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LIBRARY OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA

GIFT OF
VIRGINIA EDUCATION
ASSOCIATIONHIS PICTORIAL section of The Drama of
American Independence is designed to aid
teachers and pageant managers in working out
the details of costume and staging. ‘The ease
with which costumes and properties may be de-
vised for a pageant, the scenes of which are laid
in the late eighteenth century in America, 1s as-
tonishine. Nevertheless, the pictures of ladies
and gentlemen in colonial dress which form a part
of this illustrated section offer a variety of sug-
eestive details with which the artists of the pag-
eant may work. Both the men and the women of
the period arrayed themselves in bright, rich
eolors, the appearance of which can often be re-
produced in cheap materials by dyeing the fabries
at school. Miracles may be accomplished with
cheap dyes and a tin washboiler. Gold paint
applied by stencil patterns will suggest the effect
of elaborate broecades. Wigs may be made from
eotton wool: shoe buckles from cardboard covered
with silver and gold paper. The free use of gold
and silver paint adds life and glitter to costumes.
In tableaux the color effects of group-units of
characters should be carefully considered. Where
performances are given at night, hghting effects
may be secured by the use of colored bulbs or
oelatin screens.

Not all the pictures in this section are included
for the purpose of giving costume suggestions.
The feeling is strong that in this year of 1926, a
hundred and fifty years after the signing of the
Declaration of Independence, every“young Anter-

ican should have the chance to s¢@ ‘veproductions,

of the great document itself, ané/theshrinté where
it is kept. 2

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ee ee ee allHE Liserty Bett in Independence Hall, rung when the

Declaration of Independence was adopted, was injured when
it was being landed from the ship in 1752. It was recast under
the direction of Isaac Norris, speaker of the State Assembly.
On the bell. at Norris’ suggestion, were cast the words: “Pro-
claim Liberty throughout the Land—to all the Inhabitants
thereof.’ During the dark years of the Revolutionary War,
the bell was buried in the Delaware River and not restored
to its place until independence was won. From 1835, when it
cracked as it tolled for John Marshalls funeral, to 1926 it was
silent. On New Year's Eve, Mrs. W. Freeland Kendrick, wife

of the Mayor of Philadelphia, ringing in the sesquicentennial

year with her hammer of gold, tenderly sounded the old bell.

 

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throughFEXNHE SPIRIT OF 7 he original of this widely known group

of figures, symbolizing the spirit of ’76, hangs in Salem,
Massachusetts, and is visited yearly by thousands of Americans.
It displays in inspiring fashion the martial spirit which made
possible the success of American arms in the Revolutionary
War.

 

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ARTHA WASHINGTON’S RECEPTION—
This representation of Martha Washington’s
reception (see opposite page) by the distinguished
painter Daniel Huntington, is usually called The
Republican Court. It had the distinction of being
shown in 1876 at the Centennial Exposition in
Philadelphia. Historie figures people this mag-
nificent painting. Besides General Washington
and his lady, Mrs. Alexander Hamilton, Mis. John
Adams, John Dickinson, Mrs. Rufus King, Miss
Harriett Chew, Colonel John Trumbull, the artist,
Thomas Jefferson, Mrs. John Jay, John Hancock,
and many other notables of the period appear on
the canvas. A letter written by an eyewitness
deseribes thus a social gathering at the Presi-
dent’s residence: Mrs. Washington’s receptions
‘‘were numerously attended by all that was fash-
ionable, elegant, and refined in society.

They were select and more courtly than have been
given by any of his suecessors. Proud of her
husband’s exalted fame, and the honors due, not
only to his lofty character, but to the dignified sta-
tion to which a grateful country had called him,
Mrs. Washington was careful in her drawing rooms
to exact those courtesies to which she knew he was
entitled, as well on account of personal merit as
of official consideration. The charms of
social intercourse were heightened by a reasonable
attention, in the best circles, to those forms and
usages which indicate the well-bred assemblage,
and fling around it an air of elegance and grace,
which the envious only affect to decry, and the
innately vulgar only ridicule.’’evght-

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AINUTE Man.—The details in this picture are so clear that
the costume worn by this type of heroic colonial soldier

“may easily be reproduced. In Carlton's “THE SPIRIT OF INDE-
>PENDENCE, A PATRIOTIC PAGEANT,’ some practical suggestions

for the manufacture of the minute man’s equipment are given.et ee das

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ORD Howr.—The handsomely costumed figure of Lord Howe, Ry?

who succeeded Gage as commander-in-chief of the British He

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forces campaigning against the American Colonists, is here

represented. His elaborate attire shows how British officer:

may serve as highly decorative features of the pageant.

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RAFTING THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.—T his pic-

ture, taken from a mid-nineteenth century print, is en-
graved from the original painting by Chappel. It appears in
Beard’s History or THE UNITED STATES, published by The Mac-
millan Company. The illustrious committee which drafted the
Declaration of Independence. Benjamin Franklin, Thomas J of -
Jerson, John Adams, Robert R. Livingston, and Roger Sher-
man, is here pictured.

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TPYHE SuHRINE.—On the second floor of the Library of Con-
~ gress in the central hall stands this beautiful marble shrine

wherein may be seen the originals of the Declaration of In-
dependence and the Constitution of the United States.IX CONGRESS ee

 

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T,Y,ACSIMILE or THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.—T he

Declaration of Independence was signed on the evening of
July 4, 1776, by John Hancock, president, whose signature was
attested by Charles Thomson, secretary. It was later engrossed

and signed by other members.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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REVOLUTIONARY TEA

 
 
  
         
     
       
  
  
  
   
   
  
 
  
   
     

 

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1. There Was an old la- dy lived o - ver the sea, And she was an Is - land Queen, Her

2.‘°Now moth-er,dear mother,’ the daughter re-plied, ‘I sha'n't do the thing you AXW ee I'm

3. And so the old la-dy her servant called up, And packed off a budget of tea; . » AUG

 

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daughter livedoff in a new countnie,With an o-cean of wa-ter be - tween: The
will-ing to pay a fair price for the tea, But nev-cr the three pen ny LX See es LONE
ea - ger forthree pencea pound,She put in e - noughfor a largefam-i - lie. . . She
the bouncing girlpourdout ev - ery pound Inthe dark and boil - ing tide; . . And
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old la-dy’s pockets were full of gold, But nev-er con-tent-ed was she, . So she called on her

shall,’’ quoth the mother,and redden'd with rage, “‘For you're my ow ndaughter,you see, And sure, ‘tis quite

 

 

order’d her servants to bring home the tax, De-clar-ing her child should o-bey, Or old as she
then she called outto the Island Queen,O“ mother,dear mother,’ quoth she, “Your tea you may
a oO a — o—— eo ff __ - e amet; —
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daughter to payher a _ tax,Ofthree pencea pound on hertea, Of three pencea pound onher tea.
proper the daughter should pay Her motheratax onher tea, Her mother a taxonher_ tea.”

was,and almost woman grown,She'd half whip herlife a- way, She'd half whip herlife a - way

 

 

 

have when 'tis steep'd enough,Put nev-er a tax fromme, But nev-er a tax from me.”
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‘This song is taken from Father Kemp's Old Folks’ Concert
Tunes, published by Oliver Ditson Company, Boston, and is
used by their courteous permission. (See page 96.)

[16 |The Drama of American
Independence

Pageant episodes for schools and colleges in commem-

oration of the One Hundred Fiftieth Anniversary of

the Signing of the Declaration of Independence, pre-

pared by the National Education Association Com-

mittee on School and Community Celebrations of the

Sesquicentennial of the Declaration of Independence,
1776-1926

NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION
1201 Sixteenth Street Northwest
Washington, D. C.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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OR the preparation of this material the Na-

tional Education Association is indebted to its
special committee, composed of Lotta A. Clark,
Helen Louise Cohen, and Jasper L. McBrien. Miss
Clark is head of the Department of History and
Civics, Teachers College, Boston, Massachusetts,
and Secretary of the American Pageant Associa-
tion. She is a national leader in pageantry. Miss
Cohen is head of the Department of English in
the Washington Irving High School, New York
City, and well known as writer and lecturer. Mr.
McBrien is director of Rural Education and Com-
munity Activities in the State Teachers College,
Hdmond, Oklahoma. At the request of Secretary
Franklin K. Lane, he staged The Continental
Congress seven times in Washington, D. C., dur-
ing the World War period.

Copyright 1926
By THE NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION

OF THE UNITED STATESINTRODUCTION
Mary McSKkimMon

President of the National Education Association

@)*> hundred and fifty years have passed since
the founders of our government declared that
America must be free, and sealed their faith, their
hope, and their love of this country by signing
the Declaration of Independence.

,,And now our children will learn with new de-
heht what fine courage kindled this deed. All
through our land they will follow again the steps
of those who counted life as nothing in compari-
son with the great attainment of freedom. Poem,
song, story, and pageant will make this noble in-
heritanee of every little American his again, to
the awakening in each mind and heart the pride
and joy that belong to every true American who
is old enough to realize what a noble heritage has
come down to him through the generations. Hach
age has vied with the other in preserving, enrich-
ing, and sharing this great gift of freedom, to
protect and deserve which is the highest achieve-
ment of every one old enough to sing the noble
words of our great paean of freedom.

Our father’s God, to Thee,
Author of liberty,

‘To Thee we sing.

Long may our land be bright
With freedom’s holy light;
Protect us by Thy might,
Great God, our King!

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U all true men the birthday of a

nation must always be a sacred
thing. For in our modern thought the
nation is the making-place of man. Not
by the traditions of its history, nor by
the splendor of its corporate achieve-
ments, nor by the abstract excellence of
its Constitution, but by its fitness to
make men, to beget and educate human
character, to contribute to the complete
humanity the perfect man that is to be—
by this alone each nation must be judged
today.—Phillips Brooks, July 4, 1880.CONTENTS

 

Page
INTRODUCTION—Mary McSkimmon .........0+: Asie
SUGGESTIONS TO “DLEAGHIERS\... «., 950 acme tlc fee 7
A Prize Essay—Calvin Coolidge...............-- 13
INDEPENDENCE BELL, PHILADELPHIA—ANONYMOUS. 232
CENTENNIAL Hymn—/. G. Whittier...........0-- 25
For GRADES ONE AND 'I'wo
SWIKIRESRRER)! WEIRE FRED |. 2 5 505 et oe 29
For GRADES THREE AND Four
THE BOSTON TEA PARTY—Hleanore Hubbard...... 36
PAUL REVERE’S RIDE—Hleanore Hubbard......... 4()
INDEPENDENCE DAY—JHleanore Hubbard......... 44

For Upper GRADES

A BRAVE DEED FOR BRAVE MEN—Augusta Stevenson 49
For ScHooits, COLLEGES, AND COMMUNITIES

THE STORY OF INDEPENDENCE—EPISODES FOR A

PAGEANT

ProLtoc. SckENE I. A RECEPTION TO COLONEL WASH-
INGTON soc roe cs oiekeiererete 91

Protoc. ScENE II. THE BOSTON TEA PARTY....... 92

Act I. Scene I. THE First CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 96

[NTERLUDE—A: TTORY: SONG? ¢ «cc cietecis le erateisyc) cilele evel 104

Act II. ScENE I. THe SECOND CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 106

Acr II. Scene II. A Sovprer’s FAREWELL..........- 112

Act ITI. Scene I. THE THIRD CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 115
Act III. SceEnE II. WASHINGTON’S ADDRESS TO HIS

ABM? oc cc ciciclc cc ciate 00s scierel c eteiernetele eroreletouererorcriciete 120

Act JIIJ. Scene III. THE DECLARATION OF INDE-
PENDEIN GED s oi cic cic occ 6 0 cre 0.6 « epeteitiers Loi ceemicreren net 121

ADDITIONAL EPISODES

TrMESs “CHAT Try MEN'S SOULS. cuir ieleiere eieter 141
AS SPATRIOT'S’ “NO? % cc « cicte ceiel vorerelclo che ciclele stoletkekerers 148
WASHINGTON’S HESIGNATION: S210 o crelete cle lesa) cherie sicleyers 146
SUGGESTIONS FOR LARGER PAGEANTS.............-- 150
FRANKLIN AT THE Court oF Louis XVI.......... 152

BIBLIOGRAPHY ON PAGEANTS AND PAGEANTRY......

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aSUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS

HIS book is offered to the teachers of our

country in the hope that it may help them to
celebrate in their schools and communities an oc-
‘asion which is of the highest significance in our
national life. It was an heroic deed that the sign-
ers performed in that year 1776, marked also
by many other acts of signal valor. It was a
deed the true meaning of which must be kept alive
in the minds of citizens of our republic, young
and old. The lessons of liberty and independence
need to be presented in no uncertain terms, so that
the patriotism of each succeeding generation may
be revitalized and reinspired.

The material offered in the present instance 1s
of several kinds. There is the pageant called
“The Story of Independence,’’ the central ep-
isode of which is reprinted from J. L. Me-
Brien’s America First, through the courtesy of
the American Book Company. This pageant 1s
a series of dramatizations based on more or less
historical material. In the interests of dramatic
effect certain liberties have been taken with the
sequence of events, as well as with persons and
places, but the teacher can, if she finds it desir-
able, use the corrective of authentic circumstance.
The program of the pageant may well contain
notes on the true history of events.

“The term pageant means a dramatic pres-
entation of several scenes or one-act plays which
are united into a harmonious whole by prolog,
music, and epilog, rather than bound together by

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8

 

4MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

a definite plot. The chorus, procession, dances,
and tableaux are characteristic features providing
continuity.’’ This definition of Mary Russell’s
covers exactly the scope of ‘‘The Story of Inde-
pendence’’ and the additional scenes, such as the
episodes at Valley Forge, Newburg, and Annapolis.

Definite suggestions are also made by the com-
mittee for a variety of pictorial and spectacular
features which may be added when the community
works with the school or the college in the pro-
duction of a festival.

The schools and the community will at the out-
set see the need of appointing as Pageant Master
a director who has had some experience with
dramatics.

An outdoor performance needs more careful
management than one given indoors. As there
are no curtains or artificial scenery, great care
must be taken to get the best dramatic effects
without them. Each episode and each group
within it should have a leader. Every performer
should join the group at the appointed place be-
fore the pageant starts and Stay there quietly
until the leader gives the signal to go. Jliiper:
formers are seen before the pageant begins, much
of the beauty and dramatic surprise are lost.

As soon as the spectators begin to arrive, every
performer and helper should be out of sight and
stay there. The pageant stage should be sacred
to the expectant imagination of the audience. In
selecting the pageant ground, care should be
taken to place the scenes so the sun will not shine
in the eyes of the performers.The orchestra should not be placed between the
audience and the pageant. It should be placed at
one side and concealed if possible. Place the
leader where he can see the pageant without be-
ing seen by the audience.

Properties should be handled with great eare.
Plans should be made by which each thing needed
should be in charge of the person who needs it
and who will bring it in and take it off in a per-
fectly natural way. When this procedure is im-
possible a page or some one taking the part of a
servant may be used.

It is a great help to have each performer provide
and own his costume and dress at home. When
necessary, a dollar or two may be given to pay for
the material. Sewing circles, women’s clubs, and
sewing classes and teachers in schools are very
helpful. Art classes will sometimes make sketches
of costumes under the direction of the person in
charge. These sketches save a great deal of
time and trouble for those who are making the
costumes. When valuable costumes are borrowed,
the persons who wear them should be made per-
sonally responsible for their safety and return to
the owner. This applies to properties also.

If printed programs cannot be afforded, the
local newspaper will be glad to print the pageant

program. For several weeks preceding the per-
formance, an article giving full description of
each episode should appear. This is fine publicity
both for the pageant and for the paper. Hand
decorated programs may be made in the schools

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 9

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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10 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

 

and sold at the performance as part of the pageant
income.

There should be a director of the grounds. He
should see that the audience is kept on the right
side of the line dividing the audience from the
stage. ‘This line may be a path, a road, a brook,
or a line of little trees set out for the occasion,
but not a rope. Automobiles should be parked
where the occupants can see the performance. A
police officer and a doctor should always be with-
in eall.

The pageant should close with a procession
which should take the ‘‘pageanters’’ back to the
place of dismissal and out at the performers’ en-
trance. Only those who are authorized to do so,
should be ‘‘behind stage’’ at any time. In the
ease of large pageants, identification ecards for
performers save much trouble.

There should be a treasurer to receive, pay out,
and account for all funds. No bill should be paid
without the signature of the pageant master and
no expense whatever should be incurred without
his consent and signature. Everybody should un-
derstand that whoever incurs expense without this
authority is responsible for the payment of the
debt. Pageants should not be given to make
money, but every pageant that is properly planned
and managed will pay its own expenses and leave
a small profit to be given for some improvement
for the community.

The Story of Independence can be used in whole
or in part by the children in upper grades of the
grammar school, by the young people of juniortak

 
 
  
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
   
  

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 1]

   

and senior high schools and by the adults in a com-
munity. In tact The Story of Independence is
designed to furnish a meeting place for the minds
of children, teachers, and parents.

The interests of the youngest children have
been provided for in the procedure suggested in
“We're Free! We’re Free!’’ In the episodes
reprinted through the kindness of Miss Hleanore
Hubbard, the author, and Messrs. Benjamin San-
born and Company, the publisher, of Little Ameri-
can History Plays for Little Americans, children
of the third and fourth grades will find dramatic
material. Similarly through the generosity of
Miss Augusta Stevenson and Messrs. Houghton
Mifflin Company, we are able to include episodes
from Dramatized Scenes from American History
for upper grades of the grammar school.

A larger and more pretentious pageant may be
constructed by using the suggested episodes con-
cerned with the origin of the ideas underlying the
Declaration of Independence and dealing with
the lives of Franklin and Jefferson.

In bringing these suggestions to a close, the
committee wishes to thank the publishers and
others who have made the task of compiling this
book a pleasure. The committee also desires to
register the hope that the material here presented
will help to raise the level of ideal citizenship.

Lorra A. CLARK
Heien Lovise CoHEN
JASPER L. McBrien

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“+CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLU-
TION

A Prize Essay Written in 1899
By Catvin Coo.uipGe’

President of the United States

Wy eS history looks beyond the immediate
cause of the American Revolution for the
justifying principles, it is very soon brought back
to the spirit of English liberty. It is the same
genius for freedom that has led the race from the
primeval forests of Germany to the Thirteenth
Amendment of the Constitution.

Such an honorable antiquity of political ideas
has made the race very conservative of self-gov-
ernment. The idea is prehistoric. It is the de-
scendants of those very freemen described by
Tacitus, who not only dictated the policy of Kd-
ward the Confessor but extorted the great charter
of human rights from King John in the thirteenth
century.

And during the next four hundred years, too,
this spirit was not dormant, but came to the sur-

 

 

1In Calvin Coolidge’s senior year at Amherst College, the
Sons of the American Revolution offered a prize of a $150
gold medal for the best essay on the causes of the American
Revolution. The Contest was open to seniors of all American
eolleges and universities. The judges of the Contest awarded
to Calvin Coolidge the first prize. This Prize Essay is re-
printed from The Price of Freedom, by Calvin Coolidge, Presi-
dent of the United States, copyright 1924, by Charles Serib-
uer’s Sons, and used by their courteous permission,

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AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

face on three great occasions—the confirmation of
the Magna Charta by Edward I, the Petition of
Right to Charles I, and the revolution that drove
James II from his throne.

Although it is characteristic of Kinglishmen to
have great love for a king so long as he respects
the liberties of the people, yet the fact that they
drove out one king, rebelled against two and exe-
cuted three, shows clearly enough that there was
always a strong idea of the divine right of the
people as well as of kings.

Precedents, then, are by no means wanting
among Knglishmen for the successful resistance
of arbitrary despotism whenever it encroached
upon their liberties.

Another fact that must be noted is the character
of the colonists, and especially those of Massachu-
setts. These were the Puritans, who had fought
the wars of liberty in England. Then, because
they were not satisfied with church ordinances,
they were driven by Archbishop Laud to seek re-
ligious freedom across the sea.

Of all the race they were the most tenacious of
their rights and most Jealous of their liberties.
The American Revolution was not, then, any
struggle for emancipation from slavery; and the
colonists were free men. Nor was it at first so
much for gaining new liberties as for preserving
the old.

Nor can it, as is often thought, be called a war
between different nations. Both sides were Hne-
lishmen who gloried in the name of Kingland.

William and Mary had, moreover, given the eol-AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 15

onists a full share of the rights of British subjects.
Another fact showing the same thing is that al-
most the ablest advocates of the colonial cause
were members of the British House of Parliament,
while the most ardent adherents of the King were
colonists.

The real object of the resistance was to gain
security from Parliamentary encroachments. This
was the chief cause for which the Revolutionists
contended, but by no means all they obtained. ‘The
war was finally fought out on principles as far-
reaching as the history of nations. It was a strug-
gle for the retention of those great institutions
that check oppression and violence.

The colonists were contending for the principle
of a representative government of chartered
rights and constitutional liberties. They were
defending themselves against the military des-
potism of George III and struggling to change the
foundation of government from force to equality.

The defense of the principles set forth above
involves scarcely anything more than a narration
of the leading events that culminated in the Dec-
laration of Independence. It has been said that
the separation of America from the Mother coun-
try was the logical outcome of the French and
Indian War. However this may be, it is quite cer-
tain that the condition of England at the close of
this war forced a new colonial policy that would
not have been thought of before 1763, and could
not be executed until after that date.

For, instead of wanting new taxes and new re-
strictions upon their commerce, the colonists were

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16 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
already breaking away from the old restrictions
by their systematic evasions of the navigation acts.
These laws of trade were merely commercial regu-
lations and not at all for revenue. But because
the colonists were no longer trading-stations in
their relations to the central government, they
resisted even these restrictions.

Instead, however, of noting these tendencies,
Grenville made a leading part of his scheme of
government the passage of laws for raising rev-
enue in America. He proposed to enforce the
trade laws, which meant that the interests of a
few merchants in England were to be considered
before the welfare of the King’s subjects in Amer-
ica; he proposed to quarter soldiers here, nomi-
nally for the purpose of defending the colonies,
which meant force and a military despotism; he
proposed to raise a tax on the authority of the
Hnglish Parliament, which meant the disfranchise-
ment of three million British subjects, and the
surrender of all those rights laid down in the
Magna Charta.

The means Grenville adopted for the raising of
this tax was the notorious Stamp Act. This, how-
ever, met with so much disapproval that it was
soon repealed, but at the same time Parliament
passed the Dependency Act, which declared that
the repeal did not include the principle involved.
This was followed by Townsend’s Revenue Act,
laying duties on imports. Again the colonies pro-
tested and the ministry attempted coercion.

This measure was too expensive, so once more
all revenue taxes were repealed, except the one onAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 17

 

tea, which was left to maintain the principle.
During an interval of some four years that fol-
lowed, from 1770 to 1774, there were several acts
of violence on the part of the colonies in their re-
sistance to these imports, including the Boston
Massacre, the burning of the Gaspee, and the Bos-
ton Tea Party.

Again Great Britain had recourse to acts of co-
ercion. First, it closed the port of Boston, thus
destroying the property of thousands.

Second, it declared void certain parts of the
charter of Massachusetts, following a policy begun
in New York in 1767, and so it virtually attempted
to annihilate the protection of chartered rights
and chartered liberties that has always been so
dear to Englishmen. Free government was de-
stroyed, too, in another way.

Judges, courts, sheriffs were made almost the
puppets of the King. They were placed in his
direct pay and made subject to his pleasure. Town
meetings were forbidden, and thus the old familar
forms of self-government were entirely swept
away. The governor was made as absolute as a
despot, and the form of government that was thus
thrust upon Massachusetts was despotism such as
Englishmen would not have endured even in the
days of Henry VIII.

Third, the British Government sent nearly all
criminals to England for trial.

Fourth, soldiers were quartered upon the inhab-
itants, so that a military government was set up
in the colonies.

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AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Fifth, Parliament passed the so-called Quebec
Act, to separate the French from any bond of sym-
pathy with the colonies.

The governor stood over them like a viceroy.
In his command was the army. Ifa soldier should
murder a citizen, he was sent to Kngland for trial.
If a citizen should become a criminal, he, too,
might be sent across the sea, in order that in both
cases the government might have the ad Tantage.
It was a military despotism. There were no popu-
lar meetings, no criminal courts, no habeas corpus,
no freedom of the press. The question was no
longer one of taxes; that was a mere figment now.

Though the injustice of taxation without repre-
sentation made a good war-cry, it is, 1n the last
analysis, a dangerous principle. But it is easy to

grasp, and the common people no doubt fought the
war largely on that issue. The fact is, it is a duty
to the state to pay taxes, and it is equally a duty
to vote. It does not follow that because the state
requires one duty it shall require the second.

But there is another side where the requirement
of the state runs over into tyranny. Only on this
ground can resistance to taxation be justified. So
long as the colonies were a part of the state of
Great Britain—and they were so by their charters
and by the action of William and Mary—that state
had the right to demand not only their property,
but their service in the army, and, in the last ex-
tremity, their lives. It cannot be, then, that the
American Revolution was fought that colonists
might escape paying taxes. The great struggle
that they passed through must make such a dutyAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 19

   

seem insignificant. The real principle was not
one of the right of the state or the duty of citizens ;
it was a question of government, a question of
form and method.

It is this that is meant above, in the statement
that the struggle was not between nations, or for
new principles. It was not so much a revolution,
a propagation of new ideas, as the maintenance
of the old forms of representative government, of
chartered rights and constitutional liberty. Hng-
land had fought for this in 1688 and imagined it
was secured. But it was so only in name.

George III was by nature a despot; at heart he
was another Stuart. He had the Parliament al-
most completely under his control in its legislation
upon English questions, but in regard to the
King’s colonies his will was supreme.

He forced a policy of government upon America
that he could not, and dared not, force upon King-
land, though his disposition was strong enough.
Were the descendants of Cromwell’s Puritans
soing back to submit to a Stuart regime?

That is what is meant when we hear that Amer-
ica fought at once the battle of freedom in the
colonies and in England. That is what England’s
great statesman meant when he declared on the
floor of Parliament that he rejoiced in the resist-
ance of the colonists. The Harl of Chatham knew
that the government of George III, in whose ears
was ringing the admonition of his mother ‘‘to be
King,’’ was undermining the constitution of Great
Britain and bringing the state back to the form of

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AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

monarchy that had existed in the time of the
Stuarts and the Tudors.

But if the leading principle was the preserva-
tion of the English constitutional rovernment
from the encroachments of King and Parliament,
there is another principle, as far-reaching as the
development of the state in government. Sov-
erelgnty is always finally vested in the people.

It may need a theocracy to lead a people out of
barbarism; this may develop into a despotism with
the power divided between kings and bishops; but
a struggle is sure to come, and the people will
gather about the King to make him a monarch,
like Louis XIV, who really was an objective reali-
zation of the state. This, too, will be but tem-
porary; the people will realize more and more
that the sovereignty is with them and wil] finally
assert it.

Kngland had asserted it against the Stuarts,
but George the Third forgot it, and it took the loss
of the colonies by the American Revolution to re-
mind him of it.

If the King could have accommodated himself
to the existing state of affairs for America as he
managed to do for England, there would have been
the limited constitutional monarehy that Great
Britain finally reached in 1832. But this was im.
possible, and so the colonies were driven to assert
by war what the Commons of Kingland partly
gained by legislation sixty years later.

There was further gained in the United States
a recognition that quality, not quantity, is theAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 21

 

basis of the peerage of man, and accordingly all
men were declared free and equal.

Still, there is another factor that must have
eventually led to separation. ‘lhe great land of
America had a part to play in the history of the
world that could best be performed by making it
an independent nation.

England’s great work was to plant colonies ;
America could not aid in that work. It was her
place to found a great nation on this side of the
Atlantic and bring out the conception of free
vovernment.

And when this was done, then America stretched
out her hand over the sea to aid the oppressed of
Europe, to furnish them a place of refuge, and, as
soon as they could assume the duties, make them
citizens not alone of our United States but of the
world.

 

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PHIA

Anonymous.

There was tumult in the city,
In the quaint old Quaker town,
And the streets were rife with people
Pacing restless up and down,—
People gathering at corners,
Where they whispered each to each,
And the sweat stood on their temples
With the earnestness of speech.

As the bleak Atlantic currents
Lash the wild Newfoundland shore,
So they beat against the State-House,
So they surged against the door:
And the mingling of their voices
Made a harmony profound,
Till the quiet street of Chestnut
Was all turbulent with sound.
‘Will they do it?”’? ‘‘Dare they do hye
‘‘Who is speaking?’’ ‘‘What’s the news?”’
‘What of Adams?’’ ‘‘What of Sherman?”’
‘Oh, God grant they won't refuse !’’
‘‘Make some way, there!’’ ‘‘Let me nearer !’’
“T am stifling!’ ‘‘Stifle, then!
When a nation’s life’s at hazard,
We've no time to think of men!”’

So they beat against the portal,
Man and woman, maid and child;

And the July sun in heaven
On the scene looked down and smiled;

[23 ]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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24

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

The same sun that saw the Spartan
Shed his patriot blood in vain,

Now beheld the soul of freedom,
All unconquered, rise again.

See! See! The dense crowd quivers
Through all its lengthy line,
As the boy beside the portal
Hastens forth to give the sign ;
With his little hands uplifted,
Breezes dallying with his hair,
Hark! with deep, clear intonation,
Breaks his young voice on the air.

Hushed the people’s swelling murmur,
Whilst the boy cries joyously :
‘“Ring!’’ he shouts, Ring! Grandpa,
Ring! O, ring for Liberty!”
Quickly at the given signal
The bell-man lifts his hand.
Horth he sends the good news, making’

Iron music through the land.

How they shouted! What rejoicing!
How the old bell shook the alr,

Till the clang of freedom ruffled
The calmly gliding Delaware!

How the bonfires and the torches
Lighted up the night’s repose,

And from the flames, like fabled Pheenix,

Our glorious Liberty arose!AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

That old State-House bell is silent,
Hushed is now its clamorous tongue ;
But the spirit it awakened
Still is hving,—ever young ;
And when we greet the smiling sunlight
On the Fourth of each July,
We will ne’er forget the bellman
Who, betwixt the earth and sky,
Rung out our ‘INDEPENDENCE ’’;
Which, please God, shall never die!

CENTENNIAL HYMN’
By JoHnN GREENLEAF WHITTIER

Sung at the Opening of the World’s Fair at
Philadelphia wm 1876

Our fathers’ God! from out whose hand
The centuries fall like grains of sand,
We meet today, united, free,

And loyal to our land and Thee,

To thank Thee for the era done,

And trust Thee for the opening one.

Here, where of old, by Thy design,
The fathers spake that word of Thine
Whose echo is the glad refrain

Of rended bolt and falling chain,—

To grace our festal time, from all

The zones of earth, our guests we call.

 

1Reprinted from Compiete Poetical Works of John Green-
leaf Whittier, copyright by Houghton Miffiin Company, and

used by their courteous permission.

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AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

   
 
  
 
   
 
  
  
  
  
 
 
  
 
 
  
  

Be with us while the New World greets
The Old World, thronging all our streets,
Unveiling all the triumphs won

By art or toil beneath the sun,

And unto common good ordain

The rivalship of hand and brain.

Thou, who hast here, in Concord, furled
The war-flags of a gathered world.—

5 5 ’
Beneath our Western skies fulfil
The Orient’s mission of good will,
And, freighted with love’s Golden Fleece.
Send back the Argonauts of Peace.

For art and labor, met in truce.

Hor beauty made the bride of use.
We thank Thee; but, withal, we crave
Ihe austere virtues, strong to save,
The honor, proof to place or gold,
The manhood, never bought nor sold.

 

Oh, make Thou us, through centuries lone,
In peace secure, in justice strong:

Around our gift of freedom draw

The safeguards of Thy righteous law:
And, east in some diviner mold.
Let the new cycle shame the old.ee ee ee ead

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were consciously planning
that men of every class should be free
and America a place to which men out
of every nation might resort who wished
to share with them the rights and privi-
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OWE’RE FREE! WE’RE FREE!”

TracHer. What is the Fourth of July?

Purpiv. It is a holiday.

Tracuer. Yes. On the Fourth of July, in 1776,
our country was made free. When our great men
said, ‘‘We will be free!’’ the Liberty Bell rang out
happily. All the people who heard it said, ‘‘We’re
free! We’re free! We’re glad we’re free!”’

This was one hundred and fifty years ago im
1776. This year the ‘‘Liberty Bell will ring
again.’? Some of you may hear it through your
radio.

The Liberty Bell is a large bell. It is taller
than most of you. If four or five of you joined
hands, you could reach around it. Let us make
some little paper bells to hang around our room.
We can fold a piece of paper, 6” x 6”, and tear it
so it will make a bell. So (see illustration).
When it is opened it looks like this. (See illustra-
tion.) These can be made of wrapping paper or

 

 

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AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

even of newspaper, but they are so pretty made of
red, white, and blue papers. The red means ‘‘Be
Strong !’’ the white means ‘‘Be Clean!”’ and the
blue means ‘‘Be True!”’

Print on one side of the bell, ‘‘July 4, 17767?
and on the other, ‘‘We are glad we are free.’
Hang these bells around the room. After your
celebration at school is over, take your bell home
and tell its story to Father ea Mother, and the
rest of the family. Then when Fourth of July
comes, Say to every one in the house, ‘‘ We are olad
we are free!’’ and they will say it too, with you.
Then hang your bell in the window.

Perhaps you can make a paper flag as well. It
has thirteen stripes, you know—red, white, red,
white—until you have one for each of he first
brave states. The red means, ‘‘Be Strong !’’ and
the white means ‘‘Be Clean!”’

On the square of blue that means ‘‘Be True!’
you may put thirteen stars, which the first flag had,
in a circle—or six rows with eight in each row, one
for each state in our United States now. If you
have time to make two flags, make one of each
kind, and put one on each Pitie of your bell in the
schoolroom and in the window.

Then put your right hand to your forehead
and say to the last one—‘‘I pledge allegiance to
my fiag!’’ That makes you a little American citi-

zen.

Perhaps there will be a large American flag in
your schoolroom and all the children will pledge
allegiance to it. Then they will sing:AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

My country ‘tis of thee,
Sweet land of liberty,

Of thee I sing;

Land where my fathers died,
Land of the Pilgrims’ pride,
From every mountain side
Let Freedom ring.

Those who like to make pictures may draw a
ereat Liberty Bell upon the blackboard. Make it
three feet high, as high as the bell itself. Then
draw a picture of a big flag on each side of 1t—one
with thirteen stars in a circle for the first states,
and the other with forty-eight—one star for every
state now.

The other children may make programs for the
day. Just fold a piece of paper together and you
have a little four-page booklet all ready. Draw
your Liberty Bell and your flags on the covers
and on the inside print the songs, the pledge, and
all the things you do at school on this great day.

Make a scrap book for all the pictures of the
Liberty Bell in the newspapers and all the fine
thines they say about it. There will also be ple-
tures of the great men who made us free—George
Washington, Thomas Jefferson, John Hancock, and
many others. Hang these pictures around your
schoolroom on the great day, and when it 1s over
paste them into your scrap book to keep. This
is your gift to your teacher and your school. It
will last a long time and many children will enjoy
looking at it.

Perhaps there will be time for games and song's.
Three or four children can stand together to make

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AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

   
   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 

the Liberty Bell. The rest ean circle around it
and march to a song like this:

Liberty Bell, we like to hear you ring,

In our dear land let happy children sing:

“We're free! We're free!” and circling in a ring

Let us peal out the ding-dong, ding-dong, ding.

Can some of you invent another game? Can
you make the flag yourselves? Twenty-six of you
can hold out the red stripes and the white stripes,
and four of you ean hold the blue square with
thirteen white stars upon it.

Who ean write a song about the stars in the
sky and the stars of the flag? Something like this:
The stars above shine bright and clear,

They seem to say to you, my dear,
“Be brave and strong and ever true,
Children can help their country too.”-
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FOR GRADES THREE AND FOUR
THE BOSTON TEA PARTY:

    
   
    
    
   
 
 
 
   
   
  
 
  
  
 
 
 
 
  
  
    
  

Y 1733 there were thirteen English Colonies. Can you

name some of them? The king of England was the king
of these thirteen English Colonies. When you have read this
next play you will know his hame. He was not a good king.
He was foolish and obstinate. He wanted to make the Ameri-
can Colonies pay money to the English government and then
he did not treat them fairly. Even some of his own English
people did not like the way he treated the Americans. Let
us see how he tried to get the money and what happened.

Act [

TIME: 1773.

Scene: Mass Meeting in the Old South, Church,
Boston.

CaAsT OF CHARACTERS
JoHN Hancock Men
SAMUEL ADAMS WoMEN
First Man. The English King, George III, is
not fair to us, the people of America.
Aut. No! No!
Seconp Man. He is trying to make us pay money
to the English government.
T'urerp Man. And then he does not let us help
make the laws to spend that money.
Aun. That is wrong!
FourtH Man. He has put a tax on tea.
Firth Man. He makes us pay six cents extra
on every pound of tea.

1From Eleanore Hubbard’s Little American History Plays
for Little Americans. Copyright 1919, by Benjamin H. San-
born & Co., and used by their courteous permission.

[36]AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 37

Aut. We will not pay it.

First Woman. I will not buy any more tea for
my family.

Att Women. Nor I! Nor L!

Seconp Woman. I will make tea out of leaves
and dried herbs. I will not use the English tea.

First Man. Here come John Hancock and
Samuel Adams. Let us sit down. They will
speak to us.

(John Hancock and Samuel Adams go up on
platform.)

Hancock. Fellow citizens of Boston, you all
know about the ship full of chests of tea that came
into Boston Harbor this morning.

Att Women. We will not buy their tea!

Aut Men. They must take the tea back to Kng-
land!

Hancock. Samuel Adams and I knew that you,
free citizens of Boston, would not let the tea be
put on land as long as we have to pay the six-
cent tax on it, so we went to Governor Hutchin-
son and asked him to send back the ship to
England.

Aun. Yes? Yes?

(Samuel Adams jumps up.)

SamurLt Apams. And he would not do it!

Aut (angrily). Hm-m.

Apams. He is an English governor, sent here by
the king of England, and he would not turn it
back!

Att (louder). Hm-m!

Apams (putting out his two hands to quet the
people). So, my friends, we will have a tea party.

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38

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

ALL (much surprised). A tea party !!

Hancock. A huge tea party.

(John Hancock and Samuel Adams go down
among the people, who gather round them in
groups. They whisper awhile. One by one the
men go out and come back dressed as Indians.)

Hancock. We meet then at midnight, men. Sh!
Sh!

(They quietly go out by different doors.)

Act II
Time: Midnight.
ScENE: The British ship at the wha rf m Boston
Harbor.
Cast OF CHARACTERS

Citizens: Dressed as Indians. BritisH Sarmors

(Lhe men, dressed as Indians, come silently up,
one by one, until all are gathered together. Then
with wild war-whoops they climb u p onto the ship
and tie up the few sailors there on guard. They
cut open the chests of tea with their hatchets.
empty the tea overboard, and throw the empty
chests nto the water. Then they climb back onto
the wharf and, with one last war-wh oop, go silently
away m different directions.)

STAGING

Mass Meeting. Will it take all your class?

Chests of tea. Waste-baskets? Chairs?

Axes?

How would you show us that the people were angry at the
tax? Would they talk loudly or softly ?

Would they work fast or slowly when they were opening and
emptying the chests?AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 39

What is a mass meeting? Why did the white men dress like
Indians? Why didn’t they go in their everyday clothes?

What is a tax? Was the tax on tea very big? Then why
wouldn’t the Americans pay the tax? Did they like the tea
made of leaves and dried herbs?

Do you think the king of England liked the Boston “Tea
Party ?”’

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PAUL REVERE’S RIDE:

 
  
    
   
  
    
 
  
  
  
  
    
 
 
 
 
 
  
  
 

From Boston to Concorp
A Puay In 1 Acr

HE king of England was very angry with the American
Colonies—and especially with the people of Boston, be-
cause they would not pay the tax on tea.

He sent some sol-
diers over here.

Of course the Americans did not like that.

Some of the men got together and agreed to be ready to march

and fight at any minute if there was trouble with the British.
These men were called “mhinute men.”

When trouble did come, one of these
Swiftly through the country at night,
arms.

“minute men” rode
calling the farmers to

Did you ever hear of “Pay Revere’s Ride?’
Time: April 18, 1775.
SCENES: Boston and Concord.

Cast oF CHARACTERS

Pauut Reverr PIGEONS

His FrRrenp Rooster

JONAS CLARK Doc

British CaprTain SHEEP

Britisn Souprers 3TRDS
Horse

Revere. Listen, my friend. The British are
going to march to Concord tonight. They are
going to get the powder and guns that we have
stored there near the river. I want you to watch

 

“From Eleanore Hubbard’s Little American History Plays
for Little Americans. Copyright 1919 by Benjamin H. Sanborn
& Co., and used by their courteous permission.

[ 40]AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 41

carefully and find out whether they are going by
land or by sea. Then when you have found out
I want you to

‘“‘Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch
Of the North Church tower as a signal light,
One if by land, and two, if by sea.’’

I am going to row silently over to Charlestown
on the opposite shore. My horse is there waiting,
ready for me

‘TN ride and spread the alarm
Through every Middlesex village and farm,
For the country-folk to be up and to arm.’’

Frienp. I will walk around by the barracks
until I find out. Good night!

Revere. Good night!

(He rows over. Friend walks quetly and wmno-
cently near the barracks.)

BririsH Captain. Forward march!

(Soldiers march quietly down to their boats on
the shore. Friend climbs the steps to the tower
near by, frightening pigeons.)

Picrons. Coo! Coo! Coo-coo!

(Friend watches until he sees a line of boats.)

Frienp. That black line over there! What 1s
it? It looks like a line of boats. They are going
by sea!

(Hangs two lanterns up, one after the other.

Meanwhile, Paul Revere is tramping up and
down, patting horse, tightening harness, etc.,
every now and then watching the tower. Sees
light, springs to his horse.)

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42

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Revere. The lantern! But wait! Another one!
They are coming by sea! Fly, good steed, fearless
e ee | ,

and fieet! Fly! For the fate of a nation is riding
tonight!

(Clock strikes twel ve.)

Revere. Ah! Twelve o’clock and I am in Mea-
ford!

Rooster. Cock-a-doodle-doo!

Doe. Bow-wow-wow!

REVERE (knocks on door). To arms! To arms!
The British are coming! On to Lexington and
Coneord!

(Rides on. Stops at other doo rs, says the same
thing. Clock strikes one.)

Revere. Lexington and one o’clock! (Knocks.)
Jonas Clark! To arms! To arms! Waken John
Hancock and Samuel Adams!

Cuark. Sh! Don’t disturb them with your
noise!

Revere. Noise! They’ll soon
enough! The British are coming!

Cuark. The British! To arms! To arms!

Revere. On, good steed, on! (Clock strikes
two.) Coneord at last!

SHEEP, Baa-baa!

Birps. Tweet-tweet!

(Whistle.)

Revere. To arms! To arms! They come! The
British! To the bridge!

(Farmers rush out.)

have noiseAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 43

 

Revers (turns to horse). And now, good horse,
your work is done. It was a noble work, and
years from now people

‘will listen and hear
Of the Midnight Ride of Paul Revere!’’

STAGING

Old North Chureh Tower. Have you something high you
could climb on? Could you open the drawers of the bookease
and walk up the steps? Could you put the “lanterns” on the
top of the bookcase? Or could you use a chair and table for
steps? What else could you use ?

Lantern. Would you use boxes? Books?

Clock. Would you ring a bell?

Houses. Could the “farmers” live at their desks?

How would you make it seem a real journey from Boston
to Concord? Would you go fast or slowly? Would you stop
at each house or would you knock and call out as you passed?
Which would make it more exciting? At whose house would
you have to stop and talk? How would Paul Revere feel
when he got to Concord?

‘aul Revere knéw that the British wanted to capture John
Hancock and Samuel Adams. Why did they want to capture
them?

Why did the Americans have powder and guns stored away s
Why were the British going to take this powder and guns?
Did they get them? Why not?

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INDEPENDENCE DAY?
A PLAY IN 1 Act

OW the American Colonies had an army and a fine gen-
eral. But before they did any more fig

shting they wanted
every one to know what they were fighting for—that they

were fighting to make the Colonies
from England.

  
    
      
 
   
 
 
  
  
  
   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
   
  
 

“free and independent”
So they wrote it right out on paper in very
fine language, and men from the thirteen C
hames to it.
ence,

Let us see on what day they signed it, where they signed it,
and who some of the men were,

Olonies signed their
This paper is called the Declaration of Independ-

Time: July 4, 1776.
SCENE: Outside the Old State House in Phila-
delphia.
CAST OF CHARACTERS

Mern OxLp BeLuMAn
Women Boy, His Grandson

(People are standing in groups talking excitedly
or are hurriedly walking up and down. call ing to
each other.)

First Man. Will they do it?

SEcoND Man. Dare they do it?

THirp Man. Who is speaking?

First Woman. What’s the news?
FourtH Man. What of Adams?
Firta Man. What of Sherman?

Ati. Oh, God grant they won’t refuse!

 

‘From Eleanore Hubbard’s Little American History Plays
for Little Americans. Copyright 1919 by Benjamin H. San.
born & Co., and used by their courteous permission.

[ 44)AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 45

Seconp Woman. What is going on in here?

First Man. They are signing the Declaration of
Independence.

Seconp Man. The paper that says we shall be
free from Hngland—free to make our own laws
and govern our own land.

Tumrp Woman. Who are the men who are sign-
ing this Declaration of Independence?

First Man. John Hancock!

Seconp Man. Samuel Adams!

Tuirp Man. John Adams!

FourtuH Man. Thomas Jefferson!

Firro Man. Benjamin Franklin!

First Man. And many other brave and clever
men, who are risking their lives that our country
may be free.

Srxto Man (rushing up). Make some way there!
Let me nearer!

Turrp Man. I am stifling!

Auu. Stifie then!

First Man. ‘‘When a nation’s life’s in danger

We’ve no time to think of men!’’

First Woman. Back! Back! The bell-ringer’s
erandson! He comes! He comes!

Aut. Have they signed it? Is it finished?

Boy (comes running through crowd—fliings his
arms up to bell tower). Ring, ring, grandpa!

‘Ring! Oh, ring for Liberty!’’

Oup BetumMan. Clang, clang, clang!

Clang, clang, clang!
(Keeps on ringing to end of play.)

 

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46 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Auu. ‘‘Hurrah! Hurrah! ’Tis done!
Lhe Declaration of Independence is signed!
Hurrah! Hurrah for Liberty!
Please God, ’twill never die!”

STAGING

Bell tower. What did you use for the North Church Tower?

How would you make the people look excited? Would they
talk fast or slowly? Loudly or softly?

Why did Benjamin Franklin, John Hancock, and the other
men sign their names to the Declaration of Independence?
Why were they risking their lives when they signed it? Why
was the bell rung?a
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dependence—two ;the surrender of Bur-
goyne—three; the siege of Yorktown—
four; the treaty of Paris—five; the in-

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auguration of Washington—six; and
then it was the sunrise of a new day, of
which we have seen yet only the glorious
forenoon.—Anonymous.

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OR
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPEND-
ENCE F
ACT I

Time: 1775—April 18—night—nine o’clock.
Puace: Boston, Massachusetts. Rooms of the
Citizens’ Committee of Safety.

Cast oF CHARACTERS

 

Dr. WARREN PauL REVERE

First CrrizEN LENDALL Pirts :
SECOND CITIZEN SAMUEL SPRAGUE Hit
THIRD CITIZEN NaTHANIEBL Munson ti

(An office is seen, with Lenpauu Pitts in charge.
He is writing at a table. So, too, is his assistant,
SamuEL Spracun, a young Patriot of twenty years.
Pause.)

Soracur. I have finished the letters to the
Southern Colonies, Mr. Pitts.

Pirts. Did you make it plain that the Massachu-
setts delegates would attend the Second Continen-
tal Congress in spite of the British occupation of
Boston?

1fWrom Dramatized Scenes from American History in the
“Children’s Classics in Dramatic Form,” published by Houghton
Mifflin Company. Copyright 1916, reprinted by special ar-
rangement with the publishers.

[ 49 ]te ee eR ae Sa ot)

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50 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

SpraGuE. I flatter myself that I made jt strong.
I’ll read you this letter to Georgia.

(Reading aloud with pride.)

‘“To our beloved fellow Patriots of Georgia—
greetings!

‘‘Be it known to you herewith, that we, the
free-born men of Massachusetts, have, this present
week, in solemn assembly in the town of Cam-
bridge, elected the Honorable Samuel Adams, the
Honorable John Adams, the Honorable John Han-
cock, the Honorable Thomas Cushing, and the
Honorable Robert Treat Paine delegates to the
Second Continental Congress.

(Signed) Tur Commirrer or SAFETY,
‘“Dr. Warren, President.

““P. §. And this was done, gentlemen, over the
heads of the British General Tom Gage and his
thousands of British soldiers. They came here to
Suppress our town meetings forsooth! Mark you
how they have done it! We snap our fingers at
them and meet just as we have always done since
the day the Mayflower landed. And General Gage
does nothing! Even with his forces increased by
two thousand men, the brave English Tom does
nothing. His troops annoy us in many ways, but
they do not dare to attack us. Why, Gage has not
even tried to arrest our Patriot leaders, Samuel
Adams and John Hancock, whose heads the king’
has wanted for a year or more. Nor can he make
us drink any English tea or pay the tax upon it.
Nor can he ever make us pay any tax of Eng-AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 3)

land’s, unless, indeed, they will let us sit in Parlia-
ment. No! Never! Never! Never!’

(Puts letter down, beaming with satisfaction. )

There! There’ll be no question in Georgia as to
what is happening in Boston.

Pirts. None whatever, Samuel. But you may
omit your postscript, please.

SPRAGUE (disappointed). Oh, now—Mr. Pitts—

Pitts. It is very patriotic, but limit yourself to
one fact—the election of our delegates. The Com-
mittee of Safety would disapprove of other de-
tails.

Samur. (looking toward closed door, back). 1
might ask Dr. Warren.

Pirrs. He is busy with his committee. It is an
important meeting, too, for the Doctor said he
must not be disturbed.

Samurx. Perhaps they haven’t gotten down to
work yet. Mr. Revere went in only a few minutes
ago.

Pirrs. Change your letter, Samuel. As head sec-
retary of the Patriots’ © Jommittee of Safety, I
must insist. We are not here to originate plans
and present our own ideas.

SamueL (sighing). I didn’t think of that, Mr.
Pitts. I’ll make another copy.

(Sits; writes. Enter, from door, back, PAauL
Reverse. He crosses to Pitts.)

Ruvere. The Committee desires you to write a
letter, Mr. Pitts, at once. I am to tell you its con-
tents.

Pirrs (taking a fresh sheet and quill). I a
ready, Mr. Revere.

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AMERICAN INDEPEN DENCE

     
    
    
   
   
    
   
  
 
    
   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
  

Revere. You will write to the Hon
Adams and the Honorable John Hancock, who are
on their way home from our recent convention at
Cambridge. They are now at the home of the Rev-
erend Jonas Clark in Lexington. Tell them the
Committee of Safety thinks it dangerous for them
to return to Boston—it is believed that Genera]
Gage is preparing to seize them upon their return.
Certain hints dropped by certain British officers
have led the Committee to this belief. And so it
prays them to go on to Philadelphia at once and
wait there for the meeting of the Congress.

(Pauses. Pirrs continues taking notes.
continues :)

Sign the letter—The Committee of Safety—Dr.
Warren, President. And send it by special mes-
Senger tonight with instructions to ride swiftly.

Pirts, I’ll see to it at once, Mr. Revere.

(Hait Revere to room, back.)

SPRAGUE (excitedly). Do you think Gage would

dare to arrest them?

Pirts. Gage must obey his master. And his
Majesty, no doubt, has become impatient
ordered him to act.

SPRAGUE. Just let Gage dare to seize them! Just
let him dare, I say!

Pirrs. That’s what I Say, too, Samuel. But
we’ll talk of that anon.

(Writes. Spracus, still indignant, resumes work.
Pause. Door to street is opened suddenly, and
young NatHanirL, Munson rushes m, gre
cited. Pirrs and Spracus rise quickly. )

SprRAGuE. Nathaniel!

orable Samuel

REVERE

and has

atly ex-AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Pirrs. What has happened?

Munson. Where is Dr. Warren?

Pirrs (indicating room, back). With the Com-
mittee of Safety.

Munson. Tell them the English troops are mov-
ing!

Pirts (astonished). The regulars—!

Munson. Yes—They have just left the bar-
racks !

 

(Pirts rushes to room, back.)

Spracur (excitedly). Did you see them yourself,
Nathaniel?

Munson. I did. You see, it was my time to
watch the barracks. I had been there for an hour
or more and all was as quiet as usual. Then, sud-
denly, without any warning whatever, the gates
were opened, and out they came! And so quiet
they were, you’d scarce know soldiers were pass-
ing.

(Enter Dr, WarrEN, REVERE, and three citizens.
Prrrs follows them.)

Warren. What is this? You say the English
troops are moving?

Munson. Yes, Dr. Warren—about one thousand
men left the barracks a half-hour ago.

Warren. Where did they go?

Munson. North, to a warehouse on the river. I
followed them to see. They entered the warehouse
and the doors were immediately closed, and all was
as quiet as ever.

Warren. There is some plan back of this—
Munson. Their captain explained to some citi-

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54 4MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

zens about, that they were teaching the soldiers
Some new military movements.

Warren. A mere excuse—and a poor one, too.

SPRAGUE. Do you think they mean to attack
Boston, sir?

Warren. Do they not already hold Boston?
English soldiers guard every approach by land,
and English war-ships block our harbor.

First Crrizen. What can be their motive then?

Warren. It is my opinion that these troops will
leave Boston secretly tonight and go straightway
to Lexington to arrest Mr. Hancock and Mr.
Adams.

SECOND Citizen. It is most likely! Gage has
been afraid of an uprising of the city, should he
attempt to arrest them here. In a village it will
be easier.

SECOND Citizen. It is well we have warned the
gentlemen.

Warren (turning to Pirts). Why, the letter
cannot have gone as yet—

Pirrs. I have not finished writing it.

Warren. A messenger must be sent to Lexing-
ton at once. What was merely a surmise, has now
become a certainty, and a question of life and
death.

First Crrizen. Where can we find a messenger
we can depend on, Doctor? It will be a dangerous
ride, for if the troops are really going with that

intent, they will have sentinels posted along the
way.AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 55

Tuirp Crrizen. It will be a question of life and
death for the messenger as well as for our dele-
gates.

Revere. I will warn them, gentlemen.

Warren. Do you realize your risk, Mr. Revere?
You may never get out of Boston.

Revers. I will not ride from Boston. I will
cross the river to Charlestown, and go by that road
to Lexington.

Warren. Can you arrange for a horse in
Charlestown?

Revers. Easily. I have many Patriot friends
there who will do all they can for our cause.

Saconp Crrizen. But, Mr. Revere, you must
needs pass under the very guns of the British
battleships.

Revers. I know—but I will try 1t!

(Turns to WaRREN.)

It would be well for the sexton of the North
Church to signal me from the belfry which way
the troops are going. He might show one lighted
lantern if they go by land, and two if they go up
the river.

Warren. A very good plan! Nathaniel, go you
and tell the sexton how to make his signals.

Revere (to Munson). One, remember, if they go
by land, but two if they go up the river.

Munson. I’ll remember, and I’ll stay with him
till he makes them, to be sure there 1s no mistake.

(Exit Munson.)

Warren. Mr. Pitts, you and Samuel may watch
the warehouse. If the soldiers leave Boston to-
night, hasten at once to the North Church and tell

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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56 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
the news to the sexton. Then return to inform us.
Pitts. We will watch closely, Doctor.
SPRAGUE. You can depend on us, gentlemen!
(Pitts and Spraaur 90, hastily. Revere has
gotten cloak and hat from a table at side; is now
ready to start.)
Revere. I shall be waiting for the
Warren. Shout the news as y
them the regulars are coming!

Revere. At every house! And shall I not go on
—to the towns beyond Lexington?

Warren. Go on to Concord by all means, and
tell the minutemen there to hide our store of am-
munition. The regulars will, without doubt, pro-
ceed there from Lexington, and make an attempt
to destroy it.

OTHERS. Yes—they will—they will!

Warren. Let the citizens remove these stores to
the woods and conceal them under branches. They
must work with great haste for
arrive almost as soon as you.

Revere. I can easily outride them, unless I
forced to take aq roundabout way to av
unless I am captured.

(Lurns to go.)

Farewell, gentlemen—

First Cirizen. Wait! If Mr. Adams and Mr.
Hancock show any desire to stay and fight, tell
them that the Committee of Safety wishes them to
escape.

Warren. Tell them that we comm
escape, so that they may
Congress.

signa]—
ou go along! Tell

the troops will

am
oid them, or

and them to
serve their country inAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 57

Revere (going). Ill tell them, sir! Farewell,
gentlemen!

WarREN. Good luck to you Paul!

Oruers. Good luck! Good luck!

(Hait Revere, hastily.)

Turrp Crrizen. If that brave gentlemen suc-
ceeds, the regulars will have the surprise of their
lives before they reach Lexington, even.

Seconp Crrizen. Indeed they will! The ring-
ing church bells in every village, and the bonfires
on every hill, will tell the story pointedly.

Warren. Our signals of alarm have been well
planned, but remember, there are only a few min-
utemen in Lexington—perhaps not more than a
hundred. Will they be able to stem the attack of
a thousand well-trained soldiers until reinforce-
ments reach them? It is a serious situation, gen-
tlemen.

First Crrizen. It is a critical situation. Our
people have been most patient; they have endured
for a long time now the insults of the regulars.
But if our leaders are arrested, their patience
will be at an end—the trouble will begin in earnest.

(Expressions of approval from others. Enter
Pirrs—eacited.)

Pirrs. Gentlemen—the troops have gone!

Warren. By land or water?

Pirts. By water. They are being rowed across
the river now.

Warren. Has the sexton been told?

Prirrs. Yes—he knows by now, and should be
placing his lights. We can see the belfry from
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58

   

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

(Crosses .to .window; .draws back curtain.
Others cross; look out.)
Warren. It is all dark as yet
(Pause—all looking.)
SeconD Citizen. I hope there has been no mis-
take——

Warren. We ean trust Nathaniel to remember
about the lights.

Pirrs. And Samuel ran to tell them the moment
the soldiers embarked.

First Crrizen. But suppose the Kinglish have
suspected that we will signal, and have placed
their men in the belfry?

Warren. Such a thing might be possible. We
can only pray it has not happened.

OruHers. Aye!

(Pause—all watching. Suddenly they start.)

Aut. The lights! The lights!

Warren. Yes—two lights shine in the belfry!
God grant Paul Revere may arrive in time!

 

AC Telit
Time: Same night—midni ght.

Puace: Lexington, Massachusetts. Home of the
Reverend Jonas Clark.

Cast oF CHARACTERS

Honorasie Jonn Hancock Mrs. Jonas CuarK
Honorasite Samurnt Apams Potty CuarK
REVEREND Jonas CuarK ANN CLARK
CapTaIn ParKgrAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 59

(In the living-room are Mr. and Mrs. CuarK,
their two daughters, Pouuy and Ann, of siateen
and twelve years, and their guests, Mr. ApamMs
and Mr. Hancocx. There is a dying fire m the
fireplace; the candles have burned low, but this as
unnoticed by occupants of room, who are listening
eagerly to ADAMS.)

Apams (continuing). It was indeed a wonderful
convention at Cambridge. Everyone was full of
enthusiasm and hailed with delight the meeting of
another Continental Congress.

Cuarx. But, Mr. Adams, are you so certain that
another Congress can meet? King George has
forbidden it. |

Apams. It will meet despite the king’s orders.

Hancock. The king will find that we are not
puppets to dance whenever he pulls the strings.

Mrs. CrarK. But every delegate will be in con-
stant danger of arrest.

Haxcock. It is more than a year since our first
Congress, and no one has been molested.

Apams. The royal governors are finding out
that America is a huge country inhabited mostly
by Patriots.

(Others laugh.)

Cuark (seriously). You must confess, rentle-
men, that this year conditions are different. Con-
eress passed laws that were most obnoxious to
Engiand, particularly those forbidding any trade
with Great Britain. And these laws have been
put in force by the other Colonies and adhered to
by them with such fidelity that England has felt
the loss in her revenue.

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60

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Mrs. Cuarx. And the royal governors are bet-
ter prepared to act. More troops have been sent
over; indeed, there are thousands of British reg-
ulars here.

Apams. We have our minutemen, who have
been secretly drilled this long time, in anticipa-
tion of trouble.

Cuark. But they are not as well trained as the
regulars who have made a profession of warfare.
Nor have we any considerable supply of ammuni-
tion as yet. Youdoruna great risk, gentlemen.

Apvams. It is a risk we must take, friends, or
this land will never be free from oppression. We
are all willing to give up our lives.

Hancock. That was a settled conviction with
us when we first planned to hold a Congress. We
expected our property to be seized by England’s
agents, and ourselves to be taken to England for
trial.

Apvams. Where they would treat us as criminals
and hang us as swiftly as possible. But that did
not deter us then, and will not deter us now. We
are determined to better conditions in this land.

Mrs. Cuarx. You are all noble men! No won-
der the whole country worships you, and gives you
processions and feasts as you make your journey
to Congress.

Hancock. We but do our duty, madam.

Cuark. I should like to ask you one more ques-
tion

Mrs. CuarK (rising). Nay, Jonas, the hour
grows late. It is now after midnight.AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 61

Cuark (looking at clock and rising). Why, so it
is! You must pardon me, friends. The evening
has passed so pleasantly, I quite forgot the time.

Apams. That does not matter, Mr. Clark. There
is nothing of greater interest to us than the
present affairs of our country.

Hancock. I can assure you of that, madam.

Mrs. Cuark. But you must have rest if you are
to go on to Boston in the morning.

Hancock (smiling). We are still young men,
madam.

Apams. And equal to any emergency.

(Mrs. CuarK yields; sits, CLARK sits.)
Now, then, what was that question, Mr. Clark?
Chuisere What has become of that Tory who be-

trayed every secret of the Congress last year? I
speak of Joseph Galloway.

Apams. His Tory sympathies are now known to
us all and he has lost his former influence com-
pletely.

Potuy. Oh, I am so glad!

Ann. SoamI! I don’t like Tories at all!

Apams (laughing). I see you young ladies are
ood Patriots.

Mrs. Cuark. ’Tis said Dr. Franklin has fou
England. Will he arrive in time for Congress?

Apams. We are expecting him. I hope he will
denounce England’s unjust treatment of us as
stronely in Congress as he does in all his letters.

Hancock. If he does, he will fan the flame into
war. Boston is now a smouldering fire. Any
moment the first shot may be fired—and then the
conflagration!

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62

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Avams. The first shot will never be fired by us.

So if open rupture comes, Congress cannot blame
Massachusetts.

Potty. When does Congress meet again, Mr.
Adams?

Avams. In just about one month from now—
May tenth, in the city of Philadelphia.

ANN (shyly). Couldn’t you stay here with us
till then,—you and Mr. Hancock?

Apams. Bless you, child, I wish we could! But
we must get back to Boston and prepare our work
for Congress.

Mrs. Crark. At least, you need not go tomor-
row—

 

Hancock. We must, dear madam, in spite of
your kind insistence.

Pouiy. Must you go bright and early?

Hancock (rising). Bright and early, little maid,
before you are out of bed even.

(All rise.)

CuarK (looking at clock). It is near morning

now. I’ll show you to your rooms, friends.
(Takes a lighted candle; starts off.)
GuEsts (bowing to women). Good night—
Mrs. Cuark anp Girzs ( curtsying). Good night—
(CuarK, Apams, and Hancock go out.)

Mrs. Crark. Come, daughters, snuff the candles.

(Girls snuff candles. Mrs. CuarK locks doors
and windows. She takes last lighted candle and
starts off; girls follow.)

Now, mind, you don’t lie awake to talk. We
must be up for an early breakfast.AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 63

(They goto hall. Room is now dark, except for
firelight. Pause. Clock strikes one. Long pause.
A horse is heard galloping wm distance. Sound
heard nearer and nearer. At last it is just with-
out. )

Voice (shouting, off). Awake you! Awake!
Awake!

(Vigorous pounding at door.)

The British soldiers are coming! Look out for
the British regulars!

(Enter CuarK, Apams, HaNcock, Mrs. Cuark,
and girls, alarmed. Knocking repeated.)

The regulars! Open! Open! Open!

(Cuark opens door hastily. Enter PauL REVERE,
dusty and tired.)

Apams. Why, ’tis Paul Revere!

Revere. British troops are coming to seize you,
Mr. Adams! And you, Mr. Hancock!

CuarKk. Have they left Boston?

Revere. Yes—when I did. To avoid them, I
was forced to come in a roundabout way. So they
may arrive any minute—tully one thousand men.
I gave the alarm as | came along. Listen! Do
you hear those church bells?

(Through open door come sounds of rimgwg
hells in distance. Then a bell rings close by.)

Mrs. Cuark. They ring the alarm to the people!

Revere. And the troops will hear them and
hasten their march. You should go at once, oentle-
men.

Mrs. Cuark. Go—go—this instant!

YrarK. Quick! There is not a moment to lose!

Hancock. I will stay and fight.

 

  
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
   

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64 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Apams. And so will I!

REVERE. The Committee of Safety wishes you to
escape—

Apams. I should feel I were a coward to run
away at such a time as this.

Hancock. I should not think of going.

Revere. But the Committee wishes you to go to
Philadelphia, gentlemen, and wait there for the
meeting of Congress.

Cuark. Let other men fire muskets—you are
needed in Congress. Your duty lies there—to in-
fluence the other Colonies to take up Boston’s
fight for liberty—to influence them to come to her
aid if needs be! Go friends! (co—go—lI beseech
you!

Revere. The Committee commands it, gentle-
men.

Avams. Then we must obey, Mr. Hancock.

Hancock. Yes, Mr. Adams, we must. The Com-
mittee is the Patriot’s government.

(CLarK brings their hats and cloaks. Th ey take
them and prepare to go.)

Reverz. Hasten across the fields to Woburn and
thence to Philadelphia by Stage.

Cuark, May God protect and keep you!

Hancock. Farewell, my friends!
Mrs, Cuarx (from doorway). Go! Go! I hear
the sound of marching in the distance!
Reverr. The regulars are upon us! Go! Go!
There is no time for farewells!
(Apams and Hancock go.)

Revere (going). I must hasten now to alarm
Concord!AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 65

(Hait Revere, hastily. Others cross to door to
look after him. An instant only, and his horse 1s
heard galloping away.)

Cuark. It will be a miracle if he escapes cap-
ture.

Mrs. Cuarx. Polly—Ann—if the British sol-
diers come here, we must not tell them which way
our friends have gone.

Cuark. We must be very careful. You had bet-
ter say nothing at all, girls.

Pouuy. I shall not speak if they question me.

Ann. No, nor shall I. I promise you that, father.

Mrs. CuarK (listening at open door). Listen!
Now you can hear them plainly!

(Sound of marching heard wn distance.)

Cuark. They are coming this way!

(Sound of marching heard nearer. Pause—all
listening—marching heard nearer and nearer.)

Mrs. Cuark. They are almost here! Close the
door, Jonas!

(Mr. CuarK closes door.)
They will enter our house and search it. Ke-
member, girls, you must not say one word!
( Pause.)
Voice (of). Halt!
(Knock at door.)

Cuark. Who knocks?

Voice. Parker! Captain Parker in command of
the Lexington minutemen!

Mrs. Cuark. Why, it is our own soldiers!

CuarKk (crossing). Yes—our minutemen!

(Opens door.)
Kinter, Captain Parker!

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66 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

 

(Enter Captain Parxer, a strong and stern
veteran warrior of the French and Indian Wars.)

How can I aid you, Captain?

Parker. How far away are the regulars, Did
the messenger say?

Cuark, He thought they were near—he said
they might come any minute.

Parker. I shall assemble my men on the Green,
then.

(Hait hastily. Others cross; look out open door.
Sounds of marching men heard o ff, gradually
growing fainter.)

Mrs. Crark. How many men has he?

Cuark. Not more than a hundred. But they will
soon have reinforcements. Even now, hundreds
are coming from every direction, alarmed by our
signals and Paul Revere.

Mrs, Cuarx. If our men can only hold the regu-
lars back for a time!

CuarK. I doubt if they attack our men. There
iS scarce a British officer who would deliberately
fire upon us—they know it would mean war, and
would hesitate to begin it.

Mrs. Cuarx. Oh, I pray they will not! Mr.
Hancock said that only one shot was needed.

Cuark. Listen! The sounds of marching have
ceased—

Mrs. Cuark. They have reached the Green and
have halted there— They are waiting for the
British,

(Pause—all listening. Suddenly a volley is
heard. The girls scream. Mrs. CuarK covers her
Jace.)

Cuark (solemnly). The war has begun!EAth

    
  
  
 
  
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
    

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

. “ re
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— a ae

ACT III

ScENE [°

Time: 1776—July 2.
Puace: Philadelphia—State House.

She vgas outs €3leces

esGuatBse&

Cast oF CHARACTERS

CHARLES T'Homson, Secretary (Philadelphia)
HonoraBLE BENJAMIN Harrison (Virginia)
HonoraBLE THOMAS JEFFERSON (Virgina)
HonoraBLE BENJAMIN F'RANKLIN (Pennsylvania)
HonoraBLE JOHN Dickinson (Pennsylvama)
HonoraBLE Rospert Livineston (New York)
HonorasLeE JoHN Apams (Massachusetts)
HoNnorRABLE GEORGE Reap (Delaware) i
HonoraBLE Hpwarp Ruriepce (South Carolina) Hep
HonoraBLE CHARLES Humpureys (Pennsylvania) }
HonoraBLe Lyman Haun (Georgia)
HonoraBLE STEPHEN Hopxins (Rhode Island)
HonoraBLE Rocer SHERMAN (Connecticut )
HonoraBLE JoHN WITHERSPOON (New Jersey)
HonorABLE JOHN Penn (North Carolina)
HonoraB_Le THomas Wiuuine (Pennsylvania)
CoNGRESSMEN AND DoORKEEPER

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(The Continental Congress 1s seen m session.
This is the continuation of the Second Continental
Congress. The Honorable JoHN Hancock occu-
pies the president’s chair. CHaRLEs THOMSON,

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1The events of both July 1 and 2 are used in this Scene, in
order to make the story complete. Strict parliamentary pro-
ceedings are not followed because of their complications.a ne oe Ene oe

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68

 

4d MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

secretary, is seated at oe side of the platform.
The thirteen Colonies are represented by some
fifty delegates.)

Harrison (rising). Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Harrison—

Harrison. I have the honor to report that the
committee appointed to draw up a declaration of
independence has accepted a declaration drawn
by the Honorable Thomas Jefferson, and is now

ready to submit this paper to Congress. (Great
applause. )

Voices. No! No!

(President raps for order.)
Dickinson. Mr. President—
Presipent. Mr. Dickinson—
Dickinson. I object to the reading of this dec-

laration until a vote has been taken on the resolu-
tion now before the House.

PRESIDENT. Your objection is sustained. Mr.
Dickinson. Will the Secretary please read the
resolution?

SECRETARY (rising and reading). Be it re-
solved: That these United Colonies are, and of
right ought to be, free and independent States ;
and that all political connection between them and
the State of Great Britian is, and ought to be,
totally dissolved.

PRESIDENT. To the delegates from New Jer Sey
who have but recently taken their seats, I will ex-
plain that this resolution was introduced in Con-
gress this year on the day of June seventh by
the Honorable Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia.
It was seconded by the Honorable John Adams,AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 69

of Massachusetts. Are you ready for the ques-
tion, gentlemen?

Dickinson. Mr. President—

PresipentT. Mr. Dickinson—

Dickinson. I consider that resolution danger-
ous to the best welfare of this country. If it is
onee passed it will cut off all hope of reconeilia-
tion with England. She will resist to the utmost,
with all the strength of her powerful army and
navy. Are we prepared to meet her attacks?
You know we cannot. Gentlemen, that resolution
is dangerous and must be defeated.

Rutiepce. Mr. President—

Present. Mr. Rutledge—

Rurtepar. I heard the same questions asked by
the same gentleman in Congress last year. ‘‘We
dare not war with England,’’ he cried. ‘‘ We are
far too weak to resist her.’? And so on until he
had almost frightened us. But let me ask you
eventlemen, whether recent events have proved
these things to be true? What happened in
Massachusetts in the early morning of April 19,
1775? You know that story well. British troops
shot with deadly aim at our minutemen in Lex-
ington, and soon put them to flight, for they were
only a hundred and faced one thousand regulars.
But soon came reinforcements—our splendid
militia of Patriots. They swarmed from every
country road—they seemed to drop from the
clouds even. The British could not withstand
them and retreated in full run to Boston. (Loud
applause. )

 

 

 

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70 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
Then in May came English reinforcements.
And in May, also, Congress chose Colonel George
Washington, of Virginia, as commander-in-chief
of our Continental army. That was one year ago.
Have the events of that time distressed any
Patriot as to the efficiency of our American
troops? General Washington has driven the
British soldiers from Boston—from Massachu-
setts—trom all New England, in fact. They have
embarked on their ships-of-war and have sailed
away to Halifax. Does that show weakness.
gentlemen? Does that prove our inability to meet
the British troops?
Voices (with applause). No! No!
(President raps for order.)

Reap. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Read—

Reap. Does the honorable delegate from South
Carolina think the British will remain in Halifax?
They will descend upon us later on and in greatly
augmented numbers. I agree with Mr. Dickinson
that we are far too weak to fight such a powerful
enemy. We must make peace with England. It
will not be difficult. I believe she will show us
justice if we but yield a little.

WitHerspoon. Mr. President—

PRESIDENT. Mr. Witherspoon—

WitHeErspoon. I should like to remind the cen-
tlemen that for ten years we have yielded—for
ten years we have whined our petitions at the
foot of the throne, to be answered only with in-
solent scorn. Why, then, do these gentlemen hope
for a reconciliation? Do those recent battles ofAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 71

Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill with their
heaps of dead Patriots, give them this hope? Does
the burning of our coast towns give it? Or per-
haps they find it in his Majesty’s legislation here
in this land—perhaps in the cutting-off of our
trade with all parts of the world—or in the seiz-
ure of our citizens for pretended offenses—or in
the forcing of our citizens, seized upon the high
seas, to bear arms against their country and to
become the executioners of their friends and re-
lations. I will cite no more instances. It seems
that the mere relating of these few would prove
them the acts of a tyrant, with whom an honor-
able reconciliation is not possible. (Great ap-
plause.)

Humpureys. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Humphreys—

Humpureys. Gentlemen, in spite of those facts
just cited, I believe our petitions will be heard in
time. His Majesty does not understand us. He
does not as yet comprehend that we have out-
grown Colonial conditions, and need special legis-
lation. But the time will come when his Majesty
will understand. And then will our petitions be
answered favorably, and a reconciliation will fol-
low. IL believe that firmly, gentlemen.

Frankuin. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Franklin—

FRANKLIN. I hesitate to spoil Mr. Humphreys’s
childlike faith in his Majesty, but I happen to
know the king’s feeling toward us. I had many
conversations with him in London, and | assure
you, gentlemen, that he will never answer our pe-

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72 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

titions favorably—he will not answer them at all.
He looks upon us as rebels who must be severely
punished. And he will never give in, for it has
become a point of pride with him. Then, if that
were not sufficient reason, there are others which
would still make peace impossible. It is no secret
that certain English lords, who are favorites at
court, have found all honest resources insufficient
to supply their love of excessive luxury. They
plundered the East and now they have turned to
the West and have begun to rob us openly. They
have seized our estates; they have taken our prop-
erty on the high seas, and Parliament covers
their acts by special laws. Parliament has even
dared to declare that thefts, burnings of houses
and towns, and murders of innocent people com-
mitted by British soldiers, previous to the war,
were Just actions. Why, such acts are contrary
to all principles of right, and all ideas of justice
entertained heretofore by every other nation, sav-
age as well as civilized. Do you, then, desire
peace under such intolerable conditions? It is
impossible, gentlemen, if we be men of honor.
(Great applause.)

SAMUEL Apams. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Samuel Adams—

SAMUEL Apams. I question whether any man in
this House desires peace so long as our citizens
are arrested on flimsy pretexts and taken to Eng-
land for trial. They are compelled by English
law to prove their own innocence, but how are they
to do this? They are removed from their homes,
and are taken far away from the witnesses whoAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 73

might be able to clear them. Many of these men
are poor and unable to employ counsel. But they
are straightway thrown into prison, and speedily
forgotten. Can anything be more unjust? It is
monstrous! Jt is infamous! And we will not en-
dure it! Were there no other cause for our sep-
aration from England, this would be sufficient.
No man should be declared guilty until his guilt
is proven in a fair trial. Until then, that man
must be held innocent! (Applause.)

That is our American principle, and a principle
we should be willing to uphold with our lives!
(A pplause.)

It is greater even than unjust taxation, because
it deals directly with the lives of human beings.
Shall we, then, rest content in the hope that some
day in the far-off future this infamous law shall
be repealed? In the meantime American citizens
are dying in English cells, miserable and unde-
fended. We cannot wait, gentlemen! Humanity
forbids it! We must declare for independence—
here—now—today! (Sits. Great applause.)

Reap. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Read—

Rzap. We must find another way out of our
trouble. How can we dream of separation from
England! We are bound to her by ties we can
never break. She is our mother country, gentle-
men.

Surerman. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Sherman—

Suerman. I, for one, am sick unto death of hear-
ing that eternal reminder—‘‘mother country.”’

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/4 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

It is meant to be pathetic, but is fast becoming a
Joke. England is not the mother country of the
America of today. Not more than a third of our
people are of English descent. The mother coun-
try of America is Hurope! (Applause and laugh-
ter.)

Dickinson. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Dickinson—

Dickinson. I would beg these gentlemen who
are trying to thrust independence upon us to re-
member that connection with Kingland is a con-
tinual source of security to our Colonies. No
other nation dares to attack us—all know that
Kingland will come to our aid. She will furnish
her armies, her fleets, her supplies and great
wealth to protect us from every enemy. Is that
nothing, gentlemen? Why, it is everything! It is
life itself to us! Let her strong arm be removed
and we would be instantly seized by other nations,
and quickly enslaved by them. Can there be any
choice, gentlemen? Who would not rather yield
to Kingland’s claims—unjust as some of them are?
We cannot expect to have her protection without
due return on our part. Let us, then, meet her
demands. Let us make some sacrifice. That is
the way to gain peace and everlasting security.
That is the way and no other. (Sits. Applause
from many.)

Horxins. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Hopkins—

Hopkins. I question Mr. Dickinson’s idea: that
connection with England will bring us peace and
security. It is far more likely to keep us at warAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 75

eternally—and to ruin us financially. Europe will
never be long at peace; she has too many king-
doms. So whenever there is a war between Kng-
land and any foreign power, that foreign power
may invade our land as a dependency of HKng-
land’s. And if that does not happen, our com-
merce will go to ruin in any war of Great Britain’s,
because of our connection with her. In fact we
cain nothing by submitting to her rule. We should
declare our independence that we may be secure.

(Sits. Continued applause and cries of *“Y¥es—
yes.’”)

Wine. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Willing—

Wuutne. I should like to ask, Mr. President,
whether any of those gentlemen who applauded
just now so heartily can tell us how we are to fight
our battles alone? We have only a small army
and no battleships at all. We have no arms, am-
munition, or clothing. And still some of you shout
for independence! Independence, with such con-
ditions as now exist, would be our ruim! (Many
applaud heartily.)

Joun Apams. Mr. President—

PresiwentT. Mr. John Adams—

Joun Apams. We will not need to fight alone so
long as France is England’s enemy. She will
come to our aid as another thrust to Kngland.
But she must first be satisfied that we mean to
separate—she must see our declaration of inde-
pendence become a living fact, and then she will
furnish us with arms, ammunition, and supplies.
Her king will send his fleets and armies to help

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76

   

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

us fight our battles. [I predict that, gentlemen.
(Cheers and great applause.)

And then, gentlemen, we wil] not only
pendence, but we will take our place among the
nations of this earth—our own masters in every-
thing! (Cheers and applause as before.)

SAMUEL Apams. Mr. President—

PresIpDENT. Mr. Samuel Adams —

SAMUEL ADAMS. Independence is now within our
reach—we have only to declare it. Why, then, do
we delay? Do we mean to submit to laws recently
passed by Parliament? Do we mean to give up
the war or to carry it on? And what shall we do
about a certain matter of honor? One year ago we

promised to support Genera] Washington, and sent
him forth to the danger of war. Shall we, then,
desert him? Can we be so base, gentlemen?

Voices. No! No! We cannot!

SAMUEL Apams. Then the war must go on—that
1S a settled conviction. So why put off longer a
declaration of independence? TI tell you we must
declare for it—here—-now—today! (Sits. Great
applause. )

Dickinson. Mr. President—

PresipenT. Mr. Dickinson—

DickInson. Suppose, Mr. President, that we do
declare our independence today, and by so doing
continue our war—can we count upon success?
Consider, then, the result of our failure. We would
be a conquered people and must needs take what-
ever punishment is given. It is an ugly prospect,
gentlemen. I pray you to consider it carefully.
(Many applaud.)

gain inde-AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Livineston. Mr. President—

Presipent. Mr. Livingston—

Livincston. Gentlemen, Mr. Dickinson is right.
We cannot be sure of success. And defeat would
make conditions a thousand times worse than they
are. We should have to pay dearly for our weak
little flight of freedom. We must wait till we are
stronger. Then—if our grievances be not re-
dressed—then let America proclaim her independ-
ence and assume her station among the powers of
the world.

Voices (with applause). Yes! Yes! That is it!
Wait!

(President confers with Secretary. Members
talk together.)

SimurL Apams (aside to JoHN ADAMS and
FRANKLIN). They are getting the best Of uss
fear. Their arguments appeal to the timid ones—
even to Mr. Livingston. I confess I am alarmed.

FRANKLIN. We must prevent the resolution
from coming to a vote today.

Joun Apams. I seconded the resolution, so l
will demand my right to withdraw it for the
present.

S,mureL Apams. You will be opposed fiercely,
Mr. Adams.

Frankury. Try it, sir, and without delay, for
unless something unforeseen should occur to enlist
the sympathies of all, Mr. Lee’s resolution 1s
doomed to defeat.

(President raps for order.)

Joun Apams. Mr. President—

Presiwent. Mr. Adams—

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78 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Joun Apams. The hour grows late, and our dis-
cussion would seem to be endless—as well as fruit-
less. Therefore, inasmuch as I did second the
resolution, I claim my right to withdraw it for a
time—until we have heard the report of Mr. Har-
rison’s committee—the paper prepared by the
Honorable Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, on the
subject of independence.

(A dozen congressmen spring up instantly. )

CONGRESSMEN. Mr. President! Mr. President!
Present, Mr. Read, of Delaware, has the

floor,

Reap. I object to the withdrawal of that resolu-
tion now! We are ready for the question!

Vorces. Question! Question!

(President rises; is about to speak when the
doorkeeper hastens to him ; gwes him a letter and
speaks with him aside. The president at once be-
comes very grave. He reads the letter h urriedly ;
rises. Exit doorkeeper.)

Presipent. Gentlemen—a messenger has just
arrived from New York with news of the greatest
import! TJ shall, therefore, for the moment, waive
every rule of order. The British are advancing
upon New York!

(All show consternation. )

Their fleet has appeared off Sandy Hook. And
gentlemen, their army has been increased by thou
sands of hired Hessians!

Vorcres (indignantly). Hessians!

PRESIDENT ( imdignantly). Yes! The king has
hired foreigners to fire upon Hnglish subjects!

Voices. Shame! Shame!

?AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 79

Franxurn. It is just what one might expect of
King George. Do his admirers still defend him?

Reap. No! I condemn the king for this act !
‘Tis unparalleled in history!

Dickxtnson. It is no doubt a great exaggeration.
We should wait a little—till we know the facts—
before we condemn his Majesty.

Presipent (waving open letter). This note
from General Washington confirms the report.
His Excellency is most indignant. He asks us to
be assured that he will protect New York to the
best of his ability.

Jounx Penn. Then New York will be saved if
saving her is possible!

Voices (with applause). Yes! Yes! It will! It
will!

Presipent. And now, gentlemen, I have even
worse news for you! An attempt has been made
upon the life of our beloved General Washington!
(Exclamations of horror. President continues:)

The General is safe, I am happy and thankful to
tell you, but the conspiracy was discovered none
too soon. The plot was hatched by the Tory gov-
ernor of New York who has escaped to an English
battleship. |

Q,suurL Apams. The Tory governor need have
no fear, Mr. President,—England will protect
him. In the light of these late and ugly facts, can
any man here proclaim allegiance to King George?
Loyalty to him has now become treason to Amer-
ica! (Loud applause.)

Joun Apams. It is high time, then, to declare
our independence. Mr. President, I call for Mr.

 

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80 AMERICAN INDEPENDENGE

Jeiferson’s paper—his declaration of independ-
ence!

Vorcrs. Jefferson! Hear! Hear! Jefferson!

Reap. Mr. President, I withdraw my former ob-
jection to the reading of this paper. In the last
few minutes, I have been turned from a loyalist to
a most ardent rebel. ( Applause.)

Winuine. Mr. President, I, too, have been
changed in a moment. You may add my name,
gentlemen, to the list of rebels in this House.
(Laughter and applause. )

And I, too, call for Mr. Jefferson’s paper.

Presipent. Let us make it unanimous, gentle-
men! Let us hang together!

FRANKLIN. If we do not, we shall hang sepa-
rately. (Laughter and applause.)

Dickrnson. Gentlemen—you are precipitate—

Voices. Jefferson! Jefferson! Hear! Hear!

Hautu. Mr. President—

PRESIDENT. Mr. Hal]—

Hau. I move that Congress at once resolve it-
self into a committee of the whole to consider the
Declaration of Independence drawn up by Mr. Jef-
ferson. (Several delegates spring up.)

Devecates. Second the motion! Second the mo-
tion!

Presipent. You have heard the motion. Are
there any remarks?

Dickinson. Mr. President, I consider the read.
ing of that declaration at this time a most unwise
proceeding. We are ina fever heat of excitement
over the news we have heard—and in no frame of
mind to judge calmly. Will this declaration helpAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 81

   

us in any way? No! It will simply excite to fur-
ther wrath—to war, perchance. And victory is
too uncertain.

Franxkiin. Life is uncertain, but we make the
best of it while here. (Laughter and applause.)

Vorces. Question! Question!

Presipent. All in favor will signify in the usual
way—

Voices (majority). Aye!

Presipent. Those opposed?

Voices (few). Nay!

Present. The motion is carried. Mr. Jeffer-
son, we are ready to hear your paper.

(There is great applause as Mr. JEFFERSON rises
and crosses to platform. Heis an intellectual man
of some thirty-two years; is unpretentious, but ele-
gant and dignified.)

Jurrerson. Mr. President—Honorable Members
of Congress—

(Reading from manuscript ina clear and beau-
tiful vow.ce—)

‘‘When, in the course of human events, it be-
comes necessary for one people to dissolve the po-
litical bands which have connected them with an-
other, and to assume among the powers of the
sarth, the separate and equal station to which the
laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them,—
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind re-
quires that they should declare the causes which
impel them to the separation.

‘CWe hold these truths to be self-evident, that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by
their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that

Su Deeg Da sas tesa ce ee ee ee
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or a Sh et -.

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82

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of
Happiness.—That to secure these rights, Govern-
ments are instituted among Men, deriving their
Just powers from the consent of the governed.—
That whenever any form of Government becomes
destructive of these ends, it is the right of the
people to alter or to abolish it.”

Voices (with great applause). Yes! Yes!

(President raps for order. Curtain falls for a
minute to show lapse of time—some twenty min-
utes, perhaps. It rises to show JEFFERSON still
reading.)

JEFFERSON. ‘‘ We, therefore, the representatives
of the United States of America in general Con-
gress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge
of the world for the rectitude of our intentions,
do, in the name and by the authority of the sood
people of these colonies, solemnly publish and de-
clare that these united colonies are, and of right
ought to be, free and independent states: that
they are absolved from all allegiance to the Brit-
Ish crown, and that all political connection be-
tween them and the state of Great Britain is, and
ought to be, totally dissolved: and that, as free
and independent states, they have full power to
levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, estab-
lish commerce, and to do all other acts and things
which independent states may of right do. And
for the support of this Declaration, with a firm re-
lance on the protection of Divine Providence, we
mutually pledge to each other our lives, our for-
tunes, and our sacred honor.’? (Sits. Long and
enthusiastic applause.)AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 83

 

Present. You have heard the Declaration.
What have you to say, gentlemen?

Dickinson. Mr. President, the charm of Mr. Jet-
ferson’s paper has not escaped me. It has a fine
literary quality—its language 1s pleasing and
musical. Its beauty of word and form have 1n-
pressed each one of us deeply. But do not be mis-
led by this, gentlemen. Let not your senses be
tricked by its musical notes—let not your ears be
soothed by its rhythm. Analyze its sentiments.
Analyze them coldly. Consider what its adoption
would mean! It would plunge the people of this
land into utter and abject misery. Our towns
would be burned, our fields laid bare, and we our-
selves would be most like to die upon the scaffold.

Joun Apams. Then let us die on the seaffold!
But let us die free men, and not cringing slaves to
England! (Applause.)

As for the people—they will not shrink from
misery, nor from any sacrifice that will help to
free them from the hated royal governors. This
Declaration will give them fresh hope—it will 1n-
spire them with courage. They will rejoice when
they hear the glorious news and declare this day
blessed. They will set it apart from other days,
and celebrate it with rejoicing. And when we and
they are in our graves, this day will be remem-
bered and hailed as the day of all days—a sacred
day for Americans! Sirs, before God, I believe
the hour has come! I beseech you to cast your
votes for independence, gentlemen! Independ-
ence now—and independence forever!
(Prolonged applause and great enthusiasm.)

 

 

 

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34 4MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

PRESIDENT (after rapping for order). Are you
ready for the vote, gentlemen?

Vorces (majority). Aye!

PRESIDENT. Will the secretary please take the
ballot? Gentlemen, we will vote on Mr. Lee’s rego-
lution first. All those in favor, then, of these
Colonies declaring themselves as free and inde-
pendent states will signify by rising.

(Many stand; many remain seated.)

SCENE II

Time: July 4—afternoon—two 0’clock.
Puace: Street in front of State House, Philadel-

phia.

Cast oF CHARACTERS

BELLMAN

F'trst Boy

SEcoND Boy
GENTLEMAN

Lapy

Hirst Tory Woman
SECOND Tory Woman
Txrrp Tory Woman
First Tory Man
SECOND Tory Man
QUAKER FATHER
QuaKER MorHer

QUAKER GIRL
QuakER Son
First Youru
SECOND YoutrH
T'airp YoutH
PROFESSOR
LAWYER
Doctor
Doctor’s Wire
LawyYeEr’s WIFE
Proressor’s WIFE
GRANDSON

PEOPLE

(Street is crowded with people who gaze up at
bellman wm belfry of State House. Enter two

boys.)AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 85

First Boy. Look! Look! There’s the bellman,
sure enough!

Ssconp Boy. I wonder how long he has been
there—

GuxtLeman (overhearing). Since half-past nine
this morning, boys. He took his place in the belfry
soon after Congress convened.

Seconp Boy. Why, he has waited for hours! It
is almost two o’clock now!

First Boy. Do you think he will ring the bell
today, sir?

GentLemMaNn. No one can tell that as yet, but it
‘s rumored that Congress is taking its final vote
LOW.

Seconp Boy. I wonder why it takes them so long
to decide. It wouldn’t take me long to declare our
independence.

First Boy. I’d do it in a jiffy!

Grenrteman (laughing). You little Patriots
ought to get close to the State House door, so you
san be the first to see the messenger who will give
the signal to the bellman.

Lapy (overhearing). The bellman has placed his
erandson at the door, so the very instant the door-
keeper opens the doors, the boy will run out and
signal.

First Boy (excitedly). Come on, Silas! Come
on to the door!

(Boys disappear wn crowd. A group of Tory
men and women enter.)

Lapy (to gentleman). Do you see those people
who have just come? They are Tories, every one
of them.

 

 

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86 4MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

GENTLEMAN. Then we will move on. I might say
something unpleasant. (They disappear in crowd.)

First Tory Woman. It will be settled soon, I
Suppose—one way or another.

SECOND Tory Woman.
for independence.
against it.

First Tory Man. Dickinson would never y
for it. Neither would Read, nor Willin
Humphreys. And they
Congress.

SECOND Tory Man. You forget those shr
Adamses and Dr. Franklin.
politicians.

Kirst Tory Man. But there are many members
who are afraid of consequences. Something very
unusual would have to occur to persu
vote for independence.

Tuirp Tory Woman. And nothing unusual h
occurred—

First Tory Man. I tell you they won’t dare cut
off this country from Kngland! They will think
too much of their own necks when it comes to the
final vote.

(Others murmur assent. Th; ey all pass on. En-

ler some Quakers, father, mother, daughter, and
SON.)

They will never declare
There are too many delegates

ote
o, nor
are all influential men in

ewd
They are wonderful

ade them to

as

(JuAKER Girt. Thee must look, mother, father!
The bellman is in the belfry!
Morner. Why, so he is! Dost thee indeed

think Congress will declare for independence,
Jeremiah?87

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Faruer. I hope not. It would mean war—and
war is forbidden by our Quaker faith.

Son (a manly boy of siateen). But if we must
defend ourselves, I would be willing to enlist,
father.

Farner. No, thee shalt not enlist. No Quaker
can bear arms and kill.

Son. General Washington will need us all if the
British come back to attack us.

Farurr. We will give him money and food per-
haps, but thee canst not go to war, son.

(They pass on. Some young men enter.)

First Youtu. The report is true! There’s the
bellman, waiting!

Snconp Youtu. I hope with all my heart that
the bell will ring today!

First Youru. And so do I! But it will mean
war as well as independence.

Tuirp Yours. I am ready for war! | would en-
list under General Washington at once.

Seconp Youru. And so would I!

Oruers. And I! And IL!

(They pass on. Enter a group of distinguished
professional men with their wwes.)

Prorrssor. What a glorious day this will be
when that bell rings!

Lawver. Glorious for all America!

Docror. Glorious for ever and ever!

Oruprs. Yes—Yes! Forever!

Doctor’s Wire. Look! Look! The doors to the
State House are opening!
Lawyer’s Wire. A boy is running out—

 

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88

 

4MERICAN INDEPENDEN CE

Proressor’s Wire. It is the bellm
Look! He is waving his arms!

(A boy runs from State House to point in street
where bellman can see him. fe is waving his
arms excitedly.)

Boy (shouting). Ring! Ring! Ring!

(Bellman rings bell. Crowd shouts, cheers,
waves hats and h andkerchiefs—wild with de-
light. Soon the roar of cannon is heard: bells
ring wm all parts of city, but above all is heard the
cry of the joyous people.)

Propue. Independence! Independence! Hurrah!
Hurrah! Hurrah!

an’s grandson!- rh

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FOR SCHOOLS, COLLEGES
AND COMMUNITIES

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Se tee)

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HE Declaration was not signed on
July 4, 1776. The evidence as to
this is overwhelming and complete. It
was first published in printed form and
these printed copies, or broadsides as
they are called, were set up and run off
from the press of John Dunlap, printer
to Congress, during the night of July
4th. They were ready for distribution
the next day, July 5th. The engross-
Ing and signing appear to be something
of an afterthought. The important
step was the assumption of independ-
ence ; that being taken and the fact pub-
lished, it was not until about two weeks
later, July 19th, that Congress ordered
the Declaration to be engrossed and
signed. This engrossing was not com-
pleted until August 2d, and it was on
that day that most of the Signatures
were affixed to the parchment.—The

Spirit of the Revolution, John OC. Fitz-
patrick.FOR SCHOOLS, COLLEGES, AND COMMU-
NITIES

THE STORY OF
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE’

EPISODES FOR A PAGEANT
PROLOG
Qcpng I—A RECEPTION TO CoLONEL WASHINGTON

Time: Christmas night, 1772.
Puace: Annapolis.

Cast of CHARACTERS

(FROUP OF LADIES AND GENTLEMEN FROM NEIGH-

BORING TOWNS AND PLANTATIONS.
CoLONEL GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Mistress MartHa W ASHINGTON.

(A social event, typical of life mm the Colones be-
fore serious trou ble arose between America and
England. Colonel Washington has made the trip
from Mount Vernon. He leads in the dances at
the Maryland Capital, lively Virgmia Reel and a
stately minuet. Tableau: Farewell to W ashwng-

ton.)
Curtarn.

(While the scene is being changed the MUSiC
of the minuet and Virginia Reel may be continued.)

 

1 Copyright, 1926, by J. L.. McBrien for prolog and acts I and

II. and used with the author’s courteous permission.
2The characters in all these scenes appear in Colonial
costume.

[91]

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4MERICAN INDEPENDEN CE

ScENE I]—Tur Boston Tra Parry

A New Encuanp Town-MeEeting

Time: December 1G 77/3:

Puace: Old South Meeting-house, Boston.

Cast or CHARACTERS
SAMUEL ADAMS
OWNER OF THE First Tra Sure
JOHN Hancock
InpIan CHIEF
CITIZENS or Bostonr
Mowawk Inpians
British Soxtprers

SAMUEL ADAMs. My fellow citizens—We h
reached a crisis in our affairs with Engl
It seems altogether proper that I review the causes
of our present discontent. George the Third, Kang
of England, and some of his tyrannical ministers
have done what they could for several years past
to oppress the people of these Colonies. They
have forbidden the Colonists to send their own
goods to any country other than England. They
will not allow our people to cut down pine trees
outside of inclosed fields, or to m
goods

ave
and.

anufacture iron
not even a horseshoe nail. They have

tried in every way possible to tax the people of
this country and yet England will not let the Colo-
nists have any part in the making of the laws that
govern them.

The latest nefarious act of the Parliament is
to levy a tax on all tea sold to our people, and
recently several ships were loaded with tea andAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 93
sent from England to the American ports of Bos-
ton, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. But
the Colonists object to being taxed in that way and
everywhere they have agreed among themselves
to drink no more tea until the tax 1s removed. Not
being represented in Parliament the people of
these Colonies are unwilling to be taxed by Parlia-
ment. (The assembled citizens applaud these
statements.)

On the first of this month one of the three ships
which had been sent to Boston arrived in the har-
bor. A town-meeting was held in this very meet-
ing-house, at which nearly five thousand people
crowded the hall and the streets outside. It was
the largest assembly ever known in Boston up to
that time. All the people were opposed to the tea
being landed, and by a unanimous vote at that
great meeting it was resolved that this tea should
he sent back to England, and that no duty should
be paid on it. (The assembled citizens heartily
applaud this statement.)

The merchants, to whom the tea had been sent,
promised not to land the cargo, but asked for time
to consider the matter before sending the ship
back to England. The next morning the tea mer-
chants said: ‘‘It is entirely out of our power to
send back the tea, but we are willing to store it
until we shall receive further instructions.’’

The wrath of the people was aroused to a high
pitch, and the great assembly resolved that it
would not disperse until the matter was settled.
In the afternoon of that day both the owners and
the master of the tea ship came forward and prom-

 

    
  
 
 
  
  
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
   
 
 
 
  
 
 
  
  
 
 
 
 
 
  
    

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94

 

4MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

ised that the tea should return
without touching land and witho
The owners of the two other ships, which were ex-
pected daily, made a like promise and thus it was
thought the whole trouble would be ended.

When the expected tea ships arrived, another
meeting was called and the owner of the first tea
ship was persuaded to go to the proper officers
and ask for a clearance, but these officers, who
owed their appointment to the king, flatly refused
to grant a clearance until the cargo of tea should
be landed.

And so my fellow citizens, you have a true state-
ment of our case up to the present hour, 8:30 p, m..
December 16, in the year of our Lord, 1773. Iam
glad to see such a large attendance of our people
here tonight. An estimate of the number present
by one who has just seen the crowd outside and
the number present inside of this meeting-house
places it at 7,000. But I perceive the owner of
the first tea ship has just entered. JT am hoping
he may have some good news for us.

Owner oF First Tra Sur. Mr. Chairman—
The revenue officers and the governor have all
refused to let my ship leave the harbor.

SamMvueEL Apams. My Fellow Citizens—You have
heard this astounding announcement by the owner
of the first tea ship of the decision made by the
revenue officers and the governor. What is your
reply thereto?

JoHN Hancock. Mr. Chairman—Having put our
hand to the plow, we must not now think of looking
back. I move you, sir, that it is the sense of the

as 1t had come,
ut paying duty.AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 95
hundreds assembled here in the Old South Meet-
ing-house and the thousands assembled outside ot
this building that this tea shall not be landed on
our shore.

Many Voices or ASSEMBLED CITIZENS. Mr. Presi-
dent—We second the motion made by Mr. Han-
cock.

SamureL Apams (Speaking to those both mside
and outside). You have heard the motion as made
by Mr. Hancock and seconded by hundreds of other
men, both inside and outside of this meeting-house,
that it is the sense of this assembly of free men
that this tea shall not be landed on our shore. AS
many as favor the motion, make it known by say-
ing, ‘‘Aven.’’? (Many voices respond, ‘‘Ayn’’!)

The motion is unanimously carried. (Adams
brings down the gavel on the desk.) Gentlemen
This meeting can do nothing more to save the
country.”

(At this mstant a shout is heard at the window
near where the chairman of the meeting is sitting.
There is a yell from the outside like an Indian war
whoop and a body of men, forty or fifty m num-
ber, dressed wm the garb of Mohawk Indians, march
‘nto the meeting-house, up to the chairman’s desk
and face the audience.)

Curr or Trips. Mr. Chairman and Fellow
Countrymen—We have just been aboard the three
tea ships and emptied three hundred and forty
chests of tea—all that could be found—into the

 

 

i This scene is based by permission on The Boston Tea Party
by George Bancroft, in Studies im Reading, Searson and Mar-
tin, copyright by The University Publishing Company, Chi-
eago and Lincoln.

Serer

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Ce ee ee

ef or

4 See See yn
ie a en eel a

a
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96

   

4MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

water of the bay! Heap big tea party, Ugh! Ugh!
Good night! (The people applaud this announce-
ment and m a mighty chorus jom im the song “A
fevolutionary Tea Party.’ See page 16, rllus-
trated section of this book for the words and
music of this song. The arrival of British soldiers
under General Gage breaks up the meeting and
disperses the crowd. General Ga ge orders several
Americans arrested and sent to England for trial.)

Curtain

CIT

ScENE I—TuHe First Continenta CONGRESS
Time: September 5, 1774.
Puace: Carpenter’s Hall, Philadelphia.

Cast oF CHARACTERS
Pryton Ranpotpu—President
CHARLES l'Homson—Secretary
Patrick Henry
JOHN ADAMS
CoLONEL WASHINGTON
JOSEPH GALLOWAY
Rocrr SHERMAN
Rev. Mr. Ducuss
OTHER Mrempers or Congress
CoLoNIAL Dames

(Lhe scene opens with the members of Congress
seated, Peyton Randolph of Virginia presiding,AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 97

with Charles Thomson of Philadelphia, secretary.
Every tongue is silent. Every face wears a serious
expression. After a moment of solemn silence
Patrick Henry of Virginia addresses the chair,
requesting that John Adams tell of conditions in
Massachusetts.)

Patrick Henry. Mr. President and Gentlemen
of the Congress—We have heard startling stories
in my Colony of the intolerable acts and the brutal
manner of their enforcement against the people
of Boston. I wish to know the truth about these
thines from an eye witness. If it be in order, sir,
may we hear from Mr. John Adams of Massa-
chusetts? (There are calls for ‘‘Adams,’’
“‘Adams,’’ ‘‘Adams’’ from several members of
Congress.)

Joun Apams. Mr. President and Gentlemen of
the Congress—The king says that Massachusetts,
with her tea parties and other riotous proceed-
ings, is setting a bad example to the rest of the
Colonies. He, therefore, caused Parliament, as
you all know, early this year to pass certain laws
that were meant to hurt all of the Colonies in some
manner, but particularly ‘‘Rebellious Massachu-
setts,’’? as the king calls her. The worst of these
‘Intolerable Acts,’? as we have named them in
Massachusetts, are:

First, The Port Bill. This closes the port of
Boston against all trade until the destroyed tea
is paid for.

Second, The Regulating Act. This provides
that hereafter all Massachusetts judges and sher-
iffs and certain other officers, shall be appointed

 

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98

   

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

and paid by the governor, and not by the assem-
bly. Town meetings, in which, from the earliest
days of settlement in this country, the people have
met to make laws for themselves, are also abol-
ished in this Colony. The king says that these
meetings are ‘‘hotbeds of disloyalty.’’ (Shouts
from some members of the Congress, ‘‘Down with
the king!’ The president raps for order.)
Third, The Quartering Act. This compels citi-
zens of Massachusetts to take the king’s troops
into their homes and board them free. It fur-
ther provides that when soldiers are accused of
killing Colonists, they shall be taken for trial to
Hngland. The people of my Colony believe that
this means the murderers will in time be set free.’
(Shouts from members of the Congress, ‘‘Hang
the murderers!’’ President raps for order.)
And now the king sends to Massachusetts a
military governor, General Thomas Gage, who
has orders to use the soldiers in enforcing these
‘“Intolerable Acts,’’ and to send all rebellious per-
sons to Hngland. These increased military ac-
tivities on the part of the British Government are
evil omens with the brand of infamy upon them,
foretelling future tragedies and murders. This,
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Congress, is
the situation in Massachusetts at this time. It is
indeed intolerable! (Shouts from various mem-
bers of Congress, ‘‘Down with the king!’’ This
1 These statements of Mr. Adams’ on the “Intolerable Acts”

are based on the narrative in Thwaites and Kendall’s History
of the United States, Houghton Mifflin Company.AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 99

cry is resented by the Tory members. President
raps for order.)

CotoneL WasuHinaton. Mr. President and Gen-
tlemen of the Congress—I am not given much to
speechmaking. But this I will say. No matter
what happens, Congress should send word to the
people of Boston to stand firm to the last. For if
its citizens fail, all will be over for the rest of us.
This is a time for action! I will raise one thou-
sand men, subsist them at my own expense, and
myself march at their head for the relief of Boston.
(Several members of Congress offer their services
to Colonel Washington.)

JosppH Gattoway. Mr. President and Gentle-
men of the Congress—I have deep sympathy for
the people of Boston. And no man has greater
admiration for Colonel Washington than I have.
But, in my opinion, his plan for the relief of Bos-
ton is unwise at this time. We should petition
again the ministry and Parliament for redress ot
grievances. We have friends among the English
people. It was through friends in Parliament
like these, William Pitt, Charles James Fox, and
Edmund Burke, that the obnoxious Stamp Act was
repealed. And the people of London were cdle-
lighted at the repeal of that measure. The peo-
ple of England are still our friends.

If we make proper petition and entreaty to the
British Ministry for the removal of theBritish

troops from Boston, I feel it would be winehi betters

than to march with an army for the/reRet of, that
city. The pen is mightier than th¢ sword. Tor-
bearance is still a virtue, charity; Suffereth long

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100 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
and is kind; is not easily provoked, endureth all
things, and never faileth. (Shouts of ‘‘Right,’’
‘““True.’’) In this spirit let us petition; in this
spirit let us entreat; in this spirit let us supplicate.
Then we may hope for an enduring peace. But,
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Congress, we
are weak in military power. It is sheer madness
for a band of insurgent husbandmen to go to war
with an army of veteran soldiers. (Shouts of
‘“True.’’) I beg of you to count the cost before
taking such a reckless step as that proposed by
Colonel Washington. (Shouts of approval and
disapproval of this speech by various members
of the Congress.)

Parrick Henry. Mr. President and Gentlemen
of the Congress—This is the first General Con-
gress ever assembled in America. We are met
here in a time and on an occasion of great diffi-
culty and distress. Our public circumstances are
like those of a man in deep embarrassment, who
calls his friends together to devise what is best to
be done for his relief. One friend will propose one
remedy and another a different one, whilst per-
haps a third adviser will think of a measure better
suited to remove the unhappy circumstances.
This last measure the sufferer will adopt, for-
getting at once the rejected schemes with which
he would have nothing to do.

I will submit, however, to the majority opin-
ion of this Congress. I am determined to submit
even if | am overruled. We are here assembled
to maintain the inalienable rights of free men. I
hold that these acts of Great Britain, as describedAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 101

   

by Mr. John Adams of Massachusetts, are so sub-
versive of the charter rights of America as vir-
tually to destroy constitutional government in the
Colonies. America must therefore now provide
for her own proper government. The Colonies
are no longer to be regarded as separate entities,
but as forming a united people.

I go upon the supposition that British rule in
America is at end. All distinctions are over-
thrown. All America is one. But in this crisis
we must strive for perfect rectitude.

I hope future ages will quote our proceedings
with applause. It is one of the great duties of a
democratic constitution to keep itself pure.

The distinctions between Virginia, Pennsyl-
vania, New York, and New England are no more.
I am not a Virginian, but an American.’ (A p-
plause.)

I feel that Colonel Washington is right when
he urges this Congress to send word to the people
of Boston, no matter what happens, to stand firm
to the last. He is brave, heroic, and true to his
fellowmen when he offers his services in such
manly fashion. (Applause.)

I, therefore, move Mr. President, that we urge
the people of Boston to stand firm and that we
pledge ourselves, regardless of the cost, to stand
by them until the last. (Shouts of approval and
disapproval by Congress.)

1This speech of Patrick Henry’s is based upon statements
and extracts in William Wirt’s Life, Correspondence, and
Speeches of Patrick Henry. Volume 1. Charles Scribner's
Sons.

 

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102 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Rocer SHerman. Mr. President—I wish to sec-
ond the motion of Mr. Henry. (Motion put and
carried.)

Pryton RanpoupH. Gentlemen of the C ong ress—

An express rider has just arrived | ringing the de-
vastating rumor of the bombardment of Boston by
the British ships and the risine to arms of the
people of Massachusetts and Connecticut. This
terrible news means, WAR! WAR! WAR! (Jn
the midst of this intense excitement in Congress,
Mr. Randolph requests the Reverend Mr. Duché.
an Episcopal minister, to offer prayer.)
solemn crisis will the Reverend Mr. Duché invoke
the wisdom and guidance of Almighty God.
(Washington, Henry, Randolph, Rutledge, Lee,
and Jay kneel. The other members bow in rev-
erence.)

REVEREND Mr. Ducut. O Lord, our Heavenly
lather, hgh and mighty King of Kings, Lord
of Lords, who dost from Thy throne behold all
the dwellers upon earth and reignest with power
supreme and uncontrolled over all kingdoms, em-
pires and governments, look down in merey we
beseech Thee on these American states who have
fled to Thee from the rod of oppression, thrown
themselves upon Thy Gracious Protection, desir-
ing to be henceforth depended only upon Thee.
‘lo Thee have they appealed for the righteousness
of their cause. ‘To Thee do they now look for that
countenance and support which Thou alone canst
give. Take them, therefore, Heavenly Father,
under Thy nurturing care, give them wisdom in
couneil, valor in the field. Defeat the malicious

In thisAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 103
designs of our cruel adversaries. Convince them
of the unrighteousness of their cause and, if they
still persist in their sanguinary purposes, O let
the voice of Thine own unerring justice, sound-
ing in their hearts, constrain them to drop the
weapon of war from their unnerved hands in the
Day of Battle. Be Thou present, O God of Wis-
dom, direct the councils of this honorable as-
sembly. Enable them to base the settlement of
our affairs upon the fairest foundation, that the
scene of blood may speedily be closed; that order,
harmony, and peace may effectually be restored
and truth and justice, religion and piety prevail
and flourish among Thy people. Preserve the
health of their bodies and the vigor of their minds.
Shower upon them and the millions they here
represent rich temporal blessings as Thou seest
expedient for them in this world, and crown them
with everlasting glory in the world to come. All
this we ask in the name and through the merit of
Jesus Christ, Thy Son and Saviour. Amen.

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INTERLUDE—A TORY SONG

Time: October, 1774.
Prace: Plains of Boston.

 

Cast oF CHARACTERS

Group or Tory SYMPATHIZERS AND BRITISH
SOLDIERS

(On hearing of the action of the First Con-
tinental Congress for the relief of Boston, Gen-
aS aN 2 ae Senne - Pe m ~ a
eral Gage’s soldiers and British sympathizers
among the Colonists make merry over the situation
im the following words of derision sung to the tune
of “‘Nancy Dawson.’’ They execute a grotesque

dance.)

(See music and words on next page)YR TORIES ALL REJOICE:

pret? Ye Tor -1es all re- joie and sing Suc - cess to George our

gra -cious King The th-ful sub-jects teib- ute bring and

ex - erate Cong’- Pess Tea -la, la la, Lra-la la la) ira

vA, th, TA, Wen, o fey TEL eh Wiech oJ dit la Tea-

 

Second stanza Third stanza
These hardy knaves and stupid ols, When Jove resolved. to send a cucse,
Some apish and pragmatic mules.~ And all the woes of life rehearse, ~
Some servile tools .~ Not plague, not famine, but much worse
These, These compose Congress. He cursed us with a Congress.

Curtain
[ 105 ]

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ACA Ty
SCENE I—THeE Seconp ContinentaL Concress

Time. May 10, 1775.
Puace. Carpenter’s Hall, Ph iladelphia.

CAST OF CHARACTERS

JOHN Hancock—President
JoHN ADAMS
Rocer SHERMAN
COLONEL PENDLETON
OrHER Members or ConGcrRESS
THomas JOHNSON
SAMUEL ADAMS
COLONEL WASHINGTON
COLONIAL DAMES

Presipent Hancock. The Congress will please

be in order.

JOHN Apams. Mr. President and Gentlemen of

the Congress—The hour has struck. The long-
expected war has come. It has been forced upon
us. We must put ourselves in a state of pre-
paredness, adopt the army at Cambridge, appoint
a general, and let war come if it must. (Ap-
plause. )

Our success in this struggle will depend much

upon the qualifications of the man we make our
commander. He must be sound in judgment,
firm, resourceful, and unselfishly devoted to the
cause of his countrymen. (Applause.) He must
be calm and patient, yet resolute and courageous.

[ 106 ]107

   

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

He must never be guilty of rashness. He must
be a skilful organizer and a superb leader. We
have such a man in one of our number in this
Congress from Virginia. (Colonel Washington,
who was a member of the Second Congress, hap-
pens to be sitting near the door; as soon as he
realizes that Mr. Adams has him w mind, he hur-
ries into the library.) His superior skill and ex-
perience as a Colonel under General Braddock,
his independent fortune, great talents, and uni-
formly excellent character, will command the ap-
probation of all America, and unite the cordial
exertions of all the Colonies better than any other
man we can name. |

Nothing less, indeed, than the whole issue of
the struggle, turns upon the selection of the man
we this day make our commander. I, therefore,
nominate Colonel George Washington of Virginia
as the commander-in-chief of the armies raised,
or to be raised, in defense of American liberty.
(Applause.) His whole-souled devotion to public
duty, his incorruptible integrity which no appeal
to ambition or vanity could for a moment ever
solicit. his clearness of mind and his strength
of purpose, his noble bearing and courtly grace
of manner, all proclaim him the man of the hour
in this erisis. (Applause.)

Roger SHERMAN. Mr. President and (Jentlemen of
the Congress—None of us doubts the soldierly qual-
‘fications of Colonel Washington. We know that
his record as a soldier under General Braddock

is above reproach. But, to speak frankly, 1 am
against the appointment of Colonel Washington

 

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108 4MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

as commander-in-chief of our armies at this time,
not on account of any personal objection against
him, but because the army is all from New Eng-
land. They have a general of their own and ap-
pear to be satisfied with him. They have proved
themselves able to imprison the British army in
Boston, a move which is all they expected or de-
sired at this time. In my opinion, it would be
very unwise to take such action as that proposed
by Mr. Adams. Let well enough alone. (Ap-
plause by those who hold this view. )
CoLtoneL Penpietron. Mr. President—I wish to
endorse most emphatically the views expressed
by Mr. Sherman of Connecticut as Just stated by
him on this question. It may seem strange for
me, aS a Virginian, to oppose the appointment of
Colonel Washington as commander-in-chief of
our army. Personally, nothing would please me
better than to see Colonel Washington so hon-
ored. But, I fear that the appointment of any
man outside of New England as commander-in-
chief of the army at Cambridge, a New England
army, would cause discontent in that army and
throughout New England. (Cry of ““Right.’’) Tt
would savor of favoritism and we should be put
on the defensive in our explanation to our own
people. Rest assured that British agents and
British sympathizers who are in all the Colonies
in great numbers will not fail to take advantage
of a blunder like this to sow the seeds of dis-
cord in our army and among our people, especially
in New England. Mr. Sherman has stated theAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 109
ease so well that it needs no further argument.
(Applause.)

Tuomas Jounson. Mr. President—It seems to
me that Mr. Sherman and Colonel Pendleton rea-
son from a false premise, and thereby deceive
themselves and deceive others by a false conclu-
sion. (Applause.) It is true that the British
troops are now imprisoned, as it were, in Boston
by the American army at Cambridge, but there
is uncertainty in the minds of the people. Their
ereat expectation and anxiety for Congress to do
something that will put the whole country in a
state of effective defense, the distress of our army,
the danger of its dissolution, the difficulty of col-
lecting another, and the strong probability that
the British army will take advantage of our de-
lays, march out of Boston, spreading desolation
as far as they can go, are unanswerable arguments
to me for the motion as made by Mr. Adams.
(Applause.) This is not the fight of New Kng-
wedoalone, [tis the oeht on aall@ube thirteen
Colonies. The bloodshed at Lexington is the price
that every Colony must pay before our liberties
are restored. We must fight fire with fire. (Ap-
plause.) ‘The appointment of Colonel Washing-
ton as our general will be the best evidence we
can give the people of New England that the
Southern Colonies are coming to their rescue.
(Applause.) I, therefore, take great pleasure in
seconding the nomination of Colonel Washington
as our commander-in-chief as made by Mr.
Adams, who is himself a living witness of the
approval that New England will give Colonel

 

    
 
 
 
 
 
   
  
  
 
 
 
  
  
 
 
 
 
 
  
  
  
   
 
 
 
   
   
   

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110 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Washington as our commander-in-chief.  (Ap-
plause. )
SAMUEL Apams. Mr. President and Gentlemen of
the Congress—I had not expected to say any-
thing on the nomination of Colonel Washington as
our commander-in-chief. [| thought that his ac-
knowledged fitness for the great and arduous task
would exclude all debate on this question. (Ap-
plause.) His unrivaled qualifications are still un-
questioned by any member of the Congress. As
to the attitude of New England toward a general
who comes from one of the Southern Colonies, J
feel safe in saying that no man in New England
would be given a heartier weleome as commander-
n-chief of our army than Colonel Washington.
(Applause.) I feel that Mr. John Adams and
myself know the army and the people of New Eng-
land as well as we know ourselves. We need help.
We know we need help. The army and the people
know that help is needed. Help is wanted. Col-
onel Washington is a host in himself. I beg
of Mr. Sherman and Colonel Pendleton to with-
draw their objections and let us make the appoint-
ment of Colonel Washington as our commander-
in-chief unanimous. This much is due our com-
mon cause. (Long and continued applause. )

Mr. Superman. Mr. President and Gentlemen—I
yield to what is evidently the majority opinion
of this House in favor of Colonel Washington for
commander-in-chief. And J pledge him all the
Support im my power as a member of this Con-
gress.AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 111

CoLoNEL Penpueton. Mr. President and Gentle-
men-—lI consider the combined judgment of this
Congress a better guide than my individual opin-
ion. I join Mr. Sherman in bowing to the will of
the majority and in pledging to Colonel Washing-
ton my heartfelt support.

Presipent Hancock. Gentlemen of the Con-
eress—As many as favor the election of Colonel
George Washington of Virginia as commander-in-
chief of the armies raised or to be raised, for the
defense of American liberty, make it known by
standing. (Every member of Congress stands and
applauds. The Congress %s seated. President
Hancock appoints Mr. John Adams of Massachu-
setts, Mr. Thomas Johnson of Maryland, and Mr.
Roger Sherman of Connecticut an honorary com-

mittee to escort General Washington before Con-
gress for hs acceptance. On his appearance the
Congress stands.) Gentlemen of the Congress—
The new commander-in-chief of the Continental
Army, General George Washington. (Congress
applauds ).

GENERAL WASHINGTON. Mr. President and
(Gentlemen of the Congress—Though I am truly
sensible of the high honor done me, in this appoint-
ment, yet I feel great distress, from a conscious-
ness that my abilities and military experience may
not be equal to the extensive and important trust.
However, as the Congress desires it, I will accept
this solemn duty, and exert every power that 1

sossess in the service of the Congress, and for the

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112 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

accept my most cordial thanks for this di
guished testimony of their approbation.

As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the Con-
gress that, as no pecuniary consideration could
have tempted me to accept this arduous employ-
ment at the expense of my domestic ease and hap-
piness, I do not wish to make any profit from it.
I will keep an exact account of my expenses.
Those, I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is
all I desire. (Applause and congratulations. )

stin-

Curtain

ScENE [J—A SOLDIER’s FarEweE.r

Time: June 18, 1775.
Prace: Mount Vernon.

Cast oF CHARACTERS

GENERAL GrorGE WASHINGTON
Mistress Marrya WASHINGTON
E'RIENDS AND NEIGHBORS

(At the height ofa social gathering at Mount
Vernon General Washington arrives from Phila-
delphia. Leaving the merry-makers to themselves,
the general takes Martha to one side to tell her
of his call to arms.)

GENERAL WasHINGTON. My dearest, it has been
determined by Congress that the whole army
raised for the defense of the American cause shall
be put under my care, and it becomes necessaryAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 113

for me to go at once to Boston to take command
of it.

MartHa WasHtncTon. But, must you go? Was
it not possible for you to decline this call to lead
the army? :

GenerRaL WasHinecton. It was utterly out of my
power to refuse this appointment without expos-
ing my character to such censures as would have
reflected dishonor upon myself, and given pain to
you and our friends.

MarrHa Wasuineton. Life is uncertain even in
times of peace, but war makes everything we hope
for an uncertainty.

GenreraL WasHincton. We must confidently
rely on that Providence which has always pre-
served us, doubting not that I shall return safe
to you. Life is truly uncertain, and common pru-
dence dictates to every man the necessity of set-
tling his temporal affairs while it is in his power,
and while the mind is calm and undisturbed. I|
have had Colonel Pendleton draft a will for me
by the direction I gave him. If in the providence
of God I do not return, keep this will for your own
protection.

MarrHa Wasutnetron. Oh! My husband, you
are always so thoughtful of the welfare of others,
and too often, I fear, forgetful of your own true
interests. But this thought of war fills my soul
with dread. War is the terror of the earth to me!
Brother must fight brother! Friend must fight
friend! And this happy land must be drenched
in blood!

 

     
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
  
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
    

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114 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

GENERAL WasuHincron. Unhappy it is that a
brother’s sword must be sheathed in a brother’s
breast, and that these once happy plains of
America are to be either drenched in blood or in-
habited by slaves. Sad alternative! But how,
dear wife, can a virtuous man hesitate in his
choice?

Marrua WasuHinoron. My beloved, it is hard to
let you go, but you have made the only choice
possible for a real man to make. Forgive me for
my weakness in wanting to keep you at home when
our country 1s in sore need of you. Go, my be-
loved! Go to the front! I may never see you
again, but I freely commit you to God and to the
defense of our Country!

Curtain

Martial Music

NOTE FoR Act III

The speech of John Hancock in the Third Continental Con-
gress is adapted from Paine’s Separation of Britain and
America. The speeches of John Adams, Edward Rutledge,
Roger Sherman, John Dickinson, Joseph Hewes, and Benjamin
Franklin are based upon Webster’s Supposed Speech of John
Adams and the speeches in opposition thereto. The speeches
of Robert Morris and Patrick Henry are based on Charles
Sumner’s True Grandeur of Nations and Wirt’s Supposed
Speech of Patrick Henry.AGT tik
Scensp 1—TuHr Tuirp CONTINENTAL (C‘ONGRESS'

Time: Summer of 1776.
Prace: Independence Hall, Philadelphia.

Cast of CHARACTERS

SPEAKERS
For the Declaration Against the Declaration
Joun Hancock, President Epwarp RUTLEDGE
Ricuarp Henry LEE Joun DickINSON
JOHN ADAMS GEoRGE WALTON
20GER SHERMAN Ropert Morris

BENJAMIN H'RANKLIN
SamMuEL ADAMS
JosEpH HEWES
Patrick HrnryY
'|’HOMAS -J) EFFERSON

CHarLes THomson, Secretary
Other Members of the Congress

JOSIAH BARTLETT OxuivER Wo.Lcorr
STEPHEN HopkKINS ELBRIDGE GERRY
WriuiamM FE'Loyp Wituiam Hooper
CyaRLES CarroLu of Carrollton BENJAMIN RusH
SAMUEL CHASE RICHARD STOCKTON
BENJAMIN HARRISON THomas MckKEan
Lyman Hau (‘anSAR RODNEY

‘The following scenes are taken from “The Continental Con-
gress,” copyright 1916 by J. L. McBrien, in McBrien’s America
First, published by American Book Company and used here
by special permission of the author and the publisher. These
scenes cover the period of the Third Continental Congress at
Philadelphia and the session of Congress at Annapolis where
Washington resigned his commission as commander-in-chief
of the Continental Army. For complete Third Continental
Congress see America First.

2 See footnote on page 114.

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116 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

(Lenjamin Harrison nominates Hancock Jor presi-
dent; he is opposed by George Read, but is
elected; calls for ‘‘A Speech.’’)

JoHN Hancock. Gentlemen of the Continental
Congress—There is a limit at which forbearance
ceases to be a virtue. That limit has been reached
by America in her relations with Great Britain.
( Applause.)

Everything that is right or natural pleads for
Separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping
voice of nature cries, ‘‘Tis time to part.’’ Even
the distance at which the Almighty hath placed
Kingland and America is a strong and natural
proof that the authority of the one over the other
was never the design of Heaven. (Applause.)

The authority of Great Britain over this conti-
nent sooner or later must have an end. (Shouts
of “‘Treason, Treason!’’) Though I would eare-
fully avoid giving unnecessary offense, yet it is
a plain truth that all those who espouse the doc-
trine of reconciliation are interested men, who
cannot be trusted; weak men, who cannot see ;
prejudiced men, who will not see; or certain con-
servative men who think better of Kingland than
they do of America. ( Applause.)

Grorce Reap (interrupting). Mr. President—I
resent the insinuation as a personal insult. I am
of those who love the mother country, dear old

England. Long live the Kong!

JoHN Hancock. With all due respect to Mr.
Read of Delaware, permit me to add that theAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 117

 

last class of those that I have enumerated, to
which he appears to belong, will be the cause of
more calamities to this continent than all the other
three combined. (Applause by those who favor
independence.) Gentlemen of the Continental
Congress, America must and shall be free! The
contest may be severe and long, but the end will
be glorious and the blessing enduring! (Long and
continued applause by those who want independ-
ence. Many members shake hands with Hancock
on his speech.)

Ricuarp Henry Lex. Mr. President and gentle-
men of the Congress—In accordance with the in-
structions from the Colony of Virginia, I wish to
offer the following resolution for your serious
consideration. At the close of my remarks I shall
move that a committee of five be appointed by the
chair to draft a declaration of independence in
harmony with this resolution:

Resolved, that these United Colonies are, and
of right ought to be, free and independent states,
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the
British crown, and that all political connection be-
tween them and the State of Great Britain 1s,
and ought to be totally dissolved (Interruptions
of approval and disapproval mark the reading of
this resolution according to the view of the mem-
bers of Congress.)

Mr. President, I realize that the adoption of this
resolution requires Supreme courage on the part

 

1This resolution was offered on June 7.

 

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118 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
of those who favor it. Itisa daring thing to do,
but I also realize that it is a brave people demand-
ing it, and best of all, that it is a brave people that
will support us in making good this declaration.
(A pplause.)

Therefore, I move the appointment of a com-
mittee of five, by the chair, to draft a declaration
of independence in harmony with the resolution
which I have offered and my observations thereon.
For reasons well known to you all, I ask that I be
not named a member of the committee.

JoHN Apams. Mr. President—I second the mo-
tion made by Mr. Lee for the appointment of a
committee of five by the chair to draft a declara-
tion of independence in harmony with his resolu-
tion and his remarks thereon.

JoHn Hancock. Gentlemen of the Congress
You have heard the motion as made by Mr. Lee of
Virginia and Mr. John Adams of Massachusetts.
Are there any remarks? (Cries of ““Question.
Question.’’) As many as favor the motion make
it known by saying ‘‘Aye.’’ (Ayes respond.)
Contrary ‘‘No.’’ (Noes respond.) The SAVES ue
seem to have it; the ‘‘Ayes’’ have it and the mo-
tion 1s carried.

Congress will be at ease for a few minutes to
give the chair time in which to select the com-
mittee just ordered. (Hancock calls Adams and
Jefferson to the presiding officer’s desk to confer
with them regarding the membership of the com-
mittee.)AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 119

The Congress will please be in order. ‘The
chair wishes to announce the names of the com-
mittee ordered to draft a declaration of independ-
ence; Mr. Thomas Jefferson of Virginia; (As each
name is announced the proper person arises at
his seat and bows acknowledgment, each bewg
received with applause by members of the Con-
gress). Mr. John Adams of Massachusetts; Mr.
Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania; Mr. Roger
Sherman of Connecticut; Mr. Robert R. Livings-
ton of New York (The chair announces the tem-
porary absence of Mr. Livingston.)

GamurL Apams. Mr. President—I move that
the Congress do now recess until tomorrow morn-
ing at ten o’clock to vive the committee just ap-
pointed time 1 which to prepare the declaration
ordered.

JosepH Hewes. Mr.
motion which Mr. Adams has offered.

Joun Hancock. Gentlemen of the Congress—
It has been moved and seconded that Congress
take a recess until tomorrow morning at ten
>’clock in order to give the committee just ap-
pointed time in which to prepare a proper decla-
ration. You have heard the motion; are there any
remarks? (Calls for question.)

As many as favor the motion make it known by
yes respond.) Contrary IN ORzE
The ‘‘Aves’’ seem to have it;
, and Congress will take a re-
at ten o’clock.

President—l second the

saying ‘‘Aye.’’ (A:
(Noes respond.)

the ‘‘Ayes’’ have it
cess until tomorrow morning

Curtain and Musie

 

   
  
 
 
 
 
  
  
   
  
   
 
  
  
 
  
  
  
  
  
 
  
 
  
 
  
   
    

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120

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

ScENE J]—Wasurincron’s AppREss To His Army

Piace: Washington’s H eadquarters.
TIME: 1776.

Cast oF CHARACTERS

GENERAL WaSHINGTON
SOLDIERS OF THE CoNTINENTAL ARMY

GENERAL Wasutneton. Soldiers of the Conti-
nental Army—The time is now near at hand which
must probably determine whether the Americans
are to be free men or slaves, whether their houses
and farms are to be pulaged and destroyed and
themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness
from which no human effort wil] deliver them.
The fate of unborn millions will now depend, un-
der God, on the courage and the conduct of this
army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves
us only the choice of a brave resistance or the
most abject submission. We have, therefore, to
resolve to conquer or to die.

Our own, our country’s honor, calls upon us for
a vigorous and manly exertion. If we now shame-
fully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole
world. The eyes of all our countrymen are now
upon us, and we shall have their blessings and
praises if happily we are the instruments of sav-

ing them from the tyranny meditated against
them. Let us, therefore, animate and encourage
each other, and show the whole world that a free
man contending for liberty on his own ground is
superior to the most slavish mercenary on earth.AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 121

Liberty, property, life and honor are all at
stake. Upon your courage and conduct rest the
hopes of our bleeding and insulted country. Our
wives, children, and parents expect safety from
us only; and they have every reason to believe that
Heaven will crown with success so just a cause.

The enemy will endeavor to intimidate us by
show and appearance; but remember that they
have been repulsed on several occasions by a lew
brave Americans. ‘Their cause is weak; their
men are conscious of it. It they are opposed with
frmness and coolness on their first onset, we, with
our advantage of works and our knowledge on the
ground, will assuredly be the victors. (Soldiers
give cheers for General Washington and march to
battle to the tune of ‘‘Yankee Doodle.’’)

Curtain
Tableau: ‘The Spirit of °76
Sopne [1]—Tuer DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE"

Joun Hancock. (Looking at his watch as he
calls the Congress to order.) Gentlemen of the
Congress—The time has come to which we ad-
journed yesterday 1n order to give the committee
of five, appointed to draft a declaration of inde-
pendence, due time ‘n which to prepare the docu-
meni. Are the gentlemen of the committee ready

to report?
Tomas JEFFERSON.” Mr. President—In behalti

 

1Hor time, place, and cast of characters, see Scene i

4There is no contemporary evidence available to show who
read the Declaration aloud to the Congress. In this pageant
Jefferson is arbitrarily chosen to do the reading.

 

   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
   
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
  
  
 
  
 
 
 
  
  
      

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122

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

of the committee, permit me to offer the follow-
ing report for your earnest and serious considera-
tion. (To expedite the work of the play, the
abridged Declaration may be used if there is not
time for its full reading. The following is merely
suggestive.) )
When in the course of human events, it be-
comes necessary for one people to dissolve the
political bands which have connected them with
another, and to assume among the powers of the
earth, the separate and equal stations to which
the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle
them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind
requires that they should declare the causes which
impel them to the separation. We hold these
truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal, and that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights, that among these
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
That, to secure these rights, governments are in-
stituted among men, deriving their just powers
from the consent of the governed; that whenever
any form of government becomes destructive of
these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or
abolish it, and to institute a new government ;
laying its foundations on such principles, and or-
ganizing its powers in such form as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and happi-
ness.
We, therefore, the representatives of the United
States of America, in General Congress assem-
bled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the worldAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 123
for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name,

and by the authority of the cood people of these

Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these

United States are absolved from all allegiance to

the British Crown, and that all political connec-

tion between them and the State of Great Britain,

is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that as

free and independent States, they have full power

to levy war, conclude peace, eontract alliances, es-

tablish commerce, and do all other acts and things

which independent States may of right do. And

for the support of this Declaration, with a firm

reliance on the protection of Divine Providence,

we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our
fortunes, and our sacred honor. (Interruptions
of approval and disapproval mark the reading of
the Declaration.)

Mr. President, I move the adoption of this Dec-
laration of Independence. :

Rocer SHERMAN. Myr. President—I second the
motion of Mr. Jefferson.

Joun Hancock. Gentlemen of the Congress—
You have heard the report of Mr. Jefferson, lis
motion to adopt this Declaration of Independence
and Mr. Sherman’s second thereto. Are there
any remarks? (A great clamor for recognition.
John Adams is recognized.)

Joun Apams. Mr. President and Gentlemen of
the Congress—Sink or swim, live or die, survive
or perish, I give my heart and my hand to this vote
‘n favor of this Declaration of Independence.
(Applause.) It is true, indeed, that in the begin-
ning we aimed not at independence. but the in-

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124

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Justice of England has driven us to arms; and,
blinded to her own interest, she has obstinately
persisted, till independence is now Within our
grasp. We have but to reach forth for it, and it
is ours. (Applause.)

If we postpone independence, do we mean to
carry On or give: up the war? Do we mean to
submit to the oppressive measures of Parlia-
ment, Boston Port Bill, and all?

Do we mean
to submit, and consent. ourselves,

to be ground
to powder, and allow our country and its rights
to be trodden in the dust? I know we do not
mean to submit. We never shall submit. (A p-
plause.) Do we intend to violate that most
solemn obligation ever entered into by men? Be-
fore God, did we not plight our sacred honor
to Washington when we appointed him to ineur
the dangers of war, as well as the political haz-
ards of the times? Did we not promise to ad-
here to him, in every extremity with our fortunes
and our lives? I know that there is not a man
here who would not rather see a general confla-
gration sweep over the land, or an earthquake
sink it, than let one jot or tittle of that plighted
faith fall to the ground. (Applause.) For myself,
having twelve months ago, in this place, moved
you that George Washington be appointed com-
mander of the forces raised, or to be raised, for
the defense of American liberty, may my right
hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave
to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver in
the support that I have pledged my honor to give
him. I am for this Declaration now and forever.125

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

 

(Applause. At the close of Mr. Adams’ speech
there is loud clamor for recognition. The presi-
dent recognizes Edward Rutledge of South Caro-
lina who speaks agaist the Declaration.)
Epwarp Rurueper. Mr. President and Gentle-
men of the Congress—Let us pause! This step,
once taken, cannot be retraced. This resolution,
once passed, will cut off all hope of reconciliation.
(Cries of ‘‘Right.’’) If success attend the arms of
England, we shall then be no longer colonists,
with charters, and with privileges. (Cries of
‘<<Trye.’’) These will all be forfeited by this act;
and we shall be in the condition of other conquered
people—at the mercy of the conquerors. For our-
selves we may be ready to run the hazard; but are
we ready to carry the country at that length?
(Cries of ‘No! No 1?) Ts success so probable as
to justify it? Where ‘s the military, where the
naval power, by which we are to resist the whole
strength of the army of England? For she will
exert that strength to the utmost. Can we rely
on the constancy and perseverance of the people?
Or will they not act as people of other countries
have acted, and, wearied with a long war, submit
in the end to a worse oppression? While we
stand on our old ground, and insist on redress of
grievances, we know that we are right, and that
we are not answerable for consequences. Let us

pause! Let us pause!

(At the close of Mr. Rutledge’s speech there 1S
a clamor for recognition. The president recog-
nizes Roger Sherman of Connecticut.)

 

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126

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

Rocrr SHerman. Mr. President and Gentlemen
of the Congress—The war must go on. We must
fight it through. And if the war must go on, why
put off longer the Declaration of Independence?
That measure will strengthen us. It will give us
character abroad. The nations will then treat
with us. They never can do so while we acknowl-
edge ourselves subjects, in arms against our sov-
ereign. Why then, sir, do we not as Soon as pos-
sible change this from a civil to a national war?
And since we must fight it through, why not put
ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of
victory, if we gain the victory?

GEORGE Reap. Mr. President—

PRESIDENT Hancock. For what purpose does the
gentlemen from Delaware, Mr. Read, rise?

Mr. Reap. I wish to ask the gentlemen from Con-
necticut a very simple question.

Presipenr Hancock. Does the gentleman from
Connecticut yield to the gentleman from Dela-
ware?

Mr. Suerman. I do.

Mr. Reap. You Say—'‘If we gain the victory.’’
If! If! Qh, there is much virtue in an if! But
if we fail, pray tell us what will be our condition
then?

Mr. Suerman. If we fail, it can be no worse for
us. (Applause.) But we shall not fail. (A p-
plause.) The cause will raise up armies; the
cause will create navies. The people, the people,
if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry
themselves, gloriously through this struggle.
(Applause.) I care not how fickle other peopleAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 127
have been found. I know the people of these
Colonies, and [| know that resistance to British
ageression is deep and settled in their hearts, and
eannot be eradicated. Hvery Colony, indeed, has
expressed its willingness to follow if we but take
the lead. Sir, the Declaration will inspire the
people with ‘nereased courage. Instead of a long
and bloody war for the restoration of privileges,
for redress of grievances, for chartered immuni-
ties, held under a British king, set before them the
elorious object of entire independence and it will
breathe into them anew the breath of life. (Ap-
plause.) Publish it from the pulpit, religion will
approve it, resolved to stand with it or fall with
it. (Applause.) Send it to the public halls; pro-
claim it there; let them hear ‘+ who heard the first
roar of the enemy’s cannon; let them see it who
saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field
of Bunker Hill and in the streets of Lexington and
Concord, and the very walls will ery out in its sup-
port. (Long and continued applause. At the
close of Mr. Sherman's speech there ws a loud
clamor for recognition. The president recoguizes
John Dickinson of Pennsylvania.)

Joun Dicxrnson. Mr. President and Gentlemen
of the Congress—If we now change our object,
carry our pretensions further and set up for abso-
lute independence, we <hall lose the sympathy of
mankind. (Shouts of © True! Right!’’) Ishud-
der before this responsibility. It will be upon us,
it will be upon us, if, relinquishing the eround we
have stood upon so long, and stood so safely, we
now proclaim independence, and

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128 4MERICAN INDEPENDENCE

for that object, while these cities burn, these pleas-
ant fields whiten and bleach with the bones of their
Owners, and these streams run blood. It will be
upon us, it will be upon us, if failing to maintain
this unreasonable and ill-judged Declaration, a
Sterner despotism, maintained by military power,
Shall be established over our posterity, when we
ourselves, given up by an exhausted, a harassed,
a misled people shall have explated our rashness
and atoned for our presumption on the scaffold.
(Applause. At the end of Mr. Dickinson’s speech
there is aloud clamor for recogmtion. The presi-
dent recognizes Benjamin Franklin of Pennsyl-
vania.)

BrenJaMiIn FRanKuin. Mr. President and Gentle-
men of the Congress—I know the uncertainty of
human affairs, but I see, I see clearly, through this
day’s business. You and I, indeed, may rue it.
We may not live to the time when this Declara-
tion shall be made good. We may die; die Colo-
nists; die slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously
and on the scaffold. Beitso. Be it so) Iiitbe
the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall re-
quire the poor offering of my life, the victim shall
be ready, at the appointed hour of Sacrifice, come
when that hour may. (Applause.) But while I
do live let me have a country, or at least the hope
of a country, and that a free country. (Applause.)

But whatever may be our fate, be assured that
this Declaration will stand. It may cost treasure,
and it may cost blood; but it will Stand, and it will
richly compensate for both. (Applause.) Through
the thick gloom of the present, I see the brightnessAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 129

of the future as the sun in Heaven. We shall
make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we
are in our graves, our children will honor it.
(Applause.) They will celebrate it with thanks-
giving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illumina-
tions. On its annual return they will shed tears,
copious tears, gushing tears, not of subjection and
slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exulta-
tion, of gratitude and of joy. (Applause.) Su,
before God, I believe the hour has come. My
whole heart is init. All that I have, and all that
[ am, and all that I hope for in this life, | am now
ready here to stake upon it. It is my living senti-
ment, and by the blessing of God it shall be my
dying sentiment, independence now and INDE-
PENDENCE Forever! (Long and continued ap-
plause. A loud clamor for reco guition. The chawr
recognizes Robert Morris, of Pennsylvania. )

Rozpert Morris. Mr. President and Gentleman of
the Congress—War is a relic of barbarism. (Ap-
plause.) The history of trial by battle is the his-
tory of folly and wickedness. (Applause.) As we
revert to those early periods of the human race in
which it prevailed our minds are shocked at the
barbarism which we behold; we are horror-
stricken at the awful subjection of justice to brute
force. (Applause.)

And who is this god of battles that some of you
believe in with so much faith? It is Mars—man-
slaying, blood-polluted, city-smiting Mars. (Ap-
plause.) Him we cannot adore. Itis not he who
causes the sun to shine on the just and the unjust.
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130 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

 

upright heart. It is not he who fills the fountains
of mercy and goodness. He is not the god of love
and justice. The god of battles is not the god of
Christians; to him ean ascend no prayer of
Christian thanksgiving; for him no words of wor-
ship in Christian temples, no swelling anthems to
peal the note of praise. (Applause. )

Let us cease then, to look for a lamp to our feet
in the feeble tapers that glimmer in the sepulchers
of the past. Rather let us hail those ever-burning
lights above in whose beams is the brightness of
the noonday. (Applause.) As the cedars of Le-
banon are higher than the gates of the valley, as
the heavens are higher than the earth, as man is
higher than the beast of the field, as the angels
are higher than man; so are the virtues and olor-
les and victories of peace higher than the virtues
and victories of war. (Long and continued ap-
plause, and clamor for recognition by members of
Congress.)

Patrick Henry. Mr. President and Gentlemen
of the Congress—The whole world knows that we
have done everything that could be done to avert
the storm which is now coming on. ( Applause.)
We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we
have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves
before the throne, and have implored its interposi-
tion to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry
and Parliament. Our petitions have been shghted ;
our remonstrances have produced additional

* Patrick Henry was not a member of this Congress. HisAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 131

violence and insult, our supplications have been
disregarded, and we have been spurned, with con-
tempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after
these things may we indulge the fond hope of
peace and reconciliation. (Applause.) There 1s
no longer room for hope. If we wish to be free, if
we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable
privileges for which we have been so long con-
tending, if we mean not basely to abandon the
noble struggle in which we have been so long en-
gaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never
to abandon, until the glorious object of our con-
test shall be obtained, we must fight. I repeat it,
sir, we must fight. (George Read and other Tory
members interrupt by shouts of “Treason! Trea-
son! Treason!’’) If this be treason (Mr. Henry
rising to his full stature and fastening his fiery
eyes upon George Read, with his index finger
almost literally pointing through him.) MAKE
THE MOST OF IT! An appeal to arms and to
the God of Hosts is all that is left us. (Applause.)

We shall not fight our battles alone. There is a
just God who presides over the destinies of na-
tions, and who will raise up friends to fight our
battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong
alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.
We have no election. If we were base enough to
desire it, it is now too late to retire from the con-
test. There is no retreat but in submission and
slavery. Our chains are forged. Their clanking
may be heard on the plains of Boston. The war
‘s inevitable. Let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it
come! (Cries of ‘‘Treason! Treason!’’)

 

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132 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. (Cries
of “‘Peace! Peace!) Gentlemen may ery, ‘‘ Peace,
peace,’’ but there is no peace. The war is actually
begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north
will bring to our ears the clash of resounding
arms. Our brethren are already in the field. Why
stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen
wish? What would they have? (Again the Tory
members interrupt by shouts of ‘‘ Peace! Peace!’’)
Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be pur-
chased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid
it, Almighty God. I know not what course others
may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give

me death! (Long and continued applause. At
the close of Mr. Henry’s speech there are loud
calls for a vote upon the question. President Han-
cock orders the secretary to call the roll of Colo-
mes im geographic order, beginning with New
Hampshire.)

SECRETARY T'Hompson. New Hampshire—

JosepH Barrett. Mr. President and Gentle-
men of the Congress—New Hampshire is repre-
sented in the Congress by three delegates. Her
people have appealed to us and have instructed us
to work for and vote for independence. I con-
sider it a signal honor, sir, and it is the happiest
hour of my life, to lead in this roll call in favor of
this Declaration of Independence. New Hamp-
shire votes AYH. (Shouts of “‘Three cheers for
New Hampshire!’’)

SECRETARY T'Hompson. Massachusetts—

SaMvuEL Apams. Mr. President—The King of
Kingland has set a price upon your head and mine.AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 133

If this Declaration is not made good by the people
of these Colonies, you and J will be shot, hanged
by the neck until dead, or burned at the stake as
traitors. But with faith in the people and in God
to carry our cause through to a slorious victory,
the delegates from Massachusetts stand as one
man for independence. Massachusetts votes
AYE. (Shouts of ‘‘Three cheers for Massachu-
setts,’’ ‘‘Long live Samuel Adams and John Han-
cock,’ and ‘‘Down with the tyrant king of Eng-
land.’’)

Secretary THompson. Rhode Island—

SrppHenN Hopkins. Mr. President—Rhode
Island is a small Colony. She is represented in
this Congress by only two delegates. But all that
we are, all that we hope to be, we are ready here
and now to give for independence. Rhode Island
votes AYE. (Shouts of ‘‘Three cheers for Rhode
Island, Stephen Hopkins, and William Ellery.’’)

Secretary T'Hompson. Connecticut—

Rocer Surman. Mr. President and Gentle-
men—lI have already addressed you at some length
‘n favor of this Declaration. It becomes my
happy duty now to cast the unanimous vote for the
four delegates from Connecticut for independ-
ence, Connecticut votes AYH. (Shouts of ““Tong
live Roger Sherman.” ‘Three cheers for Con-
necticut.’’ )

Srcretary THompson. New York—

Wim Fiovp. Mr. President and Gentlemen—
The instructions against independence for the dele-
vates from New York have never been recalled.
We, therefore, request the privilege to refrain

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AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

from voting on this question. We regret the situ-
ation, gentlemen.

Presipent Hancock. New York is excused from
voting on this question.

SECRETARY T'Hompson. New J ersey—

Ricuarp Stockton. Mr. President and Centle-
men—Il am happy to say that New Jersey has
given her five delegates in this Congress instruc-
tions to vote for independence. New Jersey,
therefore, votes AYE. (Shouts of ““Three cheers
for New Jersey.’’)

SECRETARY THOMPSON. Pennsylvania

BrengaMin Frankuin. Mr. President and Gentle-
men—From the beginning of this Congress the
delegates from Pennsylvania have labored under
instructions against independence, but during the
past three months the friends of independence in
the commonwealth have worked in season and out
of season to have these instructions cancelled and
to have instructions given us to vote for independ-
ence. Under the rule of this Congress made in its
beginning session that a majority of delegates
from each Colony present and voting determines
its vote upon such a question as this, Pennsylvania
casts two votes against independence and three
votes for independence, and therefore votes AYE.
(Shouts of ‘‘Three cheers for Pennsylvania.’’
‘Long live Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, and
James Wilson.’’ Immediately following the ap-
plause for Franklin, Caesar Rodney, a delegate
from Delaware, makes his appearance just in time
to vote. He has come eighty miles on horseback
and has not had time to change his boots and spursAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 135

and still carries a riding whip. Heis gwen a great
ovation.)

Snorerary THompson. Delaware—

Tomas McKnran. Mr. President and Gentle-
men-—Until this moment the vote for Delaware
has been in doubt. George Read, my colleague,
will vote against independence. But, thank God,
the timely arrival of Cesar Rodney, who joins me
in voting for independence, places Delaware on
the right side of this question. To make sure of
this 1 sent an express rider at my own expense to
Dover, Delaware, for Mr. Rodney. He has come
eighty miles on horseback at post haste. He has
not had time to change his riding attire, but is
here in time to join me in voting for independ-
ence. Mr. President, under the rule as stated by
Mr. Franklin governing the voting of Colonies in
this Congress, Delaware votes AYE.

(Shouts of ‘‘Hurrah for Delaware.’ ‘‘Long
live Thomas McKean and Cesar Rodney.’’)

SucreTary THompson. Maryland—

Q,murt CHase. Mr. President and Gentlemen—
Maryland has passed through a similar struggle
to that in Pennsylvania as described by Mr.
Franklin. An appeal has been made to every
county committee and one after another they have
directed their representatives in the state con-
vention to vote for new instructions t0 the dele-
gates in this Congress. At last the old imstruc-
tions against independence have been cancelled
and new instructions given us in a unanimous re-
solve to vote for independence. See the glorious
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AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

if it be not smothered. And, therefore, Maryland
votes AYE.

(Shouts of “‘Three Cheers for Maryland and
Samuel Chase.’’)

SECRETARY THompson. Virginia—

BrnJaMIn Harrison. Mr. President and Gentle-
men—Virginia is here with a solid delegation for
independence. Our battle cry has been so well
stated by Mr. Henry that we need but to repeat it
now—liberty or death! Virginia votes AYE.

(Shouts of ‘‘Three cheers for Virgima.”’
“Long live Richard Henry Lee, Benjanun Harri-
son, [Thomas Jefferson, and Patrick Henry.’’)

SECRETARY THompson. North Carolina—

JosepH Hewes. Mr. President and Gentlemen—
We have had a hard struggle in North Carolina
between aristocracy on one hand and democracy
on the other. But at last the people have won and
North Carolina votes AYE.

(Shouts of “‘Three cheers for North Caro-
lina.’’)

SECRETARY THompson. South Carolina—

Kpwarp Rutieper. Mr. President and Gentle-
men—When Richard Henry Lee’s resolution de-
claring for independence was first introduced I
was opposed to its adoption at the time. I feared
that the people of my Colony were not then ready
for it. I thought also that for the general welfare
of the Colonies it was then too early to declare for
independence. The contest in South Carolina for
independence has been as bitter among her own
people as it has been in any other Colony. But
opinions alter and conditions change with the

passing of time. Therefore, South Carolina nowAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 137

has a solid delegation here ready to walk through
the fiery furnace of war, though it be seventy times
heated, to make this Declaration good. South
Carolina votes AYE.

(Shouts of ‘‘Three cheers for South Carolina
and Edward Rutledge.’’)

Sroretary THompson. Georgia—

Lyman Hauu. Mr. President and Gentlemen—
Georgia is here with three delegates who stand as
one man for independence. Though last on the
roll of states on this question she will be among
the first in her efforts for American independence.
Georgia votes AYK.

(Shouts of ‘‘Three cheers for Georgia.’’)

Joun Hancock. Gentlemen of the Congress—
Twelve of the thirteen Colonies have voted for the
Declaration of Independence, and with no colony
eoing on record against it, I consider our action
nnanimous: for I am confident that the New York
assembly will give her delegation instructions to
sion this document in the near future.

Gentlemen of the Congress, let all members
whose instructions will permit, sign this Declara-
tion——the charter deed of our liberties. As your
presiding officer, I shall sign my name to this im-
mortal document in a hand so bold that the King
of England can read it without the aid of his spec-
tacles. (Hancock signs. Other members applaud
his act and sign their names in great rejowcwng and
noisy demonstrations. The little boy shouts,
“Ring! Grandpa! Ring for Liberty!’ and
Grandpa rings the bell.)

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Cast oF CHARACTERS

JoHn ADAMS
RoGcER SHERMAN

GENERAL WASHINGTON
BENJAMIN H'RANKLIN

TimE: 1778.
Puace: Valley Forge.

Joun Apams. General Washington—The im-
pression in Congress and throughout the country
is that your army 1s very restless, that your men
‘n the ranks are on the verge of mutiny, and that
your officers are resigning their commissions in
alarming numbers. We, as a committee from the
Congress, have come to you for the truth on these
matters.

GpnERAL Wasnineton. Gentlemen—The situa-
tion is deplorable. ‘The army is restless and the
impulse to resign commissions is contagious. Res-
ignations multiply. In particular the Virgina line
has suffered. Not less than ninety officers have re-
sioned to me. The same conduct has prevailed
among the officers from the other states, though
not yet to so considerable a degree, and I fear that,
unless a remedy is soon, very Soon, applied, the
very existence of the army will be threatened.
Men will not be persuaded to sacrifice all selfish
interests, and endure the numerous vicissitudes

 

1 Copyright 1926 by J. L. McBrien.
[ 141 ]

 

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142

 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

of war, in the defense of their country, unless she
will be generous enough on her part to make a de-
cent provision for their future support.

BENJAMIN Franxurn. But, General Washing-
ton, is not our glorious and patriotic cause enough
to inspire and sustain your efforts and men
against all privations and sufferings ?

GENERAL WasuHincton. Men may speculate as
they will; they may talk of patriotism; they may
draw examples from ancient history of heroic
achievements performed under its influence, but
whoever builds upon these instances as a sufficient
basis for conducting a long and bloody war will
find himself deceived in the end. We must take
the passions of men as nature has given them, and
those principles as a guide, which are generally
the rule of action.

Roger SHERMAN. (With some warmth.) Gen-
eral Washington, do you mean to exclude patriot-
ism as a motive in this great struggle?

GENERAL Wasurnecton. I do not mean to exclude
patriotism. I know it exists, and I know that it
animates those engaged in this noble enterprise.
But I will venture to assert that a great and last-
ing war can never be supported by motives of
patriotism alone. Men must be drawn by pros-
pects of interest and reward. Men will not per-
sist without the promises and appreciation on
the part of the people and the government for
whom the army fights. (Tableau: Washington’s
Prayer.)

CurtainEPISODE
A Parriot’s ‘‘No.’’

Cast oF CHARACTERS

GENERAL WASHINGTON CoLONEL LEwis NICOLA

CotoneL Nicoua. General Washington, our
country is on the verge of moral, political, and
military ruin because both Congress and the states
have been so reluctant to do justice to the army
whether in the form of half-pay for the officers or
anything for the men. The army has respectfully
petitioned and remonstrated time after time but
with no results. As a last resort several hundred
soldiers shouting for their wages have recently
driven Congress from Philadelphia to Princeton.
A great and ably prepared document has been cir-
culated among the officers urging them to unite
and take matters into their own hands, establish
an American monarchy, place you at its head as
king, and thus bring order out of chaos, and in-
sure happiness and prosperity to our people in-
stead of letting everything go to ruin under the
present policy. General Washington, I beg of
you to believe me sincere when I say you ought
to accept this call to save our country. Save or
we perish! I speak for the army, sir, in this peti-
tion which I hand you.

GuneraL Wasuineton. (Washington reads the
paper with scarcely concealed emotion and lays ut
aside.) Itis with astonishment that 1 have listened

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144 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

to the sentiments which you have just uttered.
Be assured, sir, that no occurrence in the course
of the war has given me more painful sensations.
I must view the suggestion with abhorrence and
reprehend it with severity. The responsibility for
the nonpayment of the soldiers does not rest with
Congress alone, but with our form of Federal
Government, which does not allow Congress to
raise money from the states by taxes. The people
of the United States, in order to form a more per-
fect union, establish Justice, insure domestic tran-
quility, provide for the common defense, promote
the general welfare and secure the blessings of
hberty for themselves and their posterity, must
ordain and establish a Constitution with law-mak-
ing, law-enforcing, and law-interpreting powers,
thus without encroaching upon the rights of the
states making possible a strong central govern-
ment. I am at a loss to conceive how my conduct
could have given encouragement to an idea which
to me seems to threaten the greatest evils to our
country. If I am not deceived in knowledge of
myself, you could not have found a person to whom
your schemes are more disagreeable. At the same
time, in justice to my own feelings, I must add
that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see
ample justice done to the army than I do, and, as
far as my powers and influence in a constitutional!
way extend, they shall be employed to the utmost
of my ability to effect it. Let me conjure you,
then, if you have any regard for your country,
concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for
me, to banish these thoughts of a monarchy and aAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 145

king from your mind. Never again communicate,
as from yourself or from anyone else, a sentiment
of like nature.

CotoneL Nicoua. General Washington, I beg
pardon if I have offended you or made an unwise
offer. I shall report your views on this matter to
the army. I hope you will forgive me, sir. (Nicola
departs.)

GpneraL WasHineton. (Seating himself at hs
table and speaking with determination.) God be-
ing my helper I shall do all in my power to estab-
lish a government that derives its Just powers from
the consent of the governed. (While W ashington
reflects on the situation the first stanza of ‘* Amer-
ica the Beautiful’? may be sung by a w ell-trained
chorus or quartet from the ee and back wings of
the stage.)

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HPILOG?

WASHINGTON’sS RESIGNATION

Cast oF CHARACTERS

GENERAL WASHINGTON MEMBERS OF CONGRESS
GENERAL MIFFLIN COLONIAL DAMES
CONTINENTAL ARMY

Time: December 23, 1788.
PLACE: ic

(A session of the Congress to receive the resig-
nation of Washington. All members of the cast
are on the stage mm this scene except the British
soldiers.)

GENERAL Mirriin. Gentlemen of the Congress—
Hight years ago we made General Washington
commander-in-chief of the armies raised and to
be raised for American independence. Through
seven long years of war, against overwhelming
odds in which brave men did brave deeds, baptiz-
ing their country’s soil with their blood from
Bunker Hill to Yorktown, the soldiers under Gen-
eral Washington fought on until an army of vet-
erans surrendered to a band of insurgent husband-
men. ‘The American Nation had been born. Its in-
dependence has been recognized by Great Britain
and the civilized world. Peace has come and
General Washington desires to surrender his com-

*Reprinted by permission from J. L. McBrien’s America
First, copyright 1916, published by The American Book Com-
pany.

[ 146 ]147

   

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

mission to the Congress that elected him to this
position. He is waiting to do this. I, therefore,
appoint John Adams of Massachusetts and Benja-
min Franklin of Pennsylvania an honorary com-
mittee to escort General Washington before the
Congress. (General Washington 1s escorted be-
fore the Congress.)

GeneRaAL Wasuineron. Mr. President—The
ereat events on which my resignation hinged, hav-
ing at length been consummated, I have now the
honor of offering my sincere congratulations to
Congress, and of presenting myself before them
to surrender into their hands the trust committed
to me, and to claim the indulgence of retirement
from the service of my country.

Happy in the confirmation of our independence
and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity
afforded the United States of becoming a nation,
I resign with satisfaction the appointment I ac-
cepted with diffidence. This lack of confidence in
my own abilities to accomplish so arduous a task
has been removed, however, by a consciousness of
the rectitude of our cause, by the support of the
Supreme Power of the Union, and by the blessing
of Heaven.

The successful termination of the war has ver1-
fied the most sanguine expectations. My gratitude
for assistance I have received from my country-
men increases with every review of the momentous
contest.

I consider it an indispensable duty to close this

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148 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

the interests of our dearest country to the protec-
tion of Almighty God, and to His holy keeping.

Having now finished the work assigned to me, I
retire from the great theater of action, and bid-
ding an affectionate farewell to this august body
under whose orders I have long acted, I here offer
my commission and take leave of all the employ-
ment of public life.

GENERAL Mirruin. Sir, the United States, in
Congress assembled, receive with emotions too
aifecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of
the authorities under which you have led their
troops with success through a perilous and doubt-
ful war. Called upon by your country to defend
its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge
before your country had formed alliances, and
whilst it was without funds or a government to
support you. You have conducted the great mili-
tary contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably
regarding the rights of the civil power through all
disasters and changes.

Having defended the standard of liberty in this
new world, having taught a lesson useful to those
who inflict, and to those who feel oppression, you
retire with the blessings of your fellow citizens.
The glory of your virtues will not terminate with
your military command; it will continue to animate
remotest ages.

We join you in commending the interests of our
dearest country to the protection of Almighty
God, beseeching Him to dispose the hearts and
minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity
afforded them of becoming a happy and respectedAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 149

nation. And for you we address to Him our
earnest prayers that a life so beloved may be
fostered with all His care, that your days may be
happy as they have been illustrious, and that He
will finally give you that reward which this world
cannot give. (The Congress stands.)

Ricuarp Henry Lez. Gentlemen of the Con-
eress—A toast to General Washington! (ln
concert the entire cast shouts: “‘Furst wn War!
First in Peace! and First in the Hearts of His
Countrymen!’’ Cast and audience join m singing
‘“ America.’ ’)

 

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SUGGESTIONS FOR LARGER PAGEANTS

  
 
  
  
  
   
 
 
  
    
   
  
  
 
   
 
 
 
  
 
 

HEN the entire community in a large city

presents The Story of American Independ-
ence In an outdoor pageant, it will be necessary
to supply special picturesque and spectacular fea-
tures. ‘he Committee of the National Education
Association makes, therefore, the following sug-
gestions for the framework in which all or some
of the units of The Story of American Independ-
ence may be fitted.

That great national figure which belongs
equally, we may say, to Massachusetts and Penn-
sylvania, Benjamin Franklin, may be conceived
of as the Show-Man and Paecant Master for the
whole affair. He may, in appropriate, poetic pro-
log, introduce the pageant to the city fathers and
to the audience assembled. The political ideas
which Jefferson and the other signers incorpo-

rated in the Declaration of Independence had their
origin in the minds of certain great lawyers of
earher days. This fact may be shown graphically.
At least six authorities might find a place in the
pageant, but the following three offer certain pic-
torial possibilities. It will be inter esting to have
a tableau, pantomine or genre picture of Grotius
in Holland. The atmosphere of his country may,
as a preliminary spectacle, be indicated by an
enormous field of swaying red and yellow tulips.
Then might follow a living picture of John Locke
in his study in England working with those ideas
which influenced Jefferson’s spirit. The Locke
group may be preceded by a rose dance, a charac-

[ 150 ]AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 151

   

teristic English note, and this part of the pageant
may be brought to a close with a tableau picturing
Rousseau composing his Social Contract, a docu-
ment which was also influential in forming the
conceptions of Jefferson. ‘The prelude of the
Rousseau tableau might be a dance number com-
posed of the lies of Hrance clothed in blue and
gold. Following this colorful prolog The Story
of American Independence may be acted in part or
asa whole. There may be added action pictures or
tableaux showing the venerable Franklin at the
court of Louis the Sixteenth and Jefferson himselt
at his seat at Monticello. This larger pageant
may be brought to a close in one of several ways:
either masses of school children may form some
creat figure such as the flag or the national shield;
or The Spirit of Heroic Independence may lead
around the pageant grounds the forty-eight states
of the nation in a mighty procession. These units
at Philadelphia will be composed, probably of offi-
cial representatives from the various states. It
is hoped that a Continental Congress Express will
carry across the country representatives of all the
states and will in this way signalize the sesqul-
centennial of the signing of the Declaration of In-

dependence.

 

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FRANKLIN AT THE COURT OF
LOUIS XVI

   
 
 
   
   
 
    
  
  
   
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
   
 
   
 
 

HERE are many pageant possibilities in the

episode, ‘‘Franklin at the Court of Louis
XVI,’’ proposed for a large pageant built around
the theme of the DRAMA OF AMERICAN INDE-
PENDENCE. The episode may be presented in
three scenes, any one of which would be sufficient
im itself. For example, in a Paris salon in the
month of December, 1776, the following action
might ensue, dialogues for which can easily be sup-
pled by means of composition projects in the Ting-
lish classes. Three courtiers enter. They diseuss
Franklin’s popularity in the country and the re-
ception at which he is to be the guest of honor.
They are followed by two scientists who talk of
Franklin, his scientific reputation, and his mem-
bership in the Academy. One of them quotes
Turgot’s eloquent description of Franklin: ‘‘He
seized fire from Heaven and sceptres from the
hands of tyrants.’’ Two ladies next come on the
scene, armed with a laurel wreath with which to
crown the American patriot. They speak of the
portraits of Franklin that have been painted, the
statuettes that have been cast, and the engravings
of him that adorn many French homes. The ladies
are Joined by Greuze. They urge him also to paint
Kranklin. The mighty Franklin himself, acecom-
panied by his grandson, Ben Bache, then appears.
The ladies greet him with quotations from Poor
Richard’s Almanac. They prophesy its immor-
tality in France, promising him that for centuries

[ 152 ]AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 153

to come his maxims will be used in the schools.
Franklin is then crowned by one of the ladies with
a laurel wreath.

The second scene may present Franklin at Passy
in 1777. To him there a messenger brings news of
the taking of Philadelphia by Howe and of Bur-
goyne’s surrender. Franklin shows himself con-
scious of his responsibilities in France. ‘The as-
semblage commiserates with him on the taking of
Philadelphia. Franklin replies: ‘‘ Philadelphia
has taken Howe.’’

The last scene of the episode is laid at Versailles
on February 6, 1778. American Independence is
recognized by the French Government. Franklin
is received at the Court of Louis XVI and Marie
Antoinette. Among other notables present are
Vergennes and Lafayette.

 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY ON PAGEANTS AND
PAGHANTRY

O attempt has been made to produce an ex-

haustive bibliography. Only those titles
have been suggested that bear directly on the
problems of Independence Day pageantry. The
books and pageants mentioned may be secured
through local book sellers or borrowed from the
local library.

Pageants

M. M. anp H. F. Caruron. The spirit of wmde-
pendence: a patriotic pageant. Charles Scrib-
ner’s Sons, New York, 1926.

EuizasetH B. Grimpaty. The flag of the free.
(A program and ceremonial for Independence
Day.) Playground and Recreation Association
of America, New York.

K. 8. Goopman anp T. W. Stevens. A pageant
for Independence Day. The Stage Guild, Chi-
cago, 1912.

KieanorE Husparp. Little American history
plays for little Americans. Benjamin J. San-
born and Company, Chicago, 1919.

M. Knox anp A. M. Ltrkennavus. The rainy day
book for boys and girls. (Contains a notable
little sesquicentennial pageant for children in
the upper grades.) The Century Company,
New York, 1924.

J. L. McBrien. America first. American Book
Company, New York, 1916.

Constance D’Arcy Mackay. Patriotic plays and

[ 154 ]AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 155

 

pageants for young people. Henry Holt and
Company, New York, 1912.

Avucusta Stevenson. Dramatized scenes from
American history. Houghton Mifflin Company,
Boston, 1916.

Pageantry

EK. W. Bares. The art of producing pageants.
Walter H. Baker Company, Boston, 1920.

M. P. Bercuz anp J. R. Crawrorp. Community
drama and pageantry. Yale University Press,
New Haven, 1916.

P. J. Burrevy. Committee organezation of a com-
munity drama or pageant. Bulletin o2 22. Play-
ground and Recreation Association of America,
New York, 1920.

PercivaL Cuuss. Festwals and plays im school
and elsewhere. Harper and Company, New
York, 1912.

Community Drama Service. List of pageants,
masques, and festivals. Playground and Recre-
ation Association of America, New York.

Ratpu Davou. Handbook of American Pag-
eantry. Davol Publishing Company, Taunton,
Massachusetts.

Rotaxnp Hour. A list of music for plays and
pageants. D. Appleton and Company, New
York.

W. C. Lanepon. Suggestions for the celebration

of the Fourth of July by means of pageantry.

Russell Sage Foundation, Recreation Division,

Pamphlet 114, New York, 1912.

 

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156 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE

M. M. Russetyt. How to produce plays and pag-
eants. George A. Doran Company, New York
1923.

Linwoop Tart. The technique of pageantry. H.S.
Barnes and Company, New York; Material on
Independence Day.

)

Miscellaneous

M. M.& H. F. Caruron. The story of the Declara-
tion of Independence, Charles Scribner’s Sons
New York, 1926.

JoHN C. Firzparrick. The Spirit of the Revolu-
tion. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1924.

Rosert Haven Scuaurrier. Independence Day.
Its celebration, spirit, and significance as re-
lated in prose and verse. Moffat, Yard and

Company, New York, 1912.

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