YALE UNIVERSITY
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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

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of the
MATTHEW C. D. BORDEN FUND

THE HEART OF THE PURITAN

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
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TOEONTO

THE
HEART OF THE PURITAN

SELECTIONS FROM LETTERS AND
JOURNALS

EDITED BY
ELIZABETH DEERING HANSCOM, Ph. D.
FBOraSSOR OF BNOLISH IN SMITH COLIJlOa

Nrat lark
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1917
AH rtthlt ttunti

CoPYUOHT, 1917
By the MACMILLAN COMPANY
Set up and electiotyped. Published October. 1917.

L. D. H.
DAUGHTER OF THB PURITANS
Of conservatives most liberal
Of progressives most steadfast
Of all most dear

Letters are by some wise men counted y* best parte
oJ histories — lyUliam Bradford

PR^FATIO
So discerning a critic and precise a scholar as Mr.
George Edward Woodberry has written, "The
heart of the Puritan is a closed book." Now al
though this gentleman's reputation is such (and
rightly such) that one does not lightly or unthink
ingly take issue with him, especially on a point within
his own domain of learning, and although it may be
tliought by some unbecoming for "a female pen"
to engage in this or any other venture whereby con
troversy may be engendered or dilTcrcnccH of opinion
fitated;yct, after much ponderingand no little reading,
this which Mr. Woodberry stated so categorically re
mained still to me a question ; but one inclining always
away from the presumption on which it was based.
And so at length, partly because I could not be rid
of the vexing puzzle and hence would fain leave it to
others to answer, and partly because I found my
own heart turning with curiosity at first and later
with affection to those men and women into whose
lives I looked for many months, I determined to
bring together in one place, in a convenient com
pendium, as it were, some gleanings from many and
dusty tomes, some fragments of reality, in the hope
that from them might radiate for others, as for me,
shafts of light to penetrate the past.
And lest there may seem too much of explanation,
and that of a personal kind, in the foregoing, I would
add that this my purpose, which it seemed wise to
state in the beginning, has of necessity affected and
vii

viii Prcrfatio
colored the work that is here set forth. There will
be found here but slight, and at times no, reference
to many momentous happenings which arc written
large on the pages of history; and of theological and
ecclesiastical controversy there is also but a modicum,
(Laus Deo!) Many learned and able scholars have
dealt with these and like matters, and their books are
known and read by many inquiring students. This
humble volume has other and more modest ambition,
desiring merely to set forth, if may be, the daily life
and thought of the Puritans. Hence those curious
about weightier matters will find, if they chance to
glance at it, many omissions which may seem to them
grievous, but of which they can not say they were
not fairly and honorably warned, if indeed they ever
read these words.
A witty playwright and actor, by his daily walk
and conversation far removed from the Puritans,
but who had some knowledge which they had not,
once wrote of certain things as "but the trappings
and the suits of woe." Here, it would seem, is a
nice discrimination, and one that it would be wise
to retain in our thought of people as somber of garb
and serious of demeanor as those whom we call Puri
tans; but whose hearts were not thereby restrained
from concern about mundane afFairs or from love of
wives and children.
For the free use of the word Puritan, to denote the
settlers of both Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth
Harbor, as well as their contemporaries and descend
ants who sought the remote regions of thc Connecti
cut Valley and the shores of Long Island Sound, no
apology need be offered. It is to some curious and
meticulous students a term of limited application;

PrcBfatio ix
but its general and larger meaning is apparent to thc
average reader, for whom alone this book is intended.
It is no part of its design to furnish that which would
prove "caviare to the general," to quote again the
aforesaid witty play-actor.
For the form in which most of the selections herein
contained appear, a word of explanation may be
desirable. It is a notable fact that although all the
men and some of the women whose words are here
quoted had a good, and some a super-excellent, edu
cation, being indeed among the most erudite men
of the colonies; yet there was little standardizing of
that which has later been raised to a very science of
spelling. And how much more varied and provoca
tive of interest is the personal wish of the writer
than the rules of the schools in matters orthographic
may be seen by comparing the many extracts in
which the original spelling and punctuation are fol
lowed with the few in which regrettably only cor
rected transcripts are obtainable.
So many minds and hands have made possible
this little book that I know not where to begin — and
indeed it will be more difficult to stop — in making the
acknowledgments which honesty and courtesy alike
demand. There is one sweet and gracious lady, to
whom on a previous page I have made my devoir,
whose help and advice have been constant, without
whose judgment this book would not have been com
piled and without whose skill the proof would not have
been read. There are also sundry damsels in diverse
libraries, notably those of Northarripton, where
learned ladies do congregate, for whose patience and
amiability most grateful thanks should be returned;
and to my publishers, who have waited long and con-

X Prczjatio
siderately for the fulfillment of retarded promises,
I present my compliments. And if there be others
whose help and courtesy I have failed to acknowledge,
I trust that they will attribute the cause to no lack
of intention or ungraciousness of spirit.
Northampton^ Massachusetts.
May 30, 1917.

The selections from "The Diary of Anna Green
Winslow" are used by permission of, and by special
arrangement with, Houghton Mifflin Company,
publishers of the book.
The selections from "The Journal of Jasper
Danckaerts" and the letter of John Wynter, from
Alice Morse Earle's "Customs and Fashions in Old
New England," are used by permission of, and by
special arrangement with, Charles Scribner's Sons,
publishers of the books.
Thc Prince Society has kindly given permission
to use the extracts from thc letters of John Checkley.
Thefrontlspicccis from a photograph of Augustus
St. Gaudcns's statue, Thc Puritan or Deacon Chapin,
in Springfield} Massachusetts.

n

CONTENTS
Chapter page
I. Of the Coming of Godly Men to These
Parts  I
II. Of Boston  17
III. Of Affairs Domestic and Personal . . 25
IV. Of Matrimony  59
V. Of Education  83
VI. Of Indians  - 119
VII. Of Trade  139
VIII. Of Travel  163
IX. Of Holidays  173
X. Of Episcopacy  189
XI. Of Churches  203
XII. Of Prophecies and Warnings .... 219
XIII. Of Witchcraft  227
XIV. Cor Cordium  249

• ••
ZIU

Of the coming of diverse godly Men to these Parts
and of their Endeavours to establish the
Kingdom of God herein, albeit sorely
harassed by the Hardships of the
Land and by evil Men.

The Reverend John Robinson and Elder William
Brewster set forth the sad estate of the breth
ren in Holland in a letter to Sir Edwin Sands.
Leyden, Desem: 15, An°: 1617.
... I. We veryly beleeve & trust y" Lord is with
us, unto whom & whose service we have given our
selves in many trialls; and that he will graciously
prosper our indeavours according to y" simplicitie of
our harts therin.
2'*'. We arc well weaned from y" delicate milkc of
our mother couiitric, and enured to y* difTiculticfl of
n fllrange and hard land, wliich yet in a great parte
wc have by patience overcome.
3'*'. The people are for thc body of them, indus
trious, & frugall, we thlnke we may safly say, as any
company of people in the world.
4'*'. We are knite togeather as a body in a most
stricte & sacred bond and covenante of the Lord, of
the violation whereof we make great conscience, and
by vertue wherof we doe hould our selves straitly tied
to all care of each others good, and of y* whole by
every one and so mutually.
5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men;
whom small things can discourage, or small discon
tentments cause to wish them selves at home againe.
We knowe our entertainmente in England, and in
Holand; we shall much prejudice both our arts &
means by removall; who, if we should be driven to
returne, we should not hope to recover our present
helps and comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our
selves, to attaine unto y* like in any other place dur-
3

4 The Heart of the Puritan
ing our lives, w'** are now drawing towards their
periods. . . .

Governour William Bradford recounts the departure
of the Pilgrims from Delft Haven and iheir ar
rival at Cape Cod in a far country. [July, 1620]
... So being ready to departe, they had a day of
solleme humiliation, their pastor taking his texte from
Ezra 8. 21. And ther at y' river, by Ahava, I pro
claimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before
our God, and seeke of him a right way for us, and for
our children, and for all our substance. Upon which he
spente a good parte of y* day very profitably, and
suitable to their presente occasion. The rest of the
time was spente in powering out prairs to y* Lord
with great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears.
And y" time being come that they must departe, they
were accompanied with most of their brethren out of
y* citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-
Haven, wher the ship lay ready to receive them. So
they lefte y' goodly & pleasante citie, which had been
ther resting place near 12 years; but they knew they
were pilgrimes, & looked not much on those things,
but lift up their eyes to y^ heavens, their dearest
countrie, and quieted their spirits. When they came
to y* place they found y'' ship and all things ready;
and shuch of their frcinds as could not come with
them followed after them, and sundrie also came from
Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take their
leave of them. That nigiit was spent with liile
slccpc by y" most, but with freindly entertainmente
& clirisiian discourse and other reall expressions of

A Doleful Sight 5
true christian love. The next day, the wind being
faire, they wente aborde, and their freinds with them,
where truly dolfuU was y' sight of that sade and
mournfull parting; to see what sighs and sobbs and
praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush
from every eye, & pithy speeches peirst each harte;
that sundry of y' Dutch strangers y* stood on y'
key as spectators, could not refraine from tears. Yet
comfortable & sweete it was to see shuch lively and
true expressions of dear & unfained love. But y"
tide (which stays for no man) caling them away y*
were thus loath to departe, their Reve^: pastor fall
ing downe on his knees, (and they all with him,) with
watrie cheeks coiiiended them with most fervente
praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then with
mutuall imbrases and many tears, they tooke their
leaves one of an other; which proved to be y* last
leave to many of them. . . . [November ii, 1620]
. . . Being thus arrived in a good harbor and
brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees &
blessed y* God of heaven, who had brought them
over y' vast & furious ocean, and delivered them
from all y' periles & miseries thereof, againe to set
their feete on y" firme and stable earth, their proper
elemente. . . .
But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and
stand half amased at this poore peoples presente
condition; and so I thinke will the reader too, when
he well considers y" same. Being thus passed y* vast
ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their prepara
tion . . . they had now no friends to wcllcomc them,
nor inns to cntcrtainc or refresh thcir wcathcrbcaten

6 The Heart of the Puritan
bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too,
to seeke for succoure. It is recorded in scripture as
a mercie to y* apostle & his shipwraked company, y*
the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in
refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when
they mette with them (as after will appeare) were
readier to fill their sids full of arrows then otherwise.
And for y' season it was winter, and they that know
y' winters of y' cuntric know them to be sharp &
violent, & subjecte to crucll & feirce stormes, deanger-
ous to travill to known places, much more to serch
an unknown coast. Bcsids, what could they sec but
a hidious & desolate wildcrnes, full of wild beasts
& willd men? and what multituds ther might be of
them they knew not. . . . For suiTier being done,
all tilings stand upon them with a wcllierbcaten
face; and y" whole countrie, full of woods & thickets,
represented a wild & savage hciw. If they looked
behind them, ther was y" mighty ocean which they
had passed, and was now as a mainc barr & goulfe to
seperatc them from all y* civill parts of y" world. . . .
What could now sustaine them but y" spirite of God
& his grace.'' May not & ought not the children of
these fathers rightly say: Our faithers were English
men which came over this great ocean, and were ready
to perish in this wildernes; but they cried unto y' Lord,
and he heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie,
yc. Let them therfore praise y' Lord, because he is
good, y his mercies endure for ever. Yea, let them
which have been redeemed of y' Lord, shew how he
hath delivered them from y" hand of y' oppressour.
When they wandered in y' deserte wildernes out of y'
way, and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie,
thirstie, their sowte was overwhelmed in them. Let

Dedication to N. E. 7
them confess before y' Lord his loving kindnes, and
his wonderful works before y' sons of men. . . .
John Winthrop, the younger, engages for the New
England venture.
S', . . . For the businesse of N. E., I can say noe
other thing, but that I beleeve confidently, that the
whole disposition thereof is of the Lord, who dispos-
eth all alterations, by his blessed will, to his owne
glory and thc good of his; &, therefore, doe assure my
Bclfc, that all things shall worke together for the best
therin. And for my sclfc, I have scene so much of
the vanity of thc world, that I cstccmc noe morc
of the diversities of countries, then as so many inncs,
whereof thc travailer that halli lodged in the best,
or in the worst, findeth noe difTcrence, when he
commeth to his journics end; and I shall call that
my countrie, where I may most glorific God, & enjoy
the presence of my dearest freinds. Therfore heerin
I submit my selfe to Gods wil & yours, &, w*^"* your
leave, doe dedicate my selfe (laying by all desire of
other imployments whatsoever) to the service of God
& the Copany herin, w**" the whole endeavours, both
of body & mind.
The Conclusions,* w*^"* you sent downe, I showed
my uncle & aunt, who like them well. I thinke they
are unanaswerable; & it cannot but be a prosperous
action, w*^** is so well allowed by the judgment of
Gods prophets, undertaken by sp religious & wise
worthies of Israeli, & indented to Gods glory in so
speciall a service.
* A paper by John Winthrop, the elder, justifying the
colonization of New England.

8 The Heart of the Puritan
. . , So, desiring your praiers & blessing, I comend
you to the Almighties protection, & rest
Your obedient sonne, John Winthrop.
Lond., Aug. 21, 1629.
Governour John Winthrop, the elder, when ready to
depart from Old England, bids farewell to his
beloved helpmeet, and on arrival at Massachusetts
Bay sends directions for her coming hither,
. . . And now (my sweet soul) I must once again
take my last farewell of thee in Old England. It
goeth very near to my heart to leave thee; but I
know to whom I have committed thee, even to him
who loves thee much better than any husband can,
who hath taken account of the hairs of thy head,
and puts all thy tears in his bottle, who can, and
(if it be for his glory) will bring us together again
with peace and comfort. Oh, how it refresheth my
heart, to think, that I shall yet again see thy sweet
face in the land of the living! — that lovely coun
tenance, that I have so much delighted in, and beheld
with so great content ! I have hitherto been so taken
up with business, as I could seldom look back to my
former happiness; but now, when I shall be at some
leisure, I shall not avoid the remembrance of thee,
nor the grief for thy absence. Thou hast thy share
with me, but I hope the course we have agreed upon
will be some ease to us both. Mondays and Fridays,
at five of the clock at night, we shall meet in spirit
till we meet in person. Yet, if all these hopes should
fail, blessed be our God, that we are assured we shall
meet one day, if not as husband and wife, yet in a
better condition. Let that stay and comfort thy

Sorrow and Rejoicing 9
heart. Neither can thc sea drown thy husband, nor
enemies destroy, nor any adversity deprive thee of
thy husband or children. Therefore I will only take
thee now and my sweet children in mine arms, and
kiss and embrace you all, and so leave you with
my God. Farewell, farewell. I bless you all in the
name of the Lord Jesus. . . .
Thine wheresoever, Jo. Winthrop.
From aboard the Arbella, riding at the Cowes,
March 28, 1630.
My deare Wife, — I wrote to thee by my brother
Arthur, but I durst write no more then I need not
care though it misscarried, for I found him the olde
man still; yet I would have kept him to ease my
brother, but that his owne desire to returne, & the
scarcitye of provisions heer, yielded the stronger
reason to let him goe. Now (my good wife) let us
ioyne in praysinge o' mercifull God, that (howsoever
he hath afflicted us, both generally & particularly
mine owne family in his stroke upon my sonne Henry)
yet myselfe & the rest of o' children & familye are
safe & in health, & that he upholds o' hearts that
we fainte not in all o' troubles, but can yet waite for
a good issue. And howsoever our fare be but coarse
in respect of what we formerly had, (pease, puddings
& fish, beinge o' ordinary diet,) yet he makes it sweet
& wholesome to us, that I may truely say I desire
no better: Besides in this, that he beginnes w*** us
thus in affliction, it is the greater argument to us of
his love, & of the goodnesse of the worke w*^*" we are
about; ifor Sathan bends his forces against us, &
stirres up his instruments to all kinde of mischief,
so that I thinke heere are sorne persons who never

10 The Heart of the Puritan
shewed so much wickcdncssc in England as they
have doone heer. Therefore be not discouraged (my
deare Wife) by anythinge thou shalt heare from
hence, for I see no cause to repente of o' coining
hether, & thou seest (by o' experience) that God can
bringe safe hether even the tenderest women & the
youngest children (as he did many in diverse shippes,
though the voyage were more teadious than formerly
hath been knowne in this season.) Be sure to be
warme clothed, & to have store of fresh provisions,
meale, eggs putt up in salt or grounde mault, butter,
ote meale, pease, & fruits, & a large stronge chest or
2: well locked, to keepe these provisions in; & be
sure they be bestowed in the shippe where they may
be readyly come by, (w*^*" the boatswaine will see to
& the quarter masters, if they be rewarded before-
hande,) but for these thinges my sonne will take
care: Be sure to have ready at sea 2: or 3 : skilletts of
severall syzes, a large fryingc panne, a small stewinge
panne, & a case to boyle a pudding in; store of linncn
for use at sea, & sacke to bcstowe among thc saylers:
some drinkinge vessells, & pcuter & other vessclls: &
for phisick you shall need no other but a pound of
Doctor Wright's ElectuariH leniiivu, & his direction
to use it, a gallon of scirvy grasse to drinke a litle 5:
or 6: morninges togithcr, w"' some saltpeter dissolved
in it, & a litle grated or sliced nutmege.
Thou must be sure to bringe no more companye
then so many as shall have full provisio for a ycare &
halfe, for though the earth hccre be very fertile yet
there must be tyme & meancs to rayse it; if we have
corne enough we may live plentifully. Yet all these
are but the meanes w"^"" God hath ordayned to doe us
good by: o' eyes must be towards him, who as he can

Straitened in Business ii
w"'hould blessings from the strongest meanes, so he
can give sufficient vertue to the weakest. I am so
streightened w"" much businesse, as can no waye
satisfie myselfe in wrightinge to thee. The Lorde
will in due tyme lett us see the faces of each other
againe to o"' great comforte : Now the Lord in mercye
blesse, guide & supporte thee : I kisse & embrace thee
my deare wife. I kisse & blesse you all my deare
children; Forth, Mary, Deane, Sam, & the other:
the Lorde keepe you all & worke his true feare in yo"'
hearts. The blessing of the Lorde be upon all my
servants, whom salute from me, Jo: Samford, Amy
&c, Goldston; Pease, Chote &c: my good freinds at
Castlins & all my good neighbo", goodman Cole &
his good wife, & all the rest:
Remember to come well furnished w"' linnen,
woollen, some more beddinge, brasse, peuter, leather
bottells, drinkinge homes &c: let my sonne provide
12: axes of severall sorts of the Braintree Smithe, or
some other prime workman; whatever they coste, &
some Augers great & smale, & many other neccs-
saryes w I cant how thinke of, as candles, sope, &
store of bcifc suett, &c: once againe farewell my
deare wife. Thy faithfull husband Jo: Winthrop.
Charlton in N: England July 23: 1630.

The fertility of the soil and the happy condition of the
Hartford settlement, likewise the scarcity of serv
ants and laborers, expounded in a letter by Gov
ernour John Winthrop, the younger.
... I must lett you first know that, through the
great blessing of the Lord upon the labours of the

12 The Heart of the Puritan
people heere, there is acofortable supply of all sorts
of corne & provitions necessary for subsistance, &
that not only for themselves (the present inhabitans),
but also for many others; so as it is not now as in
our beginnings, when we were neccssiatated to bring
w"' vs provitions sufficient for a long tyme, but now
the country doth send out great store of biscott,
flower, peas, beife, porke, butter, & other provisions
to the supply of Barbados, Newfoundland, & other
places, besides the furnishing out many vessells &
fishing boats of their owne, so as those who come
over may supply themselves at very reasonable
rates. The vsuall price of wheat is about 4s. p
bushell, & India corne about 2s. or 2.6 p bushell, and
other things proportionable w'^'' are produced here.
This country also is now well stoced w"* horses,
cowes, sheepe, & goates, so as such as come over
may not only be furnished w"* all sorts of fresh &
salted meate for their familyes, but may stock them
selves w"* such sorts of cattle as they desire at indif
ferent rates. And if they doe not desire to make new
beginnings in planting new places in the woods, as
the first planters have done, they may settle them
selves in such townes or plantations as are already
setled, by purchasing or hiring covenient houses &
lands, cultured and fenced, at very moderate
rates. . . . There may also tobacco be raised. Some
have had good croppes, but it is not yet so generally
planted as to make trade of it. Rape oyle, also, its
probable might be raised, w'"^ is a staple comodity.
I should also give notice y' it is very necessary for
them y' come over to supply themselves w"" good
servants, being scarse to be hired for any tyme heere;
also as for poorer sort of people, if they be labouring

The Law of Nations 13
men or good trades, they may be set on worke profit
ably; & if any have children fitt for service, they
may be received into very good [illegible] services
presently, . . .
Your much obliged servant & kinsma, John Winthrop.
Hartford in New England,
Sept: 19, 1660.

As appears in this communication to the Commander
of the Dutch at Manhattan the Governour of
Connecticut will withhold neither words nor blows
in defence of the subjects of his sovereign. [Oct, 21, 1673]
S', — It being not the maner of Christia or civill
nations to disturbe y* poore people in cottages and
open villages, in the tymes of warr, much lesse to
impose oathes upon them, but to suffer them to goe
on w"" their husbandry, and other country affaires,
we canot but wonder to heere y* some of yours (not-
w'*'standing a caution formerly to the sea comaders),
having beene lately downe towards the easterne end
of Long Island, have vrged his Ma*'^' subiects there
to take an oath contrary to their due allegiance to
their sovereigne, and to vse many threatning expres
sions towards them in case of refusall of such an
oath; we thought fitt therfore hereby to let you know
y* we can scarce beleive y' such comission could pro
ceed fro your selfe, who we have heard to be a soldier,
and well acquainted w*"" inartial affaires, and may
suppose you vnderstand better the law of nations
and the customes & vsages of psons of honor, in their
preteces of warr: and we canot guesse at the reasons

14 The Heart of the Puritan
should move to such molestations towards poore
planters, except it be to atteine some plausible pre
tence for plundering and pillaging, w'** if it should
be done, we know very well there may be easy repara
tion among your boores & open dorpes; but the
English will scorne such vnchristian designes, exept
barbarous depredations fro yourselves should neces
sitate retribution to the iniured. You may be as
sured if you proceed in provocations to constrelne the
rising of the English colonies, they will not make it
their worke to tamper w"" your paisents about swear
ing, but deale w"" your head quarters (w*^*" yet if
reduced to obedience to his Ma''" may certainly
expect therby much more happinesse & larger im
munities w"'out such imposurcs then can be inioyed
by them in the station wherin they now are). M'
John Bankes is the messinger by whom we send these,
who ca further informe you how tender we are of
effusion of Christian blood, yet canot but resent w'"*
great indignation if any malicious oppression shalbe
forced upon oure deare neighbours, his Ma"" good
subiects. These animadversions are represented to
your serious cosideration fro J. A.
In the name & by order of the Gov' [torn] Assembly.

Madam Knight, on an adventurous journey from
Boston to New York, sojourns for a season in
Connecticut and passes judgment upon its laws
and customs. [1704]
. . . They are Govern'd by the same Laws as wee
in Boston, (or little differing,) thr'out this whole

Reluctant Bridegrooms 15
Colony of Connecticott, And much the same way
of Church Government, and many of them good,
Sociable people, and I hope Religious too; but a little
too much Independant in their principalis, and, as
I have been told, were formerly in their Zeal very
Riggid in their Administrations toward such as their
Lawes made Offenders, even to a harmless Kiss or
Innocent merriment among Young people. Whip
ping being a frequent and counted an easy Punish
ment, about w*^*" as other Crimes, the Judges were
absolute in their Sentances. . , .
Their Diversions in this part of the Country are
on Lecture days and Training days mostly: on the
former there is Riding from town to town.
And on training dayes The Youth divert them
selves by Shooting at the Target, as they call it, (but
it very much resembles a pillory,) where hee that
hitts neerest the white has some yards of Red Ribbin
presented him, w*^** being tied to his hattband, the
two ends streeming down his back, he is Led away
in Triumph, w"* great applause, as the winners of
the Olympiac Games. They generally marry very
young: the males oftener as I am told under twentie
than above; they generally make public wedings,
and have a way something singular (as they say) in
some of them, viz. Just before Joyning hands the
Bridegroom quitts the place, who is soon followed
by the Bridesmen, and as it were, dragg'd back to
duty — being the reverse to y* former practice among
us, to steal m' Pride, . . .
There are every where in thc Towns as I passed, a
Number of Indians the Natives of thc Country, and
arc the most salvage of all the salvages of that kind
that I had ever Seen: little or no care taken (as I

1 6 The Heart of ihe Puritan
heard upon enquiry) to make them otherwise. They
have in some places Landes of thcir owne, and Gov
ern'd by Law's of thcir own making; — they marry
many wives and at pleasure put them away, and on
the y' least dislike or fickle humour, on either side,
saying stand away to one another is a sufficient Di
vorce. And indeed those uncomely Stand aways are
too much in Vougue among the English in this (In
dulgent Colony) as their Records plentifully prove,
and that on very trivial matters, of which some
have been told me, but are not proper to be Related
by a Female pen. . . .

Of Boston, the chief Town of the Massachusetts
Colony, of its Buildings, both public and
private, and of its Inhabitants.

Boston as seen and described by two visitors to these
parts.
[Boston, March 25, 1686]
. . . The Houses are for the most part raised on
the Sea-Banks, and wharfed out with great Industry
and Cost; many of them standing upon Piles, close
together on each side the streets, as in London, and
furnished with many fair Shops; where all sorts of
Comodities are sold. Their streets are many and
large, paved with Pebbles; the Materials of their
Houses are Brick, Stone, Lime, handsomely con
trived, and when any New Houses are built, they
are made conformable to our New Buildings in
London since the fire. Mr. Shrimpton has a very
stately house there, with a Brass Kettle atop, to
shew his Father* was not asham'd of his Orig
inal. . . . They have Three Fair and Large Meeting-
Houses or Churches, commodiously built in several
parts of the Town, which yet are hardly sufficient
to receive the Inhabitants, and strangers that come
in from all Parts.
Their Town-House is built upon Pillars in the
middle of the Town, where their Merchants meet
and confer every Day. . In the Chambers above they
keep their Monthly Courts. The South-side of the
Town is adorned with Gardens and Orchards. The
Town is rich and very populous, much frequented by
strangers. Here is the Dwelling of Bradstrect, Esq.,
their present Governour. On the North-west and
* Samuel Shrimpton's father, Henry Shrimpton, had
been a brazier in London. 19

20 The Heart of the Puritan
North-East, two constant Fairs are kept, for daily
traffick thereunto. On the South, there is a small
but pleasant Common, where the Gallants a little
before sunset walk with their Marmalet Madams, as
we do in Moorfield, &c., till the Nine-a-Clock Bell
rings them home; after which the Constables walk
their Rounds to see good orders kept, and to take up
loose people. In the high-street towards the Com
mon, there are very fair Buildings, some of which
arc of stone. . . . But I need give you no further
a Description of Boston; for I remember you have
been at Bristol, which bears a very near Resemblance
to Boston. ... — John Dunton. [1750]
. . . Boston the Metropolis of North America Is
Accounted The Largest Town upon the Contenant,
Haveing about Three Thousand Houses in it, about
two Thirds them Wooden Framed Clap Boarded &c.
and some of them Very Spacious Buildings which
togeather with their Gardens about them Cover a
Great deal Ground they are for the most Part Two
and three Stories high mostly Sashd. Their Brick
Buildings are much better and Stronger Built, more
after the Modern Taste all Sashd and Prety well
Ornamented haveing Yards and Gardens Adjoyning
Also. The Streets are very Erregular the Main
Streets are Broad and Paved with Stone the Cross
Streets are but Narrow mostly Paved Except towards
the Outskirts the Towne, The Towne Extends ab*
two Miles in Length North and South and is in
some places I mile and Others f mile Broad has One
Main Street Run^ the whole Length The Towne from

Sabbath Strictness 21
North to South and Tolerable broad, . . . The
Harbour is defended by a Strong Castle of a Hundred
Guns Built upon An Island where the Shipping must
pass by and within Hale its Situation is Extroarden-
ary as it Commands on Every Side and is Well Built
and kept in Exceeding Good Order. . . . This Place
has about Twelve Meeting Houses and Three
Curches which are all Very Indifferent Buildings of
no manner of Architect but Very Plain at the North
End they have a Ring of Bells, which are but Very
Indifferent, They have but One Markett which is
all Built of Brick about Eighty Foot Long and
Arch'd on Both Sides being Two Stories heigh the
upper part Sashd, which Comprehends Several Thc
Publick Offices the Towne, at the Southermost End
is thc Naval Oflice The Middle The Surveyars thc
Marketts Offices, They have Also a Town House
Built of Brick, Situated in Kings Street, Its a very
Grand Building Brick Arch'd all Round and Two
Storie Heigh Sashd above, its Lower Part is always
Open Designd as a Change, tho the Merchants in
Fair Weather make their Change in the Open Street
at the Eastermost End, in the upper Story are the
Councill and Assembly Chambers &c. it has a Neat
Cupulo Sashd all round and. which on rejoycing
days is elluminated. ... In Boston they are very
Strict Observers of the Sabath day and in Service
times np Persons are allow'd the Streets but Doctors
if you are found upon the Streets and the Constables
meet you they Compell you to go either to Curch or
Meeton as you Chuse, also in Sweareing if you are
Catcht you must Pay a Crown Old Tenor for Every
Oath being Convicted thereof without farther
dispute. ... — Francis Goelet.

22 The Heart of the Puritan
Comments on Boston men and manners by sundry
travellers and sojourners. [July 23, 1680]
. . , They baptize no children except those of the
members of the congregation. All their religion con
sists in observing Sunday, by not working or going
into the taverns on that day. . . . There is a pen
alty for cursing and swearing, such as they please to
impose, the witnesses thereof being at liberty to in
sist upon it. Nevertheless you discover little differ
ence between this and other places. Drinking and
fighting occur there not less than elsewhere; and as
to truth and true godliness, you must not expect
more of them than of others. . . .
— Jasper Danckaerts.
[March, 1686]
. . . The first English that came over hither, in
the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's, and the Begin
ning of King James's Reign, forced therto by the
severe Treatment they met with from the Bishops
in England, were certainly the most Pious and Re
ligious Men in the World, Men that had experienc'd
the Power of Divine Grace upon their own Souls, and
were the lively Patterns of Primitive Zeal and In
tegrity; and wou'd have converted all the World, if
they cou'd; especially thcir own Posterity: but alas;
this blessed Wind of the Spirit blows where it listeth;
Many of them were converted and made truly Gra
cious and these walk to this Day in the steps of their
Pious Fore-fathers: But there are others of them, who
never knew thc Power of Converting Grace, who yet
retain a form of Godliness, and make a strict Profcs-
»ioii of the out-side of Religion, tho' they never knew

Muddy Brains 23
what the Power of Godliness was; and these are the
most Profligate and Debauched Wretches in the
World; their Profession of Religion teaching them
only how to sin (as they think) more refinedly. . . .
But I shall say something of the Inhabitants, as
10 months of my Life was spent amongst 'em. There
is no Trading for a stranger with them but with
a Grecian Faith, which is, not to part with your
Ware without ready Money; for they are generally
very backward in their Payments, great censors of
other Men's Manners, but extreamly careless of their
own, yet they have a ready correction for every vice.
As to their Religion, I cannot perfectly distinguish
it; but it is such that nothing keeps 'em friends but
only the fear of exposing one another's knavery. . . .
Their Laws for Reformation of manners, are very
severe, yet but little regarded by the People, so at
least as to make 'em better, or cause 'em to mend
their manners.
For being drunk, they either Whip or impose a
Fine of Five Shillings: And yet notwithstanding this
Law, there are several of them so addicted to it, that
they begin to doubt whether it be a Sin or no; and
seldom go to Bed without Muddy Brains.
For Cursing and Swearing, they bore through the
Tongue with a hot Iron.
For kissing a woman in the Street, though but in
way of Civil Salute, Whipping or a Fine. . . .
Scolds they gag, and set them at their own Doors,
for certain hours together, for all comers and goers to
gaze at. Were this a Law in England, and well Exe
cuted, it wou*d in a little Time prove an Effectual Rem
edy to cure thc Noise that is in many women's heads.
Stealing is punished with Restoring four-fold, if

24 The Heart of the Puritan
able; if not, they are sold for some years, and so are
poor Debtors. I have not heard of many Criminals
of this sort. But for Lying and Cheating, they out-
vye Judas, and all the false other cheats in Hell. . . .
— John Dunton.
October 13. [1740,] Boston is a large populous
place, and very wealthy. It has the form kept up
very well, but has lost much of the power of religion.
I have not heard of any remarkable stir in it for
many years. Ministers and people are obliged to
confess that the love of many is waxed cold. Both
seem too much conformed to the world. There is
much of the pride of life to be seen in thcir assemblies.
Jewels, patches, and gay apparel are commonly worn
by the female sex. I observed litlie boys and girls
commonly dressed up in thc pride of life; and thc
infants, that were brought to ba|nisni, were wrapped
in such finery, that one would ihiiik they were
brought thither, to be initiated into, rather than to
renounce, the pomps and vanities of this wicked
world. Boston, however, ia remarkable for the ex
ternal observance of the Sabbath. Men in civil
offices have a regard for religion. The governor en
courages them; and the ministers and magistrates
seem to be more united, than those in any other
place where I have been. I never saw so little
scoffing; never had so little opposition. Still, I fear,
many rest in a head-knowledge, are close Pharisees,
and have only a name to live. Boston people are
dear to my soul. . . . There are nine meeting-houses
of the Congregational persuasion; one Baptist; one
French; and one belonging to the Scotch-Irish.
— George JVhitefield.

Of AfFairs domestic and personal, including many
Details of Life and Conduct.

A gentleman^ s house is ordered and another gentleman* s
country scat is described, following which appears
an. account of a hut inhabited by a poor man.
To thc Right Worshipfull his much honored brother
John Wenthrop of Ipswich, Esq: speed this
I pray. [1637]
Good Sir, — . . . Conccrneinge the frame of the
howsc, I thanke you kindely for your love & care
to further my busines. I could be well content to
leave much of the contrivance to your owne liberty
vpon what we have talked together about it already.
I am indiferent whether it be 30 foote or 35 foote
longe; 16 or 18 foote broade, I would have wood
chimnyes at each end, the frames of the chimnyes
to be stronger then ordinary, to beare good heavy
load of clay for security against fire. You may let
the chimnyes be all the breadth of the howse, if you
thinke good; the 2 lower dores to be in the middle
of the howse, one opposite to the other. Be sure
that all the dorewaies in every place be soe high
that any man may goe vpright vnder. The staiers
I thinke had best be placed close by the dore. It
makes noe great matter though there be noe particion
vpon the first flore; if there be, make one biger then
the other. For windows, let them not be over large
in any roome, & as few as conveniently may be; . . .
In this story over the first, I would have a particion,
whether in the middest or over the particion vnder, I
leave it. In the garrett noe particion, but let there
27

28 The Heart of the Puritan
be one or two Income * windowes, if two, both on
one side. I desire to have the sparrs reach downe
pretty deep at the eves to preserve the walls the
better from the wether, I would have it sellered all
over, & soe the frame of the howse accordengly from
the bottom. I would have the howse stronge in
timber, though plaine & well brased. I would have
it covered with very good oake-hart inch board, for
the present, to be tacked on onely for the present,
as you tould me. Let the frame begin from the
bottom of the seller, & soe in the ordinary way vp
right, for I can hereafter (to save the timber within
grounde) run vp a thin brickworke without. I thinke
it best to have the walls without to be all clapboarded
besides the clay walls. It were not amisse to leave a
dore-way or two within the seller, that soe hereafter
one may make comings in from without, & let them
be both vpon that side which the Income window or
windowes be. . . .
Yours ever, S. Symonds. [1750]
. . . The House is Built in the Form of a Long
Square, with Wings at Each End and is about 80
Foot Long, in the middle is a Grand Hall Surrounded
above by a Fine Gallery with Neat turned Bannester
and the Cealing of the Hall Representing a Large
doom Designd for an Assembly or Ball Room, the
Gallery for the Mucisians &c. the Building has Four
Doors Fronting the N, E, S. & W. Standing in the
middle the Great Hall you have a Full View of the
Country from the Four Dores at the Ends of the
* Luthern?

A Cold and Secret Fast 29
Buildings is 2 upper and 2 Lower Rooms with neat
Stair Cases Leadeing to them in One the Lower
Rooms is his Library and Studdy well Stockd with
a Noble Colection of Books. . . .
— Francis Goelet.
[1704]
. . . This little Hutt was one of the wretchedest
I ever saw a habitation for human creatures. It was
suported with shores enclosed with clapbords, laid
on Lengthways, and so much asunder, that the Light
come throu' every where; the doore tyed on w"" a
cord in y' place of hinges; The floor the bear earth;
no windows but such as the thin covering afforded,
nor any furniture but a Bedd w"" a glass Bottle hang
ing at y* head on't; an earthan cupp, a small pewter
Bason, A Board w"" sticks to stand on, instead of a
table, and a block or two in y' corner instead of
chairs. . . . — Sarah Knight.

The Reverend Dr. Cotton Mather suffers distraction
in his spirit and congelation of his wit by reason
of ihe extremity of the weather.
[January 23, 1697]
I attempted, this Day, the Exercises of a secret
FAST before the Lord. But so extremely cold was
the weather, that in a warm Room, on a great Fire,
the Juices forced out at the End of short Billets of
Wood, by the Heat of the Flame, on which they were
laid, yett froze into Ice, at their coming out. This
Extremity of the Cold caused mee to desist from

30 The Heart of the Puritan
the purpose, which I was upon; because I saw it im
possible to serve the Lord, without such Distraction,
as was inconvenient.

[January ii, 17U]
Tis dreadful cold. My Ink-glass in my Standish
is froze & splitt, in my very stove. My Ink in my
very pen suffers a congelation: but my witt much
more.

Judge Samuel Sewall orders from London house fur
nishings for his daughter Judith, about to enter
the married estate.
Boston, N. E,, Feb. 20, 17^^.
Mr. Sam'. Storke, and
Loving Cousin, — I thank you for yours of the
ii"". June last, and the Prints. ... I entreat you
to endeavour, that the severals mentioned on the
other side, may be well bought. They are for my
daughter Judith, Provide a well-made Trunk to
put them in, and cover it. Though the Case-knives
be the last mentioned, I would not have you fail
sending them; a Duz Forks, and a Duz Knives.
Your undertaking this Trouble for my youngest
Child, will be very obliging, I will write a Letter
to Mr. John Storke of Rumsey, to furnish you with
Money. ... I would have you send what I write
for, by the first good Ship that you can conveniently.
I am Sir, your loving Kinsman, and humble Serv'. S, S,
Item a good Box-Iron to Iron with.

To Be Bought 31

MEMORANDA.
To be Bought
Curtains and Vallens for a Bed, with Counterpane,
Head-Cloth and Tester, of good yellow waterd
worsted camlet, with Triining, well made: and Bases,
if it be the fashion.
A good fine large Chintz Quilt well made.
A True Looking Glass of black Walnut Frame of
the newest Fashion (if the Fashion be good), as good
as can be bought for five or six pounds.
A second Looking Glass as good as can be bought
for four or Five pounds, same kind of frame.
A duzen of good black Walnut Chairs, fine Cane,
with a Couch. A duzen of Cane Chairs of a different
figure, and a great Chair, for a Chamber; all black
Walnut. One Bell-mettal Skillet of two Quarts: one ditto
one Quart.
One good large Warming Pan bottom and Cover
fit for an Iron handle.
Four pair of strong Iron Dogs with Brass heads,
about five or six shillings a pair.
A Brass Hearth for a Chamber, with Dogs, Shovel,
Tongs and Fender of the newest Fashion, (the Fire
is to ly upon Iron).
A strong Brass Mortar, that will hold about a
Quart, with a Pestle.
Two pair of large Brass sliding Candlesticks, about
four shillings a pair.
Two pair of large Brass Candlesticks, not sliding,
of the newest Fashion, about five or six shillings a
pair. Four Brass Snuffers, with Stands :

32 The Heart of the Puritan
Six small strong Brass Chafing-dishes, about four
Shillings a-piece.
One Brass basting Ladle; one larger Brass Ladle.
One pair of Chamber Bellows with Brass Noses.
One small Hair Broom sutable to the Bellows.
One duzen of large hard-mettal Pewter Plates, new
Fashion weighing about fourteen pounds.
One Duzen hard-mettal Pewter Porringers.
Four Duzen of small Glass Salt-cellars, of white
glass, Smoothe, not wrought, and without a foot.
And if there be any Money over, send a piece of
fine Cambrick, and a Ream of good Writing Paper.
A Duzen of good Ivory-hafted Knives and Forks.

A listed inventory of the personal possessions of a lady
of quality deceased in Boston.
An Account of what was put up in Madam Usher's
Chest June 29, 1725, to send to London, according
to the Order of the Rev*^, Mr, Thomas Cotton, and
his Lady Madam Bridget Cotton; To send by the
Mary Gaily, Thomas Dimond Commander.
Imprimis, One pair of Sheets, Five Table-Cloths,
Thirteen Napkins; Diapar, and Damask; Nine
Towclla, One pillow-bicr. Seven Holland Shifts, and
« Flanel one. Twelve pair of Sheets. Nine aprons,
five of them shorE. Nin« Hoods of several sorts,
oneNight-Rftil. Four Head-DreBses, Three pair of
Pockets, one Stomacher. Eighteen Hand-kerchiefs;
linen. Silk, Gaws. One Red Silk Purse fill'd with
Knots and Girdles.
One black Paddisway Suit; One Linen Gown and
Coat. One New Suit of blew Damask Lined with

Silk Stockings 33
blew Lute-string; One Satin Night-Gown and Coat
lined with Red Lute-String; One Silk Dress Gown.
One full Suit of Striped Satin lined with Cloth- 1
coloured Lute-string, One Silk Night-Gown, and
three pairs of Stays. One pair Silk Stockings, one
pair ditto Wprsted, One pair pf Shpes; pne Scarf;
twp Feather Screens, pne black Quilted Cpat, and
twp Silk Bpnnets.
Several Pieces of Earthern Ware were stowd among
the Cloaths.
Two Rings deliverd Capt. Dimond.
I am blest in whom my heart doth rest —
The R'. Honb'^ L"*. James Russell ob'. 22 June,
1712. w'. 8 p. w'. 8 Grains.
Plate put into the Cotton and Linen Bag Scald up.
One Tankard standing upon Lions; one large Plate,
One Salver. One large porringer with a Cover. One
small Cann. One Candlestick and Snuffers. Two
Salts, One Pepper Box. One Money-Box. One
Seal &', one Fork, one Tabacco Stoper. One small
Tumbler, One Thimble and Three broken pieces of
Silver. W. 98 ounces, Four peny w'. and 7 Grains.
Books in the Box. *
One Fol. English Bible, 1682. One Quarto ditto.
One N. E. Psalm-Beok. Dr. Owen's fourth part of
his Exposition ©n the Hebrews.
One Manuscript In Quarto. A Psalm-book ree-
omended by Dr. Manton &c. Dyke's worthy Coinun-
icant, Cole's Christian Religion: Colman on the Ten
Virgins; Dr. Mather on the Beatitudes. Ryther's
plat for Mariners : Foxcrof t's Godly Mans Death.
Dr. Owen on the Glory of Christ. Trinity vin-

34 The Heart of the Puritan
dicated. Spiritual Songs. Funerall Sermon on
Grove Hirst Esqr. Dr. Sibb's Cristian's Portion.
Twelve Sermons by Mr. Wadsworth. Dr. Patrick's
Version of the Psalms. Five Sermons by Dr. Mather.
Pearse his Preparation for Death. Mitchell of Glory.
Mr. Tomlyns Sermons. Doolittell of the Lord's
Supper. Mr. Pearse's last Legacy. Fox's Door of
Heaven. Manuscript Octavo, Myrtle Grove. Ser
mons of Mr. Joseph Stephens. Grail's Sum of the
Holy History. Hymns and Spiritual Songs p Mr.
Watts. Disce Vivcrc, English Letter, pages 558.
Besides several small Books unbound but stitch'd
only. Boston, July 19, 1725. The foregoing is Account
of what is now a-board the Mary Gaily, Thomas
Dimond Comander, for London; and goes consignd
to Mr. Samuel Storke, to whom we enclose Bill of
Lading. Samuel Sewall.
W". Welsteed.

In despite of decisions of courts the pursuit of fashion
continues to prevail, as witness numerous letters
' and journals. [Sept. 25, 1638]
The court, taking into consideration the great dis
order general through the country in costliness of
apparel, and following new fashions, sent for the
elders of the churches, and conferred with them
about it, and laid it upon them, as belonging to
them, to redress it, by urging it upon the consciences
of their people, which they promised to do. But

Slaiterishness and Laziness 35
little was done about it; for diverse of the elders'
wives, etc.i were in some measure partners in this
general disorder. — John Winthrop.
Worthy Sir, Deare Ffather, — The continuall ex
perience that I enioy of yo' tender love and care to a
child, though I confesse an undescruinge one, (yet)
yo' love emboldens mce to p'scnt my humble duty
and respect I owe, and shall render with my might
and power, to yo' selfe, soe longe as it plcascth the
Lord to continue my life. I hauc found soe much
yo' love and see that neither time nor distance of
place doth diminish or blast the same, w**" I confesse
and desire to acknowledge as a great mercy and the
cheife comfort for a temporall that I have to solace
my selfe withall. Father, I trust in Him who hath
the harts and the disposinge of them in His hand,
that I haue not provoked you to harbor soe ill an
opinion of me as my mothers Ires, do signifie and
give me to vnderstand; the ill opinion and hard
pswasion w*^*" shee beares of mee, that is to say, that
I should abuse yo' goodnes, and bee prodigall of yo'
purse, neglectfull of my brothers bands and of my
slatterishnes and lasines; for my brothers bands I
will not excuse my selfe, but I thinke not worthy soe
sharpe a reproofe; for the rest I must needs excuse,
and deare my selfe if I may bee beleived. I doe not
know my selfe guilty of any of them; for myne owne
part I doe not desire to bee myne owne iudge, but am
willinge to bee iudged by them with whom I live and
sees my course, whether I bee addicted to such
thinges or noe. For my habitt, it is meane, for the
most) as many seruants, and if I had not had money

36 The Heart of the Puritan
w*** I had for some thinges here, I might haue wanted
necessaries w"^** I could not have bin without, except
I should haue made you a score here, w'"' I was not
willinge to doe. I writt to my mother for lace, not
out of any prodigall or proud mind, but onely for
some crosse cloathes, which is the most allowable
and coinendable dressinge here. Shee would have
mee weare dressings, w*^*" I did soe longe as they would
suffer mee, whilest the elders with others intreated
mee to leaue them off, for they gave great offence;
and seeinge it hath pleased the Lord to bringe mee
hither amongst His people I would not willingly
doe any thinge amongst them that should be dis-
pleasinge unto them. But for myne owne part since
my sendinge for thinges gives such offence I will be
more sparinge in that kind hereafter. . . . Father,
I pceiue by yo' Ires that you would very willingly
to have mee change my condition, w^*" I must con
fesse I might soe may with divers, if the Lord pleased
to move my hart to accept any of them, but I desire
to wayte upon Him that can change my hart at His
will. Thus with my humble duty to yo' selfe and
my mother craving pdon of you both, and of her if
I have given her any offence, and soe desiringe yo'
prayers to Him who is able to give wisedome and
direction to me in all thinges I rest
Yo' obedient daughter till death Mary Downinge.
Boston 27th of Novemb: 1635.
[Boston, November 11, 1695]
... I desire you would bring me a very good
camlet cloake, lyned with what you like except blew;
it may be purple or red, or striped with those or

Fot John and Ann 37
other colours, if so worn; also k good suite from head
to foote, such as you like for yourselfe, fit for the
sufner; with two wiggs, one a campane, the other
short, a good hat, &c.; also a suite from top to toe, &
hat for John and an other for Ann. John was four
teen last August, and is about fower foote seven
inches high; and Ann is nine years old, four foote
and two inches high. It must be remembred thay
are growing, and will be somthing older when any
thing comes. You will advise with som of your
acquaintance what is sutable and fashionable for
them. Ann sends her thanks to the gentlewoman for
her handkercher. I like not a whiteish light colour
either for cloak or clothes, but leave all for your
selfe. . . . Pray enquire about the diping of lether
or cloth to keep out raine; I think I saw it in a print;
if it be worth while and cheap, bring a coate of it.
Your nephew desires a chesse bord, a foot rule to
double in fower; knives and forks, or other knacks
not to be had here, you will not forget. I desire you
would procure the translation of Glaubers Works, the
last edition; also pray do not faile to bring or send
about fifty pounds of the most refined saltpeter, and
twenty pounds of good tartar free from dust, and
about ten pounds of vitriolum album. . . .
Wait Winthrop.
My dear Son, — ... In this bundle is a leathern
wastcoat & breeches, which get lac'd with gold in
the handsomest manner, not open or bone lace, but
close lace, something open near the head of the lace.
Let it be substantial, strong lace. The buttons to be
mettal buttons, with eyes of the same, not buttons
with wooden molds & catgut loops, which are good

38 The Heart of the Puritan
for nothing. They must be gilt with gold & wrought
in imitation of buttons made with thread or wire.
You must also send me a fine cloth jockey coat of
same colour with the wastecoat & breeches, lin'd with
a fine shalloon of same colour & trim'd plain, onely a
button with same sort of that with the wastecoat,
but proportionably bigger. The coat may be made
to fit me by the wastecoat. I must also have two
pair of fine worsted hose to match this suit, a very
good hat,. lac'd or not, as may be the fashion, & a
sett of silver buckles for shoes & knees, & another
sett of pinch-back. I say, let all be good of the sorts,
& be sent by first good opportunity. These things
may cost £i6 or £i8, & I will in a few dayes send
you a bill for the payment. . . .
Your loving father. J[onathan] B[elcher].
Boston, July i", 1740.
Tuesday, June, lO*''. [1701] Having last night
heard that Josiah Willard had cut off his hair (a
very full head of hair) and put on a Wigg, I went to
him this morning. Told his Mother what I came
about, and she call'd him. I enquired of him what
Extremity had forced him to put off his own hair,
and put on a Wigg? He answered, none at all. But
said that his Hair was streight, and that it parted
behinde. Seem'd to argue that men might as well
shave their hair off their head, as off their face. I
answered men were men before they had hair on
their faces, (half of mankind have never any). God
seems to have ordain'd our Hair as a Test, to see
whether we can bring our minds to be content to be
at his finding: or whether we would be our own
Carvers, Lords, and come no more at him. . . .

Much False Hair 39)
Pray'd him to read the Tenth Chapter of the Third
book of Calvins Institutions. . . . Told him that
it was condemn'd by a Meeting of Ministers at
Northampton in Mr. Stoddards house, when the said
Josiah was there. . . . He seem'd to say would
leave off his Wigg when his hair was grown. I spake
to his Father of it a day or two after: He thank'd me
that had discoursed his Son, and told me that when
his hair was grown to cover his ears, he promis'd to
leave off his Wigg. If he had known of it, would
have forbidden him. His Mother heard him talk of
it; but was afraid positively to forbid him; lest he
should do it, and so be more faulty. — Samuel Sewall.
May 25. [1772]. I had my heddus roll on; aunt
Storer said it ought to be made less. Aunt Deming said
it ought not to be made at all. It makes my head
itch, & ach, & burn like anything Mamma. This fam
ous roll is not made wholly of a red Cow Tail, but is a
mixture of that, & horsehair (very course) & a little
human hair of yellow hue, that I suppose was taken
out of the back part of an old wig. But D — made it
(our head) all carded together and twisted up. When
it first came home, aunt put it on, & my cap on it, she
then took up her apron & mesur'd me, & from the
roots of my hair on my forehead to the top of my no
tions, I mesur'd above an inch longer than I did
downwards from the roots of my hair to the end of my
chin. Nothing renders a young person more amiable
than virtue & modesty without the help of false hair,
red Cow Tail^ or D — (the barber).
— Anna Green Winslow.

40 The Heart of the Puritan
The hitter reproach of idle and insolent servants, [1636]
To my deare and very loving mother Mrs. Win
throp at Boston these be 3d
Deare Mother, — My humble dutie remembred to
you. It reioyceth me to heare of your recoverie out
of your dangerous sicknes, and should be glad to
heare how your health is continued to you by a letter
from your selfe, for I have not heard from you a long
time, which troubleth me, though I haue sent you
three or foure letters to you. I thought it convenient
to acquaint you and my father what a great affliction
I haue met withal by my maide servant, and how
I am like through God his mercie to be freed from it;
at her first coming me she carried her selfe dutifully
as became a servant; but since through mine and my
husbands forbearance towards her for small faults,
she hath got such a head and is growen soe insolent
that her carriage towards vs, especially myselfe, is
vnsufferable. If I bid her doe a thinge shee will bid
me to doe it my selfe, and she sayes how shee can
give content as wel as any servant but shee will not,
and sayes if I loue not quietnes I was never so fitted
in my life, for shee would make me haue enough of
it. If I should write to you of all the reviling speeches
and filthie language shee hath vsed towards me I
should but greiue you. My husband hath vsed all
meanes to reforme her, reasons and perswasions, but
shee doth professe that her heart and her nature
will not suffer her to confesse her faults. If I tell my
husband of her behauiour towards me, vpon exam
ination shee will denie all that she hath done or

The Maid Who Sat Still 41
spoken: so that we know not how to proceede against
her: but my husband now hath hired another maide
and is resolved to put her away the next weeke.
Thus with my humble dutie to my father I rest
your dutifull and obedient daughter Mary Dudley. [1639]
. . . You write of some yll reports is given of my
Wyfe for beatinge the maide: yf a faire waye will not
doe yt, beatinge must sometimes vppon such Idlle
girrels as she is. Yf you think yt fitte for my Wyfe
to do all the work, and the maide sitt still, and she
must forbear her hands to strike, then the work will
ly vndonn. She hath bin now 2^ yeares in the
house £c I do not thinke she hath risen 20 tymes
before my Wyfe hath bin vp to Call her, and many
tymes light the fire before she comes out of her
bed. . . . We can hardly keep her within doors
after we are gonn to bed except we carry the kay of
the door to bed with vs. She coulde never milke
Cow nor Goate since she came hither. Our men do
not desire to have her boyl the kittle for them she
isr so sluttish. She cannot be trusted to serve a few
piggs but my Wyfe must commonly be with her.
She hath written home I heare that she was fain to
ly vppon goates skinns. She might take some gOates
skinns to ly in her bedd but not given to her for her
lodginge. For a yeare & quarter or more she lay
with my daughter vppon a good feather bed; before
my daughter being lacke 3 or 4 days to Sacco the
maid goes into bed with her cloths & stockins &
would not take the paines to pluck off her Cloths;
her bed after was a doust bedd & shee had 2 Cover-

42 The Heart of the Puritan
letts to ly on her, but Sheets she had none, after that
tyme she was found to be so sluttish. Her beatinge
that she hath had hath never hurt her body nor limes.
She is so fat & soggy she can hardly do any worke.
Yf this maide at her lazy tymes when she hath bin
found in her yll accyons do not deserve 2 or 3 blowes
I pray you who hath the most reason to complain
my Wyfe or maide. My Wyfe hath an Vnthankefull
office. Yt doth not please me well, being she hath
taken so much paines and care to order things as
well as she could, and ryse in the morning rath & go
to bed soe latte, and have hard speeches for yt. . . .
John Wynter.
Brother Partridge, — I have already wrote you by
this conveyance, and have now only to add my re
quest of your sending me a good footman p the first
opportunity. His passage I will pay here, but must
desire you to get him a livery made of a cloth with
lace upon it, according to the inclos'd patterns. . . .
I must pray you to be very carefuU.in making choice
of this servant, that he be sober, honest, well under
standing his business, that can shave & dress a wigg
well, and do every thing about a gent™, that wou'd
go to the same c'''' with me, — not one bred to the
C"" of England. . . . My footman that will be out
of his time in three months has twenty pounds a
year, this money, wages, besides a livery, dyett, &c',
which are worth at least £60 a year more. . . .
I am, Sir, Your loving brother. J[onathan] B[elcher].
Boston, April 25, 1733.

Scots from Dunbar 43

The yet more serious concern of slavery, in which ap
parently Governour Belcher sees no confl^ict of
principle and practice.
To Oliver Cromwell.
Boston in N. E., 28''' of S*"" 1651.
. . . The Scots, whom God delivered into your
hand at Dunbarre, and whereof sundry were sent
hither, we have been desirous (as we could) to make
their yoke easy. Such as were sick of the scurvy or
other diseases have not wanted physick and chyrur-
gery. They have not been sold for slaves to perpetuall
servitude, but for 6 or 7 or 8 yeares, as we do our
owne; and he that bought the most of them (I heare)
buildeth houses for them, for every ± an house, layeth
some acres of ground thereto, which he giveth them
as their owne, requiring 3 dayes in the weeke to
worke for him (by turnes) and 4 dayes for themselves,
and promiseth, as soone as they can repay him the
money he layed out for them, he will set them at
liberty. . . . John Cotton.
To Lord Egmont. [Boston, Nov. 13, 1739]
... I read with a great deal of pleasure the par
ticular account your Lordship gives me of the good
reasoning & wise resolutions of your Trustees, & of
the generality of the setlers of Georgia, against the
introduction of negro (or other) slaves. Indeed, I
was alwayes in that way of thinking, that no part
of mankind was made to be slaves to their fellow

44 The Heart of the Puritan
creatures. We have but few in these parts, and I
wish there were less. From every white we may
hope for a good man to add to the common wealth.
But there is such a natural & general aversion in
whites to blacks, that they will never mix nor sodder.
Nor do even Christians treat them much better
than they do their horses & other cattle. . . .
Jonathan Belcher.

To Mr. Cuthbert Campbell.
Sir, — I find an advertisement of yours this day
about the sale of a negroe, of whom you say. He is a
good cook; can do any sort of work; has had the small
pox; understands chaise y horses very well; is honest
& goodnatur'd. These are all good things. How
old is he? Is he sound wind & limb? Is he a single
man? What I most of all want him for is to drive
my coach, & to take care of the horses. I am no
stranger to your integrity & can relye upon it. Let
me then have your particular answer as to his good
ness & his faults, and if you can put him into my
hands as a real good servant, I would buy him, pro
vided I can have him at a reasonable price for ready
money; so you will give me an answer by return of
the post, because I am offer'd a negroe of this sort
in town & would take that I may like best. Sir,
Your friend & servant.
Jonathan Belcher.
Boston, Aug* 24, 1 74 1.

For Madness and Pain 45
' Diverse diseases and ihe reputed cure thereof.
For my worthy friend M' Wintrop.
For Madnesse: Take y* herbe Hypericon (: in
English S' John's Wort) and boile it in Water or
drinke, untill it be strong of it, and redd in colour:
or else, putt a bundle of it in new drinke to Worke,
and give it y' patient to drinke, permitting him to
drinke nothing else. First purge him well with 2 or
3 seeds (: or more, according to y" strength of the
partie:) of Spurge. Let them not eat much, but
keepe dyet, and you shall see Wondrous effects in
fewe dayes. I haue knowne it to cure perfectly to
admiration in five dayes. . . .
For y* stopping of y* Urine, or y* Stone. Give y*
partie to drinke of y* decoction of maiden hayre,
fennel rootes, and parsley rootes. Lett him drinke
great quantitie. But before let him drinke 2 or 3
Ounces of y* Oyle of Allmonds newly extracted, or
more: Or let him swallow a quarter of a pound of
new butter made into round bullets, and cast into
faire Water to harden them. . . .
For the yellow Jaundise or Jaunders. Boyle a
quart of sweet milke, dissolve therein as much bay-
salt, or fine Sal-peter, as shall make it brackish in
taste: and putting Saffron in a fine linnen clout, rubb
it into y* Milke, untill y* Milke be very yellow; and
giue it y* patient to drinke. . . .
For paines in y* Brest or Limmes: Weare a Wilde
Catts skin on y* place grieved. . . .
For a broken bone, or a Joynt dislocated, to knit ihem:
Take y' barke of Elme, or Witch-hazzle; cutt away
the Outward part, & cutt y" Inward redd barke

46 The Heart of the Puritan
small, and boyle it in Water, till it be thick that it
Will rope; pound it very well, and lay of it hott,
barke and all upon y* Bone or Joynt, and tye it on:
or with y* Mussilage of it, and bole Armeniack make
a playster and lay it on.
My Black powder against y' plague, small pox:
purples, all sorts of feavers; Poyson; either by Way of
prevention, or after Infection. In the Moneth of
March take Toades, as many as you will, alive; putt
them into an Earthern pott, so y' it be halfe full;
Cover it with a broad tyle or Iron plate; then over-
whelme the pott, so y' y' bottome may be upper
most; putt charcoales round about it and over it,
and in the open ayre, not in an house, sett it on fire
and lett it burne out and extinguish of it selfe: When
it is cold, take out the toades; and in an Iron-morter
pound them very well, and scarce them: then in a
Crucible calcine them so againe: pound and scarce
them againe. The first time, they will be a browne
powder, the next time black. Of this you may give
a dragme in a Vehiculum (or drinke) Inwardly in
any Infection taken; and let them sweat upon it in
their bedds: but lett them not cover their heads;
especially in the Small pox. . . .
The same powder is used playster wise with Vine-
gcr for a gangrene, or bite of anie Venemous beast.
taking it likewise Inwardly: it is used likewise for all
Cankers, Fistulas & old Ulcers & kings Evill, strewing
it upoon thc sore, and keeping them clcanc. . . .
For the King*s evill. Take 22 Toades & let them
fast 2 or 3 dayes that they may spewe out their
Earth, then boyle them in a pint of Oyle in a newe
pipkin covered so long, till they be brought to a black
Coale broken in peeces. presse out the Oyle, from the

Oil and Toads 47
said Toades, reserve a 4"" part, to the other three
parts add halfe a pound of yellow wax, shavd small.
let the wax melt in the Oyle in w'*" dippe linnen
cloathes, that they may be well covered cerecloathes.
with the 4''' part of the Oyle left, annoynt all the
places infected, & then strewe of my black powder
of Toades (mentioned before for an Antidot agaynst
the Plague) upon the sores or swellings, & then put
on y° cerecloath. . . .
By this Course ther is no doubt of the cure by
Gods assistance. . . .
Nota bene. No man can with a good Conscience
take a fee or a reward before y' partie receive benefit
apparent: and then he is not to demand any thing,
but what God shall putt into the heart of the partie
to give him. And he is not to refuse any thing, that
shall be so given him, for it commes from God.
A man is not to neglect that partie, to whom he
hath once administred, but to visit him at least once
a day, and to medle with no more, then he can well
attend. In so doeing he shall discharge a good Con
science before God & Man.
These receipts are all experimented
London May 6th 1643. [1694?]
For Comforting the Head & Braine.
Take Rosemary & Sage of both sorts of both, w*
flowers of Rosemary if to be had, & Borage w"* y*
flowers. Infuse in Muscadine or in good Canary 3
dayes, drinke it often.
The fat of a Hedg-hog roasted drop it into the
Eare, is an excellent remedy against deafnes.

48 ' The Heart of the Puritan
Also a Clove of Garlick, make holes in it, dip it in
Honey, & put it into the Eare at night going to bed,
first on one side, then on the other for 8 or 9 dayes
together, keeping in y* Eares black wooll.
Another [Excellent Remedy for y* Eyes].
Take Fennel, Anniseed & Elicompaine, dry &
powder them, mix it with good Nants-brandy, & dry
it againe: Every morning & evening eate a pretty
quantity it is excellent for y* sight.
A Medicine to recover y' Colour & Complexion
when lost by Sicknes.
Take two quarts of Rosewater red, take five pounds
of clean White Wheat, put it into y* Rosewater,
Let it Lie till the Wheate hath soaked up all y'
Liquor, then take the Wheat & beat it in a mortar
all to mash.
Nettle Seeds bruised & drank in White Wine is
Excellent for the Gravel. For Hoarsnes.
Take 3 or 4 figs, cleave them in two, put in a pretty
quantity of Ginger in powder, roast them & Eate
them often. For the Palsey.
Take a pint of good Mustard, dry it in y* Oven
till it be thick as a pudding, then dry it over a Chafing
dish of Coales till it may be beaton to powder mix
w"" it a handfull of powder of Bettony leaves, put
some Sugar to it & Eate it every morning.

A Consumptive Cough 49
For the Megrum [Migraine].
Mugwort & Sage a handfull of each, Camomel &
Gentian a good quantity, boyle it in Honey, & apply ¦
it behind & on both sides j^ Head very warm, & in
3 or 4 times it will take it quite away.
— Lawrence Hammond. [1694]
. . .If Wait Newman drink the decoction of
lignum vitae two or thre times a day, it might help
him; also the herb horehown, shred very small, and
warmed a litle in a cup, and then milk from a red cow
milked into it and drunk warm, the herb with the
milk, morning and evening; which two medicines
God was pleased to bless to me the last summer, that
I recovered from a consumtive coff in a litle time,
almost to a miracle (God be praised). . . .
— Wait Winthrop, ihe elder.
[October 22, 1702]
Behold a strange Thing! On the Night after the
Fast, my Consort had appearing to her, (she sup
poses, in her deep) a grave Person, who brought
with him, a Woman in the most meagre and wretched
Circumstances imaginable. My Consort fell into the
Praises of God, in that her Condition was not yett
so miserably Circumstanced as that woman's now
before her. The grave Person then told her, that
inasmuch as there were at this Time, a couple of
Symptomes become insupportable to her, he would
propose a Way, wherein she should obtain some
Help for them. First, for her intolerable Pain in
her Breast, said he, lett them cutt the warm Wool

50 The Heart of the Puritan
from a living Sheep, and apply it warm unto the
grieved Pain. Next, for her Salivation, which
hitherto nothing had releeved, said he, take a Tank
ard of Spring-Water, and therein over the Fire dis
solve an agreeable Quantity of Mastic's, and of Gum
Icinglass: Drink of this Liquor now and then, to
strengthen the Glands, which ought to have been
done a great while ago.
She told this on Friday, to her principal Physician;
who mightily encouraged our trying the Experiments.
We did it; and unto our Astonishment, my Consort
revived at a most unexpected Rate; insomuch, that
she came twice on Satureday out of her sick Chamber,
unto me in my Study; and there she asked me to
give Thanks unto God with her, and for her, on the
Account of the Recovery in so surprising a Degree
begun unto her. — Cotton Mather.
[Dec. 15, 1716]
I will perswade some of our Physicians to bring
the cold Bath into fashion; Whereby many poor,
sick, miserable People may obtain Releef under
various Maladies which now remain otherwise
Incurable. — Cotton Mather.

The sad loss of wits sustained by a learned lady, the
cause and the treatment, which, alas, proved of no
avail. [April 13, 1645]
Mr. Hopkins, the governor of Hartford upon Con
necticut, came to Boston, and brought his wife with

Meddling in Men^s Affairs 51
him, (a godly young woman, and of special parts,)
who was fallen into a sad infirmity, the loss of her
understanding and reason, which had been growing
upon her diverse years, by occasion of her giving
herself whplly to reading and writing, and had writ
ten many books. Her husband, being very loving
and tender of her, was loath to grieve her; but he
saw his error, when it was too late. For if she had
attended her household affairs, and such things
as belong to women, and not gone out of her way
and calling to meddle in such things as are proper
for men, whose minds are stronger, etc., she had
kept her wits, and might have improved them use
fully and honorably in the place God had set her.
He brought her to Boston, and left her with her
brother, one Mr. Yale, a merchant, to try what means
might be had here for her. But no help could be had.
— John Winthrop, ihe elder.
To Governour Hopkins. [December 28, 1644]
... As for my advise about the wife my iudgment
in phisike is but smale what experience I have I
brought with me out of England. . . . Yet I must
tell you that that hot subtell vapor which hath
taken possession of her brain is hard to be removed
though it may be much helped through gods blessing
uppon the event. I wish that she may as much as
may be observe a plaine thin and diet: that
will make least crudities and so lesse matter for those
subtle vapours : let her not use to eate milk except it
be turned into thin posset drink and if she will you
may soake it with sugar wherein a little saffron

52 The Heart of the Puritan
and may be mixed viz to every ounce of
sugar good 3 grains of saffron made into fine powder
and a little scraped : and she may use of
this eather in posset drink or in warmed bere: by
the use of this and other attenuating drink her body
will be brought to a sweating temper which I con
ceive will be a good help to nature : and a good helpe
to the opperation of other phisik.
And for phisik I shall cheafly advise to the com-
pleat rest of pills if she will be perswaded to take
them often and orderly and lastly gentle nosing in
the spring of the yeare and in short tyme will open
the brain and give some refreshment provided it be
don by gentle means : but nosing powder tobaco and
the like are to violent: but if lettuce leaves could be
had nothing is so good as that. . . .
— William Pynchon.

The coming of the small pox to Boston, iis ravages^
and persecution of the worthy Dr. Mather who
sought, mayhap not so independently as he pro
fessed, an alleviation of the dread scourge,
[November, 1678]
, . . Never was it such a time in Boston. Boston
burying-places never filled so fast. It is easy to tell
the time wherein we did not use to have the bells
tolling for burials on a sabbath day morning by sun
rise; to have 7 buried on a sabbath day night, after
Meeting. To have coffins crossing each other as
they have been carried in the street; — To have, I
know not how many corpses following each other
dose at their heels, — To have 38 dye in one week, —

spes Metusque 53
6, 7, 8 or 9 in a day. Yet thus hath it lately been;
and thus it is at this day. Above 340 have died of
the Small Pox in Boston since it first assaulted the
place. To attempt a Bill of Mortality; and number
the very spires of grass in a Burying Place seem to
have a parity of difficulty and in accomplishment. . .
At first the gradual mercy of God to my father's
family was observable & remarkable. First, my
Brother Nath gently smitten, and I more gently
than hee, and my Sr Sarah yet more gently than I.
But the order is broken on my sister Maria, w" on
the same month & day of the month that my father
was visited with the same disease 21 years agoe, was
taken very ill; the symptoms grievous and our fears
gr*. Sometimes lightheaded, but her father prayed
down mercy for her and her pox having turned a
day or 2 agoe, shee is now so inter spemque metumque
locata, that spes bears down thc scales. So that of
my fathers Septenary of childr:, 4 have been visited.
God fit & prepare for the 3 stroakes that are yet
behind. Sir. Let us not want the help of your prayers for
all of us, especially for him who is
Not more your Nephew than desirous to be
Your ... & servant C[otton] M[ather].
[May 26, 1 721]
The grievous Calamity of the Small-Pox has now
entered the Town. The Practice of conveying and
suffering the Small-pox by Inoculation, has never
been used in America, nor indeed in our Nation. But
how many Lives might be saved by it, if it were
practised ? I will procure a Consult of pur Physicians,
and lay the matter beJFore them.

54 The Heart of the Puritan [June 23, 1721]
I write A Letter unto the Physicians, entreating
them, to take into consideration tho important
Affair of preventing thc Small-Pox, in tho way of
Inoculation. [July 16, 1721]
At this Time, I enjoy an unspeakable Consolation.
I have instructed our Physicians in the new Method
used by the Africans and Asiaticks, to prevent and
abate the Dangers of the Small-Pox, and infallibly
to save the Lives of those that have it wisely man
aged upon them. The Destroyer, being enraged at
the Proposal of any Thing, that may rescue the Lives
of our poor People from him, has taken a strange
Possession of the People on this Occasion. They
rave, they rail, they blaspheme; they talk not only
like Ideots but also like Franticks, And not only the
Physician who began the Experiment, but I also am
an Object of their Fury; their furious Obloquies and
Invectives. My conformity to my Saviour in this Thing, fills
me with Joy unspeakable and full of Glory. [July 18, 172 1]
The cursed Clamour of a People strangely and
fiercely possessed of the Devil, will probably prevent
my saving the Lives of my two Children, from the
Small-pox in the Way of Transplantation. [August 15, 1721]
My dear Sammy, is now under the Operation of
receiving the Small-Pox in the way of Transplanta
tion. The Success of the Experiment among my
Neighbours, as well as abroad in the World, and the

An Hell upon Earth 55
urgent Calls of his Grandfather for it, have made
mo think, that I could not answer it unto God, if
I neglected it.
• ^ [August 24, 1721]
The Town is become almost an Hell upon Earth,
a City full of Lies, and Murders, and Blasphemies,
as far as Wishes and Speeches can render it so; Satan
seems to take a strange Possession of it, in the
epidemic Rage, against that notable and powerful
and successful way of saving the Lives of People
from the Dangers of the Small-Pox. What can I do
on this Occasion, to gett the miserable Town dis
possessed of the evil Spirit, which has taken such
an horrible Possession of it? What besides Prayer
with Fasting for it? '
[November 19, 1721]
My Kinsman, the Minister of Roxbury, being En
tertained at my House, that he might there undergo
the Small-Pox Inoculated, and so Return to the
Service of his Flock, which have the Contagion
begun among them;
Towards three a Clock in the Night, as it grew
towards Morning of this Day, some unknown Hands,
threw a fired Granado into the Chamber where my
Kinsman lay, and which uses to be my Lodging-
Room. The Weight of the Iron Ball alone, had it
fallen upon his Head, would have been enough to
have done Part of the Business designed. But the
Granado was charged, the upper part with dried
Powder, the lower Part with a Mixture of Oil of
Turpentine and Powder and what else I know not,
in such a Manner, that upon its going off, it must

56 The Heart of, the Puritan
have splitt, f^nd have probably killed the Persons in
the Room, and certainly fired the Chamber, and
speedily laid the House in Ashes. But, this Night
there stood by me ihe Angel of the God, whose I am
and whom I serve; and the merciful Providence of
God, my Saviour, so ordered it, that the Granado
passing thro* the Window, has by the Iron in the
Middle of the Casement, such a Turn given to it,
that in falling on the Floor, the fired Wild-fire in
the Fuse was violently shaken out upon the Floor,
without firing the Granado. When the Granado was
taken up, there was found a Paper so tied with
String about the Fuse, that it might out-Live the
breaking of the Shell, which had/ these words in it;
Cotton Mather, You Dog, Damn you: VI in
oculate you with ihis, with a Pox to you.
— Cotton Mather.
Boston, May 1st, 1722.
Dear Sir, . . . After nineteen years intermission
we received via Saltertudas from Barbadoes the
small-pox, middle of April 172 1, and by the January
following it was nearly over. . . .
. . . Last February an exact scrutiny was made,
it was found that Boston consisted of 10,565 souls
whereof 6000 have now had the small-pox and of
those 899 dyd; about 700 who never had it escaped
and a few who remained in the country are free of it.
Having, sometime before the small-pox arrived,
lent to a credulous vain preacher Mather, Jr., the
Philosophical Transactions No. 339 and 377 which
contain Timonius' and Pylermus* accounts of Inocu
lation from the Levant; that he might have some
thing to send home to the Royal Society who had

Difficult to Reconcile 57
long neglected his communications as he complained;
he sets inoculation to work in month of June; by
I Sth of November one hundred were inoculated, and
by January in all spme few mpre than 250 in Tpwn
and Cpuntry. . . . We all knew pf nine or ten inocu
lation deaths besides abortions that could not be
concealed, we suspect more who died in the height
of the small-pox, it being only known to their nearest
relations whether they died of inoculation or in the
natural way. . . . But to speak candidly for the
present it seems to be somewhat more favorably
received by inoculation than received in the natural
way. I oppose this novel and dubious practice not
being sufficiently assured of its safety and conse
quences; in short I reckon it a sin against society to
propagate infection by this means and bring on my
neighbor a distemper which might prove fatal and
which perhaps he might escape (as many have done)
in the ordinary way, and which he might certainly
secure himself against by removal in this Country
where it prevails seldom. However many of our
clergy have got into it and they scorn to retract;
I had them to appease, which occasioned great heats
{you may perhaps admire how they reconcile this
with their doctrine of predestination). . . . Our
People at present are generally averse to it.'
Favour me with the nature and cure of that dis
temper you call "pain in the side" in New-York, as
also of your dry Belly-ache; my service to all friends.
I am Your obliged humble servant
Wil. Douglass.
To Cadwallader Colden, New-York.

Of Matrimony: a few Love Letters
and much Love Making.

Governour John Winthrop and his amiable consort.
Mistress Margaret Winthrop, greet each other in
love and confidence. [1629.?]
My deare Husband, — I knowe not how to ex-
presse my love to thee or my desyres of thy wished
welfayfe, but my hart is well knowne to thee, which
will make relation of my affections though they be
smalle in apperance: my thoughts are nowe on our
great change and alteration of our corce heare, which
I beseech the Lord to blesse us in, & my good Hus
band cheare up thy hart in the expectation of Gods
goodnesse to us, & let nothinge dismay or discorage
thee; if the Lord be with us who can be against us:
my grefe is the feare of stayinge behinde thee, but
I must leave all to the good providence of God. I
thank the Lord wee are all heare in reasonable good
health, I received a letter since you went from my
sonne John; w**" brout good Nuse from Nue E[ng-
land]: I pray thanke him for it, I wil rite to him if
I have time, & thus with my best respect to thy selfe,
brother & sister D: I commit you to God and rest
Your faythfuU wife Margaret Winthrope.
Your servante remembers hir service to you, our
sonnes & daughters remember there duty. You shall
receive by Smith the caryer a rundelet of syder, the
carage is payed, if you like it send for more.
[London, November 12, 1629]
My sweet wife, — I received thy most kinde Let
tre, & blessed be o* good God that giveth us still
cause of reioycinge in the newes of each others well-
61

62 The Heart of the Puritan
fare, & of those w**" are deare to us: & blessed be
God, who hath given me a wife, who is such a helpe
& incouragem* to me in this great worke, wherein so
many wives are so great a hinderance to theirs: I
doubt not but the Lorde will recompence abundantly
the faithfullnesse of thy love & obedience, & for my
selfe, I shall ever be mindfull of thee, & carefull to
requite thee. 1637?]
for Mrs. Winthrop at Boston.
My sweet Wife, — I prayse God I am in good
health, peace be to thee & o' familye, so I kisse thee,
& hope shortly to see thee: farewell.
Hasten the sendinge awaye Skarlett, & gatheringe
the Turnips. [1637]'
for Mrs. Winthrop at Boston.
My sweet Wife, — So fitt an occasio must not
passe w%ut a token to thee. I prayse God I am
well: the Lo: blesse thee & all o'*, so I kisse thee the
second tyme, farewell.

The eminent Dr. Wigglesworth commends his cause
io ihe Lord and ihe widow Avery and awaits an
answer from Heaven, likewise from her.
Mrs. Avery
& my very kind friend.
I heartily salute you in y* Lord with many thanks
for yo' kind entertainment when I was with you
March 2^. I have made bold once more to visit you

Not Led by Fancy 63
' by a few lines in y* inclosed paper, not to prevent a
personal visit, but rather to make way for it, which
I fully intend the beginning of y* next week if weather
and health Prevent not. . . . Not further to trouble
you at this Time, but only to present y* inclosed to
yo' serious thoughts, I commend both it & you to y
Lord & wait for an Answer from Heaven in due
season, meanwhile I am & shall remain,
Yo' True Friend
& wel-wisher,
Michael Wigglesworth.
Maldon March 23, 1691.
I make bold to spread before you these following
considerations which Possibly may help to clear up
yo' way before y" return an answer unto y* Motion
w**" I have made to you, I hope you will take them
in good Part, and ponder them seriously.
1st. I have a great perswasion that y" motion is
of God, for diverse Reasons.
At first that I should get a little acquaintance '
with you by a short & transient visit having been
altogether a stranger to you before, and that so little
acquaintance should leave such impressions behind
it, as neither length of Time, distance of Place, nor
any other objects could wear off, but that my
thoughts & heart have been toward you ever
since. . . .
3ly. In that I have not been led hereunto by fancy
(as too many are in like cases) but by sound Reason
& judgment. Principally Loving and desiring you for
those gifts & graces God hath bestowed upon yoU,
and Propounding 3^* Glory of God, the adorning and
furtherance of y" Gospel. The spiritual as wel as
outward good of myself and family, together w*** y*

64 The Heart of the Puritan
good of yo'self & children, as my Ends inducing me
hereunto ....
6ly. Consider, if you should continue where you
are whither y* looking after & managing of yo' out
ward Business & affairs may not be too hard for you,
and hazzard your health again? . . .
loly. As my Late wife was a means under God of
my recovering a better State of Health; so who
knows but God may make you instrumental to Pre
serve & Prolong my health & life to do him
service. . . .
And for y* other objection from y* number of my
children & difficulty of guiding such a family.
1st. the Number may be lessened if ther be need
of it. . . .

The Reverend Dr. Cotton Mather records in his diary
an astonishing trial; and although ihe records be
but sparse, yet those cunning in the affairs of the
heart may read herein a romance as stirring as
many ihat employ ihe profane pen.
February [1703] begins with a very astonishing
Trial. There is a young Gentlewoman of incomparable
Accomplishments. No Gentlewoman in the English
America has had a more polite Education. She -is
one of rare Witt and Sense; and of a comely Aspect;
and extremely Winning in her Conversation, and
she has a Mother of an extraordinary Character for
her Piety.
This young Gentlewoman first Addresses me with
diverse Letters, and then makes me a Visit at my
House; wherein she gives me to understand, that

So Polite a Gentlewoman 65
she has long had a more than ordinary Value for
my Ministry; and that since my present Condition *
has given her more of Liberty to think of me, she
must confess herself charmed with my Person, to
such a Degree, that she could not but break in upon
me, with her most importunate Requests, that I
would make her mine; and that the highest Con
sideration she had in it, was her eternal Salvation,
for if she were mine, she could not but hope the
Effect of it would be, that she should also be Christ's.
I endeavoured faithfully to sett before her, all the
discouraging Circumstances attending me, that I
could think of. She told me, that she had weigh'd
all those Discouragements, but was fortified and
resolved with a strong Faith in the mighty God, for
to encounter them all. . . .
I was in a great Strait, how to treat so polite a
Gentlewoman, thus applying herself unto me. I
plainly told her, that I feared, whether her Proposal
would not meet with unsurmountable Oppositions
from those who had a great Interest in disposing
of me. . . .
In the mean Time, if I could not make her my
own, I should be glad of being any way Instrumental,
to make her the Lord's.
I turned my Discourse, and my Design into that
Channel; and with as exquisite Artifice as I could
use, I made my Essayes to engage her young Soul
into Piety.
She is not much more than twenty years old. I
know she has been a very aiery Person. Her Reputa
tion has been under some Disadvantage.
* Mn. Mather died December i, 1702.

66 The Heart of the Puritan
What Snares may be laying for me, I know not.
Much Prayer with Fasting and Patience, must be
my way to encounter them. [February 12, 1703]
The well accomplished Gentlewoman, mention'd,
(tho' not by Name,) . . . one whome every body
does with Admiration confess to be, for her charming
Accomplishments, an incomparable Person; address
ing me to make her mine; and professing a Disposi
tion unto the most Holy Flights of Religion to ly at
the Bottom of her Addresses: I am in the greatest
Straits imaginable, what Course to steer. Nature
itself causes in me, a mighty Tenderness for a person
so very amiable. Breeding requires me to treat her
with Honour and Respect, and very much of Def
erence, to all that she shall at any time ask of
me. . • . [Feb. 18, 1703]
As for my special soul-harrassing Point; I did some
Dayes ago, under my Hand, vehemently beg, as for
my Life, that it might be desisted from, and that
I might not be kill'd by hearing any more of it. Yett
such was my flexible Tenderness, as to be conquered
by the Importunities of several, to allow some further
Interviewes. But I resolved, that I would make
them turn chiefly upon the most glorious Design in
the World. I did, accordingly; and once especially,
I did, with all the Charms I could imagine, draw
that witty Gentlewoman unto tearful Expressions of
her Consent, unto all the Articles in the Covenant
of Grace, the Articles of her Marriage and Union
with the Great L[ord] Redeemer. I had Abundance

Earliness in Courting 67
of Satisfaction in this Action; whatever may be the
Issue of our Conversation. [March 6, 1703]
That young Gentlewoman of so fine Accomplish
ments, (that there is none in this Land in those Re
spects comparable to her), who has with such re
peated Importunity and Ingenuity pressed my
Respects to her, that I have had much ado to steer
clear of great Inconveniences, hath by the Disad
vantages of the Company which has continually
resorted unto her unhappy Father's House, gott but
a bad Name among the Generality of the People;
and there appears no Possibility of her speedy Re
covery of it, be her Carriage never so vertuous, and
her Conversation never so notorious. By an un
happy Coincidence of some Circumstances, there is
a Noise, and a mighty Noise it is, made about the
Town, that I am engaged in a Courtship to that
young Gentlewoman; and tho' I am so very inno
cent, (and have so much aimed at a Conformity to
my Lord Jesus Christ, and Serviceablcness to Him,
in my treating of her,) yett it is not easy presently
to confute the Rumour. . . .
But then, Satan has raised an horrid Storm of
Reproach upon me, both for my Earliness in courting
a Gentlewoman, and especially for my Courting of
a Person whom they gensrally apprehend so dis
agreeable to my Character. And there is Hazard,
lest my Usefulness be horribly Ruined, by the
Clamour of the rash People on this Occasion, before
there can be due Measures taken to quiet them; and
my Civility to the Person who has address'd me, will
not lett me utter what would most effectually quiet
them. . . •

68 The Heart of the Puritan
My Spirit is excessively broken. There is Danger
of my dying suddenly, with smothered Griefs and
Fears. [March 13, 1703]
And now, being after all due Deliberation, fully
satisfied, that my Countenancing the Proposals of
coming one Day to a Marriage, with the Gentle
woman so often mentioned in these Papers, will not
be consistent with my public Serviceablcness; but
that the Prejudices in the Minds of the People of
God against it, are insuperable, and little short of
universal: I sett myself to make unto the L[ord]
Jesus Christ, a Sacrifice of a Person, who, for many
charming Accomplishments, has not many sequals
in the English America. . . .
I struck my Knife into the Heart of my Sacrifice,
by a Letter to her Mother. [May 19, 1703]
In my Absence the young Gentlewoman, to whom
I have been so unkind many Weeks or Months ago,
writes and comes to my Father, and brings her good
Mother with her and charms the Neighbours into
her Interests; and renews her Importunities (both
before and after my Journey) that I would make her
mine. My Apprehension of Damage to arise there
from unto the holy Interests of Religion, fixes me
still in an unalterable Resolution, that I must never
hearken to her Proposals, whatever may be the Con
sequence of my being so resolved. I am hereupon
threatened by some with exquisite Revenges and
Reproaches from her defeated Love; and the Haz
ards of her coming to Mischief.

The Devil Owes a Spite 69
[June 4, 1703]
A lying Spirit is gone forth, and the People of the
Town, are strangely under the Influences of it.
I have the Inconvenience of being a Person, whom
the Eye and the Talk of the People is very much
upon. My present Circumstances give them Oppor
tunities to invent and report Abundance of disad
vantageous Falsehoods, of my being engaged in such
and such Courtships, wherein I am really uncon
cerned. But the Addresses which I have had from
the young Gentlewoman so often mentioned in these
Papers, and the Discourses thereby raised among the
dissatisfied People, afford the greatest Theme for
their mischievous and malicious Lying to turn
upon. . . . God strangely appears for me, in this
Point also, by disposing the young Gentlewoman,
with her Mother, to furnish me with their Asser
tions, That I have never done any unworthy Thing; but
acted most honourably and righteously toward ihem, and
as became a Christian, and a Minister; and ihey will
give all ihe World leave io censure ihem after ihe hardest
Manner in ihe World, if ever they should speak the
Contrary; Yea, they have proceeded so far beyond
all Bounds in my Vindication, as to say, They verily
look upon Mr. M — r to be as great a Saint of God, as
any upon Earth. Nevertheless, the Divel owes me
a Spite, and he inspires his People in this Town, to
whisper impertinent Stories, which have a Tendency
to make me Contemptible, and hurt my Serviceablc
ness, and strike at, yea, strike out the Apple of my
Eye. [July 10, 1703]
He [God] showes me a Gentlewoman within two
Houses of my own; a Gentlewoman of Piety and

70 The Heart of the Puritan
Probity, and a most unspotted Reputation; a Gentle
woman of good Witt and Sense, and discretion at
ordering an Household; a Gentlewoman of incom
parable Sweetness in her Temper, and Humour; a
Gentlewoman honourably descended and related;
and a very comely Person. Her Name is Mrs.
Elizabeth Hubbard. She is the Daughter of
Dr. John Clark, deceased. She was married, and
quickly left a Widow about four years ago, and is
now near thirty Years of Age. . . .
I am satisfied, if the Spirit of my departed Consort
now in the Kingdome of God, were avized, that her
children were falling into the Hands of this Gentle
woman, it would be a Consolation unto her. . . .
Finding my Spirit much disposed unto it, (and
being hastened by a Coincidence of many uneasy
Circumstances,) I did
On 14 d. $m. [July] Wednesday, give my first Visit,
unto that lovely Gentlewoman. I was entertained
with more than ordinary Civility, Affection, and
Veneration. And I found her to be an abundantly
more agreeable Person, than ever I imagined. I see,
shee will be a great Gift of Heaven unto me, and
astonishing Reparation of my Loss, and Compensa
tion of all the Grief I have mett withal. If I may
live to see her illuminating my Family, I shall reap
a rich Harvest of the Prayers, the Tears, the Fasts,
and the Resignations, with which I have been so long
addressing Heaven, under the deplorable Circum
stances, of about fifteen Months together. [July 17, 1703]
The Rage of that young Gentlewoman, whom out
of obedience to God, I have rejected, (and never

This is the Day Ji
more pleased God than in rejecting of her Addresses
to me,) is transporting her; to threaten that she will
be a Thorn in my Side, and contrive all possible
Wayes to vex me, affront me, disgrace me, in my
Attempting a Return to the married State with
another Gentlewoman. . . .
My Conversation with the lovely Person, to whom
Heaven has directed me, goes on, with pure, chast,
noble Strokes, and the Smiles of God upon it.
And the Universal Satisfaction which it has given
to the People of God, thro' town and Countrey, pro-
clames itself, to a Degree which perfectly amazes me.
[Aug. 1 8, 1703]
This is the Day, the joyful Day, wherein my
glorious Lord Jesus Christ brings me, to the rich
Harvest of my Prayers, my Tears, my Resigna
tions. I am in the Evening of this Day, to receive
a most lovely Creature, and such a Gift of Heaven
unto me, and mine, that the Sense therof almost as
often as I ponder theron, dissolves me into Tears of
Joy. I resolved, that I would spend the Day in Heaven,
if the Lord would please to open unto me His Heaven.
I spent the whole Day in my Study, devoting it as
a solemn Thanksgiving unto the Lord. . . .
In the Evening, my Father married me, unto a
Wife, in finding of whom, I have to my Astonishment
found Favour of the Lord. ...
On August 24. Tuesday. I brought my lovely Con
sort home; and made an agreeable Entertainment
at my House, for the Relatives of both.

72 The Heart of the Puritan

Judge Samuel Sewall pays court io widows of discreet
age and assured fortune, with varying degrees of
favor and no inconsiderable expenditure, and ai
last achieves for the third time a happy entrance
into ihe honorable estate of matrimony.
May, 26. [1720] About midnight my dear wife
expired to our great astonishment, especially mine.
May the Sovereign Lord pardon my Sin, and Sanctify
to me this very Extraordinary, awfull Dispensation.
May, 29. God having in his holy Sovereignty put
my Wife out of the Fore-Seat, I aprehended I had
Cause to be ashain'd of my Sin, and to loath my self
for it; and retired into my Pue. ... I put up a
Note to this purpose; Samuel Sewall, depriv'd of his
Wife by a very sudden and awfull Stroke, desires
Prayers that God would sanctify the same to him
self, and Children, and family. Writ and sent three;
to the South, Old, and Mr. Colman's [church].
Sept. 5. . . . Going to Son Sewall's I there meet
with Madam Winthrop, told her I was glad to meet
her there, had not seen her a great while; gave her
Mr. Homes's Sermon.
8'. I. Satterday, I dine at Mr. Stoddard's: from
thence I went to Madam Winthrop's just at 3. Spake
to her, saying, my loving wife died so soon and sud
denly, 'twas hardly convenient for me to think of
Marrying again; however I came to this Resolution;
that I would not make my Court to any person
without first Consulting with her.

Wine and Marmalade 73
Octob'. 3. 2. Waited on Madam Winthrop
again. . . . At last I pray'd that Katharine [Madam
Winthrop] might be the person assign'd for me. She
instantly took it up in the way of Denyal, as if she
had catch'd at an Opportunity to do it, saying she
could not do it before she was ask'd. Said that was
her mind unless she should Change it, which she
believed she should not; could not leave her Children.
I express'd my sorrow that she. should do it so Speed
ily, pray'd her Consideration; and ask'd her when
I should wait on her agen. She setting no time, I
mention'd that day Sennight. . . .
8'. 6"'. ... A little after 6.p.m. I went to Madam
Winthrop's. . . . Madam seem'd to harp upon the
same string. Must take care of her Children; could
not leave that House and Neighbourhood where
she had dwelt so long. I told her she might doe
her children as much or more good by bestowing
what she laid out in Hous-keeping, upon them. . . .
I gave her a piece of Mr. Belcher's Cake and Ginger-
Bread wrapped up in a clean sheet of Paper; told her
of her Father's kindness to me when Treasurer, and
I Constable. My Daughter Judith was gon from
me and I was more lonesom — might help to forward
one another in our Journey to Canaan. . . .
8'. io"*. ... In the Evening I visited Madam
Winthrop, who treated me with a great deal of
Curtesy; Wine, Marmalade. I gave her a News-
Letter about the Thanksgiving. . . .
8'. 1 1"'. I writ a few Lines to Madam Winthrop to
this purpose: "Madam, These wait on you with Mr.

74 The Heart of the Puritan
Mayhew's Sermon; and Account of the state of the
Indians on Martha's Vinyard. I thank you for your
Unmerited Favours of yesterday; and hope to have
the Hapiness of Waiting on you . to-morrow before
Eight a-clock after Noon. I pray God to keep you,
and give you a joyful! entrance upon thc Two Hun
dred and twenty ninth year of Christopher Co
lumbus his Discovery; and take Leave, who am,
Madam, your humble Serv'. s. s.
8'. 12. . . . Mrs. Anne Cotton came to door (twas
before 8.) said Madam Winthrop was within, directed
me into the little Room, where she was full of work
behind a Stand; Mrs. Cotton came in and stood.
Madam Winthrop pointed to her to set me a Chair.
Madam Winthrop's Countenance was much changed
from what 'twas on Monday, look'd dark and lower
ing. At last, the work, (black stuff or Silk) was
taken away, I got my Chair in place, had some Con
verse, but very Cold and indifferent to what 'twas
before. Ask'd her to acquit me of Rudeness if I
drew off her Glove. Enquiring thc reason, I told her
twas great odds between handling a dead Goat, and
a living Lady. Got it off. I told her I had one Pe
tition to auk of her, th.'il waH, that nIic would lake
od" tht! Negative hIic iaiil on me thc third of Octohfr;
She iTadily nnawcr'd kIic could not, and enlarg'd
upon it. . . . She thank'd me for my Book (Mr,
Mayhew's Sermon), But said not a word of the
Letter. When she insisted on the Negative, I
pray'd there might be no more Thunder and Light
ening, I should not sleep all night. I gave her Dr.
Preston, The Church's Marriage and the Church's

Not in Clean Linen 75
Carriage, which cost me 6' at the Sale. . . . Told
her the reason why I came every other night was
lest I should drink too deep draughts of Pleasure.
She had talk'd of Canary, her Kisses were to me bet
ter than the best Canary. Explain'd the expression
Concerning Columbus.
8'. 17. Monday. ... In the Evening, I visited
Madam Winthrop, who Treated me Courteously,
but not in Clean Linen as somtimes. . . .
8'. 19. Midweek, Visited Madam Winthrop; Sarah
told me she was at Mr. Walley's, would not come
home till late. ... I went and found her there,
with Mr. Walley and his wife in the little Room
below. At 7 a-clock I mentioned going home; at 8.
I put on my Coat, and quickly waited on her
home. . . . Was Courteous to me; but took occasion
to speak pretty earnestly about my keeping a Coach:
I said 'twould cost £100. per anum: she said twould
cost but £40. . . . Came away somewhat late.
8'. 20. . . . At Council, Col. Townsend spake to
mc of my Hood: Should get a Wigg. I said twas my
chief ornament. . . . Promis'd to wait on thc Gov'
about 7. Mndain Winthrop not being at Lecture,
I went thither first; found her very Serene with her
dater Noyes, Mrs. Dering, and the widow Shipreev
sitting at a little Table, she in her arm'd Chair. She
drank to me, and I to Mrs. Noyes. After awhile
pr&y'd the favour to speak with her. She took one
of the Candles, and went into the best Room, clos'd
the shutters, sat down upon the Couch. She told
me Madam Usher had been there, and said the

76 The Heart of the Puritan
Coach must be set on Wheels, and not by Rusting.
She spake something of my needing a Wigg. . . .
Said, I shall keep you in the Col4, and asked her if
she would be within to morrow night, for we had
had but a running Feat. She said she could not tell
whether she should, or no. I took Leave.
8'. 21. Friday, My Son, thc Minister, came to me
p. fii, by npoinlmcnt and wc pray one for another in
iho Old Chanihcr; more eupccially rospccting my
CourtHliip. About 6. a-clock I go to Madam Win-
ihrop'a; Sarah told me Ikt MlMtress was gon out,
but did not tell me whither slie went. She presently
order'd me a Fire; so I went in, having Dr. Sibb's
Bowels* with me to read. I read the two first Ser
mons, still no body came in: at last about 9, a-clock
Mr. Jn° Eyre came in. . . . When twas after 9.
a-clock He of himself said he would go and call her,
she was but at one of his Brothers: A while after I
heard Madam Winthrop's voice, enquiring somthing
about John. After a good while and Claping the
Garden door twice or thrice, she came in. I men
tion'd somthing of the lateness; she banter'd me, and
said I was later. She receiv'd me Courteously. I
ask'd when our proceedings should be made publick:
She said They were like to be no more publick than
they were already. Offer'd me no Wine that I re
member. I rose up at 1 1 a-clock to come away, say
ing I would put on my Coat. She offer'd not to help
me. I pray'd her that Juno might Hght me home,
she open'd the Shutter, and said twas pretty light
* "Bowels opened; or, a Discovery of the Union betwixt
Christ and the Church."

As to a Periwig 77
abroad; Juno was weary and gone to bed. So I came
horn by Star-light as well as I could. . . .
Octob'. 24. I went in the Hackny Coach through
the Coiiion, stop'd at Madam Winthrop's. ... I
told her ... I was come to enquire whether she
could find in her heart to leave that House and
Neighbourhood, and go and dwell with me at the
South-end; I think she said softly, Not yet. I told
her It did not ly in my Lands to keep a Coach. If
I should, I should be in danger to be brought to keep
company with her Neighbour Brooker, (he was a
little befoie sent to prison for Debt), Told her I
had an Antipathy against those who would pretend
to give themselves; but nothing of their Estate. I
would a proportion of my Estate with my self. And
I supose'd she would do so. As to a Perriwig, My
best and greatest Friend, I could not possibly have
a greater, began to find me with Hair before I was
born; and had continued to do so ever since; and I
could not find in my heart to go to another.
Nov'. 2. Midweek, went again. . . . Gave her
about \ pound of Sugar Almonds, cost 3s per £. Car
ried them on Monday. She seem'd pleas'd with
them, ask'd what they cost. Spake of giving her a
Hundred pounds per anum if I dy'd before her.
Ask'd what sum she would give me, if she should Dy
first! Said I would give her time to Consider of
it. . . .
Nov'. 4'''. Friday, Went again about 7. a-clock;
found there Mr. John Walley and his wife: sat dis
coursing pleasantly. . . . Madam serv'd Comfeits-

78 The Heart of the Puritan
to us. After a-while a Table was spread, and Super
was set, I urg'd Mr. Walley to Crave a Blessing; but
he put it upon me. About 9. they went away. I
ask'd Madam what fashioned Neck-lace I should
present her with. She said. None at all. I ask'd her
Whereabout we left off last time; mention'd what I
had offer'd to give her; Ask'd her what she would
give me: She said she could not Change her Con
dition. ... If she held in that mind, I must go
home and bewail my Rashness in making more haste
then good Speed. However, considering the Super,
I desir'd her to be within next Monday night, if we
liv'd so long. Assented. , . , About 10. I said I
would not disturb the good orders of her House, and
came away. She not seeming pleas'd with my
Coming away. . . .
Monday, Nov'. 7"'. ... I went to Mad. Win
throp; found her rocking her little Katee in the
Cradle. I excus'd my Coming so late (near Eight).
She set me an arm'd Chair and Cusheon; and so the
Cradle was between her arm'd Chair and mine.
Gave her the remnant of my Almonds; She did not
eat of them as before; but laid them away; I said I
came to enquire whether she had alter'd her mind
since Friday, or remained of the same mind still.
She said, Therabouts. I told her I loved her and
was so fond as to think that she loved me: She said
had a great respect for me. . . . She gave me a Glass
of Wine. I think I repeated again that I would go
home and bewail my Rashness in making more haste
than good Speed. I would endeavour to contain
myself, and not go on to solllcit her to do that which
she could not Consent to. Took leave of her. As

Jehovah Jirch! 79
came down the steps she bid me have a Care.
Treated me Courteously. ... I did not bid her
draw off her Glove as sometime I had done. Her
Dress was not so clean as somtime it had been.
Jehovah jireh!
Nov'. 11^ Went not to JVT. Winthrop's. This is
the 2^ Withdraw.
Satterday, July, 15. 1721. . . . Call, and sit
awhile with Madam Ruggles. ... I shew'd my
Willingness to renew my old acquaintance; She ex
press'd her inability to be Serviceable. Gave me
Cider to drink. I came home.
Thursday, Aug'. 3. [1721.] Went in the Coach
and visited Mrs. Ruggles after Lecture. She seems
resolv'd not to move out of that house. May be of
some use there; None at Boston — till she be carried
out; made some Difficulty to accept an Election
Sermon, lest it should be an obligation on her. . . .
Copy of a Letter to Mrs. Mary Gibbs, Widow, at
Newtown, Jan''. 12"*. 17M.
Madam, your Removal out of Town; and the
Severity of the Winter, are the reason of my making
you this Epistolary Visit. In times past (as I re
member) you were minded that I should marry you,
by giving you to your desirable Bridegroom. Some
sense of, this intended Respect abides with me still;
and puts me' upon enquiring whether you be willing
that I should Marry you now, by becoming your
Husband; Aged, and feeble, and exhausted as I am,
your favourable Answer to this Enquiry, in a few

8o The Heart of the Puritan
Lines, the Candor of it will much oblige. Madam,
your humble Serv'.
Madam Gibbs. S. S.
Friday, Jan^ 19. I rode in Blake's Coach, and
visited Mrs. Mary Gibbs at Mr. Cotton's at Newton,
told her that in my Judgment she writ incomparably
well; ask'd her acceptance of a Quire of Paper to
write upon. It was accompanied with a good Leather
Inkhorn, a stick of Scaling Wax, and 200. Wafers in
a little Box. . . .
Friday, Jan''. 26. I rode to Newtown in thc Coach,
and visited Mrs. Gibbs. Spake of the proposals I
had intimated per Mr. II. Gibbs; for her Sons to be
bound to save me harmless as to her Administration;
and to pay me £100. provided their Mother died
before me: I to pay her £50. per aiium during her
Life, if I left her a Widow. She said: 'twas hard,
she knew not how to have her children bound to pay
that Sum; she might dye in a little time. . . . She
said she would consider of it: I said, I would also
Consider. . . . Carried her a pound of Glaz'd Al
monds, and a Duz. Meers Cakes, Two bottles of
Canary. . . . Had a very good Legg of Pork, and
a Turkey for Diiier. Mrs. (jibbs help'd me on with
my Coat at Coming away, and stood in the Front
door till the Coach mov'd, then I pull'd off my Hat,
and she Curtesied. . . .
Feb. 2. . . . I took the Opportunity to speak
plainly to him [Daniel Oliver] about Mrs. Gibbs. . . .
Told, I hoped she was not so Attach'd to her Chil
dren, but that she would carry it Tenderly to mc; or

The Publishment Ordered 8i
else there would soon be an end of an old Man. I
said, supos'd they would Clothe her. Answered, no
question; And would be Tender of me. . . .
Febr. 12. Mrs. Gibbs Came to Town; which her
Son Henry told me of.
14"". return'd. I went to Col. Checkly, and enter'd
our Names. Went to Mr. Williams, and ask'd his
License to call him Brother; Was entertain'd Cour
teously. Went to James, and order'd our PubUsh-
ment. . . .
Febr. 15. were publish'd thc first time; were morc
to hear it than usual.
To Mrs. Mary Gibbs at Newton, Feb. 16. 17^.
Madam, Possibly you have heard of our Publish
ment last Thorsday, before now. It remains, for us
to join together in fervent Prayers, without ceasing,
that God would graciously Crown our Espousals with
his Blessing. A good Wife, and a good Husband too,
are from the Lord. I am bound as far as Deacon
Brewer's to-day. The Council sits in the Afternoon
next Monday. And I am to wait on the Committee
of the Overseers of the College next Tuesday the
20"". Inst. Please to accept of Mr. Mitchel's Sermons
of Glory, which is inclosed. With my Service to
Madam Cotton, I take leave, who am. Madam, your
humble Serv'. S. S.
Feb. 24. . . . Visited Mrs. Gibbs, gave her an
Orange.

82 The Heart of the Puritan
March, 29th. Samuel Sewall, and Mrs. Marv
Gibbs were joined together in Marriage by the Rev .
Mr. William Cooper, Mr. Sewall pray'd once. . . .
Lord's day, April, i. Sat with my wife in her Pue.
April, 2. Brought her home to my House.
April, 8. introduc'd her into my Pue, and sat with
her there.

Of the Training and Education of Youth, both
around the family Altar and in Institutions of
Learning, with particular mention of
those two notable Nurseries of
the Church, the Colleges
at Cambridge and
New Haven.

The intellectual and spiritual experiences of several
young Sewalls and Mathers, most of them re
corded by their fathers; in which records are ob
servable a lamentable lack of humor and a com
mendable sense of responsibility.
Nov. 6. [1692] Joseph threw a knop of Brass and
hit his Sister Betty on the forhead so as to make it
bleed and swell; upon which, and for his playing at
Prayer-time, and eating when Return Thanks, I
whipd him pretty smartly. When I first went in
(call'd by his Grandmother) he sought to shadow
and hide himself from me behind the head of the
Cradle: which gave me the sorrowfull remembrance
of Adam's carriage.
Jan. II. 169K. . . . When I came in, past 7. at
night, my wife met mc in the Entry and told me
Betty * had surprised them. I was surprised with
the abruptness of the Relation. It seems Betty
Sewall had given some signs of dejection and sorrow;
but a little after diiier she burst out into an amazing
cry, which caus'd all the family to cry too; Her
Mother ask'd the reason; she gave none; at last said
she was afraid she should goe to Hell, her Sins were
not pardon'd. She was first wounded by my reading
a Sermon of Mr. Norton's, about the 5"" of Jan.
Text Jn" 7. 34. Ye shall seek me and shall not find
me. And those words in the sermon, Jn° 8. 21. Ye
shall seek me and shall die in your sins, ran in her
* Betty Sewall was then about fourteen years of age.
8S

86 The Heart of the Puritan
mind, and terrified her greatly. And staying at
home Jan. 12. she read out of Mr. Cotton Mather —
Why hath Satan filled thy heart, which increas'd her
Fear. Her Mother ask'd her whether she pray'd.
She answer'd. Yes; but feared her prayers were not
heard because her Sins not pardon'd.
Feb. 22. 1698. Betty comes into mc almost as soon
as I was up and tells me the disquiet she had when
waked; told me she was afraid she should go to Hell,
was like Spira, not Elected. Ask'd her what I should
pray for, she said, that God would pardon her Sin
and give her a new heart. I answer'd her Fears as
well as I could, and pray'd with many Tears on
either part; hope God heard us. I gave her solemnly
— Samuel Sewall.
. . . When very Young I went astray from God,
and my mind was altogether taken with Vanities and
Follies; such as the remembrance of them doth
greatly abase my Soul within me. Of the manifold
Sins which then I was guilty of, none so sticks upon
me, as that being very young, I was whitling on the
Sabbath-day; and for fear of being seen, I did it be
hind the door. A great Reproach of God! A Speci
men of that Atheism that I brought into the World
— Nathanael Mather.
[November 7: 1 697]
I took my little Daughter, Katy * into my Study;
and there I told my Child, that I am to dy shortly,
* Katy Mather was then between eight and nine years
of age.

Ungodly Children 87
and shee must, when I am Dead, Remember every
Thing, that I said unto her,
I sett before her, the sinful and woful Condition of
her Nature, and I charg'd her, to pray in secret Places,
every Day, without ceasing, that God for the Sake
of Jesus Christ would give her a New Heart, and
pardon Her Sins, and make her a Servant of His. . . .
I signified unto her. That the People of God, would
much observe how slice carried herself, and that I
had written a Book, about Ungodly Children, in thc
Conclusion whereof I say, that this Book will bee a
terrible Witness against my own Children, if any of
them should not bee Godly.
At length, with many Tears, both on my Part, and
hers, I told my Child, that God had from Heaven
assured mee, and the good Angels of God had satis
fied mee, that shee shall bee brought Home unto the
Lord Jesus Christ, and bee one of His forever. . . .
I thereupon made the Child kneel down by mee;
and I poured out my Cries unto the Lord, that Hee
would lay His Hands upon her, and bless her and
save her, and make her a Temple of His Glory. It
will bee so; It will bee so!

[February 6, 1706]
some special points relating to the educa
tion of my children
I pour out continual Prayers and Cries to the God
of all Grace for them, . . .
And in this Action, I mention them distinctly,
every one by Name unto the Lord.
I begin betimes to entertain them with delightful
Stories, especially scriptural ones. And still conclude

88 The Heart of the Puritan
with some Lesson of Piety; bidding them to learn
that Lesson from the Story.
And thus, every Day at the Table, I have used
myself to tell a Story before I rise; and make the
Story useful to the Olive Plants about the Table. . . .
I first begett in them an high Opinion of their
Father's Love to them, and of his being best able to
judge, what shall be good for them.
Then I make them sensible, tis a Folly for them to
pretend unto any Witt and Will of their own; they
must resign all to me, who will be sure to do what is
best; my word must be their Law. . . .
I would never come, to give a child a Blow; except
in Case of Obstinacy; or some gross Enormity.
To be chased for a while out of my Presence, I
would make to be look'd upon, as the sorest Punish
ment in the Family.
... I am not fond of proposing Play to them, as
a Reward of any diligent Application to learn what
is good; lest they should think Diversion to be a
better and a nobler Thing than Diligence,
I would have them come to propound and expect,
at this rate, / have done well, and now I will go to my
Father; he will teach me some curious Thing for it,
I must have them count it a Priviledge, to be taught;
and I sometimes manage the matter so, that my
Refusing to teach them Something, is thcir Punish
ment, Thc slavish way of Education, carried on with
raving and kicking and scourging (in Schools as well
as Families,) tis abominable; and a dreadful Judg
ment of God upon the World. . , .
When the Children are capable of it, I take them
alone, one by one; and after my Charges unto them.

Remarks of Piety 89
to fear God, and serve Christ, and shun Sin, / pray
with ihem in my Study and make them the Witnesses
of the Agonies, with which I address the Throne of
Grace on their behalf. [March 18, 171 1]
To accomplish my little Daughters for House
keeping, I would have them, at least once a week,
to prepare some new Thing, either for Diet, or Medi
cine; which I may show them described, in some such
Treatise as the Family Dictionary, And when it is
prepared, I will also make some Remarks of Piety,
in a way of occasional Reflection upon it.
[September 23, 171 1]
It is Time for me to fix my three elder Daughters,
in the opificial and beneficial Mysteries, wherein they
should be well-instructed; that they may do good
unto others; and if they should be reduced into
Necessities, unto themselves also.
For Katy, I determined. Knowledge in Physic, and
the Preparation, and the Dispensation of noble
Medicines. For Nibby, and Nancy, I will consult thcir Inclina
tions. [January 20, 1712]
It may be many Waycs for thc Advantage of my
Daughters, to have them well instructed in Shorthand.
I would therefore apply myself unto this part of thcir
Education. [September 6, 171 3]
My youngest little Daughter is a marvellous witty,
ready, forward Child; I would oblige every Child in
the Family, to teach her each of them Sentences of

90 The Heart of the Puritan
Piety, that so she may betimes and apace have her
mind filled with Maxims of Piety. [November 22, 17 13]
Our Diet at the Table, shall be mighty handsomely
and usefully carried on. There shall be the Rules
of Behaviour nicely given and used there. And some
instructive Subject, alwayes be discoursed on.
[June 26, 1716]
I must think of some exquisite and obliging Wayes,
to abate Sammy's * inordinate Love of Play. His
play wounds his Faculties, I must engage him in
some nobler Entertainments. [June I, 1717]
What shall be done, for the raising of Sammy's
Mind, above the debasing Meannesses of Play!
[September 3, 1717]
Entertain Sammy betimes, with the first Rudi
ments of Geography and Astronomy, as well as His
tory; and so raise his Mind above the sillier Diver
sions of Childhood. [September 24, 1717]
Heap a great Library on my little Samuel.
[January 14, 1718]
Sammy is united with a Society of sober and pious
Lads, who meet for Exercises of Religion. I will
allow them the Use of my Library, for the Place of
their Meeting; and give them Directions, and Enter
tainments. — Cotton Mather.
* Sammy Mather waa then between ten and eleven
years of age.

No Green Apples 91
A diversity of directions and aspirations addressed by
the Reverend Benjamin Colman io his daughter
Jane, aged nine, Boston, Aug. 4th, 1718.
My dear Child,
I have this Morning your Letter, which pleases
me very well, and gives me hopes of many a pleasant
Line from you in Time to come; if God spare you to
me, and me to you.
I very much long to see your Mother, but doubt
whether the Weather will permit me to Day. I pray
God to bless you, and make you one of his Children.
I charge you to pray daily, and read your Bible, and
fear to sin. Be very dutiful to your Mother, and
respectful to every Body. ... Be very humble and
modest, womanly and discreet. Take care of your
Health, and as you love me do not eat green Apples.
Drink sparingly of the Waters except the Day be
warm. When I last saw you you were too shame-
fac'd; Look People in the Face, speak freely and
behave decently. . . .

Miss Mary Edwards, being far removed from home
and kindred, is solemnly adjured to mind her
latter end by her reverend father, Mr. Jonathan
Edwards. To Miss Mary Edwards, at Portsmouth.
Northampton, July 26, 1749.
My dear Child,
You may well think it is natural for a parent, to
be concerned for a child at so great a distance, so

92 The Heart of the Puritan
far out of view, and so far out of the reach of com
munication; where, if you should be taken with any
dangerous sickness, that should issue in death, you
might probably be in your grave, before we could
hear of your danger. But yet, my greatest concern
is not for your health, or temporal welfare, but for
the good of your soul. Though you are at so great a
distance from us, yet God is every where. You are
much out of the reach of our care, but you are every
moment in His hands. We have not the comfort of
seeing you, but He sees you. His eye is always upon
you. And if you may but live sensibly near to God,
and have his gracious presence, it is no matter if you
are far distant from us. I had rather you should
remain hundreds of miles distant from us, and have
God near to you by His Spirit, than to have you al
ways with us, and live at a distance from God. And
if the next news we should hear of you, should be of
your death; though that would be very melancholy,
yet, if at the same time we should receive such intelli
gence concerning you, as should give us the best
grounds to hope, that you had died in thc Lord; how
much more comfortable would this be, though we
should have no opportunity to see you or to take
our leave of you in your sickness, than if wc should
be with you during all its progress, and have much
opportunity to attend upon you, and converse and
pray with you, and take an altcctionatc leave of you,
and after all have reason to apprehend, that you died
without the grace and favour of God! ...
I hope that you will maintain a strict and constant
watch ovcr yourself, against all temptations, that
you do not forsake and forget God, and particularly,
that you do not grow slack in secret religion. Retire

An Impenetrable Secret 93
often from this vain world, from all its bubbles and
empty shadows, and vain amusements, and con
verse with God alone; and seek effectually for that
Divine grace and comfort, the least drop of which is
worth more than all the riches, gaiety, pleasures and
entertainments of the whole world. . . .
We are all, through the Divine goodness, in a
tolerable state of health. The ferment in the town
runs very high, concerning my opinion about the
Sacrament; but I am no more able to foretell the
issue, than when I last saw you. . . . Commending
you to the care and special favour of our heavenly
Father, I am Your very affectionate father,
Jonathan Edwards.

The varied occupations o/Miss Anna Green Winslow,
a young lady visiting in Boston; also her patient
endurance of trials, perchance noi great, yet
onerous to a damsel of ten. February 22. [1772]
I have spun 30 knots of linning yarn; and (partly)
new footed a pair of stockings for Lucinda, read a
part of the pilgrim's progress, coppied part of my
text journal (that if I live a few years longer, I may
be able to understand it, for aunt sais, that to her,
the contents as I first mark'd them, were an im
penetrable secret) play'd some, tuck'd a great deal
(Aunt Deming says it is very true) laugh'd enough,
& I tell aunt it is all human nature, if not human
reason. And now I wish my honored mamma a
very good night.

94 The Heart of the Puritan March 4. 1772
I have just now been writing four lines in my Book
almost as well as the copy. But all the intreaties in
the world will not prevail upon me to do always as
well as I can, which is not the least trouble to me,
tho' its a great grief to aunt Deming. March 11. [1772]
Boast not thyself of tomorrow; for thou knowest
not what a day may bring forth. Thus king Solo
mon, inspired by the Holy Ghost, cautions. Pro.
xxvii. i. My aunt says, this is a most necessary lesson
to be learn'd & laid up in the heart. I am quite of
her mind. I have met witii a di.sappoinlmcnt lo day,
k aunt says, 1 may look for tlu-in every day ™wc
live in a changing world ™ in scripture call'd a vale
of tears. Uncle said yesterday that there had not
been so much snow on the ground this winter as
there was then — it has been vastly added to since
then, & is now 7 feet deep in some places round this
house; it is above the fence in the coart & thick snow
began to fall and condtinu'd till about 5 o'clock
P. M, (it is about 1-4 past 8 o'clock) since which
there has been a steady rain — so no visiting as I
hoped this day, & this is the disappointment I men
tioned on t'other page. Last Saturday I sent my
cousin Betsy Storer a Billet of which the following
is a copy. Miss Green gives her love to Miss Storer
& informs her that she is very sensible of the effects
of a bad cold, not only in the pain she has had in her
throat, neck and face, which have been much swell'd
& which she is not quite clear of, but that she has
also been by the same depriv'd of the pleasure of
seeing Miss Storer & her other friends in Sudbury

Blows and Reproaches 95
Street. She begs, her Duty, Love & Compliments,
may be presented as due & that she may be inform'd
if they be in health. To this I have receiv'd no
answer. I suppose she don't think I am worth an
answer. But I have finished my stent, and wrote all
under this date, & now I have just daylight eno' to
add, my love and duty to dear friends at Cumberland,

The gross and violent conduct of Mr. Nathaniel Eaton
towards his usher, and his debarring from teaching
children within ihe Massachusetts settlement.
[September 4, 1639]
At the general court at Boston, one Mr. Nathaniel
Eaton . . . was conventcd and censured. The oc
casion was this: He was a schoolmaster, and had
many scholars, the sons of gentlemen and others of
best note in the country, and had entertained one
Nathaniel Briscoe, a gentleman born, to be his usher,
and to do some other things for him, which might
not be unfit for a scholar. He had not been with
him above three days but he fell out with him for a
very small occasion, and, with reproachful terms,
discharged him, and turned him out of his doors;
but, it being then about eight of the clock after the
Sabbath, he told him he should stay till next morn
ing,, and, some words growing between them, he
struck him and pulled him into his house. Briscoe
defended himself, and closed with him, and, being
parted, he came in and went up to his chamber to
lodge there. Mr. Eaton sent for the constable, who
advised him first to admonish him, etc., and if he
could not, by the power of a master, reform him,

96 The Heart of the Puritan
then he should complain to the magistrate. But he
caused his man to fetch him a cudgel, which was a
walnut tree plant, big enough to have killed a horse,
and a yard in length, and, taking his two men with
him, he went up to Briscoe, and caused his men to
hold him till he had given him two hundred stripes
about the head and shoulders, etc., and so kept him
under blows (with some two or three short inter
missions) about the space of two hours, about which
time Mr, Shepherd and some others of the town came
in at the outcry, and so he gave over. In this dis
tress Briscoe gate out his knife, and struck at the
man that held him, but hurt him not. He also fell
to prayer, (supposing he should have been mur
dered,) and then Mr, Eaton beat him for taking the
name of God in vain, . . . Mr, Eaton . . . being
after called into the court to .make answer to the
information, which had been given by some who knew
the truth of the case, and also to answer for his
neglect and cruelty, and other ill usage towards his
scholars ... his answers were full of pride and dis
dain. . . . Being asked, why he used such cruelty
to Briscoe his usher, and to other his scholars, (for it
was testified by another of his ushers and diverse of
his scholars, that he would give them between
twenty and thirty stripes at a time, and would not
leave till they had confessed what he required,) his
answer was, that he had this rule, that he would not
give over correcting till he had subdued the party
to his will. Being also questioned about the ill and
scant diet of his boarders, (for, though their friends
gave large allowance, yet thcir diet was ordinarily
nothing but porridge and pudding, and that very
homely,) he put it off to his wife. . . . The gov-

Work and Wages 97
ernor, after a short preface, etc., declared the sen
tence of the court to this effect, viz.: that he should
give Briscoe £30, fined 100 marks, and debarred
teaching of children within our jurisdiction. — John Winthrop,
The pleasant earthly situation of a Boston school
master. To Dr, Increase Mather.
April 25, 1710, Third-day.
Rever'^. Sir, — I am favourd with yours of yester
day. The purpose therein mentioned, I Entreat you
to Review, and alter; and that for these Reasons.
The Town expends many Thousand pounds yearly,
by Tax and Contribution; besides what they lay out
upon the Account of Charity. And yet notwith
standing, a very good fair new Schoolhouse is built
and a very good Dwellinghouse for the Master. Our
late excellent Master, Mr. Ezekiel Chiever went to
his heavenly Mansion, from a very pleasant Earthly
Situation. At the last Anniversary Meeting the
Town augmented the Master's Salary to One Hun
dred pounds p annum. What with that, and some
small perquisites, a humble Christian Man that loves
Work more than Wages, needs not be discouraged;
considering likewise the Allowance of an Usher with
a Salary of Fourty pounds. These provisions thus
made during the long lasting War, in way of a Tax,
for one of their Schools, and by a full Vote, by a
Town not eighty years old; must needs gratify you;
and the rather, because there was some doubt
whether it would have been so comfortably accom
plished. — Samuel Sewall,

98 The Heart of the Puritan

Sundry Commencements ai Harvard College, be
ginning with the first. [1642]
Nine bachelors commenced at Cambridge; they
were young men of good hope, and performed their
acts, so as gave good proof of their proficiency in the
tongues and arts. . . . The general court had settled
a government or superintendency over the college,
viz., all the magistrates and elders over the six near
est churches and the president, or the greatest part
of these. Most of them were now present at this
first commencement, and dined at the college with
the scholars' ordinary commons, which was done of
purpose for the students' encouragement, etc., and
it gave good content to all.
At this commencement, complaint was made to
the governors of two young men, of good quality,
lately come out of England, for foul misbehavior, in
swearing and ribaldry speeches, etc., for which,
though they were adulti, they were corrected in thc
college, and sequestered, etc., for a time.
— John Winthrop.
The manner of the late Commencement, expressed
in a Letter sent over from the Governour, and diverse
of the Ministers, their own words these.
The Students of the first Classis that have beene
these foure yeeres trained up in University-Learning
(for their ripening in the knowledge of the Tongues
and Arts) and are approved for their manners as
they have kept their publick Acts in former yeares,
our selves being present, at them; so have they

A Book oJ Arts 99
lately kept two solemne Acts for their Commence
ment, when the Governour, Magistrates, and the
Ministers from all parts, with allsorts of Schollars
and others in great numbers were present, and did
heare their exercises; which were Latine and Greeke
Orations, and Declamations and Hebrew AnaJasis
Grammaticall, Logicall & Rhetoricall of the Psalms:
And their Answers and Dispu1:ations in Logicall,
Ethicall, Physicall and Metaphysicall Questions; and
so were found worthy of the first degree, (commonly
called Batchelour) pro more Academiarum in Anglia:
Being first presented by the President to the Magis
trates and Ministers and by him, upon their Appro
bation, solemnly admitted unto the same degree, and
a Booke of Arts delivered into each of their hands,
and power given them to read Lectures in the Hall
upon any of the Arts, when they shall be thereunto
called, and a liberty of studying in thc Library.
All things in the Collcdge arc at present, like to pro
ceed even as wee can wish, may it but please the Lord
to goe on with his blessing in Christ, and stir up thc
hearts of his faithfull, and able Servants in our owne
Native Country, and here, (as he hath graciously
begun) to advance this Honourable and most hope-
full worke. The beginnings whereof and progresse
hitherto (generally) doe fill our hearts with comfort,
and raise them up to much more expectation, of the
Lords goodnesse for hereafter, for the good of pos
terity, and the Churches of Christ Jesus.
Your very loving
friends, &c.
Boston in New-England,
September the 26,
1642.

100 The Heart of the Puritan
Midweek, July 2, 1707. Coinencement Day is fair
and pleasant. Jane and I go betime by Charles
town; set out before 5; had a very pleasant journey;
went from Charlestown in a Calash. . . . Went into
the Meetinghouse about 11. Mr. Willard pray'd.
Mr. Wigglesworth began to dispute; before he had
done, the Gov' came; when the first Question was
dispatch'd, the Orator was call'd forth: His Oration
was very well accepted; I was conccrn'd for' my son,
who was not well, lest he should have fail'd; but God
helped him. His Cous. Moodey of York had pray'd
earnestly for it the night before; and gave Thanks.
for it in prayer the night after. My Son held the
first Question in the Afternoon; Anima non fit ex
Traduce. . , , My Son was the first that had a
Degree given him in the New Meetinghouse. The
Desks were adorned with green curtains, which it
seems, were Wainwrights. I could not hear one Word
while the Degrees were giving,
July, 3, [1707] Feria sexta Mr, Stoddard preached
excellently from Mica, 1,5, .. . Said he could see
no reason why a papist might not cross himself Ten
times a day, as well as a Minister cross a child once.
— Spake plainly in Several Articles against Supersti
tion. Spake against excess in Coinencem't entertain
ments. Gov' call'd at night with Mr. Stoddard and
told me I should cause them to conclude. — Samuel Sewall.
rr-u. T^ L . ^"^^ 3' ^717]
This Day, being the Commencement, as they Call
it; a Time of much Resort unto Cambridge, and
sorrily enough thrown away, I chose to spend this

Insipid, Ill-Contrived loi
Time at home, and I sett apart a good Part of it,
for Prayer with Fasting before thc Lord.
— Cotton Mather.
JJuly I, 1724] ;
This Day, being our insipid ill-contrived, anniver
sary Solemnity, which wc call. The Commencement,
I chose to spend it at home, in Supplications; partly
on the behalf of the Colledgc, that it may not be
foolishly thrown away: but that God bestow such
a President upon it, as may prove a rich Blessing
unto it, and unto all our Churches. — Cotton Mather.
[July 20, 1763]
Commenc' at Camb'. Solemnity begun with an
Oration in Latin saluting the Audience, then came
on a Disputation in Latin, then an English Oration
on the Advantages of a liberal Education which con
cluded the forenoon Exercise. Afternoon begun with
disp. by the Masters after that a Dialogue in English
then they descended to take their Degrees, then the
valedictory Oration then the President concluded
with a Prayer. — Nathaniel Ames.

Concerning ihe conduct of ihe students of Harvard
College, at times more frank in ihe recital than
praiseworthy in ihe performance. [June 5, 1644]
Two of our ministers' sons, being students in the
college, robbed two dwelling houses in the night of
some 1 5 pounds. Being found out, they were ordered

102 The Heart of the Puritan
by the governors of the college to be there whipped,
which was performed by the president himself — yet
they were about 20 years of age; and after they were
brought into the court and ordered to two fold satis
faction, or to serve so long for it. We had yet no
particular punishment for burgalary. — John Winthrop. [Circ. 1673]
. . . Abhor one Hour of Idleness, as you would
be ashamed of one Hour of Drunkenness. Though
I would not have you neglect Seasons for Recreation
a little before and after Meals, and though I would
not have you study late in the Night usually, yet
know, that God will curse your Soul, while the Sin
of Idlefiess is nourished, which hath spoiled so many
hopeful Youths^ in their first Blossoming in the
Collcdge. Hence don't content your self to do as
much as your Tutor sets you about, but know, that
you will never excel in Leaming, unless you do some
what else in private Hours, wherein his Care cannot
reach you. . . . — Thomas Shepard,
August 29 [1653]: My pupills all came to me y'day
to desire yy might ceas learning Hebrew: I w"'stood
it w'"" all y' reaso I could, yet all will not satisfy y™.
Thus am I requited for my love; & thus little fruit of
all my prayers & tears for y' good.
August 30: God appear'd somew' in inclining y"
sp[iri]' of my pupils to y* study of Hebrew as I
pray'd y' God would do. — Edward Taylor,

Nailed in the Hall 103
[1668.?]
Mr. Graves, not having his name fpr npught, lost
the love of the undergraduates by his too much
austerity, whereupon they used to strike a nail above
the hall door-catch while we were reciting to him,
and so nail him in the hall. — Edward Taylor,
Monday, June 15, 1674. . . . Thomas Sargeant
was examined by the Corporation: finally the advice
of Mr. Danforth, Mr. Stoughton; Mr. Thatcher,
Mr. Mather (then present) was taken. This was his
sentence. That being convicted of speaking blasphemous
words concerning the H[oly] G[host] he should be
therefore publickly whipped before all the Scholars.
2. That he should be suspended as to taking his degree
of Bachelour. ... 3. Sit alone by himself in the
Hall uncovered at meals, during the pleasure of the
President and Fellows, and be in all things obedient,
doing what exercise was appointed him by the
President, or else be finally expelled the Collcdge.
The first was presently put in execution in the
Library (Mr. Danfoith, Jr. being present) before
the Scholars. He kneeled down and the instrument
Goodman Hely attended the President's word as to
the performance of his part in the work. Prayer
was had before and after by the President.
— Samuel Sewall.
[March, 1682]
The Corporation met in the College Library be
tween 9 and 10 of ye clock being Monday: About
3 of ye clock ye under graduates were called in ye

I04 The Heart of the Puritan
Hall to be examined about ye abusing of ye freshmen.
About 5 of ye clock or between 4 and 5, they were
called in again to hear ye Corporation's conclusion.
Y' Webb should have what gifts were bestowed
on him by the College taken away, and y' he should
be expelled ye College, and having called for a Bible
on which his name was written, Mr. Mather tore it
off. Moreover if he was seen in the College after 29
hours, ye resident fellows were to carry him before
ye civil magistrates. Moreover Danforth, Myles,
Watson were publickly admonished for speaking
irreverently before ye Corporation, — Noahdiah Russell.
[March] 13 [1758] Came to College, began Logick.
18 fit with the Sophomores about Cust[oms].
20 had another Fight with the sophomores.
22 went to Newtown Ordination.
30 read Watses Logick.
June 22 Roman Father a Play.
23 Declaimed this morning left off my wigg.
26 Presidents Grass Mow'd.
30 Valedictory day, I waited on the Orator. Tom
Wentworth was Orator.
July I finished the Presidents hay.
3 Cato a Play acted at Warrens Cham[ber].
10 began to make arguments.
II did not go to prayers,
16 Sot in the Sophimores Seat,
18 Seniors went into the meeting house to dispute.
19 Commencement. Governours came.
[October] 22 [1759] Disputed on Status futurus
patet lumine Natura.
23 Disputed forensy on Soul is not extended.

Much Deviltry 105
[November] 23 went to Boston, the Revenge acted
at Bowmans.
27 disputed on Bruta non cogitant.
[June] 13 [1760] Acted Tancred & Sigism""' for
which wc arc like to be prosecuted.
17. ... Disputed. Freshmen Rake Presidents
Hay, [September] 9 President sick wherefore much
Deviltry carried on in College.
[October] I Schol* Degraded this Morning 2
adm"'*'' I punish'd.
10 Kneelands and Thayers Windows broke last
night. [November] 17 finished Dialling enter'd on Trigo
nometry. [December] 12 Quarter Day. Calculated on
Eclipse with Flag.
18 Analized 5 Chap: of Ephesians.
22 Gardiner & Barnard admonish'd Stealing
Wood. 26 News of K. George 2''- Death on Oct' 25th.
30 King George III proclaimed in Boston.
[February] 16 [1761] begun to recite Wats's As
tronomy. 26 lost 2 Pistare"* at Cards last Evening.
[March] 25 The Robins come.
26 First game of Bat & Ball.
[April] 1 5 Dependants on the Favors of the Presi
dent and Tutors sign an agreement to inform of any
scholar that is guilty of profanity.
[May] 19 Joseph Cabot rusticated as soon as the
President said he was rusticated. He took his Hat
& went out of the Chap[el] without staying to hear
the Presidents Speech out. After Prayers he bul-

io6 The Heart of the Puritan
rags the Tutors at a high rate & leaves Coll[ege] his
mother faints at the News.
20 Chapel rob'd of the Cushing & Bible Cloths.
[June] 19 the last Friday that we are ever to be
pun'*" 26 Valedictory Oration pronounced by S. Hooper.
[July] 15 Comm[encemen]' many Dedhamites
present. 16 A Dance in Town house Camb^^
17 a genteel Set down at Prentices. Prentices
account for Trouble & a few things taken by Negroes
on my Ac. came to about 34 £. . . .
18 devouring the remains of Commenc'.
— Nathaniel Ames.

Harvard College as observed by visitors and travellers
presents no imposing aspect nor is its scholarly
activity highly esteemed. [July 9, 1680]
. . . We reached Cambridge about eight o'clock.
It is not a large village, and the houses stand very
much apart. The college building is the most con
spicuous among them. We went to it, expecting to
see something unusual, as it is the only college, or
would-be academy of thc Protestants in all America,
but we found ourselves mistaken. In approaching
the liouac wc neither heard nor saw nnylhiiig mcn-
tionablc; but, going to the other siilc of the building,
wc heard iioitic enough in an upper room to leail my
companion lo say, "I believe they are eiigageil in
diaputation." We entered ami went up stairH, when
ft person met us, and rec|ueRted us to walk in, which
we did. We found there eight or ten young fellows,

Smoking Like a Tavern 107
sitting around, smoking tobacco, with the smoke of
which the room was so full, that you could hardly
see; and the whole house smelt so strong of it that
when I was going up stairs I said, "It certainly must
be also a tavern." We excused ourselves, that we
could speak English only a little, but understood
Dutch or French well, which they did not. How
ever, we spoke as well as we could. We inquired
how many professors there were, and they replied
not one, that there was not enough money to support
one. We asked how many students there were.
They said at first, thirty, and then came down to
twenty; I afterwards understood there are prob
ably not ten. They knew hardly a word of Latin,
not one of them, so that my companion could not
converse with them. They took us to the library
where there was nothing particular. We looked it
over a little. They presented us with a glass of
wine. This is all we ascertained there. The min
ister of the place goes there morning and evening to
make prayer, and has charge over them; besides
him, the students are under tutors or masters. . . .
— Jasper Danckaerts.
Wednesday, September 24. [1740] Preached at
Cambridge, the chief college in New England for
training thc sons of the prophets. It has one presi
dent, four tutors, and about a hundred students.
The college is scarce as big as one of our least col
leges at Oxford; and, as far as I could gather from
sfxiie who knew the slate of it, not far superior to
our universities in piety. Discipline ia at ft low ebb.
Bad books are become fashionable among the tutors
and students. Tillotson and Clark are read, instead

lo8 The Heart of the Puritan
of Sheppard, Stoddard, and such-like evangelical
writers . . . .The president of the college and min
ister of the parish treated me very civilly. In the
afternoon, I preached again, in the court. I believe
there were about seven thousand hearers. The
Holy Spirit melted many hearts. — George Whitefield.

[October 25, 1750]
. . . After Dinner M' Jacob Wendell and Abra
ham Wendell and Self took Horse and went to See
Cambridge which is ft neat Pleasant Village and
Consists of ab' an Hundred Houses and three Col
lages, which arc a Plain Old Fabrick of no manner of
Archetect and the Present much Out of Repair is
Situated on one Side thc Towne and forms a Large
Square, its Apartments are Pretty Large. The
Library is very large and well Stored with Books,
but much Abused by Frequent use. . . .
— Francis Goelet.

Whence Yale College received its name and the good
hopes that attended its removal to New Haven.
To Mr. Elihu Yale.
Boston, New England, 14th d. nth month, 1717-18
Sir, There are those in these parts of the western
India, who have had the satisfaction to know some
thing of what you have done and gained in the

A^o Further Presumption 109
eastern, and they take delight in the story. But
that which has made many of them the more sensibly
acquainted with it, is, their having felt the testi
monies thereof in the overflowing liberalities whereof
you find the objects on this side of the wide Atlantic.
New England values itself upon the honor of
being your native country. But you do singularly
oblige as well as honor it, in that, although you left
it in such an early infancy as to be incapable of re
membering any thing in it, yet you have been pleased
on all otcaHions to testify a good will unto it. . . .
Thc Colony of Connecticut, liaving for some years
had ft College at Saybrook without ft collegious way
of living for it, have lately begun to erect a large
edifice for it in thc town of New Haven. Thc
charge of that expensive building is not yet all paid,
nor are there yet any funds of revenues for salaries
to the Professors and Instructors to the society.
Sir, though you have your felicities in your family,
which I pray God continue and multiply, yet cer
tainly, if what is forming at New Haven might wear
the name of Yale College, it would be better than
a name of sons and daughters. And your munificence
might easily obtain for you such a commemoration
and perpetuation of your valuable name, which
would indeed be much better than an Egyptian
pyramid. . . .
Nor will it be any disadvantage unto your person
or family, for a good people to make mention of you
in their prayers unto the glorious Lord, as one who
has loved their nation, and supported and strength
ened the seminary from whence they expect ihe supply
of all iheir synagogues. But having thus far presumed
upon your goodness, I shall presume no further, but.

IIO The Heart of ihe Puritan
with hearty supplications to Heaven, that the bless
ings thereof may be showered plentifully down upon
you and yours, I subscribe. Sir,
Your most sincere friend and servant.
Cotton Mather.

To Governour Saltonstall.
25th d. 6th month, 1718.
Sir, 'Tis an unspeakable pleasure unto me, that I have
been in any measure capable of serving so precious
a thing as your College at New Haven.
Governor Yale now gives you a sensible proof,
that he has begun to take it under his patronage and
protection. But I am informed, that what he now
does is very little in proportion to what he will do,
when once he finds, by the name of it, that it may
claim an adoption with him, Yale College cannot
fail of Mr. Yale's generous and growing bounty. /
confess, that it was a great and inexcusable presumption
in me, to make myself so far the godfather of the beloved
infant as to propose a name for it. But I assured
myself, that if a succession of solid and lasting bene
fits might be entailed upon it your Honor and the
Honorable Trustees, would pardon mc, and the
proposal would be complied withal.
It is a thousand pities, that the dear infant should
be in danger of being strangled in the birth, by a
dissension of your good people about the place where
it shall be nourished in the wilderness. But prob
ably the Yalcan assistance to New Haven will prove

A Noisy Impertinency in
a decisive circumstance, which will dispose all to an
acquiescence there.
When the servants of God meet at your Commencer
ment, I make no doubt, ihat, under your Honor's In
fluence and encouragements, ihey will make it an oppor
tunity, in the most serious and mature manner, io de
liberate upon projections io serve the great interests of
education, and so of religion, both in your College and
throughout your Colony, as well as whatever else may
advance ihe kingdom of God, and not suffer an inter
view of your best men to evaporate such a senseless,
useless, noisy impertinency, as it uses to do with us
at Cambridge. . . .
I repeat my humble supplications, that our glori
ous Lord would multiply his blessings on your honor
able person, consort, family, and government;
and am, Your Honor's most sincere servant,
Cotton Mather.
Various aspects of life at Yale College, diverse in
character and impucation. Norwich, May 28th, 1779.
Rev*" and Hon** Sir:
Received your favour by Lovet, with your un
merited Complaisance. As to your Queries, cannot
say much. However, would say, what I know. . .
Books of the Languages and Sciences recited in my
day [1710-1714] were Tully and Virgil, but without
any Notes; Burgersdicius and Pamus's Logick, also
Heerebord's set Logic, &c.; Picrson's manuscript of
Physicks, w" I have no copy of. We recited the

112 The Heart of the Puritan
Greek Testament; knew not Homer, &c.; recited the
Psalms in Hebrew. . . . We recited Ames' Me
dulla on Saturdays, and also his Cases of Conscience
sometimes; the two upper classes used to dispute
syllogistically twice or thrice a week.
On Commencements, Rector Andrew always pre
sided at Saybrook, in my day, and the Commence-
mcn' always in y" meeting house . . . These were
held both parts of y" day, began and ended w""
prayer; the disputations carried on much as since, a
Salutatory and Valedictory oration, but none in
English as now.
The Rector gave degrees much in the present
form (no pro modo Anglice then); when he came to
y* words hunc Librum, he gave y' candidates a little
book into their hands, which they returned for y"
next, for they came up only two by two; no Di
plomas were delivered then.
The Rector previous to the giving of Degrees
ask'd the consent of the Trustees, saying placetne
vobis, kc, to -which. t\).e.y SLnsv^QTtd placet, placet. . . .
Who were chief orators in my day, I'm y" less
able to say as oratory was but little known, studied,
or famed, to what it is now. Indeed, Composition
and Language were then scarcely eno in vogue to
excite ambition where there might be a genius
for it. , . .
As for the Mathematicks, we recited and studied'
but little more than the rudiments of it, some of y"
plainest things in it. Our advantages in that day
were too low for any to rise high in any branches of
literature. . . . Yours to serve,
Benj" Lord.

Very Good Peace 113

To the Rev. Timothy Edwards, Pastor of the Church
at East Windsor. New-Haven, July 21, 1719.
Ever Honoured Sir,
I received, with two books, a letter from yourself,
bearing the date of July 7th; and therein I received
with the greatest gratitude, your most wholesome
advice and cpunsel; and I hope I shall, God helping
of me, use my utmost endeavours to put the same in
practice. I am sensible of the preciousness of my
time, and am resolved it shall not be through any
neglect of mine, if it slips without the greatest ad
vantage. I take very great content under my
present tuition, as all the rest of the scholars seem to
do under theirs. Mr. Cutler is extraordinarily
courteous to us, has a very good spirit of government,
keeps the school in excellent order, seems to increase
in learning, is loved and respected by all who are
under him, and when he is spoken of in the school or
town, he generally has the title of President, The
scholars all live in very good peace with the people
of the town; and there is not a word said about our
former carryings on, except now and then by aunt
Mather. . . I have enquired of Mr. Cutler, what
books we shall have need of the next year. He
answered he would have me get against that time,
Alstead's geometry and Gassendus' Astronomy;
with which I would intreat you to get a pair of di
viders, or mathematician's compasses, and a scale,
which are absolutely necessary in order to learning
mathematics; and also, the Art of Thinking, which,

114 The Heart of the Puritan
I am persuaded, would be nO less profitable, than the
other necessary, to me, who am
Your most dutiful Son,
Jonathan Edwards.
P. S. What we give a week for our board, is £o.
5s. od. [1738]
. . . Last night some of the freshmen got six
quarts of Rhurn and about two payls fool of Sydar
and about eight pounds suger and mad it in to
Samson, and evited every scholer in Colege in to
Churtis is Room, and we mad such prodigius Rought
that we Raised the tutor, and he ordred us all to
our one rooms and some went and some taried and
they geathered a gain and went up to old father
Monsher dore and drumed against the dore and
yeled and screamed so that a bodey would have
thought that they were killing dodgs there, and all
this day they have bien a counsling to geather, and
they sent for Woodward and Dyar and Worthenton,
Briant and Styles. . . . — Ezra Clap.

David Brainerd, in a letter to the governours of Yale
College, humbly acknowledges the grievous fault
for which he was banished from among the scholars
and expresses hearty repentance for the same.
[September 15, 1743]
. . . Whereas I have said before several Persons,
concerning Mr. Whittelsey, one of the Tutors of
Yale-College, that I did not believe he had any more

Unbecoming a Christian 115
Grace, than the chair I then lean'd upon; I humbly
confess, that herein I have sin'd against God, ahd
acted contrary to the Rules of his Word, and have
injured Mr, Whittlesey. I had no Right to make
thus free with his; Character; and had no just Reason
to say as I did concerning- him. My Fault herein
was the more Aggravated, in that I said this con
cerning One that was so much my Superiour, and
one that I was obliged to treat with special Respect
and Honour, by Reason of the Relation I stood in to
him in the College, Such a Manner of Behaviour, I
confess, did not become a Christian; it was taking
too much upon me, and did not favour of that humble
Respect, that I ought to have expres'd towards Mr.
Whittlesey. I have long since been convinced of
the Falseness of those Apprehensions, by which I
then justified such a Conduct, I have often re
flected on this Act with Grief; I hope, on Account
of the Sin of it: And am willing to lie low, and be
abased before God and Man for it. And humbly
ask the Forgiveness of the Governours of the Col
lege, and of the whole Society; but of Mr. Whittlesey
in particular. And whereas I have been accused by
one Person of saying concerning the Rev, Rector
of Yale-College, that I wondered he did npt expect
to drop down dead for fining the Scholars that fol
lowed Mr. Tennent to Milford; I seriously profess
that I don't remember my saying any Thing to this
Purpose. But if I did, which I am not certain I did
not, I utterly condemn it, and detest all such Kind
of Behaviour; and especially in an Undergraduate
towards the Rector. And I now appear, to judge
and condemn my self for going once to the separate
Meeting in New-Haven, a little before I was ex-

ii6 The Heart of the Puritan
pell'd, tho' the Rector had refused to give me Leave.
For this I humbly ask the Rector's Forgiveness.
And whether the Governours of the College shall
ever see Cause to remove the Academical Censure I
lie under, or no, or to admit me to the Priviledges
I desire; yet I am willing to appear, if they think
fit, openly to own, and to humble my self for those
Things I have herein confess'd. . . .

Of the sad defection of the rector and tutors of Yale Col
lege and the ensuing scandal among the churches,
more of which will be noted later.
. . . Our school gloried and flourished under its
first rector, the Rev. Mr. Pierson, a pattern of piety,
a man of modest behaviour, of solid learning, and
sound principles, free from the least Arminian or
Episcopal taint: But it suffered a decay for some
years, because of the want of a resident rector. But
who could have conjectured, that its name being
raised to Collegium Yalcnse from a Gymnasium
Saybrookense, it should groan out Ichabod in about
three years and a half under its second rector, so
unlike the first. . . Upon thc management of our
college three years and a half, how strangely altered
is the aspect thereof! that its regents, sc. rector and
tutor are become such capable masters of Episcopal
leaven, and in such a time so able to cause how many
to partake of it! . . .
Upon our commencement, Sept. 12, the rector
distinguished his performance by the closing words
of his prayer, which were these, viz. and lei all the
people say, amen. . . .

Sundry Doubts 117
But the day following the commencement after
dinner, these gentlemen appeared in the library be
fore the trustees, where many other ministers were
present, and first declared themselves viva voce,
but after that, on the direction of the trustees, de
clared themselves in writing, a copy whereof is not
with us. But the substance thereof is this. sc.
Some of us doubting the validity of Presbyterial
ordination in opposition to Episcopal ordination, and
others pf us fully persuaded of the invalidity of said
ordination, shall be thankful to God or man helping
us if in an errour. Signed. . .
It may be added, that Mr. C[utler] then declared
to the trustees, that he had for many years been of
this persuasion, (his wife is reported to have said that
to her knowledge he had for eleven or twelve years
been so persuaded) and that therefore he was the
more uneasy in performing thc acts of his ministry
at Stratford, and thc more readily accepted the call
to a college improvement at N. Haven.
But then if he knew the college was erected for thc
education of such as dissented from the church of
England, (and how could he not know it) and knew
himself not one: with what good faith could he accept
said call. . . . Indeed he hath said, that he hath
laboured only with one to be of his persuasion: Were
it so, there would, in one instance, be a foul frustra
tion of the confidence reposed in him, but what a
number above one of the students have been leavened
by him, who can be assured, but coming time may
discover the unhappy instances of it.
Further, Mr. C[utler] then also declared it his firm
persuasion, that out of the church of England, ordi
narily, there was no salvation.

Ii8 The Heart of the Puritan
To the last wc only say, M^ yeuoiro for we dare
not so offend the generation of the righteous, nor
disturb the ashes of the myriads, that have slept in
Jesus, of thc Catholick professors of thc orthodox
faith in the three kingdoms, yea, and all reformed
Christendom, and in New England particularly, who
have not been of the communion of the church of
England. . . .
Reverend Sirs, having thus bemoaned the dark
providence over us, we may not doubt of your chris
tian sympathy, nor of your prayers, which yet we
earnestly ask, unto Him, that holdeth the stars in
his right hand, and walketh in the midst of the golden
candlesticks. . . And with sincere prayers, that
how grievous soever our sins have been, and how
much his anger hath been kindled against us, it may
please the Lord, who is God and not man, yea the
God of pardon, not to give us up, cast us off, forsake
us, . . . but that his gracious-blessing-presence may
be, and continue in your and our churches,
We subscribe ourselves. Reverend Sirs,
Your unworthy fellow-partners
in the ministry of the gospel,
John Davenport.
S, Buckingham.
The very Reverend Increase Mather, D. D.
Cotton Mather, D, D.
Stamford, Sept. 25, 1722.

Of the Indians: setting forth Plans for their Educa
tion in sacred and profane Learning, for their
Conversion and Government; likewise the
furious Wars that resulted, with some
of their Causes and Effects.

The first sight of ihe Indians and ihat largely io the
rearward. [November 15, 1620]
. . . Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod y* n. of
November; and necessitie calling them to looke out
a place for habitation ... a few of them tendered
them selves to goe by land and discovere those
nearest places. . . It was conceived ther might be
some danger in y' attempte, yet seeing them resolute,
they were permitted to goe, being 16. of them well
armed, under y' conduct of Captain Standish, hav
ing shuch instructions given them as was thought
meete. They set forth y' 15. of Nove*"* and when
they had marched aboute y' space of a mile by y*
sea side, they espied 5. or 6. persons with a dogg
coming towards them, who were salvages; but they
fled from them, and rane up into y° woods, and y'
English followed them. . . . But y' Indeans seeing
themselves thus followed, they againe forsooke the
woods, and rane away on y" sands as hard as they
could. . . . — William Bradford.

Roger Williams, true to his tenets, pleads for peace
and liberty, ihat ihey may be vouchsafed even io
ignorant savages. [July 8, 1654]
... I never was ag*' y* righteous vse of y* Civill
Sword of Men or Nations but yet since all men of
Conscience or Prudence, ply to Windward & wisely
121

122 The Heart of the Puritan
labour to mainteine their Wars to be defensive, (as
did both K[ing] & Scotch & English & Irish too in
these late Wars) I humbly pray yo' Consideracion
whether it be not, not only possible but very easie
for y* English to live and die in peace with all y" Na
tives of this Countrey,
For 2°'^'^ are not all y' English of this Land (gen
erally) a persecuted people from their Native Soilc?
& hath not y" God of Peace & Father of Mercies
made thesc Natives more friendly in this Wilderness,
then o' Native Countrimcn in o' owne land to vs?
Have they not cntrcd Leagues of Love & to this
day continued peaceable Commerce with vs? Are
not o' Families & Townes grownc vp in peace
amongs' them? vpon w"** I humbly aske how it can
suite, with Christian Ingenuitic to take hould of
some seeming Occasions for their Destructions, w''*
(though y' Heads be only aimed at) Yet all Ex
perience tells vs, falls on y" Body & jnnocent.
Thirdly, I pray it may be remembered, how greatly
y* Name of God is Concerned in this Affaire; for
it Can not be hid, how all Engl: & other Nations
ring with y* glorious Conversion of y' Indians of
New Engl: . . .
Honored S" Whether I have bene & am a friend
to y" Natives turning to Civilitie & Christianitie,
& Whether I have bene jnstrumentall & desire so
to be (according to my Light) I will not trouble
You with, only I beseech you consider how y' name
of y" most holy & jealous God may be preserved
betweene y^ clashings of these Two: viz: The Glo
rious Conversion of y'' Indians In N: Engl: & y' Vn-
necessary Warrs & cruell Destructions of y* Indians
in New Engl : , , . .

Worse than Death 123
A sheaf of letters from that eminent man of God and
apostle to the Indians, the Reverend John Eliot,
in which are seen ihe ardor of his love and the
tenderness of his concern for those lost tribes to
whom he gave his life.
To thc Honor'''* Gov & Council siting at Boston,
this 13"" of thc 6'\ '75, thc humble petition of John
Eliot. shcweth
That thc terror of selling away such Indians, unto
the Hands for p petual slaves, who shall yeild up
y^selves to your mercy, is like to be an efcctual
p longation of the warre & such an exaspation of y"
as may p duce we know not what evil consequences,
upon all the land. Christ hath saide, blessed are
the mercyfuU for y' shall obtaine mercy. This
useage of y™ is worse y" death — the designe of christ
in these last dayes, is not to extirpate nations, but
to gospelize y" — his Sovraigne hand & grace hath
brought the gospel into these dark places of the earth
— ^when we came, we declared to the world, & it
is recorded, yea we are ingaged by o' letters Patent
fro the kings. Majesty, that the indeavour of the
Indians conversion, not their exstirpation, was one
great end of our enterprize, in coming to these ends
of the earth. The Lord hath so succeeded y' work,
as that (by his grace) they have the holy Scriptures
& sundry of themselves able to teach theire country
men, the good knowledge of God. ... I doubt not
but the meaning of Christ is, to open a dore for the
free passage of the gospel among y™-— my humble
request is, y* you would follow Christ his designe in
this matter, to p mote the free passage of Religion

124 The Heart of the Puritan
among y", & not to destroy y" — to sell soules for
money seemeth to me a dangerpus merchandize. . .
all men (pf reading) condemne the Spaniard for
cruelty upon this poynt in destroying men, & de
populating the land, the country is large enough,
here is land enough for them & us too. . . .
I desire the honor*' Council to pardon my bold-
nesse, & let the case of conscience be discussed
orderly, before the King be asked, cover my weak-
nesse, & weigh the reason & religion y' laboreth in
this great case of conscience.

To Mr. Winslow, "ihe agent of the countrey."
. . . Let me, I beseech you, trouble you a little
farther with some considerations about this great
Indian work which lyeth upon me, as my continual
care, prayer, desire and endeavour to carry on,
namely for their schooling and education of youth
in learning, which is a principal means of promoting
of it for future times; If the Lord bring us to live in a
Towne and Society, we must have special care to
have Schools for the instruction of the youth in read
ing, that they may be able to read the Scriptures at
least. And therefore there must be some Annual
revenew for the maintaining of such Schoolmasters
and Dames; Besides, I do very much desire to trans
late some parts of the Scriptures into their language,
and to print some Primer in their language wherein
to initiate and teach them to read, which some of thc
men do much also desire, and printing such a thing
will be troublesome and chargeable, and I having
yet but little skill in their language (having little

Ripening Apace 125
leasure to attend it by reason of my continual at
tendance on my Ministry in our own Church) I
must have some Indians, and it may be other help
continually about me to try and examine Transla
tions, which I look at as a sacred and holy work, and
to be regarded with much fear, care and reverence;
and all this is chargeable; therefore I look at that as
a special matter on which cost is to be bestowed, if
the Lord provide means, for I have not means of my
own for it. I have a family of many children to
educate, and therefore I cannot give over my Min
istry in our church whereby my family is sustained
to attend the Indians to whom I give, and of whom
I receive nothing, nor have they any thing to give:
so that want of money is the only thing in view that
doth retard a more full prosecution of this work unto
which the Lord doth ripen them apace.
Moreover, there be sundry prompt, pregnant
witted youths, not vitiously inclined, but well dis
posed, which I desire may be wholly sequestred to
learning, and put to Schoole for that purpose, had
we means; and I suppose ten pounds per Annum to
be paid in England, will maintain one Indian youth
at Schoole, and halfe a score such Gifts or Annuities
would by the blessing of God greatly further this
work so farre as concerns that particular.
. . . And so commending you to the Lord and
to the word of his grace which is able to sanctifie
and save you, I rest
Roxburg, this 8. Your Lordships Brother and
of the 5. 49. fellow labourer for the good
of the poor Indians.
John Eliot.

126 The Heart of the Puritan

To the Same.
. . . And whereas some, (as I am informed) who
came from us to England, are no better friends to
this work than they should, and may speak lightly
of it: I do intreat that such may be asked but this
question; Did they so much regard to look after
it here, as to go three or four miles to some of our
meetings, and to observe what was said and done
there? if not how can they tell how things be? if
they say they were, I desire to know what they ex
cept against? If they say the Indians be all nought
because such as come loytering and filtching about
in our Townes are so; Wish them to consider how
unequal that judgment is, if all the English should
be judged by thc worst of them; and any should say
they be all such, this were to condemne thc righteous
with thc wicked. . . .
Now dear Sir, it may be you will desire to know
what kinde of Civil Government they shall be in
structed in; I acknowledge it to be a very weighty
consideration; and I have advised with Mr. Cotton
and others about it, and this I propound as my gen
eral rule through the help of the Lord; they shall be
wholly governed by the Scriptures in all things both
in Church and State; they shall have no other Law
giver; the Lord shall be their Law-giver, the Lord
shall be their Judge, the Lord shall be their King,
and he will save them; and when it is so the Lord
reigneth, and unto that frame the Lord will bring
all the world ere he hath done. . . .

Hungry Alumni 127
To the Honourable Robert Boyle.
Boston, June 21, 1683.
Right honourable, nursing father.
Your hungry alumni do still cry unto your honour
for the milk of the word in the whole word of God,
and for the bread of life which they have fed upon in
.whole bible, and are very thankful for what they
have, and importunately desirous to enjoy the whole
book of God. It is the greatest charity in the world
to provide for their souls. Should your honour please
but to change your bountiful charity from their
bodies to thcir souls, here is enough already sent
ovcr to accomplish thc work; they only stay for thc
word from your honour's fiat. My age makes mc
importunate. I shall depart joyfully, may I but
leave the bible among them, for it is the word of life;
and there be some godly souls among them that live
thereby. The work is under great incumberments
and discouragements. My heart hath much ado
to hold up my head; but doth daily drive me to
Christ; and I tell the Lord, that it is his word, and
your hearts are in his hand. I do therefore commit
the whole to the Lord, and leave both it and myself
to the Lord, who hath not left me wholly destitute.
But I shall give your honour at present no farther
trouble, for I am surprised with this opportunity of
writing: therefore, committing your honour to the
Lord, I rest. Your honour's to serve you
in the Lord,
John Eliot.

128 The Heart of the Puritan
The hideous and bloody massacres in thc eastern settle
ments. Sept. 13, 1703.
. . . Wc flattered ourselves with y' notion of a pro
found peace with thc Eastern Indians, & hauc ca
ressed them at a Strang rate, notwithstanding thcir
being governed by thc French prcists, who they al
ways kept amongst them in despite of us, after all
our endeavours to have them dismist, & at length
have, with the assistance of 20 or 30 French (amongst
which were those preists), fallen upon many poor,
scattering familys, & barbarously murthered & de
stroyed men, women, & children, to the number of
about 75 persons, and carried away about 90 cap
tives, many of which, no doubt, they will roast &
destroy with unheard-of cruelty, as their manner is.
How those poor people cam to be lul'd into such a
security, I know not. They had all the reason in
the world never to trust an Indian more, if they had
remembred the last warr. For my part, after we
heard of warr with France, I expected whenever the
French cofiianded them to come upon us they would
certainly do it, notwithstanding their pretences of
peace. The perfidious temper of all Indians, as well
among themselves as to the Europeans, no longer
keeps their words or promise than they have op
portunity to brake them with advantage (it being
a maxim in their politicks as well as among the
French). I concluded the French, & espetially the
preists, who live among^' them, would not faile to
exhort them to destroy herlticks, & piously assist
them in it; besides, the French, by marying or
mixing with them, which they frequently do, have

Trinkets and Baubles 129
a tye upon them beyond anything wc can pretend
to, and which they value beyond anything else,
and which they know an Jilnglishman hates thc
thoughts of. And that which makes them the morc
fond of the preists is thcir being supplied with crusi-
fixes and beads and many fine trinkets & baubles;
and thay arc after a sort prosilized to a crossing
themselves, with other fopperys, which, with other
things too numerous to write, gave me reson to ex
pect mischief from them, whatever others' senti
ments were. . . . — Wait Winthrop.

A communication from Her Britannic Majesty's
Commissioners to the Marquis de Vaudreuil,
Governor General of Canada. [Quebec, July 24, 1714]
... We cannot omit telling your Lordship that
the priests daily practicing with many of our young
and simple people, and by a sort of force constraining
of them to abide in this country, is justly resented
as a thing very injurious and unworthy, and not one
instance can be given of such like practice in New
England, during the whole war; but they are rather
helped forward and encouraged to return. We are
directed to tell your Lordship, that if any of our pris
oners are forcibly detained here, on any pretence, it
will be a thing that cannot be paralleled in all Europe.
We can only offer our opinion and reasons. Your
Lordship only, at present, hath the power to deter
mine. You may perform what you have promised us;
may execute the King's orders, or vary therefrom at

130 The Heart of the Puritan
your pleasure; — none can control you. We have
been long sensible that (as your Lordship hath some
times intimated) you are kept from acting your own
inclination, through fear of incurring the King's dis
pleasure, by means of complaints that may be sent
to Court against you from some particular gentlemen
in this country. We are of opinion that your Lord
ship will be much more secure by acting conformably
to the rights and usages of nations, and what will be
acceptable to Her Britanic Majesty, than by doing
anything unjustifiable, in compliance with the humor
of particular gentlemen; for, undoubtedly. Her
Majesty's resentment will be of worse consequence
to you than the resentment of an ecclesiastic, or any
other in this country; especially when your just de
terminations themselves will vindicate you.
We presume your Lordship will determine matters
so that they shall be to thc satisfaction of your most
humble servants. J[ohn] S[loddard.]
J[ohn] W[illiams.]
The proposed continuance of Mr. Eliot's godly work
and the counter proposal of Anglicizing the Indians
with all speed in order to effect their salvation as
Christians and as British subjects.
Honb'* Sir, — Your Stewards and Serv". the
Comisioners, to whom the hon**'* Corporation for
propagating the Gospel among our Indians have
coinitted a more iinediat and subordinate manage
ment of that Affair, we hope do, and shall observe
most exactly all your Directions and with all pos
sible conformity. Among your Directions you have

A Barbarous Lingo 131
been pleased to propose a New Edition of the Indian
Bible, in which your orders, if they be continued,
will be religiously complied withall. ... For the
doing of which also, it will be necessary to take off
those persons from their Ministry among the In
dians, who are of all men the most essential to the
Indian Service. In the mean time, 'tis the opinion
of many. That as little Money as would be expended
on a new Edition of the Bible (and not much more
time) would go very far towards bringing them to be
a sort of English Generation. It is very sure. The
best thing we can do for our Indians is to Anglicise
them in all agreeable Instances; and in that of Lan
guage, as well as others. They can scarce retain
their Language, without a Tincture of other Salvage
Inclinations, which do but ill suit, either with the
Honor, or with the design of Christianity. . . .
Their Indian Tongue is a very penurious one (though
thc Words arc long enough!) and the great things of
our Holy Religion brought unto them in it, unavoid
ably arrive in Terms that arc scarcely morc intel
ligible to them than if they were entirely English.
But thc English Tongue would presently give them
a Key to all our Treasures and make them the Mas
ters of another sort of Library than any that ever
will be seen in their Barbarous Linguo. And such
of them as can speak English, find themselves
vastly accofnodated for the entertaining and com
municating of Knowledge, beyond what they were
before. And it is hoped. That by good English
Schools among the Indians, and some other fit
methods, the grand intention of Anglicising them
would be soon accomplished. . . . Their Language
is also continually changing; old words wearing out,

132 The Heart of the Puritan
and new ones coming on. And a discreet person
whom we lately employed in a visitation of the
Indian Villages, inserts this as one article of his Re
port, about this particular matter.
"There are many words of Mr. Elliott's forming
which they never understood. This they say is a
grief to them. Such a knowledge in their Bibles,
as our English ordinarily have in ours, they seldom
any of them have; and there seems to be as much
difliculty to bring them unto a competent knowledge
of the Scriptures, as it would be to get a sensible
acquaintance with the English Tongue." . . .
Being always Your Honor's (and the Company's)
most faithfull most sincere and humble Serv'. . . .
The foregoing Representation, the original was
written by Mr. Cotton Mather. Mr. Bromfield
had it of his Brother Fitch, who gave it him to shew
Mr. Sergeant, which he did in the Council-Chamber
9'. ii'\, 1710. I accidentally heard Mr. Sergeant
and Foster talking upon it, ask'd it of them, and
Copied it out. S[amuel] S[ewall].

A complete plan of education and evangelization pro
pounded by the Reverend Jonathan Edwards,
in retirement among the western Indians, in which
are anticipated many devices and systems employed
in recent days. Stockbridge, Aug. 31, 1751.
Honoured Sir,
I would now give you particular information of
what has lately passed relating to the Indian affair in
this town, and of the present situation, circumstances
and exigencies of this affair; it being absolutely

Now or Never 133
necessary that some persons of influence in the Gen
eral Assembly be informed of these things. . . .
God in his providence seems now to be opening
the door for the introducing the light of the gospel
among these nations, wider than ever before. And
if we, the English, don't fail of doing our part, there
is a prospect of great things being done. And it
looks as if this present season were our now or never.
'Tis evident the French are now exerting themselves
in an extraordinary manner to draw all those nations
over to them, and engage them in their interest. . . .
Col. Johnson and Maj. Lydius (who probably are the
best acquainted with the state of these Indians, of all
the subjects of the British crown) said, in the time of
the treaty at Albany, it was a gone case, and that it
was a thing beyond all .doubt or dispute, that unless
something very extraordinary were speedily done,
and what was never likely to be done, these nations
were lost to the British interest. . . . They speak
. . . smooth words, pleasant words to the English,
but their hearts are with the French. . . .
Now 'tis remarkable that in this situation of
things, the only remaining means that divine Provi
dence hath left in our power to regain and secure the
Indians in the British interest, is this very thing;
viz. to our utmost, to prosecute the design of tho
roughly instructing them in the true protestant reli
gion, and, educating their children in useful knowl
edge. . . . And now the Most High seems to be
opening this door in an unusual manner. This op
portunity may easily be lost- by our negligence. . . .
There are many things, which, in the present
situation of this affair, greatly need to be done with
out delay. The boarding school needs much to be

134 The Heart of the Puritan
done to it. The house, furniture, and school itself
should be in better order. The Indians themselves
took notice of the deficiencies and irregularities.
The house is in a miserable state; and much needs
to be done to it to finish it. And not only so, but
there is a necessity of the house being enlarged.
'Tis far from being sufficient for the accommodat
ing an English family and necessary teachers, and
boarding and lodging of the school-boys; and the
house should be furnished with writing tables, seats,
beds, and bed-clothes, for the children. Mean lodg
ing will do for them; yet it should be such as that
they may be kept clean and warm: and the boys
should have tools for their work: and a different
house should be built, to be the place where the
school should be kept, at some distance from thc
place where they lodge and are boarded. . . . There
is also a necessity of another master besides the
schoolmaster, to be with the boys, and preside over
them in their working hours. . . .
I would also humbly propose that a young gentle
man, a scholar, a man of good genius, and fervent
piety, attended with prudence, be sought for, and
sent hither, as soon as possible, to be learning the
Mohawk language, to fit him to be a missionary; in
time to come, if need be, to go among the six nations
in their own countrey: In the mean time, to be assist
ing in instructing the Indians and their children
here, in all necessary knowledge; and teaching two
or three of the forwardest and most promising of the
boys, in order to their being brought up to learning,
and fitted for the ministry. . . .
One of the greatest defects in the method of in
struction in the schools here, is the want of more

Nothing but English 135
effectual measures for the bringing the children to
the English tongue. The instructions which have
been given at school for 15 years past, have been in
a great measure in vain for want of this. The chil
dren learn, after a sort, to read; to make such sounds,
on the sight of such marks; but know nothing what
they say; and having neither profit, nor entertain
ment by what they read, they neglect it when they
leave school, and quickly lose it. There are but
two ways to remedy this mischief, either the bring
ing in a number of English children into the school,
with the Indians, or the putting the Indian children,
while young, into good English families, where they
shall hear nothing but Enghsh; and after they have
been there a year or two, then returning them into
the school here. This would be far the most effectual
method. . . . But this method cannot be gone into
without the care of trustees to manage it, to find
proper places, to visit the children that are put out,
some times, and to see how they are looked after,
&c. . . .
I am, Sir, your most obliged
Humble servant,
Jonathan Edwards.
The Hon. Thomas Hubbard, Esq.

The labours and sufferings of a pious youth and hum
ble Christian among the savages in the wilderness,
near Albany. Kaunaumeek, April 30, 1743.
Dear Brother,
I should tell you, I long to see you, but my own
Experience has taught me, there is no Happiness, &

136 The Heart of the Puritan
plenary Satisfaction to be enjoyed, in earthly Friends,
tho* ever so near and dear, or in any other Enjoy
ment, that is not God himself. Therefore, if the
God of all Grace would be pleased graciously to
afford us each his Presence and Grace, that we may
perform the Work, and endure the Trials he calls
us to, in a most distressing, tiresome Wilderness,
'till we arrive at our Journey's End; thc local Dis
tance, at which we are held from each other at the
present, is a Matter of no great Moment or Im
portance to cither of us. But Alas! The Presence
of God is what I want. — I live in a most lonely
melancholy Desert, about 18 Miles from Albany
(for it was not thought best that I should go to Dela
ware-River, as I believe I hinted to you in a Letter
from New- York.) I board with a poor Scotch-Man;
His Wife can talk scarce any English. My Diet
consists mostly of Hasty-Pudding, boil'd Corn, and
Bread baked in the Ashes, and sometimes a little
Meat and Butter. My Lodging is a little Heap of
Straw, laid upon some Boards, a little Way from the
Ground: For it is a Log-Room, without any Floor,
that I lodge in. My Work is exceeding hard and
difficult: I travel on Foot a Mile and half, the worst
of Way, almost daily, and back again; for I live so
far from my Indians. — I have not seen an English
Person this Month. — ^These, and many other Cir
cumstances, as uncomfortable, attend me; and yet
my spiritual Conflicts and Distresses so far exceed
all these, that I scarce think of them, or hardly mind
but that I am entertain'd in the most sumptuous
Manner. The Lord grant that I may learn to en
dure Hardness, as a good Soldier of Jesus Christ.
As to my Success here, I can't say much as yet:

Heart Sinking Hours 137
The Indians seem generally kind and well disposed
towards me, and are mostly very attentive to my
Instructions, and seem willing to be taught further;
Two or three, I hope, are under some Convictions;
But there seems to be little of the special workings
of the divine Spirit among them yet; which gives me
many a Heart-sinking Hour. . . . But let us always
remember, that we must through much Tribula
tion enter into God's eternal Kingdom of Rest and
Peace. The Righteous are scarcely saved: Tis an
infinite Wonder, that we have well grounded Hopes
of being saved at all. For my Part, I feel thc most
vile of any Creature living; and I am sure some
times, there is not such another existing on this Side
Hell. . . . So, wishing and praying that you may ad
vance in Learning and Grace, and be fit for special
Service for God, I remain Your affectionate Brother,
D[avid] Brainerd.

Of Trade and Commerce, Manufactures and Voyages,
and of the Money necessary thereunto.

A reply to the Manhattans in the fort Amsterdam, in
which trade and commerce are considered and
complimental titles are repudiated.
To the Honoured, &c.
The Gove' & Counsell of New-Plim : wisheth, &c.
We have received your leters, &c. wherin appeareth
your good wills & frendship towards us; but is ex
pressed w"* over high titls, more than belongs to us,
or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will,
and congratulations of our prospcritie in these smale
beginings of our poore colonic, we are much bound
unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg y'
same; taking it both for a great honour done unto
us, and for a certaine testimoney of your love and
good neighbourhood. . . .
Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to acom-
odate and help us with any comodities or marchan-
dise you have, or shall come to you, either for beaver,
otters, or other wares, it is to us very acceptable,
and we doubte not but in short time we may have
profitable coinerce & trade togeather. But for this
year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries, both
for cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is
like we shall deale with you, if your rates be reason
able. And therfore when you please to send to us
againe by any of yours, we desire to know how you
will take beaver, by y" pounde, & otters, by y' skine;
and how you will deale per cent, for other comodi
ties, and what you can furnishe us with. As likwise
what other commodities from us may be acceptable
141

142 The Heart of the Puritan
unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things, and
what prises you will give, &c.
Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for
our rude and imperfecte writing in your language,
and take it in good parte, because for wante of use
we cannot so well express that we understand, nor
hapily understand every thing so fully as we should.
And so we humbly pray the Lord for his mercie sake,
that he will take both us and you into his keeping &
gratious protection.
By y* Gove' and Counsell of New-Plimoth,
Your Wor"''' very good friends & neighbours, &c.
New-Plim: March 19. [1627]

The grievous complications into which the Plymouth
colony was forced and the righteous punishment
meted out to the offender. [163 1]
In these accounts of M'. Sherley's some things
were obscure, and some things twise charged, as 100.
of Bastable ruggs which came in y* Friendship, &
cost 75''., charged before by M'. Allerton, and now
by him againe, with other perticulers of like nature
doubtful!, to be twise or thrise charged; as also a sume
of 600'', which M', Allerton deneyed, and they
could never understand for what it was. They sent
a note of these & such like things afterward to M'.
Sherley by M'. Winslow; but (I know not how it
came to pass) could never have them explained.
Into these deepe sumes had M', Allerton rune
them In tow years, for in y* later end of y' year 1628.
all thcir debts did not amountc to much above
400"., as was then noted; and now come to so many

The Abuse of Simplicity 143
thousands. And whereas in y* year 1629, M'. Sheriey
& M'. Hatherley being at Bristoll, and write a
large letter from thence, in which they had given
an account of y* debts, and what sumes were then
disbursed, M', Allerton never left begging & intreat-
ing of them till they had put it out. So they bloted
out 2. lines in y' letter in which y° sumes were con
tained, and write upon it so as not a word could be
received; as since by them was confessed, and by
y' leters may be scene. And thus were they kept
hoodwinckte, till now they were so deeply ingaged.
And whereas M'. Sherley did so ernestly press y'
M'. Allerton might be sent over to finish y' great
bussines aboute y' patente, as may be seen in his
leter write 1629. as is before recorded, and y' they
should be ernest w"* his "w^ife to suffer him to goe,
&c., he hath since confessed by a letter under my
hands, that it was M'. Allerton's owne doings, and
not his, and he made him write his words, & not his
owne. The patent was but a pretence, and not y'
thing. Thus were they abused in their simplicitie,
and no better then bought & sold, as it may seeme.
And to mend y* matter, M'. Allerton doth in a
sorte wholy now deserte them; having brought them
into y' briers, he leaves them to gett out as they
can. But God crost him mightily, for he having
hired y' ship of M'. Sherly at 30". a month, he set
forth againe with a most wicked and drunken crue,
and for. covetousnes sake did so over lade her, not
only filling her hould, but so stufed her betweene
decks, as she was waite, and could not bear sayle,
and they had like to have been cast away at sea, and
were forced to put for Millford Havene, and new-
stow her, & put some of ther ordnance & more heavie

144 The Heart of the Puritan
goods in y* botome; which lost them time, and made
them come late into y' countrie, lose their season,
and made a worse viage then y" year before. But
being come into y* countrie, he sells trading comod
ities to any y' will buy, to y' great prejudice of y*
plantation here; but that which is worse, what he
could not sell, he trustes; and sets up a company of
base felows and maks them traders, to rune into
every hole, & into y' river of Kcnebeck, to glcane
away y* trade from y' house ther, aboute y' patente
& priviledge whereof he had dasht away so much
money of theirs here; and now what in him lay went
aboute to take away y* bcncfitc thereof, and to over
throw them. . . . —William Bradford.
Even on their voyage hither the Massachusetts settlers
do not escape knavery and sharp dealing, [May 21, 1630]
A servant of one of our company had bargained
with a child to sell him a box worth yl. for three
biscuits a day all thc voyage, and had received about
forty, and had sold them and many more to some
other servants. We caused his hands to be tied up
to a bar, and hanged a basket with stones about his
neck, and so he stood for two hours. — John Winthrop.
The beginning of the merchant marine on these coasts
and the resultant discord. [July 4, 163 1]
The governour built a bark at Mistick, which was
launched this day, and called thc Blessing of the Bay.
— John Winthrop.

A Pinnace to Plymouth 145
September 6, 163 1. . . . About this time last year
the company here set forth a pinnace to the parts
about Cape Cod, to trade for corn, and it brought
here above eighty bushels. This year again the
Salem pinnace, being bound thither for corn, was,
by contrary winds, put into Plimouth, where the
governour, &c. fell out with them, not only forbidding
them to trade, but also telling them they would op
pose them by force, even to the spending of their
lives, &c,; whereupon they returned, and acquainting
the governour of Massachusetts with it, he wrote
to the governour of Plimouth. — John Winthrop.

Sundry voyages and the profits accruing therefrom.
Sir, — Touching my journey to He of Sholes to
buy 80 hogsheads of prouission, when I came I
fownd noe such thinge as vnto me for trueth was re
ported: to procure 8 hogsheads of bread I was fayne
to lay out one hundred pownds in rugs & coates
vnnecessarily: and for pease I goott but i hgshead
& }4, whereof I sowed certain bushells. Had things
beene free at the coming in of this vessell, I would
haue had a greater share of what she brought, yett I
confesse, as matters hath beene carried, I haue not
ought against that which hath beene donne. . . .
Concerning the Bermuda Voyadge, and accompting
the potatoes at 2d. the corne at <)s. per bushell, the
pork at loli. per hogshead, orrenges & lemons at
20s. per c, wee two shall gaine twenty od pownds.
Now that accompt cleared & the cattell wintring
paid for, there will not be much coming vnto yow of

146 The Heart of the Puritan
the 80 od pownds I borrowed of yow. I shalbe
ready at any time to advance soe much mony to
stccdc yow, with thankes, yf your occasions shall
require it. I sallutc you respectyucly with my loue.
I commend you to thc guydaunce & protection of the
Lord Jesus, and doc rest, in som hast.
Your assured loucing & ready to be comandcd
Thomas Mayhew.
Meadefoard this 22th of the 2d moneth, 1636:

[Boston, Dec. 8, 1649]
S', — ^Youeres by Josophe Wise I receaued, & allso
annother letter datted 20 of Novembr. I and my
wife give you many thankes for your kind tokenes.
Conserning your bill of exchange I have spoken with
M'. Alene and some otheres. If the pay weer all
wheat and malte he wold vndertake it but not other
wise, but the but[c]her saith he is to pay a good
quantity in peac & boter, which is not so curent at
this time, but I suppose it will procure a bill by way
of Newfoundland, in the spring; not with standing I
shall doe what I can by this shipp, if any way may be
that is shuer. . . . — Adam Winthrop.

Mr. Nathaniel Dwight.
Sir, — Am in hopes you will sell that pickled Bass
well for understand that its much enquired after in
the West Indies; dont know butt itt may goe of in the
lieu of Salmon; pleas to send the effects in good Rum
4 or 5 hogsctts if the mony hold outt; doubt not butt

Shop Sugar 147
rum will be very cheap next summer: if thc mony
hold outt send a barrell or two of shopp sugar and 3
or 4 sugar loves, if to be had reasonable, withoutt
Master order you otherwise.
Boston, N. E., Nov. 26, 1687. — Samuel Sewall.
An early statement of a grievance destined io be big
with import. Boston, Dec. 22, 1677.
To Mr. Stoughton and Mr. Peter Bulkley.
Gent., — I kindly and most humbly salute you, and
daily desire to remember you at the Throne of Grace,
and hope you will experience the many prayers here
put up for you; and that we all shall find that the
Lord intends to do good to this poor country, what
ever trials he exercises us with. Gent., you have
now an opportunity, which, it may be, you will not
have again the like, to supplicate the king's maj
esty's grace and favor, and also the Parliament's,
for these two things for this poor country, that we
may not be oppressed in the exercise of the new
religion, nor in our trade. If that we send our fish
to Bilboa, and carry the produce thereof into the
Straits, at great charge and hazard, and procure
fruits, oil, soap, wine, and salt (the bulk of our load
ings salt, because that most necessary for us, and
always ready to be had at Cadiz); and because we
have little of the other goods, for our necessity calls
not for much, — we must go to England to pay his
majesty's customs; which is as thc cutting off our
hands and feet as to our trade: we must neither do

148 The Heart of the Puritan
nor walk any more; but this orphan plantation will
be crushed. If we carry our provisions, which we
have raised with great difficulty, because of long
winters, &c., to the West Indies, we pay custom for
our cotton, wool, and sugar there; and the bulk of
them are sent to England again from hence, and pay
custom there a second time. If we might have
liberty for our vessels only to trade into the Straits,
or a certain number of them every year, though it
were but two or three ships in a year, to supply the
country with such necessaries as those parts afford;
but, for this so remote plantation to be punctually
bound up to the acts of trade relating to England,
methinks, if represented to a gracious sovereign and
compassionate parliament, such a poor orphan plan
tation might have some exemption from the severity
of those acts of trade.
Gent., I have sent you in this ship, — the "Bless
ing," John Phillips master, — eighteen hundred
and sixty codfish. There is about seven hundred
of them very large fish, between two and three feet
long; the other under two feet: they are well salted
down in the ship's bread-room. Also ten barrels of
cranberries and three barrels of samp, as, by the
invoice and bills of lading enclosed, you will sec morc
particularly.
Eighteen hundred and sixty codfish, whereof thc very
large fish cost, with all charges on board £35 lOs.od.
Ten barrels of cranberries  6 00
Three barrels of samp  7 o o
John Hull, Treasurer.

Great Fatigue 149
The need of a custom house at Plymouth and ihe danger
of neglect. To Sir Robert Walpole.
Hono*"'' Sir, — As you have the honour to preside
at the Treasury Board, I think it my duty to ac
quaint your Honour that we have a port & a good
harbour in this Province call'd Plimouth, about 40
miles southeast from this place, where is a consider
able trade & resort of navigation, and the seacoast
from Plimouth extends away southward near 100
miles in which compass there are a number of good
towns and harbours, and the people there haveapply'd
to me for a King's Custom House to be erected
at Plimouth, where there is the most trade of any
in that part of thc Province, and the inhabitants
along that shore have th&t it a great fatigue & in
convenience to come hither to enter & clear every
vessel on that coast that goes upon a foreign voyage;
and since the act past thc last session of Parliament
respecting the sugar colonics, T have tliot it wou'd
not only be for the case of his Majesty's subjects in
those parts of this Province, but tend to the safety
of his Majesty's revenue to have a Custom House
settl'd at the town of Plimouth; otherwise I have good
reason to think that harbour with many others near
it will be made use of to elude the act prohibiting
trade with the French & other foreign colonies, and
be made great use of to carry on illegal & clandestine
trade, to the great damage of the Crown & of all
fair traders. . . .
Your Honour will please to pardon this interrup-

150 The Heart of the Puritan
tion, & believe me to be with all possible duty &
respect. Sir,
Your most faithful, most devoted & most humble
servant. J[onathttn] B[clcher].
Boston, Nov'. 3, 1733.

The humble beginnings of manufactures and iheir
growth throughout the provinces, likewise some
special pleading for subsidies and bounties. [June 12, 1643]
Our supplies from England failing much, men be
gan to look about them, and fell to a manufacture
of cotton, whereof we had store from Barbados, and
of hemp and flax, wherein Rowley, to their great
commendation, exceeded all other towns.
— John Winthrop.
March 14, 1655-6. Twenty persons, or about
such a number, did agree to raise a stock to procure
a house and materials to improve the children and
youth of the town of Boston (which want employ
ment) in several manufactures. — John Hull.

To the Lords of Trade.
. . . My Lords, in Sept' last I reed two letters
from M' Seery Popple of 10 of June, both of one
tenour, respecting an Address from the Hono'''' the
House of Commons to his Majesty, praying he wou'd

Obedience to Orders 151
give directions to the Lords Commissioners for
Trade & Plantations to prepare a representation to
be laid before the House as to the state of his Maj
esty's Colonics in America, with respect to laws
made, manufactures set up, & trade carry'd on,
which may affect the trade, navigation & manu
factures of G' Britain; and that I wou'd give you
Lordships the best & most particular acc"^ I cou'd
in these matters. In obedience to this order, my
Lords, I have been informing myself as fully as I
cou'd, and must begin & say; as to the Massachu
setts Province, I find no laws in force for encouraging
the produce or manufactures of the country, except
ing two, — one to encourage the raising of hemp
(made the 12 of G, l), which gives a bounty of 29/
for every 112"'' brought to the market, and 7/
pcent more in case the quantity of 224"'^ be rais'd by
one person at one time; the other (made i & 2 G. 2)
to encourage the raising of flax, and gives a bounty
of 8/8 for every 112"" brought to the market & 4/8
pcent in case the quantity of 224"'' be rais'd by one
person at one time. Besides the above mentioned
acts, there are also two resolves for allowing a bounty
of 20/ to all persons (and 10/ more to John Powell,
the first undertaker) for every peice of duck or canvas
by them made under such qualifications as in the said
resolve is particularly exprest (which were past the 12
of G. I & I of G. 2). There are some other manufac
tures carry'd on here, as the making brown holland
for women's ware, and makes the importation of
callicoes and some other India goods so much the
less. There are also small quantities of cloth made
of linnen & cotton for ordinary shirting & sheeting.
About three years ago a paper mill was set up, which

152 The Heart of the Puritan
makes about £200 st' a year of that commodity.
There are several forges for making of barr iron, and
some furnaces for cast iron (or hollow ware), and
one slitting mill, the undertaker of which carrys on
the manufacture of nails. As to the woolen manu
facture, there is no law here to encourage it, and the
country people who us'd to make most of their
cloathing out of their own wool don't now make a
third part of what they wear, but are mostly cloath'd
with British manufactures.
As to the Province of N. Hampshire, the only laws
that I find affecting the trade, navigation, or manu
factures of G' Britain are an act (past many years
ago) imposing a duty, for the supply of his Maj
esty's Fort William & Mary at the entrance of Pis-
cataqua River with powder, on all shipping trad
ing to and from the said Province, and not own'd
within the same, which duty is one pound of good
gunpowder (or two shillings) a tun. Another act
intitled An Act for encouraging Iron Works in
the Province, & which prohibits the exportation of
iron ore. . . . The woolen manufacture in the
Province is much less than formerly, the common
lands on which sheep us'd to feed being now divided
into particular proprieties. The number of them
is much reduc'd, and the people almost wholly
cloath'd with woolen from Great Britain. The
manufacturing of flax into linnen (some coarser,
some finer) daily increases, by thc great resort of
people from Ireland into this Province who are well
skill'd in that business. The chief trade of the
Province continues (as for many years past) in the
exportation of masts, yards, bowsprits, boards,
staves, & rafters for England, but principally to

Premiums and Bounties 153
Spain & Portugal, & some to the Charrible Islands,
with lumber & refuse fish, and the better sort of fish
to Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c*. Some sloops & small
vessells go in the winter (with English & West India
goods) to Virginia, Maryland, & Carolina, & return
with corn & flesh. These are the best informations
I can give in these articles at present, and your
Lordships will be the best judges how far these
things do or may affect the trade, navigation, or
manufactures of G' Britain, and as I learn anything
new worth your Lordships' notice I shall faithfully
transmit it. . . . My Lords,'
Your Lordships* most faithful & most humble
servant. J[onathan] B[elcher].
Boston, Dec' 4, 1731.

To Mr. Secretary Alured Popple.
. . . The Massachusetts is, I suppose, the largest
and most peopled of any of the King's dominions in
America, yet the people are in no proportion to the
extent of their land, which in consequence renders
thc labour of handycrafts and all others scarce and
dear, and in order to make this country serviceable
to the mother kingdom it is necessary that they had
from her some sutable incouragments, as premiums,
&c., to ingagc the inhabitants in raising and manu
facturing those things that are natural to the soil
and climate, and are not the common product of
Great Britain.
There has been discover'd this last year in this
Province at a place called Houssetunnuc, about 140

154 ^^^ Heart of the Puritan
miles from this place, a great quantity of rock iron
ore, very rich, and in a few months since in the town
of Attleborough, about 30 miles off, another discov
ery of same nature; and some copper and lead mines
are also found. Good hemp may be raised in this
Province, and barilla (or potash), — we having great
plenty of oaks and fern bushes and brakes, and
the seashores lin'd with kelp; and these last, I am
told, are thc best materials to produce good potash.
If their Lordships think proper to propose thc send
ing over at the charge of the Crown some few head
men well skill'd in raising and manufacturing hemp
and potashes, and to give a bounty upon them and
on copper, or the ore, and so on thc other ores or
mctalls I have mentioned, I have no doubt but thc
advantage wou'd soon center to thc mother kingdom
by thc good returns wou'd be found for the manu
factures that come from thence. This country is
also capable of pitch, tarr, & turpentine, and by the
former Act for encouraging these things, the bounty
allow'd being much greater than in the present Act,
the trade was carried on here to some little profit,
but since that Act expired there has been a constant
loss in that trade, more especially to the merchants
in London. As to tarr, the people here can't be in
duced to make it wholly of green wood, the labour
being so great that it cannot be done so as that the
people can save themselves in doing it, and altho'
the tarr made of pine knots is too hot for cordage,
yet it is esteemed as good as any for other uses; so
that if the former Act for incouraging those products
were revived I conceive it might be of advantage
both to the Crown and to the merchants to make
these plantations further serviceable to the Crown

Stoppage of Trade 155
of Great Britain by taking of greater quantities of
British manufactures. They must still be nurst
& nourisht by bounties, &c,, and Great Britain will
finally receive back such bounties double into her
own bosom. . . .
Your most obedient, hum' serv'.
J[onathan] B[elcher].
Boston, Nov' 6, 1734.
The occasion ofthe establishment of ihe first mint.
1652, Also upon occasion of much counterfeit
coin brought in the country, and much loss accruing
in that respect (and that did occasion a stoppage of
trade), the General Court ordered a mint to be set
up, and to coin it, bringing it to thc sterling standard
for fineness, and for weight every shilling to be three
pennyweight; i, e., gd. at 5^. per g. And they made
choice of me for that employment; and I chose my
friend, Robert Sanderson, to be my partner, to which
the Court consented. — John Hull.
The sad confusion consequent on the emission of bills
of credit.
171 2, Nov'. 3, . . . I was at making of the first
Bills of Credit in the year 1690: They were not
made for want of Money; but for want of Money
in the Treasury. If the Government pass this Act,
they Cornand & Compell men to Lend them that
value. . . .
If money be wanting, Twere a better expedient to
oblige Creditors to take Wheat, Indian Corn, Salt,

156 The Heart of the Puritan
Iron, Wool at a moderat valuation, as twas of old:
Then there would be Quid pro Quo; whereas now
privat Creditors are forc'd to take the publick Faith
for payment for their Commodity. The Merchants
that complain of the scarcity of Money, tis they that
have sent it away, & do send it away. — Samuel Sewall.

To ihe Lords of Trade.
. . . The bills the Assemblies have issu'd here for
many years past are not now worth five shillings in
the pound of the currant silver money of thc Prov
ince as by law establisht; and had it not been for his
Majesty's 16 instruction I suppose there had been
emitted by this time by thc Assemblies of this Prov
ince as much paper currency as would have been
haff a million of nominal pounds, and wou'd have
reduc'd their value to less than half a crown in the
pound of the good & lawful money of the Province,
which is seventeen pennyweight of silver to pass for
six shillings. What a fraud & deceit then must emis
sions of such kinds of bills of cr, be? ... It cannot
easily be imagin'd, my Lords, how vastly the British
trade hither has suffer'd from time to time by this
vile sort of bills. While the Assemblies here issu'd
bills onely for the charge of thc government, and
punctually drew them in within the year of thcir
going out, they maintained the value they went out
at, but when they went into the practice of emitting
great sums on loan, & of setting the calling in of
what they emitted for the charge of the government
at long periods, they immediately sunk in thcir
value, . . .

Paper Currency 157
I do, my Lords, think myself bound in duty to the
King, & in tenderness to his people, to represent the
state of this Province as it really is at this day, &
shall be glad of any further orders his Majesty may
think necessary for his own honour & for the good of
his people. I believe I have formerly hinted to your
Lordships the vast damage that accrues to the
British trade, & indeed to his Maj^'° subjects also
in these provinces, by some of the Charter govern
ments (who are not directly as others under the
power of the Crown) emitting large sums of paper
currency without any foundation to support their
value; and the little neighbouring Colony of Rhode
Island have by their large emissions of such bills
greatly contributed to the sinking the value of all
the bills of c' issu'd in this Province, I would there
fore humbly propose to your Lordships that a
bill might be brought into the Parliament of Great
Britain, with proper penalties, forbidding all the
King's provinces & colonies in America from striking
any more bills of credit than might be sufficient for
defraying the charge of each government where
they might be emitted, & that sufficient provision
be made in the act whereby they are emitted for
calling them in within the year in which they go out.
This would naturally give them a value as they are
passing. . . .
Your Lordships* most obedient & most humble
Boston7octob' 24, 1739. Jl°"^^^*"J ^l^^^^^^^
May it please your Lordships, — The 24 of last
month I transmitted to your Lordships the particular
account of the paper currency of this Province, from

158 The Heart of the Puritan
the year 1702 to 1738, the duplicate whereof I now
inclose to your Lordships, whereby you will presently
see what difference arose in the value of the paper
currency between the years above mention'd, viz',
above 300 pcent in the exch" between Great Britain
& this Province, For in 1702, £136 in paper cur
rency would purchase £100; but in 1738, £500 paper
currency would not purchase £100 st'. This alone
must feelingly demonstrate to all that have given
C to these bills that they have been issu'd upon a
false foundation, & so they have been & are one con
stant fraud & cheat upon all persons that have given
them a C. . . . & another misfortune that has
done & docs attend the trade here is the giving C
to the bills emitted by the Governm' of Rhode
Island, of which they have made great quantities.
Thc last year they emitted £100,000, & gave 20
years for thc calling it in, & altho' this government
made a law against its passing, yet thc people of
this Province constantly take them. ... I had
almost forgot to say to your Lordships that upon a
narrow scrutiny of thc Charter of this Province I
don't think there can be found the least power or
liberty for the Assembly to strike & issue bills of
credit to pass in lieu of money, especially such as
have not a fixt unalterable value, & perhaps on an
examination of the charters of all the other colonies,
it may be found they have been mistaken in the
exercise of such a power. . . .
I have the honour to be, with great respect, my
Lords, Your Lordships* most obed' & most h. serv'.
J[onathan] B[elcher].
Boston, January 14, 1739/40.

English Grass 159
Governour Belcher describes to the Duke of Chandos
the details of land rental and leases.
As I have been & am conccrn'd in settling wild
lands in this country, I take the fredom to inclose
to your Grace a copy of one of my leases, the charge
whereof to me was about £80 st'; but some settle
ments I am now designing to bring forward will be
thus, — A farm of 200 acres, with only a small house
& barn (no living stock or utensils), and such a hous::
& barn may cost about £30 st', & I wou'd make a
lease of 14 years. Thc tenant to be oblig'd in thc
term thorroly to subdue & bring to English grass
(fit for the scythe) 40 acres of land, without ever
breaking thc sward, for wc esteem one acre so brot
to worth 2 or 3 done by the plow; the landlord must
find thc grass seed for thc land as it's wanted. For
corn land wc allow the tenant to break up what may
be necessary, in such places as the landlord directs,
and it's best he shou'd be restrain'd from exceeding
three crops from any one spot, and then to lay it
down according to the rules of good husbandry to
English grass. The first tenants we get to our wild
lands are commonly poor and often unfaithfull, and
turn the quick stock put into their hands into money,
& make off; that of late (& so for the future) I settle
none but in the manner I now mention, and generally
look for a man with a wife & children, who are able
to go thorro such a lease as I now propose, upon
which your Grace's charge (as before) will be about
£30 st'.

i6o The Heart of the Puritan
Somewhat of importunity in personal matters.
To Rev. Mr. Hubbard of Ipswich.
[March 5, 1679-80]
Sir, — I have patiently and a long time waited, in
hopes that you would have sent me some part of the
money which I, in such a friendly manner, parted
with to supply your necessities, and which you so
firmly and frequently promised me that I should
never lose by so doing; but I experimentally find
that I have waited and hoped in vain. I did indeed
think that the ministerial calling you had given up
yourself unto did oblige me for to be willing to help
you; and I did also think it would oblige you for to
be very true and just in your performance to me.
Sir, I do entreat you more seriously to consider
thereof. I have been very slow, hitherto, to sue
you at the law, because of that dishonor that will
thereby come to God by your failure; but, if you
make no great matter of it, I shall take myself bound
to make use of that help which God and the country
have provided for my just indemnity. Sir, I told
you I was willing to remit the great advantage that
protested bills of exchange would, in the way of law,
allow unto me, and be content with six in the hun
dred for the forbearance of my money; whereas, had
you performed your covenant to me, I had made
thirty pounds on the hundred, which is to me a very
considerable loss. Sir, your personal debt unto me
(besides Mr. John Hubbard's obligation) is three
hundred forty-seven pounds five shillings, which if
you will please to render in unto me, or any consider-

Vox Prater ea Nihil i6i
able part thereof, speedily in money, and give mc
bond, with good personal security, for thc rest, to
pay me in some reasonable time, and five pounds in
the hundred for the forbearance, truly and justly
paid to me every six months, and until it be paid,
and as you shall lessen the principal, so I to abate
on the interest, I will yet sit down contented, though
it be much to my damage. But if you do not this,
or some other thing that is honest, just and rational,
I think you may expect to be called to our next
County Court, which I think is the last Tuesday in
April next; and I suppose, sir, you cannot but hold
me excused, as doing nothing but what yourself
do force me unto. In the meanwhile, I wait to see
what you will please to do, and remain your loving
friend, John Hull.

To Mr. Jn'. Williams of Barbados. Dec. 3, 1700.
Sir, — I presume the old verse, si ter pulsanti,
nemo respondet, abito. Is not to be understood of
Creditors in demanding their just debts. The Tenth
year is now current since I lent you Ten pounds,
meerly out of respect to you as a Stranger and a
Scholar: you having then met with disappointment
p the loss of effects sent for your suport. You have
written to me that you would not let my kindness
rot under the clods of Ingratitude. But there has
been hitherto Vox, and praterea nihil. 1 am come
again to knock at your door, to enquire if any In
genuity or honor dwell there. Not doubting but

1 62 The Heart of the Puritan
that if there doe, I shall reap benefit by it, and that
you will pay to my order the Money which I sent
you gratis, July 23, 1691, Of which I have not yet
received one penny. Wherefore I desire and order
you to pay it to Mr. Conradc Adams of your Island,
or to Mr. James Taylor of this place, who now goes
Factor to Barbados in Capt. Boner. The Receipt
of either of those Gentlemen shall be to you a suffi
cient Discharge from Sir, your friend and Servt.
Sam. Sewall.

Of Travel and Communication: their Dangers and
Difficulties.

A proposal for thc maintenance of a monthly post be
tween New York and Boston, being the first at
tempt of this kind.
For thc Honorable John Wintrop, Esq., Governor
of his Majesty's Colony of Coneticutt, and
Hartford, these. Post-paid. — F. Louclacc.
Fort James, 27th December, 1672.
Dear Sir, — I here presented you with two rarities,
— a packet of the latest intelligence I could meet
withal, and a post. By the first you will see what
has been acted on the stage of Europe; by the latter
you will meet with a monthly fresh supply, so that
if it receive but the same ardent inclinations from
you as first it had from myself, by our monthly
advices all public occurrences may be transmitted
betwixt us, together with several other great con
veniences of public importance, consonant to the
commands laid upon us by his Sacred Majesty, who
strictly enjoins all his American subjects to enter
into a close correspondency with each other. . . .
This person that has undertaken this employment I
conceived most proper, being both active, stout, and
indefatigable. He is sworn as to his fidelity. I have
affixed an annual salary on him, which, together
with the advantage of his letters and other small
portable packs, may afford him a handsome liveli
hood. Hartford is the first stage I have designed
him to change his horse, where constantly I expect
he should have a fresh one lie ledger. All the letters
outward shall be delivered gratis, with a signification
I6S

1 66 The Heart of the Puritan
of post-paid on the superscription, and reciprocally
we expect all to us free. Each first Monday of the
month he sets out from New York, and is to return
within the month from Boston to us again. The
mail has diverse bags, according to the towns the
letters are designed to, which are all sealed up, till
their arrivement, with the seal of the Secretary's
oflSce, whose care it is on Saturday night to seal them
up; only by-letters are in an open bag, to disperse
by the way. ... It would be much advantageous
to our design if in the interval you discourse with
some of the most able woodmen to make out the
best and most facile way for a post, which in process
of time would be the King's best highway, as like
wise passages and accommodation at rivers, fords,
or other necessary places. ... I am, with all respect,
your very affectionate friend, Fra. Lovelace.

The strange adventures of Madam Sarah Knight, "<z
fearful female traveller," hazarding alone the long
journey from Boston to New York.
Tuesday, October y* third, [1704] about 8 in the
morning, I with the Post proceeded forward without
observing any thing remarkable; And about two,
afternoon. Arrived at the Post's second stage, where
the western Post mett him and exchanged Letters.
Here, having called for something to eat, y' woman
bro't in a Twisted thing like a cable, but something
whiter; and laying it on the bord, tugg'd for life
to bring it into a capacity to spread; w''' having w""
great pains accomplished, shee serv'd in a dish of

Deep Purple Sauce 167
Pork and Cabage, I suppose the remains of Dinner.
The sause was of a deep Purple, w*^*" I tho't was
boil'd in her dye Kettle; the bread was Indian, and
every thing on the Table service Agreeable to these.
I, being hungry, gott a little down; but my stomach
was soon cloy'd, and what cabbage I swallowed
serv'd me for a Cudd the whole day after.
Having here discharg'd the Ordnary for self and
Guide, (as I understood was the custom,) About
Three afternoon went on with my Third Guide, who
Rode very hard; and having cross'd Providence
Ferry, we come to a River w^'* they Generally Ride
thro.' But I dare not venture; so the Post got a
Ladd and a Cannoo to carry me to tother side, and
hee rid thro' and Led my Hors, The Cannoo was
very small and shallow, so that when we were in she
seem'd redy to take in water, which greatly terrified
mee, and caus'd me to be very circumspect, sitting
with my hands fast on each side, my eyes stedy, not
daring so much as to lodg my tongue a hair's breadth
more on one side of my mouth than tother, nor so
much as to think on Lott's wife, for a wry thought
would have oversett our whcrey: But was soon put
out of this pain, by feeling the Cannoo on shore, w^'"
I as soon almost saluted with my feet; and Reward
ing my sculler, again mounted and made the best of
our way forwards, . . .
Wee Rode on Very deliberately a few paces, when
we entred a Thickett of Trees and Shrubbs, and I
perceived by the Hors's going, we were on the de
scent of a Hill, w^, as wee come neerer the bottom,
'twas totaly dark w"* the Trees that surrounded it.
But I knew by the Going of the Hors wee had entred
the water, w*"" my Guide told mee was the hazzardos

1 68 The Heart of the Puritan
River he had told me off; and hee. Riding up close
to my Side, Bid me not fear — we should be over
Imediatly, I now ralyed all the Courage I was
mistriss of. Knowing that I must either Venture my
fate of drowning, or be left like y' Children in the
wood. So, as thc Post bid me, I gave Reins to my
Nagg; and sitting as Stedy as Just before in thc
Cannoo, in a few minutes got safe to the other side,
which hee told mce was the Narragansett country.
Here Wc found great difficulty in Travailing, thc
way being very narrow, and on each side thc Trees
and bushes gave us very unpleasant welcomes w""
their Branches and bow's, w"^** wee could not avoid,
it being so exceeding dark. My Guide, as before
so now, putt on harder than I, w''' my weary bones,
could follow; so left mee and the way beehind him.
Now Returned my distressed aprehensions of the
place where I was : the dolesome woods, my Company
next to none, Going I knew not whither, and en
compassed w"" Terrifying darkness; The least of
which was enough to startle a more Masculine
courage. Added to which the Reflections, as in the
afternoon of y* day that my Call was very Question
able, w*^ till then I had not so Prudently as I ought
considered. Now, coming to y' foot of a hill, I
found great difficulty in ascending; But being got
to the Top, was there amply recompenced with the
friendly Appearance of the Kind Conductress of the
night, Just then Advancing above the Horisontall
Line. , . . Being come to mr. Havens,' I was very
civilly Received, and courteously entertained, in a
clean comfortable House; and the Good woman was
very active in helping off my Riding clothes, and then
ask't what I would eat. I told her I had some Choco-

0 Potent Rum! 169
lett, if shee would prepare it; which with the help
of some Milk, and a little clean brass Kettle, she
soon effected to my satisfaction. I then betook me
to my Apartment, w'^'' was a little Room parted from
the Kitchen by a single bord partition; where, after
I had noted the Occurances of the past day, I went
to bed, which, tho' pretty hard. Yet nect and hand
some. But I could get no sleep, because of the
Clamor of some of the Town topc-ers in next Room,
Who were entred into a strong debate concerning y*
Signifycation of the name of their country, (viz.)
Narraganset. ... I heartily fretted, and wish't
*um tongue tyed. . . . They kept calling for tother
Gill, w*^ while they were swallowing, was some In
termission; But presently, like Oyle to fire, encreased
the flame. I set my Candle on a Chest by the bed
side, and setting up, fell to my old way of composing
my Resentments, in the following manner:
I ask thy Aid, O Potent Rum!
To Charm these wrangling Topers Dum.
Thou hast their Giddy Brains possest —
The man confounded w"" the Beast —
And I, poor I, can get no rest.
Intoxicate them with thy fumes :
O still their Tongues till morning comes!
And I know not but my wishes took effect; for
the dispute soon ended w"* 'tother Dram; and so
Good night! . . .

170 The Heart of the Puritan

The uncertainties and dangers of travel hy coach from
Boston to New London and grandfatherly solici
tude regarding the safety of the children.
Groton, July 24"', 1711.
Dear Son, — Since I wrote by the post I am very
doubtfull about bringing the coach over to Narra
ganset, and whether it be possible to get it along,
and if any thing should break, espetially a wheele or
axletre, remote from any habitation, what would be-
com of the poore children, how would they be got
hither? However, I haue sent Anthony with the
horses, that are poprer by halfe then when thay came
hither. Also a spare hors for your mother, suppose-
ing you haue brought sidesadle or pillion, or must
beg or borrow, for I can get none here. Anthonye's
hors is very sober, and goes easy. If Brill driues
the coach, he must see that the wheels and axeltre
be well greased, least it heat and burn off. You
must be sure that every thing be sound, and that the
coachman be not in drink. However, if it be a fair
wind and a likely opertunity, its best to advise
whether it be not best to com in the vessell; if the
vessell be not here as soon or before you, I know not
what you will do for entertainment. If I could hear
you com by land, I would meet you on the roade;
pray be very carfull and considerate, and be advised
by those that may know. I pray God be with you,
blesse, prescrue, and keep you all. If you com not
in thc coach, thc harness may go back in it.
Your loving father,
W. Winthrop.

What of the Children? 171
New London, July 26', 171 1.
Dear Son, — ... I know not what you will all
do here before your things com, so much as for one
day or night; I know not how you will all com in the
Gov", coach, and if a wheele or axeltre brake in the
woods, how will the children get to any shelter?
There had need haue been two coaches; I am afraid
of the axeltre of our coach. Whatever coms must
be veined well in all parts, and the wheeles well
gresed, least the axeltre burn off with the constant
motion, and when all is said and don, if the wind and
season be fair so that you may get here in one day, it
may be best to advise whether it be not safest to
com in the gaily or sloop from Road Island. . . .
If it be possible, you must bring a barrill of good
pork, or you cannot subsist; here's none to be had
here on any termes. Here will be nothing but mut
ton, and for a family to Hue wholly on that will be
difficult. . . . My servis to every body.
Your louing father,
W. Winthrop.
Groton, Aug*' i", 171 1.
Dear Son, — I am greatly distressed about your
getting safe hither, and see^ almost an impossibility
for a coach to get hither with children, or indeed
without. . . . Thay tell me the coach cannot get
over the wadeing place between Boston Neck and
Petaquomscut at low water without being wett,
which Anthony will enquire as he goes over there. . .
I know of no bad place between Seconk road and
M' Vpdickes. There is good going ovcr Patuxct
River at the wares one mile aboue Staffords, and
was the way we always went formerly, espetially

172 The Heart of the Puritan
when the river was up, and is a great cart-road with
out bankes of either side, or hills to goe up or down;
and if Blackstons be low, that is. But the great
difficulty will be a little on this side Greenmans, nere
Point Jude ponds and between Jo. Stantons and
Pacatuck River, and from thence hither; and if any
thing should break, what can be don with the chil
dren? It will be difficult to bring them on horse
back, if there were men and horses ready. . . If
you com by land thay must alight out of the coach
at all difficult places, and you must get some good
pilate that knows the cart-ways well. I pray God
to direct you for the best, and bless and keepe you all.
Your loving father,
W. Winthrop.
If your mother be with you, be carefull of her and
hear her advice.

Of Holidays and Merrymakings: a few encouraged
but most discountenanced as unbecoming
Professors of Religion.

Certain infamous rioters and ihe discredit they brought
on Massachusetts Bay. [1628]
. . . After this they fell to great licenciousness,
and led a dissolute life, powering out them selves
into all profanenes. And Morton became lord of
misrule, and maintained (as it were) a scoole of
Athisme. And after they had gott some good into
their hands, and gott much by trading with y'
Indeans, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing & drink
ing both wine & strong waters in great exsess, and,
as some reported, lo''. worth in a morning. They
allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute
it many days togeather, inviting the Indean women,
for their consorts, dancing and frisking togither,
(like so many fairies, or furies rather,) and worse
practises. As if they had anew revived & celebrated
the feasts of y' Roman Goddes Flora, or y* beasly
practieses of y" madd Bacchinalians. Morton lik
wise (to shew his poetrie) composed sundry rimes &
verses, some tending to lasciviousness, and others to
y* detraction & scandall of some persons, which he
affixed to this idle or idoll May-polle. They chainged
allso the name of their place, and in stead of calling
it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Merie-mounte, as
if this joylity would have lasted ever. But this
continued not long, for after Morton was sent for
England, (as follows to be declared,) shortly after
came over that worthy gentleman, M'. John Ende-
cott, who brought over a patent under y* broad
seall, for y* govermente of y* Massachusetts, who
175

176 The Heart of the Puritan
visiting those parts caused y" May-polle to be cutt
downe, and rebuked them for their profannes, and
admonished them to looke ther should be better
walking; so they now, or others, changed y' name of
their place againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon. . . .
— William Bradford.

Doubtful questions proposed to and answered by the
Reverend John Cotton, minister of the first
church of Boston.
Sir, . . .
Another question is concerning their toys they use
at the time, which they say they celebrate in remem
brance of Christ's birth (though they never less
remember him) viz. carding, dancing, &c. I know
not what my duty is, that I may discharge a good
conscience. I have oft upon occasion spoken against
mixt dancing after feasts, little thinking there had
been any such suffered and practised here.
A third is this: on Valentine's day they have a
custom to write names in papers and put them to
gether in an hat, and then every one draws a Valen
tine (so they term it.) I would know whether it be
lawful. , , , So I commend you and yours to the peace of
God, desiring the continuance of your prayers for us.
Yours in all Christian affection,
Ashby, March 3, 1625. R, Levett.
To my much respected and very kind
friend, Mr. Cotton, preacher of
the word at Boston, give these.

Unlawful Carding 177
Good Mr. Levett, . . .
Carding I take to be unlawful, and containing in it
a lottery, at least in the shuffling and cutting and
dealing. And a lottery also it is to choose Valentines
in that sort you mention. Where man and his ac
tion is only causa per accidens of an event (as in
carding and in choice of Valentines) God is the only
and immediate causa per se. Now to appeal to him
and his immediate providence for dispensing these
ludicra, seemeth to me a taking of God's name in
vain. Dancing (yea though mixt) I would not simply
condemn. For I see two sorts of mixt dancings in
use with God's people in the Old Testament, the
one religious, Exod. xv. 20, 21, the other civil, tend
ing to the praise of conquerors, as the former of God,
I Sam. xviii. 6, 7. Only lascivious dancing to wan
ton ditties, and in amorous gestures and wanton
dalliances, especially after great feasts, I would bear
witness against, as a great flabella libidinis.
Your witness bearing against such things, is (I
take it) in opening some scripture, and from thence
instructing in the truth and dissuading the con
trary. . . . — John Cotton.

The condemnation of sundry forms of public amusement
by those seeking to preserve godliness in the town of
Boston.
n** 11"" [1675] This day I hear that G[od] has
shot an arrow into. the midst of this Town. The
small pox is in an ordinary y" sign of the Swan, the

178 The Heart of the Puritan
ordinary Keepers name is Windsor. His daughter
is sick of the disease. It is observable that this
disease begins at an alehouse, to testify God's dis
pleasure ag' the sin of drunkenness & y' of multiply
ing alehouses! — Increase Mather.
[November 27, 1676]
After Lect. dined wth ye Magistrates where ye
Governor reflected on me, on ye account of some
passages in my serm". viz,* y' strangers s[ai]d, y' yy
had seen more drunkenness in N. E. in halfe a year
yn in E[ngland] in all yir lives. Hee s[aid] yt yy yt
s[aid] so lyed. And yt yr was more drunkennes in
N. E. many years agoe yn yr is now, yea at ye first
beginning of ys Colony. Mr. Stoughton Replyed
pleasantly, yt I must p[rea]ch a Recantat[io]° ser
mon. I told him, no, but if men w[ou]ld not ac
cept my Labors God will. As for ye Governor, He
hath bin ye principal Author of ye multitude of
ordinaries w'^h be in Boston, giving licences w[he]n
ye townsmen w[ou]ld not doe it. No wonder yt
N. E. is visited, w[he]n ye Head is so spirited.
— Increase Mather.
Ap' 27 [1687] Sword playing was this day openly
practised on a Stage in Boston & that immediately
after y* Lecture, so y' the Devil has begun a Lecture
in Boston on a Lecture-day wh was set up for Christ.
May I. A May pole was set up in Charlestown.
— Increase Mather.
* y is regularly used for th and the; thus, yt = that,
yy = they, yn = then or than, etc.

Dancing and Tricks 179
Thorsday, Nov'. 12, [1685], . . After, the Min
isters of this Town Come to the Court and complain
against a Dancing Master who seeks to set up here
and hath mixt Dances, and his time of Meeting is
Lecture-Day; and 'tis reported he should say that
by one Play he could teach morc Divinity than Mr.
Willard or thc Old Testament. Mr. Moodey said
'twas not a time for N. E. to dance. Mr. Mather
struck at the Root, speaking against mixt Dances.
— Samuel Sewall.
Thorsday, Dec'. 17"". [1685]. . . Mr. Francis Step
ney, the Dancing Master, desired a Jury, so he
and Mr. Shrimpton Bound in 5o£ to Jan. Court'.
Said Stepney is ordered not to keep a Dancing
School; if he does will be taken in contempt and pro
ceeded with accordingly. — Samuel Sewall,

Sabbath, Dec. 4. [1687]. . . In the Even Capt.
Eliot, Frary, Williams and Self, Treat with * Brother
Wing about his Setting a Room in his House for a
man to shew Tricks in. He saith, seeing it is offen
sive, he will remedy it. it seems the Room is fitted
with Seats. I read what Dr. Ames saith of Callings,
and Spake as I could, from this Principle, That the
Man's Practice was unlawfull, and therfore Capt.
Wing could not lawfully give him an accomodation
for it. Sung the 90"* Ps. from the 12"' v. to the end.
Broke up. — Samuel Sewall.
* Capt. Wing kept a tavern.

i8o The Heart of the Puritan [August 30, 1696]
Understanding that many, especially of our young
People gave themselves a Liberty, to do Things not
of good Report, especially, in using the scandalous
Games of Lottery. I sett myself, in the Lecture, to
bear my Testimony, against their Miscarriages, with
a Sermon, on Act. 16. 2. One well-reported of.
— Cotton Mather.
Tuesday, Apr. 23. [1706] Govr, comes to Town
guarded by the Troops with their Swords drawn;
dines at the Dragon, from thence proceeds to the
Townhouse, Illuminations at night. Capt. Pelham
tells me several wore crosses in their Hats; which
makes me resolve to stay at home, . . Because to
drinking Healths, now the Keeping of a Day to fic
titious St. George, is plainly set on foot.
— Samuel Sewall.
Seventh-Day, Feb', 6. [171 ]|] I went to the
Town house on the occasion of the Queen's Birthday;
Mr. Bromfield and I sat a-while in one of the win
dows. Table being full; afterward sat in. A little
before Sun-set I went away. . . My neighbor Colson
knocks at our door about 9. or past to tell of the Dis
orders at the Tavern at thc South-end in A4r. Adding-
ton's house, kept by John Wallis. He desired me
that I would accompany Mr. Bromfield and Con
stable Howell thither. It was 35. Minutes past
Nine at Night before Mr. Bromfield came; then we
went. I took yEncas Salter with me. Found much
Company. They rcfus'd to go away. Said they
were there to drink the Queen's Health, and they had
many other Healths to drink. Call'd for more

The Queen's Health i8i
Drink: drank to me, I took notice of the Affront to
them. Said must and would stay upon that Solemn
occasion. Mr. John Netmaker drank the Queen's
Health to me. I told him I drank none; upon that
he ceas'd. Mr. Brinley put on his Hat to affront
me. I made him take it off. I threaten'd to send
some of them to prison; that did not move them.
TJiey said they could but pay their Fine, and doing
that they might stay. I told them if they had not
a care, they would be guilty of a Riot. Mr. Brom
field spake of raising a number of Men to Quell
them, and was in some heat, ready to run into the
Street. But I did not like that. Not having Pen
and Ink, I went to take their Names with my Pensil,
and not knowing how to Spell their Names, they
themselves of their own accord writ them. . . .
At last I address'd myself to Mr. Banister. I
told him he had been longest an Inhabitant and
Freeholder, I expected he should set a good Example
in departing thence. Upon this he invited them to
his own House, and away they went; and we, after
them, went away. The Clock in the room struck
a pretty while before they departed. I went directly
home, and found it 25. Minutes past Ten at Night
when I cntrcd my own House. ¦ — Samuel Sewall.
To thc honorable Isaac Addington, Esq., Secretary.
To be communicated to his Excellency the Gover
nour, & to the honorable Council.
Boston of the Massachusetts; March 2, 1713-1714.
There is a Rumour, as if some designed to have
a Play acted in the Council-Chamber, next Monday;

i82 The Heart of the Puritan
which much surprises me; And as much as in me
lies, I do forbid it. The Romans were very fond of
their Plays; but I never heard they were so far set
upon them, as to turn their Senat-House into a Play-
House. Our Town-House was built at great Cost &
Charge, for the sake of very serious & important
Business; the Three Chambers above, & the Ex
change below; Business of the Province, County, &
Town. Let it not be abused with Dances or other
Scenical divcrtisements. It cannot be a Honor to
the Queen, to have the Laws of Honesty & Sobriety
broken in upon. Ovid himself offers invincible
Arguments against publick Plays:
Ut tamen hoc fatear; Ludi quoque semina pra:bcnt
Nequitia: Let not Christian Boston goe beyond
Heathen Rome in the practice of shamefuU Vanities.
This is the Voice of your most humble & obedient
Servant, Samuel Sewall.

How the Pilgrims kept Christmas on ship and on shore.
Munday the 25. [1620] being Christmas day, we
began to drinke water aboord, but at night the
Master caused vs to haue some Becre, and so on
boord we had diverse times now and then some
Becre, but on shore none at all.
— "Mourt's Relation." [1621]
. . . One y* day called Chrismasday, y* Gov'
caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but y" most
of this new-company excused them selves and said

Fowl for a Week 183
it wente against their consciences to work on y' day.
So y' Gov' tould them that if they made it mater of
conscience, he would spare them till they were better
informed. So he led-away y' rest and left them; but
when they came home at noone from their worke,
he found them in the strccte at play, openly; some
pitching y" barr, & some at stoole-ball, and shuch
like sports. So he went to them, and tooke away
their implements, and tould them that was against
his conscience, that they should play & others worke.
If they made y* keeping of it mater of devotion, let
them kepc their houses, but ther should be no game-
ing or revelling in y' streets. Since which time
nothing hath been attempted that way, at least
openly. . . . — William Bradford.

The first Thanksgiving feast in New Plymouth. [1621]
Our harvest being gotten in, our Governour sent
foure men on fowling, that so we might after a more
speciall manner reioyce together, after we had
gathered the fruit of our labours; they foure in one
day killed as much fowle, as with a little helpe be
side, served the Company almost a weeke, at which
time amongst other Recreations, we exercised our
Armes, many of the Indians coming amongst vs,
and the rest their greatest King Massasoyt, with
some ninetie men, whom for three days we enter
tained and feasted, and they went out and killed
five Deere, which they brought to the Plantation

184 The Heart of the Puritan
and bestowed on our Governour, and vpon the Cap-
taine, and others. — E[dward] W [ins low].

Some animadversions on ihe observance of Christmas.
Dec. 25. [1685] Friday. Carts come to Town and
Shops open as is usual. Some somehow observe the
day; but are vexed I believe that the Body of the
People profane it, and blessed be God no Authority
yet to compell them to keep it. — Samuel Sewall.
Deccmb' 25. 97. Snowy day: Shops arc open, and
Carts and sleds come to Town with Wood and Fagots
as formerly, save what abatement may be allowed on
account of the wether. This morning we read in
course the 14, 15, and 16"" Psalms. From the 4""
V. of the 16"' Ps I took occasion to dehort mine from
Christmas-keeping, and charged them to forbear.
— Samuel Sewall.
[Dec. 30, 171 1]
I hear of a Number of young People of both Sexes,!
belonging, many of them, to my Flock, who have
had on the Christmas-night, this last Week, a Frolick,
a revelling Feast, and Ball, which discovers their
Corruption, and has a Tendency to corrupt them
yett more, and provoke the Holy One to give them
up unto eternal Hardness of Heart. I must acquitt
myself as prudently and as faithfully as ever I can,
in the Discharge of my Duty to them, on this Occa-

Rummaging and Chittering 185
sion, and endeavour to bring them unto Repentance,
and prevent such Follies for the Time to come.
— Cotton Mather.
Lord's Day, Deccmb'. 26. [1714] Mr. Bromfield
and I go and keep thc Sabbath with Mr. John Webb,
and sit down with that Church at the Lord's Table.
I did it to hold Communion with that Church; and,
so far as in mc lay, to put Respect upon that af
fronted, despised Lord's Day. For the Church of
England had thc Lord's Super yesterday, the last
day of thc Week; but will not have it to-day, the
day that thc Lord has made. And Gen'. Nicholson,
who kept Satterday, was this Lord's Day Ruiiiaging
and Chittering with Wheelbarrows &c,, to get aboard
at the long Wharf, and Firing Guns at Setting Sail.
I thank God, I heard not, saw not any thing of it;
but was quiet at the New North. — Samuel Sewall,

Judge Samuel Sewall dehorts both schoolmasters and
scholars from ihe foolish and damnable — the
latter being ihe judge's own word — practice of
playing idle tricks on ihe first of April.
To the Rev. Mr. Ezekiel Cheever & Mr. Nathaniel
Williams, Schoolmasters in Boston.
April I, 1708, Feria Quinta.
Gentl", — If stated aiiiversary days for solemn
Religious exercises are unwarrantable, without Con
troversy, anniversary days for sinfull vanities are
Damnable. If men are accountable for every idle

1 86 The Heart of the Puritan
Word, what a Reckoning will they have that keep up
stated Times to promote Lying & Folly! What an
abuse is it of precious Time; what a Profanation!
What an Affront to the Divine Bestower of it! I
have heard a child of six years old say within these
2 or 3 days, that one must tell a man his shoes are
unbuckled, (when they were indeed buckled) & then
he would stoop down to buckle them, & then he was
an April Fool.
Pray Gentlemen, if you think it Convenient, as I
•hope you will. Insinuate into your Scholars, the de
filing & provoking nature of such a Foolish practice,
& take them off from it,
I am, Gent", your Serv'. S. S.
April, I. [1719]. . . In the morning I dehorted
Sam. Hirst and Grindal Rawson from playing Idle
Tricks because 'twas first of April; They were the
greatest fools that did so. N. E, Men came hither
to avoid anniversary days, the keeping of them, such
as the 25th of Dec', How displeasing must it be to
God, the giver of our Time, to keep aniversary days
to play the fool with ourselves and others. . . .

A very genteel, well regulated assembly of Boston
damsels, with no rudeness, I assure you.

Jan^ I I told you the 27th Ult that I was going to
17"' a constitatlon with miss Soley. I have
[1772] now the pleasure to give you the result, viz.
a very genteel well regulated assembly which we had
at Mr Soley's last evening. Miss Soley being mistress

Punch Hot and Cold 187
of the ceremony. Mrs Soley desired me to assist
Miss Hannah in making out a list of guests which I
did some time since, I wrote all the invitation cards.
There was a large company assembled in a handsome,
large, upper room in the new end of the house. We
had two fiddles, & I had the honor to open the diver
sion of the evening in a minuet with Miss Soley. . . .
Our treat was nuts, raisins. Cakes, Wine, punch,
hot & cold, all in great plenty. We had a very agree
able evening from 5 to 10 o'clock. For variety we
woo'd a widow, hunted the whistle, threaded the
needle, & while the company was collecting, we di
verted ourselves with playing of pawns, no rudeness
Mamma I assure you. Aunt Deming desires you
would perticulary observe, that the elderly part of the
company were spectators only, they mix'd not in
either of the above describ'd scenes.
I was dress'd in my yellow coat, black bib & apron,
black feathers on my head, my past[e] comb, & all
my past[e] garnet marquesett & jet pins, together
with my silver plume — my loket, rings, black
collar round my neck, black mitts & 2 or 3 yards of
blue ribbin; (black & blue is high tast) striped tucker
and ruffels (not my best) & my silk shoes compleated
my dress. — Anna Green Winslow.

Of Episcopacy: the Fear and the Encroachment
thereof; also its Defence and Vindication; show
ing two sides of the Controversy long waged
in New England.

The use and abuse of the cross in the colours.
[December, 1634]
. . . One thing I canot but relate, & that not
only with grefe, for & with feare of what will bee the
event of a strange thinge put in practice by sum in
the Church of Salem; but by whome I heare not.
And that is they haue Cut out the Crosse in the
flage, pr Ansient that they cari before them when
they trayne. Inded it is contrary to the mindes &
willes of all that I cann heare of. Captaine Indicat
[Endicot] there Captaine is a holy honest man &
dus vtterly abandon it, & who are the Aegeentes in
it I cannot heare. . . . — James Cudworth.
Friday, Augt. 20. [1686]. . . I was and am in
great exercise about the Cross to be put into the
Colours, and afraid if I should have a hand in't
whether it may not hinder my Entrance into the
Holy Land. — Samuel Sewall.

Objections, conscientious and otherwise, io ihe estab
lishment of the Church of England and its ap
pointed orders and services.
March 28, 1688, Capt. Davis spake to me for
Land to set a Church on. I told him could not,
would not, put Mr. Cotton's Land to such an use,
and besides, 'twas Entail'd. After, Mr. Randolph
191

192 The Heart of the Puritan
saw me, and had me to his House to see the Land-
scips of Oxford Colledgcs and Halls. Left me with
Mr. Radcliff, who spake to mc for Land at Cotton-
Hill for a Church which were going to build: I told
him I could not, first because I would not set up that
which thc People of N. E. came ovcr to avoid: 2**.
the Land was Entail'd, In after discourse I men
tioned chiefly the Cross in Baptism, and Holy Dayes.
— Samuel Sewall.

Aug'. 28. 1708. Mrs. Taylor is buried in Mr.
Stoughton's Tomb. . . There was no Prayer at the
House; and at the Grave Mr. Myles Read Comon-
Prayer; which I reckon an Indignity and affront
done to Mr. Stoughton and his Friends: There
apears much Ingratitude and Baseness in it because
twas Mr. Danforth's Parish, and Mr. Danforth's
wife is Cousin German to Col, Taylor: and Col.
Byfield and his deceased daughter dissenters as I
supose. I was much surprised and grieved at it, and
went not into the burying place. — Samuel Sewall,
Sept'. I, [1708], . . At 3 p, in. the Council meets,
from thence they goe to the Funeral of Mrs, Lyde,
Col, Byfield's eldest daughter, Remembring what I
had met with at her Sister's Burial at Dorchester last
Satterday, I slipt from the Company up to my daugh
ter's, and so went home, and avoided the Funeral.
The office for Burial is a Lying, very bad office;
makes no difference between the precious and the
vile. — Samuel Sewall.

Sottish Bigotry 193
. . [July IS, 171 1]
That sottish Bigotry is growing; that all the pas
toral Acts done by those who have not episcopal
Ordination are Invalid. It seems necessary, that
thc Churches be fortified against it. I would con
sult and agree with some of the Ministers of the
Neighbourhood, about the best Methods of encoun
tering the Follies of unreasonable Bigots.
— Cotton Mather,

Yet more light on ihe scandal among the churches caused
by the defection of the rector and tutors of Yale
College, pari of which has already been noted.
To Gov. Saltonstall, 8' 15, 1722, at New Haven.
Before the smoke of Yale College was discerned,
I was shew'd a piece of Ground, bought to build an
Episcopal Church on in Boston: & the same person
whispered to me that Mr. Cutler, your Rector, was
to preach in it. Thc Noise of Yale College came to
us gradually; at first we heard some uncertain Rum
blings; at last the plain & loud Thunder-Claps aston
ished us. The Colony, the Town, the Society from
whence it came Accented every Sound. It quickly
brought to my mind Rev. xvi. 15. I apprehend that
in this extraordinary & unexpected Alarm, we have
a Demonstration that the Drying up the Great
River Euphrates is near at hand. Methinks he
could not easily have lit upon a Subject so inde
fensible as that of the English Episcopacy, which
seems to be absolutely avOpairivrf ktutk. For the
Bishop is perfectly the King's Creature: the Chapter
must choose the person named in the conge d'elire.

194 The Heart of the Puritan
I am fully of Mr. Cotton's mind, that Episcopacy
is that upon which the Fifth Vial is poured out, &
he will have hard work that shall endeavour to con-
troll that Angel. Tis evident that the New England
Planters were led by the Spirit of God when they
followed the Lamb in thc Chastity of his Ordinances.
Dr. Goodwin & Dr. Owen make a very honourable
Mention of it. The Bishops drove the renowned
Planters out of England. I hope God will not suffer
the Bishops to drive their Children out of New Eng
land. I pray God to make your Assistants & Dep
uties wise as Serpents, harmless as Doves. Desiring
your Prayers, I am Samuel Sewall.

To Reverend Cotton Mather.
Fairfield, Oct. 2, 1722.
Reverend and honoured Sir,
The occasion of my now giving you these few lines
is to me, and I presume to many others, melancholy
enough. You have perhaps heard before now, or
will hear before these come to hand, (I suppose) of
the revolt of several persons of figure among us unto
the church of England. There's the Rev. Mr.
Cutler, rector of our college, and Mr. Daniel Brown,
the tutor thereof. There are also of ordained min
isters, pastors of several churches among us, the
Rev. Messieurs following, viz, John Hart of East
Guilford, Samuel Whittlesey of Wallingford, Jared
Eliot of Kennelworth [Killingworth], Samuel John
son of West-Haven, and James Wetmore of North-
Haven. They are the most of them reputed men
of considerable learning, and all of them of a virtuous

Validity and Invalidity 195
and blameless conversation. I apprehend the axe
is hereby laid the root of our civil and sacred enjoy
ments; and a doleful gap opened for trouble and
confusion in our churches. The churchmen among
us are wonderfully encouraged and lifted up by the
appearance of these gentlemen on their side. And
how many more will, by their example, be encour
aged to go off from us to them, God only knows. It
is a very dark day with us; and we need pity, prayers
and counsel. ... As for the gentlemen who have
declared themselves in favour of the church, some
of them declared themselves much in doubt about
the validity of Presbyterian ordination; others of
them have (if I remember right) declared their satis
faction as to the invalidity thereof. Please to com
municate the contents of my letter to your venerable
and honoured father, and to as many of the ministers
of Boston, &c,, as you judge meet. And let me
(though unworthy) have, as soon as may be, what
comfort, light and strength is needful in our sad
circumstances, from as many of you as will please to
engage in the cause. Thus desiring an interest in
your prayers for us, I subscribe,
Reverend and honoured sir,
your humble servant, Joseph Webb.
The sentiments of several ministers in Boston,
concerning the duty of the distressed churches, with
relation to their pastors, who, in an instrument under
their hands, have publickly declared, that they,
some of them, doubt the validity, others of them are
fully persuaded of ihe invalidity of the presbyterian
ordination.

196 The Heart of the Puritan
It plainly appears,
I. These new Episcopalians have declared their
desire to introduce an usurpation and a superstition
into the church of God, clearly condemned in the
sacred scriptures, which our loyalty and chastity
to our Saviour, obliges us to keep close unto; and a
tyranny, from which the whole church, which desires
to be reformed, has groaned that it may be delivered.
IL They have had the temerity and presumption
to deny the ministry and renounce the communion
of all the Protestant churches in the whole world,
except that little party that submits to the English
episcopacy. Such a schism do they run into.
III. The scandalous conjunction of these unhappy
men with the papists is, perhaps, more than what
they have themselves duly considered. For, first,
the great and almost the last clamor with which the
papists try to perplex and weaken the reformed
churches, is, that their ministry is invalid for want
of Episcopal ordination. These men strengthen the
common enemy in the boundless mischief attempted
by this foolish cavil. . . . To maintain their epis
copal ordination they set up that vile, senseless,
wretched whimsey of an uninterrupted succession,
which our glorious Lord has confuted with such
matters of fact, that it is amazing the builders of
Babel are not ashamed of it; and they will have none
owned for ministers of Christ in the world, but such
as antichrist has ordained for him. . . .
IV. They have cast a vile indignity upon those
burning and shining lights, the excellent servants
of God, who were the leaders of the flocks that fol
lowed our Lord Jesus into this wilderness, and upon
the ministry of them and their successors. ... A

Doctors in Cassocks 197
degenerate offspring have declared these men of
God, than whom the world has rarely been illumi
nated with brighter stars, to be no true ministers
of Christ, but usurpers of the ministry and invaders
of a sacred office, robbers that have not entered in
by the door. . . .
V. They have done what is likely to throw the
churches of the country into disturbance and con
fusion, beyond any thing they have ever met withal,
and animate an ungodly generation to set up a life
less religion and an irreligious life, in the room of
that which has hitherto been our glory. . . .
[In the handwriting of Cotton Mather.]

A somewhat lighter aspect of Episcopal innovations.
Jan'' 4th ... On thursday I attended my aunt
1772 J to Lecture & heard Dr. Chauncey preach
a third sermon from Acts 11.42. They continued
stedfastly — in breaking of bread. . . . Dr. Pem-
berton & Dr, Cooper had on gowns. In the forrii of
the Episcopal cassock we hear, the Doct* design to
distinguish themselves from the inferior clergy by
these strange habits [at a time too when the good
people of N. E. are threaten'd with & dreading the
comeing of an episcopal bishop] N. B. I don't know
whether one sleeve would make a full trimm'd
neglgee as the fashion is at present, tho' I cant say
but it might make one of the frugal sort with but
scant triming. Unkle says, they all have popes in
their bellys. Contrary to I. Peter v. 2, 3. Aunt
says, when she saw Dr. P. roll up the pulpit stairs,
the figure of Parson Trulliber, recorded by Mr.

198 The Heart of the Puritan
Fielding occur'd to her mind &.she was really sorry
a congregational divine, should, by any instance
whatever, give her so unpleasing an idea.
— Anna Green Winslow.

A sound objection roundly stated by one who honored
his mother church.
To the right Worshipfull his honored ffreind, John
Wenthrop : Esqr. at Boston, thes, in Massachu
setts.
Right Worshipfull, — I received your letter con
cerning Mr. Jenner; acknowledging your former
courtesies to my selfe, and for your furtherance of
a minister for vs, our whole Plantacion ar greatly
behoulding vnto you. We haue ioyned both sides
of our river together for his mayntenance, and haue
willingly contributed for his stipend, 47/1 per an
num: hoping the Lord will blesse and sanctifie his
word vnto vs, that we may be both hearers and doers
of the word and will of God. I like Mr. Jenner his
life and conversacion, and alsoe his preaching, if he
would lett the Church of England alone; that doth
much trouble me, to heare our mother Church ques
tioned for her impurity vpon every occasion, as if
men (ministers I meanc) had no other marke to ayme
at, but the paps that gaue them suck, and from
whence they first received the bread of life. I wishe
they would follow the counsell you giue me in your
letter (to improue that which is profitable to them,
and cover the rest with loue,) for why should a son
betray his mothers weakncs? Noah his son lyes

Prayer in the Exchange 199
still vnder a curse, for discovering his fathers shame,
his brothers eternall blessings for the contrary.
Good Sir, pardon mee, I hope pardonable: I haue
pleaded for our mother, which I beseech the Almighty
God to purge from her errors. . . .
Thus ceasing farder to trouble you, with my
respectiue [loue] to your selfe, I rest
Your assured freind and servant,
Rich: Vines.
Saco, 25th of January, 1640.

The difficulties of establishing the first Church of Eng
land in Boston and the censures of ihe independent
clergy. To the Archbishop of Canterbury.
Boston; in New England. Aug': 2: 1686.
. . . Some tyme after the settlem' of the Gov'
I moved for a place for the C: of England men to
assemble in; after many delayes, at last wee gott a
small Room in y* town house, but our Company in
creasing beyond the expectation of the Govn' wee
now use y° Exchange, and have y° coinon prayer
and two sermons every Sunday & at 7 o'clock in y'
morning on Wednesdays & frydays the whole service
of y* church, and some Sundays 7 or 8 persons are
in one day Baptized, and morc would dayly be of
our communion had wee but thc company & counte
nance of thc President & Councill, but instead
thereof wee are neglected & can obtain no main
tainance from them to support our Minister. . . .
Their ministry exclaim ag' y° Common Prayer, call-

200 The Heart of the Puritan
ing it, mans Invention & that there is more hopes
that whoremongers & adulterers will go to heaven
then those of y' C of Eng""; by these wicked doctrines
they poison the people and their Ministers Carry
it as high as ever. . . . — Edward Randolph.
A missionary of the Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel in Foreign Parts reports his trials.
Boston, June 19, 1724.
D' Marshal,
Rev'' S'. I shou'd not have troubled you with this
Letter, did I not think niyself iiiuler a Necessity of
doing it. I have already met with a great deal, and
am likely to undergo ft larger Sliare, of Trouble from
the Independents here, on Account of my Endeav
ours to serve the Interest of the Established Chh.
I beg leave to lay before you a true State of my
Case. After my Arrival here, which was upon the
20"" of September, 1723, I kept the Books, which I
caus'd to be printed in England close, without ex
posing one of them, the Dissenters in the mean while
attacking the Church from the Writings of Tindal,
Toland, Collins, & such like wretched Patrons of
Atheism & Infidelity, until there was no more Room
for Patience; wherefore upon the 27. of February
(they having published a very severe Pamphlet
against the Church but the Week before, and which
they gave out was unanswerable) I expos'd the Book
to Sale. They were very much alarm'd by it, and
particularly by Reason of so many People publickly
declaring, that if the Ministers did not fairly answer
that Book, they wou'd declare for the Church. The

A Point of Fact 201
teachers here had Sense enough to know, that
Matters of Fact are stubborn Things, and will not
bend & twist, nor be turned inside out like Words
& Phrases, . . . and that Book had reduced the
Dispute to a Point of Fact, viz When did Episcopacy
begin? These Gentlemen not being able to answer
this Question, any otherwise than by deriving it
from the Apostles, or near the Apostolic Age accord
ing to their two great heroes, Blondel and Salmasius:
they were resolved to bring an Odium upon the
Book, and accordingly have Recourse to thcir old
Stratagem of crying out Treason!
Thc Ministers hud a Meeting, and as I have been
inform'd gave it as their Opinion, that the Book
shou'd be condemned as a Libel against the Govern
ment, and I shou'd be prosecuted as a Libeller. . , .
I beg S', that you would use your Interest in
Favour of your very much obliged and very humble
Serv' J"" Checkley.

Of the Churches of New England: their external
Form and inner Condition; together with some
Accounts of a great Revival.

The first ordination in Massachusetts Bay.
[October lo, 1633]
A fast was kept at Boston, and Mr. Leverett, an
ancient, sincere professor, of Mr. Cotton's congre
gation in England, was chosen a ruling elder, and
Mr. Firman, a godly man, an apothecary of Sudbury
in England, was chosen deacon, by imposition of
hands; and Mr. Cotton was then chosen teacher of
the congregation of Boston, and ordained by imposi
tion of the hands of the presbytery, in this manner:
First, he was chosen by all the congregation testifying
their consent by erection of hands. Then Mr.
Wilson, the pastor, demanded of him, if he did ac
cept of that call. He paused, and then spake to
this effect: that howsoever he knew himself unworthy
and unsufficient for that place; yet, having ob-,
served all the passages of God's providence, (which
he reckoned up in particular) in calling him to it, he
could not but accept it. Then the pastor and the
two elders laid their hands upon his head, and the
pastor prayed, and then, taking off their hands, laid
them on again, and, speaking to him by his name,
they did thenceforth design him to the said office,
in the name of the Holy Ghost, and did give him the
charge of the congregation, and did thereby (as by a
sign from Gpd) indue him with the gifts fit fpr his
pffice; and lastly did bless him. Then the neighbor
ing ministers, which were present, did (at the pastor's
motion) giye him the right hands of fellowship, and
the pastor made a stipulation between him and the
congregation. — John Winthrop,
205

2o6 The Heart of the Puritan

The modest position of females in the church.
[September 4, 1633]
He [Rev. John Cotton] desired his wife might also
be admitted a member [of the First Church of Bos
ton] and gave a modest testimony of her, but withal
requested, that she might not be put to make open
confession, etc., which he said was against the
apostles' rule, and not fit for women's modesty; but
that the elders might examine her in private. So
she was asked, if she did consent in the confession of
faith made by her husband, and if she did desire to
be admitted, etc; whereto she answered affirma
tively; and so both were admitted, and their child
'baptized. — John Winthrop.

To the Worshipfull John Winthrope Esq'.
Honoured S' — After my dutifull respects to yow
and my ant, & respects to all my cousens, &c., the
occation of my wrighting at this time is earnestly to
beseech your worship to cosider the uncomfortale
condition that the people of Mistick [Connecticut]
are in, in respect of their going soe far to meting, and
there to sitt all day without any sustenance, that
poor women, that have young children sucking,
manie times are brought exeding faint, & mutch
weakened, & divers are not able to goe al winter.
But now I hope God will be pleased to open for us
some dore of rellcfe that wee may bee eased of that
burden by injoying the means nerer to us. I know

The Cold Ground 207
many women has almost ghotten their banes by
sitting upon the could ground an hour, some times
longer, between sermons. The people of the west
side Mistick River are joyning with us in a petion
to the Court, whoe are under like burdens. ... It
has pleased God to bless us in these parts; & families
are mutch increased, soe that wee are able amongst
us to maintain a minister at Mistick, which would
bee exeding comfortable both for young and old. I
have been ill this winter w"" a weakness in the reigns
of my back and in my sperits. Nell Fanning desires
to remember her service to yow & M" Winthrope,
and I am desired to wright in the behalfe of most all
the women of Mistick whoe are desirous to have a
meting house some where about Mistick. I thank
yow for the physik yow sent me, and for other kind
nesses. Soe having noe time to inlarge to trouble
forther at present, not doubting of your readiness to
consider the distresses of any that labour under any
burden of sorow, I subscribe my selfe
Your affectionate Kinswoman and Servant
Hannah Gallop.
May y' 6, 1672.

To Madam Park, Consort ofthe Reverend Joseph Park.
[Westerly, Connecticut, March 16, 1752]
D' M°. Having had y* comfort of being acquainted
with you these 14 years & y' blessing of being y' most
of y* time a member of y' Church of Christ with you,
I can truly say that you have been the truest &
closest friend to me, & I believe to all of the Church
in y* faithful discharge of y* Covenant vows & obli-

2o8 The Heart of the Puritan
gations, and I can say to me in particular, that y"
have been a great means of strengthening my hope
& of conveying light to me, whereby I have been
enabled to resist the Devil and make him flee, & I
can truly say that you have been a Deborah in Israel,
that you have stirred up y' Church to purge out
a false policy & spirit that was like a canker eat
ing out vital piety of y* Church. . . . D' M™ time
would fail me to recount all y' good deeds y" have
done here, y' I know I thought these several years
past of giving in this testimony of you, but Satan
hindered me. I thought it too much to be said
of a woman. But blessed be God who hath given
me light, for now I can feel tho imperfectly that
passage of Scripture where y' woman poured rich
ointment upon our Lord Jesus Christ y' disciples
found fault with such a waste, but y* Lord bid them
not to trouble her. . . .
D' M" gratitude demands a great deal more than
this, but duty calls aloud for it. . . .begging an in
terest in your prayers with unfeigned love to you
& yours I remain your poor affectionate brother &
servant, Christopher Sugar, Clerk.

Sundry details of meetings and meeting houses, differ
ing in notable degree from modern usage.
[Boston, June 28, 1680]
. . . One of the best ministers in the place being
very sick, a day of fasting and prayer was observed
in a church near by our house. We went into the

Nothing Except Prayers 209
church, where, in the first place, a minister made a
prayer in the pulpit, of full two hours in length; after
which an old minister delivered a sermon an hour
long, and after that a prayer was made, and some
verses sung out of the Psalms. In the afternoon,
three or four hours were consumed with nothing
except prayers, three ministers relieving each other
alternately; when one was tired, another went up
into the pulpit. There was no more devotion than
in other churches, and even less than in New York;
no respect, no reverence; in a word, nothing but the
name of Independents; and that was all. . . .
— Jasper Danckaerts.

[May 13, 1685]
This Day is appointed {Because Thou, 0 Lord,
art stronger than I, and hast prevailed!) for my Ordi
nation, to the Ofiice of a Pastor over the North
Church in Boston. . . .
With a Soul, inexpressibly irradiated from on
High, I went into one of the vastest Congregations
that has ever been seen in these parts of the World;
where I prayed about an Hour and a Quarter, and
preached (on Joh. 21. 17.) about an Hour and a three
quarters; With such Assistences from Heaven, as
exceeded all that my poor Faith could have imagined.
In the Afternoon, my Father having prayed and
preached (on Act. 13. 2.), the Ordination was per
formed, with a more than ordinary Solemnitie, pro
ducing a greater Number of moved Hearts and
weeping Eyes, than perhaps have been at any Time
here seen together. — Cotton Mather.

2IO The Heart of the Puritan
Sabbath, Jan^ 24, [1686] Friday night and Satter
day were extream cold, so that the Harbour frozen
up, and to the Castle. This day so cold that the
Sacramental Bread is frozen pretty hard, and rattled
sadly as broken into the Plates, — Samuel Sewall,
Lord's Day, Jan" 15. [171 8] An Extraordinary
Cold Storm of Wind and Snow. Blows much worse
as coming home at Noon, and so holds on. Bread
was frozen at the Lord's Table. . . . Though twas
so Cold, yet John Tuckcrman was baptised. At six
a-clock my ink freezes so that I can hardly write
by a good fire in my Wive's Chamber. Yet was
very comfortable at Meeting. Laus Deo.
— Samuel Sewall.
[Feb.] 5. [i7\\] Lord's Day, Lord's Super at the
South; Expostulated with my daughter Sewall for
her receiving the Elements with her Gloves on; had
spoken to her about it before, and she had once prac-
tic'd otherwise, and I understood she had promised,
or resolved to hold on. The Lord help me to receive
Christ by the naked Hand of Faith; and not rest in
outward Order and Comliness. — Samuel Sewall,

Contradictory opinions concerning ihe wisdom and ihe
efficacy of the labours of the Reverend George
Whitefield. [February 9, 174 J]
... I thank you for the account you gave me of
the fruit of the journeys your way of those two
eminent servants of Christ, Whitefield & Tennent.

Overheated Imagination 211
Few such men have appear'd since the days of the
great Apostle of the Gentiles. God is giving them
seals of their ministry from day to day. I suppose
this town with many others can hardly tell the time
of such a gcnerall rousing from drcadfull lethargy.
The dry bones are making a continual rattling. God
is clothing them with flesh, sinews, and skin, and is
breathing upon the slain that they may live, and it
looks as if they would soon form a large army. God
grant it may be so, for his son Christ Jesus* sake. . . ,
— Jonathan Belcher.
[January 16, 1742]
. . . The state of affairs on a religious account is
much the same, I am inclined to think in this Prov
ince, as in the Colony you belong to. . . . Great
disorders and irregularities have been almost gen
eral, and I know no place where there has been this
religious commotion, but it has been accompanied
with a very unchristian spirit of captiousness, a
readiness to think well of all in one particular way of
thinking and talking, to the condemning of every
body else. Passion seems to take the place too
much in the room of reason; visions and trances
have become common; and I fear in a multitude of
cases an overheated imagination is taken for the in
fluence of the divine spirit. . . . The country was
never in a more critical state, and how things will
finally turn out God only knows. The standing
ministers of the land are evidently struck at; and so
are the colleges; and if Itinerant ministers, and lay
exhorters are not discountenanced, I dread to think
of the consequences. . . . — Charles Chauncey,

212 The Heart of the Puritan

[March 16,174!]
. . . Mr. Whitefield is strongly expected over this
spring by his friends. I'm satisfied his vanity was
never so well pleased as by the Hosannas of minis
ters and parishioners in these parts of the earth; and
it would not be strange to me, if he should incline
to have his vanity gratified again in the same way:
Though if he comes with any such expectation, I
hope he will m'et with disappointment. I trust
there are some who will think it proper if he should
again appear among us, to magnify themselves and
their office. I hope the ministers in the country (I
can't be bound for the ministers in Boston, all of
them) will let him know that they look upon him
but as a man, and a man of smaller talents than
many among themselves; and .will properly testify
against his Itinerating practice, which, in my opinion
is the source of all our other disorder; nor will they
be satisfied till this way of conduct has an end put
to it. . . . — Charles Chauncey.
[August 4, 1742]
. . . And now it was, that Mr. Whitefield's Doc
trine of inward Feelings began to discover itself in
Multitudes, whose sensible Perceptions arose to such
a Height, as that they cried out, fell down, swooned
away, and, to all Appearance, were like Persons in
Fits; and this, when the Preaching (if it may be so
called) had in it as little well digested and connected
good Sense, as you can well suppose. Scores in a
Congregation would be in such Circumstances at a
Time; nay some hundreds in some Places, to the

Excesses and Extravagances 213
filling the Houses of Worship with Confusion not to
be expressed in Words, nor indeed conceived of by
the most lively Imagination, unless where Persons
have been Eye and Ear witnesses to these Things. . .
The Speaker delivers himself, with the greatest Ve
hemence both of Voice and Gesture, and in the most
frightful Language his Genius will allow of. If this
has its intended Effect upon one or two weak Women,
the Shrieks catch from one to another, till a great
Part of the Congregation is affected. . . . Visions
now became common, and Trances also, the Sub
jects of which were in their own Conceit transported
from Earth to Heaven, where they saw and heard
most glorious Things; conversed with Christ and holy
Angels; had opened to them the Book of Life, and
were permitted to read the names of persons there,
and the like. And what is a singular Instance (so
far as I remember) of the working of Enthusiasm,
laughing, loud hearty laughing, was one of the Ways
in which our New Converts, almost everywhere, were
wont to join together in expressing their Joy at the
Conversion of others.
'Tis scarce imaginable what Excesses and Ex
travagances People were running into, and even en
couraged in; beeing told such Things were Argu
ments of the extraordinary Presence of ihe Holy
Ghost with them. The same Houses of Worship
were scarce emptied Night npr Day for a Week to
gether, and unheard of Instances of supposed Re
ligion were carried on in them, some would be pray
ing, some exhorting, some singing, some clapping,
their Hands, some laughing, some crying, some
shrieking and roaring out; and so invincibly set were
they in these Ways, especially when encouraged by;

214 The Heart of the Puritan
any Ministers, (as was too often the Case) that it
was a vain Thing to argue with them, to show them
the Indecency of sUch Behaviour; and whoever
indeed made an Attempt this Way, might be sure
aforehand of being called an Opposer of the Spirit,
and a Child of the Devil. . . .
For myself, I am among those who are clearly in
the Opinion, that there never was such a Spirit of
Superstition and Enthusiasm reigning in the Land
before; never such gross Disorders and barefaced
Affronts to common Decency; never such scandalous
Reproaches on the Blessed Spirit, making him the
Author of the greatest Irregularities and Confusion:
Yet, I am of Opinion also, that the Appearances
among us (so much out of the ordinary Way, and so
unaccountable to persons not acquainted with the
History of the World) have been the Means of
awakening the Attention of many; and a good Num
ber, I hope, have settled into a truly Christian
Temper: Tho' I must add, at the same time, that I
am far from thinking, that the Appearance in gen
eral, is any other than the Effect of enthusiastick
Heat, The Goodness that has been so much talked
of, 'tis plain to me, is nothing more, in general, than
a Commotion in the Passions, 1 can't see that Men
have been made better, if hereby be meant, their being
formed to a nearer Resemblance to the Divine Being
in moral Holiness, 'Tis not evident to me, that
Persons, generally, have a better Understanding of
Religion, a better Government of their Passions, a
more Christian Love to their Neighbour, or that
they are more decent and regular in their Devotions
toward God. I am clearly of the Mind, they are
worse in all these Regards. They place their Reli-

spiritual Pride 215
gion so much in the Heat and Fervour of their Pas
sions, that they too much neglect the Reason and
Judgment: And instead of being more kind and
gentle, more full of Mercy and good Fruits, they
are more bitter, fierce and implacable. And what
is a grand discriminating Mark of this Work, where-
ever it takes place, is, that it makes men spiritually
proud and conceited beyond Measure, infinitely
censorious and uncharitable, to Neighbours, to Rela
tions, even the nearest and dearest; to Ministers in
an especial Manner; yea, to all Mankind, who are
not as they are, and don't think and act as they
do. . . .
[Attributed to the Reverend Charles Chauncey.]
Boston, Feb. 6, 1745.
My Dear Friend,
. . . Finding some of their pastors without cause
shy of me, they have passed votes of invitation for
me to preach in the pulpits, and some time ago pre
vailed upon me, as they heard I had done in Scotland,
to set up a lecture at six o'clock in the morning. Not
expecting a very great auditory, I opened a lecture
in one of the smallest meetings; . . . but how was
I disappointed? Such great numbers flocked to
hear, that I was obliged for the future to make use
of two of their very largest places of worship, where
I believe seldom less than two or three thousand at
tentive hearers hung as it were upon me, to hear the
word preached. ... It is impossible to describe
the eagerness and punctuality of these early visitants.
To see so many hundreds of both sexes neatly
dressed, walking or riding so early along the streets
to get food for their souls, has feasted my own heart.

2i6 The Heart of the Puritan
The Pharaohs who used to say, "Ye are idle, ye are
idle," now are stuck dumb: for lecture, and family
prayer, and breakfast, are now over in many houses
before the sun is suffered to come into other win
dows; and it is now become almost a common
proverb, "That between Tar-water and early rising,
the physicians will have no business." One morn
ing the croud was so great, that I was obliged to go
in at the window. . . . Hoping hereafter to send you
and other friends a further account of many such
real instances of all-conquering grace, I subscribe
myself Yours, &c.,
G[eorge] W[hitefield].

The strange and indecorous actions of the New Lights
as disapprovingly viewed by a missionary of ihe
Church of England. [January i6, 175?]
. . . No man can think (who is an utter stranger to
them) what strange objections the People raise
against the Sacraments; I mean such People as haye
been dragged up in Schism, or rather many of them,
in no religion at all: the former (if possible) being
Worse than the Latter. . . . The Infidels & the
New-Light's rage most furiously against the Ordi
nances of X'. being necessary to Salvation. The
Enthusiastic New-Lights affirming nothing neces
sary but what they wildly call Conversion. That
is Screaming and Tumbling about the Floor, young
Men and Women ten or 12 promiscuously on the
Floor at once; oftentimes in their private and some-

Like Demoniacs 217
times in their Publick Meetings; always screaming,
and sometimes in a most hideous manner, calling
upon People to come io Christ, come to X', come to X*.
At the same Time declaring to the people that y"
Sacraments will not carry them to Christ, but only
their being converted as they have been. And these
distracted Frolicks, and many other, more like
Demoniacs than any Thing else, they pretend to
great Joy, and Serenity of Mind, and are then (ac
cording to their Scheme) notwithstanding they
despise the Sacraments, entirely converted, and are
infallibly sure of Salvation. . . . — John Checkley.

Of Prophecies and Warnings, fearful Sights and
great Signs, and the Interpretation thereof.

Deep and searching questions raised on the occasion of
ihe blowing up of the "Mary Rose'* in Charles
town harbour. To Governour John Winthrop.
Dearest Sir, — Hearing of the remarkable stroake
of Gods hand vppon the shippe & shippes companie
of Bristoll, as also of some Atheisticall passages &
hellish profanations of the Sabbaths & deridings of
the people & wayes of God, I thought good to desire
a word or two of you of the trueth of what you haue
heard. Such an extraordinary judgment would bee
searched into, what Gods meaninge is in it, both in
respect of those whom it concernes more especiallie
in England, as also in regard of ourselues. God will
be honred in all dealings. We haue heard of seuerall
-vngodlie carriadges in that ship, as, ffirst in there
way overbound they would constantlie jeere at the
holie brethren of New England, & some of the
marriners would in a scoffe ask when they should
come to the holie Land? 2. After they lay in the
harbor Mr. Norrice sent to the shippe one of our
brethren vppon busines & hee heard them say. This
is one of the holie brethren, mockinglie & disdaine-
fullie. 3. That when some haue beene with them
aboard to buy necessaries, the shippe men would
vsuallie say to some of them that they could not want
any thinge, they were full of the Spiritt. 4. That
the last Lords Day, or the Lords Day before,
there were many drinkings aboard with singing &
musick in tymes of publique exercise. 5. That the
221

222 The Heart of the Puritan
last ffast the master or captaine of the shippe, with
most of the companie would not goe to the meetinge,
but read the booke of common prayer so often over
that some of the company said hee had worne that
threedbare, with many such passages. Now if these
or the like be true, as I am persuaded some of them
are, I think the trueth heereof would be made
knowen, by some faithfull hand in Bristoll or else
where, ffor it is a very remarkable & vnusuall stroake.
Pardon I pray you my boldness heerein. . . . This
being all at present, I leaue you with the Lord, de
siring myne & my wie[f's] heartie loue & seruice to
be remembred to your selfe & your dearest yoake-
fellow, & rest Yours euer assured,
Jo: Endecott.
Salem the 28th of the Sth moneth 1640.

Astounding portents described and the signification
thereof elucidated,
[August IS, 1648]
The synod met at Cambridge. . . . Mr. Allen of
Dedham preached out of Acts 15. . . .
It fell out, about the midst of his sermon, there
came a snake into the seat, where many of the elders
sate behind the preacher. It came in at the door
where people stood thick upon the stairs. Diverse
of the elders shifted from it, but, Mr. Thomson, one
of the elders of Braintree, (a man of much faith,)
trode upon the head of it, and so held it with his
foot and staff with a small pair of grains, until it was
killed. This being so remarkable, and nothing fall
ing out but by divine providence, it is out of doubt,

Serpent and Star 223
the Lord discovered somewhat of his mind in it.
The serpent is the devil; the synod, the representa
tive of the churches of Christ in New England.
The devil had formerly and lately attempted their
disturbance and dissolution; but their faith in the
seed of the woman overcame him and crushed his
head. — John Winthrop.
1664 Novem. A great blazing starre appeared
in the S: west w'''' continued some monthes. The
effects appeared much in England, in a great and
dreadfuU plague that followed the next sufner, in a
dreadfull warre by sea w"* the dutch, and the burn
ing of London the 2d year following. — Simon Bradstreet,

To the Reverend and my much esteemed & very good
freind M'. Increase Mather, Pastour of the North
Church in Boston, deliuer this I pray you.
Febr. 19. [i6]82
Reucrend & deare Sir, — I heartily salute you &
yours in the Lord. S', perceiuing by what is men
tioned in the new year's Almanack that you ar setting
forth an vsefuU tract upon occasion of the late Comet,
what effects in Diuine prouidence have followed
Comets, I longe for an opportunity to acquaint you
with a portentious sight, like vnto which I never
read or heard before, namely, of a perfect crosse
through the moone, with a pretty long, & broad, &
pale couloured streame like the colour of the late
Comet, though nothing so broad or long as that was

224 The Heart of the Puritan
in the late comet, which streame passed through
the moone from east to west, & from the north to the
south. It was scene the 25"* of last December, a
little after nine of the clock at night, scene by ten
credible persons which were occasionally at my
house; & another credible person told me that the
same night he and his brother, & another credible
neighbour being talking without doores, they saw
the same form of that cross through the moone:
And a sister of our church told me that she beeing
without doores that night saw the same sight. Now
when I considered that the papacy of Rome had a
cheife hand both in the signe of the cross, & in the
superstitious setting up of Christmas, & that such
a cross should bee scene on the night (which to them
is a part) of theyr Christmas day, I wished that it
did not portend a vigorous prosecution & spread
ing of popery, east. West, north, & south; but I
rather propound it to yourself, that as you may see
cause, you would further consider thereof, & give
your thoughts about the same.
. . . Good S', as you have beene in my heart often
to cry for you by name, so let me craue a roome in
your heart, to pray earnestly for me, who am. Sir,
Your very owne
Tho: Cobbet.

To Dr. Increase Mather.
[Dublin (?) August 13, 1683]
. . . For I am perswaded Comets doe no more
portend than Eclipses, and Eclipses no more than
the constant conjunctions of the sun & moon, that

Just Noihing At All 225
IS, jiwt nothing at all, save onely as they may bee
n*" causes of alteraCon of ayr or wether. . . . And
the same I think of other phenomenas in the ayr, as
also of Earthquakes. Nevertheless I am far from
the profanenes of some, to jest & mock at them. I
think God should be feared before in them, as hee
also ought in all his works of wonder, & unusuall
impestions of his power in the frame of nature, such
as Whirlwinds, hurricanes, lightning, thunder, etc.
But to make any of these things teachers from God
to ourselves, of what is in God's purpose to doe in
the world is not, I think, a sanctifying of him in those
works of his, but rather an abusing and perverting
them, & so a taking of his name (which is upon them)
in vayn, and also a sin against the second command
ment, in devising to ourselves a means of knowledge
& teaching which God never ordeyned to that end.
— Nathaniel Mather.

Of Witchcraft, that dark Blot on the fair Fame of
Massachusetts, of its Fury and Abating, the
Trials and Sentences, and the final Re
pentance of many.

The first trial for witchcraft. [June 4, 1648]
At this court one Margaret Jones of Charlestown
was indicted and found guilty of witchcraft, and
hanged for it. The evidence against her was, i. that
she was found to have such a malignant touch, as
many persons, (men, women, and children,) whom
she stroked or touched with any affection or dis
pleasure, or, etc., were taken with deafness, or vomit
ing, or other violent pains or sickness, 2. she prac
tising physic, and her medicines being such things
as (by her own confession) were harmless, as aniseed,
liquors, etc, yet had extraordinary violent effects,
3. she would use to tell such as would not make use
of her physic, that they would never be healed, and
accordingly their diseases and hurts continued, with
relapse against the ordinary course, and beyond
the apprehension of all physicians and surgeons, 4.
some things which she foretold came to pass accord
ingly; other things she could tell of (as secret
speeches, etc.) which she had no ordinary means to
come to the knowledge of, . . . 6. in the prison, in
the clear daylight, there was seen in her arms, she
sitting on the floor, and her clothes up, etc., a little
child, which ran from her into another room, and the
officer following it, it was vanished. The like child
was seen in two other places, to which she had rela
tion; and one maid that saw it, fell sick upon it, and
was cured by the said Margaret, who used means to
be employed to that end. Her behavior at her trial
was very intemperate, lying notoriously, and railing
229

230 The Heart of the Puritan
upon the jury and witnesses, etc., and in the like
distemper she died. The same day and hour she
was executed, there was a very great tempest at
Connecticut, which blew down many trees, etc.
— John Winthrop.

The strange case of the Goodwin children, whence
arose much confusion and consternation. [Boston, 1688]
. . . Wee have a very strange th[ing] among us,
which we know not what to make of, except it bee
Witchcraft, as we think it must needs bee. 3 or 4
children of one Goodwin, a Mason, that have been
for some weeks grievously tormented, crying out of
head, eies, tongue, teeth; break* theyr neck, back,
thighs, knees, leggs, feet, toes, &c. & then they roar
out. Oh my head. Oh my neck, & from one part to an
other the pain runs almost as fast as I write it. The
pain is (doubtles) very exquisite, & the cries most
dolorous & affecting, & this is noteable, that two or
more of them cry out of the same pain in the same
part, at the same time, & as the pain shifts to an
other place in one, so in the other, & thus it holds
them for an hour together & more; & when the pain
is over they eat, drink, walk, play, laugh, as at other
times. They are generally well a nights. A great
many good Xtians spent a day of prayer there. M'.
Morton came over, & wee each spent an hour in
prayer, since which the parents suspecting an old
woman & her daughter living hard by, complaint
was made to the Justices, & compassion had so far,
that the women were coinitted to prison & are there

Five Andover Witches 231
now. Yesterday I called in at the House, & was in
formed by the parent that since the women were
confined the children have been well while out of the
House, but as soon as any of them come into the
House, then taken as formerly; so that now all
theyr children keep at theyr nelghb" houses. If
any step home they are iinediately aflflicted, & while
they keep out are well. I have been a little larger
in this narrative, because I know you have studied
these things. Wee cannot but think the devill has a
hand in it by some instrum'. It is an example in all
the parts of it, not to be paralleld. ...
— Joshua Moodey.

The testimony of the Reverend Cotton Mather on this
grievous matter. To John Cotton. Boston, Augt. 5, 1692.
Reverend Sir, — Our Good God is working of
Miracles. Five Witches were Lately Executed, im
pudently demanding of God, a Miraculous Vindi-
caCon of their Innoeency. Immediately upon this.
Our God Miraculously sent in Five Andover-Witches,
who made a most ample, surprising, amazing Con
fession, of all their Villainies and declared the Five
newly executed to have been of their Company;
discovering many more; but all agreeing in Bur
roughs being their Ringleader, who, I suppose, this
Day receives his Trial at Salem, whither a Vast Con
course of people is gone; My Father, this morning
among the Rest. Since those, there have come in

232 The Heart of the Puritan
other Confessors; yea, they come in daily. About
this prodigious matter my Soul has been Refreshed
with some Little short of Miraculous Answers of
prayer; which are not to bee written; but they com
fort mee with a prospect of an hopeful Issue. . . .
I Live In Pains, and want your prayers. Bestow
them, dear Sir, on Your C. Mather.
[December, 1692]
Now in the late horrid Witchcraft, the manner of
the Spectres was to tender books unto the afflicted
People; solllciting of them to subscribe unto a League
with the Divel therein exhibited, and so become the
Servants of the Divel forever; which when they re
fused, the Spectres would proceed then to wound
them with Scalding, Burning, Pinching, Pricking,
Twisting, Choaking, and a thousand preternatural
Vexations. Before I made any such Reflection myself, I heard
this Reflection made by others, who were more con
siderate; that this Assault of the evil Angels upon the
Countrey, was intended by Hell, as a particular
Defiance, unto my poor Endeavours, to bring the
Souls of men unto Heaven. [October, 1693]
I had one singular Unhappiness, which befel mee,
in this Journey [to Salem]. I had largely written
three Discourses, which I designed both to preach
at Salem, and hereafter to print. These Notes,
were before the Sabbath, stolen from mee, with such
Circumstances, that I am somewhat satisfied. The
Spectres, or Agents in the invisible World, were the
Robbers. This Disaster, had like to have disturbed

Notes Lost and Found 233
my Designs for the Sabbath; but God helped mee
to remember a great part of what I had written, and
to deliver also many other Things, which else I had
not now made use of. So that the Divel gott
nothing! . . .
As for my missing Notes, the possessed young
Woman, of her own Accord, enquir'd whether I
missed them not?- Shee told mee, the Spectres
bragg'd in her hearing, that they had robb*d mee of
them; shee added. Bee nH concerned; for they confess,
they eanU keep them alwayes from you; you shall have
them all brought you again, ... On the fifth of Oe
toher following, every Leaf of my Notes again came
into my Hands, tho' they were in eighteen separate
Quarters of Sheets. They were found drop't here
and there, about the Streets of Lyn; but how they
came to bee so drop't I can not imagine; and I as
much wonder at the Exactness of their Praeservation.
— Cotton Mather.

The same authority on the vexed and sorely disputed
question of spectral evidence, hy the admission of
which many poor wretches were adjudged guilty
and condemned to death. [May 14, 1692]
The Divels after a most praeternatural Manner, by
the dreadful Judgment of Heaven took a hodily
Possession, of many people, in Salem, and the adja
cent places; and the Houses of the poor People, be
gan to bee filled with the horrid Cries of Persons
tormented by evil Spirits. There seem'd an execrable
Witchcraft, in the Foundation of this wonderful Afflic
tion, and many Persons, of diverse Characters, were

234 ^^^ Heart of the Puritan
accused, apprehended, prosecuted, upon the Visions
of the Afflicted.
For my own part, I was alwayes afraid of proceeding
to convict and condemn any Person, as a Confaderate
with afflicting Daemons, upon so feeble an Evidence,
as a Spectral Representation. Accordingly, I ever
testified against it, both publickly and privately;
and in my Letters to the Judges, I particularly, be
sought them, that they would by no means a.dmitt itt;
and when a considerable Assembly of Ministers gave
in their Advice about that Matter, I not only con
curred with their Advice, but it was I who drew it up.
Nevertheless, on the other side, I saw in most of
the Judges, a most charming Instance of Prudence
and Patience, and I knew their exemplary Pietie,
and the Agony of Soul with which they sought the
Direction of Heaven; above most other People,
whom I generally saw enchanted into a raging, rail
ing, scandalous and unreasonable Disposition, as the
Distress increased upon us.
To Judge John Richards, sitting at Salem.
[May 31, 1692]
. . . And yet I must most humbly beg you that
in the Managem' of the affair in your most worthy
hands, you do not lay more stresse vpon pure Spectre
testimony than it will bear. When you are satls-
fyed or haue good plaine legall Evidence that the
Daemons which molest our poore neighbours, do in
deed represent such & such people to the sufferers,
th6 this be a p'sumption, yet I suppose you will not
reckon it a conviction that the people so rep'sented
are witches to be Ifiiediately exterminated. It is

Hideous Desolations 235
very certaine that the divells haue sometimes rep'
sented the shapes of persons not onely innocent, but
also very vertuous. Thft I believe that the just
God then ordinarily provides a way for the Speedy
vindication of the persons thus abused. Moreover
I do suspect that persons who haue too much in
dulged themselves in Malignant, Envious, malicious
Ebullitions of their soules, may unhappily expose
themselves to the Judgment of being rep'sented by
Divels, of whom they never had any vision, & with
whom they haue much lesse written any Covenant.
I would say this: If upon the bear supposeall of a
poore creatures being rep'sented by a Spectre, too
great a progresse be made by the Authority in ruin
ing a popr nelghbpur sp rep'sented, it may be that a
dopre may be thereby ppenned for the Divels tP
pbteine frpm the Cpurts in the invisible wprld a
license to proceed vnto most hideous desolations
vpon the repute & repose of such as haue yet been
Kept from the great transgression. If mankind
haue thus far once consented vnto the Creditt of
Diabolicall rep'sentations the Door is opened! Per
haps there are wise & good men, that may be ready
to stile him that shall advance this Caution, A Witch
Advocate, but in the winding vp this caution will
certainly be wished for.
. . . There is cause Enough to think that it is a
horrible Witchcraft that hath given rise to the
troubles wherew"" Salem Village is at this day har-
rassed: & the indefatigable paines that are used for
the tracing this Witchcraft are to be thankfully ac
cepted, & applauded among all this people of God.
Albeit the business of this Witchcraft be very
much transacted vpon the Stage of liiiagination, yet

236 The Heart of the Puritan
we Know, that, as in treason there is an iiiiaglning
which is a Capitall Crime. & here also the business
thus managed In Ifnaglnation yet may not be called
Imaginary. The Effects are dreadfully reall. Our
deare neighbours are most really tormented. Really
murdered, & really acquainted with hidden things,
which are afterwards proved plainly to haue been
Realityes. . . .
To determine a matter so much in the Darke as to
Know the guilty Employers of the Divels in this
worke of darknes, this Is a worke, this is a labour.
Now first a credible Confession of the guilty wretches
is one of the most hopefull wayes of coining at them,
& I say a credible confession, because even confes
sion it selfe sometimes Is not credible. ... All the
difficulty is, how to obtaine this Confession. For
this I am farr from vrging the vn-English method of
torture. . . . For my part, I should not be vnwilling,
that an Experiment be made whether accused partyes
can repeate the Lords prayer, or those other Sistems
of Christianity, which it seemes, the Divels often
make the witches vnable to repeate, w"'out ridic
ulous Depravations or Amputations. . . .
— Cotton Mather.
An utter condemnation of ihis gross evil dnd real abomi
nation set forth with many details of the examina
tion and trial of supposed witches. [October 8, 1692]
. . . First, as to the method which the Salem
justices do take in their examinations, it is truly
this: A warrant being issued out to apprehend the
persons that are charged and complained of by the

At Not By 237
afflicted children, as they are called; said persons are
brought before the justices, the afflicted being pres
ent. The justices ask the apprehended why they
afflict these poor children; to which the apprehended
answer, they do not afflict them. The justices order
the apprehended to look upon the said children,
which accordingly they do; and at the time of that
look, (I dare not say by that look, as the Salem
gentlemen do) the afflicted are cast into a fit. The
apprehended are then blinded, and ordered to touch
the afflicted; and at that touch, though not by the
touch, (as above) the afflicted ordinarily do come
out of their fits. The afflicted persons then declare
and affirm, that the apprehended have afflicted them;
upon which the apprehended persons, though of
never so good repute, are forthwith committed to
prison, on suspicion for witchcraft. . . . It is worthily
noted by some, that at some times the afflicted will
not presently come out of their fits upon the touch
of the suspected; and then, forsooth, they are ordered
by the justices to grasp hard, harder yet, &c. inso
much that at length the afflicted come out of their
fits; and the reason is very good, because that a
touch of any hand, and process of time, wlUwork
the cure; infallibly they will do it, as experience
teaches. I cannot but condemn this method of the justices,
of making this touch of the hand a rule to discover
witchcraft; because I am fully persuaded that it is sor
cery, and a superstitious method, and that which we
have no rule for, either from reason or religion. . . .
. . . This Salem philosophy, some men may call
the new philosophy; but I think it rather deserves
the name of Salem superstition and sorcery, and it

238 The Heart of the Puritan
is not fit to be named in a land of such light as New-
England is. . . .
Secondly, with respect to the confessors, as they
are improperly called, or such as confess themselves
to be witches, (the second thing you inquire into in
your letter), there are now about fifty of them in
prison; many of which I have again and again seen
and heard; and I cannot but tell you, that my faith
is strong concerning them, that they are deluded, im
posed upon, and under the influence of some evil
spirit; and therefore unfit to be witnesses either
against themselves, or any one else. I now speak
of one sort of them and of others afterward.
These confessors, as they are called, do very often
contradict themselves, as inconsistently as is usual
for any crazed, distempered person to do. This
the S[alem] G[entlemen] do see and take notice of;
and even the judges themselves have, at some times,
taken these confessors in flat lies, or contradictions,
even in the courts; by reason of which, one would
have thought, that the judges would have frowned
upon the said confessors, discarded them, and not
minded one tittle of any thing that they said; but
instead thereof, as sure as we are men, the judges
vindicate these confessors, and salve their contra
dictions, by proclaiming, that the devil takes away
their memory, and imposes upon their brain. If
this reflects any where, I am very sorry for it: I can
but assure you, that, upon the word of an honest
man, it is truth, and that I can bring you many
credible persons to witness it, whp have been eye
and ear witnesses to these things. . . .
Now for the proof of the said sorcery and witch
craft, the prisoner at the bar pleading not guilty.

Preternatural Excrescences 239
I. The afflicted persons are brought into court;
and after much patience and pains taken with them,
do take their oaths that the prisoner at the bar did
afflict them. . . .
2. The confessors do declare what they know of the
said prisoner; and some of the confessors are allowed
to give their oaths; a thing which I believe was never
heard of in this world; that such as confess them
selves to be witches, to have renounced God and
Christ, and all that is sacred, should yet be allowed
and ordered to swear by the name of the great God!
This indeed seemeth to me to be a gross taking of
God's, name in vain. I know the S[alem] G[entle-
men] do say, that there is hope that the said con
fessors have repented; I shall only say, that if they'
have repented, it is well for themselves; but if they
have not, it is very ill for you know who. . . .
4. They are searched by a jury; and as to some of
them, the jury brought in, that on such or such a
place there was a preternatural excrescence. And I
wonder what person there is, whether man or woman,
of whom it cannot be said but that, in some part of
the body or other, there is a preternatural excres
cence. The term is a very general and inclusive
term. Some of the S[alem] G[entlemen] are very forward
to censure and condemn the poor prisoner at the'
bar, because he sheds no tears : but such betray great
ignorance in the nature of passion, and as great
heedlessness as to common passages of a man's
life. . . .
It is true, that over and above the evidences of the
afflicted persons, there are many evidences brought
in, against the prisoner at the bar; either that he

240 The Heart of the Puritan
was at a witch meeting, or that he performed things
which could not be done by an ordinary natural
power; or that she sold butter to a sailor which
proving bad at sea; and the seaman exclaiming
against her, she appeared, and soon after there was
a storm, or the Hke. . . .
As to the late executions, I shall only tell you, that
In the opinion of many unprejudiced, considerate
and considerable spectators, some of the condemned
went out of the world not only with as great protesta
tions, but also with as good shews of innoeency, as
men could do.
They protested their innoeency as in the presence
of the great God, whom forthwith they were to ap
pear before: they wished, and declared their wish,
that their blood might be the last innocent blood
shed upon that account. With great affection they
intreated Mr. C[otton] M[ather] to pray with them:
they prayed that God would discover what witch
crafts were among us; they forgave their accusers:
they spake without reflection on jury and judges, for
bringing them in guilty, and condemning them. . . .
and seemed to be very sincere, upright, and sensible
of their circumstances on all accounts; . . . but they
are executed, and so I leave them. . . .
I cannot but admire, that any should go with
their distempered friends and relations to the afflicted
children, to know what their distempered friends
ail; whether they are not bewitched; who It is that
afflicts them, and the like. . . . This consulring of
these afflicted children, as abovesaid, seems to me to
be a very gross evil, a real abomination, not fit to be
known in N, E. and yet is a thing practised, not only
by Tom and JoKn — I mean the ruder and more

Nonsensical Girls 241
ignorant sort — but by many who profess high, and
pass among us for some of the better sort. This is
that which aggravates the evil, and makes it heinous
and tremendous. ... ,
The chief judge is very zealous in these proceed
ings, and says, he is very clear as to all that hath as
yet been acted by this court, and, as far as ever I
could perceive, is very impatient in hearing any thing
that looks another way. . . .
But although the chief judge, and some of the
other judges, be very zealous in these proceedings,
yet this you may take for a truth, that there are
several about the Bay, men for understanding,
judgment, and piety, inferior to few, if any, in N. E.
that do utterly condemn the said proceedings, and
do freely deliver their judgment in the case to be
this, viz. that these methods will utterl}^ ruin and
undo poor N. E. . . .
Nineteen persons have now been executed, and
one pressed to death for a mute: seven more are
condemned; two of which were reprieved, because
they pretend their being with child. . . .
Furthermore: These afflicted persons do say, and
often have declared it, that they can see spectres
when their eyes are shut, as well as when they are
open. ... I am sure they lie, at least speak falsely,
if they say so; for the thing, in nature, is an utter
impossibility. It is true, they may strongly fancy,
or have things represented to their imagination,
when their eyes are shut; and I think this is all
which ought to be allowed to these blind, nonsensical
girls; and if our officers and courts have apprehended,
imprisoned, condemned, and executed our guiltless
neighbours, certainly our error is great, and we shall

242 The Heart of the Puritan
rue it in the conclusion. There are two or three
other things that I have observed in and by these
afllicted persons, which make me strongly suspect
that the devil imposes upon their brains, and de
ludes their fancy and imagination; and that the
devil's book (which they say has been offered them)
is a mere fancy of theirs, and no reality: That the
witches' meeting, the devil's baptism, and mock
sacraments, which they oft speak of, are nothing
else but the effect of their fancy, depraved and de
luded by the devil, and not a reality to be minded or
regarded by any wise man. ... I am very apt to
think, that, did you know the circumstances of the
said confessors, you would not be swayed thereby,
any otherwise than to be confirmed, that all is per
fect devilism, and an hellish design to ruin and de
stroy this poor land: For whereas there are df the
said confessors 55 in number, some of them are
known to be distracted, crazed women. . . others
of them denied their guilt, and maintained their
innoeency for above eighteen hours, after most
violent, distracting, and dragooning methods had
been used with them to make them confess. Such
methods they were, that more than one of the said
confessors did since tell many, with tears in their
eyes, that they thought their very lives would have
gone out of their bodies; and wished that they might
have been cast into the lowest dungeon, rather than
be tortured with such repeated buzzings and chuck-
ings and unreasonable urgings as they were treated
withal. They soon recanted their confessions, acknowledg
ing, with sorrow and grief, that it was an hour of
great temptation with them; and I am apt to think,

Stains upon the Land 243
that as for five or six of the said confessors, if they
are not very good Christian women, it will be no easy
matter to find so many good Christian women in
N. E. But, finally, as to about thirty of these
fifty-five confessors, they are possessed (I reckon)
with the devil, and afflicted as the children are, and
therefore not fit to be regarded as to any thing they
say of themselves or others. . . .
What will be the issue of these troubles, God only
knows; I am afraid that ages will not wear off that
reproach and those stains which these things will
leave behind them upon our land. I pray God pity
us, humble us, forgive us, and appear mercifully for
us in this our moment of distress: herewith I con
clude, and subscribe myself
Reverend sir, your real friend and humble servant,
T[homa8] B[rattle].
The official report of ihe Court of Oyer and Terminer,
ai Salem and ihe conclusion of ihe proceedings,
sent by Governour Phips to the Earl of Notting
ham in London.Boston in New England Feb"? 2i*'* 169!.
May it please yof Lords^".
By the Cap? of y" Samuell & Henry I gave an
account that att my arrivall here I found y" Prisons
full of people comitted upon suspition of witchcraft
& that continuall complaints were made to me that
many persons were grievously tormented by witches
& that they cryed out upon severall persons by name,
as y? cause of their torments y* number of these
complaints increasing every day, by advice of y*.

244 ^^' Heart of the Puritan
Lieut. Govr? & y? Councill I gave a Coiiiission of
Oyer and Terminer to try y^ suspected witches & at
that time y? generality of y* People represented y'
matter to me as reall witchcraft & gave very strange
instances of the same. ... At that time I went to
comand the army at y^ Eastern part of the Prov
ince. . . when I returned I found people much dis
satisfied at y' proceedings of y. Court for about
Twenty persons were condemned & executed of
which number some were thought by many persons
to be innocent. The Court still proceeded In y" same
method of trying them which was by yf evidence of
y* afflicted persons who when they were brought into
y* Court as soon as the suspected witches looked upon
them instantly fell to y^ ground in strange agonies &
grievous torments, but when touched by them upon
y' arme or some other part of their flesh they iine
diately revived & came to themselves, upon which
they made oath that y? Prisoner at y" Bar did afflict
them & that they saw their shape or spectre come
from their bodies which put them to such paines &
torments: When I enquired Into y* matter I was
enformed by y' Judges that they begun with this,
but had humane testimony against such as were con
demned & undoubted proof of their being witches,
but at length I found that the Devill did take upon
him y* shape of Innocent persons & some were ac
cused of whose innoeency I was well assured & many
considerable persons of unblameable life & conversa
tion were cried out upon as, witches & wizards. . . .
I put an end to y' Court & stopped y". proceedings
which I did because I saw many innocent persons
might otherwise perish & at that time I thought it
my duty to give an account thereof that their Ma—,

Spectre Evidence 245
pleasure might be signifyed hoping that for the better
ordering thereof y*. Judges learned in the law in
England might give such rules & directions as have
been practized in England for proceedings in so
diflficult & so nice a point; When I put an end to y'
Court there were at least fifty persons in prison in
great misery by reason of the extream cold & their
poverty most of them having only spectre evidence
against them & their mittimusses being defective
I caused some of them to be lett out upon bayle &
put y" Judges upon considering of a way to reliefe
others & prevent them from perishing in prison,
upon which some of them were convinced & ac
knowledged that their former proceedings were too
violent & not grounded upon a right foundation
but that if they might sit againe, they would pro
ceed after another method & whereas M' Increase
Mathew [Mather] & severall other Divines did give
it as their Judgment that y' Devill might afflict
in y" shape of an innocent person & that y" Ippk &
y*. touch of y? suspected persons was not sufficient
proofe against them, these things had not y" same
stress layd upon them as before & upon this consid
eration I permitted a spetiall Superior Court to be
held at Salem in y* County of Essex on y? third day
of January y* Lieut Gov', being Chief Judge their
method of proceeding being altered, all that were
brought to tryall to y' number of fifety two, were
cleared saving three. . . the stop put to y" first
method of proceedings hath dissipated y* black cloud
that threatened this Province with destrucCon; for
whereas ^his delusion of y? Devill did spread & its
dismall effects touched y? lives & estates of many
of their Ma'^* Subjects & y' reputaCon of some

246 The Heart of the Puritan
of y? principall persons here & indeed unhappily
clogged and interrupted their Ma— affaires which
hath been a great vexation to me! I have no new
complaints but peoples -minds before divided and
distracted by differing opinions concerning this
matter are now well composed
I am Yo' Lordships most faithfull
humble Servant William Phips.

The sobering effect of reflection on Dr. Mather and
Judge Sewall and iheir expressions of penitence,
the one private, ihe other public, but both sincere.
[January 15, 1697]
Being afflicted last Night, with discouraging
Thoughts as if unavoidable Marks, of the Divine Dis
pleasure must overtake my Family, for my not ap
pearing with Vigor enough to stop the proceedings
of the Judges, when the Inextricable Storm from the
Invisible World assaulted the Countrey, I did this
morning, in prayer with my Fanaily, putt my Family
into the Merciful Hands of the Lord. And, with
Tears, I received JJ@* Assurance of the Lord, that
Marks of His Indignation should not follow my
Family, but that having the Righteousness of the
Lord Jesus Christ pleading for us. Goodness and
Mercy should follow us, and the signal Salvation of
the Lord. — Cotton Mather.

Blame and Shame 247
[January, 169^]
Copy of the Bill I put up on the Fast day; giving
it to Mr. Willard as he pass'd by, and standing up at
the reading of it, and bowing when finished; in the
Afternoon. Samuel Sewall, sensible of the reiterated strokes of
God upon himself and family; and being sensible,
that as to the Guilt contracted upon the opening of
the late Coiiiission of Oyer and Terminer at Salem
(to which the order for this Day relates) he is, upon
many accounts, more concerned than any that he
knows of. Desires to take the Blame and Shame of it.
Asking pardon of men. And especially desiring
prayers that God, who has an Unlimited Authority,
would pardon that sin and all other his sins; per
sonal and Relative: And according to his infinite
Benignity, and Sovereignty," Not Visit the sin of him
or of any other, upon himself or any of his, nor upon
the Land : But that He would powerfully defend him
against all Temptations to Sin, for the future; and
vouchsafe him the efficacious, saving Conduct of his
Word and Spirit. — Samuel Sewall.

Cor Cordium: of that whence came the Issues of
Life and by which, both now and in the latter
Day, the Puritan must be judged.

The discipline io which in his youth John Winthrop
subjected himself and hy which later he obtained
authority over others.
Feb: 8. [1606] I founde that on Saterday in the
affternoone deferringe readinge & prayer til 3 of the
clocke, for the performinge of a needelesse worke, my
herte was verie muche unsettled.
On Suday beinge the 9 of March: beinge at sermS
at Groton, I let in but a thought of my iornle into
Essex, but strait it delighted me, & beinge not verie
carefull of my heart, I was suddainely, I knowe not
how, so possessd w"* the worlde, as I was led into
one sinne after an other, and could hardely recover
my selfe, till taking myselfe to prayer before I was
too farre gonne, I found mercie.
Dec: 15. [1610]. . . Findinge by muche examina
tion that ordinary shootinge in a gunne, etc: could
not stande w"* a good conscience in my selfe, as first,
for that it is simply prohibited by the lawe of the
land, uppon this grounde amonst others, that it
spolles more of the creatures than it getts: 2 it pro
cures offence unto manye: 3 it wastes great store of
tyme: 4 it toyles a mans bodye overmuche: 5 it
endangers a mans life, etc: 6 it brings no profite all
things considered : 7 it hazards more of a mans estate
by the penaltye of it, then a man would willingly
parte with: 8 it brings a man of worth & godlines
into some contempt: — lastly for mine owne parte I
haue ever binne crossed in usinge it, for when I haue
gone about it not w'''out some woudes of conscience,
251

252 The Heart of the Puritan
I haue taken muche paynes & hazarded my healthe,
I haue gotten sometimes a verye little but most
comonly nothinge at all towards my cost & laboure:
Therefore I haue resolved & covenanted w"* the
Lorde to give over alltoglther shootinge at the
creeke, — & for killlnge of birds, etc: either to leave
that altogither or els to use it, bothe verye seldome
& verye secreatly.
Sep: 8. 1612. ffinding that the variety of meates
drawes me on to eate more than standeth w"* my
healthe, I have resolved not to eate of more then 2
dishes at any one meale, whither fish, flesh, fowle or
fruite or whittmeats etc: whither at home or abroade;
the lorde give me care & abilitie to performe it.
[1616-1617] I see therefore I must keepe a better
watche over my heart, & keepe my thoughts close to
good things, & not suffer a vaine or worldly thought
to enter, etc: least it drawe the heart to delight in it.
And therefore I propose (so farre as God shall give
me grace) to stint myselfe to my tymes In this sort,
except necessarie occasio makes me to alter:
ffirst, for the forenoone to spend it whoUye in the
service of God & duties of my callinge. After dinner
I will allow an houre to my worldly affaires & if need
shall so require somewhat more, otherwise (when it
will stand w"" my health & other conveniences) in
visitinge some neighbour or etc:, & then to my studye
againe. [1616-1617] My disposition is ever fittest upon the
first apprehension of any thinge; if it once hange of
hande, & that I begine once to beat my head about

A Faithful Servant 253
it, & meet w'** any rubbe or discouragement, I can
not for my life proceed to make any dispatche, &c;
as in writinge of lettres, &c, whilest I have some
tymes been over carefull & studious for the forme, I
have cleane lost bothe my matter & invention, & on
the other side when I have gone on w"* more readi-
nesse & lesse curiositie, I have donne farre better in
conclusion bothe for matter & forme.

The character of one long a pilgrim io the heavenly city;
of his entrance into which who shall doubt?
Anno Dom: 1643.
I am to begine this year whith that which was a
mater of great saddnes and mouring unto them all.
Aboute y* 18. of Aprill dyed their Reve** Elder, and
my dear & loving friend, M' William Brewster; a
man that had done and suffered much for y" Lord
Jesus and y' gospells sake, and had bore his parte in
well and woe with this poore persecuted church
above 36. years in England, Holand and in this
wildernes, and done y" Lord & them faithfull service
in his place & calling. . . .
I should say something of his life, if to say a litle
were not worse than to be silent. But I cannot
wholy forbear, though hapily more may be done
hereafter. After he had attained some learning, viz.
y* knowledg of y* Latine tongue, & some insight in
y* Greeke, and spent some small time at Cambridge,
and then being first seasoned with y* seeds of grace
and vertue, he went to y* Courte, and served that
religious and godly gentlman, M' Davison, diverce

254 The Heart of the Puritan
years, when he was Secretary of State; who found
jbim so discreete and faithfull as he trusted him above
all other that were aboute him, and only imployed
him in all matters of greatest trust and secrecie. . .
He attended his m' when he was sente in ambassage
by the Queene into y" Low-Countries, in y^. Earle of
Leicesters time. . . . He afterwards remained with
him till his troubles, that he was put from his place
aboute y* death of y* Queene of Scots; and some good
time after, doeing him manie faithfull offices of servise
in y° time of his troubles. Afterwards he wente and
lived in y* country, in good esteeme amongst his
freinds and y" gentle-men of those parts, espetially
the godly & religious. . . . And in this state he con
tinued many years; doeing y* best good he could,
and walking according to y* light he saw, till y" Lord
revelled further unto him. And in y' end, by y*
tirrany of y* bishops against godly preachers & peo
ple, in silenceing the one & persecuting y* other, he
and many more of those times begane to looke further
into things, and to see into y' unlawfullnes of their
callings, and y' burthen of many anti-christian cor
ruptions, which both he and they endeavored to
cast of. . . . He was y* cheefe of those that were
taken at Boston, and suffered y* greatest loss, and
of y* seven that were kept longst In prison, and
after bound ovcr to y* assises. Affter he came into
Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had
spente y* most of his means, haveing a great charge,
and many children; and. In regard of his former breed
ing & course of life, not so fitt for many imployments
as others were, espetially such as were toylesume
& laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition
with much cheerfullnes and contehtation. Towards

Comfortable Edifications 255
y" later parte of those 12. years spente in Holland,
his outward condition was mended, and he lived well
& plentifully, for he fell into a way (by reason he
had y* Latine tongue) to teach many students, who
had a disire to lerne y" English tongue, to teach them
English; and by his method they quickly attained it
with great facilitie; for he drew rules to lerne it by,
after y" Latine maner; and many gentlemen, both
Danes & Germans, resorted to him, as they had time
from other studies, some of them being great mens
soiies. He also had means to set up printing, (by
y' help of some freinds,) and so had imploymente
inoughg, and by reason of many books which would
not be alowed to be printed in England, they might
have had more then they could doe. But now re-
movelng into this countrie, all these things were laid
aside againe, and a new course of living must be
framed unto; in which he was no way unwilling to
take his parte, and to bear his burthen with y' rest,
living many times without bread, or corne, many
months together, having many times nothing but
fish, and often wanting that also; and drunke nothing
but water for many years togeather, yea, till within
5. or 6. years of his death. And yet he lived (by
y* blessing of God) in health till very old age. And
besides yS he would labour with his hands in y*
feilds as long as he was able; yet when the church
had no other minister, he taught twise every Saboth,
and y' both powerfully and profitably, to y* great
contentment of y* hearers, and their comfortable
edification; yea, many were brought to God by his
mlnlstrle. He did more in this behalfe in a year,
then many that have their hundreds a year doe in
all their lives. For his personal! abilities, he was

256 The Heart of the Puritan
qualified above many; he was wise and discreete and
well spoken, having a grave & deliberate utterance,
of a very cheerfull spirite, very sociable & pleasante
amongst his freinds, of an humble and mpdest mind,
of a peaceable disposition, under vallewing him self
& his owne abilities, and some time over vAlewing
others; inoffencive and inocente in his life & conversa
tion; w*** gained him y* love of those without, as well
as those within; yet he would tell them plalnely of
their faults & evills, both publickly & privatly, but
in such a maner as usually was well taken from him.
He was tender harted, and compassionate of such as
were in miserie, but espetially of such as had been of
good estate and ranke, and were fallen unto want &
poverty, either for goodnes & religions sake, or by
y' Injury & oppression of others; he would say, of all
men these deserve to be pitied most. And none did
more offend & displease him then such as would
hautily and proudly carry & lift up themselves, being
rise from nothing, and haveing litle els in them to
commend them but a few fine cloaths, or a litle
riches more then others. In teaching, he was very
moving & stirring of affections, also very plaine &
distincte in what he taught; by which means he
became y" more profitable to y" hearers. He had a
singular good gift in prayer, both publick & private,
in ripping up y* hart & conscience before God, in y'
humble confession of sinne, and begging y* mercies
of God in Christ for y" pardon of y" same. He
always thought It were better for ministers to pray
oftener, and devide their prears, then to be longe &
tedious in y' same (excepte upon sollemne & spetiall
occatlons, as in days of humiliation & y" like). His
reason was, that y* harte & spirits of all, espetlaly y'

From Death to Life 257
weake, could hardly continue & stand bente (as it
were) so long towards God-, as they ought to doe in
y* duty, without flagging and falling of. . . . But
I must breake of, having only thus touched a few, as
it were, heads of things. — William Bradford.

The many afflictions of a righteous man in all of which
he sees the will of God, [164?]
My Heart has been long lying out from the Lord.
The Lord first sent a Terrible Storm at Sea, to awaken
me; and the Deliverance from it was so sweet, that
I could not but think my Life after thai, should be
only Heavenly, as being pull'd from an apparent
Death to live a New Life. Then, immediately upon
this my Child was taken away from me; my First-
Born, which made me remember, how bitter it was
to cross the Lord's Love. Thirdly, I set my Face
to New-England, where considering the Liberties of
God's House, I resolved and thought it fit to be
wholly for the Lord, in all manner of Holiness, at
Bed, at Board, everywhere. Fourthly, Then the
Lord took my dear Wife from me, and this made me
resolve to delight no more in Creatures, but in the
Lord, and to seek him. Fifthly, The Lord then
threatened Blindness to my Child; and this made
God*8 Will Afflicting sweet to me, but much more
Commanding and Promising: And then I could do
his Will, and leave those things to himself.
— Thomas Shepard,

25 8 The Heart of the Puritan
Roger Williams, an outcast from Massachusetts Bay,
pleads with Governour Endicot for liberty of con
science and faithfully reproves him for hardness
and obduracy. [Providence, August, 1651]
Oh how comes it then that I have heard so often,
and heard so lately, and heard so much, that he that
speakes so tenderly for his owne, hath yet so little
respect, mercie or pitle to the like consciencious per
swasions of other Men? Are all the Thousands of
millions of millions of Consciences, at home and
abroad, fuell onely for a prison, for a whip, for a
stake, for a Gallowes? Are no Consciences to breathe
the Aire, but such as suit and sample his ? ... .
. . . First, I feare you cannot after so much
Light, and so much profession to the contrary (not
onely to my selfe, and so often in private, but) before
so many Witnesses; I say, I feare you cannot say and
act so much, against so many severall Consciences
former and later, but with great Checks, great
Threatnings, great Blowes and Throwes of inward
Conscience. Secondly, If you shall thanke God, that it is not
so with you, but that you doe what Conscience bids
you in God's presence, upon Gods warrant, I must
then be humbly faithfull to tell you, that I feare your
underprizing of holy Light, hath put out the Candle,
and the Eye of Conscience in these particulars, and
that Delusions, strong Delusions, and that from God
(by Sathans subtletie) hath seasd upon your very
Soules beliefe, because you priz'd not lov'd not the
indangered persecuted Son of God in his despised
Truths and Servants. . . .

A Dismal Battle 259
Oh remember it is a dangerous Combat for the
potsheards of the Earth to fight with their dreadfull
Potter: It Is a dismall Battle for poore nz^intd feete to
kick against the Pricks; It is a dreadfull voyce from the
King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, Endicot, Endicot,
why huniesi thou me? why imprisonest thou m^? why
finest, why so bloudily whippest, why wouldest thou
(did not I hould thy bloudie hands) hang and burne
me? Yea, Sir, I beseech you remember that it is a
dangerous thing to put this to the may be, to the
venture or hazzard, to the possibilitie: Is it possible
(may you well say) that since I hunt, I hunt not the
Life of my Saviour, and the bloud of the Lambe of
God: I have fought against many severall sorts of
Consciences, is it beyond all possibilitie and hazard,
that I have not fought against God, that I have not
persecuted Jesus in some of them?
Sir, I must be humbly bold to say, that 'tis im
possible for any Man or Me'n to maintalne their
Christ by their Sword, and to worship a true Christ!
to fight against all Consciences opposite to theirs, and
not to fight against God in some of them. . . .
Sir, I know I have much presumed upon your
many walghty affaires and thoughts, I end with an
humble cry to the Father of mercies, that you may
take Davids Counsell, and silently commune with your
owne heart upon your Bed, reflect upon your owne
spirit, and believe Him that said It to his over zealous
Disciples, You know not what spirit you are of: That,
no sleepe may seize upon your eyes, nor slumber upon
your eyelids, untill your serious thoughts have
seriously, calmely, and unchangeably (through helpe
from Christ Jesus) fixed.
^, First, On a Moderation towards the Spirits and

26o The Heart of the Purita„
Consciences of all manklnde, meerly differing from
or opposing yours with onely Religious and Splrituall
opposition. Secondly, A deepe and cordiall Resolution . (in
these wonderfull searching, disputing, and dissenting
times) to search, to listen, to pray, to fast, and more
fearefully, more tremblingly to enquire what the
holy pleasure, and the holy mysteries of the most
Holy are; in whom I humbly desire to be
Your poore felloiv-Servant, unfainedly,
respective and faithfull, R. Williams.

Deep meditations of diverse pious souls.
I Common-placed. I could Scarce abstain from
Secret Pride; altho* a very base Vanity of mind (with
which every thing of mine Is poison'd!) had laid me
low in the Dust before God, besides my other Sins,
which lay me lower than the very Worms of the Dust.
I gave too much Liberty unto Merry Talk, with
some of my Friends.
I went unto Boston, and there took a Civil Liberty:
But from such entertainments my Heart grew light
and unsavoury. — Jonathan Mitchel.
I spoke two unadvised Words to Day. Tho'
there was no great harm in thera, yet I was rebuked
by my Conscience for them. Let the Lord forgive
them; and for the future, set a watch before the
Door of my Lips.

Exceeding in Tobacco 261
I was too forgetful of God, and exceeding in To
bacco. The Lord pardon that, and all other Sins
and heal this Nature, and humble this Heart.
This Day I have been more chearful than I have
been of a long time. It hath afflicted me since,
fearing it was not suitable. — John Baily.
I Diverted my self (I hope) with a Lawfull Recrea
tion in Hunting with M' Barrett. — ^A moderate Di
version may brighten and be very advantageous by
Refreshing y* mind & so giving it y' greater Life in
y* performance of Duty — but will God always keep
me from wasting my precious Time in too long and
Unnecessary Recreations. — Samuel Dexter.

A portrait of a dismal spectacle — a Boston old maid,
aged twenty-six — as limned by an admirer of her
virtues. [1686]
. . . She was little Transported with this Zeal of
Voluntary Virginity as knowing there's few Practice
it. But tho' an old (or Super-annuated) Maid, in
Boston, is thought such a curse as nothing can exceed
it, and look'd on as a Dismal Spectacle, yet she by
her good Nature, Gravity, and strict Vertue, con
vinces all (so much as the Fleering Beaus) that tis
not her necessity, but her Choice, that keeps her a
Virgin. Mr. Larkin, she's now about Twenty Six
years. . . yet she never disguises her self by the
Gayetys of a Youthful Dress, and talks as little as

262 The Heart of the Puritan
she thinks of Love: She goes to no Balls or Dancing
Match. . . . Modesty appears in her in the highest
elevation and comes unto shamefac*dness: Her
Looks, her Speech, her whole behaviour are so very
chaste, that but once going to kiss her, I thought:
she*d ha' blush'd to death. . . . She avoids ill Com
pany and Idleness; and her Conversation being
generally amongst the Women, (as there's least
Danger from that Sex) I found it no easie matter to
Enjoy her Company: Most of her time but what's
taken up in Religious Worship, is spent in acquiring
those Accomplishments which become her Quality,
as singing. Writing, Needleworks, Learning French,
and the like. And I must tell you, she has so well
learnt the Art of Domestick Government, as to be
able to manage. . . a large House of her own. As to
Plays and Romances (which are thought a fit Study
for Ladies) she tells me she never reads 'em. . . .
I shall next speak of her visits abroad, and they
are all Innocent: I think my self and Mr. King, (who
I told you was a Loving Soul) were an hour perswad-
ing her to take a Ramble with us to Governours
Island, to accept of a small Treat; but on no other
terms cou'd we prevail, but this. That she might
have the Company of Madam Brick, and Mr. Green,
and Mrs. Toy. . . to go along with her. . . .
Neither did she waste much of her time in Dressing
her self. . . . She knew Time was a Dressing-Room
for Eternity, and therefore reserves most of her
Hours for better uses than those of the Comb, the
Toylet, and the Glass. — John Dunton.

So Young, So Sinful 263
The compunctions and confessions of another lady of
conscience. [December 6, 1727]
I often mourn the Loss of that Time I have spent
in reading useless Books, which I am sensible had
been better improv'd in working out my Souls Sal
vation. . . . The Things that once appear'd innocent
Amusements, now appear to be sinful. It amazes
me to think that one so Young as I, scarce Twenty
Years Old, should have heap'd up so much Sin and
Guilt. [1727]
O My Dear, let me beg of you not to spend any
part of your precious Time in reading Romances or
idle Poems, which tend only to raise false Ideas and
impure Images in the Mind, and leave a vile Tincture
upon it. — Jan^ Turrell.

An impartial estimate of several famous divines, par
ticularly of those eminent and, of late, misjudged
preachers and scholars, Doctors Increase and
Cotton Mather. [1768]
... In regard of literature, or acquaintance with
books of all kinds, I give the palm to Doct. Cotton
Mather. No native of this country, as I imagine,
had read so much, or retained more of what he had
read. He was the greatest redeemer of time I ever
knew; and lost as little of it as any one could do in
his situation. There were scarcely any books

264 The Heart of the Puritan
written but he had some how or other got the sight
of them. His own library was the largest by far of
any private one on the continent. He was always
reading and writing, and had the happiest talent for
going rapidly through a book. Had his powers of
judging and reasoning been equal to his other
faculties, I should have ranked him among the first
three. He knew more of the history of this country,
from the beginning to this day, than any man in it;
and could he have conveyed his knowledge with
proportionable judgment, and the omission of a vain
show of much learning, he would have given the
best history of It. He had his oddities, foibles, and
credulities, all which imperfections are too visible
In his writings, and have been greatly detrimental
to his character as well as intentions, to answer the
end of doing good. His father, Doct. Increase
Mather, was more solid and judicious, though less
learned. He was Indeed a man of very considerable
learning for that day, but still he fell much below his
son in this accomplishment. He did not excel in
his capacity of seeing to the bottom of the subject.
He was a grave, serious, solid, judicious, useful
preacher; but not the most rational one. He pos
sessed the reasoning power in a moderate degree
only. Mr. Stoddard of Northampton exceeded him
in this respect, though much his inferiour in point of
learning. I suppose this Mr. Stoddard to have been
a gentleman of very considerable powers, though
not so great as some have imagined. Mr. Edwards,
his grandson, was much the greatest man. . . .
— Charles Chauncey.

Secret Humiliation 265
The concern of the Reverend Increase Mather for his
sick children. [April 10, 1675]
Sam mended (after I had wept e* prayd for his
life) vpo" vsing sallad oyle e a clyster. This day I
Fasted e prayd in my study, begging for ye Lives of
my two sick children Nath. & Sam.
As for Sam: His distemp[er]s were yn** removed
y' L[or]d graciously dealing wth me, as in Isa: 65. 20.
dan. 9. 23. Several arg[umen]ts came into my mind,
w'h caused me to Hope yt God w[ou]ld spare his life;
(& I pleaded ym bef[ore] ye Ld) one was, yt I had
called his Name Samuel ovt of obedience to ye will
of God, who requlreth me to endeavor to keep vp ye
Name & memory of my deceased brother. I thought
ye Lord w[ou]ld in him shew respect in ye Name of
his blessed vncle. Also, In yt I had given him to
God ye first day yt Hee came unto ye world. Also
I had prayed (wth Tears e some Faith) bef[ore] ys
day, for him, yt God would give of yt spirit to ys
child w'h did sometimes rest vpo" his blessed vncle.
His mother, e his Brother Cotton were wth me in my
study after a day of secret Hu'"IlIat[io]n bef[ore] ye
Lord, w[he]n I thus prayed for ye child, all of vs
weeping for him. Now I thought it might be some
discoureg[men]t to Cotton in case Hee sld see yt
his poor sinfull Fathers prayrs, were not heard;
yfi [though] I humbly pleaded yt wth God.
* The abbreviation for et = and.
** y is regularly used for th and the; thus, yn = then,
ys = this.

266 The Heart of the Puritan
The inner life of Doctor Cotton Mather as revealed
in his diary, showing many sides of ihat strange
character. [July 6, 1681]
About the Middle of this Month, I lost abundance
of precious Time, thro' tormenting Pains in my Teeth
and J awes; which kind of Pains have indeed produced
mee many a sad Hour, in my short Pilgrimage.
In the Pains that were now upon mee, I sett my
self, as well as I could for my Pains, to search and try
my Wayes. I considered,
I. Have I not sinned with my Teeth? How? By
sinful, graceless excessive Eating. And by evil
Speeches, for there are Literae dentales used in them?
II. This is an old Malady, from which I have yett
been free, for a considerable while. Lett mee ask
then; Have not I of late given way to some old
Iniquity? [February 9, 1684]
In passing along the Street, I have sett myself to
bless thousands of persons, who never knew that I
did It; with secret Wishes, after this manner sent
unto Heaven for them.
Upon the Sight of Ejaculations
A tall Man. Lord, give that Man, High
Attainments in Christianity:
lett him fear God, abovt
many.
A lame Man. Lord, help that Man, to walk
uprightly,
A Negro. Lord, wash that poor Soul
white in the Blood of thy
Son.

Glorious Joy 267
A Man, who going by mee took Lord, help that Man, to take
no Notice of mee. a due Notice of the Lord
I Jesus Christ, I pray thee.
One whom I know not: (and Lord, lett this Person bee so
saw no other singular Circum- known to, as to bee sav'd
stance about him, to shape by, the Lord,
any Thoughts upon.) [April 19, 1713]
I am often putt upon Mending of my Pen. I
would make this Action, an Occasion of my sending
up to Heaven some Desire of this Importance, Lord,
Mend me, and fitt me for thy Service. [March 12, 1706]
I see all Creatures everywhere full of their De
lights, The Birds are singing; the Fish are sporting;
the Four-footed are glad of what they meet withal;
the very Insects have their Satisfactions. Tis a
marvellous Display of infinite Goodness. The Good
God has made His Creatures capable of Delights; He
accommodates them with continual Delights. Their
Delights are the delicious Entertainments of His
infinite Goodness. His Goodness takes Pleasure, and
is delighted In the Delights of His Creatures.
Well; is there no way for me to resemble and imi
tate, this incomparable Goodness of God! Yes; I see
my Neighbours all accommodated with their various
Delights. All have some, and some have many,
NoW, I may honestly make their Delights my own.
I may rejoice in the Delights, which I see the Good
ness of God bestowing upon them. I may make
their Prosperity, not my Envy, but my Pleasure. I
may be glad, at all the good, that I see done unto
them. Ohl the Glory, oh, the glorious Joy of their

268 The Heart of the Puritan
Goodness! Lord, imprint this thy Image upon
me. [April 3, 1701]
I often find, that when I preach of the Angels, or
on a Subject (such as the Glory of the Lord Jesus
Christ,) very singularly agreeable to the Angels, I
have a more than ordinary Assistence in my public
Ministrations. My Mind, and Voice and Strength,
is evidently under some special Energy from the
invisible World; and a notable Fervency and Majesty
and Powerful pungency setts off my Discourses. [April 13, 1703]
Extraordinary Things were again done for me, that
cannot be related. I will only say, the Angels of
Heaven are at work for me. And I have my own
Angel, who is a better Friend unto me, than any I
have upon Earth.
On Tuesday, 4d. 3m. [1686], I was married [to
Abigail Phillips] and the good Providence of God
caused my Wedding to be attended with many Cir
cumstances of Respect and Honour, above most that
have ever been in these parts of the World. . . .
. . . Going over to Charlstown, and having some
Leisure-Time there, before the Arrival of the Neigh
bouring Ministers, and other persons of Qualitie,
expected, I carried my Bible with mee, into the
garden; where I singled out, the story of the Wedding
in the second Chapter of John, and fetched for my
self, one Observation, and One Supplication, out of
every Verse in that Story: J8@~ In the doing whereof,
I received further Assurances from the Spirit of my
Heavenly Lord, that I was Blessed, and should bee
Blessed by him Forever.

The Black Day 269
[October 3, 1701]
But there was another signal Article of my Praises
to the Lord, on this Day; and this was, the Con
fluence of Blessings, which I enjoy In my dearest
Consort, who bore me Company In some of the
Duties of the Day. Her Piety, the agreeable Charms
of her Person, her obliging Deportment unto me,
her Discretion in ordering my and her Affairs, and
avoiding every thing that might be dishonourable
to either of us, and the lovely Off-Spring that I have
received by her, and her being spared unto me for
now more than Fifteen Years; these are things that
I should thankfully acknowledge before the Lord.
At last, the black Day arrives: Tuesday, the first
of Decembe. [1702] I had never yett seen such a black
Day, in all the Time of my Pilgrimage. The Desire
of my Eyes is this Day to be taken from me. Her
Death is lingring, and painful. All the Forenoon
of this Day, she lies in the Pangs of Death; sensible,
until the last Minute or two before her final Expira
tion. I cannot Remember the Discourses that passed
between us. Only, her devout Soul was full of
Satisfaction, about her going to a State of Blessed
ness with the Lord Jesus Christ, and as far as my
Distress would permitt me, I studied how to confirm
her Satisfaction and Consolation.
This I remember, that a little before she died, I
asked her to tell me faithfully, what Fault she had
seen in my Conversation, that she would advise me
to rectify. She replied (which I wondered at,) that
she knew of none, but that God had made what she
had observed in my Conversation exceeding service-

270 The Heart of the Puritan
able unto her, to bring her much nearer unto Him
self. When I saw to what a Point of Resignation, I
was now called of the Lord, I resolved, with His
Help therin to glorify Him. So, two Hours before
my lovely Consort expired, I kneeled by her Bed-
Side, and I took into my two Hands, a dear Hand,
the dearest in the Worid. With her then in my
Hands, I solemnly and sincerely gave her up unto
the Lord; and in token of my real Resignation,
I gently putt her out of my Hands, and laid away a
most lovely Hand, resolving that I would never
touchit any more!
This was the hardest and perhaps the bravest
Action, that ever I did. She afterwards told me,
that she sign'd and seal'd my Act of Resignation,
And tho' before that, she call'd for me, continually;
she after this never asked for me any more.
She continued until near two a clock, in the After
noon. And the last sensible Word, that she spoke,
was to her weeping Father, Heaven, Heaven will
make amends for all, — Cotton Mather,

The resolutions of Jonathan Edwards, composed in
early youth and most faithfully adhered io, as
attest his later walk and conversation,
RESOLUTIONS
Being sensible that I am unable to do any thing
without God's help, I do humbly entreat him by his
grace, to enable me to keep these Resolutions, so far
as they are agreeable to his wIU^ for Christ's sake.

Pious Resolutions 271
Remember to read over these Resolittions
once a week. . . .
5. Resolved, Never to lose one moment of time, but
to improve it in the most profitable way I possibly
can. . . .
7. Resolved, Never to do any thing, which I should
be afraid to do, if it were the last hour of my life. . . .
10. Resolved, When I feel pain, to think of the
pains of Martyrdom, and of Hell. . . .
18. Resolved, To live so, at all times, as I think is
best in my most devout frames, and when I have the
clearest notions of the things of the Gospel, and an
other world. . . .
38. Resolved, Never to utter any thing that is
sportive or matter of laughter, on a Lord's day. . . .
46. Resolved, Never to allow the least measure of
any fretting or uneasiness at my father or mother.
Resolved, To suffer no effects of it, so much as in the
least alteration of speech, or motion of my eye; and
to be especially careful of it with respect to any of
our family. . . .
51. Resolved, That I will act so, in every respect,
as I think I shall wish I had done, if I should at last
be damned. . . .
58. Resolved, Not only to refrain from an air of
dislike, fretfulness, and anger in conversation, but to
exhibit an air of love, cheerfulness and benignity. . . .
63. On the supposition, that there never was to
be but one individual in the world, at one time, who
was properly a complete christian, in all respects of a
right stamp, having Christianity always shining in its
true lustre, and appearing excellent and lovely,
from whatever part and under whatever character
viewed; Resolved^ To act just as I would do, if I

272 The Heart of the Puritan
strove with all my might to be that one, who should
live in my time. . . .
70. Let there be something of benevolence, in all
that I speak. . . .
Sabbath, Jan. 6. [172J] At night; Much concerned
about the improvement of precious time. Intend
to live in continual mortification, without ceasing,
and even to weary myself thereby, as long as I am
in this world, and never to expect or desire any
worldly ease or pleasure. — Jonathan Edwards,

Reflections on ihe glory and majesty of God.
. . . After this my sense of divine things gradually
increased, and became more and more lively, and
had more of that Inward sweetness. The appear
ance of every thing was altered; there seemed to be,
as it were, a calm, sweet, cast, or appearance of
divine glory, in almost everything. God's excel
lency, his wisdom, his purity and love, seemed to
appear In every thing; in the sun, moon, and stars;
in the clouds and blue sky; In the grass, flowers, trees;
In the water and all nature; which used greatly to
fix my mind. I often used to sit and view the moon
for a long time; and in the day, spent much time
in viewing the clouds and sky, to behold the sweet
glory of God in these things : in the meantime, singing
forth, with a low voice, my contemplations of the
Creator and Redeemer. And scarce any thing,
among all the works of nature, was so sweet to me
as thunder and lightning; formerly nothing had

Exceeding Sweet Delight 273
been so terrible to me. Before, I used to be uncom
monly terrified with thunder, and to be struck with
terror when I saw a thunder-storm rising; but now, on
the contrary, it rejoiced me. I felt God, if I may so
speak, at the first appearance of a thunder-storm,
and used to take the opportunity, at such times, to
fix myself In order to view the clouds, and see the
lightnings play, and hear the majestic and awful
voice of God's thunder, which oftentimes was ex
ceedingly entertaining, leading me to sweet con
templations of my great and glorious God. While
thus engaged, it always seemed natural for me to
sing, or chant forth my meditations; or, to speak my
thoughts in soliloquies with a singing voice.
— Jonathan Edwards.

Sarah Pierrepont, afterwards the beloved wife of Jona
than Edwards, described as maid and matron;
also some of her own words written in joy and like
wise in deepest sorrow, but ever in Christian seren
ity. [1723]
They say there is a young lady* in [New Haven]
who is beloved of that Great Being, who made and
rules the world, and that there are certain seasons
in which this Great Being, in some way or other in
visible, comes to her and fills her mind with exceed
ing sweet delight, and that she hardly cares for any
thing, except to meditate on him — that she expects
after a while to be received up where he is, to be
raised up out of the world and caught up into heaven;
* Sarah Pierrepont was then thirteen years of age.

274 The Heart of the Puritan
being assured that he loves her too well to let her
remain at a distance from him always. There she
is to dwell with him, and to be ravished with his
love and delight forever. Therefore, if you present
all the world before her, with the richest of its
treasures, she disregards it and cares not for it, and
is unmindful of any pain or affliction. She has a
strange sweetness in her mind, and singular purity
in her affections; is most just and conscientious in
all her conduct; and you could not persuade her to
do any thing wrong or sinful, if you would give her
all the worid, lest she should offend this Great Being.
She is of a wonderful sweetness, calmness, and uni
versal benevolence of mind; especially after this
Great God has manifested himself to her mind. She
will sometimes go about from place to place, singing
sweetly; and seems to be always full of joy and
pleasure; and no one knows for what. She loves to
be alone, walking In the fields and groves, and seems
to have some one Invisible always conversing with
her. — Jonathan Edwards.
Northampton, October 19, 1740. Mrs. Edwards
is a woman adorned with a meek and quiet spirit.
She talked feelingly and solidly of the things of
God, and seemed to be such a helpmeet for her hus
band, that she caused me to renew those prayers,
which for some months, I have put up to God, that
He would send me a daughter of Abraham to be my
wife. I find, upon many accounts, it is my duty to
marry. Lord, I desire to have no choice of my own.
— George Whitefield.

Heavenly Elysium 275
. . . That night, which was Thursday night,
Jan. 28, [1742] was the sweetest night I ever had in
my life. I never before, for so long a time together,
enjoyed so much of the light, and rest and sweetness
of heaven in my soul, but without the least agitation
of body during the whole time. The great part of
the night I lay awake, sometimes asleep, and some
times between sleeping and waking. But all night
I continued in a constant, clear and lively sense of
the heavenly sweetness of Christ's excellent and
transcendent love, of his nearness to me, and of my
dearncss to him; with an inexpressibly sweet calm
ness of soul in an entire rest in him. I seemed to
myself to perceive a glow of divine love come down
from the heart of Christ in heaven, into my heart, in
a constant stream, like a stream or pencil of sweet
light. At the same time, my heart and soul all
flowed out in love to Christ; so that there seemed
to be a constant flowing and reflowing of heavenly
and divine love; from Christ's heart to mine, and I
appeared to myself to float or swim, in these bright,
sweet beams of the love of Christ, like the motes
swimming in the beams of the sun; or the streams
of his light which come in at the window. My
soul remained in a kind of heavenly Elysium. So
far as I am capable of making a comparison, I think
that what I felt each minute, during the continuance
of the whole time, was worth more than all the out
ward comfort and pleasure, which I had enjoyed
in my whole life put together. It was a pure de
light, which fed and satisfied the soul. It was
pleasure, without the least sting, or any interrup
tion. It was a sweetness, which my soul was lost in.
It seemed to be all that my feeble frame could sus-

276 The Heart of the Puritan
tain; of that fulness of joy, which is felt by those, who
behold the face of Christ, and share his love in the
heavenly world. ... ,
— Sarah Edwards.
Stockbridge, April 3, 1758.
My very dear Child,
What shall I say! A holy and good God has cov
ered us with a dark cloud. O that we may kiss the
rod, and lay our hands on our mouths! The Lord
has done it. He has made me adore his goodness,
that we had him so long. But my God lives; and he
has my heart. O what a legacy my husband, and
your father, has left us! We are all given to God;
and there I am, and love to be.
Your ever affectionate mother,
Sarah Edwards.

Here endeth
this Endeavour to reveal
the Heart of the Puritan.
Stand not these forth as
Men and Women
of God i

INDEX

Addington, Isaac: to i8i.
Ames, Nathaniel: by loi, 104.
Avery, — (Mrs,): to 62.
Baily, John: by 260.
Belcher, Jonathan, Sr.: by 37,
42, 43, 44, 149, 150-155,
15^159, 210.
Belcher, Jonathan, Jr.: to 37.
Boyle, Robert: to 127.
Bradford, William :6y 4, 5, 121,
142, 17s, 183, 253.
Bradstreet, Simon: by 223.
Brainerd, Dovid: by 114, 135.
Brainerd, — : io 135.
Brattle, Thomas: by 236.
Brewster, William: by 3.
Buckingham, S.: by 116.
Bulkley, Peter: to 147.
Campbell, Cuthbert: to 44.
Canterbury, Archbishop of: to
199,
Chandos, Duke of: to 159,
Chauncey, Charles: by 211-
215, 263.
Checkley, John: by 200, 216.
Cheever, Ezekiel: to 185.
Clap, Ezra: by 114.
Cobbet, Thomas: by 223.
Colden, Cadwallader: to 56,
Colman, Benjamin: by 91.

Colman, Jane: to 91.
see Turrell, Jane.
Cotton, John: by 43, 177.
to 176.
Cotton, John, 2d: to 231.
Cromwell, Oliver; to 43.
Cudworth, James: by 191.
Danckaerts, Jasper: by 22, xo6,
208.
Davenport, John; by 116.
Dexter, SomucI: by 261.
Douglass, William: by 56.
Downinge, Mary; by 35.
Dudley, Mary; by 40.
Dunton, John: by 19, aa, a6l.
Dwight, Nathaniel; to 146.
Edwards, Jonathan: by 91, 113,
132, 270-274.
Edwards, Mary: to gi,
Edwards, Sarah: by 275, 276.
Edwards, Timothy: to 113.
Egmont, Lord: to 43.
Eliot, John: by 123-127.
Endicot, Johr. : by 221.
to 258.
Gallop, Hannah: by 206.
Gibbs, Mary: to 78, 81.
Goelet, Francis: by ao, 28, 108.

279

28o

Index

Hammond, Lawrence: by 47.
Hopkins, Edward: <o 51.
Hubbard, Thomas: to 13a.
Hubbard, — : to 160.
Hull, John: by 147, 150, 155,
160.
Knight, Sarah: by 14, 29, 166.
Levett, R.:Jy 176.
to 177.
Lord, Benjamin: fry 1 11,
Lords of Trade: to 150, 156,
157-
Lovelace, Francis: by 165,
Marshal, Nathaniel : to 200,
Mather, Cotton: by 29, 30, 49,
50, 52-56, 64-71, 86-90, 100,
loi, 108, no, 130, 180, 184,
I93i 19s. 209. 231-236, 246,
266-270. to 116, 194.
Mather, Increase: by 177, 178,
265. to 97, "6,
223, 224.
Mather, Nathanael: by 86.
Mather, Nathaniel: iy 224,
Mayhew, Thomas: by 145.
Mitchel, Jonathan: by 260,
Moodey, Joshua: iy 230.
"Mourt's Relation": 182.
Nottingham, Earl of: to 243.
Park, (Mrs.) Joseph: to 207.
Partridge, Richard: to 42.

Phips, William; by 243.
Popple, Alured: to 153.
Pynchon, William: iy 51.
Randolph, Edward: by 199.
Richards, John: to 234.
Robinson, John: by 3.
Russell, Noahdiah: by 103.
Saltonstall, Gurdon: to no,
193.
Sands, Edwin: to 3.
Sewall, Samuel: by 30, 32, 38,
72-82, 85, 86, 97, 100, 103,
130, 146, ISS, 161, 179, 180,
181, 184, 185, 186, 191, 192,
193, 210, 247.
Shepard, Thomas: by 257.
Shepard, Thomas, 2d: by 102.
Stoddard, John: by 129.
Storke, Samuel, to 30.
Stoughton, — : to 147.
Sugar, Christopher: by 207,
Symonds, S.: by 27.
Taylor, Edward: by 102, 103.
Turrell, Jane: by 263.
see Colman, Jane.
Vaudreuil, Marquis de: to 129.
Vines, Richard: by 198.
Walpole, Robert: to 149.
Webb, Joseph: by 194.
Welsteed, William: by 32.
Wigglesworth, Michael: by 62.
Whitefield, George: by 24, 107,
215, 274.

Index

281

Williams, John: by ia9.
Williams, Jonathan: to i6l.
Williams, Nathaniel: to 185.
Williams, Roger: by lai, 2$%.
Winslow, Anna Green: by 39,
93, 94. 186, 197.
Winslow, Edward: iy 183.
Winslow, — : to ia4, 126,
Winthrop, Adam: by 146.
Winthrop, John, Sr.: by 8, 9,
34, 50, 61, 6a, 95, 98, loi,
144, 14s, ISO, aos, 2c6, aaa,
a29, 251, asa. to 7, 61,
198, 2ai.

Winthrop, John, Jr.; by 7, 11,
13- to 165,
ao6.
Winthrop, John (of Ipswich):
to 27.
Winthrop, Margaret: by 61,
to 8, 9,
40, 61, 62.
Winthrop, Wait: by 36, 49, 128,
170, 171.
Wynter, John: by 41.

Yale, Elihu: to 108.

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