

Bead-making, I. 75

Beards, I. 63, 80, go, 91; II. 73-76

Beknekhons, career of, I. 27

Bellows, compound, of furnace, I. 73

Bench, jeweler’s, I. 75

Bent wood, workers in, I. 69

Biographical inscriptions, I. 7, 20, 31-34,
39-h2

Birds, depiction of, I. 49, 53, 61

Blackman, A. M., II. 75

Blowpipes used, I. 71, 72

Blue-eyed Horus, II. 10

Book of the Dead, texts from, II. 9, 11, 29, 30

Boring tool for vases, I. 76

Boundary walls, I. 3, 4, 5; II. 52, 53, 56,
60, 62

Bouquet, presentation of, I. 36; II. 16, 23, 81

Bow, I. 46, 56, 69, 78

Bow-case, I. 68

Bow-drill, I. 75, 76

Brickwork in the tomb, I. xix, xx, 4; II. 52-
55, 60, 62

Bridge of masonry, II. 57, 58

Bronze, I. 74, 100, 1o1

Brooch, I. 90

Bubale, I. 47

Bull’s head as ornament, I. 72-74

Burial chamber of Puyemré, I. 11-13; II. 57

Burial chambers, II. 57-61

Burial furniture, I. 13, 14; II. 4, 8

Burial ritual, II. 4-8, 64, 65

Burial shafts, I. xviii-xxi, 3, 6, 8, 10-12, 19;
II. 52, 53, 57-62

Burning out of tombs, I. xix, 4, 7; II. 16

Buto (see Dep)

Butterflies, I. 53

Buttresses, II. 55

Cakes of Hathor, II. 19
Calf in movement, I. 63
Canes, I. 85; II. 20

Canopic jars, II. 6, 60

Canopied (coved) ceilings, I. 10, 100; II. 3, 4o

Carafes, II. 20

Carpenters, I. 74

Carter, Howard, II. 85

Cartouches, I. 24, 25, 84, 102; II. 63, 64

Cartouches on standard, I. 24-26, 87

Caskets, I. 74, 100, ror; II. 6, 8

Casket of Puyemré, I. 13

Cat, i, By

Cattle, I. 49, 56, 63; II. 6, 10

Cattle of the Soudan, I. 103, ro4

Cedar, I. 9, 102

Cedar, oil of, I. 81

Ceiling patterns, I. 10; II. 4, 16, 26, 31, 47,
48, 56

Ceiling texts, II. 16, 32, 33, ho, 47, 48, 56

Censing spoons, I. 71, 100

Chair, old-fashioned, II. 38

“Chancellor,” I. 28 and passim

Chanting by priests, II. 25

‘‘Chantress of Amon,” II. 5

Chariot-making, I. 67-69

Chariots, I. 49, 56, 96, 103; II. 63, 64

Chatter recorded, I. 73, 75; II. 16, 17

“Child of the king,” I. 36; II. 44

Chnemet-ankh, door of, II. 84

Chnemet-ankh, temple of, I. 95; II. 82, 84

Circumlocutions for death, I. 38, 88; II. 45

City-dwellers, I. 80; II. 76

Clap-net, I. 62

Coffins, I. xvili-xxi, 13, 14, 19; II. 32, 58, 59,
61, 63

Coffins, copied in architecture, I. 10; II.
32, 33

Collars, I. 75, 98; II. 8

Colonists from Egypt, I. 82, 83, 104

Color, effects of fire on, I. xix

Color, special instances of, I. 4, 10, 11, 15,
46, 51, 53, 56, 62, 71, 79, 86, 87; II. 32, 47,
64, 76INDEX

Columns, I. 4, 5,9; II. 51-56, 59, 65

Companies of priests, II. 22

“Companion,” I. 36, 4o, 79; II. 45

“Companions” at the funeral, ERO

Comparison of drawings with objects, I. 50,
64, 71, 79, 83, 99

Complexions, aged, II. 75, 76

Complexions, dark, I. 81, 86, 87, 91

Complexions, light, I. 49, 80, 81, 90, 91

Cones, funeral, I. 49; I. 62

Convivial meal depicted, I. 54; II. 63, 64

Copper, I. 71, 81, 100

Copying by artists, I. 49, 63, 68, 91, 92, 104;
Leone Eno

‘«¢Count,”’

Courtyards of tombs,
56-61

Covers of vases, ornamented,

I. 62
I. ot
I. 73

I. 28 and passim

(, sami, sou, Og IL,

I. 72, 99
Cranes,
Crete,

Crucible,

Daga (see Tomb 103), I. xvii

Dais for chief persons, I. 35; II. 20, 38
eos

“Dancing places of the courtyard,” II. 23
Dat, the underworld, II. 26

Date fruit, I. 49

Date palms, I. 56

Deben weight, I. 89, 90, 94

Danais chrysippus,

Decorated drinking bowls, I. 99, 102; II.
18

Decoration by paneling,
II. 33

Decoration of doorways,

I, @, Fo hy TORE

Le Oero ellen

Decoration, refinement in, I. 16, 62, ro1

I. 46

Deified personifications, II. 28, 44

Deir el Bahri, temple of, I. xvii, 26, 32, 84,
89, 9d; II. 16, 24, 27, 79-81

Deir el Ballas, I. 99

Deer depicted,

g!I

Delta, as location of game lands, I. 45, 4g,
5o, 63, 65; II. 28, 67-72
Delta, vague names for, II. 67, 68

Dep, II. 6, 43
“Dep, Judge of,” I. 30; Il. 44
Didiya, I. 94; II. 82

“Divine offerings,” I. 82; II. 18-20, 31, 39,
45

Dog, I. 47

Domestic architecture, I. 8, 9

Door, fastenings of, I. xviii, 7, 75; II. 60

Door, manufacture of, I. 75, 102

I. 95; Il. 84

Doorways with double entrance, I. 8, 9

I. 75; Il. 56

Dramatic religious rites, I. 6,42; II. 5-8

Drawing, notable features of; I. 34, 63-65,
70, 72; II. 18, 20

Dress of Egyptians, I. 21, 36, 49, 56, 63, 64,
66, 83, 84, 86, 104

Dress of foreigners,

I. 9

Duplication of scenes, II. 15, 16, 21, 23, 64

Dwarf walls, I. 5; II. 52-55, 58, 63

Doorways named,

Dowel pins,

I. 80-84, 90, 91; Hl. 77
Dripstone,

Ebony, I. 9, 21, 80, 85, 103
Egypt, tutelary deities of, I. 14, 15
El Amarna, I. 8,9, 24, 54, 63, 85, 103; IT. 24,

5A, 77
Electrum, I. 21, 80, 85-go, 93, 97
Endowments of the tombs, II. 21, 38, 39
Engravers, I. 74
Entablature of doors, I. 8-10
Erman, Prof. A., I. xx
Ernutet, the goddess, I. 32

Eschatology, inconsistencies of, II. 21
«yes and ears of the king,” II. 4

Fagade of the tomb of Puyemré,. I. 3-7, 34;
II. 43-47, 51-56
Fagades of tombs I. eon lee oe onINDEX

II. 28

Father-in-law of the king, I. 29

‘“‘Father of the god” (‘‘Temple-father’’), I.
29; Il. 20, 31, 4h

Farm servants as donors,

Fayim, I. 83; II. 68, 70
Festival of the new moon, I. 32
Festival of the new year, II. 39

Festivals, I. 6, 32, 40, 54; II. 39, 45, 46
Fish, I. 53, 64

Fishing scenes, I. 64; II. 69

Flags, I. 68, 69; II. 8, 24

Flint () knife, I. 64

Fly-whisks, II. 24

I. 52; IT. 69

Leo oo ON A

Fowling,
‘Friend of the god,”

Frog as device, I. 99
II. 6, 29, 31, 64
Furnace, smith’s,

Fumigation,
77S

Game-preserves (see Marsh lands)
Garden, I. 56

Garden in heaven, II. 7

Gardiner, A. H., I. ix, 19, 20, 37, 38
Gauntlets, I. 50, 56, 68

I. 47; I. 47, 68

Geb, the god, I. 34; II. 27, 30, 32
Genii of the dead, II. 38

Leelee

Gazelle,

Glazed vessels,

Goats, I. 63

Goddess of the chase, I. 52

Gods, classes of, I. 14, 32; II. 9, 20, 25, 28,
30, ho, 78

Gold dust, rings, nuggets, I. 81, 85, 87-89, 103

Gold goddess, II. 25

Gold, objects of, I. 71, 73, 75, 81, 85, 97-99,
100, 101; II. 31

II. 48

Te xixs 92)

I, 103, 104

Granite used or imitated,

Goose (Semen),
Graffiti,
Grain presented,
LEP XoMXXT TERT OS
97-99, 101, 102; II. 4, 9, 61

Gray hair, II. 76

‘Great chief of the South,” I. 29; II. 44
Caailitioy Je, Wik, Mh, tee, Bm, By, OSs INL BS, ay)
Gum, fragrant, I. 84, 87; II. 18

Ha, the god, II. 5
Hair, modes of wearing, I. 49, 63, 73, 80, 83,
84, 86, 88, 91, 92; II. 17, 73-77

Hammers, I. 71, 72

Hapi, the god, II. 32

Hapjefa, tomb of, I. 38

Harakhti, the god, I. 35, 38; II. 30
Harem in heaven, II, 7

Hares, I. 47

Harper, I. 54

Harpoon, form and use of, I. 51
Hathor, emblems of, II. 18, 24
Seng
I]. 23-25
E3210 Os lean os

Hathor, offerings to,
Hathor, ornaments of,
Hathor, the goddess,
23-25, 63, 81, 84
Hatshepsut, queen, I. xvii, xviii, 20, 25-27,
84, 88, 89, 95, 96, 98, 101; II. 27, 78,
80-84
“Having access to the king,”
Hawk of the West, II. 7
Hawks’ heads as decoration, I. 9g

Ie x3); U4

Hekat measure, I. 85, 87-90
Heliopolis, II. 4, 9, 4o
Henket-ankh, temple of,
I. 79, go
I. 80
I. 62
Heri-hir-amun, temple of,
81, 83, 84

II. 10
Hieratic inscriptions, I. 19; II. 60, 62
I. 50-52; Il. 70

LE OD UR ONSTSH
Henotheism,
Herbs as imports,
Herdsman’s cape,
I. of, 95; Il. 79-

Hesat cow,

Hippopotamus,
Hor (?), I. 84
Horbeit, text from, II. 11

Horn for inlay, I. 70

Q2INDEX

Horse pads, I. 68

Horses, I. 63, 68, 103

Horus, eye of, Il. 29

Horus, the god, I. 42; ies nosso 20;
46, 65

Hotpedens prayers, I. Tay Lilly Dy hy Bp Bs,
BRE on lly 3-55 20520527) 31, ho, 56

House in heaven, II. 7, 10

Houses of the gods, Il. 7

Hu, the god, I. 14

Hunting scenes, I. 45; II. 68

Hyena, I. 47

Hyksos, I. 82, 83

Ibex, I. 47, 70

Illiteracy in Egypt, I. 19, 23, ho, 61, 82, 88,
92, 103

Incense, I. 4o, 80, 84, 85, 87, Oooo mllesi7,
19, 29, 31, 64

Incense-sycamores, I. 85

Incised work, I. 7; II. 54-56, 64

Ingots, I. 81, 103

Isis, the goddess, I. 14; II. 6, 30

Ivory, I. 70, 80, 85, 103

Jam (see Electrum)

Jasper, I. 82

Jeser-akhut, temple of, II. 80-84

Jeser-ast, temple of, II 81, 82, 85
Jeser-josru, temple of, I. 95; II. 80-84
Jewelers, I. 75, 96

“Judge” as complimentary idle, I, TO, BD,

hoe II. Bo AA, Ad

Ka arms as device, I. 24, 100, 101; iOS
18

Ka-chapel, I. 96; II. 80-83, 85, 86

Ka-stone, I. 85, 87

Karnak, temple of, I. 74, 97, 98, 100; Il.
4d, 79, 82, 83

Kebh, district in heaven, Il. 25, 47

Keden, II. 6

IK@e@s, Iie, Hl in

Kefti, I. 81, 91

RMA. oo 5 He Tacky, I, [is
Khay-akhut-amun, temple ot, Il, oe WI, Ce
Kheker ornament, II. 4, 52
Kheker ornament, origin of, I. 34
Khepera, the god, I. 41; I. 30
Kherp wands, 1. 24; II. 8, 20, 46
Khokhah hill, I. xvu

Khons, cone of, Il. 62

Khons, the god, II. 79

Lamps, festival of, I. 42

Lamps, for the dead, II. 7, 29

Lamp-stands, I. 73, 99; II. 17, 19

Lapis lazuli, I. 75, 80-82, 85, 93; II. 10

Late eras, activities of, I. xviii, xix, 11, 103;
Il. 9, 11, 59, 61, 63

Late tomb in court, I. xix, xxi, 11, 13; II.
61

Lead, I. 64, 81

‘Leader of the companions,” I. 8

Leather lashing, I. 67, 69

Leather-workers, I. 68

Lengths of cloth, I. 104; II. 8, 30

Lepsius, I. xx, 79, 89

Libations, I. 32; Il. 3m, 63

Libya, Libyan, I. 81, 91, 92; Il. 73, 74, 77

Life with Power, as device, II. 29

Linen presented, I. 103, 104

List of foods, II. ro

Loaves, conical, I. 38, 85

“Loaves of the courtyard,” II. 23

Loin-cloths, I. 64, 65, 80, 86, 90

Lotus, nymphaea, II. 19

Luxor, temple of, I. 96; II. 80, 86

Lyre, I. 54

Lythgoe, A. M., I. ix

Mackay, J.E., I. xxi; II. 16INDEX

Maet, the goddess,

Maid servant, I. 54

Malachite, I. 32, 75

Mallet, I. 75

Mandrakes in ornament, II. 18

Mankhet pendant, I. 75, 98

Mantle, worn, I. 21

Marsh lands; 15 45, 48-53, 61; I, 44,
67-72

Il. 79

Masonry work, I. xix, 3,4, 7,10, 11; II. 26,
4h, 52-57, 60

Maspero, I. xx

I. 6,8

Matwork in decoration, II. 33

I. 66, 84

Medamut, temple of, I. 94

Medinet Habu, II. 54, 81

Meir, tombs of, I. 46, 63, 102; II. 23, 74

ne Il, (AA, Oa,

Mastabas, features of,

Mats, drawing of,

Memoranda of artists, I.
65

Men shrine, I. 21

I. 85, 103

Men-asut, temple of,
84, 85

Menats,

Men-chnemet, temple of,
84, 85

Menkheper, II. 16, 39

Menkheperraseneb (see Tomb 86), I. 26

Mentuhotep, avenue of, I. xvii, 3, 4; II. 62

Mentuhotep, king, I. xvii; II. 56

Mentuhotep, temple of, I. 8, 9, 12, 13, 92,
96; II. 79, 81

Mery (see also Tomb 95), I. 31

I. 85

Metal, workers in,

Men stone,
Lo Obs elle 79;, 82)

I. 28, 98, 102; II. 24
I. 95; II. 80-82,

Mery wood,

I. 70-74

Middle Kingdom, references to, I. xvii, 3,
Os 1d, 07 107 0ds O05) Le 101325102) .80

* Military retainers, I. 56, 66, 104

Mimes, II. 8

Mond, R.,

I. xxi

Monkey, I. 49, 87, 103
Mont, the god, I. 94; II. 30, 79
Moulding box, I. 74

Mud tablets, inscribed, I. 13
een
Il, Dity WO, OY)

Museum, Berlin,
Museum, Cairo,

Museum, Fitzwilliam, II. 83
Museum, Florence, I. xx, 21, 67, 72
Museum, Louvre, I. 95, 99

Museum, Metropolitan, I. 98, 99; II. 84

Museum, Turin, I. 19

Mut, the goddess, I. 21, 94; II. 79

Mutilation by Aton worshipers, I. xviii, rg,
21-24, 35, 69, 94, 97; I. 9, 17, 83

Mutilation of the tomb,
79, 80, 92, 102; IT, 43

I, xviii, 21-26, 62,

Nakht (see Tomb 52)

Napata, I. 103

Nautical model for temple watches, II. 22
Nebseny, II. 4o

Nefermosy, II. 60

Nefertem, the god, I. 14, 35; II. 10, 11
Neferyah, I. 19, 33, 35, 39, 42; II. 4o
Negroes, I. 33, 84, 103, 104

Nehesy, I. 89

Nehy, text of, II. 9, 11

Neith, the goddess, I. 14

““Nekheb, chief of,” I. 29, 30, 79; Il. 44

“‘Nekhen, he who belongs to,” I. 30, 33

Nephthys, the goddess, II. 6, 30, 47

Nets, floats and sinkers of, I. 64

II. 26, 27

Niches in burial chamber, I. 13

Nofretari (see Ahmes Nofretari)

Nojem, ananimal, I. 37

North and South Egypt opposed,
72

Northern estates, II. 70, 72

Nut, the goddess, I. 14, 99; II. 10, 20, 26,
30, 32, 33

Niche in shrine,

II. 68,

A

ae SSINDEX

Oars of heaven, the four, II. 9

Oases, the, I. 79, 82-84

Obelisks, I. 25, 85, 87, 97, 98

Obesity as sign of age, I. 63; I. 76, 77

Offerings from the temple, I. 32; II. 9,
21, 39

Ointment, festal, I. 54

Ointment offered, II. 19, 29, 40, 63

Old age, signs of, I. 49, 63, 70; HI. 73-77

Old Kingdom models, I. 8; Il, 7@, 2,
32, 33

Old men as experts, I. 70; II. 74, 76

Opet, shrines of, I. 96; I. 86

Orientation of tombs, I. 3

Oryxes, I. 47; II. 44

Osiris, I. 6, 14, 32; II. 3, 5, 8-11, 18, 21, 24,
26-30, 38, 4o, 79

Leger pelea

Ostrich feathers and eggs,

Ostriches, I. 47, 103

“Over mysteries of the twin lions,” II. 23

Ostraca,
I. 87, 103

“Over secrets of temple ritual,” IT. 44, hd

I. 97
‘<Overseer of the necropolis,” I. 92

‘Overseer of craftsmen,”

‘Overseer of vineyards,” I. 82

‘Overseer of works,” I. 97; II. 45

Ml, ©

Palace architecture,

Pai, city of,
i, Seno, nog Il, @ 83
I. 23, 85, 87

Papyri, Greek, II. 59

Panther skins,

Papyrus, as offering, I. 15, 39
Papyrus, gathered, I. 66; II. 70, 76
_ Papyrus, habitat of, II. 67-69
Papyrus, structural use of, I. 9
Parapet on cornice, I. 54

Patching blocks, I. 7, 11; 77

Paul, an anchorite, II. 62
Pectoral, I. 75

Pedestals in metal, I. 100, 101
Percentages in use, I. 94

Perfume as gift, I. 103
I. 46

Persian deer,

Perspective, apparent, I. 34; IL. 18
Phallic pouch, I. 81, 92

Pilasters, I. 5; II. 44, 53-55, 58
Ploughing, I. 56

Pomegranates, I. 4g, 82

Ponds, I. 6, 56

Pools for the dead, II. 7

II. 28
Portico of Puyemré, I. xxi, 4, 5,7; II. 51-54
Porticoes of tombs, I. 5

Pools of north and south,

Position of scenes in tombs, I. 45; II. 17, 19,
21, 68, 69

Pottery figure of Puyemré, I. 14

Prayers for ‘“ thousands,” [eS Ouro
II. 20

Precious stones, I. 85, 96, 101

Precious woods, I. 9, 85

Priest of Sokar, II. 6

II. 23-25

I. 64, 72

eer 5) lee a ao

I, BQ, ais)

Punishment of servants, I. 4g, 62

Punt, land of, I. 25, 79, 80, 84-87, 89, 91

‘‘Pure” cloth offered, II. 30

Purification by fire, I. xix

II. 63, 64

Purity in ritual, I. 42; II. 20, 28

Puya, 1 ro) sd yay ios ieee

Leones Sao elle

Priestesses,
Proleptic drawings,
Prtr hrw meal,

Punishment, future,

Purification, scenes of,

Puyemré, children of,
39, 4o, 84

Puyemré, name of, I. 19

Puyemré, parentage of, I. 19, 33, SO OONHOE
eran 0

Puyemré, titles of, I. 27-31

Pyramid temples, II. 86

Pyramidion of obelisk, I. 97

I. 56, 68

Quivers,INDEX

Rack for metal vases, I. 99 Sandstone, use of, I. 5, 7,13, 41; II 16, 27,
Raised bench for gifts, I. 34; II. 52 29, 48, 52-57, 63
Ramesside era, activities of, I. xviii, 5,24, Sarcophagi, I. xxi, 13; II. 60, 61
Oe IL, ti, Bo, in, Or, Os Sashes, I. 21, 56; II. 24
Reaping, I. 57 Saucer inverted on bowl, I. 50

Reconstruction work, I. xxi, 36, 48,61,79, | Scarabaeus, I. 75
80, 97; II. 3, 4, 8, 15, 16, 26, 37, 43,44, 46, Scenes reflecting local conditions, II. 69

HomboNos Scenes proximate to acts, II. 22, 29
“Recorder of the king,” I. 84 Screens, I. rox
Red-eyed Horus, II. 10 ‘“‘Scribe of the king,” II. 45
Reed boats, I. 5o, 51 ‘Scribe of the temple treasurer,” I. 85, 88, 93
Reeds on table explained, II. 21 Scribe’s case, II. 5
Refinement, signs of, I. 16; II. 16 Sejti, the god, II. 7
Rekhmiré (see Tomb roo), I. 26 Sekhet, the goddess, I. 52
Relation of bulk to weight, I. go Sekhethotpu, II. 4, 20, 25
Religious texts, I. 37; II. 4, 8-11, 26,29,30 Sekhmet, the goddess, I. 14; II. 7
Resonant sticks, I. 55 Sektet boat, I. 33; IL. 25
Restorations, ancient, I. 19, 23-25, 35, 56, Sem-priest, I. 23, 42; Il. 17, 19, 29, 31

88, 92, 94, 102; IT. 58 Semyt-Amentet, the goddess, II. 5, 26, 64
Retainers, burial of, I. 6; II. 53, 59 Senmen, I[. xviii
Retnu, land of, I. 33, 79, 80, 86, go, 91 Senmut (see Tomb 71), I. xviii, 89; II. 84
Rewards, future, I. 32, 38 Senseneb, I. 35, 36, 50, 55, 61; IT. 5, 20, 39
Rewards of Puyemré, I. 33, 4o, 41 Sepa, a locality, ITI. 33
Rim ornaments in metal, I. 99 Sethe, Prof., I. xx
Ring supports for vases, I. 73, 99; II. 19 Seven sacred cows, the, II. 9
Rippled dress, I. 36, 49 Shawabti figures, I. 14
Rites of burial, I. 6; II. 4,5, 64 Sheath of daggers, I. 68
Rites of the funeral meal, I. 32,35; II. 7,19,  Shendyt tunic, I. 41, 80

20, 25, 27, 31 Shetpet, a locality, II. 33
Ritual chamber, I. 33 Shields, I. 68
Ritual offering (see Hotpedens) Shields, case for, I. 68
‘Road of Horus,” I. 81 Shrines, I. 9, 21, 34, 74; II. 38
“Royal relation,” I. 4o Shu, the god, II. 23, 30
“Ruler of the wise,” II. 5 Sia, the god, I. 14

Silver objects, I. 71, 73, 80, 81, 85, 97, 99
Sacks, I. 83, 84, 92, 103 Sistray aly 28990) 1025ml ln oyoo
Sacred numbers, II. 7, 21, 30, 78 Size, apparent and real, I. 72, 73, 76, 100;
Saddle-bags, I. 103 II. 4o
Sakkara, tombs of, II. 67, 69 Slaughtered animals, I. 36; II. 16
Sandals, I. 24, 56, 84 Slide for coffins, II. 58
Sand-bed under coffin, II. 61 Sokar, the god, II. 7, 10, 79
96INDEX

Soldering, I. 71, 73

Son as priest, I. 35; II. 39

Sons of Puyemré, I. 35; II. 16, 37, 4o

South Egypt, organization of, I. 29

Southern peoples, gifts of, I. 102-104

Sowing seed, I. 57

Spearing fish, I. 50

Sphinxes in decoration, I. ror; II. 63

Spiked khekers, I, 34; II. 6, 38

Splitting fish, I. 64

‘Spokesman who gives satisfaction,” II. 5

Sport and religion, II. 68, 69, 72

Sport in the marshes, I. 50-53; Il. 67-72

Stairway tomb, I. 11, 13; II. 58, 59, 61

Starboard watch, II. 22, 23

Statues, I. 38; Il. 6, 21, 27

Statues of Puyemré, I. xx, 14, 19, 21, 29,
31

Stela, abbreviated, I. 34

Stelae of Puyemré, I. xx, 7, 39; II. 9, 43-
47, 65

Stockades for game, I. 46

Stripes as dress pattern, I. 86

“Superintendent of ‘hnwti,” II. 62

‘Superintendent of annexes,” I. 30

‘Superintendent of Cattlewamleron

‘Superintendent of high posts,” II. 24, 45

‘Superintendent of lands,” I. 31

“Superintendent of the kitchen,” II. 62

‘Superintendent of the south,” II. 44

“Superintendent of the temple,” I. 30; II.
Ad

“Superintendent of the temple offerings,”
II. 45

“Superintendent of the treasury,” Il. 62

“Superintendent of weavers,” I. 104

Sutekh, the god, II. 26, 29, 30, 47

Symbols, power of, I. 36, 71; IU, a@, Dilip
39

Syria, Syrian, I. 25, 33, 46, 49, 63, 67, 70, 72;
77, 80, 81, 84, 86, 91, 92, 104

Tanofret, I. 36, 49; II. 4o

Tapers, II. 29, 30

Tassels, I. 51, 92, 103

Tefnut, the goddess, I. 14; II. 23, 30

Teknu, II. 6

“Temple father,” I. 29 and passim

Temple furniture, I. 74, 96, 100

Temple treasury, I. 92, 93

Temples of Thebes, I. 93-96; II. 78-86

Temples, place of, in Egyptian life, II. 21

Texts in inverse direction, II. 24

Thot, the god, I. 38, 102; II. 5, 79

Thothmes I, I. 95; II. 27, 80, 82, 85

Thothmes II, I. 95; IL. 80-84

Thothmes III, passim

Thothmes III, campaigns of, I. 33, 80

Thothmes III, cartouches of, I. 24, 25

Thothmes III, portrait of, I. 79

Thothmes III, regnal dates of, I. 9, 84, 98;
II. 78, 84

Thoti, I. 89, 90; Il. 84

Tikhsi, land of, I. 33

Tillage, I. 56

Toggles, I. 65

Toilet stand, I. 16

Tomb No. 12, I. 89

Tomb No. 15, I. 20; II. 31

Tomb No. 19, Il. 85

Tomb No. 20, I. 46, 55, 107; II. 55

Tomb No. 21, II. 33, 55

Tomb No. 23, II. 51, 55

Tomb No. 34, II. 16

Tomb No. 36 (of Aba), I. 67, 68, 72, 109; I.
Ovni 24

Tomb No. 41, II. 51

Tomb No. 42, I. 68, 108

Tomb No. 48, I. 8,9

Tomb No. 4g, I. 56, 109

Tomb No. 51, I. 56, 10g; II. 51

Tomb No. 52 (of Nakht), I. 8, 53, 57, 109;
II. 27, 28, 47, 67, 69, 71, 76INDEX

Tomb No. 53, I. 50, 55, 108
Tomb No. 57, I. 56, 109

Tomb No. 60, I. 9, 46, 55, 107
Tomb No. 63, I. 9, 56, 99

Tomb No. 69, I. 9, 56, 109; II. 27
Tomb No. 71, I. xviii, 107; II. 27
Tomb No. 72, I. xviii

Tomb No. 73, I. 67, 98, 107

Tomb No. 75 (of Amenhotpesisé), I. 28, 56,
67, 72, 74, 75, 109; II. 64

Tomb No. 80, I. 56; II. 76

Tomb No. 81 (of Anena), I. 47, 50, 52, 63,
84, 93, 94, 104, 108; II. 67, 70, 71, 76,
78-81

Tomb No. 82 (of Amenemhét), I. 9, 50-52,
108; II. 39

Tomb No. 84, I. 8, 81, 108; II. 67, 71

Tomb No. 85, I. 33, 50, 51, 56, 108

Tomb No. 86 (of Menkheperraseneb), I. 8,
67, 69-72, 74, 85, 92, 98, 108; II. 76

Tomb No. 93 (of Kenamun), I. 8, 9, 56, 67,
81, 108; II. 24, 25

Tomb No. 95 (of Mery), I. 31, 67-69, 71, 72,
74, 75, 108; II. 76

Tomb No. 96, I. 56, 81, 108

Tomb No. roo (of Rekhmiré), I. 50, 55, 67,
68, 72, 74, 75, 84, 85, 94, 99, 108; II. 7, 25,
27, 64, 74, 76-83

Tomb No. 103 (of Daga), I. xvii, 107; Il. 55

Tomb No. 109, II. 24, 25

Tomb No. 112, II. 63

Tomb No. 125, I. 30, 50, 55

Tomb No. 131 (of Useramun), I. 4

Tomb No. 143, I. 85, 92

Tomb No. 155, I. 50

Tomb No. 161, I. 9; II. 27

Tomb No. 164, I. 50

Tomb No. 172, II. 16

Tomb No. 178, I. 75

Tomb No. 181, I. 67, 72-75, 109; II. 9, 77

Tomb No. 183, II. 51

Tomb No. 217, I. 67, 109; II. 74
Tomb No. 224, I. 30

Tomb No. 252 (of Senmen), I. xviii
Tomb No. 261, II. 76

Tomb No. 276, I. 86

To-nuter, land of, I. 80, 85, 86
Toplight of doorways, I. g; II. 9
Toy bird, II. 62

Traditions, how maintained, II. 23
Tree goddess, II. 28

“True” hekat measure, I. 87, go
Truncheons of Punt, I. 85, 103
Tusks, I. 70, 80, 85

Union of body and soul, II. 5

Unkempt heads, I. 63, 73, 83, 84; II. 73-7)

Upwawet, the god, I. 14; II. 79

Useramun (of Tomb 131), I. 4

Usurpation of tombs, I. xviii, 7; II. 51, 54,
59, 61

Varnish, use of, I. 11

Vases, decorated, I. 98, 99; II. 18, 19

Vases, makers of stone, I. 76

Vases, metal, I. 71, 81, 99; II. 18

Vases of fanciful shape, I. 71, 102; II. 18

Vaulting, I. 9, ro, 12; II. 3, 4, 27, 32

“*Versed in solemn installations,” II. 45

Virtuous acts recorded, I. 39, 41, 42, 88;
Il. 45

Viticulture, I. 64, 65, 82, 84; II. 70-72

Voyage to Abydos, II. 8

Wady Tumilat, I. 81; II. 71
Wajmosy, I. 4o, 62; II. 62
Washing of the table, II. 31
Watches in the temple, II. 22
Water heaped up, I. 52, 53
Water-plants, I. 53

Wat-Hor, I. 65, 79, 81, 83; II. 71

Wax used in painting, I. 11

 

98INDEX

Weavers, I. 102, 104 Wine-press, I. 64, 65

Web-priest, I. 33, 66; II. 4o Winlock, H. E., I. ix, 95; Il. 56, 83, 86
Weigall, A. E., I. xx Winnowing, I. 57

Weights, forms of, I. 89, 93 Wives of Puyemré, I. 36; II. 3, 31, 38
Weights, significance of, I. 93 Wood imported, I. 67, 85, 103

Wennuti priest, I. 36, 88; II. 22, 23 Woodwork, pierced, I. 74

Wheels of chariot, I. 67, 68 Workshops, I. 66-76, 97

Whisks of Hathor, II. 24 Worship by the dead, I. 36; II. 18, 20, 25
White loaves, I. 38, 85 Woser, I. 65

Wigs, wearing of, II. 74, 77 Writing tablet, I. 62

Windows, I. 9

Wine, I. 61, 81-84 Yahmosy, I. 56; II. 20

Wine-jars inscribed, I. 65 _ Yokes of chariots, I. 67, 69

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DETAILS FROM PLATE LIV
A. Drinking-cups and cakes presented to Hathor
(See pages 18, 19)
B. Sacred emblems of Hathor presented by her priestesses

(See pages 23-26)i

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;PLATE LVI

MIDDLE CHAPEL. THE BACK WALL. SCALE1:12

Framed doorway to the shrine. The greater part of this wall is a reconstruction
from derelict blocks

(See pages 26-28)
PLAN OF THE BACK WALL AND ENTRANCE INTO THE SHRINE
(See page 27)

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SHRINE. THE EAST WALL. SCALE1:7
Spells used at the toilet of the dead
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SOUTH CHAPEL. PLAN AND DRAWING OF THE NICHE IN THE
BACK WALL. SCALE 1:10
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(See pages 3, 4, 38)
THE LOWER PART OF THE DOORWAY TO THE SOUTH CHAPEL. SCALE 1:20

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SOUTH CHAPEL. THE NORTH WALL. SCALEr:8

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SOUTH CHAPEL. THE SOUTH WALL. SCALE 1:10

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PUYEMRE AND SENSENEB
A. Head of Senseneb from the South Chapel

(See page 39 and Plate LXIV)

B. Granite statue of Puyemré in Cairo Museum

(See Volume I, page 21)PLATE LXVI

FACADE. BIOGRAPHICAL TABLET A. SCALE 1:7

Contains also the first lines of Tablet E. The numbered fragments here and in

Plate LX VII were derelict

(See Volume I, pages 39-41)SOUTH TABLET

 

Made in England by Charles Whittingham & Griggs (Printers) LtdPLATE LXVII

FACADE. BIOGRAPHICAL TABLET E. SCALE 1:7
The first lines are on Plate LXVI
(See Volume I, pages 41, 42)

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PORTICO, NORTH WALL. STELA D. SCALE 1:10
The numbered stones are those found and replaced so far as evidence serves

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12

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FACADE. STELAE. SCALE 1

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FRAGMENTS FROM THE PORTICO AND ELSEWHERE

1. The larger unplaced fragments of the stelae. Scale 1:12
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2. The panel at the east end of the fagade (reconstruction). Scale 1:12
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3, 4. A fragment and its memorandum on a shard. Scale 2:3
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5, 6. Sides of a painted wooden stand. Full scale
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(See pages 63, 64, and Volume I, pages 5, 6)PLATE LXXII

PORTICO WALL, OUTER FACE. SANDSTONE FRAGMENTS WITH INCISED SCENES. SCALE 1:5

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PLAN OF THE TOMB AND THE COURTYARD. SCALE 1:75

The burial shafts are marked with Roman and the underground chambers with Arabic numerals
Both are printed in red

(See pages 52-62 and Volume I, pages 3, 6, 11, 12)

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Made in England by Charles Whittingham & Griggs (Printers) Ltd.PLATE LXXIV

1. PLAN AND SECTION OF THE STAIRWAY TOMB. SCALE 1: 100

It is reached by Shaft VIII and is not shown complete on Plate LXXIII. The section is
placed across it for convenience

(See pages 57-59)
>. SECTION DOWN THE AXIS OF THE MAIN TOMB. SCALE 1:75
The north boundary wall is shown in elevation. Restorations are in red

(See pages 51-57)PLAN OF STAIRWAY TOMB

NO. 16 ON PLATE LXXIII

  

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PLATE LXXV
1. RESTORED ELEVATION OF THE PORTICO, GIVING A SECTION ALSO OF
THE BOUNDARY WALLS

(See pages 53-56 and Volume I, pages 4-7)

>. SECTIONS OF SHAFTS X AND XI
(See pages 59-60)
3. SECTION THROUGH THE PORTICO SHOWING THE EAST
BOUNDARY WALL
(See pages 53-56)
j. ELEVATION OF THE FACADE OF THE TOMB ON A LARGER SCALE
Hypothetical reconstruction in red with insertion of extant fragments in black

(See pages 51, 52 and Volume I, pages 6, 7)ae

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SECTIONS OF BURIAL SHAFTS AND THEIR CHAMBERS. SCALE 1:75

1. Section of Shaft XIII leading toa chamber in which a granite sarcophagus was found
4,5. Plan and transverse section of the same
(See page 61)
9. The spaces behind and below the Middle Chapel
(See Volume I, page 12)
3. Section of Shaft VII

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INTERIOR DOORWAYS
A. The doorway to the North Chapel

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PLATE LXXIX

PHOTOGRAPHS OF OBJECTS FOUND ON THE SITE
A. Obverse and reverse of splinters from a tablet with hieratic inscription
(See page 62)
B and G. Painted sketches on limestone
E (See page 63 and Volume I, page 15) G
D. Potsherd with sketch of a mural scene drawn in ink

(See Volume I, page 15)

E and G. Two fragmentary shawabti figures of Puyemré in limestone
(See Volume I, page 14)

F. Fragment of a squatting limestone statue of Puyemré

(See Volume I, page 14)

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