YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

A DESCRIPTION

OF

New England

OR, THE OBSERVATIONS AND
DISCOVERIES OF -

Captain John Smith,
(admiral of that country),

IN THE NORTH OF AMERICA, IN THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1614,
WITH THE SUCCESS OF SIX SHIPS THAT WENT THE
NEXT YEAR, 1615, AND THE ACCIDENTS THAT
BEFELL HIM AMONG THE FRENCH
MEN-OF-WAR;
WITH THE PROOF OF THE PRESENT BENEFIT THIS COUNTRY
AFFORDS, WHITHER THIS PRESENT YEAR, 1616,
EIGHT VOLUNTARY SHIPS ARE GONE
TO MAKE FURTHER TRIAL.

At LONDON :

Printed by HUMFREY LOWNES for ROBERT CLERKE,
and are to be sold at his house, called the Lodge,
in Chancery lane, over against
Lincolnes Inn.
1616.

NO 13 MAY 1898
COLONIAL TRACTS
Published by GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER N Y

The Genesee Press :
The Post Express Printing Com pan v
Rochester, N. Y.

TO THE HIGH, HOPEFUL CHARLES, PRINCE OF GREAT BRITAIN.
Sir:
SO favorable was your most renowned and memorable brother,
Prince Henry, to all generous designs, that in my dis
covery of Virginia I presumed to call two nameless headlands,
after my sovereign's heirs, Cape Henry and Cape Charles.
Since then, it being my chance to range some other parts of
America, whereof I here present your highness the description
in a map, my humble sure is you would please to change their
barbarous names for such English, as posterity may say
Prince Charles was their godfather. What here in this relation
I promise my country, let me live or die the slave of scorn and
infamy if, having means, I make it not apparent ; please God
to bless me but from such accidents as are beyond my power
and reason to prevent. For my labors I desire but such con
ditions as were promised me out of the gains, and that your
highness would deign to grace this work by your princely and
favorable respect unto it, and know me to be
Your highness' true and faithful servant,
John Smith.

IV.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE AND WORTHY LORDS, KNIGHTS,
AND GENTLEMEN OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL FOR ALL
PLANTATIONS AND DISCOVERIES, ESPECIALLY OF NEW
ENGLAND.
C EEING the deeds of the most just and the writings of the
'*-' most wise, not only of men but of God himself, have
been diversely traduced by variable judgments of the times'
opinionists, what shall such an ignorant as I expect ? Yet,
reposing myself on your favors, I present this rude discourse
to the world's construction, though 1 am persuaded that few do
think there may be had from New England staple commodities
well worth three or four hundred thousand pounds a year, with
so small charge and such facility as this discourse will acquaint
you. But, lest your honors, that know me not, should think
I go by hearsay or affections, 1 entreat your pardons to say
thus much of myself: Near twice nine years I have been
taught by lamentable experience, as well in Europe and Asia
as Africa and America, such honest adventures as the chance
of war doth cast upon poor soldiers. So that, if I be not able
to judge of what 1 have seen, contrived, and done, it is not the
fault either of my eyes or forequarters. And these nine years
I have bent my endeavors to find a sure foundation to begin
these ensuing projects, which, though I never so plainly and
seriously propound, yet it resteth in God and you still to
dispose of. Not doubting but your goodness will pardon my
rudeness and ponder errors in the balance of good will ; no
more : but sacrificing all my best abilities to the good of my
prince and country, and submitting myself to the exquisite
judgment of your renowned virtue, I ever rest,
Your honors' in all honest service, J. S.

V.

TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL ADVENTURERS FOR THE COUNTRY
OF NEW ENGLAND IN THE CITIES OF LONDON, BRISTOW,
EXETER, PLYMOUTH, DARTMOUTH, BASTABLE, TOTNEYS,
ETC., AND IN ALL OTHER CITIES AND PORTS IN THE
KINGDOM OF ENGLAND.
IF the little ant and the silly bee seek by their diligence the
good of their commonwealth, much more ought man.
If they punish the drones and sting them steal their labor,
then blame not man. Little honey hath that hive where there
are more drones than bees, and miserable is that land where
more are idle than well employed. If the endeavors of those
vermin be acceptable, I hope mine may be excusable, though
1 confess it were more proper for me to be doing what 1 say
than writing what 1 know. Had 1 returned rich I could not
have erred ; now, having only such fish as came to my net, I
must be taxed. But I would my taxers were as ready to
adventure their purses, as I purse, life, and all I have, or as
diligent to furnish the charge as I know they are vigilent to
crop the fruits of my labors. Then would 1 not doubt, did God
please I might safely arrive in New England and safely return,
but to perform somewhat more than I have promised, and
approve my words by deeds according to proportion.
I am not the first hath been betrayed by pirates, and four
men-of-war, provided as they were, had been sufficient to have
taken Sampson, Hercules, and Alexander the Great, no other
way furnished than I was. I know not what assurance any
have do pass the seas not to be subject to casualty as well as
myself, but lest this disaster may hinder my proceedings, or
ill-will by rumor the behoveful work I pretend, I have writ
this little, which 1 did think to have concealed from any
public use till 1 had made my returns speak as much as my
pen now doth.
But because I speak so much of fishing, if any take me for
such a devout fisher, as 1 dream of naught else, they mistake

me. I know a ring of gold from a grain of barley as well as a
goldsmith, and nothing is there to be had which fishing doth
hinder but further us to obtain. Now, for that I have made
known unto you a fit place for plantation, limited within the
bounds of your patent and commission, having also received
means, power, and authority by your directions to plant there
a colony and make further search and discovery in those parts,
there yet unknown, considering, withal, first those of his
majesty's council, then those cities above named and divers
others that have been moved to lend their assistance to so
great a work, do expect (especially the adventurers) the true
relation or event of my proceedings which I hear are so abused.
I am enforced for all these respects rather to expose my imbe
cility to contempt by the testimony of these rude lines, than
all should condemn me for so bad a factor as could neither
give reason nor account of my actions and designs.
Yours to command,
John Smith.

IN THE DESERVED HONOR OF THE AUTHOR, CAPTAIN SMITH,
AND HIS WORK.
Damn'd Envy is a sprite that ever haunts
Beasts, misnamed men, cowards, or ignorants.
But, only such she follows whose dear worth
Mauger her malice, sets their glory forth.
If this fair overture, then, take not, it
Is Envy's spite, dear friend, in men of wit,
Or fear lest morsels, which our mouths possess,
Might fall from thence ; or else, 'tis Scottishness.
If either (I hope neither) thee they raise,
Thy* letters are as letters in thy praise,
Who, by their vice, improve (when they reprove)
Thy virtue, so, in hate, procure thee love.
Then, on firm worth, this monument I frame,
Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame.

*Hinderers.

JO. DAVIES, Heref.

TO HIS WORTHY CAPTAIN, THE AUTHOR.
That which we call the subject of all story
Is Truth, which in this work of thine gives glory
To all that thou hast done. Then, scorn the spite
Of Envy, which doth no man's merits right.
iVly sword may help the rest, my pen no more
Can do but this ; I 've said enough before.
Your sometime soldier,
J. CODRINTON, Now Templar.

Till.

TO MY WORTHY FRIEND AND COUSIN, CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH.
It overjoys my heart, when as thy words
Of these designs, with deeds I do compare.
Here is a book, such worthy truth affords,
None should the due desert thereof impair ;
Sith thou, the man, deserving of these ages,
Much pain hast ta'en for this our kingdom's good,
In climes unknown, 'mongst Turks and savages,
To enlarge our bounds, though with thy loss of blood.
Hence, damn'd Detraction, stand not 'n our way,
Envy itself will not the truth gainsay. N. SMITH.

TO THAT WORTHY AND GENEROUS GENTLEMAN, MY VERY
GOOD FRIEND, CAPTAIN SMITH.
May Fate thy prospect prosper, that thy name
May be eternized with living fame ;
Though foul detraction honor would pervert,
And Envy ever waits upon desert ;
In spite of Pelias, when his hate lies cold,
Return as Jason with a fleece of gold.
Then after ages shall record thy praise,
That a New England to this isle didst raise ;
And when thou diest (as all that live must die),
Thy fame live here ; thou, with eternity. R. GUNNELL.

TO HIS FRIEND, CAPT. SMITH, UPON HIS DESCRIPTION OF
NEW ENGLAND. Sir, your relations I have read, which show
There 's reason I should honor them and you ;
And if their meaning I have understood,
I dare to censure thus : your project's good,
And may, if followed, doubtless quit the pain
With honor, pleasure, and a triple gain,
Beside the benefit that shall arise
To make more happy our posterities.
For would we deign to spare, though 't were no more
Than what o'erfills and surfeits us in store,
To order Nature's fruitfulness a while
In that rude garden, you New England style ;
With present good there 's hope in after days,
Thence to repair what time and pride decays
In this rich kingdom. And the spacious West
Being still more with English blood possessed,
The proud Iberians shall not rule those seas,
To check our ships from sailing where they please ;
Nor future times make any foreign power
Become so great to force a bound to our.
Much good my mind foretells would follow hence
With little labor and with less expense.
Thrive, therefore, thy design, whoe'er envy,
England may joy in England's colony,
Virginia seek her virgin sister's good,
Be blessed in such happy neighborhood ;
Or, whatsoe'r Fate pleaseth to permit,
Be thou still honored for first moving it.
George Wither,
e societate Lincols.

IN THE DESERVED HONOR OF MY HONEST AND WORTHY
CAPTAIN, JOHN SMITH, AND HIS WORK.
Captain and friend, when I peruse thy book,
With judgment's eyes, into thy heart I look,
And there I find, what sometimes Albion knew,
A soldier, to his country's honor true.
Some fight for wealth, and some for empty praise,
But thou alone thy country's fame to raise.
With due discretion and undaunted heart,
I oft so well have seen thee act thy part,
In deepest plunge of hard extremity,
As forced the troops of proudest foes to fly.
Though men of greater rank and less desert
Would pish away thy praise, it cannot start
From the true owner, for all good men's tongues
Shall keep the same ; to them that part belongs.
If, then, wit, courage, and success should get
Thee fame, the muse for that is in thy debt,
A part whereof, least able though I be,
Thus here I do disburse to honor thee.
RAWLY CROSHAW.

XI.

• MICHAEL PHETTIPLACE, WILLIAM PHETTIPLACE, AND RICHARD
WIFFING, GENTLEMEN, AND SOLDIERS UNDER CAPTAIN
SMITH'S COMMAND, IN HIS DESERVED HONOR FOR HIS
WORK AND WORTH.
Why may not we in this work have our mite,
That had our share in each black day and night,
When thou Virginia's soil yet kept'st unstained,
And held'st the king of Paspeheh enchained ;
Thou all alone in savage stern didst take.
Pamunkes' king we saw thee captive make
Among seven hundred of his stoutest men,
To murder thee and us resolved ; when
Fast by the hand thou ledst this savage grim,
Thy pistol at his breast to govern him ;
Which did infuse such awe in all the rest,
Sith their dread sovereign thou hadst so distressed,
That thou and we, poor sixteen, safe retired
Unto our helpless ships. Thou, thus admired,
Didst make proud Powhatan his subjects send
To James, his town, thy censure to attend ;
And all Virginia's lords and petty kings,
Awed by thy virtue, crouch, and presents bring
To gain thy grace, so dreaded thou hast been ;
And yet a heart more mild is seldom seen,
So, making valor virtue, really,
Who hast naught in thee counterfeit or sly,
If, in the sleight, be not the truest art
That makes men famoused for fair desert.
Who saith of thee this savors of vainglory,
Mistake both thee and us and this true story.
If it be ill in thee so well to do,
Then is it ill in us to praise thee too ?
But if the first be well done, it is well
To say it doth, if so it doth, excel.
Praise is the guerdon of each dear desert,
Making the praised act the praised part
With more alacrity. Honor's square is praise,
Without which it, regardless, soon decays ;
And for this pains of thine we praise thee rather
That future times may know who was the father
Of this rare work, New England, which may bring
Praise to thy God and profit to thy king.

DECAUSE the book was printed ere the prince, his highness,
"-* had altered the names, 1 entreat the reader peruse this
schedule, which will plainly show him the correspondence of
the old names to the new.

THE OLD NAMES.
Cape Cod,
Chawum,Accomac,Sagoquas, Massachusetts Mount,
Massachusetts River,
Totant,A country not discovered,
Naemkeck,
Cape Trabigzanda,
Aggawom,
Smith's Isles,
Passataquack, Accominticus,
Sassanowes Mount,
Sowocatuck, Bahana,
Aucociscos Mount,
Aucocisco, Aumoughcawgen,
Kinebeck,
Sagadahock, Pemmaquid.
Monahigan,
Segocket, Matinnack,Metinnicus, Mecadacut, Penobscot,
Nusket,

Cape James.
Milford Haven.
Barwick.Plimouth.
Oxford. Cheuit Hill.
Charles River.
Fawmouth.Bristow.Bastable. Cape Anne.
Southampton.Smith's Isles.
Hull.Boston.Snodon Hill.
Ipswitch. Dartmouth.
Sandwich.
Shooters Hill.
The Base.
Cambridge. Edenborough. Leeth.
S. Johnstowne.
Barties Isles.
Norwich.
Willowby's Isles.
Hoghton's Isles.
Dunbarton.
Abordeen. Lowmonds.

voL.. COLONIAL TRACTS

No i

A DESCRIPTION OF NEW ENGLAND,
BY CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH.
IN the month of April, 1614, with two ships from London of
a few merchants, 1 chanced to arrive in New England, a
part of America, at the Isle of Monahiggan, in 43^ ^ ^
of northerly latitude; our plot was there to take voyaJfto
whales and make trials of a mine of gold and copper.
If those failed, fish and furs were then our refuge, to make our
selves savers howsoever. We found this whale - fishing a
costly conclusion ; we saw many, and spent much time in
chasing them, but could not kill any, they being a kind of
jubartes, and not the whale that yields fins and oil, as we
expected. For our gold, it was rather the master's device to
get a voyage that projected it, than any knowledge he had at
all of any such matter. Fish and furs were now our guard, and
by our late arrival and long lingering about the whale, the
prime of both those seasons was passed ere we perceived it, we
thinking that their seasons served at all times ; but we found
it otherwise, for by the midst of June the fishing failed. Yet
in July and August some were taken, but not sufficient to
defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we
made about forty thousand, of cor-fish about seven thousand.
Whilst the sailors fished, myself, with eight or nine others
of them might best be spared, ranging the coast in a small
boat, we got, for trifles, near eleven hundred bear skins, one
hundred martins', and near as many otters', and the most of
them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged the
coast both east and west much farther, but eastward our com
modities were not esteemed, they were so near the French,
who afford them better ; and right against us in the main was
a ship of Sir Frances Popphames, that had there such acquaint
ance, having many years used only that port, that the most

part there was had by him ; and forty leagues westward were
two French ships, that had made there a great voyage by trade
during the time we tried those conclusions, not knowing the
coast nor savages' habitations.
With these furs, the train and cor- fish, I returned for
England in the bark, where, within six months after our
departure from the Downes, we safe arrived back. The best
of this fish was sold for five pound the hundred, the rest by
ill-usage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings. The other
ship stayed to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which was
sold, by the sailors' report who returned, at forty ryalls the
quintal, each hundred weighing two quintals and a half.
New England is that part of America in the ocean sea
opposite to Nova Albion in the South sea, discovered by the
most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his voyage
situation of about the world, in regard whereto this is styled
New England. fcT „ , , ... , ... j m
New England, being in the same latitude. New
France, off it, is northward ; southward is Virginia and all the
adjoining continent, with New Granada, New Spain, New
Andolosia, and the West Indies. Now, because I have been so
oft asked such strange questions of the goodness and greatness
of those spacious tracts of land, how they can be thus long
unknown, or not possessed by the Spaniard, and many such
like demands, I entreat your pardons if I chance to be too plain
or tedious in relating my knowledge for plain men's satisfaction.
Florida is the next adjoining to the Indies, which unprosper-
ously was attempted to be planted by the French — a country
far bigger than England, Scotland, France, and
Florida0' Ireland, yet little known to any Christian, but by
the wonderful endeavors of Ferdinando de Soto, a
valiant Spaniard, whose writings in this age are the. best guide
known to search those parts.
Virginia is no isle, as many do imagine, but part of the
continent adjoining to Florida, whose bounds may be stretched
to the magnitude thereof without offense to any
vi°rteiSniaf Christian inhabitant. For, from the degrees of 30
to 45, his majesty hath granted his letters patent,
the coast extending southwest and northeast about fifteen
hundred miles, but to follow it aboard the shore may well be
two thousand at the least, of which twenty miles is the most

gives entrance into the Bay of Chesapeake, where is the London
plantation, within which is a country (as you may perceive by
the description in a book and map printed in my name of that
little I there discovered), may well suffice three hundred
thousand people to inhabit. And southward adjoineth that
part discovered at the charge of Sir Walter Rawleigh, by Sir
Ralph Lane and that learned mathematician, Mr. Thomas
Heryot. Northward six or seven degrees is the river Sagada-
hock, where was planted the western colony by that honorable
patron of virtue, Sir John Poppham, lord chief justice of
England. There is also a relation printed by Captain Barthol
omew Gosnould of Elizabeth's Isles, and another by Captain
Waymoth of Pemmaquid. From all these diligent observers
posterity may be bettered by the fruits of their labors. But
for divers others that long before and since have ranged those
parts, within a kenning sometimes of the shore, some touching
in one place, some in another, I must entreat them pardon me
for omitting them, or if I offend in saying that their true
descriptions are concealed, or never well observed, or died with
the authors, so that the coast is yet still but even as a coast
unknown and undiscovered. I have had six or seven several
plots of those northern parts, so unlike each to other, and most
so differing from any true proportion or resemblance of the
country, as they did me no more good than so much waste
paper, though they cost me more. It may be it was not my
chance to see the best, but, lest others may be deceived as I
was, or through dangerous ignorance hazard themselves as
I did, I have drawn a map from point to point, isle to isle, and
harbor to harbor, with the soundings, sands, rocks, and land
marks as I passed close aboard the shore in a little boat;
although there be many things to be observed which the haste
of other affairs did cause me omit, for, being sent more to get
present commodities than knowledge by discoveries for any
future good, I had not power to search as I would ; yet it will
serve to direct any shall go that way to safe harbors and the
savages' habitations, what merchandise and commodities for
their labor they may find, this following discourse shall plainly
demonstrate. Thus, you may see, of this two thousand miles more than
half is yet unknown to any purpose, no, not so much as the

borders of the sea are yet certainly discovered. As for the
goodness and true substances of the land, we are for most part
yet altogether ignorant of them, unless it be those parts about
the Bay of Chesapeake and Sagadahock, but only here and
there we touched or have seen a little the edges of those large
dominions which do stretch themselves into the main, God doth
know how many thousand miles, whereof we can yet no more
judge than a stranger that saileth betwixt England and France
can describe the harbors and dangers by landing here or there
in some river or bay, tell thereby the goodness and substances
of Spain, Italy, Germany, Bohemia, Hungaria, and the rest.
By this you may perceive how much they err that think every
one which hath been at Virginia understandeth or knows what
Virginia is, or that the Spaniards know one-half quarter of
those territories they possess. No, not so much as the true
circumference of Terra Incognita, whose large dominions may
equalize the greatness and goodness of America for anything
yet known.
It is strange with what small power he hath reigned in the
East Indies, and few will understand the truth of his strength
in America, where, he having so much to keep with such a
pampered force, they need not greatly fear his fury in the
Bermudas, Virginia, New France, or New England, beyond
whose bounds America doth stretch many thousand miles,
into the frozen parts whereof one Master Hudson, an English
mariner, did make the greatest discovery of any Christian I
know of, where he unfortunately died. For Africa, had not
the industrious Portuguese ranged her unknown parts, who
would have sought for wealth among those fryed regions of
black brutish negroes, where, notwithstanding all the wealth
and admirable adventures and endeavors more than 140 years,
they know not one-third of those black habitations. But it is
not a work for every one to manage such an affair as makes a
discovery and plants a colony; it requires all the best parts of
art, judgment, courage, honesty, constantsy, diligence, and
industry to do but near well. Some are more proper for one
thing than another, and therein are to be employed ; and
nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and mis
employing men in their undertakings. Columbus, Cortez,
Pitzara, Soto, Magellanes, and the rest served more than a

prenticeship to learn how to begin their most memorable
attempts in the West Indies, which, to the wonder of all ages,
successfully they effected, when many hundreds of others far
above them in the world's opinion, being instructed but by
relation, came to shame and confusion in actions of small
moment, who doubtless in other matters were wise, discreet,
generous, and courageous. I say not this to detract anything
from their incomparable merits, but to answer those question
less questions that keep us back from imitating the worthiness
of their brave spirits that advanced themselves from poor
soldiers to great captains, their posterity to great lords, their
king to be one of the greatest potentates on earth, and the
fruits of their labors, his greatest glory, power, and renown.
That part we call New England is betwixt the degrees of
41 and 45, but that part this discourse speaketh of stretcheth
from Penobscot to Cape Cod, some seventy-five
leagues by a right line distant each from other, description of
. ,.,,,,, ^ . l r , New England.
within which bounds I have seen at least forty
several habitations upon the sea coast, and sounded about
twenty-five excellent good harbors, in many whereof there is
anchorage for five hundred sail, of ships of any burthen, in
some of them for five thousand ; and more than two hundred
isles overgrown with good timber of divers sorts of wood,
which do make so many harbors as requireth a longer time
than I had to be well discovered.
The principal habitation northward we were at was
Penobscot, southward along the coast and up the rivers we
found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nuscon-
cus, Kenebeck, Sagadahock, and Aumoughcawgen ; countries" ar
and to those countries belong the people of Segotago, govt""' ""
Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus,
Nassaque, Masherosqueck,Wawrigweck, Moshoquen,Wakcogo,
Pasharanack, etc. To these are allied the countries of Auco-
cisco, Accominticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, and Naemkeck.
All these I could perceive differ little in language, fashion, or
government, though most be lords of themselves, yet they
hold the Bashabes of Penobscot the chief and greatest
amongst them.
The next I can remember by name are Mattahunts, two
pleasant isles of groves, gardens, and corn fields, a league in

the sea from the main ; then Totant, Massachuset, Poca-
pawmet, Quonahassit, Sagoquas, Nahapassumkeck, Topeent,
Seccasaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacak, Accomack, Chawum ; then
Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet and the Isle Nawset of the
language, and alliance of them of Chawum ; the others are
called Massachusetts, of another language, humor, and con
dition. For their trade and merchandise, to each of their
habitations they have divers towns and people belonging, and,
by their relations and descriptions, more than twenty several
habitations and rivers that stretch themselves far up into the
country, even to the borders of divers great lakes, where they
kill and take most of their bears and otters. From Penobscot
to Sagadahock this coast is all mountainous and isles of huge
rocks, but overgrown with all sorts of excellent good woods for
building houses, boats, barks, or ships, with an incredible
abundance of most sorts of fish, much fowl, and sundry sorts
of good fruits for man's use.
Betwixt Sagadahock and Sowocatuck there are but two or
three sandy bays, but betwixt that and Cape Cod very many ;
especially the coast of the Massachusets is so indif-
mixtureofan ferently mixed with high clayey or sandy cliffs in
one place, and then tracts of large, long ledges of
divers sorts, and quarries of stone in other places so strangely
divided with tinctured veins of divers colors, as freestone for
building, slate for tiling, smooth stone to make furnaces and
forges for glass or iron, and iron ore sufficient conveniently to
melt in them; but the most part so resembleth the coast of
Devenshire, I think most of the cliffs would make such lime
stone. If they be not of these qualities, they are so like they
may deceive a better judgment than mine, all which are so
near adjoining to those other advantages I observed in these
parts, that if the ore prove as good iron and steel in those parts
as I know it is within the bounds of the country, I dare engage
my head (having but men skillful to work the simples there
growing) to have all things belonging to the building the rigging
of ships of any proportion, and good merchandise for the
fraught, within a square of ten or fourteen leagues, and were
it for a good reward, I would not fear to procure it in a
less limitation.
And surely by reason of those sandy cliffs and cliffs of rocks,

hoth which we saw so planted with gardens and cornfields, and
so well inhabited with a goodly, strong, and well
° J A proof of an
proportioned people, besides the greatness of the excellent
timber growing on them, the greatness of the fish
and moderate temper of the air (for of twenty-five not any
were sick, but two that were mr^iy years diseased before they
went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidental
diet), who can but approve this a most excellent health0' °f
place, both for health and fertility ? And of all the
four parts of the world that I have yet seen not inhabited,
could I have but means to transport a colony, I would rather
live here than anywhere, and if it did not maintain itself, were
we but once indifferently well fitted, let us starve.
The main staple, from hence to be extracted for the present
to produce the rest, is fish, which, however it may seem a
mean and a base commodity, yet who will but truly
take the pains and consider the sequel I think will commodities
allow it well worth the labor. It is strange to see pre" ''""
what great adventures the hopes of setting forth men-of-war
to rob the industrious innocent would procure, or such massy
promises in gross; though more are choked than well fed with such
hasty hopes. But who doth not know that the poor
Hollanders, chiefly by fishing at a great charge and Hollanders'
labor in all weathers in the open sea, are made
a people so hardy and industrious ? And by the vending this
poor commodity to the Easterlings for as mean, which is wood,
flax, pitch, tar, rosin, cordage, and such like, which they
exchange again to the French, Spaniards, Portuguese, and
English, etc., for what they want, are made so mighty, strong,
and rich as no state but Venice, of twice their magnitude, is so
well furnished with so many fair cities, goodly towns, strong
fortresses, and that abundance of shipping and all sorts of
merchandise, as well as gold, silver, pearls, diamonds, precious
stones, silks, velvets, and cloth of gold, as fish, pitch, wood,
or such gross commodities. What voyages and discoveries,
east and west, north and south, yea, about the world, make
they ? What an army by sea and land have they long main
tained in spite of one of the greatest princes of the world ?
And never could the Spaniard, with all his mines of gold and
silver, pay his debts, his friends, and army half as truly as the

8
Hollanders still have done by this contemptible trade of fish.
Divers, I know, may allege many other assistances, but this is
their mine, and the sea the source of those silvered streams
of all their virtue, which hath made them now the very miracle
of industry, the pattern of perfection for these affairs, and
the benefit of fishing is that primum mobile that turns alt
their spheres to this height of plenty, strength, honor, and
admiration. Herring, cod, and ling is that triplicity that makes their
wealth and shippings multiplicities, such as it is, and from
which (few would think it) they yearly draw at least one
million and a half of pounds sterling ; yet it is most
fifteen certain, if records be true, and in this faculty they
hundred ... ? • ,
thousand are so naturalized, and of their vents so certainly
acquainted, as there is no liklihood they will ever
be paralleled, having two or three thousand buffs, flat bottoms,
sword pinks, todes, and such like, that breeds them sailors,
mariners, soldiers, and merchants, never to be wrought out of
that trade and fit for any other. I will not deny but others
may gain as well as they, that will use it, though not so
certainly, nor so much in quantity, for want of experience.
And this herring they take upon the coast of Scotland and
England, their cod and ling upon the coast of Iceland and in
the North seas.
Hamborough and the east countries, for sturgeon and
caviare, gets many thousands of pounds from England and the
straits; Portuguese, the Biskaines, and the Spaniards make forty
or fifty sail yearly to Cape Blank to hook for porgos, mullet,
and make puttardo, and Newfoundland doth yearly fraught
near eight hundred sail of ships with a silly, lean, skinny poor-
john and cor-fish, which at least yearly amounts to three or
four hundred thousand pounds. If from all those parts such
pains are taken for this poor gains of fish, and by them hath
neither meat, drink, nor clothes; wood, iron, nor steel; pitch,
tar, nets, leads, salt, hooks, nor lines for shipping, fishing, nor
provision, but at the second, third, fourth, or fifth hand drawn
from so many several parts of the world ere they come together
to be used in this voyage. If these, I say, can gain, and the
sailors live going for shares less than the third part of their
labors, and yet spend as much time in going and coming as in

staying there, so short is the season of fishing, why should we
more doubt than Hollander, Portuguese, Spaniard, French, or
other, but to do much better than they, where there is victual
to feed us, wood of all sorts to build boats, ships, or barks, the
fish at our doors, pitch, tar, masts, yards, and most of other
necessaries only for making ? And here are no hard landlords
to rack us with high rents, or extorted fines to consume us,
no tedious pleas at law to consume us with their many years'
disputations for justice, no multitudes to occasion such expedi-
ments to good order as in popular states. So freely hath God
and his majesty bestowed those blessings on them that will
attempt to obtain them, as here every man may be master and
own labor and land, or the greatest part in a small time. If he
have nothing but his hands he may set up this trade, and by
industry quickly grow rich, spending but half that time well
which in England we abuse in idleness, worse or as ill.
Here is ground also as good as any lieth in the height of
forty-one, forty-two, forty-three, etc., which is as temperate
and as fruitful as any other parallel in the world.
I , ....... . . Examples of
As for example, on this side the line west of it in the altitude
_ -xt . ,, ¦ ,- -, . . i comparatively.
the South sea is Nova Albion, discovered, as is said,
by Sir Francis Drake. East from it is the most temperate part
of Portugal, the ancient kingdoms of Galazia, Biskey, Navarre,
Arragon, Catalonia, Castilia the old and the most moderatest
of Castilia the new, and Valentia, which is the greatest part of
Spain, which, if the Spanish histories be true, in the Romans'
time abounded no less with gold and silver mines than now the
West Indies ; the Romans then using the Spaniards to work in
those mines, as now the Spaniard doth the Indians.
In France the provinces of Gasconie, Langadock, Avignon,
Province, Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne are in the same
parallel, which are the best and richest parts of France. In
Italy the provinces of Genoa, Lombardy, and Verona, with a
great part of the most famous state of Venice, the dukedoms of
Bononia, Mantua, Ferrara, Ravenna, Bolognia, Florence, Pisa,
Sienna, Urbine, Ancona, and the ancient city and country of
Rome, with a great part of the great kingdom of Naples. In
Slavonia, Istrya, and Dalmatia, with the kingdoms of Albania.
In Grecia, that famous kingdom of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Thes-
salia, Thracia or Roumania, where is seated the most pleasant

10
and plentiful city in Europe, Constantinople. In Asia also, in
the same latitude, are the temperatest parts of Natolia,
Armenia, Persia, and China, besides divers other large
countries and kingdoms in these most mild and temperate
regions of Asia. Southward in the same height is the richest
of gold mines, Chily and Baldivia, and the mouth of the great
river of Platte, etc., for all the rest of the world in that height
is yet unknown.
Besides these regions mine own eyes, that have seen a
great part of those cities and their kingdoms as well as it, can
find no advantage they have in nature but this, they are
beautified by the long labor and diligence of industrious people
and art. This is only as God made it when he created the
world. Therefore I conclude, if the heart and entrails of those
regions were sought, if their land were cultivated, planted, and
manured by men of industry, judgment, and experience, what
hope is there, or what need they doubt, having those advantages
of the sea, but it might equalize any of those famous kingdoms,
in all commodities, pleasures, and conditions ; seeing even the
very edges do naturally afford us such plenty, as no ship need
return away empty, and only use but the season of the sea,
fish will return an honest gain, besides all other advantages,
her treasures having yet never been opened, nor her originals
wasted, consumed, nor abused.
And, whereas, it is said the Hollanders serve the Easter-
lings themselves, and other parts that want, with herring, ling,
and wet cod; the Easterlings, a great part of Europe, with
sturgeon and caviare; Cape Blank, Spain, Portugal,
The particular ancj the Levant with mullet and puttargo; New-
staple commo- r ° '
behL*hatmay f°uncIland, all Europe, with a thin poor-john — yet all
is so overlade with fishers, as the fishing decayeth,
and many are constrained to return with a small fraught —
Norway and Polonia, pitch, tar, masts, and yards; Sweatland
and Russia, iron and ropes; France and Spain, canvas, wine,
steel, iron, and oil ; Italy and Greece, silks and fruits. I dare
boldly say, because I have seen naturally growing or breeding
in those parts the same materials that all those are made of,
they may as well be had here, or the most part of them, within
the distance of seventy leagues for some few ages, as from all.

11
those parts, using but the same means to have them that they
do, and with all those advantages.
First, the ground is so fertile that questionless it is capable
of producing any grain, fruits, or seeds you will sow or plant,
growing in the regions aforenamed ; but it may be
¦l. 1 ¦ a u. .u * x- x j t- Thenature
not every kind to that perfection of delicacy, or of ground
some tender plants may miscarry, because the
summer is not so hot and the winter is more cold in those parts
we have yet tried near the seaside than we find in the same
height in Europe or Asia, yet 1 made a garden upoa the top of
a rocky isle in 43^, four leagues from the main, in May that
grew so well as it served us for salads in June and July. All
sorts of cattle may here be bred and fed in the isles or penin
sulas securely for nothing. In the interim till they increase, if
need be (observing the seasons), I durst undertake to have
corn enough from the savages for three hundred men for a few
trifles, and if they should be untoward, as it is most certain
they are, thirty or forty good men will be sufficient to bring
them all in subjection and make this provision, if they under
stand what they do ; two hundred whereof may, nine months
in the year, be employed in making merchantable fish till the
rest provide other necessaries, fit to furnish us with other
commodities. In March, April, May, and half June here is cod in
abundance; in May, June, July, and August, mullet and
sturgeon, whose roes do make caviare and puttargo.
Herring, if any desire them, 1 have taken many out for fishing
of the bellies of cods, some in nets, but the savages
compare their store in the sea to the hairs of their heads, and
surely there are an incredible abundance on this coast. In the
end of August, September, October, and November you have
cod again to make cor-fish or poor-john, and each hundred is as
good as two or three hundred in the Newfoundland, so that
half the labor in hooking, splitting, and turning is saved, and
you may have your fish at what market you will before they
can have any in Newfoundland, where their fishing is chiefly
but in June and July, whereas it is here in March, April, May,
September, October, and November, as is said; so that by
reason of this plantation the merchants may have fraught both
out and home, which yields an abundance worth consideration.

12
Your cor-fish you may in like manner transport as you see
cause to serve the ports in Portugal, as Lisbon, Auera, Porta-
port, and divers others, or what market you please, before
your islanders return ; they being tied to the season in the
open sea, you having a double season, and fishing before your
doors may every night sleep quietly ashore with good cheer
and what fires you will, or when you please with your wives
and family, they only their ships in the main ocean.
The mullets here are in that abundance you may take them
with nets sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape Blank they
hook them ; yet those but one foot and a half in length, these
two, three, or four, as oft I have measured. Much salmon
some have found up the rivers as they have passed, and here
the air is so temperate as all these at any time may well be
preserved. Now, young boy and girl savages, or any others, be they
never such idlers, may turn, carry, and return fish without
either shame or any great pain ; he is very idle that
top'oonle'Spie 's Past twelve years of age and cannot do ro much,
chndrenher'ess anc* sne 's very °'d ^at cannot spin a tl 'ad to
make engines to catch them.
For their transportation the ships that go there to fish sy
transport the first, who, for their passage, will spare the charge
of double manning their ships, which they must do in the
Newfoundland to get their fraught; but one-third part
Se6 itntatfon* °^ *na* comPany are on'y but proper to serve a stage,
carry a barrow, and turn poor-john, notwithstanding
they must have meat, drink, clothes, and passage, as well as
rest. Now all I desire is but this, that those that voluntarily
will send shipping should make here the best choice they can,
or accept such as are presented them, to serve them at that
rate, and their ships returning leave such with me, with the
value of that they should receive coming home, in such provis
ions and necessary tools, arms, bedding, and apparel, salt,
hooks, nets, lines, and such like as they spare of the remain-
ings; who, till the next return, may keep their boats and do
them many other profitable offices, provided I have men of
ability to teach them their functions, and a company fit for
soldiers to be ready upon an occasion ; because of the abuses
which have been offered the poor savages, and the liberty both

13
French or any that will hath to deal with them as they please,
whose disorders will be hard to reform, and the longer the
worse. Now such order with facility might be taken with
every port town or city to observe but this order, with free
power to convert the benefits of their fraughts to what advan
tage they please, and increase their numbers as they see
occasion ; whoever as they are able to subsist of themselves
may begin the new towns in New England in memory of their
old, which freedom being confined but to the necessity of the
general good, the event (with God's help) might produce an
honest, a noble, and a profitable emulation.
Salt upon salt may assuredly be made, if not at the first in
ponds, yet till they be provided this may be used ; then the
ships may transport kine, horses, goats, coarse
cloth, and such commodities as we want, by whose ^1;"^,.
arrival may be made that provision of fish to fraught
the ships that they stay not, and then if the sailors go for
wages, it matters not. It is hard if this return defray not the
charge, but care must be had they arrive in the spring or else
provision be made for them against the winter.
Of certain red berries called alkermes, which is worth ten
shillings a pound, but of these had been sold for thirty or forty
shillings the pound, may yearly be gathered a good quantity.
Of the muskrat may be well raised gains well worth their
labor, that will endeavor to make trial of their goodness.
Of beavers, otters, martins, black foxes, and furs of price
may yearly be had six or seven thousand, and if the trade of
the French were prevented, many more ; twenty-five thousand
this year were brought from those northern parts into France,
of which trade we may have as good part as the French if we
take good courses.
Of mines of gold and silver, copper, and probabilities of
lead, crystal, and alum, I could say much if relations were
good assurances. It is true, indeed, I made many trials
according to those instructions I had, which do persuade me I
need not despair but there are metals in the country ; but I am
no alchemist, nor will promise more than I know, which is,
who will undertake the rectifying of an iron forge, if those that
buy meat, drink, coal, ore, and all necessaries at a dear rate

14
gain, where all these things are to be had for the taking up,
in my opinion cannot lose.
Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those
that build ships and boats buy wood at so great a price as it is
in England, Spain, France, Italy, and Holland, and all other
provisions for the nourishing of man's life, live well by their
trade, when labor is all required to take those necessaries
without any other tax, what hazard will be here but do much
better ? And what commodity in Europe doth more decay than
wood ? For the goodness of the ground let us take it fertile
or barren, or as it is, seeing it is certain it bears fruits to
nourish and feed man and beast as well as England, and the
sea those several sorts of fish I have related. Thus, seeing all
good provisions for man's sustenance may with this facility be
had by a little extraordinary labor, till that transported be
increased, and all necessaries for shipping, only for labor ; to-
which may be added the assistance of the savages, which may
easily be had if they be discreetly handled in their kinds
toward fishing, planting, and destroying woods. What gains
might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once
men to fill your storehouses, dwelling there you may serve all
Europe better and far cheaper than can the Iceland fishers, or
the Hollanders, Cape Blank or Newfoundland, who must be at
as much more charge than you) may easily be conjectured by
his example.
Two thousand pounds will fit out a ship of two hundred
and one of a hundred tons. If the dry fish they both make
fraught that of two hundred and go for Spain, sell it
the gains upon but at ten shillings a quintal, but commonly it giveth
sTx^m oaths' fifteen or twenty, especially when it cometh first,
which amounts to three or four thousand pounds;
but say but ten, which is the lowest, allowing the rest for
waste, it amounts at that rate to two thousand pounds, which
is the whole charge of your two ships and their equipage.
Then the return of the money and the fraught of the ship for
the vintage or any other voyage is clear gain, with your ship
of a hundred tons of train and oil, besides the beavers and
other commodities, and that you may have at home within six
months if God please but to send an ordinary passage. Then
saving halfthis charge by the not staying of your ships, your

15
victual, overplus of men, and wages, with her fraught thither of
things necessary for the planters; the salt being there made, as
also may the nets and lines within a short time. If nothing
were to be expected but this, it might in time equalize your
Hollanders' gains, if not exceed them; they returning but
wood, pitch, tar, and such gross commodities; you, wines, oils,
fruits, silks, and such Strait's commodities as you please to
provide by your factors against such times as your ships arrive
with them. This would so increase our shipping and sailors,
and so employ and encourage a great part of our idlers and
others that want employments fitting their qualities at home,
where they shame to do that they would do abroad, that,
could they but once taste the sweet fruits of their own labors,
doubtless many thousands would be advised by good discipline
to take more pleasure in honest industry than in their humors
of dissolute idleness.
But to return a little more to the particulars of this country,
which I intermingle thus with my projects and reasons, not
being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts to
write fully the estate of the sea, the air, the land, Afdtn|cription
the fruits, the rocks, the people, the government, c°^"rin
religion, territories, and limitations, friends and foes, fint2attlf„nr
but as I gathered from the niggardly relations in a
broken language to my understanding, during the time I ranged
those countries, etc. The most northern part 1 was at was
the Bay of Penobscot, which is, east and west, north and south,
more than ten leagues, but such were my occasions I was
constrained to be satisfed of them I found in the bay, that the
river ran far up into the land and was well inhabited with
many people, but they were from their habitations, either
fishing among the isles or hunting the lakes and woods for
deer and beavers. The bay is full of great islands of one, two,
six, eight or ten miles in length, which divide it into many
fair and excellent good harbors. On the east of it are the
Tarrantines, their mortal enemies, where inhabit the French,
as they report that live with those people, as one nation or
family. And northwest of Penobscot is Mecaddacut at the foot
of a high mountain, a kind of fortress against the Tarrantines
adjoining to the high mountains of Penobscot, against whose
feet doth beat the sea ; but over all the land, isles, or other

16
impediments you may well see them sixteen or eighteen
leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next, then Nus-
concus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Up this river, where
was the western plantation, are Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck,
and divers others, where there are planted some cornfields.
Along this river forty or fifty miles I saw nothing but great
high cliffs of barren rocks, overgrown with wood, but where
the savages dwelt there the ground is exceeding fat and fertile.
Westward of this river is the country of Aucocisco, in the
bottom of a large deep bay full of many great isles, which
divide it into many good harbors. Sowocotuck is the next, in
the edge of a large sandy bay, which hath many rocks and
isles, but few good harbors but for barks, I yet know.
But all this coast to Penobscot, and as far as I could see
eastward of it, is nothing but such high, craggy, cliffy rocks and
stony isles that I wondered such great trees could grow upon
so hard foundations. It is a country rather to affright than
delight one, and how to describe a more plain spectacle of
desolation or more barren I know not. Yet the sea there is
the strangest fishpond I ever saw, and those barren isles so
furnished with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and fowl that
it makes me think, though the coast be rocky and thus affright-
able, the valleys, plains, and interior parts may well, notwith
standing, be very fertile. But there is no kingdom so fertile
hath not some part barren, and New England is great enough
to make many kingdoms and countries were it all inhabited.
As you pass the coast still westward, Accominticus and
Passataquack are two convenient harbors for small barks, and
a good country within their craggy cliffs. Angoam is the next:
This place might content a right curious judgment, but there
are many sands at the entrance of the harbor, and the worst is
it is embayed too far from the deep sea. Here are many rising
hills, and on their tops and descents many cornfields and
delightful groves. On the east is an isle of two or three
leagues in length, the one-half plain moorish grass fit for
pasture, with many fair, high groves of mulberry tree gardens,
and there is also oaks, pines, and other woods to make this
place an excellent habitation, being a good and safe harbor.
Naimkeck, though it be more rocky ground (for Angoam is
sandy), not much inferior, neither for the harbor nor anything

17
I could perceive but the multitude of people. From hence doth
stretch into the sea the fair headland Tragabigzanda, fronted
with three isles called the Three Turks' Heads. To the north
of this doth enter a great bay, where we found some habita
tions and cornfields. They report a great river and at least
thirty habitations do possess this country, but, because the
French had got their trade, I had no leisure to discover it.
The isles of Mattahunts are on the west side of this bay,
where are many isles and questionless good harbors, and then
the country of the Massachusetts, which is the paradise of all
those parts, for here are many isles all planted with corn,
groves, mulberries, savage gardens, and good harbors; the
coast is for the most part high, clayey, sandy cliffs. The sea-
coast as you pass shows you all along large cornfields and
great troops of well proportioned people; but the French,
having remained here near six weeks, left nothing for us to take
occasion to examine the inhabitants' relations, viz.: If there be
near three thousand people upon these isles, and that the river
doth pierce many days' journeys the entrails of that country.
We found the people in those parts very kind, but in their fury
no less valient; for, upon a quarrel we had with one of them,
he only with three others crossed the harbor of Quonahassit to
certain rocks whereby we must pass, and there let fly their
arrows for our shot till we were out of danger.
Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good harbor,
good land, and no want of anything but industrious people.
After much kindness, upon a small occasion we fought also
with forty or fifty of those, though some were hurt and some
slain, yet within an hour after they became friends.
Cape Cod is the next presents itself, which is only a head
land of high hills of sand, overgrown with shrubby pines,
hurts, and such trash, but an excellent harbor for all weathers.
This cape is made by the main sea on the one side and a great
bay on the other in form of a sickle ; on it doth inhabit the
people of Pawmet, and in the bottom of the bay the people of
Chawum. Toward the south and southwest of this cape is
found a long and dangerous shoal of sands and rocks, but as
far as I encircled it I found thirty fathoms water aboard the
shore and a strong current, which makes me think there is a
channel about this shoal, where is the best and greatest fish to

18
be had, winter and summer, in all that country. But the
savages say there is no channel, but that the shoals begin from
the main at Pawmet to the Isle of Nausit, and so extends
beyond their knowledge into the sea.
The next to this is Capawack and those abounding countries
of copper, corn, people, and minerals which I went to discover
this last year, but, because I miscarried by the way, I will
leave them till God please I have better acquaintance with
them. The Massachusetts, they report, sometimes have wars with
the Bashabes of Penobscot, and are not always friends with
them of Chawum and their allies ; but now they are
a good a[] friends, and have each trade with other, so far as
country. ' '
they have society on each others' frontiers, for they
make no such voyages as from Penobscot to Cape Cod, seldom
to iWassachusetts. In the north, as I have said, they have begun
to plant corn, whereof the south part hath such plenty as they
have what they will from them of the north, and in the winter
much more plenty of fish and fowl; but both winter and
summer hath it in the one part or other all the year, being
the mean and most indifferent temper, betwixt heat and cold,
of all the regions betwixt the line and the pole ; but the furs
northward are much better and in much more plenty than
southward. The most remarkablest isles and mountains for landmarks
are these : the highest isle or Sorico in the Bay of Penobscot,
but the three isles and a rock of Matinnack are
Tne, , much further in the sea; Metinicus is also three
landmarks. '
plain isles, and a rock betwixt it and Monahigan ;
Monahigan is a round, high isle, and close by it Monanis,
betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride ; in Damerils
isles is such another ; Sagadahock is known by Satquin, and
four or five isles in the mouth; Smith's isles are a heap
together, none near them, against Accominticus; the Three
Turks' Heads are three isles seen far to seaward in regard of
the headland.
The chief headlands are only Cape Tragabigzanda and
Cape Cod.
The chief mountains, them of Penobscot and twinkling
mountain of Aucocisco, the great mountain of Sasanou, and the

19
high mountain of Massachusetts, each of which you shall find
in the map, their places, forms, and altitude. The waters are
most pure, proceeding from the entrails of rocky mountains.
The herbs and fruits are of many sorts and kinds,
as alkerms, currants (or a fruit like currants), mul
berries, vines, respices, gooseberries, plums, walnuts, chest
nuts, small nuts, etc., pumpkins, gourds, strawberries, beans,
peas, and maize, a kind or two of flax, wherewith they make
nets, lines, and ropes, both small and great, very strong for
their quantities.
Oak is the chief wood, of which there is great difference in
regard of the soil where it groweth; fir, pine,
walnut, chestnut, birch, ash, elm, cypress, cedar,
mulberry, plumtree, hazel, saxifrage, and many other sorts.
Eagles, gripes, divers sorts of hawks, cranes, geese, brants,
cormorants, ducks, sheldrakes, teale, mews, gulls,
turkeys, dive-doppers, and many other sorts whose
names I know not.
Whales, grampus, porpoises, turbot, sturgeon, cod, hake,
haddock, cole, cusk (or small ling), shark, mackerel,
herring, mullet, base, pinacks, cunners, perch, eels,
crabs, lobsters, mussels, wilkes, oysters, and divers others, etc.
Moose, a beast bigger than a stag; deer, red and fallow;
beavers.wolves, foxes, both black and other; aroughconds, wild
cats, bears, otters, martens, fitches, musquassus,
and divers sorts of vermin whose names I know
not. All these and divers other good things do here, for want
of use, still increase and decrease with little diminution, where
by they grow to that abundance. You shall scarce find any
bay, shallow shore, or cove of sand where you may not take
many clams or lobsters, or both, at your pleasure, and at many
places load your boat if you please ; nor isles where you find
not fruits, birds, crabs, and mussels, or all of them, for taking
at a low wat2r. And in the harbors we frequented, a little boy
might take of cunners and pinacks, and such delicate fish, at
the ship's stern more than six or ten can eat in a day, but,
with a casting-net, thousands when we pleased ; and scarce
any place but cod, cuske, halibut, mackerel, skate, or such
like, a man may take with a hook or line what he will. And
in divers sandy bays a man may draw with a net great store

20
of mullets, bass, and divers other sorts of such excellent fish,
as many as his net can draw on shore ; no river where there is
not plenty of sturgeon, or salmon, or both, all which are to be
had in abundance, observing but their seasons. But if a man will
go at Christmas to gather cherries in Kent he may be deceived,
though there be plenty in summer ; so, here these plenties have
each their seasons, as I have expressed. We for the most
part had little but bread and vinegar, and though the most part
of July, when the fishing decayed, they wrought all day, lay
abroad in the isles all night, and lived on what they found, yet
were not sick. But I would wish none put himself long to such
plunges except necessity constrain it ; yet worthy is that person
to starve that here cannot live if he have sense, strength, and
health, for there is no such penury of these blessings in any
place but that a hundred men may in one hour or two make
their provisions for a day, and he that hath experience to
manage well these affairs, with forty or thirty honest, indus
trious men, might well undertake (if they dwell in these parts)
to subject the savages, and feed daily two or three hundred
men with as good corn, fish, and flesh as the earth hath of
those kinds, and yet make that labor but their pleasure, pro
vided that they have engines that be proper for their purposes.
Who can desire more content, that hath small means or but
only his merit to advance his fortune, than to tread and plant
that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his
tha\0hav°erme life ? If he have but the taste of virtue and mag-
fnd\mai" s nanimity, what to such a mind can be more pleasant
than planting and building a foundation for his
posterity, got from the rude earth by God's blessing and his own
industry, without prejudice to any ? If he have any grain of
faith or zeal in religion, what can he do less hurtful to any, or
more agreeable to God, than to seek to convert those poor
savages to know Christ and humanity, whose labors with
discretion will triple requite thy charge and pains ?
What so truly suits with honor and honesty as the dis
covering things unknown, erecting towns, peopling countries,
informing the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teaching
virtue, and gain to our native mother country a kingdom to
attend her ; find employment for those that are idle, because
they know not what to do ; so far from wronging any as to

21
cause posterity to remember thee, and remembering thee, ever
honor that remembrance with praise ?
Consider what were the beginnings and endings of the
monarchies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, the Grecians, and
Romans, but this one rule. What was it they would not do
for the good of the commonwealth or their mother city ? For
example : Rome, what made her such a monarchy but only the
adventures of her youth ; not in riots at home, but in dangers
abroad, and the justice and judgment out of their experience
when they grew aged. What was their ruin and hurt but this,
the excess of idleness, the fondness of parents, the want of
experience in magistrates, the admiration of their undeserved
honors, the contempt of true merit, their unjust jealousies,
their political incredulties, their hypocritical seeming goodness,
and their deeds of secret lewdness ? Finally, in fine, growing
only formal temporists, all that their predecessors got in many
years they lost in few days. Those by their pains and virtues
became lords of the world ; they by their ease and vices became
slaves to their servants. This is the difference betwixt the
use of arms in the field and on the monuments of stones, the
golden age and the leaden age, prosperity and misery, justice
and corruption, substance and shadows, words and deeds, ex
perience and imagination, making commonwealths and marring
commonwealths, the fruits of virtue and the conclusions of vice.
Then who would live at home idly, or think in himself any
worth to live, only to eat, drink, and sleep, and so die ? Or,
by consuming that carelessly, his friends got worthily ? Or, by
using that miserably, that maintained virtue honestly ? Or,
for being descended nobly, pine with the vain vaunt of great
kindred in penury ? Or, to maintain a silly show of bravery,
toil out thy heart, soul, and time, basely by shifts, tricks,
cards, and dice ? Or, by relating news of other actions, shark
here or there for a dinner or supper, deceive thy friends by fair
promises and dissimulation, in borrowing where thou never
intendest to pay, offend the laws, surfeit with excess, burden
thy country, abuse thyself, despair in want, and then cozen
thy kindred, yea even thine own brother, and wish thy parents
death (I will not say damnation) to have their estates? Though
thou seest what honors and rewards the world yet hath for
them will seek them and worthily deserve them.

22
I would be sorry to offend or that any should mistake my
honest meaning, for I wish good to all, hurt to none. But rich
men for the most part are grown to that dotage through their
pride in their wealth, as though there were no accident could
end it or their life. And what hellish care do such take to
make it their own misery, and their country's spoil, especially
when there is most need of their employment? Drawing by all
manner of inventions, from the prince and his honest subjects,
even the vital spirits of their powers and estates, as if their
bags, or brags, were so powerful a defense the malicious could
not insult them, when they are the only bait to cause us not to
be only assaulted, but betrayed and murdered in our' own
security ere we well perceive it.
May not the miserable ruin of Constantinople, their im
pregnable walls, riches, and pleasures last taken by the Turk
(which are but a bit in comparison of their now
An example .... , ... .
of secure mightiness) remember us of the effects of private
covetousness. .
covetousness, at which time the good emperor held
himself rich enough to have such rich subjects, so formal in all
excess of vanity, all kind of delicacy and prodigality. His
poverty when the Turk besieged, the citizens whose merchan
dising thoughts were only to get wealth, little conceiving the
desperate resolution of a valient expert enemy, left the emperor
so long to his conclusions, having spent all he had to pay his
young, raw, discontented soldiers, that suddenly he, they, and
their city were all a prey to the devouring Turk. And what
they would not spare for the maintenance of them who adven
tured their lives to defend them, did serve only their enemies
to torment them, their friends, and country, and all Christendom
to this present day. Let this lamentable example remember
you that are rich (seeing there are such great thieves in this
world to rob you), not grudge to lend some proportion to breed
them that have little, yet willing to learn how to defend you,
for it is too late when the deed is adoing.
The Romans' estate hath been worse than this, for the
mere covetousness and extortion of a few of them so moved the
rest that, not having any employment but contemplation, their
great judgments grew to so great malice as themselves were
sufficient to destroy themselves by faction. Let this move you
to embrace employment for those whose educations, spirits,

23
and judgments want but your purses, not only to prevent such
accustomed dangers, but also to gain more thereby than you
have. And you fathers that are either so foolishly fond, or so
miserably covetous, or so willfully ignorant, or so negligently
careless as that you will rather maintain your children in idle
wantonness till they grow your masters, or become so basely
unkind as they wish nothing but your deaths, so that both sorts
grow dissolute ; and although you would wish them anywhere
to escape the gallows, and ease your cares, though they spend
you here one, two, or three hundred pounds a year, you would
grudge to give half so much in adventure with them to obtain
an estate, which in a small time, but with a little assistance of
your providence, might be better than your own. But if an
angel should tell you that any place yet unknown can afford
such fortunes, you would not believe him no more than
Columbus was believed there was any such land as is now the
well known abounding America ; much less such large regions
as are yet unknown, as well in America, as in Africa and Asia,
and Terra Incognita, where were courses for gentlemen (and
them that would be so reputed) more suiting their qualities
than begging from their princes' generous disposition the labors
of his subjects and the very marrow of his maintenance.
I have not been so ill bred but I have tasted of plenty and
pleasure as well as want and misery, nor doth necessity yet,
or occasion of discontent, force me to these endeavors ; nor am
I ignorant what small thanks I shall have for my
pains, or that many would have the world imagine J0hnedfy„n°r s
them to be of great judgment that can but blemish
these my designs by their witty objections and detractions ; yet
I hope my reasons with my deeds will so prevail with some
that I shall not want employment in these affairs to make the
most blind see his own senselessness and incredulity, hoping
that gain will make them effect that which religion, charity,
and the common good cannot. It were but a poor device in me
to deceive myself, much more the king and state, my friends
and country, with these inducements; which, seeing his majesty
hath given permission, I wish all sorts of worthy, honest, in
dustrious spirits would understand, and if they desire any
further satisfaction I will do my best to give it; not to persuade
them to go only, but go with them ; not leave them there, but

24
live with them there. I will not say but by ill providing and
undue managing, such courses may be taken may make us
miserable enough, but if I may have the execution of what I
have projected, if they want to eat let them eat or never digest
me. If I perform what I say I desire but that reward out of
the gains may suit my pains, quality, and condition ; and if I
any dislike with my tongue, take my head for satisfaction. If
abuse you at the year's end defraying their charge, by my
consent they should freely return.
I fear not want of company sufficient were it but known
what I know of those countries, and by the proof of that wealth
I hope yearly to return, if God please to bless me from such
accidents as are beyond my power in reason to prevent ; for
I am not so simple to think that ever any other motive than
wealth will ever erect there a commonweal, or draw company
from their ease and humors at home, to stay in New England
to effect my purposes. And lest any should think
pleasures and the toil might be insupportable, though these things
may be had by labor and diligence, I assure myself
there are who delight extremely in vain pleasure that take
much more pains in England to enjoy it than I should do here
to gain wealth sufficient ; and yet I think they should not have
half such sweet content, for our pleasure here is still gains, in
England, charges and loss. Here nature and liberty afford us
that freely, which in England we want or it costeth us dearly.
What pleasure can be more than, being tired with any
occasion ashore, in planting vines, fruits, or herbs ; in contriv
ing their own grounds to the pleasure of their own minds, their
fields, gardens, orchards, buildings, ships, and other works,
etc. ; to recreate themselves before their own doors, in their
own boats upon the sea, where man, woman, and child, with
a small hook and line, by angling may take divers sorts of
excellent fish at their pleasures ? And is it not pretty sport to
pull up twopence, sixpence, and twelvepence as fast as you
can haul and veer a line ? He is a very bad fisher cannot kill
in one day, with his hook and line, one, two, or three hundred
cods ; which, dressed and dried, if they be sold there for ten
shillings the hundred, though in England they will give more
than twenty, may not both the servant, the master, and
merchant be well content with this gain ? If a man work but

25
three days in seven he may get more than he can spend,
unless he will be excessive.
Now that carpenter, mason, gardener, tailor, smith, sailor,
forger, or what other, may they not make this a pretty recre
ation, though they fish but an hour in a day, to take more than
they eat in a week ; or, if they will not eat it, because there is
so much better choice, yet sell it, or change it with the fisher
men or merchants for anything they want. And what sport
doth yield a more pleasing content and less hurt or charge than
angling with a hook and crossing the sweet air from isle to isle
over the silent streams of a calm sea, wherein the most curious
may find pleasure, profit, and content ? Thus, though all men
be not fishers, yet all men whatsoever may in other matters do
as well. For necessity doth in these cases so rule a common
wealth, and each in their several functions, as their labors in
their qualities may be as profitable, because there is a necessary
mutual use of all.
For gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them
than ranging daily those unknown parts, using fowling and
fishing for hunting and hawking ? And yet you
shall see the wild hawks give you some pleasure in Employments
o J r for gentlemen.
seeing them stoop, six or seven after one another,
an hour or two together at the schools of fish in the fair harbors,
as those ashore at a fowl, and never trouble nor torment your
selves with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending them,
nor kill horse and man with running and crying, "see you not a
hawk ? " For hunting also, the woods, lakes, and rivers afford
not only chase sufficient for any that delights in that kind of
toil or pleasure, but such beasts to hunt that, besides the deli
cacy of their bodies for food, their skins are so rich as may
well recompense thy daily labor with a captain's pay.
For laborers, if those that sow hemp, rape, turnips, parsnips,
carrots, cabbage, and such like give twenty, thirty, forty, or
fifty shillings yearly for an acre of ground, and meat,
drink, and wages to use it, and yet grow rich, when j™^"™*8
better, or at least as good, ground may be had and
cost nothing but labor, it seems strange to me any such should
there grow poor.
My purpose is not to persuade children from their parents,
men from their wives, nor servants from their masters — only

26
such as with free consent may be spared — but that each parish
or village in city or country that will but apparel their father
less children of thirteen or fourteen years of age, or young
married people that have small wealth to live on, here by their
labor may live exceeding well, provided always that first there
be a sufficient power to command them, houses to receive them,
means to defend them, and meat provisions for them, for any
place may be overlain ; and it is most necessary to have a
fortress ere this grow to practice, and sufficient masters (as
carpenters, masons, fishers, fowlers, gardeners, husbandmen,
sawyers, smiths, spinsters, tailors, weavers, and such like) to
take ten, twelve, or twenty, or as there is occasion, for
apprentices ; the masters by this may quickly grow rich, these
may learn their trades themselves to do the like, to a general
and an incredible benefit for king and country, master and
servant. It would be a history of a large volume to recite the
adventures of the Spaniards and Portuguese, their affronts and
defeats, their dangers and miseries, which with such
theasPaniart incomparable honor and constant resolution, so far
beyond belief, they have attempted and endured in
their discoveries and plantations as may well condemn us of
too much imbecility, sloth, and negligence, yet the authors of
those new inventions were held as ridiculous for a long time,
as now are others, that do but seek to imitate their unparal
leled virtues. And though we see daily their mountains of
wealth, sprung from the plants of their generous endeavors,
yet is our sensuality and untowardness such and so great that
we either ignorantly believe nothing, or so curiously contest
to prevent we know not what future events, that we either so
neglect or oppress and discourage the present, as we spoil all
in the making, crop all in the blooming, and, building upon fair
sand rather than rough rocks, judge that we know not, govern
that we have not, fear that which is not, and, for fear some
should do too well, force such against their wills to be idle
or as ill.
And who is he hath judgment, courage, and any industry
or quality with understanding, will leave his country, his hopes
at home, his certain estate, his friends, pleasures, liberty, and
the preferment sweet England doth afford to all degrees, were

27
it not to advance his fortunes by enjoying his deserts ? whose
prosperity once appearing will encourage others ; but it must
be cherished as a child till it be able to go and understand
itself, and not corrected nor oppressed above its strength ere
it know wherefore.
A child can neither perform the office nor deeds of a man
of strength, nor endure that affliction he is able, nor can
an apprentice at the first perform the part of a master ; and if
twenty years be required to make a child a man, seven years
limited an apprentice for his trade. If scarce an age be suffic
ient to make a wise man a statesman (and commonly a man
dies ere he hath learned to be discreet), if perfection be so
hard to be obtained (as of necessity there must be practice as
well as theory), let no man much condemn this paradox opinion
to say that half seven years is scarce sufficient for a good
capacity to learn in these affairs how to carry himself ; and
whoever shall try in these remote places the erecting of a
colony shall find at the end of seven years occasion enough
to use all his discretion, and in the interim all the content,
rewards, gains, and hopes will be necessarily required to be
given to the beginning, till it be able to creep, stand, and go,
yet time enough to keep it from running, for there is no fear
it will grow too fast or ever to anything, except liberty, profit,
honor, and prosperity there found, more bind the planters of
those affairs in devotion to effect it than bondage, violence,
tyranny, ingratitude, and such double dealing as binds free
men to become slaves, and honest men turn knaves, which
hath ever been the ruin of the most popular commonweals,
and is very unlikely ever well to begin in a new.
Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard
but these new conclusions in searching those unknown parts of
this unknown world ? By which means he dives
even into the very secrets of all his neighbors and shlin'issof
the most part of the world; and when the Portu
guese and Spaniard had found the East and West Indies, how
many did condemn themselves that did not accept of that
honest offer of noble Columbus ? who, upon our neglect,
brought them to it, persuading ourselves the world had no such
places as they had found ; and yet ever since, we find, they
still, from time to time, have found new lands, new nations,

28
and trades, and still daily do find both in Asia, Africa, Terra
Incognita, and America, so that there is neither soldier nor
mechanic, from the lord to the beggar, but those parts afford
them all employment, and discharge their native soil of so
many thousands of all sorts, that else, by their sloth, pride,
and imperfections, would long ere this have troubled their
neighbors, or have eaten the pride of Spain itself.
Now, he knows little that knows not England may well
spare man)' more people than Spain, and is as well able to
furnish them with all manner of necessaries. And seeing, for
all they have they cease not still to search for that they have
not and know not, it is strange we should be so dull as not
maintain that which we have, and pursue that we know.
Surely, I am sure many would taste it ill to be abridged of the
titles and honors of their predecessors, when, if but truly they
would judge themselves, look how inferior they are to their
noble virtues, so much they are unworthy of their honors and
livings, which never were ordained for shows and shadows to
maintain idleness and vice, but to make them more able to
abound in honor by heroical deeds of action, judgment, piety,
and virtue. What was it they would not do both in purse and
person for the good of the commonwealth, which might move
them presently to set out their spare kindred in these generous
designs ? Religion above all things should move us, especially
the clergy, if we were religious, to show our faith by our works
in converting those poor savages to the knowledge of God,
seeing what pains the Spaniards take to bring them to their
adulterated faith.
Honor might move the gentry, the valient, and industrious,
and the hope and assurance of wealth all, if we were that we
would seem and be accounted. Or be we so far inferior to
other nations, or our spirits so far dejected from our ancient
predecessors', or our minds so upon spoil, piracy, and such
villainy as to serve the Portuguese, Spaniard, Dutch, French,
or Turk (as to the cost of Europe too many do), rather than
our God, our king, our country, and ourselves ? excusing our
idleness and our base complaints by want of employments,
when here is such choice of all sorts and for all degrees in the
planting and discovering these north parts of America.
Now, to make my words more apparent by my deeds, I

29
was the last year, 1615, to have staid in the country to make
a more ample trial of those conclusions, with sixteen
men whose names were : Thomas Dirmir, Edward voyfge°to
Stalings, Daniel Cage, Francis Abbot, John Gosling,
Thomas Digbie, Daniel Baker, Adam Smith, gentlemen ;
William Ingram, Robert Miter, David Cooper, John Patridge,
and two boys, soldiers; Thomas Watson, Walter Chissick,
John Hall, sailors.
I confess I could have wished them as many thousands had
all other provisions been in like proportion, nor would I have
had so few could I have had means for more, yet (would God
have pleased we had safely arrived) I never had the like
authority, freedom, and provision to do so well. The main
assistance next God I had to this small number was my
acquaintance among the savages, especially with Dohannida,
one of their greatest lords, who had lived long in England. By
the means of this proud savage I did not doubt but quickly to
have got that credit with the rest of his friends and allies, to
have had as many of them as I desired in any design I
intended, and that trade also they had, by such a kind of
exchange of their country commodities, which both with ease
and security in their seasons may be used. With him and
divers others I had concluded to inhabit and defend them against
the Terentynes with a better power than the French did them,
whose tyranny did enforce them to embrace my offer with no
small devotion. And though many may think me more bold
than wise in regard of their power, dexterity, treachery, and
inconsistancy, having so desperately assaulted and betrayed
many others, I say but this (because with so many I have
many times done much more in Virginia than I intended here,
when I wanted that experience Virginia taught me) that to me
it seems no danger more than ordinary. And though I know
myself the meanest of many thousands whose apprehensive
inspection can pierce beyond the bounds of my habilities into
the hidden things of nature, art, and reason, yet I entreat such
give me leave to excuse myself of so much imbecility as to say
that in these eight years which I have been conversant with
these affairs I have not learned there is a great difference
betwixt the directions and judgment of experimental knowledge
and the superficial conjecture of variable relation ; wherein

30
rumor, humor, or misprison have such power that ofttimes one
is enough to beguile twenty, but twenty not sufficient to keep
one from being deceived. Therefore I know no reason but to
believe my own eyes before any man's imagination, that is but
wrested from the conceits of my own projects and endeavors.
But I honor with all affection the counsel and instructions of
judicial directions, or any other honest advertisement, so far
to observe as they tie me not to the cruelty of unknown events.
These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect all
other employments and spend my time and best abilities in
these adventures, wherein, though I have had many discourage
ments by the ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of
others, the falseness of friends, the treachery of cowards, and
slowness of adventurers, but chiefly by one Hunt, who was
master of the ship, with whom oft arguing these projects for a
plantation, however he seemed well in words to like it, yet he
practiced to have robbed me of my plots and observations, and
so to leave me alone in a desolate isle to the fury of famine and
all other extremities (lest I should have acquainted Sir Thomas
Smith, my honorable good friend, and the council of Virginia),
to the end he and his associates might secretly engross it ere it
were known to the state, yet that God that alway hath kept me
from the worst of such practices, delivered me from the worst
of his dissimulations. Notwithstanding after my departure he
abused the savages where he came, and betrayed twenty-seven
of these poor innocent souls, which he sold in Spain for slaves,
to move their hate against our nation, as well as to cause my
proceedings to be so much the more difficult.
Now, returning in the bark in the fifth of August, I arrived
at Plymouth, where, imparting those my purposes to my honor
able friend, Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and some others, I was so
encouraged and assured to have the managing their authority
in those parts during my life, that I engaged myself to under
take it for them. Arriving at London I found also many
promise me such assistance that I entertained Michael Cooper,
the master, who returned with me, and others of the company.
How he dealt with others, or others with him, I know not, but
my public proceeding gave such encouragement that it became
so well apprehended by some few of the Southern company as
these projects were liked, and he furnished from London with

31
four ships at sea before they at Plymouth had made any pro
vision at all but only a ship chiefly sent out by Sir Ferdinando
Gorge, which, upon Hunt's late treachery among the savages,
returned as she went, and did little or nothing but lost her
time. I must confess I was beholden to the setters forth of the
four ships that went with Cooper, in that they offered me that
employment if I would accept it, and I find my refusal hath
incurred some of their displeasures whose favor and love I
exceedingly desire, if I may honestly enjoy it. And though
they do censure me as opposite to their proceedings, they shall
yet still in all my words and deeds find it is their error, not my
fault, that occasions their dislike, for, having engaged myself
in this business to the west country, I had been very dishonest
to have broken my promise; nor will I spend more time in
discovery or fishing till I may go with a company for plantation,
for I know my grounds. Yet everyone that reads this book
cannot put it in practice, though it may help any that have
seen those parts. And though they endeavor to work me even
out of my own designs, I will not much envy their fortunes ;
but I would be sorry their intruding ignorance should, by their
defailments, bring those certainties to doubtfulness. So that
the business prosper I have my desire, be it by Londoner,
Scot, Welsh, or English that are true subjects to our king and
country. The good of my country is that I seek, and there is
more than enough for all if they could be content but to
proceed. At last it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorge and Master Doctor
Sutliffe, Dean of Exeter, to conceive so well of these projects
and my former employments, as induced them to
make a new adventure with me in those parts, The occasion
r ' of my return.
whither they have so often sent to their continual
loss. By whose example many inhabitants of the west country
made promises of much more than was looked for, but their
private emulations quickly qualified that heat in the greater
number, so that the burden lay principally on them and some
few gentlemen, my friends, in London.
In the end I was furnished with a ship of two hundred and
another of fifty; but ere I had sailed 120 leagues she broke all
her masts, pumping each watch five or six thousand strokes,
only her sprit sail remained to spoon before the wind, till we

32
had reaccommodated a jury mast and the rest, to
My re-
embarkment, return for Plymouth. My vice-admiral, being lost,
encounters J , , , ivi
with pirates, not knowing of this, proceeded her voyage. [Now,
and imprison- . r J
mem by the with the remainder of those provisions I got out
again in a bark of sixty tons with thirty men (for
this of two hundred and provision for seventy), which were
the sixteen before named and fourteen other sailors for the
ship. With those I set sail again the twenty-fourth of June,
where what befell me (because my actions and writings are
so public to the world, envy still seeking to scandalize my
endeavors, and seeing no power but death can stop the chat of
ill tongues, nor imagination of men's minds), lest my own
relations of these hard events might by some constructors be
made doubtful, I have thought it best to insert the exami
nations of those proceedings taken by Sir Lewis Stukley, a
worthy knight and vice-admiral of Devonshire, which were
as followeth :
The examination of Daniel Baker, late steward to Captain John
Smith in the return of Plymouth, taken before Sir Lewis
Stukley, knight, the eighth of December, 1615:
\ A/ HO saith, being chased two days by one Fry, an English
pirate, that could not board us by reason of foul weather,
Edmund Chambers, the master ; Jonn Minter, his mate ;
Thomas Digby, the pilot, and others, importuned
Captain Fry ;
his ship his said captain to yield, holding it impossible he
36 cast pieces, should defend himself, and that the said captain
and murderers ... .
80 men, of should send them his boat, in that they had none ;
which 40 or 50 .
were master which at last he concluded upon these conditions,
that Fry, the pirate, should vow not to take any
thing from Captain Smith that might overthrow his voyage,
nor send more pirates into his ship than he liked of, otherwise
he would make sure of them he had and defend himself against
the rest as he could.
More, he confesseth that the quartermasters and chambers
received gold of those pirates, but how much he knoweth not ;
nor would his captain come out of his cabin to entertain them,
although a great many of them had been his sailors, and for
his love would have wafted us to the Isles of Flowers.

33
At Fyall we were chased by two French pirates, who
commanded us amain. Chambers, Minter, Digby, and others,
importuned again the captain to yield, alleging they
were Turks, and would make them all slaves; or Iheo"eof20°'
" ' ' the other 20.
Frenchmen, and would throw them all overboard if
they shot but a piece ; and that they were entertained to fish
and not to fight; until the captain vowed to fire the powder
and split the ship if they would not stand to their defence,
whereby at last we went clear of them for all their shot.
At Flowers we were chased by four French men-of-war, all
with their close fights afore and after. And this examinate's
captain having provided for our defence, Chambers,
Minter, Digby, and some others again importuned him The Admiral,
to yield to the favor of those, against whom there was I2 p'ec«.
J ° 12 murderers,
nothing but ruin by fighting; but if he would go ^nmenis^'f
aboard them, in that he could speak French, by P°ucskkee,tplst0's'
courtesy he might go clear, seeing they offered him s™J^da.n*h
such fair quarter, and vowed they were Protestants vice-Admirai,
t ' J 100 tons ; the
and all of Rochelle, and had the king's commission Rear-Admirai.
' ° 60, the other
only to take Spaniard, Portuguese, and pirates; 8o:aiihad
J r r J 250 men, most
which at last he did, but they kept this examinate's a™edasis
captain and some other of his company with him.
The next day the French men-of-war went aboard us and took
what they listed, and divided the company into their several
ships, and manned this examinate's ship with the Frenchmen,
and chased with her all the ships they saw, until about five or
six days after, upon better consideration, they surrendered the
ship and victuals, with the most part of our provision, but not
our weapons.
More, he confesseth that his captain exhorted them to per
form their voyage, or go for Newfoundland to return fraughted
with fish, where he would find means to proceed in his planta
tion ; but Chambers and Minter grew upon terms they would
not, until those that were soldiers concluded with
their captain's resolution they would, seeing they and'toidie^T" W6F6 ever
had clothes, victuals, salt, nets, and lines sufficient, wining to
and expected their arms ; and such other things as z
they wanted the Frenchmen promised to restore, which the
captain the next day went to seek, and sent them about load
ing of commodities, as powder, match, hooks, instruments,

34
his sword and dagger, bedding, aqua vitce, his commission,
apparel, and many other things, the particulars he remembereth
not; but as for the cloth, canvas, and the captain's clothes,
Chambers and his associates divided it amongst themselves,
and to whom they best liked, his captain not having anything,
to his own knowledge, but his waistcoat and breeches, and in
this manner going from ship to ship to regain our arms and the
rest; they, seeing a sail, gave chase until night. The next day
being very foul weather, this examinatecame so near with the
ship unto the French men-of-war that they split the main sail on
the other's sprit sail-yard. Chambers willed the captain come
aboard or he would leave him, whereupon the captain com
manded Chambers to send his boat for him. Chambers replied
she was split (which was false), telling him he might come, if
he would, in the admiral's boat. The captain's answer was,
he could not command her nor come when he would, so this
examinate fell on stern, and that night left his said captain
alone amongst the Frenchmen in this manner, by the command
of Chambers, Minter, and others.
Daniel Cage, Edward Stalings, gentlemen; Walter Chissell,
David Cooper, Robert Miller, and John Partridge, being ex
amined, do acknowledge and confess that Daniel Baker, his
examination above written is true.
TVJOW the cause why the French detained me again was
*¦ * the suspicion this Chambers and Minter gave them that
I would revenge myself upon the Bank, or in Newfoundland,
of all the French I could there encounter, and how
treda0chbele ' won^ have fired the ship had they not over-
persuaded me, and many other such like tricks to
catch but opportunity in this manner to leave me. And thus
they returned to Plymouth, and perforce with the French I
thus proceeded.
Being a fleet of eight or nine sail, we watched for the West
Indies fleet till ill weather separated us from the other eight.
Still we spent our time about the isles near Fyall,
Frenchmen-"6 where, to keep my perplexed thoughts from too
fights with the much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this
1,11 discourse, thinking to have sent it you of his
majesty's council by some ship or other, for I saw their

35
purpose was to take all they could. At last we were chased
by one Captain Barra, an English pirate, in a small ship with
some twelve pieces of ordinance, about thirty men, and near
all starved. They sought by courtesy relief of us, who gave
them such fair promises as at last we betrayed Captain
Wolliston (his lieutenant) and four or_five of their men aboard
us, and then provided to take the rest perforce. Now my part
was to be prisoner in the gun room, and not to speak to any of
them upon my life, yet had Barra knowledge what I was.
Then Barra, perceiving well these French intents, made ready
to fight, and Wolliston as resolutely regarded not their threats,
which caused us demur upon the matter longer some sixteen
hours, and then returned their prisoners, and some victuals
also, upon a small composition.
The next we took was a small Englishman of Poole from
Newfoundland. The great cabin at this present was my
prison, from whence I could see them pillage those poor men
of all that they had and half their fish ; when he was gone
they sold his poor clothes at the mainmast by an outcry, which
scarce gave each man seven pence apiece. Not long after we
took a Scot fraught from Saint Michaels to Bristow. He had
better fortune than the other ; for, having but taken a boat's
loading of sugar, marmalade, suckets, and such like, we
descried four sail, after whom we stood ; who, furling their
main sails, attended us to fight. But our French spirits were
content only to perceive they were English red crosses. Within
a very small time after we chased four Spanish ships come from
the Indies. We fought with them four or five hours, tore their
sails and sides, yet, not daring to board them, lost them. A
poor caravel of Brazil was the next we chased, and after a small
fight, thirteen or fourteen of her men being wounded, which
was the better half, we took her with 370 chests of
sugar. The next was a West Indiesman of 160 tons, a prize worth
«= ' 10,000 crowns.
with twelve hundred hides, fifty chests of cochineal,
fourteen coffers of wedges of silver, eight thousand ryalls of
eight, and six coffers of the king of Spain's treasure, besides
the pillage and rich coffers of many rich passengers.
Two months they kept me in this manner, to worth 200,000
crowns
manage their fights against the Spaniards and be a
prisoner when they took any English. Now, though the captain

36
had oft broke his promise, which was to put me ashore on the
isles, or the next ship he took, yet at last he was entreated I
should go for France in the caravel of sugar, himself resolved
still to keep the seas. Within two days after we were hailed
by two West Indiesmen ; but when they saw us wave them
for the king of France, they gave us their broadsides, shot
through our main mast, and so left us.
Having lived thus near three months among those French
men-of-war, with much ado we arrived at the Gulion, not far
from Rochelle, where, instead of the great promises they always
fed me with, of double satisfaction and full content, they kept
me five or six days prisoner in the caravel, accusing me to be
him that burnt their colony in New France, to force me to give
them a discharge before the judge of the admiralty, and so
stand to their courtesy for satisfaction, or lie in prison or a
worse mischief. To prevent this choice, in the end
My escape
from the of such a storm that beat them all under hatches, I
Frenchmen. , . , . .....
watched my opportunity to get ashore in their boat,
whereinto, in the dark night, I secretly got, and, with a half-
pike that lay by me, put adrift for Rat Isle ; but the current
was so strong and the sea so great I went adrift to sea, till it
pleased God the wind so turned with the tide that, although I
was all this fearful night of gusts and rain in the sea the space
of twelve hours, when many ships were driven ashore and
divers split (and being with sculling and bailing the water
tired, I expected each minute would sink me), at last I arrived
in an ooze isle by Charowne, where certain fowlers found me
near drowned, and half dead with water, cold, and hunger.
By those 1 found means to get to Rochelle, where I understood
the man-of-war which we left at sea and the rich prize was
split, the captain drowned, and half his company, the same
night, within seven leagues of that place from whence I escaped
alone in a little boat, by the mercy of God, far beyond all
men's reason or my expectation.
Arriving at Rochelle, upon my complaint to the judge of the
admiralty, I found many good words and fair promises, and ere
long many of them that escaped drowning told me the news
they heard of my own death ; these I arresting, their several
examinations did so confirm my complaint, it was held proof
sufficient. All which being performed according to the order of

justice from under the judge's hand, I presented it
to the English ambassador then at Bordeaux, where fir Thomas
D ' Edmunds.
it was my chance to see the arrival of the king's
great marriage, brought from Spain. Of the wreck of the rich
prize some thirty-six thousand crowns' worth of goods came
ashore and was saved with the caravel, which I did my best to
arrest. The judge did promise me I should have justice ; what
will be the conclusion, as yet I know not. But
under the color to take pirates and West Indiesmen They betrayed
r me, having the
(because the Spaniards will not suffer the French broad seal of
v r England, and
trade in the West Indies), any goods from thence, ^"JfnTish
though they take them upon the coast of Spain, are ™°«- besnldes
lawful prize, or from any of his territories out of the cealed in like
r ' J manner, were
HmitS Of Europe. betrayed
r that year.
Leaving thus my business in France, I returned
to Plymouth to find them that had thus buried me amongst the
French, and not only buried me, but with so much infamy as
such treacherous cowards could suggest to excuse
their villainies. But my clothes, books, instruments, *Jy ^"j^0'
arms, and what I had they shared amongst them,
and what they liked, feigning the French had all was wanting,
and had thrown them into the sea, taken their ship and all, had
they not run away and left me as they did. The chieftains of
this mutiny that I could find I laid by the heels ; the rest, like
themselves, confessed the truth as you have heard. Now,
how I have or could prevent these accidents, I rest at your
censures. But to the matter.
Newfoundland at first, I have heard, was held as desperate
a fishing as this I project in New England. Placentia and the
Bank were also as doubtful to the French. But, for all the
disasters happened me, the business is the same it was, and
the fine ships (whereof one was reported more than three
hundred tons) went forward, and found fish so much that
neither Icelandmen nor Newfoundlandmen, I could hear of hath
been there, will go any more to either place if they may go
thither. So that upon the return of my vice-admiral,
that proceeded on her voyage when I spent my otmyvice-
i t ni j.u -LU- x admiral and
masts, from Plymouth this year are gone four or the four ships
five sail, and from London as many, only to make from
voyages of profit. Where the Englishmen have yet

38
been, all their returns together (except Sir Fr. Popphames)
would scarce make one a saver of near a dozen I could nomi
nate, though there be fish sufficient, as I persuade myself, to
fraught yearly four or five hundred sail, or as many as will go.
For this fishing stretcheth along the coast from Cape Cod
to Newfoundland, which is seven or eight hundred miles at the
least, and hath his course in the deeps, and by the shore, all
the year long ; keeping their haunts and feedings as the beasts
of the field and the birds of the air.
But all men are not such as they should be, have undertaken
those voyages, and a man that hath but heard of an instrument
can hardly use it so well as he that by use hath contrived to
make it. All the Romans were not Scipios, nor all the
Genoese Columbuses, nor all Spaniards Cortezes. Had they
dived no deeper in the secrets of their discoveries than we, or
stopped at such doubts and poor accidental chances, they had
never been remembered as they are; yet had they no such
certainties to begin as we.
But to conclude, Adam and Eve did first begin this innocent
work, to plant the earth to remain to posterity, but not with
out labor, trouble, and industry. Noah and his family began
again the second plantation, and their seed as it still increased
hath still planted new countries, and one country another, and
so the world to that estate it is, but not without much hazard,
travel, discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthy
fathers and their memorable offspring not been more diligent
for us now in these ages, than we are to plant that yet un-
planted for the after-livers ; had the seed of Abraham, our
Saviour Christ, and his apostles exposed themselves to no more
dangers to teach the gospel and the will of God than we, even
we ourselves had at this present been as savage and as
miserable as the most barbarous savage yet uncivilized.
The Hebrews and Lacedaemonians, the Goths, the Grecians,
the Romans, and the rest, what was it they would not under
take to enlarge their territories, enrich their subjects, resist
their enemies ? Those that were the founders of those great
monarchies and their virtues were no silvered, idle, golden
Pharisees, but industrious, iron -steeled publicans. They
regarded more provisions and necessaries for their people than
jewels, riches, ease, or delight for themselves. Riches were

39
their servants, not their masters. They ruled (as fathers, not
as tyrants) their people as children, not as slaves. There was
no disaster could discourage them ; and let none think they
encountered not with all manner of incumbrances.
And what have ever been the works of the greatest princes
of the earth but planting of countries and civilizing barbarous
and inhuman nations to civility and humanity, whose eternal
actions fill our histories? Lastly, the Portuguese and Spaniards,
whose everliving actions before our eyes will testify with them
our idleness and ingratitude to all posterities, and the neglect
of our duties in our piety and religion we owe our God, our
king, and country, and of want charity to those poor savages,
whose country we challenge, use and possess, except we be
but made to use and mar what our forefathers macle, or but
only tell what they did, or esteem ourselves too good to take
the like pains. Was it virtue in them to provide that doth
maintain us ? and baseless for us to do the like for others ?
Surely no. Then, seeing we are not born for ourselves, but
each to help other, and our abilities are much alike at the hour
of our birth and the minute of our death ; seeing our good
deeds or our bad, by faith in Christ's merits, is all we have to
carry our souls to heaven or hell ; seeing honor is our life's
ambition, and our ambition after death to have an honorable
memory of our life ; and seeing by no means we would be
abated of the dignities and glories of our predecessors, let us
imitate their virtues to be worthily their successors.
FINIS.
At London : Printed the eighteenth, of June, \
in the year of our Lord 1616. j

40
TO HIS WORTHY CAPTAIN, THE AUTHOR.
Oft thou hast led, when I brought up the rear,
In bloody wars where thousands have been slain ;
Then give me leave, in this some part to bear,
And, as thy servant, here to read my name.
'Tis true, long time thou hast my captain been,
In the fierce wars of Transylvania ;
Long ere that thou America hadst seen,
Or led, was captived in Virginia.
Thou, that to pass the world's four parts dost deem
No more than 'twere to go to bed or drink,
And all thou yet hast done thou dost esteem
As nothing. This doth cause me think
That thou I've seen so oft approv'd in dangers
(And thrice captiv'd, thy valor still hath freed)
Art yet preserved to convert these strangers ;
By God, thy guide, I trust it is decreed.
For me, I not commend, but much admire
Thy England, yet unknown to passers-by-her ;
For it will praise itself in spite of me,
Thou it, it thou, to all posterity.
Your true friend and soldier,
ED. ROBISON.

TO MY HONEST CAPTAIN, THE AUTHOR.
Malignant times ! What can be said or done
But shall be censur'd and traduc'd by some !
This worthy work, which thou hast bought so dear,
Ne thou, or it, detractors need to fear.
Thy words by deeds so long thou hast approv'd
Of thousands know thee not, thou art beloved,
And this great plot will make thee ten times more
Known and beloved than e'er thou wert before.
I never knew a warrior yet but thee,
From wine, tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free.
I call thee warrior, and I make the bolder,
For many a captain now was never soldier.
Some such may swell at this, but (to their praise)
When they have done like thee, my muse shall raise,
Their due deserts to worthies yet to come,
To live like thine (admir'd) till day of doom.
Your true friend, sometimes your soldier,
THO. CARLTON.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME ONE
A Discourse Concerning the Designed Establishment of a No. i,
New Colony to the South of Carolina, in the Most Delight- Mav-
ful Country of the Universe, by Sir Robert Mountgomry,
Baronet. London : Printed in the year 1717.
A Brief Account of the Establishment of the Colony of No- 2-
Georgia, under General James Oglethorpe, February June-
1, 1733-
A State of the Province of Georgia, Attested upon Oath, in No- 3.
the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740. London : July'
Printed for W. Meadows, at the Angel in Cornhill, MDCCXLII.
A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia, No- 4,
in America, from the first settlement thereof until this August
period ; containing the most authentic facts, matters, and
transactions therein ; together with his Majesty's charter, rep
resentations of the people, letters, etc.; and a Dedication to
his Excellency General Oglethorpe. — By Pat. Tailfer, M. D.,
Hugh Anderson, M. D., Da. Douglas, and others, Landholders
in Georgia, at present in Charles-town, in South Carolina.
Charles-town, South Carolina: Printed by P. Timothy, for
the Authors, 1741.
AN Account Showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, No. 5,
in America, from its First Establishment. Published per September.
Order of the Honorable the Trustees. London : Printed in
the year MDCCXLI. Maryland : Reprinted and sold by Jonas
Green, at his Printing Office, in Annapolis, 1742.
NOVA Britannia : Offering most excellent fruits by plant- No. 6,
ing in Virginia ; exciting all such as be well affected October.
to further the same. London : Printed for Samuel Macham,
and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Church-yard, at the
sign of the Bul-head, 1609.

CONTENTS

No. 7,
November.

No. 8,
December. No. g,
January.

No. 10,
February.

No. ii,
March.

No. 12,
April.

THE New Life of Virginia : Declaring the former success and
present estate of that plantation, being the second part of
Nova Britannia. Published by authority of his Majesty's
Council of Virginia. London : Imprinted by Felix Kyngston,
for William Welby, dwelling at the sign of the Swan, in Paul's
Church-yard, 1612.
THE Beginning, Progress, and Conclusion of Bacon's Rebel
lion in Virginia, in the years 1675 and 1676.
AN Account of our Late Troubles in Virginia, written in
1676, by Mrs. An. Cotton of Q. Creek. Published from
the original manuscript, in the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, of
12 September, 1804.
A List of Those that have been Executed for the Late Rebel
lion in Virginia, by Sir William Berkeley, Governor of
the Colony. Copied from the original manuscript (Harleian
collection, codex 6845, page 54), in the library of the British
Museum, London, by Robert Greenhow, Esq., of Virginia.
A Narrative of the Indian and Civil Wars in Virginia, in the
years 1675 and 1676. Published from the original manu
script, in the first volume (second series) of the Collections of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. Boston : Printed by
John Eliot, No. 5 Court street, 1814.
NEW England's Plantation : or, a short and true description
of the commodities and discommodities of that country.
Written by a reverend Divine now there resident. London :
Printed by T. C. and R. C. for Michael Sparke, dwelling at
the sign of the Blue Bible in Greene Arbor in the little Old
Bailey, 1630.
A Petition of W. C. Exhibited to the High Court of Parlia
ment, now assembled, for the Propagating of the Gospel
in America and the West Indies, and for the settling of our
Plantations there ; which Petition is approved by seventy able
English Divines, also by Master Alexander Henderson and
some other worthy Ministers of Scotland. Printed in the
year 1641.

AMERICAN

Colonial Tracts

MONTHLY

Number Two June 1898

NEW ENGLAND'S TRIALS. DECLARING THE
SUCCESS OF 80 SHIPS EMPLOYED
THITHER WITHIN THESE EIGHT YEARS ; AND
THE BENEFIT OF THAT COUNTRY BY SEA AND
LAND. WITH THE PRESENT ESTATE OF THAT
HAPPY PLANTATION, BEGUN BUT BY SIXTY
WEAK MEN, IN THE YEAR 1 620. AND HOW TO
BUILD A FLEET OF GOOD SHIPS TO MAKE A
LITTLE NAVY ROYAL. WRITTEN BY CAPTAIN
JOHN SMITH, SOMETIMES GOVERNOR OF
VIRGINIA, AND ADMIRAL OF NEW ENGLAND.
THE SECOND EDITION. LONDON : PRINTED
BY WILLIAM JONES, 1622.

Price 2$ Cents $3.00 a Year
Published by
GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER
Foreign Agents GAY & BIRD London England

COLONIAL TRACTS, issued monthly, is designed to
offer in convenient form and at a reasonable price
some of the more valuable pamphlets relating to the early
history of America which have hitherto been inaccessible to
the general public, although of so much importance to the
historical student. Single numbers at 25 cents each, or $3.00
by the year, in advance, may be ordered through any book
seller, from the publisher, George P. Humphrey, 25 Exchange
Street, Rochester, N. Y., or Gay & Bird, 22 Bedford Street,
Strand, London, W. C, England, agents for England and the
Colonies. The number for July will contain " The Planter's
Plea. Or, the grounds of plantations examined, and usual
objections answered. Together with a manifestation of the
causes moving such as have lately undertaken a plantation in
New England. For the satisfaction of those that question the
lawfulness of the action. London : printed by William Jones,
1630."

Volume one is completed with the number for April, i8g8,
which contains a very complete index, thus making the
twelve numbers readily available for reference purposes.
The twelve numbers complete and uncut, in a binding
of dark blue buckram, price four dollars.
Covers for binding can be furnished separately, if desired.

AMONG the many interesting numbers for 1898-9, we are
able to announce the following :
Morton's New English Canaan, 1632.
Description of the Province of South Carolina, 1732.
Description of Georgia ; London, 1741.
A Description of the Province of New Albion, 1648.
A Perfect Description of Virginia, 1649.
Virginia and Maryland, or the Lord Baltimore's printed
case uncased and answered, 1655.

Entered at the Rochester Post-Office as Second Class Matter.

NEW ENGLAND'S TRIALS:

DECLARING THE SUCCESS OF EIGHTY SHIPS EMPLOYED
THITHER WITHIN THESE EIGHT YEARS, AND
THE BENEFIT OF THAT COUNTRY
BY SEA AND LAND ;
WITH THE PRESENT ESTATE OF THAT HAPPY
PLANTATION, BEGUN BUT BY SIXTY
WEAK MEN IN THE YEAR
1620;
AND HOW TO BUILD A FLEET OF
GOOD SHIPS TO MAKE
A LITTLE NAVY
ROYAL.
WRITTEN BY
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH,
SOMETIMES GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA AND ADMIRAL OF NEW ENGLAND.

THE SECOND EDITION.

LONDON :
Printed by W" LIAM JONES,
1622.

NO 14 JUNE 1898
COLONIAL TRACTS
Published by GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER N Y

The Genesee Presa :
The Post Exprens Printing Company,
Rochester, N. Y,

TO THE MOST HIGH AND EXCELLENT PRINCE CHARLES, PRINCE
OF WALES ; DUKE OF CORNWALL, YORK, AND ALBANY ;
MARQUIS OF ORMOND, AND ROTHSEY ; AND EARL PALATINE
OF CHESTER ; HEIR OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND
IRELAND, ETC.
Sir: WHEN scarce any would believe me there was any such
matter, your Highness did not disdain to accept my
description, and called that New England, whose barbarous
names you changed for such English that none can deny but
Prince Charles is the godfather. Whereby, I am bound in all
reason and duty to give you the best account I can how your
child doth prosper ; and, although as yet it is not much unlike
the father in fortune, only used as an instrument for other men's
ends, yet the grace you bestowed on it by your princely favor
hath drawn so many judgments now to behold it, that I hope
shall find it will give content to your highness, satisfaction to
them, and so increase the number of well-willers, New England
will be able to reject her maligners and attend Prince Charles
with her dutiful obedience with a trophy of honor and a
kingdom for a prince. Therefore, the great work contained in
this little book humbly desires your princely patronage. No
more, but sacrificing all my best abilities to the exquisite judg
ment of your renowned virtues, I humbly kiss your gracious
hands. Your highness' true and faithful servant,
Jno. Smith.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE AND RIGHT WORTHY ADVENTURERS
TO ALL PLANTATIONS AND DISCOVERERS, THEIR FRIENDS
AND WELL-WISHERS, ESPECIALLY OF VIRGINIA AND NEW
ENGLAND.
Right Honorable :
f CONFESS it were more proper for me doing what I say,
than writing what I know ; but that it is not my fault there
is many a hundred can testify if they please to remember what
pains I have taken, both particularly and generally, to make this
work known, and procure means to put it in practice. What
calumniations, doubts, or other misrepresentations hath opposed
my endeavors, I had rather forget than remember, but still to
express my forwardness to the consideration of your favorable
constructions, 1 present this short discourse of the proceeding
and present estate of New England. If you please to peruse
it and make use of it, I am richly rewarded, though they be
but the collections and observations of a plain soldier ; yet, if
you please to grace them with you countenance and good
acceptance, 1 shall therein think myself happy, and hope that
those labors may in time return you such fruits as hereafter
may persuade you to pardon this boldness, and accept them to
be your honest servants. Yours to command,
Jno. Smith.

vol. . COLONIAL TRACTS™-

NEW ENGLAND'S TRIALS AND PRESENT ESTATE.
CONCERNING the description of this country six years ago,
I wrote so largely, as in brief, I hope this may suffice you
to remember that New England is a part of America betwixt
the degrees of 41 and 45, the very mean betwixt the north pole
and the line. From 43 to 45, the coast is mountainous, rocky,
barren, and broken isles, that make many good harbors. The
water is deep close to the shore ; there are many rivers and
fresh springs, few savages, but an incredible abundance of fish,
fowl, wild fruits, and good timber. From 43 to 41 j£ an excel
lent mixed coast of stone, sand, and clay, much corn, many
people, some isles, many good harbors, a temperate air, and
therein all things necessary for the building of ships of any
proportion, and good merchandise for their fraught within a
square of twelve leagues. Twenty-five harbors I sounded,
thirty several lordships I saw, and so near as I could imagine,
three thousand men. I was up one river forty miles, crossed
the mouths of many, whose heads are reported to be great
lakes (where they kill their beavers), inhabited with many
people, who trade with those of New England and them of
Canada.
THE BENEFIT OF FISHING, AS MR. DEE REPORTETH IN HIS
BRITISH MONARCHY.
He saith that it is more than forty-four years ago, and it
is more than forty years since he wrote it, that the herring
busses out of the low countries, under the king of Spain, were
five hundred, besides one hundred Frenchmen and three or
four hundred sail of Flemmings.
The coasts of Wales and Lancashire were used by three
hundred sail of strangers.
Ireland at Baltimore freighted yearly three hundred sail of

Spaniards, where King Edward the VI intended to have made a
strong castle, because of the strait, to have tribute for fishing.
Black Rock was yearly fished by three or four hundred sail
of Spaniards, Portuguese, and Biskiners.
Mr. Gentleman and many fishermen and fishmongers with
whom I have conferred, report :
The Hollanders raise yearly by herring, cod, and ling,
3,000,000 pounds.
English and French by salt fish, poorjohn, salmon, and
pilchards, 300,000 pounds.
Hambrough and the sound, for sturgeon, lobsters, and eels,
100,000 pounds.
Cape Blank for tunny and mullet, by the Biskiners and
Spaniards, 30,000 pounds.
But divers other learned, experienced observers say, though
it may seem incredible, that the Duke of Medina receiveth
yearly tribute of the fishers for tunny, mullet, and purgos, more
than 10,000 pounds.
Lubeck hath seven hundred ships ; Hambrough six hundred.
Embden, lately a fisher town of 1400, whose customs by the
profit of fishing hath made them so powerful as they be.
Holland and Zeland, not much greater than Yorkshire, have
thirty walled towns, four hundred villages, and twenty thousand
sail of ships and hoyes ; three thousand six hundred are fisher
men, whereof one hundred are doggers, seven hundred pinks
and well-boats, seven hundred frand boats, britters, and tode
boats, with one thousand three hundred busses, besides three
hundred that yearly fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their
fish for gold, and fifteen years ago they had more than 1 16,000
seafaring men.
These fishing ships do take yearly 200,000 last of fish,
twelve barrels to a last, which amounted to 3,000,000 pounds
by the fishermen's price, that fourteen years ago did pay for their
tenths 300,000 pound, which venting in Pumerland, Prussia,
Denmark, Lesland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands,
England, or elsewhere, etc., make their returns in a year about
7,000,000 pounds, and yet in Holland they have neither matter
to build ships, nor merchandize to set them forth ; yet by their
industry they as much increase as other nations decay. But
leaving these uncertainties as they are, of this I am certain :

That the coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the North
sea, with Ireland and the sound, Newfoundland and Cape Blank,
do serve all Europe, as well the land towns as ports, and all
the Christian shipping, with these sorts of staple fish, which is
transported from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile,
viz. : herring, salt fish, poorjohn, sturgeon, mullet, tunny,
porgos, caviare, buttargo.
Now, seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them,
may be had in a land more fertile, temperate, and plentiful of
all necessaries for the building of ships, boats, and houses, and
the nourishment of man, the seasons are so proper and the
fishings so near the habitations we may there make, that New
England hath much advantage of the most of those parts to
serve all Europe far cheaper than they can, who at home have
neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates ; at sea nothing
but what they carry in their ships an hundred or two hundred
leagues from their habitation.
But New England's fishings are near land, where is help of
wood, water, fruits, fowls, corn, or other refreshings needful ;
and the Terceras, Maderias, Canaries, Spain, Portugal, Pro
vence, Savoy, Sicilia, and all Italy as convenient markets for
our dry fish, green fish, sturgeon, mullet, cavaire, and buttargo,
as Norway, Swethland, Littuania, or Germany for their
herring, which is here also in abundance, for taking, they
returning but wood, pitch, tar, soap-ashes, cordage, flax, wax,
and such like commodities ; we, wines, oils, sugars, silks, and
such merchandize as the straits afford, whereby our profit may
equalize theirs, besides the increase of shipping and mariners.
And for proof hereof :
With two ships sent out at the charge of Captain Marma-
duke Roydon, Captain George Langam, M. John
Buley, and W. Skelton, I went from the Downes— r.!^J'
the third of March and arrived in New England the last of Aprils
where I was to have stayed but with ten men to keep possession
of those large territories. Had the whales proved as curious
information had assured me and my adventures, but those things
failed. So having but forty-five men and boys, we built seven
boats, thirty-seven did fish, myself with eight others ranging the
coast ; I took a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance of the
inhabitants ; eleven hundred beaver skins, one hundred martins,

and as many otters. Forty thousand of dried fish we sent to Spain ;
with the salt fish, train oil, and furs, I returned to England the
eighteenth of July, and arrived safe with my company the lat
ter end of August. Thus, in six months, I made my voyage
out and home, and by the labor of forty-five, got near the value of
^1500 in those gross commodities. This year, also, one went
from Plymouth, set out by divers of the Isle of Wight
and the west country, by the directions and instructions of Sir
Ferdinando Gorge, spent their victuals, and returned with
nothing. The Virginia company, upon this, sent four good ships, and
because I would not undertake it for them, having
Proof 2, 1615. engaged myself to them of the west, the Londoners
entertained the men that came home with me. They set sail
in January, and arrived there in March. They found fish
enough until half June, fraughted a ship of three hundred tons,
went for Spain, which was taken by the Turks ; one went to
Virginia to relieve that colony, and two came for England with
the green fish, train oil, and furs within six months.
In January, with £200 in cash for adventure, and six gentle
men well furnished, I went from London to the four
ships promised prepared for me in the west country,
but I found no such matter, notwithstanding at the last, with a
labyrinth of trouble, I went from Plymouth with a ship of two
hundred tons, and one of fifty. When the fishing was done
only with fifteen, I was to stay in the country ; but ill weather
breaking all my masts, I was forced to return to Plymouth,
where, rather than lose all, reembarking myself in a bark of
sixty tons (how I escaped the English pirates and the French,
and was betrayed by four French men-of-war, I refer you to
the Description of New England), but my vice-admiral, not
withstanding the lateness of the year, setting forth with me in
March, the Londoners in January, she arrived in May, they in
March, yet came home well fraught in August, and all her men
well, within five months, odd days.
The Londoners, ere I returned from France, for all their loss
by the Turks, which was valued about .£4000, sent
two more in July, but such courses they took by the
Canaries to the West Indies, it was ten months ere they arrived
in New England, wasting in that time their seasons, victuals,

and health, yet there they found means to refresh themselves,
and the one returned near fraught with fish and train, within
two months after.
From Plymouth went four ships, only to fish and trade, some
in February, some in March, one of two hundred
tons got thither in a month, and went full fraught
¦for Spain, the rest returned to Plyfflouth well fraught, and their
men well, within five months, odd days.
From London went two more ; one of two hundred tons
got thither in six weeks, and within six weeks after,
with forty-four men and boys, was full fraught,
and returned again to England within five months and a few
days ; the other went to the Canaries with dried fish, which
they sold at a great rate for rials of eight, and, as I heard,
turned pirates.
I being at Plymouth provided with three good ships, yet but
fifteen men to stay with me in the country, was
windbound three months, as was many a hundred
sail more, so that, the season being past, ships went for New
foundland, whereby my design was frustrated, which was to
me and my friends no small loss, in regard whereof here the
western commissioners, in the behalf of themselves and the rest
of the company, contracted with me by articles indented under
our hands, to be admiral of that country during my life, and in
the renewing of their letters patent so to be nominated, half
the fruits of our endeavors theirs, the rest our own. Being
thus engaged, now the business doth prosper. Some of them
would willingly forget me, but I am not the first they have
deceived. There were four good ships prepared at Plymouth, but by
reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted
as only two went forward, the one being of two
hundred tons returned well fraught for Plymouth, and her men
in health, within five months ; the other, of eighty tons, went
for Bilbow with dried fish, and made a good return. In this
voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant soldier, that
had been with me in Virginia, and seven years after went with
me from Plymouth towards New England, with Thomas Dirmer,
an understanding and an industrious gentleman, to inhabit it ;
all whose names, with our proceedings, you may read at large

10
in my description of New England, upon trial before the judge
of the admirality, how, when we had passed the worst, for
pure cowardice, the master and sailors ran away with the ship
and all I had, and left me alone among eight or nine French
men-of-war, in the year 1615. This Stallings went now again
in those ships, and having some wrong offered him in New
England by a Frenchman, he took him, and as he wrote to me,
he went with her to Virginia with fish, to trade withjhem for
such commodities as they might spare. He knew both these
countries well, yet he promised me the next spring to meet me
in New England, but the ship and he perished in Virginia.
This year, again divers ships intending to go from Plymouth,
so disagreed as there went but one of two hundred
Proof 9, 1619. tons, who stayed in the country about six weeks,
with thirty-eight men and boys, had her fraught, which she
sold at the first penie, for £2100, besides the furs ; so that
every poor sailor that had but a single share, had his charges
and ^16 10s. for his seven months' work. Mr. Thomas Dirmer,
having lived about a year in Newfoundland, returning to
Plymouth, went for New England in this ship, and not only
confirms what I have written, but so much more approved of
it, that he stayed there with five or six men in a little boat.
Finding two or three Frenchmen among the savages who had
lost their ship, augmented his company, with whom he ranged
the coast to Virginia, where he was kindly welcomed and well
refreshed ; thence returned to New England again, where
having been a year, in his back-return to Virginia he was so
wounded by the savages he died upon it ; those who escaped
were relieved at Virginia. Let not men attribute their great
adventures and untimely deaths to unfortunateness, but rather
wonder how God did so long preserve them, with so small
means to do so much, leaving the fruits of their labors to bean
encouragement to those our poor undertakings ; and this for
our advantage, as they write unto me, that God hath laid this
country open for us, and slain the most part of the inhabitants
by cruel wars and a mortal disease, for where I had seen one
hundred or two hundred people there is scarce ten to be found.
From Pembrocks bay to Harrintons bay there is not twenty ;
from thence to Cape Ann some thirty ; from Taulbuts bay to
the river Charles, about forty ; and not any of them touched

11
with any sickness, but one poor Frenchman, that died.
For to make trial this year, there is gone six or seven sail
from the west country, only to fish, three of whom
, , , . . . . ,. , Proof 10, 1620.
are returned, and as I was certainly informed,
• made so good a voyage, that every sailor for a single share had
£20 for his seven months work, which is more than in twenty
months he should have gotten had he gone for wages anywhere.
Now, though all the former ships have not made such good
voyages as they expected, by sending opinionated, unskillful
men that had not experienced diligence to save that they took,
nor take that there was, which now patience and practice hath
brought to a reasonable kind of perfection. In despite of all
detractors and calumniations, the country yet hath satisfied all ;
the defect hath been in their using or abusing it, not in itself,
nor me. A PLANTATION IN NEW ENGLAND.
[ TPON these inducements, some few well-disposed gentlemen
*-^ and merchants of London and other places provided two
ships, the one of one hundred and sixty tons, the Proof 11, 1620.
other of seventy. They left the coast of England
the twenty-third of August, with about one hundred and twenty
persons, but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leak that
forced their return to Plymouth, where discharging her and
twenty passengers, with the great ship and a hundred persons
besides sailors, they set sail again the sixth of September, and
the ninth of November fell Cape James, but being pestered
nine weeks in this leaking, unwholesome ship, lying wet in
their cabins, most of them grew very weak, and weary of the
sea ; then for want of experience ranging to and again, six
weeks before they found a place they liked to dwell on, forced
to lie on the bare ground without covering in the extremity of
winter, forty of them died and sixty were left in very weak
estate at the ship's coming away, about the first of April
following, and arrived in England the sixth of May.
Immediately after her arrival, from London they sent another
of fiftv-five tons, to supply them, with thirty-seven
. Proof 12. 1620.
persons. They set sail in the beginning of July,
but being crossed by westerly winds, it was the end of August
ere they could pass Plymouth, and arrived at New Plymouth

12
in New England, the eleventh of November, where they found
all the people they left in April, as is said, lusty and in good
health, except six that died. Within a month they returned
here for England, laded with clapboard, wainscot, and walnut,
with about three hogsheads of beaver skins, and some sasafras,
the thirteenth of December, and drawing near our coast, was
taken by a Frenchman, sent out by the marquis of Cera, gover
nor of Isle Deu, on the coast of Poytou, where they kept the
ship, imprisoned the master and company, took from them to
the value of about .£500, and after fourteen days sent them
home with a poor supply of victuals, their own being devoured
by the marquis and his hungry servants. They arrived in
London the fourteenth of February, leaving all those they
found and carried to New England, well and in health, with
victuals and corn sufficient till the next harvest.
THE COPY OF LETTER SENT BY THIS SHIP.
T OVING COUSIN : At our arrival at New Plymouth in
New England, we found all our friends and planters in
Aietterfrom §00c* nea'th, though they were left sick and weak,
New Plymouth, v^ith very small means, the Indians round about us
peaceable and friendly, the country very pleasant and temper
ate, yielding naturally of itself great store of fruits, as vines
of divers sorts in great abundance ; there is likewise walnuts,
chestnuts, small nuts, and plums, with much variety of flowers,
roots, and herbs, no less pleasant than wholesome and profit
able. No place hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor
better. Timber of all sorts you have in England doth cover
the land, that affords beasts of divers sorts, and great flocks of
turkeys, quail, pigeons, and partridges ; many great lakes
abounding with fish, fowl, beavers, and otters. The sea affords
us as great plenty of all excellent sorts of sea fish, as the
rivers and isles doth variety of wild fowl of most useful sorts.
Mines we find to our thinking, but neither the goodness nor
quality we know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian
corn, if we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need
desire. We are all freeholders, the rent day doth not trouble
us, and all those good blessings we have, of which and what
we list, in their seasons for taking. Our company are for most

13
mart very religious, honest people ; the word of God sincerely
-taught us every Sabbath, so that I know not anything a con
tented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send
my wife and children to me, where I wish all the friends I have
in England, and so I rest, Your loving kinsman, William Hilton.
From the west country went ten or twelve ships to fish,
which were all well fraughted. Those that came
first at Bilbow made £17 a single share, besides
beaver, otter, and martin skins ; but some of the rest that came
to the same ports that were already furnisned, so glutted the
market their price was abated, yet all returned so well contented
they are preparing to go again.
There is gone from the west of England only to fish thirty-
five ships, and about the last of April two more Forthis
from London, the one of one hundred tons, the l622-
other of thirty, with some sixty passengers to supply the
plantation with all necessary provisions. Now, though the
Turk and French hath been somewhat too busy, would all the
Christian princes but be truly at unity as his royal majesty,
our sovereign lord and king desireth, seventy sail of good ships
were sufficient to fire the most of his coasts in the Levant and
make such a guard in the straits of Hellespont as would make
the great Turk himself more afraid in Constantinople than the
smallest red cross crosses the seas would be, either of any
French, Piccaroun, or the pirates of Argere.
AN ABSTRACT OF LETTERS SENT FROM THE COLONY
IN NEW ENGLAND, JULY 16, 1622.
CINCE the news of the massacre in Virginia, though the
^ Indians continue their wonted friendship, yet are we more
wary of them than before, for their hands have been imbrued
in much English blood only by too much confidence, but not
by force. Here I must entreat a little your favors to digress. They
did not kill the English because they were Christians, but for
their weapons and commodities, that were rare novelties ; but

14
now they fear we may beat them out of their dens, whicfv
lions and tigers would not admit but by force. But must this
be an argument for an Englishman or discourage any, either in
Virginia or New England ? No ; for I have tried them both.
For Virginia, I kept that country with thirty-eight, and had not
to eat but what we had from the savages. When I had ten
men able to go abroad, our commonwealth was very strong.
With such a number I ranged that unknown country fourteen
weeks ; I had but eighteen to subdue them all, with which
great army I stayed six weeks before thsir greatest king's
habitations till they had gathered together all the power they
could, and yet the Dutchmen sent at a needless excessive charge
did help Powhattan how to betray me.
Of their numbers we were uncertain, but those two honor
able gentlemen ( Captain George Percie and Captain Francis
West, two of the Phittiplaces, and some other noble gentlemen
and resolute spirits, bore their shares with me, and now living
in England) did see me take this murdering Opechaukanough,
now their king, by the long locks on his head, with my pistol
at his breast. I led him among his greatest forces, and before
we parted made him fill our bark of twenty tons, with corn.
When their own wants were such I have given them part again
in pity, and others have bought it again to plant their fields.
For wronging a soldier but the value of a penny, I have
caused Powhattan to send his own men to Jamestown to receive
their punishment at my discretion. It is true, in our greatest
extremity, they shot me, slew three of my men, and by the
folly of them that fled took me prisoner ; yet God made
Pocahontas, the king's daughter, the means to deliver me, and
thereby taught me to know their treacheries, to preserve the
rest. It was also my chance in single combat to take the king
of Paspahegh prisoner, and by keeping him, forced his subjects
to work in chains till 1 made all the country pay contribution,
having little else whereon to live.
Twice in this time I was their president, and none can say
in all that time I had any man slain ; but for keeping them in
that fear I was much blamed both there and here, yet I left five
hundred behind me that through their confidence in six months
came most to confusion, as you may read at large in the descrip
tion of Virginia. When I went first to those desperate designs

15
jt cost me many a forgotten pound to hire men to go, and pro
crastination caused more to run away than went. But after
the ice was broken, came many brave volunteers, notwith
standing since I came from thence, the honorable company have
been humble suitors to his majesty to get vagabonds and
condemned men to go thither ; nay, so much scorned was the
name of Virginia that some did choose to be hanged ere they
would go thither, and were ; yet for all the worst of spite,
detraction, and discouragement, and this lamentable massacre,
there is more honestvmen now suitors to go than ever hath been
constrained knaves, and it is not unknown to most men of
understanding how happy many of those calumniators do think
themselves that they might be admitted, and yet pay for their
passage to go now to Virginia, and had I but means to transport
as many as would go, I might have choice of ten thousand that
would gladly be in any of those new places which were so basely
condemned by ungrateful, base minds.
To range this country of New England in like manner, I
had but eight, as is said, and amongst their brute conditions I
met many of their silly encounters, and without any hurt, God
be thanked. When your west countrymen were many of them
wounded and much tormented with the savages that assaulted
their ship, as they did say themselves, in the first year I was
there, 1614, and though Mr. Hunt, then master, with me,
did most basely in stealing some savages from that coast to
sell, when he was directed to have gone for Spain, yet that
place was so remote from Capawuck, where Epenew should
have fraughted them with gold ore. His fault could be no
cause of their bad success, however it is alleged for an excuse.
I speak not this out of vainglory, as it may be some gleaners
or some who were never there may censure me, but to let all
men be assured by these examples, what those savages are
that thus strangely do murder and betray our countrymen.
But to the purpose.
What is already written of the healthfulness of the air, the
richness of the soil, the goodness of the woods, the abundance
of fruit, fish, and fowl, in their season, they still affirm that
have been there now nearly two years, and at one draught they
have taken one thousand bass, and in one night twelve hogs
heads of herring. They are building a strong fort, they hope

16
shortly to finish ; in the interim they are well provided. Their
number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and well near
sixty acres of ground well planted with corn, besides their
gardens well replenished with useful fruits, and if their adven
tures would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing, their
wants would quickly be supplied. To supply them, this six
teenth of October is going the Paragon with sixty-seven
persons, and all this is done by private men's purses. And to
conclude in their own words, should they Write of all plenties
they have found, they think they should not be believed.
For the twenty-six sail of ships, the most I can yet under
stand is M. Ambrose Jennens of London, and M. Abraham
Jennens of Plymouth, sent their Abraham, a ship of two
hundred and twenty tons, and the Nightingale of Portsmouth,
of one hundred, whose fish at the first penie came to £3150 ;
in all there was thirty-five sail, and were in Newfoundland,
where they shared six or seven pounds for a common man ; in
New England they shared £14, besides six Dutch and French
ships made wonderful returns in furs.
Thus you may see plainly the yearly success from New
England by Virginia, which hath been so costly to
this kingdom and so dear to me, which either to see
perish or but bleed ( pardon me, though it passionate me beyond
the bonds of modesty), to have been sufficiently able to foresee
it, and had neither power nor means how to prevent it. By
that acquaintance I have with them, 1 may call them my
children, for they have been my wife, my hawks, my hounds,
my cards, my dice, and in total my best content, as indifferent
to my heart as my left hand to my right, and notwithstanding
all those miracles of disasters have crossed both them and me,
yet were there not one Englishman remaining (as God be
thanked there are some thousands), I would yet begin again
with as small means as I did at the first, not for that I have
any secret encouragement from any I protest more than lament
able experiences, for all their discoveries I can yet hear of,
are but pigs of my own sow, nor more strange to me than to
hear one tell me he hath gone from Billingsgate and discovered
Greenwich, Gravesend, Tilbery, Quinborow, Lee, and Margit,
which to those did never hear of them, though they dwell in
England, might be made seem some rare secrets and great

17
countries unknown, except the relations of Mr. Dirmer.
In England some are held great travelers that have seen
Venice and Rome, Maarill and Algere, Prague or Ragousa,
Constantinople, or Jerusalem, and the pyramids of Egypt ;
that think it nothing to go to the summer isles or Virginia,
which is as far as any of them, and I hope in time will prove a
more profitable and a more laudable journey. As for the
danger, you see our ladies and gentlewomen account it nothing
now to go thither, and therefore I hope all good men will better
apprehend it, and not suffer them to languish in despair whom
God so wonderfully and so oft hath preserved.
What here I have written by relation, if it be not right, I
humbly entreat your pardons, but I have not spared any dili
gence to learn the truth of them that have been actors or sharers
in those voyages. In some particulars they might deceive me,
but in the substances they could not, for few could tell me any
thing, except where they fished ; but seeing all those have
lived there do confirm more than I have written, I doubt not
but all those testimonies, with these new begun examples of
plantation, will move both city and country freely to adventure
with me and my partners more than promises, seeing I have
from his majesty letters patent, such honest, free, and large
conditions assured me from his commissioners, as I hope will
satisfy any honest understanding.
But because some fortune tellers saith I am unfortunate,
had they spent their time as I have done, they would rather
believe in God than their calculations, and peradventure have
given as bad account of their actions, and therefore I entreat
leave to answer those objectors that think it strange if this be
true, 1 have made no more use of it, rests so long without
employment and hath no more reward nor preferment, to which
I say :
I think it more strange they should tax me before they have
tried as much as I have, both by land and sea, as well in Asia
and Africa as Europe and America, where my commanders
were actors or spectators, they always so freely rewarded me,
I never needed to importune, or could I ever learn to beg.
What there I got I have thus spent. These sixteen years 1
have spared neither pains nor money, according to my abilities,
first to procure his majesty's letters patent, and a company

18
here to be the means to raise a company to go with me to
Virginia, as is said, which beginning here and there cost me
nearly five years' work, and more than £500 of my own estate,
besides all the dangers, miseries, and incumbrances I endured
gratis, where I stayed till I left five hundred better provided
for than ever I was, from which blessed virgiri, ere I returned,
sprung the fortunate habitation of Somer Isles.
This virgin's sister, now called New England, an. 1616, at
my humble suit by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath been
nearly as chargeable to me and my friends, for all which,
although I never got a shilling but it cost me many a pound,
yet 1 think myself happy to see their prosperity.
If it yet trouble a multitude to proceed upon these certain
ties, what think you I undertook when nothing was known, but
that there was a vast land. I never had power and means to do
anything, though more hath been spent in formal delays than
would have done the business, but in such a penurious and
miserable manner as if I had gone a begging to build an univer
sity. Where had men been as forward to adventure their
purses and perform the conditions they promised me, as to
crop the fruits of my labors, thousands ere this had been
bettered by these designs. Thus, betwixt the spur of desire
and the bridle of reason, I am near ridden to death in a ring of
despair ; the reins are in your hands, therefore I entreat you
to ease me, and those that think I am either idle or unfortunate,
may see the cause, and know ; unless I did see better dealing,
1 have had warning enough not to be so forward again at every
motion upon their promises, unless I intended nothing but to
carryjnews. For now they dare adventure a ship, that when I
went first would not adventure a grote, so they may be at
home again by Michaelmas, which makes me remember M.
Hackluts ; oh, incredulity ! the wit of fools, that slovenly do
spit at all things fair ; a sluggard's cradle, a coward's castle,
how easy it is to be an infidel ; but to the purpose.
By this all men may perceive the ordinary performance of
this voyage in five or six months ; the plenty of fish is most
certainly approved, and it is certain from Canada and New
England within these six years hath come near twenty thousand
beaver skins. Now had each of those ships transported but
some small quantity of the most increasing beasts, fowls, fruit,

plants, and seeds, as I projected, by this time their increase
might have been sufficient for a thousand men. But the desire
0f present gain in many is so violent, and the endeavors of
many undertakers so negligent, everyone so regarding their
private gain, that it is hard to effect any public good, and
impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order, unless both
authority and money assist experience. It is not a work for
every one to plant a colony ; but when a house is built, it is
no hard matter to dwell in it. This requireth all the best parts
of art, judgment, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence, and
experience to do but near well ; your home-bred ingrossing
projectors shall find there a great difference betwixt saying and
doing. But to conclude, the fishing will go forward if you plant
it or no, whereby a colony may be transported with no great
charge, that in a short time might provide such fraughtsto buy
of us their dwelling, as I would hope no ship should go or come
empty from New England.
The charge of this is only salt, nets, hooks, lines, knives,
Irish rugs, coarse cloth, beads, glass, and such trash, only for
fishing and trade with the savages, beside our own necessary
provisions, whose endeavors will quickly defray all this charge,
and the savages have entreated me to inhabit where I will.
Now all these ships, till this last year, have been fished within
a square of two or three leagues, and not one of them all would
adventure any further, where questionless five hundred sail
may have their fraught better than in Iceland, Newfoundland,
or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can have
their fish in their ships, because New England's fishing begins
with February, the other not till mid May ; the progression
hereof tends much to the advancement of Virginia and the
Bermudas, whose empty ships may take in their fraught there,
and would be a good friend in time of need to the inhabitants
of Newfoundland. The returns made by the western ships are commonly
divided into three parts, one for the owner of the ship, another
for the master and his company, the third for the victualers,
which course being still permitted, will be no hindrance to the
plantation, go there never so many, but a means of transporting
that yearly for little or nothing, which otherwise will cost many
a hundred of pounds.

20
If a ship can gain twenty, thirty, fifty in the one hundred,. .
nay, three hundred for one hundred in seven months, as you
see they have done, spending twice so much time in going and
coming as in staying there ; were I there planted, seeing the
variety of the fishings in their seasons serveth the most part
of the year, and with a little labor we might make all the salt
we need use. I can conceive of no reason to distrust, but the
doubling and trebling their gains that are at all the former
charge, and can fish but two months in a year, and if those do
give twenty, thirty, or forty shillings for an acre of land, or
ship carpenters, forgers of iron, etc., that buy all things at a
dear rate, grow rich, when they may have as good of all needful
necessaries for taking, in my opinion, should not grow poor,
and no commodity in Europe doth more decay than wood.
Mr. Dee recordeth, in his British Monarchy, that King Edgar
had a navy of four thousand sail, with which he yearly made
his progress about this famous monarchy of Great Britain,
largely declaring the benefit thereof ; whereupon it seems he
projected to our most memorable Queen Elizabeth, the erecting
of a fleet of sixty sail, he called a little navy royal, imitating
the admired Pericles, Prince of Athens, that could never secure
that tormented estate until he was lord and captain of the sea.
At this none need wonder, for who knows not, her royal
majesty during her life, by the incredible adventures of her
royal navy, and what valiant soldiers and seamen, notwith
standing all treacheries at home, the protecting and defending
of France and Holland, and reconquering Ireland, yet all the
world by sea or land both feared, loved, and admired good
Queen Elizabeth.
Both to maintain and increase that incomparable honor, God
be thanked, to her incomparable successor, our most royal lord
and sovereign, King James, etc., this great philosopher hath
left this to his majesty and his kingdom's consideration : that
if the tenths of the earth be proper to God, it is also due by sea ;
the king's highways are common to pass, but not to dig for
mines, or anything; so England's coasts are free to pass, but
not to fish but by his majesty's prerogative.
His majesty of Spain permits none to pass the pope's order
for the East and West Indies, but by his permission on or at
their peril. If all that world be so justly theirs, it is no injustice

21
for England to make as much use of her own shores as strangers
do, that pay to their own lords the tenth and not to the owner
of those liberties anything to speak of, whose subjects may
neither take nor sell any in their territories, which small tribute
would maintain this little navy royal and not cost his majesty
a penny, and yet maintain peace with all foreigners, and allow
them more courtesy than any nation in the world affords to
England. It were a shame to allege that Holland is more worthy to
enjoy our fishings as lords thereof, because they have more
skill to handle it than we, as they can our wool and undressed
cloth, notwithstanding all their wars and troublesome disorders.
To get money to build this navy, he saith, who would not
spare the one hundred penny of his rents and the five hundred
penny of his goods ; each servant that taketh forty shillings
wages, four-pence, and every foreigner of seven years of age,
four-pence for seven years. Not any of these but they
will spend three times so much in pride, wantoness, or some
superfluity. And do any men love the security of their estates,
that of themselves would not be humble suitors to his majesty
to do this of free will as a voluntary benevolence, or but the
one-half of this, or some such other course as I have propounded
to divers of the companies, free from any constraint, tax, lottery,
or imposition, so it may be as honestly and truly employed as
it is projected, the poorest mechanic in this kingdom would gain
by it. You might build ships of any proportion and numbers
you please, five times cheaper than you can do here, and have
good merchandise for their fraught in this unknown land, to
the advancement of God's glory, His church and gospel, and
the strengthening and relief of a great part of Christendom,
without hurt to any, to the terror of pirates, the amazement of
enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing of merchants,
and so much increase of navigation to make England's trade
and shipping as much as any nation in the world, besides a
hundred other benefits to the general good of all good subjects,
and would cause thousands yet unborn to bless the time and
all those that first put it in practice.
Now, lest it should be obscured as it hath been to private
ends, or so weakly undertaken by our overweening incredulity
that strangers may possess it, whilst we contend for New

22
England's good, but not England's good, I present this to your
highness and to all the lords in England, hoping by your gracious
good liking and approbation to move all the worthy companies
of this noble city, and all the cities and countries in the whole
land, to consider it, since I can find them wood and half victuals,
with the aforesaid advantages, with what facility they may
build and maintain this little navy royal both with honor, profit,
and content, and inhabit as good a country as any in the world,
within that parallel, which with my life and what I have I will
endeavor to effect, if God please, and you permit. But no man
will go from hence to have less freedom there than here, nor
adventure all they have to prepare the way for those that
know it not, and it is too well known there hath been so many
undertakers of patents and such sharing of them as hath bred
Thisyearthree no 'ess discouragement than wonder, to hear such
London?setroi?t great promises and so little performances. In the
FarrrastaendJ0his interim you see the Dutch and French already
paThTlona frequent it ; and God forbid them in Virginia or any
NTheHopweii.' °f ms majesty's subjects should not have as free
7°TneSbaning, liberty as they. To conclude, were it not for Mr.
40 tons. Pierce and a few private adventurers with him,
what have we there for all these inducements ?
As for those whom pride or covetousness lulleth asleep in a
cradle of slothful carelessness, would they but consider how all
the great monarchies of the earth have been brought to confusion,
or but remember the late lamentable experience of Constanti
nople, and how many cities, towns, and provinces in the fair,
rich kingdoms of Hungaria, Transylvania, Wallachia, and
Moldavia ; and how many thousands of princes, earls, barons,
knights, merchants, and others have in one day lost goods,
lives, and honors, or sold for slaves like beasts in a market
place ; their wives, children, and servants slain or wandering
they knew not whither, dying or living in all extremities of
extreme misery and calamities. Surely they would not only
do this, but give all they have to enjoy peace and liberty at
home, or but adventure their persons abroad, to prevent the
conclusions of a conquering foe, who commonly assaulteth and
best prevaileth where he findeth wealth and plenty, most
armed with ignorance and security.
Though the true condition of war is only to suppress the

23
proud and defend the innocent and humble, as did that most
generous Prince Sigismundus Bathor, prince of those countries,
against those who, under the color of justice and pity, to
maintain their superfluity of ambitious pride, thought all the
world too little to maintain their vice, and undo them, or keep
them from ability to do anything that would not admire and
adore their honors, fortunes, covetousness, falsehood, bribery,
cruelty, extortion, and ingratitude, which is worse than coward
ice or ignorance, and all manner of vileness, clean contrary to
all honor, virtue, and nobleness.
Much more could I say, but lest I should be too tedious to
your more serious affairs, I humbly crave your honorable and
favorable constructions and pardons, if anything be amiss.
If any desire, to be further satisfied, they may read my
Description of Virginia and New England, and peruse them
with their several maps. What defect you find in them, they
shall find supplied in me or my authors, that thus freely hath
thrown myself with my mite into the treasury of my country's
good, not doubting but God will stir up some noble spirits to
consider and examine if worthy Columbus could give the
Spaniards any such certainties for his design when Queen Isabel
of Spain set him forth with fifteen sail. And though I can
promise no mines of gold, yet the warlike Hollanders let us
imitate, but not hate, whose wealth and strength are good
testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing. Therefore,
honorable and worthy countrymen, let not the meanness of the
word fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as the
mines of Guiana or Tumbatu, with less hazard and charge,
and more certainty and facility, and so I humbly rest.
FINIS.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME ONE

A Discourse Concerning the Designed Establishment of a
New Colony to the South of Carolina, in the Most Delight
ful Country of the Universe, by Sir Robert Mountgomry,
Baronet. London : Printed in the year 1717.
A Brief Account of the Establishment of the Colony of
Georgia, under General James Oglethorpe, February
1, 1733-
A State of the Province of Georgia, Attested upon Oath, in
the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740. London:
Printed for W. Meadows, at the Angel in Cornhill, MDCCXLII.
A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia,
in America, from the first settlement thereof until this
period ; containing the most authentic facts, matters, and
transactions therein ; together with his Majesty's charter, rep
resentations of the people, letters, etc.; and a Dedication to
his Excellency General Oglethorpe. — By Pat. Tailfer, M. D.,
Hugh Anderson, M. D., Da. Douglas, and others, Landholders
in Georgia, at present in Charles-town, in South Carolina.
Charles-town, South Carolina: Printed by P. Timothy, for
the Authors, 1741.
AN Account Showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia,
in America, from its First Establishment. Published per
Order of the Honorable the Trustees. London : Printed in
the year MDCCXLI. Maryland : Reprinted and sold by Jonas
Green, at his Printing Office, in Annapolis, 1742.
NOVA Britannia : Offering most excellent fruits by plant
ing in Virginia ; exciting all such as be well affected
to further the same. London : Printed for Samuel Macham,
and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Church-yard, at the
sign of the Bul-head, 1609.

No. i,
May.

No. 2,
June.

No. 3,
July-

No. 4,
August.

No. 5,
September.

No. 6,
Oftober.

CONTENTS

No. 7,
November.

No. 8,
December. No. 9,
January.

No. io,
February.

No. ii,
March.

No. 12,
April.

THE New Life of Virginia: Declaring the former success and
present estate of that plantation, being the second part of
Nova Britannia. Published by authority of his Majesty's
Council of Virginia. London : Imprinted by Felix Kyngston,
for William Welby, dwelling at the sign of the Swan, in Paul's
Church-yard, 1612.

T

HE Beginning, Progress, and Conclusion of Bacon's Rebel
lion in Virginia, in the years 1675 an^ 1676.

AN Account of our Late Troubles in Virginia, written in
1676, by Mrs. An. Cotton of Q. Creek. Published from
the original manuscript, in the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, of
12 September, 1804.
A List of Those that have been Executed for the Late Rebel
lion in Virginia, by Sir William Berkeley, Governor of
the Colony. Copied from the original manuscript (Harleian
collection, codex 6845, page 54), in the library of the British
Museum, London, by Robert Greenhow, Esq., of Virginia.
A Narrative of the Indian and Civil Wars in Virginia, in the
years 1675 anc^ 1676. Published from the original manu
script, in the first volume (second series) of the Collections of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. Boston : Printed by
John Eliot, No. 5 Court street, 18 14.
NEW England's Plantation : or, a short and true description
of the commodities and discommodities of that country.
Written by a reverend Divine now there resident. London :
Printed by T. C. and R. C. for Michael Sparke, dwelling at
the sign of the Blue Bible in Greene Arbor in the little Old
Bailey, 1630.
A Petition of W. C. Exhibited to the High Court of Parlia
ment, now assembled, for the Propagating of the Gospel
in America and the West Indies, and for the settling of our
Plantations there ; which Petition is approved by seventy able
English Divines, also by Master Alexander Henderson and
some other worthy Ministers of Scotland. Printed in the
year 1641.

AMERICAN

Colonial Tracts

MONTHLY

Number Three July 1898

THE PLANTER'S PLEA, OR THE GROUNDS
OF PLANTATIONS EXAMINED AND USUAL
OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. TOGETHER WITH
A MANIFESTATION OF THE CAUSES MOVING
SUCH AS HAVE UNDERTAKEN A PLANTATION
IN NEW ENGLAND. FOR THE SATISFACTION
OF THOSE THAT QUESTION THE LAWFUL
NESS OF THE ACTION. LONDON: PRINTED
BY WILLIAM JONES, 1630.

Price 25 Cents $3.00 a Year
Published by
GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER
Foreign Agents GAY & BIRD London England

COLONIAL TRACTS, issued monthly, is designed to
offer in convenient form and at a reasonable price
some of the more valuable pamphlets relating to the early
history of America which have hitherto been inaccessible to
the general public, although of so much importance to the
historical student. Single numbers at 25 cents each, or $3.00
by the year, in advance, may be ordered through any book
seller, from the publisher, George P. Humphrey, 25 Exchange
Street, Rochester, N. Y., or Gay & Bird, 22 Bedford Street,
Strand, London, W. C, England, agents for England and the
Colonies. The number for August will contain " Gen.
Thomas Dudley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, March,
r63i. With explanatory Notes by Dr. John Farmer, Cor
responding Secretary of the New Hampshire Historical
Society. ' '

Volume one was completed with the number for April, i8g8,
which contains a very complete index, thus making the
twelve numbers readily available for reference purposes.
The twelve numbers complete and uncut, in a binding
of dark blue buckram, price four dollars.
Covers for binding can be furnished separately, if desired.

IN PREPARATION. The History and Genealogy of the
Cowdery, Cowdrey, and Cowdray Families. Compiled
by Mary Bryant Alverson. Published by George P.
Humphrey, Rochester, N. Y., 1898. 8vo, cloth, uncut, price
$3.00.

Entered at the Rochester Post-Office as Second Class Matter.

THE
PLANTERS' PLEA
OR
THE GROUNDS OF PLANTA
TIONS EXAMINED, AND USUAL
OBJECTIONS ANSWERED,
TOGETHER WITH A MANIFESTATION OF THE CAUSES MOVING
SUCH AS HAVE LATELY UNDERTAKEN A PLANTATION
IN NEW ENGLAND, FOR THE SATISFACTION
OF THOSE THAT QUESTION THE
LAWFULNESS OF THE
ACTION.

2 THES. V. 21.
Prove all things, and hold fast that which is good.

LONDON:
Printed by WILLIAM JONES.
1630.

NO 15 JULY 1898
COLONIAL TRACTS
Published by GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER N Y

Tho Genesee Press:
Tho Posl Expresi Printing Company,
Rochester, N. Y.

TO THE READER.
Courteous Reader:
IT will appear to any man of common sense, at first sight, that
this rude draught, that sets forth certain considerable
grounds in planting colonies, being wrested out of the author's
hand, hardly overlooked, much less filed and smoothed for the
press, was never intended to be presented to public view,
especially in this attire ; wherefore, the reader is entreated to
observe that the particulars of this small pamphlet being all
ranged under these two heads, matters of fact or of opinion.
In the former, the author sets down his knowledge, and conse
quently what he resolves to justify ; in the latter, what he
conceives to be most probable, not what he dares warrant as
certain and infallible. Wherefore, if in the declaring of his
own opinion, either concerning colonies in general, or this in
particular, he proposes anything that to men of better and
more solid judgment, upon mature advice, shall seem either not
sound, or not evident, or not well fortified by strength of reason,
he desires rather advertisement thereof by some private intima
tion than by public opposition, as not conceiving an argument
of this nature wherein neither God's glory nor man's salvation
have any necessary interest (though the work be directed to,
and doth in a good measure, further both), worth the contend
ing for in a time when so many weighty controversies in the
fundamentals of religion are in agitation, and withal professing
himself willing to receive back any light gold that hath passed
from him unweighed, and to exchange it for that which will be
weight, as being conscious to himself that he desires not will
ingly to beguile any man. Besides, the reader may be pleased
further to observe that, seeing the arguments produced in this
treatise are rather proposed than handled, they cannot carry
with them that apparent and clear evidence of truth at the first
view as they might and would do if they were more largely
deduced and more fully fortified. Wherefore, he is entreated
not to reject them too easily as carrying more weight than they
seem to do at the first appearance. Howsoever the author's

IV.

intention and opinion be construed and approved, if it may be
believed that the gentlemen that are lately issued out from us
to lay the foundation of a colony in New England have not been
thrust forward by unadvised precipitation, but led on by such
probable grounds of reason and religion as might be likely to
prevail with men that desire to keep a good conscience in all
things, I trust these will hold themselves reasonably satisfied ;
howsoever, both they and such as wish the furtherance of your
design have, I assure myself, a testimony from God and your
own consciences that they have endeavored to take their foot
ing upon warrantable grounds, and to direct themselves to a
right scope, as will be further manifested in this ensuing treatise.

vol- COLONIAL TRACTS *>•>
A BRIEF SURVIEW OF COLONIES, AND FIRST
OF THEIR GROUND AND WARRANT.
CHAPTER I.
By a colony we mean a society of men drawn out of one state or
people and transplanted into another country.
(~^ OLONIES ,as other conditions and states in human
^-> society, have their warrant from God's direc- njeJn'™ethe(ir
tion and command, who, as soon as men were, set Qodrant from
them their task to replenish the earth and to subdue i. Argument
it (Genesis i. 28). Those words, I grant, express a commandm'nt.
promise, as the title of a benediction prefixed unto
them here, and in the repetition of them to Noah implies
(Genesis ix. 1). But that withal they include a direction or
command was never, as I conceive, doubted by any. Junius
upon them : Prout vim intus indiderat, sic palam mandatum
dedit curandce propagationis and dominations exercendaz. And
Parceus, Jubet igitur replere terram, non solum generatione and
habitatione, sed cum primis potestate cultu and usu : Etsi vero
nonnullce orbis partes manent inhabitabiles ; habemus nihilominus
totius dominium jure TDivino, licet non habemus totius orbis usum
culpa and defectu nostro. And before them, Calvin : Jubet eos
crescere and simul benedictionem suam destinat, etc., and divers
others. It will be granted then that the words include and have the
force of a precept, which perhaps some may conceive was to
continue during the world's infancy, and no longer ; but such a
limitation wants ground. It is true that some commandments
founded upon and having respect unto some present state and
condition of men, received end or alteration when the condition
was ended or changed. But precepts given to the body of
mankind, as these to Adam and Noah, receive neither alteration
in the substantials, nor determination while men and any void
places of the earth continue, so that allowing this commandment
to bind Adam, it must bind his posterity, and consequently

ourselves in this age, and our issue after us, as long as the
earth yields empty places to be replenished.
Besides, the gift of the earth to the sons of men
irom^odT* (Ps*1'"1 cxv- 16) necessarily enforceth their duty
farth°to men. to PeoP'e it. It were a great wrong to God to con
ceive that He doth ought in vain, or tenders a gift
that He never meant should be enjoyed. Now how men should
make benefit of the earth, but by habitation and culture, cannot
be imagined. Neither is this sufficient to conceive that God's intention is
satisfied if some part of the earth be replenished and used,
though the rest be waste, because the same difficulty urgeth
us still, that the rest of which we receive no fruit was never
intended to us, because it was never God's mind we should
possess it. Uf it were then the mind of God that man should
possess all parts of the earth, it must be enforced that we
neglect our duty and cross His will if we do it not when we
have occasion and opportunity, and withal do little less than
despise His blessing. Withal, that order that God annexed to marriage
fromArthemiaw 'n ^'s ^irst institution, viz., that married persons
ot marriage, should leave father and mother and cleave each to
the other, is a good warrant of this practice. For
sometime there will be a necessity that young married persons
should remove out of their father's house and live apart by
themselves, and so erect new families. Now, what are new
families but petty colonies ; and so at last, removing further and
further, they overflow the whole earth. Therefore, so long as
there shall be use of marriage, the warrant of deducing colonies
will continue. It is true that all God's directions have a double
fromlhlten"- SC0Pei man's good, and God's honor. Now that this
fit that comes commandment of God is directed unto man's good,
to men s out- c '
ward estates, temporal and spiritual, is as clear as the light. It
cannot be denied but the life of man is every way
made more comfortable and afforded a more plentiful supply in
a larger scope of ground, which moves men to be so insatiable
in their desires to join house to house, and land to land, till there
be no more place ; exceeding, I grant, there in the measure,
and bounds, and justice, and yet building upon a principle that

nature suggests, that a large place best assures sufficiency ;
as we see by nature trees flourish fair, and prosper well, and
wax fruitful in a large orchard, which would otherwise wither
and decay if they were penned up in a little nursery. Either
all, or at best a few, that are stronger plants and better rooted,
would increase and overtop, and at last starve the weaker,
which falls out in our civil state, where a few men flourish that
are best grounded in their estates, or best furnished with abil
ities, or best fitted with opportunities, and the rest wax weak
and languish, as wanting room and means to nourish them.
Now, that the spirits and hearts of men are kept
in better temper by spreading wide, and by pouring, 5. Argument
as it were, from vessel to vessel (the want whereof furthering6 of
is alleged by the prophet Jeremy as the cause that honesty.
Moab settled upon his lees, and got so harsh a relish,
Jeremiah xlviii. ii), will evident to any man that shall consider,
that the husbanding of unmanured grounds, and shifting into
empty lands, enforces men to frugality and quickeneth inven
tion ; and the settling of new states requireth justice and affection
to the common good, and the taking in of large countries pre
sents a natural remedy against covetousness, fraud, and violence,
when every man may enjoy enough without wrong or injury
to his neighbor. Whence it was that the first ages, by these
helps, were renowned for golden times, wherein men, being
newly entered into their possessions, and entertained into a
naked soil, and enforced thereby to labor, frugality, simplicity,
and justice, had neither leisure nor occasion to decline to idle
ness, riot, wantonness, fraud, and violence, the fruits of well
peopled countries, and of the abundance and superfluities of
long settled states.
But that which should most sway our hearts, is
the respect unto God's honor, which is much advanced , „' ^thflS-
by this work of replenishing the earth. First, when G0nd"m„<j"ryof
the largeness of His bounty is tasted by settling of
men in all parts of the world, whereby the extent of His munifi
cence to the sons of men is discovered. The Psalmist tells us
that God is much magnified by this, that the whole earth is full
of His riches, yea, and the wide sea, too (Psalm civ. 24, 25).
And God when He would have Abraham know what He had
bestowed on him when He gave him Canaan, wills him to

walk through it in the length of it, and in the breadth of it
(Genesis xiii. 17).
Secondly, God's honor must needs be much advanced, when,
together with men's persons, religion is conveyed into the several
parts of the world, and all quarters of the earth sound with His
praise, and Christ Jesus takes in the nations for His inheritance,
and the ends of the earth for His possession, according to God's
decree and promise (Psalm ii. 8).
Besides all that hath been said, seeing God's
fro7mAhlUabm- command and abilities to perform it usually go
GodWfurn7sh- together, we may guess at His intention and will to
tws wo™. for nave tne earth replenished by the extraordinary
fruitfulness that He gave to mankind in those first
times, when men manifested their greatest forwardness for the
undertaking of this task, which seems to be denied to the latter
ages, and peradventure for this reason among others, because
the love of ease and pleasure fixing men to the places and
countries which they find ready furnished to their hand by their
predecessors' labors and industry, takes from them a desire
and will of undertaking such a laborious and unpleasant task as
is the subduing of unmanured countries.
OBJECTION.
But, it may be objected, if God intended now the issuing out
of colonies, as in former ages, He would withal quicken men
with the same heroical spirits which were found in those times,
which we find to be far otherwise. Although the strong impres
sion upon men's spirits that have been and are stirred up in
this age to this and other plantations might be a sufficient
answer to this objection, yet we answer further.
ANSWER.
It 's one thing to guess what God will bring to pass and
another thing to conclude what He requires us to undertake.
Shall we say that because God gives not men the zeal of Moses
and Phineas, therefore He hath discharged men of the duty of
executing judgment ? It is true, indeed, that God hath hitherto
suffered the neglect of many parts of the world and hidden
them from the eyes of former ages, for ends best known to
Himself ; but that disproves not that the duty of peopling void
places lies upon us still, especially since they are discovered

and made known to us. And, although I dare not enter so far
into God's secrets as to affirm that He avengeth the neglect of
this duty by wars, pestilences, and famines, which, unless
they had wasted the people of these parts of the world, we
should, ere this, have devoured one another. Yet it cannot be
denied but the near thronging of people together in these full
countries have often occasioned amongst us civil wars, famines,
and plagues. And it is as true that God hath made advantage
of some of these wars, especially which have laid many fruitful
countries waste, to exercise men in these very labors which
employ new planters, by which He hath reduced them to some
degree of that frugality, industry, and justice which had been
disused and forgotten through long-continued peace and plenty.
Although no man can design what particular
summons the first undertakers of planting colonies s. Argument
drawn from
had, whether from the mouth of God immediately God's ac
knowledgment
(as Abraham first, and the children of Israel after- of peopling
the earth to be
wards), or from the advice and counsel of men, yet His own work.
that the wisdom of God directed them in this course
is evident by Moses' testimony affirming that he separated the
sons of Adam, and set the bounds of their habitation (Deuter
onomy xxxii. 8), so that whoever set on the work, God
acknowledgeth it as His own.
CHAPTER II.
What ends may be proposed in planting colonies ?
""THE ends that men have proposed to themselves in issuing
•*¦ out colonies have been divers. Some, and the worst and
least warrantable, are such as are only swayed by private
respects ; as when men shift themselves and draw others with
them out of their countries, out of undutiful affections to govern
ors to exempt themselves from subjection to lawful power, or
aim at a great name to themselves and to raise their own glory.
As for the enlargement of trade, which drew on the Spanish
and Dutch colonies in the East Indies, or securing of conquered
countries, which occasioned many colonies of the Romans in
Italy and other lands, they may be so far warranted as the
grounds of the conquests or trades were warrantable (if they
were carried without injury or wrong to the natives), seeing
natural commerce between nations and conquests upon just

wars have been always approved by the laws of God and
man. As for those colonies that have been undertaken upon the
desire either of disburthening of full states of unnecessary
multitudes, or of replenishing waste and void countries, they
have a clear and sufficient warrant from the mouth of God as
immediately concurring with one special end that God aimed at
in the first institution thereof.
But, seeing God's honor and glory, and next men's salva
tion, is His own principal scope in this and all His ways, it
must withal be necessarily acknowledged that the desire and
respect unto the publishing of His name where it is not known,
and reducing men that live without God in this present world,
unto a form of piety and godliness, by how much the more
immediately it suits with the mind of God, and is furthest
carried from private respects by so much the more it advanceth
this work of planting colonies above all civil and humane ends,
and deserves honor and approbation above the most glorious
conquests or successful enterprises that ever were undertaken
by the most renowned men that the sun hath seen, and that
by how much the subduing of Satan is a more glorious act than
a victory over men, and the enlargement of Christ's kingdom
than the adding unto men's dominions, and the saving of men's
souls than the provision for their lives and bodies.
It seems this end in plantations hath been specially reserved
for this latter end of the world, seeing before Christ the decree
of God that suffered all nations to walk in their own ways
(Acts xiv. 16) shut up the church within the narrow bounds
of the promised land, and so excluded men from the propaga-
gation of religion to other countries. And in the apostles' time
God afforded an easier and more speedy course of converting
men to the truth by the gift of tongues, seconded by the power
of miracles to win the greater credit to their doctrine, which
most especially and first prevailed upon countries civilized, as
the history of the apostles' acts makes manifest. As for the
rest 1 make no question, but God used the same way to other
barbarous nations which He held with us, whom He first civil
ized by the Roman conquests, and mixture of their colonies with
us, that He might bring in religion afterwards, seeing no man

can imagine how religion should prevail upon those who are
not subdued to the rule of nature and reason.
Nay, I conceive God especially directs this work of erecting
colonies unto the planting and propagating of religion in the
West Indies (although 1 will not confine it to those alone), and
that for divers reasons, which ought to be taken into serious
consideration, as affording the strongest motives that can be
proposed to draw on the hearts and affections of men to this
work now in hand, for this purpose, which gives occasion unto
the publishing of this treatise.
There are, and those men of note both for place and learning
in the church, that conceive the course held by God from the
beginning in the propagation of religion, falfls in this last age
upon the western parts of the world.
It is true that from the first planting of religion
among men it hath always held a constant way from i. Reason
, , , , r f rom the
east to west, and hath, in that line, proceeded so far course of the
gospel from
that it hath extended to the uttermost western thebeginning.
bounds of the formerly known world, so that if it
make any further passage upon that point of the compass it
must necessarily light upon the West Indies. And they con
ceive withal that our Saviour's prophecy (Matthew xxiv. 27)
points out such a progress of the gospel. It is true that the
comparison there used, taken from the lightning, aims at the
sudden dispersing of the knowledge of Christ by the apostle's
ministry ; but whereas we know the lightning shines from
divers parts of the heaven, showing itself indifferently, some
times in the west, sometimes in the north or south, why doth
our Saviour in that similitude choose to name the lightning that
shines out of the east into the west, unless it be to express not
only the sudden shining out of the gospel, but withal, the way
and passage, by which it proceeds from one end of the world
to the other, that is, from east to west ?
But passing by that only as a probable argu- fro2mfheea^"m.
ment, this which follows seems to carry greater \fs°* m^s,
weight. world6 wh°'e
The knowledge of Christ must certainly be man
ifested unto all the quarters of the world, according to divers
predictions of prophets, ratified and renewed by Christ and
His apostles. But that the knowledge of Christ hath never

been discovered unto these western nations may be almost
demonstrated, seeing no history for five hundred years before;
Christ ever mentioned any such inhabitants of the earth,
much less left any record of any passage unto them or com-
merce with them. So that unless we should conceive a
miraculous work of conceiving knowledge, without means, we
cannot imagine how these nations should once hear of the name
of Christ ; which seems the more evident by this, that we find
among them not so much as any relics of any of those princi
ples which belong to that mystery, although in some place
may be discovered some footsteps of the knowledge of God, of
the creation, and of some legal observations.
As in New England the nations believe the creation of the
world by God, the creation of one man and woman, their happy
condition at the first and seduction by the envy (as they say)
of the cony, which moves them to abhor that creature unto this
day more than any serpent. It is also reported that they sepa
rate their women in the times appointed by the law of Moses,
counting them and all they touch unclean during that time
appointed by the law, whether upon any other ground or by a
tradition received from the Jews, it is uncertain. Some conceive
their predecessors might have had some commerce with the Jews
in times past, by what means I know not. Howsoever it be, it
falls out that the name of the place which our late colony hath
chosen for their seat proves to be perfect Hebrew, being called
Nahum Keike, by interpretation the bosom of consolation ;
which it were a pity that those which observed it not should
change into the name of Salem, though upon a fair ground, in
remembrance of a peace settled upon a conference at a general
meeting between them and their neighbors, after expectance of
some dangerous jar. Now then, if all nations must have Christ
tendered unto them, and the Indies have never yet heard of
His name, it must follow that work of conveying that knowledge
to them remains to be undertaken and performed by this last age.
Again, what shall we conceive of that almost
3. Reason miraculous opening the passage unto and discovery
racuiousopen- of these formerly unknown nations which must needs
pa^sa°ge w have proved impossible unto former ages for want of
theworld. s " the knowledge of the use of the loadstone, as wonder
fully found out as these unknown countries by it.

Jt were little less than impiety to conceive that God (whose
»«11 concurs with the lighting of a sparrow upon the ground),
had no hand in directing one of the most difficult and observ
able works of this age, and as great folly to imagine that He who
made all things, and consequently orders and directs them to
His own glory, had no other scope but the satisfying of men's
greedy appetites that thirsted after the riches of that new-found
world, and to tender unto them the objects of such barbarous
cruelties as the world never heard of. We cannot then prob
ably conceive that God, in that strange discovery, aimed at any
other thing but this, that after He had punished the atheism
and idolatry of those heathen and brutish nations by the
conqueror's cruelty, and acquainted them by_mixture of some
other people, with civility, to cause at length the glorious
gospel of Jesus Christ to shine out unto them as it did to our
forefathers after those sharp times of the bitter desolations of
our nation between the Romans and the Picts.
A fourth reason to prove that God hath left this
great and glorious work to this age of the world, is *. Reason
. , , T , . , , . . , from the near-
the nearness of the Jews conversion, before which ness of the
Jews' conver—
it is conceived by the most that the fullness of the sion.
Gentiles must come in according to the apostle's proph
ecy (Romans xi. 25). That this day cannot be far off appears
by the fulfilling of the prophecies precedent to that great and
glorious work and the general expectation thereof by all men,
such as was found among the Jews both in Judea and in some
other parts of the world before the coming of Christ in the
flesh, now then let it be granted that the Jews' conversion is
near, and that the Gentiles, and consequently the Indians,
must needs be gathered in before that day, and any man may
make the conclusion that this is the hour for the work, and
consequently of our duty to endeavor the effecting that which
God hath determined, the opening of the eyes of those poor
ignorant souls and discovering unto them the glorious mystery
of Jesus Christ.

T

10

CHAPTER III.
The English nation is fit to undertake this task.
HAT this nation is able and fit to send out colonies inter
foreign parts will evidently appear by the consideration of
our overflowing multitudes. This being admitted for a received
principle, that countries superabound in people when they have
more than they can well nourish or well employ, seeing we
know men are not ordained to live only, but withal and especially
to serve one another through love in some profitable and useful
calling. Granting therefore that this land, by God's ordinary
blessing, yields sufficiency of corn and cattle for more than the
present inhabitants, yet that we have more people than we do
or can profitably employ, will, I conceive, appear to any man
of understanding, willing to acknowledge the truth and to
consider these four particulars :
i. Many among us live without employment either wholly
or in the greatest part (especially if there happen any interrup
tion of trade, as of late was manifested not only in Essex, but
in most parts of the land), and that do not only such as delight
in idleness, but even folk willing to labor who either live with
out exercise in their callings, or are fain to thrust into other
men's to the evident prejudice of both.
2. The labors of many others might well be spared and to
the state's advantage, as serving to little else than luxury and
wantonness, to the impoverishing and corrupting of the most,
of which there needs no better evidence than this, that when we
tax pride and excess in apparel, buildings, etc., the evils are
justified, and our mouths stopped with this answer : without
this, how should many men live and be maintained ? No man
is so uncivil as to deny supernecessaries for distinction of degrees,
or supercilious as to think it necessary to reduce a wealthy and
abounding state to the plainness and homeliness of the primitive
ages. But let our excess be limited to those bounds of decency,
modesty, and sobriety, that may answer the proportion of men's
callings and degrees, and it will be demonstrated the tenth
persons of such as are busied about superfluities, will hardly find
sufficient employment to yield themselves and their families
necessary maintenance.
3. That warrantable and useful callings are overcharged, all

11
n's complaints sufficiently witness ; not only innholders anu
shopkeepers, of both which we need not the third person, but
en handy craftsmen, as shoemakers, tailors, nay, masons,
-upenters, and the like, many of whom with their families live
n such a low condition as is little better than beggary], by reason
0f the multitudes that are bred up and exercised in those employ
ments. And yet through the excessive numbers of persons in
those and other callings, necessity enforceth them to require so
uo-e a price and recompense of their labors, that a man of good
estate is not able to afford himself conveniences for his condi
tion (every calling he hath use of exhausting so much for the
commodities it puts off onto him), whereas, if the number of
those persons in their several callings were abated, the rest,
li.iving full employment, might be able to abate of their excessive
prices, whereby both they and their chapmen might live more
comfortably and plentifully, and the commonwealth by this
help would be eased of many burthens it groans under, in
making supply to the scanty means of many thousands in these
callings so much overlaid with multitudes.
4. Yea, of such as are employed, a great part of their labor
were needless, if their works were faithful and loyal. The
deceitful ness of our works (of which all men complain, but few
discern the cause) occasioneth the often renewing of those
tilings which are made, which otherwise would endure for far
longer continuance.
Now, what a disease this must needs be in a state where
men's necessities enforce them to inventions of all ways and
means of expense upon the instruments of pride and wanton
ness, and of as many subtilties and frauds in deceitful handling
all works that pass through their fingers, that by the speedy
wasting of what is made they may be the sooner called upon
tor new, I leave it to any wise man to judge. It is a fearful
condition, whereby men are in a sort enforced to perish or to
Ivcome means and instruments of evil. So that the conclusion
must stand firm, we have more men than we can employ to
any profitable or useful labor. OBJECTION.
But the idleness or unprofitable labors of our people arise
not from our numbers, but from our ill government, inferior

12
magistrates being too remiss in their offices, and therefore may
more easily be reformed by establishing better order, or execut
ing those good laws already made at home, than by transporting
some of them into foreign countries. ANSWER.
Good government, though it do reform many, yet it cannot
reform all the evils of this kind, because it will be a great diffi
culty to find out profitable employments for all that will want,
which way we should help ourselves by tillage I know not ; we
can hardly depasture fewer rother-beasts than we do, seeing
we spend already their flesh and hides, and as for sheep, the
ground depastured with them doth, or might, set on work as
many hands as tillage can do. If we adventure the making of
linen cloth, other soils are so much fitter to produce the mate
rials for that work, their labor is so much cheaper, the hindering
of commerce in trade likely to be so great that the undertakers
of this work would in all probability be soon discouraged. Nay,
the multiplying of new draperies, which perhaps might effect
more than all the rest, yet were in no proportion sufficient to
employ the supernumeraries which this land would yield if we
could be confined within the bounds of sobriety and modesty,
seeing it may be demonstrated that mere a third part of those
that inhabit our towns and cities (besides such spare men as
the country yields), would, by good order established, be left
to take up new employments.
We have as much opportunity as any nation to
fromArthemon- ^ransPor^ our men an^ provisions by sea into those
portunity of countries without which advantage they cannot
the sea. to J
possibly be peopled from any part of the world, not
from this Christian part at least, as all men know. And how
useful a neighbor the sea is to the furthering of such a work ;
the examples of the Grecians and the Phoenicians, who filled
all the bordering coasts with their colonies, do sufficiently prove
unto all theworld. Neither can it be doubted but the first planters
wanting this help (as Abraham in his removing to Charran first,
and to Caanan afterwards), must needs spend much time and
endure much labor in passing their families and provisions by
land over rivers and through woods and thickets by unbeaten
paths.

13
But what need arguments to us that have already
determined this truth ? How many several colonies fro3mA^™e^*
have we drawn out and passed over into several parts £"£"" ai~ •
of the West Indies ? And this we have done with
the allowance, encouragement, and high commendation of state,
perhaps not always with the best success, who knows whether
by erring from the right scope ? Questionless for the want of
fit men for that employment, and experience to direct a work,
which, being carried in an untrodden path, must needs be subject
to miscarriage into many errors.
Now, whereas it hath been manifested that the
most eminent and desirable end of planting colonies , *¦ Argument
r b from our fit-
is the propagation of religion, it may be conceived jjjj** t0 *ne
this nation is in a sort singled out unto that work, p°a°^s,of4he
being of all the states that enjoy the liberty of the true religion.
religion reformed, and are able to spare people for
such an employment, the most orthodox in our profession, and
behind none in sincerity in embracing it, as will appear to any
indifferent man that shall duly weigh and recount the number
and condition of those few states of Europe that continue in
the profession of that truth which we embrace.
CHAPTER IV.
That New England is a fit Country for the Seating of an English
Colony for the Propagation of Religion.
lYJOT only our acquaintance with the soil and
natives there, but more especially our oppor- otl'0£*£maA
tunity of trading thither for furs and fish, persuade £fudnet lnt0 the
this truth, if other things be answerable. It is well
known, before our breach with Spain, we usually sent out to
New England yearly, forty or fifty sail of ships of reasonable
good burthen, for fishing only. And howsoever it falls out that
our Newfoundland voyages prove more beneficial to the mer
chants, yet it is as true, these to New England are found far
more profitable to poor fishermen, so that by that time all
reckonings are cast up these voyages come not far behind the
other in advantage to the state.

14
No country yields a more propitious air for our
ofthecountr'y temper than New England, as experience hath made
lnrdOUmaenteh man'rest, by all relations ; many of our people that
nance. have found themselves alway weak and sickly at
home, have become strong and healthy there, per
haps by the dryness of the air and constant temper of it, which
seldom varies suddenly from cold to heat, as it doth with us,
so that rheums are very rare among our English there, neither
are the natives at anytime troubled with pain of teeth, soreness
of eyes, or ache in their limbs. It may be the nature of the
water conduceth somewhat this way, which all affirm to keep
the body always temperately soluble, and consequently helps
much to the preventing and curing of the gout and stone, as
some have found by experience. As for provisions for life :
the corn of the country (which it produceth in good proportion,
with reasonable labor) is apt for nourishment, and agrees,
although not so well with our taste at first, yet very well with
our health, nay, is held by some physicians to be restorative.
If we like not that, we may make use of our own grains, which
agree well with that soil, and so do our cattle ; nay, they grow
unto a greater bulk of body there than with us in England.
Unto which if we add the fish, fowl, and venison, which that
country yields in great abundance, it cannot be questioned but
that soil may assure sufficient provision for food ; and being
naturally apt for hemp and flax especially, may promise us
linen sufficient, with our labor, and woolen, too, if it may be
thought fit to store it with sheep.
The land affords void ground enough to receive
fram'tnlem6"- more people than this state can spare, and that not
lan" °f *he on'y w0°d grounds, and others which are unfit for
present use, but in many places much cleared ground
for tillage, and large marshes for hay and feeding of cattle,
which comes to pass by the desolation happening through a
three years' plague, about twelve or sixteen years past, which
swept away most of the inhabitants all along the sea coast, and
in some places utterly consumed man, woman, and child, so
that there is no person left to lay claim to the soil which they
possessed. In most of the rest, the contagion hath scarce left
alive one person of an hundred. And which is remarkable,
such a plague hath not been known or remembered in any age

15
past, nor then raged above twenty or thirty miles up into the
land, nor seized upon any other but the natives, the English in
the heat of the sickness commencing with them without hurt
or danger. Besides, the natives invite us to sit down by them
and offer us what ground we will, so that either want of possess
ion by others, or the possessor's gift and sale, may assure our
right, we need not fear a clear title to the soil.
In all colonies it is to be desired that the daughter
may answer something back by way of retribution 4. Argument
to the mother that gave her being. Nature hath as fulness of that
much force, and founds as strong a relation between state.
people and people as between person and person, so
that a colony denying due respect to the state from whose
bowels it issued is as great a monster as an unnatural child.
Now, a colony planted in New England may be many ways
useful to this state.
As first in furthering our fishing voyages (one of
the most honest and every way profitable employ- /-inourfish-
J J r xr j ing voyages.
ments that the nation undertakes), it must needs be
a great advantage unto our men after so long a voyage, to be
furnished with fresh victuals there, and that supplied out of that
land without spending the provisions of our own country. But
there is hope besides that the colony shall not only furnish our
fishermen with victuals, but with salt, too, unless men's expec
tation and conjectures much deceive them, and so quit unto
them a great part of the charge of their voyage, beside the
hazard of adventure.
Next, how serviceable this country must needs be for provis
ions for shipping, is sufficiently known already. At present it
may yield planks, masts, oars, pitch, tar, and iron, and hereafter
(by the aptness of the soil for hemp), if the colony increase,
sails and cordage. What other commodities it may afford
besides for trade, time will discover. Of wines, among the
rest, there can be no doubt, the ground yielding natural vines
in great abundance and variety, and of these, some as good as
any are found in France, by human culture. But in the possi
bility of the serviceableness of the colony to this state, the
judgment of the Dutch may somewhat confirm us, who have
planted in the same soil and make great account of their colony
there.

16
But the greatest advantage must needs come unto
th!" benefit™) the natives themselves, whom we shall teach prov-
toCtheanativensy >°-ence and industry, for want whereof they perish
ofttimes, while they make short provisions for the
present by reason of their idleness, and that they have they
spend and waste unnecessarily, without having respect to times
to come. Withal, commerce and example of our course of
living cannot, but in time, breed civility among them, and that,
by God's blessing, may make way for religion consequently,
and for the saving of their souls. Unto all which may be added,
the safety and protection of the persons of the natives, which
are secured by our colonies. In times past the Tarentines (who
dwell from those of Massachusetts bay, near which our men are
seated, about fifty or sixty leagues to the northeast), inhabiting
a soil unfit to produce that country grain, being the more hardy
people, were accustomed yearly at harvest to come down in
their canoes and reap their fields and carry away their corn,
and destroy their people, which wonderfully weakened and
kept them low in times past. From this evil our neighborhood
hath wholly freed them, and consequently secured their persons
and estates, which makes the natives there so glad of our
company. OBJECTION I.
But if we have any spare people, Ireland is a fitter place to
receive them than New England. Being, I, nearer; 2, our
own ; 3, void in some parts ; 4, fruitful ; 5, of importance for
the securing of our own land ; 6, needing our help for their
recovery out of blindness and superstition.
ANSWER.
Ireland is well nigh sufficiently peopled already, or will be
in the next age. Besides, this work need not hinder that, no
more than the plantation in Virginia, Bermudas, S. Christopher's,
Barbados, etc., which are all of them approved and encouraged
as this is. As for religion, it hath reasonable footing in Ireland
already, and may easily be propagated further, if we be not
wanting to ourselves. This country of New England is destitute
of all helps and means by which the people might come out of
the snare of Satan. Now, although it be true that I should
regard my son more than my servant, yet I must rather provide

17

a coat for my servantthat goes naked, than give my son another,
who hath reasonable clothing already.

OBJECTION II.
But New England hath divers discommodities ; the snow and
coldness of the winter, which our English bodies can hardly
brook, and the annoyance of men by musquitoes and serpents,
and of cattle and corn by wild beasts.
ANSWER.
The cold of winter is tolerable, as experience hath and doth
manifest, and is remedied by the abundance of fuel. The snow
lies indeed about a foot thick for ten weeks or thereabout, but
where it lies thicker and a month longer, as in many parts of
Germany, men find a very comfortable dwelling. As for the
serpents, it is true there are some, and these larger than our
adders, but in ten years' experience, no man was ever endan
gered by them, and as the country is better stored with people,
they will be found fewer and as rare as among us here. As
for the wild beasts, they are no more, nor so much dangerous
or hurtful here as in Germany and other parts of the world.
The musquitoes indeed infest the planters about four months
in the heat of summer, but after one year's acquaintance, men
make light account of them ; some slight defense for the hands
and face, smoke and a close house, may keep them off ; neither
are they much more noisome than in Spain, Germany, and other
parts, nay, than the fennish parts of Essex and Lincolnshire ;
besides, it is credibly reported, that twenty miles inward into
the country, they are not found ; but this is certain, and tried
by experience, after four or five years' habitation they wax
very thin. It may be the hollowness of the ground breeds
them, which the treading of the earth by men and cattle doth
remedy in time. OBJECTION III.
But if the propagation of religion be the scope of the planta
tion, New England, which is so naked of inhabitants, is the
unfittest of any place for a colony ; it would more further that
work, to set down in some well-peopled country that might
afford many subjects to work upon and win to the knowledge
of the truth.

ANSWER.
i. But how shall we get footing there? The Virginian
colony may be our precedent, where our men have been enter
tained with continual broils by the natives, and by that means
shut out from all hope of working any reformation upon them,
from which, their hearts must needs be utterly averse by reason
of the hatred which they bear unto our persons ; whereas,
New England yields this advantage, that it affords us a clear
title to our possessions there, and good correspondence with the
natives, whether out of their peaceable disposition, or out of
their inability to make resistance, or out of the safety which
they find by our neighborhood, it skills not much ; this is
certain, it yields a fair way to work them to that tractableness
which will never be found in the Virginians. Neither have we
any cause to complain for want of men to work upon ; the
inland parts are indifferently populous, and Narragansett bay
and river, which border upon us, are full of inhabitants who
are quiet with us, and trade with us willingly, while we are
their neighbors, but are very jealous of receiving either us or
the Dutch into the bowels of their country, for fear we should
become their lords.
2. Besides, in probability, it will be more advantageous to
this work to begin with a place not so populous, for, as the
resistance will be less, so by them having once received the
gospel, it may be more easily and successfully spread to the
places better peopled, who will more easily receive it from the
commendation of their own countrymen than from strangers,
and flock to it as doves to the windows.
3. Though in the place where they plant there are not many
natives, yet they have an opportunity by way of traffic and
commerce (which at least is generally once a year), with the
natives in a large compass, though far distant from them, by
which means they grow into acquaintance with them, and may
take many advantages of conveying to them the knowledge of
Christ, though they live not with them.
OBJECTION IV.
But the country wants means of wealth that might invite
men to desire it, for there is nothing to be expected in New
England but competency to live on at the best, and that must

19
be purchased with hard labor, whereas divers other parts of
the West Indies offer a richer soil, which easily allures inhab
itants by the tender of a better condition than they live in at
present. ANSWER.
As unanswerable argument to such as make the advance
ment of their estates the scope of their undertaking, but no
way a discouragement to such as aim at the propagation of the
gospel, which can never be advanced but by the preservation
of piety in those that carry it to strangers. Now we know ¦
nothing sorts better with piety than competency, a truth which
Agur hath determined long ago (Proverbs xxx. 8). Nay,
heathen men, by the light of nature, were directed so far as to
discover the overflowing of riches to be enemy to labor, sobri
ety, justice, love, and magnanimity, and the nurse of pride,
wantonness, and contention, and therefore labored by all means
to keep out the love and desire of them from their well-ordered
states, and observed and professed the coming in and admira
tion of them to have been the foundation of their ruin. If men
desire to have a people degenerate speedily, and to corrupt
their minds and bodies, too, and besides to tolerate thieves
and spoilers from abroad, let them seek a rich soil that brings
in much with little labor, but if they desire that piety and
godliness should prosper, accompanied with sobriety, justice,
and love, let them choose a country such as this is, even like
France, or England, which may yield sufficiency, with hard
labor and industry. The truth is, there is more cause to fear
wealth than poverty in that soil.
CHAPTER V.
What Persons may be Fit to be Employed in this Work of
Planting a Colony.
TT seems to be a common and gross error that colonies ought
*¦ to be emunctories or sinks of state, to drain away their
filth, whence arise often murmurings at the removal of any men
of state or worth, with some wonder and admiration that men
of sufficiency and discretion should prefer anything before a
quiet life at home ; an opinion that savors strongly of self-love,
always opposite and enemy to any public good. This funda-

20
mental error hath been the occasion of the miscarriage of most
of our colonies, and the chargeable destruction of many of our
countrymen, whom, when we have once issued out from us,
we cast off, as we say, to the wide world, leaving them to
themselves either to sink or swim.
Contrary to this common custom, a state that intends to
draw out a colony for the inhabiting of another country must
look at the mother and the daughter with an equal and indif
ferent eye, remembering that a colony is a part and member of
her own body, and such in whose good herself hath a peculiar
interest, which, therefore, she should labor to further and cherish
by all fit and convenient means,: and consequently must allow
to her such a proportion of able men as may be sufficient to
make the frame of that new-formed body, as good governors,
able ministers, physicians, soldiers, schoolmasters, mariners,
and mechanics of all sorts, who had therefore need to be of the
more sufficiency, because the first fashioning of a politic body
is a harder task that the ordering of that which is already
framed, as the first erecting of a house is ever more difficult
than the future keeping of it in repair, or as the breaking of a
colt requires more skill than the riding of a managed horse.
When the frame of the body is thus formed and furnished with
vital parts, and knit together with firm bands and sinews, the
bulk may be filled up with flesh, that is, with persons of less
use and activity, so they be pliable and apt to be kept in life.
The disposition of these persons must be respected as much
or more than their abilities ; men nourished up in idleness,
unconstant, and affecting novelties, unwilling, stubborn, inclined
to faction, covetous, luxurious, prodigal, and generally men
habituated to any gross evil, are no fit members of a colony.
Ill humors soon overthrow a weak body, and false stones in a
foundation ruin the whole building ; the persons, therefore,
chosen out for this employment ought to be willing, constant,
industrious, obedient, frugal, lovers of the common good, or at
least such as may be easily wrought to this temper, considering
that works of this nature try the undertakers with many diffi
culties, and easily discourage minds of base and weak temper.
It cannot, I confess, be hoped that all should be such ; care
must be had that the principles be so inclined, and as many of
the vulgar as may be, at least that they be willing to submit to

21
authority ; mutinies, which many times are kindled by one
person, are well nigh as dangerous in a colony as in an army.
These are rules concerning electing of fit persons for colonies
in general, unto which must be adjoined the consideration of
the principal scope whereat the colony aims, which must be
religion ; whether it be directed to the good of others for their
conversion, or of the planters themselves for their preservation
and continuance in a good condition, in which they cannot long
subsist without religion. To this purpose must be allotted to
every colony, for governors and ministers especially, men of
piety and blameless life, especially in such a plantation as this
in New England, where their lives must be the patterns to the
heathen, and the special, effectual means of winning them to
the love of the truth. Nay, it would be endeavored that all
governors of families either may be men truly godly, or at
least such as consent and agree to a form of moral honesty and
sobriety. As for other ends less principal, which are especially
merchandise and defense, common sense teacheth every man
that the colony must be furnished with the greatest store of
such persons as are most serviceable to the main end at which
it aims. OBJECTION.
But able and godly persons being in some degree supporters
of the state that sends them out, by sparing them, she seems
to pluck away her own props, and so to weaken her own stand
ing, which is against the rule of charity, that allows and
persuades every man to have the first care of his own good
and preservation. ANSWER.
The first, indeed, but not the only care ; so I must provide
for mine own family, but not for that alone. But to answer
this objection more fully, which troubles many, and distracts
their thoughts, and strikes indeed at the foundation of this work
(for either we must allow some able men for civil and ecclesi
astical affairs for peace and war, or no colonies at all): First,
1 deny that such as are gone out from the state are cut off from
the state ; the roots that issue out from the trunk of the tree,
though they be dispersed, yet they are not severed, but do
good offices, by drawing nourishment to the main body, and the

22
tree is not weakened, but strengthened the more they spread,
of which we have a clear instance in the Roman state. That
city by the second Punick war had erected thirty colonies in
several parts of Italy, and by their strength especially supported
herself against her most potent enemies. 1 confess, that in
places so far distant as New England from this land, the case is
somewhat different ; the intercourse is not so speedy, but it
must needs be granted, yet, that even those so far remote may
be of use and service to this state still, as hath been showed.
Secondly, if some useful men be spared, to whom do we
spare them ? Is it not to a part of our own body ? Those whom
we send out, are they not our own flesh and bones ? and if we
send them out for their greater good, that they may prosper
better in a larger room, and in part, too, for our own ease, that
their absence may give us the more scope at home, shall it seem
much unto us to allow them (without any great loss to ourselves)
a few persons, whom, though we would not willingly spare to
strangers, yet upon good consideration, we may, according to
the principle of nature, bestow upon our own ?
Thirdly, are we altogether our own and for ourselves ? or
God's, and for His glory ? We spare them to God, and to religion,
and to the church's service. We are owners of our own estates,
it is true, but when the service of God or the church requires a
share of them, shall any man answer with Nabal (i Samuel
xxv. ii), "Shall 1 take my bread," etc. ? The primitive
churches, planted by the apostles, were content to spare some
of their own pastors sometimes, for the public service of the
church and good of their brethren. If it be objected, those
were brethren and neighbors, these are pagans and beasts,
rather than men ; let us be entreated to reflect upon ourselves,
and set before us the face of our progenitors 1500 or 1600 years
since, that we may answer to our own hearts, such were some
of us, or our progenitors before us. They are beasts, we
say ; and can we, without compassion, behold men transformed
into beasts ? We have the light of grace, they have scarce
the dim light of nature; we have fellowship with God, they
have scarce heard of Him ; we are translated into the glorious
liberty of the sons of God, they are bonded slaves of Satan.
Who hath made us to differ ? How long shall we scorn what
we should commiserate ? What if God should show mercy

23
unto them, erect a church among them, recover them out of
the power of the Devil ; could any conquest be so glorious ?
Would we not glorify God and rejoice with all our souls, as the
believing Jews did in the Gentiles' conversion ? How can we
refuse to further the prosecuting of that which would be our
glory and joy if it were effected ?
Fourthly, no man desireth to do as Samson, to pluck away
the pillars on which the house leaneth ; this work craves no
counselor of state, no peer of the land ; nay, perhaps no person
employed at present in any place of government, private men
whom the state we conceive needs not, because it employs not,
may serve the turn ; suppose it should borrow some men of
more special use, and return them home, as men from their
travels, improved not so much by sights, as experience,
after the affairs of the colony were settled, what loss were it,
in lieu of so great a gain ?
Lastly, if we spare men for the advancing of God's honor,
men that do us service that they may attend God's service, we
have as much reason to expect the supply of our loss as the
repairing of our estates, out of which we spare a portion for
our brethren's necessities, or the advancing of God's worship,
by the blessing of God according to His promise.
CHAPTER VI.
What Warrant Particular Men may have to Engage their Persons
and Estates in this Employment of Planting Colonies.
'"TO give a clear resolution to this proposition is a matter of
no small difficulty. 1 shall declare mine own opinion, and
leave it to the censure of the godly wise. It is the conceit of
some men that no man may undertake this task without an
extraordinary warrant, such as Abraham had from God to call
him out of Mesopotamia to Canaan ; their opinion seems to
rest upon a ground that will hardly be made good, sc. : that the
planting of colonies is an extraordinary work ; which, if it be
granted, then the argument hath a strong and, for ought I know,
a necessary inference — that, therefore, those that undertake
it must have an extraordinary call. But that proposition, that
planting of colonies is an extraordinary work, will not easily
be granted. This argument lies strongly against it :

24
That duty that is commanded by a perpetual law cannot
be accounted extraordinary.
But the sending out of colonies is commanded by a perpetual
law. Therefore, it is no extraordinary duty.
Now that the commandment is perpetual, hath been proved.
First, because it was given to mankind ; and secondly, because
it hath a ground which is perpetual, sc. : the emptiness of the
earth, which either is so, or may be so while the world endures ;
for even those places which are full may be emptied by wars
or sickness, and then an argument presseth as strongly the
contrary way. The undertaking of an ordinary duty needs no
other than an ordinary warrant ; but such is planting of a
colony, as being undertaken by virtue of a perpetual law ;
therefore, the undertaking to plant a colony needs no extra
ordinary warrant. Indeed, Abraham's undertaking was
extraordinary in many things, and therefore needed an immediate
direction from God.
i. He was to go alone with his family and brethren.
2. To such a certain place far distant.
3. Possessed already by the Canaanites.
4. To receive it wholly appropriated to himself and his issue.
5. Not to plant it at present, but only sojourn in it, and walk
through it for a time.
Now, none of these circumstances fit our ordinary colonies,
and consequently Abraham's example is nothing to this purpose,
because the case is different, though in some other things alike.
Others conceive that, though men may adventure upon the
work upon an ordinary warrant, yet none can give that but
the state ; therefore, they require a command from the highest
authority unto such as engage themselves in this affair. Indeed,
that the state hath power over all her members to command
and dispose of them within the bounds of justice, is more
evident than can be denied, butthis power she executes diversely;
sometimes by command, sometimes by permission, as in prepa
ration to war, sometimes men are compelled to serve, sometimes
they are permitted to go voluntary that will.
Again, sometimes the supreme power takes care of the
whole business ; sometimes (as, in musters), commits it to
delegates. If the power of state then proclaim liberty to such

2,5
as will, to gather and unite into the body of a colony, and
commit the care to some persons that offer themselves, to asso
ciate to them whom they think fit, and to order them according to
discretion, no man can deny but that the state hath given a
sufficient warrant. Neither doth it appear that ever any state
did more. The Romans' use was to proclaim that they intended
to plant a colony of such a number in such a place, and as many
as would give in their names should receive so many acres of
ground, and enjoy such other privileges as they thought fit to grant
them, which they then expressed. Those which gave in their
names were enrolled till the number was full, and then had
they certain commissioners appointed by the state to see all
things ordered and directed accordingly, and to put every man
into possession of his inheritance, neither did, the state interpose
their authority in assigning and choosing out the men, but left
it free and voluntary to every man to take or leave.
Seeing nothing can bear out the hazards and inconveniencies
of such toilsome and difficult undertakings as is the planting of
colonies, but a willing mind, men can digest anything that
themselves choose or desire, but a commandment makes pleasant
things harsh, how much more harsh things intolerable ?
But to come somewhat nearer unto the grounds of this reso
lution. In undertaking a new employment, two things must
be taken into consideration, upon which a man's warrant must
be grounded :
i. His engagement unto his present condition in which he
is settled. 2. The tender and offer of the new service unto which he
is called. In both it must be first granted that callings are employments
in which we serve one another through love (Galatians v. 13),
in something that is good (Ephesians iv. 28), not seeking our
own, but other men's profit (1 Corinthians x. 24).
In furthering other men's good, our engagements are :
1. To the church in general.
2. To that particular state of which we are members, either
wholly, or any branch of it.
3. To our friends.
And these as they have interest in our labors of love in that
order that is set down, so they have power to require them in

26
the same order, and that two ways, either by their express
command, or by the manifestation of their necessity or special
good proposed. The church in general rarely lays any com
mand, but mostly challengeth our service by the discovery of
her need and use of our labors for her good. The particular
state, besides the pleading of her necessity, interposeth her
authority, and that either immediately, as in deputing men to
public offices, or mediately by our parents, or other governors
whom she authorizeth to direct and settle us in such particular
callings and employments as may be for her use and service.
The state, then, by any public intimation proclaiming free
liberty to men to remove and plant themselves elsewhere,
dischargeth these persons of the obligation wherein by her
power and authority they stand bound to their particular calling
wherein they are placed, and ought otherwise to continue. So
that now particular persons stand no longer bound by the state's
authority, but by the manifestation of her necessities, which
crave their aid and service for their public good and safety.
The next thing then to be taken into consideration, is the
advantages or benefits which may be gained by our service
either to the church, state, or friends to whom we have relation
by private interest. In all these the first respect must be had
to necessity, and the next to conveniency. How much is to be
yielded to necessity, it hath pleased God to manifest, by dis
pensing with His own worship and service, in cases of necessity,
not only upon our own persons, but upon our goods or cattle.
It must, therefore, be duly weighed whether we may be more
serviceable to the church in the state where we live, or in that
we desire to erect ; and again, whether service is of more
necessity, and whether appears to be greater, that must carry
us, unless some pressing wants of private friends challenge our
service from them both, which in matters of moment and
importance to them must be conceived to be cast in by God,
as a discharge from any other employment. As for example,
the furthering of the gospel in New England seems to be of
more pressing necessity, and consequently by a stronger band
to call me on to that work, than the state at home to my con
tinuance here, for here, though I may do something for the advanc
ing of religion, yet my labors that way are not so needful in the
land, because many others may put to their hands to the same

27
work. In New England there are none to undergo the task,
but in this case, if the preservation of my father's life or estate
required my stay, that is a discharge unto me from this call to
New England ; not because his life or estate is of greater weight
than the church's good, but because his necessity is greater,
for nobody can procure my father's safety but myself ; other
men besides myself may do the church this service. Thus
men that are free from engagement may see what weights are
allowed to be cast into the balance to determine their stay or
removal. All the difficulty that remains is, who shall cast the scales,
that is, who shall determine which benefit or necessity is the
greater ? No question that which conscience, well-informed,
assures me to be so ; but who shall inform my conscience, or by
what rule shall my conscience judge ? It is out of peradven-
ture that God must inform the conscience. But how shall I
discover what God adviseth ? It is as certain that if the word,
by scanning the grounds which it proposeth, can give a seer
resolution, it must be followed. The things that are revealed
belong unto us and our children, that we may do them (Deuter
onomy xxix. 29). But many rules of Scripture, though clear
in themselves, yet are doubtful and ambiguous in the applica
tion, because they cannot determine particulars. In this case,
then, we must have recourse to Christian wisdom, assisted,
first, by the advice and counsel of godly wise friends. Secondly,
by the observation of the concurrence of opportunities, Occasiones
sunt Dei nutus. Thirdly, by and consideration of the inclina
tion of the heart proposing a right end and scope after frequent
and earnest prayer. A resolution taken after all these means
used, as in God's presence, without prejudice, with a sincere
desire to know and be informed of God's will, and obey it, may
be taken for the voice of God at present, and ought to direct
the practice, though it bind not the conscience to embrace the
things resolved for an infallible and only the most probable
direction. And the truth is that, unless this advice and reso
lution by Christian wisdom, applying the general rules of God's
word to our own particular case after we have sought counsel
of God and our Christian friends, may be admitted for a rule
to direct our practice, 1 know not what rule to prescribe to be
followed. Suppose I would marry a wife, nothing but Chris-

28
tian wisdom so assisted, as is expressed before, can show me
which is the woman. CHAPTER VII.
Answering Objections against the Main Body of the Work.
OBJECTION I.
A LL experience is against the hope and good
i. Objection «\ success of colonies ; much money and many
from expen- J
ence of the iii men's lives have been spent upon Virginia, St. Chris-
success of r r o '
colonies. topher's, Newfoundland, etc., with no proportionable
success, and what reason have we to expect other
event of this ? ANSWER.
To speak nothing of particulars, which perhaps might occa
sion some distaste, I deny not but the ends which they proposed
may be good and warrantable ; men may set before themselves
civil respects, as advancement of the nation, and hope and
expectation of gain, which perhaps hath either wholly set on,
or strongly swayed these lately undertaken colonies ; but I
conceive where the service of the church and respect unto the
advancement of the gospel arepredominent, we may with greater
assurance depend upon God's engagement in the work, and
consequently expect a prosperous success from His hand.
Besides, why may not English plantations thrive as well as
Dutch ? Where and when have their colonies failed ? To
speak nothing of the East Indies, even this which they have
settled in New England upon Hudson's river, with no extraor
dinary charge or multitude of people, is known to subsist in a
comfortable manner, and to promise fairly both to the state
and undertakers. The cause is evident. The men whom they
carry, though they be not many, are well chosen and known
to be useful and serviceable, and they second them with season
able and fit supplies, cherishing them as carefully as their own
families, and employ them in profitable labors, that are known
to be of special use to their comfortable subsisting. Let us
follow them in these steps, and there will be no question of
the like or better success. But if we unadvisedly thrust over
men of whom we could never make good use at home, and

29
when we have done, neglect and expose them to want and
extremities, and leave them to shift for themselves there, or
follow a preposterous course to expect gain from them before
they have taken root, we can look for nothing else but the ruin
and subversion of all at last. Now upon this ground to have
prejudicate thoughts of colonies before they be undertaken is
not so much to tax men as God, that hath set men a task to
consume and overthrow them. REPLY.
But such public works cannot be managed but by a public
purse. Colonies are work for a state and not for private persons,
a good treasure being the sinews of them, and that is the true
cause of their miscarriage, forwhatcan wisdom do whereit wants
a sufficient subject to work upon or instruments to work withal ?
ANSWER.
I grant colonies are best undertaken by princes, assisted
with the strength of a whole state, yet what may be done in
colonies by private persons the Dutch have discovered in part
already in their plantation in New England, and may, by God's
blessing, in short time appear in this lately undertaken colony
of the English in the same country, of which we have reason
to be somewhat the more confident by the experience of our
bordering neighbors of New Plymouth, who (notwithstanding
they were men of weak estate, and encountered many disasters
in their first arrival, and since in some of their adventures home
wards) are grown up into a good, firm, compact body, living
and subsisting, though not in a flourishing estate, yet in a good,
convenient, and comfortable condition. As for this which is of
a far greater bulk, if it might please God to move the hearts of
well disposed persons to assist the poorer sort of them
with some reasonable annual supply, or some present sum of
money, by which they may be eased in some of their general
burthens, as transportation and maintenance of ministers and
some other public persons, erecting of churches and buildings for
public use, and the like, until the fruits of their labors may
yield them sufficient for public and private supplies, which
would be effected within a few years, there would be no ques
tion of a flourishing state there in convenient time by the
concurrence of God's ordinary blessing. In this duty if we be

30
wanting unto them, there will be great cause to suspect that the
exception against the work for the insupportable burthen of
the charge is but a fair pretext to color our fear of our own
purses, which many are more faithful unto than unto the service
of God and of His church. OBJECTION II.
But the pretended end of winning the heathen to the knowl
edge of God and embracing of the faith of Christ, is a mere
fantasy, and a work not only of uncertain, but unlikely success,
as appears by our fruitless endeavors that way, both in Virginia
and New England, where New Plymouth men inhabiting now
these ten years are not able to give account of any one man
converted to Christianity. ANSWER.
And no marvel, unless God should work by miracle, neither
can it be expected that work should take effect until we may
be more perfectly acquainted with their language and they with
ours. Indeed, it is true both the natives and English understand
so much of one another's language as may enable them to trade
one with another, and fit them for conference about things that
are subject to outward sense, and so they understand our use
in keeping the Sabbath day, observe our reverence in the wor
ship of God, are somewhat acquainted with the moral precepts,
know that adultery, theft, murder, and lying are forbidden,
which nature teacheth, because these things are outward, and
may be understood almost by sense ; but how shall man express
unto them things merely spiritual, which have no affinity with
sense, unless we were thoroughly acquainted with their language
and they with ours ? Neither can we in theirs or they in our
tongue utter any continued speech, because neither we nor
they understand the moods, tenses, cases, numbers, prepositions,
adverbs, etc., which make coherence in words, and express a
perfect sense. Besides, it hath been intimated that we hardly
have found a brutish people won before they had been taught
civility. So we must endeavor and expect to work that in them
first, and religion afterwards. Amongst such as have been
brought over into England from Virginia there was one Nan-
nawack, a youth sent over by the Lo. De Laware, when he was
governor there, who, coming over and living here a year or

31
two in houses where he heard not much of religion, but saw
and heard many times examples of drinking, swearing, and like
evils, remained as he was, a mere pagan ; but after removed
into a godly family, he was strangely altered, grew to under
stand the principles of religion, learned to read, delighted in
the Scriptures, sermons, prayers, and other Christian duties,
wonderfully bewailed the state of his countrymen, especially
his brethren, and gave such testimonies of his love to the truth
that he was thought fit to be baptized, but being prevented by
death, left behind such testimonies of his desire of God's favor,
that it moved such godly Christians as knew him to conceive
well of his condition ; neither is there any cause to doubt but
time may bring on in others, as well as it did in him, that
which we expect upon a sudden in vain.
REPLY.
But some conceive the inhabitants of New England to be
Ham's posterity, and consequently shut out from grace by
Noah's curse, till the conversion of the Jews be past at least.
ANSWER.
How do they appear to be Ham's posterity ? whose sons,
by the agreement of writers, took up their dwellings together
in Canaan, Palestina, and the parts adjoining in Arabia, Egypt,
Mauritania, Lybia, and other bordering parts of Africa, and
consequently, for any footsteps of their descent appearing unto
us, might be as far from peopling the West Indies as any other
part of the posterity of Noah's sons. Neither do men's conjec
tures agree (for we have no certainties to build on) whence
these countries of the parts of America towards New England
might most probably be peopled. But admit the inhabitants to
be Ham's posterity, doth not the prophet Esaias foretell the
conversion of Ham's posterity in Egypt, performed in the
primitive times, all histories witnessing that the Egyptians had
amongst them a church of eminent note, governed by divers
bishops under the patriarch of Alexandria ? And who knows
not the numerous churches of Africa, wherein were above one
hundred and sixty bishops in St. Austin's time, governing sun
dry nations, all of them of Ham's posterity ? But what
testimony of Scripture or ground of reason from Scripture, lays
such a fearful curse upon all Ham's posterity ? Noah's curse

32
reacheth but to one branch, to Canaan, and, as interpreters
conceive, with especial relation to the extirpation of that part
of his issue which inhabited Judea, by the children of Israel.
It is too much boldness, then, to curse where God hath not
cursed, and shut out those from the means of grace whom God
hath not excluded. OBJECTION III.
But, admit the English might be thought fit to plant a colony
in New England, yet this time is unfit, in this troubled condition
of the church ; it were more convenient for men to keep close
together than to scatter abroad, that so they might be the more
able to resist the common enemy. This withdrawing of
ourselves in time of so great hazard betrays weakness of heart
and proclaims our despair of the cause of religion, which the
godly entertain with sad hearts and the Jesuits with smiling
countenances. ANSWER.
It is reported that when Hannibal lay before Rome it discour
aged him much in his hopes of taking the city, that at the same
instant there marched out of the city at contrary gates, under
their colors, an army of soldiers towards the sea, to be shipped
and sent over for a supply into Spain, for it argued the Romans
feared him not, that durst spare a supply of men to a country
so far distant, when the enemy lay at the gates. And it seems
to argue courage rather than fear, when, in the weakest condi
tion of the church, men testify their hope and expectation of
the enlargement of that kingdom of Christ which wicked men
and His enemies glory that they have as good as conquered and
subdued. I conceive those that engage themselves in this
adventure are not so void of religion as to conceive the scourge
of God cannot reach them in New England, or of reason as to
think New England safer than old. But they scatter and with
draw themselves in a time of need. Suppose the state were
in such need as is pretended in this objection, yet, in
such a popular land, such a number as is employed
in this work is not very considerable, for I think no man con
ceives a thousand or two thousand men are of any great weight
to sway the balance, when so many great stones lie
in the scales. Again, that wherein they seem to be

33
most useful to us is their prayers, which (according to their
profession and promise) they will perform in absence, as if they
were present with us. And if any other way their service be
required, as they hold themselves bound, so will they at all
times do their utmost for the discharge of their duties to this
their native country. And lastly, by that time all
the particulars of this treatise are well weighed, it
will be found that their employment there for the present is not
inconvenient, and for the future may prove beneficial to this
state. OBJECTION IV.
It may be, passing over of two thousand or three thousand
persons will be of no great moment, and so many might be
spared ; but some men's examples drawing on others, and there
being no stint or limits set unto men's itching humors after this
new work, we know not where to expect any end, and what
consequents may follow the issuing out of great multitudes,
especially on a sudden, it is easy to conjecture.
ANSWER.
If that should be a true and real fear and not a pretence, I
should much wonder that any man should have so little insight
into the disposition of his own countrymen. Howsoever some
men are content to remove from their dwellings and to leave
their beloved country and friends, let no man conceive we shall
find over-many of that humor. We are known too well to the
world to love the smoke of our own chimneys so well, that
hopes of great advantages are not likely to draw many of us
from home, and that evidently appears by the different habits
and affections of the minds of men unto this voyage. Some
pity the exposing of their friends, or such unto whom for the
report of their honesty and religion they wish well, unto so
many dangers and inconveniences ; others, and the most part,
scoff at their folly ; a third sort murmur and grudge that they
are abandoned and forsaken by them, and good men dispute
the warrant of their undertaking this work, and will not be
convinced. It may be private interests may prevail with
some. One brother may draw over another, a son the father,
and perhaps some man his inward acquaintance ; but let no
man fear the over-hasty removal of multitudes of any of estate

34
or ability. As for the poorer sort, it is true many of them that
want means to maintain them at home would be glad to pass
over into New England to find a better condition there, but by
what means will they be transported, or provided of necessaries
for so chargeable a journey ? and without such provisions they
will be found very unwelcome to such as are already planted
there. Besides, it cannot be doubted but the state will be so
watchful as not to suffer any prejudice unto itself if the numbers
of those that leave her should increase too fast. If the state
should be slack, even those that now allow the passing over of
some good and useful men, when the number is grown to an
indifferent proportion, will of themselves be careful to restrain
the rest as far as their counsel and advice can prevail. The
truth is, when some eight hundred or one thousand families are
seated there, the colony will be best filled up with youths and
girls, which must be continually drawn over to supply the room
of men-servants and maid-servants which will marry away daily
and leave their masters destitute. But it may be justly
admired what the cause should be that men of contrary minds
should so strangely concur in the jealousies and dislikes of this
work, neither opposing any of the former colonies, whereof the
least (I mean Virginia, Burmudas, and St. Christopher's) drew
away two for one of those which are yet passed over to New
England, unless it be that the best works find commonly worst
entertainment amongst men. OBJECTION V.
It is objected by some that religion indeed and the color
thereof is the cloak of this work, but under it is secretly har
bored faction and separation from the church. Men of ill
affected minds (they conceive), unwilling to join any longer
with our assemblies, mean to draw themselves apart and to
unite into a body of their own, and to make that place a nursery
of faction and rebellion, disclaiming and renouncing our church
as a limb of antichrist. ANSWER.
A man might justly hope that the letter subscribed with the
hands of the governor and his associates, wherein they acknowl
edge the grace they have received unto this church, profess
their resolution to sympathize and share with her in good and

35
evil, and desire heartily her prayers, would sway and bear
down the balance against all groundless surmises and guesses
at men's intentions. What rule of charity will allow jealousies
perhaps of an evil affected mind, and it may be ignorant either
of the persons whom it censures or manner of their carriage,
suspecting and designing evil and dangerous resolutions in the
undertakers, to sway against the joint asservation of so many
godly men of good estimation (who are privy to their own
intentions), that affirm the contrary ? Love, saith the apostle,
thinketh no evil, that is, without ground ; nay, it hopeth all
things, though there be some appearance to the contrary ; and
believeth all things, easily and willingly, when they are cleared
and made manifest. But if the words and protestations of men
carry no credit with us, let us a little scan the probabilities
which might inform our judgment and give light unto their
intentions. The first thing which I would tender unto men
of indifferent minds, is the carriage of these persons tloj; Pr«umP-
in their own country in former times. The men are
known, and the places of their dwellings. Have they hereto
fore, while they dwelt among us, appeared to be men of turbulent
or factious dispositions, impatient of the present government ?
Where or how have they been convicted, and in what, of any
such crime ? Have they separated from our assemblies, refused
our ministry, or the joining with us in the worship and service
of God ? Let the men be produced and named. Now, if their
conversation have been peaceable in times past, how are they
become factious upon a sudden ? If there have been unity
among us heretofore, what hath stirred up the spirit of division ?
It were an unreasonable task to undertake the defence of every
one, it is not easy to find twelve disciples without one Judas,
and yet if some one or two, or ten, should be found in this
number factiously inclined, it were hard measure to condemn a
whole society for ten men's sake that are mixed with them.
Suppose we should find ten drunkards in the company, as I
make no question we may easily find more, were it charity to
cast a scandal upon all the company that they are an assembly
of drunkards ? I persuade myself there is no one separatist
known unto the governors, or if there be any, that it is as far

36
from their purpose as it is from their safety to continue him
amongst them. OBJECTION.
Yea, but if they do not separate, yet they dislike our disci
pline and ceremonies, and so they will prove themselves semi-
separatists at least, and that is their intention in removing from
us, that they may free themselves from our government.
ANSWER.
1 conceive we do and ought to put a great difference between
separation and non-conformity ; the first we judge as evil in
itself, so that whosoever shall deny us to be a church either of
our own men, or strangers of another nation, we cannot bear
it ; but other churches that conform not to our orders and
ceremonies, we dislike not, only we suffer it not in our own ;
not that we adjudge the disusing of ceremonies simply evil, but
only evil in our own men, because we conceive it is joined w'th
some contempt of our authority, and may tend to a rent in the
church. But yet neither can this imputation be charged justly
on our New England colony. If the men were well scanned,
I conceive it may be with good assurance maintained, that at
least three parts of four of the men there planted are able to
justify themselves to have lived in a constant course of con
formity unto our church government and orders. Yea, but
they are weary of them now, and go over with an intention to
cast them off. Intentions are secret ; who can discover them ;
but what have they done to manifest such an intention ? What
intelligence have they held one with another to such purpose ?
There passed away about one hundred and forty persons out
of the western parts from Plymouth, of which I conceive there
were not six known either by face or fame to any of the rest.
What subscription, or solemn agreement have they made before
hand to bind themselves unto such resolution ? If that were
forborne for fear of discovery, yet it concerned those who had
such an intention to be well assured of a governor that might
effectually further their purposes. Mr. Jo. Winthrop, whom
they have all chosen, and that not the multitude, but all the
men of best account amongst them, is sufficiently known in the
place where he long lived, a public person, and consequently

37
of the more observation to have been every way regular and
conformable in the whole course of his practice. Yea, but they
have taken ministers with them that are known to be unconform
able, and they are the men that will sway in the orders of the
church. Neither all nor the greatest part of the ministers are
unconformable. But how shall they prevent it ? What minis
ter among us, well seated in a good living, or in fair expectance
of one, will be content to leave a certain maintenance to expose
himself to the manifold hazards of so long a journey, to rest upon
the providence of God, when all is done for provision for him
self and his family ? Pardon them if they take such ministers
as they may have, rather than none at all. Hath any conform
able minister of worth, and fit for that employment, tendered
his service, whom they have rejected ? No man can affirm
they have taken such out of choice rather than necessity, unless
it be manifested where they have refused others whom they
might have had. But there are some unconformable men
amongst them, yea, and men of worse condition, too. And if
there were no drunkards, nor covetous persons, nor vicious
anyway, it would and might justly move all the world to admi
ration. But there is great odds between peaceable men, who
out of tenderness of heart forbear the use of some ceremonies
of the church (whom this state in some things thinks fit to
wink at, and it may be would do more if it were assured of
their temper), and men of fiery and turbulent spirits, that
walk in a cross way out of distemper of mind. Now, suppose
some of those men that, knowing the disposition of their own
minds, how unable they are to bring their hearts to answer the
course of our church's practice in all things, consider that their
contrary practice gives distaste to government, and occasions
some disturbance unto the church's peace, upon that ground
withdraw themselves for quietness' sake. Would not such
dispositions be cherished with great tenderness ? And, surely,
as far as guess by circumstances may lead us, we have more
cause to think that they are so minded than otherwise, because
this will certainly be the consequent of their going out from
amongst us, which they cannot but foresee, and if they had
meant otherwise, their way had been to remain in the midst of
us as thorns in our eyes and pricks in our sides, and not to
depart from us, seeing we know it is the remaining of the thorn

38
in the midst of the flesh which torments ; the plucking it out
and casting it away breeds ease and quietness.
I should be very unwilling to hide anything 1 think might
be fit to discover the uttermost of the intentions of our planters
in their voyage to New England, and therefore shall make bold
to manifest not only what I know, but what 1 guess concern
ing their purpose. As it were absurd to conceive they have all
one mind, so were it more ridiculous to imagine they have all one
scope. Necessity may press some ; novelty draw on others ;
hopes of gain in time to come may prevail with a third sort ;
but that the most, and most sincere and godly part, have the
advancement of the gospel for their main scope, I am confident.
That of them, some may entertain hope and expectation of
enjoying greater liberty there than here in the use of some
orders and ceremonies of our church, it seems very probable.
Nay, more than that, it is not improbable that, partly for their
sakes, and partly for respect to some Germans that are gone
over with them, and more that intend to follow after, even
those which otherwise would not much desire innovation of
themselves, yet for the maintaining of peace and unity (the
only solder of a weak, unsettled body), will be won to con
sent to some variation from the forms and customs of our
church. Nay, 1 see not how we can expect from them a cor
respondence in all things to our state, civil or ecclesiastical.
Wants and necessities cannot but cause many changes. The
churches in the apostles', and in the settled times of peace
afterwards, were much different in many outward forms. In
the main, of their carriage two things may move them to vary
much from us: respect to the heathen, before whom it concerns
them to show much piety, sobriety, and austerity, and the con
sideration of their own necessities, will certainly enforce them
to take away many things that we admit, and to introduce
many things that we reject, which, perhaps, will minister much
matter of sport and scorn unto such as have relations of these
things, and that represented unto them with such additions as
fame usually weaves into all reports at the second and third
hands. The like, by this their varying in civil conversation,
we may expect of the alteration of some things in church affairs.
It were bootless to expect that all things will or can be at the
first forming of a rude and incoherent body, as they may be

39
found in time to come ; and it were strange and a thing that
never yet happened, if we should hear a true report of all
things as they are. But that men are far enough from project
ing the erecting of this colony for a nursery of schismatics,
will appear by the ensuing faithful and unpartial narration of
the first occasions, beginning, and progress of the whole work,
laid before the eyes of all that desire to receive satisfaction, by
such as have been privy to the very first conceiving and con
triving of this project of planting this colony ; and to the sev
eral passages that have happened since, who also, in that they
relate, consider they have the searcher of all hearts and observer
of all men's ways witness of the truth and falsehood that they
deliver. About ten years since a company of English, part out of
the low countries, and some out of London and other parts,
associating themselves into one body, with an intention to plant
in Virginia, in their passage thither, being taken short by the
wind, in the depth of winter, the whole ground being under
snow, were forced, with their provisions, to land themselves in
New England upon a small bay beyond Massachusetts, in the
place which they now inhabit and call by the name of New
Plymouth. The ground being covered a foot thick with snow,
and they being without shelter, and having amongst them divers
women and children, no marvel if they lost some of their com
pany ; it may be wondered how they saved the rest. But,
notwithstanding this sharp encounter at the first, and some
miscarriages afterward, yet (conceiving God's providence had
directed them unto that place, and finding great charge and
difficulty in removing), they resolved to fix themselves there,
and, being assisted by some of their friends in London, having
passed over most of the greatest difficulties that usually
encounter new planters, they began to subsist at length in a
reasonably comfortable manner, being, notwithstanding, men
but of mean and weak estates of themselves; and, after a
year's experience or two of the soil and inhabitants, sent home
tidings of both, and of their well-being there, which occasioned
other men to take knowledge of the place and to take it into
consideration. About the year 1623, some western merchants (who had
continued a trade of fishing for cod, and bartering for furs, in

40
those parts for divers years before), conceiving that a colony
planted on the coast might further them in those employments,
bethought themselves how they might bring that project to
effect, and communicated their purpose to others, alleging the
conveniency of compassing their project with a small charge,
by the opportunity of their fishing trade, in which they accus
tomed to double-man their ships, that (by the help of many
hands) they might dispatch their voyage, and lade their ship
with fish while the fishing season lasted, which could not be
done with a bare sailing company. Now it was conceived
that, the fishing being ended, the spare men that were above
their necessary sailors might be left behind with provisions for
a year ; and when that ship returned the next year, they
might assist them in fishing, as they had done the former year ;
and, in the meantime, might employ themselves in building,
and planting corn, which, with the provisions of fish, fowl,
and venison that the land yielded, would afford them the
chief of their food. This proposition of theirs took so well,
that it drew on divers persons to join with them in this pro
ject, the rather because it was conceived that not only their
own fishermen, but the rest of our nation that went thither on
the same errand, might be much advantaged, not only by fresh
victuals, which that colony might spare them in time, but
withal, and more, by the benefit of their minister's labors, which
they might enjoy during the fishing season ; whereas, other
wise, being usually upon those voyages nine or ten months in
the year, they were left all the while without any means of
instruction at all. Compassion towards the fishermen, and
partly some expectation of game, prevailed so far that for the
planting of a colony in New England there was raised a stock
of more than three thousand pounds, intended to be paid in five
years, but afterwards disbursed in a shorter time.
How this stock was employed, and by what errors and
oversights it was wasted, is, I confess, not much pertinent to
this subject in hand. Notwithstanding, because the knowl
edge thereof may be of use for other men's direction, let me
crave leave in a short digression to present unto the reader's
view the whole order of the managing of such moneys as were
collected, with the success and issue of the business undertaken.

41

CHAPTER VIII.

A Digression Manifesting the Success of the Plantation intended
by the Western Men.
T"HE first employment then of this new raised stock was in
buying a small ship of fifty tons, which was, with as
much speed as might be, dispatched towards New England
upon a fishing voyage — the charge of which ship, with a new
set of sails, and other provisions to furnish her, amounted
to more than three hundred pounds. Now, by reason the
voyage was undertaken too late, she came at least a month or
six weeks later than the rest of the fishing ships that went for
that coast, and by that means, wanting fish to make up her
lading, the master thought good to pass into Massachusetts bay,
to try whether that would yield him any, which he performed,
and speeding there better than he had reason to expect. Hav
ing left his spare men behind him in the country at Cape Ann,
he returned to a late and consequently a bad market in Spain,
and so home. The charge of this voyage, with provision for
fourteen spare men left in the country, amounted to above
eight hundred pounds, with the three hundred pounds expended
upon the ship, mentioned before. And the whole provenue
(besides the ship, which remained to us still) amounted not to
above two hundred pounds. So the expense above the return
of that voyage came to 600 liters, and upwards.
The next year was brought to the former ship a Flemish
flyboat of about 140 tons, which, being unfit for a fishing voyage,
as being built merely for burthen, and wanting lodging for the
men which she needed for such employment, they added unto
her another deck (which seldom proves well with Flemish
buildings), by which means she was carved so high that she
proved wait, and unable to bear any sail, so that before she
could pass on upon her voyage, they were fain to shift her first,
and put her upon a better trim, and afterwards, that proving
to little purpose, to unlade her, and take her up and fur her,
which, notwithstanding it was performed with as much speed
as might be, yet the year was about a month too far spent
before she could dispatch to set to sea again. And when she
arrived in the country, being directed by the master of the

42
smaller ship (upon the success of his former year's voyage)
to fish at Cape Ann, not far from Massachusetts bay, sped
very ill, as did also the smaller ship that led her thither, and
found little fish, so that the greater ship returned with a little
more than a third part of her lading, and came back (contrary
to her order by which she was consigned to Bordeaux) directly
to England, so that the company of adventurers was put to a
new charge to hire a small ship to carry that little quantity of
fish she brought home to market.
The charge of this voyage, with both the ships, amounted
to about two thousand two hundred pounds, whereof eight hun
dred pounds and upward must be accounted for the building
and other charges about the greater ship. By these two ships
were left behind, in the country, about thirty-two men, the
charges of whose wages and provision amounted to, at the
least, five hundred pounds of the sum formerly mentioned.
The provenue of both the voyages that year exceeded not the
sum of five hundred pounds, at the most.
The third year, 1625, both ships, with a small vessel of
forty tons, which carried kine with other provisions, were
again set to sea, upon the same voyage, with the charge of
two thousand pounds, of which sum the company borrowed and
became indebted for one thousand pounds and upwards. The
great ship, being commanded by a very able master, having
passed on about two hundred leagues in her voyage, found her
self so leaky, by the carpenters' fault (that looked not well to
her calking), that she bare up the helm, and returned for Way-
mouth, and, having unladen her provisions and mended her
leak, set herself to sea again, resolving to take advice of the
winds whether to pass on her former voyage, or to turn into
Newfoundland, which she did, by reason that the time was so
far spent that the master and company despaired of doing any
good in New England, where the fish falls in two or three
months sooner than at Newfoundland. There, she took fish
good store, and much more than she could lade home. The
overplus should have been sold, and delivered to some sack, or
other, sent to take it in there, if the voyage had been well
managed. But that could not be done by reason that the ship, before
she went, was not certain where to make her fish. By this

43
accident it fell out that a good quantity of the fish she took was
cast away, and some other part was brought home in another
ship. At the return of the ships that year, fish, by reason of
our wars with Spain, falling to a very low rate, the company
endeavored to send the greater ship for France ; but she, being
taken short with a contrary wind in the west country, and
intelligence given in the meantime that those markets were
overlaid, they were enforced to bring her back again, and to
sell her fish at home, as they might. Which they did, and
with it the fish of the smaller ship; the New England fish
about ten shillings the hundred by tale or thereabout; the New
foundland fish at six shillings four pence the hundred, of which
was well nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised upon it
after the ships' return. By this reason the fish which, at a
market, in all likelihood might have yielded well nigh two
thousand pounds, amounted not, with all the provenue of the
voyage, to above eleven hundred pounds.
Unto these losses by fishing were added two other no small
disadvantages : the one in the country by our landmen, who,
being ill chosen and ill commanded, fell into many disorders,
and did the company little service ; the other, by the fall of the
price of shipping, which was now abated to more than the one-
half, by which means it came to pass that our ships, which
stood us in little less than twelve hundred pounds, were sold
for four hundred and eighty pounds.
The occasions and means, then, of wasting this stock are
apparently these : first, the ill choice of the place for fishing ;
the next, the ill carriage of our men at land, who, having stood
us in two years and a half in well nigh one thousand pounds
-charge, never yielded one hundred pounds profit ; the last,
the ill sales of fish and shipping. By all which the adventurers
were so far discouraged, that they abandoned the further prose
cution of this design, and took order for the dissolving of the
•company on land, and sold away their shipping and other pro
visions. Two things withal may be intimated by the way. The
first, that the very project itself of planting, by the help of a
fishing voyage, can never answer the success that it seems to
promise (which experienced fishermen easily have foreseen
beforehand, and by that means have prevented divers ensuing

44
errors), whereof, amongst divers other reasons, these may serve
for two : first, that no sure fishing place in the land is fit for
planting, nor any good place for planting found fit for fishing,
at least near the shore ; and secondly, rarely any fishermen
will work at land ; neither are husbandmen fit for fishermen,
but with long use and experience. The second thing to be
observed is, that nothing new fell out in the managing of this
stock, seeing experience hath taught us that, as in building
houses, the first stones of the foundation are buried under
ground and are not seen, so in planting colonies, the first stocks
employed that way are consumed, although they serve for a
foundation to the work.
CHAPTER IX.
The Undertaking and Prosecution of the Colony by the Londoners.
DUT to return to our former subject, from which we digressed.
*-* Upon the manifestation of the western adventurers' reso
lution to give off their work, most part of the landmen, being
sent for, returned ; but a few of the most honest and indus
trious resolved to stay behind, and to take charge of the cattle,
sent over the year before, which they performed accordingly ;
and not liking their seat at Cape Ann, chosen especially for the
supposed commodity of fishing, they transported themselves to
Nahumkeike, about four or five leagues distant to the south
west from Cape Ann.
Some, then, of the adventurers that still continued their de
sire to set forwards the plantation of a colony there, conceiving
that if some more cattle were sent over to those few men left
behind, they might not only be a means of the comfortable sub
sisting of such as were already in the country, but of inviting
some other of their friends and acquaintances to come over to
them, adventured to send over twelve kine and bulls more, and,
conferring casually with some gentlemen of London, moved
them to add unto them as many more. By which occasion the
business came to agitation afresh in London, and being at first
approved by some and disliked by others, by argument and
disputation it grew to be more vulgar, insomuch, that some
men showing some good affection to the work, and offering the
help of their purses, if fit men might be procured to go over,

46
enquiry was made whether any would be willing to engage
their persons in the voyage. By this enquiry it fell out that,
among others, they lighted at last on Master Endicott, a man
well known to divers persons of good note, who manifested
much willingness to accept of the offer as soon as it was ten
dered, which gave great encouragement to such as were .upon
the point of resolution to set on this work of erecting a new
colony upon the old foundation. Hereupon divers persons,
having subscribed for the raising of a reasonable sum of money,
a patent was granted, with large encouragements every way,
by his most excellent majesty. Master Endicott was sent over
governor, assisted with a few men, and arriving in safety
there, in September, 1628, and uniting his own men with those
which were formerly planted in the country into one body,
they made up in all not much above fifty or sixty persons.
His prosperous journey and safe arrival of himself and all his
company, and good report which he sent back of the country,
gave such encouragement to the work, that, more adventurers
joining with the first undertakers, and all engaging themselves
more deeply for the prosecution of the design, they sent over
the next year about three hundred persons more, most servants,
with a convenient proportion of rother-beasts, to the number of
sixty or seventy, or thereabout, and some mares and horses, of
which the kine came safe for the most part, but the greater
part of the horses died, so that there remained not above twelve
or fourteen alive. By this time the often agitation of this
affair in sundry parts of the kingdom, the good report of Captain
Endicott's government, and the increase of the colony, began
to awaken the spirits of some persons of competent estates, not
formerly engaged, considering that they lived either without any
useful employment at home, and might be more serviceable in
assisting the planting of a colony in New England, took, at last,
a resolution to unite themselves for the prosecution of the work.
And, as it usually falls out, some other of their acquaintance,
seeing such men of good estates engaged in the voyage, some
for love to their persons, and others upon other respects, united
unto them, which, together, made up a competent number
(perhaps far less than is reported), and embarked themselves
for a voyage to New England, where I hope they are long since
safely arrived.

46
This is an unpartial though brief relation of the occasion of
planting of this colony. The particulars whereof, if they could
be entertained, were clear enough to any indifferent judgment,
that the suspicious and scandalous reports raised upon these
gentlemen and their friends (as if, under the color of planting a
colony, they intended to raise and erect a seminary of faction
and separation), are nothing else but the fruits of jealousy of
some distempered mind, or, which is worse, perhaps savor of a
desperate malicious plot of men ill affected to religion, endeav
oring, by casting the undertakers into the jealousy of state, to
shut them out of those advantages which otherwise they do and
might expect from the countenance of authority. Such men
would be entreated to forebear that base and unchristian course
of traducing innocent persons, under these odious names of Sep
aratists and enemies to the church and state, for fear least
their own tongues fall upon themselves by the justice of His
hand who will not fail to clear the innocency of the just, and to
cast back into the bosom of every slanderer the filth that he
rakes up to throw into other men's faces. As for men of more
indifferent and better tempered minds, they would be seriously
advised to beware of entertaining and admitting, much more
countenancing and crediting, such uncharitable persons as dis
cover themselves by their carriage, and that in this particular,
to be men ill affected towards the work itself, if not to religion
(at which it aims), and consequently unlikely to report any
truth of such as undertake it.
CHAPTER X.
The Conclusion of the Whole Treatise.
]\|OW for the better preventing of such suspicions and
* ^ jealousies, and the ill affections to this work that may
arise thereupon, two things are earnestly requested of such as
pass their censures upon it, or the persons that undertake it.
The first is, that, although in this barren and corrupt age
wherein we live, all our actions are generally swayed and
carried on by private interests ; insomuch as sincere intentions
of furthering the common good (grounded upon that love
through which we are commanded to serve one another) be
the wonders of men ; notwithstanding, men would not think it

47
impossible that the love which waxeth cold and dieth in the
most part, yet may revive and kindle in some men's hearts,
and that there may be found some that may neglect their ease
and profit to do the church good and God service out of a sin
cere love and affection to God's honor and the church's good.
Why may not we conceive that God may prevail upon the
hearts of his servants, to set them on as effectually to seek the
enlargement of His kingdom ; as a blind zeal fomented by the
art and subtility of Satan may thrust on priests and Jesuits,
and their partisans, to engage their persons and estates for
advancing of the devil's kingdom ? Or, if in the world's
infancy, men out of an ambitious humor, or at present for
private advantages and expectation of gain, thrust themselves
out from their own dwellings into parts far remote from their
native soil, why should not we conceive that, if they do this
for a corruptible crown, that the desire and expectation of an
incorruptible (the reward of such as deny themselves for the
service of God and his church) may as strongly allure such as
by patient continuance in well doing seek immortality and life ?
And yet the favorable conceits that men entertain of such as
follow in all their actions the ways of their private gain, and
the jealousies that they are apt to entertain of such as pretend
only the advancement of the gospel, manifestly argue that the
general opinion of the world is that some may be true to them
selves and the advancement of their own private estates, but
hardly any to God and his church. I should be very unwilling
to think they cherish this suspicion upon that ground that
moved that sensual emperor to believe that no man was clean
or chaste in any part of his body, because himself was defiled
and unclean in all. This is then the first favor that is desired,
of such as consider this action, to believe that it is neither
impossible nor unlikely that these men's intentions are truly
and really such as they pretend, and not colors and cloaks for
secret dangerous purposes which they closely harbor in their
breasts, especially when all apparent circumstances concur to
justify the contrary.
The next request that is presented to all indifferent minded
men is, that they would be pleased to set before their eyes
that which hath been already mentioned, that as there followed
the children of [Israel a mixed multitude out of Egypt, so it is

48
probable there may do these men out of England, and that of
divers tempers some, perhaps, men of hot and fiery spirits,
making change and innovation their scope, may conceive that
(when they see that for the desire and care of preserving unity
and love, and taking away occasions of offence to tender con
sciences, some changes and alterations are yielded unto) they
have gained what they expect, and may as fondly triumph in
their supposed victory as if they had overthrown all order and
discipline ; as they do absurdly mistake the grounds and ends
which the course of government proposeth and aimeth at, and
thereupon in their relations to their friends, represent things
not as they are really done and intended, but as they appre
hend them in their fantasies. Others there will be that,
proving refractary to government, expecting all liberty in an
unsettled body, and finding the restraint of authority contrary
to expectation in their discontented humors, meeting with no
other way of revenge, may be ready to blemish the govern
ment with such scandalous reports as their malicious spirits
can devise and utter.
Now, although some say that malice is a good informer,
notwithstanding no wise or good man admits it for a fit judge,
if, therefore, men will be pleased to forbear the over-hasty
belief of such reports as shall be sent over or given out, either
by men of foolish and weak minds or distempered humors,
until they receive more assured satisfaction from such as
understand and are acquainted with the grounds and secret
passages of the affairs of government, they shall keep their
own hearts upon the even balance of a right judgment, and
provide for the innocency of those upon whom they pass their
censure. If by these means jealousies and suspicions may be pre
vented, I make no question but the relations which this work
hath both to the state and church will, upon mature advice, so
far prevail with all well-minded men as to move them not only
to afford their prayers for the prosperous success of this new
planted colony, that from small and contemptible beginnings
it may grow to a settled and well formed church, but with all
their best furtherance, Consilio, auxilio, re, by advice, friends,
and purses. Which, howsoever, the principals of this work,
out of their modesty, crave not, yet the necessary burdens

49
which so weighty an undertaking charges them withal will
certainly enforce them to need, whatsoever men judge to the
contrary. Neither is or will the burden be intolerable to this
state ; a common stock of ten thousand pounds may be sufficient
to support the weight of general charges of transporting and
maintaining ministers, schoolmasters, commanders for wars,
and erecting of such buildings as will be needful for public use
for the present ; and for time to come it cannot be questioned
but the colony itself, having once taken root, when men's
labors begin to yield them any fruit, will be found sufficient to
bear her own burden. Alas, what were it for a merchant or a
gentleman of reasonable estate to disburse twenty-five pounds
or fifty pounds for the propagating of the gospel, who casts
away in one year much more upon superfluities in apparel, diet,
buildings, etc., and let men seriously weigh and consider with
themselves whether a work of so great importance, so nearly
concerning God's honor and the service of the church, calling
upon them (as Lazarus upon Dives) for some of the waste of their
superfluous expenses ; if they lend a deaf ear to the motion,
will not assuredly plead strongly against them at the bar of
Christ's judgment-seat at the last day ? Nay, what a scorn
would it be to the religion we profess, that we should refuse to
purchase the propagation of it at so easy a rate, when the
popish party charge themselves with such excessive expenses,
for the advancement of idolatry and superstition ? It's true it
will be valued at a low rate, that the colony is able to return
you again by way of recompense ; perhaps the enjoying of
such immunities and privileges as his majesty hath been
pleased to grant unto them, and an hundred or two hundred
acres of land to every man that shall disburse twenty-five
pounds, and so for more proportionably for the raising of the
common stock ; yet their posterity (if not them
selves) may have cause in time to come to acknowl- Your reward
shall be great.
edge it a good purchase that was made at so low a and you snau
rate; but if they lend, looking for nothing again, be the child of
the highest.
we know the promise, Luke vi. 35, he is no loser Lukevi. 35.
that hath made God his debtor. FINIS.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME ONE

A Discourse Concerning the Designed Establishment of a
New Colony to the South of Carolina, in the Most Delight
ful Country of the Universe, by Sir Robert Mountgomry,
Baronet. London : Printed in the year 1717.
A Brief Account of the Establishment of the Colony of
Georgia, under General James Oglethorpe, February
1. 1733-
A State of the Province of Georgia, Attested upon Oath, in
the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740. London :
Printed for W. Meadows, at the Angel in Cornhill, MDCCXLII.
A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia,
in America, from the first settlement thereof until this
period ; containing the most authentic facts, matters, and
transactions therein ; together with his Majesty's charter, rep
resentations of the people, letters, etc.; and a Dedication to
his Excellency General Oglethorpe. — By Pat. Tailfer, M. D.,
Hugh Anderson, M. D., Da. Douglas, and others, Landholders
in Georgia, at present in Charles-town, in South Carolina.
Charles-town, South Carolina: Printed by P. Timothy, for
the Authors, 1741.
AN Account Showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia,
in America, from its First Establishment. Published per
Order of the Honorable the Trustees. London : Printed in
the year MDCCXLI. Maryland : Reprinted and sold by Jonas
Green, at his Printing Office, in Annapolis, 1742.
NOVA Britannia : Offering most excellent fruits by plant
ing in Virginia; exciting all such as be well affected
to further the same. London : Printed for Samuel Macham,
and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Church-yard, at the
sign of the Bul-head, 1609.

No. 1,
May.

No. *,
June.

No. 3,
July.

No. 4,
August.

No. 5,
September

No. 6,
OtJtober.

CONTENTS

No. 7,
November.

No. 8,
December. No. 9,
January.

No. io,
February.

No. n,
March.

No. 12,
April.

THE New Life of Virginia: Declaring the former success and
present estate of that plantation, being the second part of
Nova Britannia. Published by authority of his Majesty's
Council of Virginia. London : Imprinted by Felix Kyngston,
for William Welby, dwelling at the sign of the Swan, in Paul's
Church-yard, 1612.

T

HE Beginning, Progress, and Conclusion of Bacon's Rebel
lion in Virginia, in the years 1675 and 1676.

AN Account of our Late Troubles in Virginia, written in
1676, by Mrs. An. Cotton of Q. Creek. Published from
the original manuscript, in the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, of
12 September, 1804.
A List of Those that have been Executed for the Late Rebel
lion in Virginia, by Sir William Berkeley, Governor of
the Colony. Copied from the original manuscript (Harleian
collection, codex 6845, page 54), in the library of the Britishi
Museum, London, by Robert Greenhow, Esq., of Virginia.
A Narrative of the Indian and Civil Wars in Virginia, in the
years 1675 ar)d 1676. Published from the original manu
script, in the first volume (second series) of the Collections of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. Boston : Printed by
John Eliot, No. 5 Court street, 1814.
NEW England's Plantation : or, a short and true description
of the commodities and discommodities of that country.
Written by a reverend Divine now there resident. London :
Printed by T. C. and R. C. for Michael Sparke, dwelling at
the sign of the Blue Bible in Greene Arbor in the little Old
Bailey, 1630.
A Petition of W. C. Exhibited to the High Court of Parlia
ment, now assembled, for the Propagating of the Gospel
in America and the West Indies, and for the settling of our
Plantations there ; which Petition is approved by seventy able
English Divines, also by Master Alexander Henderson and
some other worthy Ministers of Scotland. Printed in the
year 1641.

AMERICAN

Colonial Tracts

MONTHLY

Number Four August 1898

GOVERNOR THOMAS DUDLEY'S LETTER TO
THE COUNTESS OF LINCOLN, MARCH,
163 1, WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES BY DR.
JOHN FARMER.

Price 2; Cents $3.00 a Year
Published by
GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER
F:rr:gr. Agents GAY & BIRD London England

COLONIAL TRACTS, issued monthly, is designed to
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Street, Rochester, N. Y., or Gay & Bird, 22 Bedford Street,
Strand, London, W. C, England, agents for England and the
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from a Manuscript Collection of Annals relative to Virginia,
from the Virginia Gazette of April 21, 1774."

Volume one was completed with the number for April, 1898,
which contains a very complete index, thus making the
twelve numbers readily available for reference purposes.
The twelve numbers complete and uncut, in a binding
of dark blue buckram, price four dollars.
Covers for binding can be furnished separately, if desired.

TN ACTIVE PREPARATION. The History and Genealogy
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Entered at the Rochester Post-Office as Second Class Matter.

GOV. THOMAS DUDLEY'S

LETTER

TO THE

COUNTESS OF LINCOLN,

MARCH, 1631.

WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES,

BY DR. JOHN FARMER, CORRESPONDING SECRETARY OF THE NEW
HAMPSHIRE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

WASHINGTON :
PUBLISHED BY PETER FORCE.
1838.

NO 16 AUGUST 1898
COLONIAL TRACTS
Published by GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER N Y

The Genesee Press :
The Post Express Printing Company,
Rochester, N, Y.

NOTE.
f OVERNOUR DUDLEY was one of the five undertakers of
the Settlement of Massachusetts, and came over with
the Charter in 1630. The following Letter, addressed to the
Countess of Lincoln, in whose family he had been steward
nine or ten years, was written nine months after his arrival,
and contains the events pertaining to the Colony during that
period. It has never to the knowledge of the copyist been
published entire. A part of it was printed more than a hun
dred years ago, and this portion of it was reprinted in 1802, in
the eighth volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts
Historical Society. Very material parts, it will be seen by
comparison, are omitted in the printed copy. This copy is
made from a MS. one, judged to be at least one hundred and
eighty years old. A part of it, which describes the Bays and
Rivers, and a few lines which gives an account of the Indian
Sachems, is missing, but the most valuable portions are pre
served almost entire, and have been copied with scrupulous
care in retaining not only the orthography, but the abbreviations
and division into paragraphs. J. FARMER.

VOL

-COLONIAL TRACTS***

LETTER

FROM GOVERNOUR THOMAS DUDLEY, TO BRIDGET, COUNTESS
OF LINCOLN, WRITTEN NINE MONTHS AFTER THE ARRIVAL
OF THE EMIGRANTS IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
" To the righte honourable, my very good Lady,
the Lady Brydget, Countesse of Lincoln.
Madam, Your l'res (which are not common or cheape,) following
mee hether into New-England, and bringeing with them renewed
testimonies of the accustomed favours you honoured mee with
in the old, haue drawne from mee this narrative retribucon,
(which in respect of your proper interest in some persons of
great note amongst us) was the thankfullest present I had to
send over the seas. Therefore I humblie intreat your honour
this bee accepted as payment from him, who neither hath, nor
is any more, than your honours old thankful servant,
Thomas Dudley."
" Boston in New-England
March 12th 1630," i. e. 1631.

" FOR the satisfacon of your honour and some freinds, and
for vse of such as shall hereafter intend to increase our planta
tion in New England, I have in the throng of domestick, and
not altogeather free from publique businesse, thought fitt to
comit to memory our present condition, and what hath befallen
us since our arrivall here ; which I will doe shortly, after my
usual manner, and must doe rudely, haveing yet no table, nor
other room to write in, than by the fire side upon my knee, in
this sharp winter ; to which my family must have leave to
resorte, though they break good manners, and make mee many
times forget what I would say, and say what I would not."
[ He probably first gives some description of the Bays and Rivers, and after
this appears an account of the Indian Sagamores, or Sachems, of which a few
lines are gone.]

******* " Sachim in New England, whom I
saw the last somer. Vppon the river of Naponset, neere to the
Mattachusetts feilds dwelleth Chickatalbott who hath betweene
50 & 60 subiects. This man least favoureth the English of any
Sagamore (for soe are the kinges with vs called, as they are
Sachims Southwards) wee are acquainted with, by reason of
the old quarrell betweene him and those of Plymouth wherein
hee lost 7 of his best men, yet hee lodged one night the last
winter at my house in freindly manner. About 70 or 80 miles
westward from theis are seated the Nipnett men whose Saga
more wee know not, but wee heare their numbers exceed any
but the Pecoates and the Narragansets and they are the only
people wee yet heare of in the inland Country. Vppon the
river of Mistick is seated Saggamore John*, and vppon the
river of Sawgus Sagamore James t his brother, both soe named
by the English. The elder brother John is an handsome young
lone line missing'] conversant with us affecting English apparell
and howses and speaking well of our God. His brother James
is of a farr worse disposition, yet repaireth often to us. Both
theis brothers command not above 30 or 40 men for aught I
can learne. Neer to Salem dwelleth two or three families, sub-
iect to the Saggamore of Agawam whose name hee tould mee,
but I have forgotten it. This Sagamore hath but few subicts,
and them and himselfe tributary to Sagamore James, haveing
beene before the last yeare (in James his minority) tributary
to Chicka Talbott. Vppon the river Merrimack is seated
Sagamore Passaconaway haveing under his comand 4 or 500
men, being esteemed by his countrymen a false fellow, and by
us a wich. Ffor any more northerly I know not, but leave it
to after relacons. Haueing thus breifly & disorderly especially
in my description of the Bays and Rivers set downe what is
come to hand touching the [one line missing.]
Now concerninge the English that are planted here, I find
that about the yeare 1620 certaine English sett out from Leyden
in Holland intendinge their course for Hudson's river the mouth
whereof lyeth south of the river of the Pecoates, but ariseth
as I am informed northwards in about 43 degrees, and soe a
* His Indian name was Wonohaquaham.
t His Indian name was Montowampate. He died three years after the
date of this letter. Lewis' Hist, of Lynn, 16, 17.

good part of it within the compass of our patent. Theis being
much weather beaten and wearied with seekinge the river after
a most tedious voyage arrived at length in a small Bay lyeing
north east from Cape Cod, where, landing about the month of
December, by the favour of a calme winter such as was never
seen here since, begunne to build their dwellings in that place
which now is called New Plymouth, where, after much sicknes
famine, poverty & great mortality, (through all which God by
an unwonted Providence carried them) they are now growne
upp to a people, healthful, wealthy, politique & religious.
Such things doth the Lord for those that waite for his mercies.
Theis of Plymouth came with Patents from King James and
have since obtained others from our Sovereigne King Charles,
haueinge a Govenour and Counsaile of their owne. There
was about the same time one Mr. Wesen * an English merchant
who sent deverse men to plant and trade who sate doune by
the river of Wesaguscus, but theis comeing not for soe good
ends as those of Plymouth spedd not soe well, for the most of
them dyinge and languishing away, they who survived were
rescued by those of Plymouth out of the hands of Chickatalbott,
and his Indians who oppressed these weake English, and
intended to haue destroyed them, and the Plymotheans also, as
is sett downe in a tract written by Mr. Winslow of Plymouth.
Alsoe since one Capt. Wollastone w'th some 30 with him,
came neer to the same place & built on a hill which he named
Mount Wollaston, but being not supplied with renewed provis
ions they vanished away as the former did — Also diverse
merchants of Bristow, and some other places haue yearly for
theis 8 years or thereabouts sent shipps hether at the fishing
times to trade for Beaver where their factors, dishonestly for
their gaines, haue furnished the Indians with Guns, Swords,
powder & shott.
Touching the plantacon which wee here haue begun, it fell
out thus about the yeare 1627 some freinds beeingtogeather in
Lincolnesheire, fell into some discourse about New England and
the plantinge of the gospell there ; and after some deliberation,
we imparted our reasons by l'res & messages to some in London
and the west country where it was likewise deliberately thought
vppon, and at length with often negociation soe ripened that
* Thomas Weston.

in the year 1628, wee procured a patent from his Ma'tie for
our planting between the Matachusetts Bay, and Charles river
on the South ; and the River of Merimack on the North and
3 miles on either side of those Rivers & Bay, as allso for the
government of those who did or should inhabit within that
compass and the same year we sent Mr. John Endecott & some
with him to beginne a plantacon & to strengthen such as
he should find there which wee sent thither from Dorchester
& some places adioyning ; ffrom whom the same year receivinge
hopefull news. The next year 1629 wee sent diverse shipps
over w'th about 300 people, and some Cowes, Goates & horses
many of which arrived safely. Theis by their too large com-
endacons of the country, and the comodities thereof, invited us
soe strongly to goe on that Mr. Wenthropp of Soffolke (who
was well knowne in his owne country & well approved heere
for his pyety, liberality, wisedome & gravity) comeing in to
us, wee came to such resolution that in April 1630, wee sett
saile from Old England with 4 good shipps. * And in May
following 8 more followed, 2 haveing gone before in Ffebruary
and March, and 2 more following in June and August, besides
another set out by a private merchant. Theis 17 Shipps
arrived all safe in New England, for the increase of the planta
con here theis yeare 1630 but made a long, a troublesome, and
a costly voy'ge beeing all wind bound long in England, and
hindered with contrary winds after they set saile and so scat
tered with mists and tempests thatfew of them arrived togeather.
Our 4 shipps which sett out in Aprill arrived here in June and
July, where wee found the colony in a sadd and unexpected
condicon aboue 80 of them beeing dead the winter before and
many of those aliue weake and sicke : all the corne and bread
amongst them all hardly sufficient to feed them a fortnight,
insoemuch that the remainder of 180 servants wee had the 2
years before sent over, comeinge to vs for victualls to sustain
them wee found ourselves wholly unable to feed them by reason
that the p'visions shipped for them were taken out of the shipp
they were put in, and they who were trusted to shipp them in
another failed us, and left them behind ; whereupon necessity
enforced us to our extreme loss to giue them all libertie ; who
had cost us about : 16 or 20 ;£s a person furnishing and sending
* The Arbella, Jewell, Ambrose, and Talbot.

over. But bearing theis things as wee might, wee beganne to
consult of the place of our sitting downe : ffor Salem where wee
landed, pleased us not. And to that purpose some were sent
to the Bay to search vpp the rivers for a convenient place ; who
vppon their returne reported to haue found a good place vppon
Mistick ; but some other of us seconding theis to approoue or
dislike of their judgement ; we found a place liked vs better 3
leagues vp Charles river — And there vppon vnshipped our
goods into other vessels and with much cost and labour brought
them in July to Charles Towne ; but there receiving adver
tisements by some of the late arived shipps from London and
Amsterdam of some Ffrench preparations against vs (many of
our people brought with vs beeing sick of ffeavers & the scurvy
ane wee thereby vnable to cary vp our ordinance and baggage
soe farr) wee were forced to change counsaile and for our
present shelter to plant dispersedly, some at Charles Towne
which standeth on the North Side of the mouth of Charles
River ; some on the South Side thereof, which place wee named
Boston (as wee intended to haue done the place wee first
resolved on) some of vs vppon Mistick, which wee named Mead-
ford ; some of vs westwards on Charles river, 4 miles from
Charles Towne, which place wee named Watertoune ; others
of vs 2 miles from Boston in a place wee named Rocksbury,
others vppon the river of Sawgus between Salem and Charles
Toune. And the westerne men 4 miles South from Boston at
a place wee named Dorchester. This dispersion troubled some
of vs, but helpe it wee could not, wanting ability to remove to
any place fit to build a Toune vppon, and the time too short to
deliberate any longer least the winter should surprize vs before
wee had builded our houses. The best counsel wee could find
out was to build a fort to retire to, in some convenient place if
any enemy pressed therevnto, after wee should have fortifyed
ourselves against the iniuries of wett and cold. So ceasing to
consult further for that time they who had health to labour fell
to building wherein many were interrupted with sicknes and
many dyed weekely, yea almost dayley. Amongst whom were
Mrs. Pinchon,* Mrs. Coddington,t Mrs. Phillips J and Mrs.
Alcock§ a sister of Mr. Hookers. Insomuch that the shipps
* Wife of Hon. Wm. Pynchon. tWife of Hon. Wm. Coddington.
I Wife of Rev. Geo. Phillips. § Wife of Dea. John Alcock.

being now vppon their returne, some for England some for
Ireland, there was as I take it not much less than an hundred
(some think many more) partly out of dislike of our govern
ment which restrained and punished their excesses, and partly
through feare of famine not seeing other means than by their
labour to feed themselves) which returned back againe. And
glad were wee so to bee ridd of them. Others also afterwards
hearing of men of their owne disposition, which were planted
at Piscataway went from vs to them, whereby though our
numbers were lessened yet wee accounted ourselves nothing
weakened by their removeall. Before the departure of the
shipps wee contracted with Mr. Peirce Mr. of the Lyon of
Bristow to return to vs with all speed with fresh supplies of
victualls & gave him directions accordingly. With this shipp
returned Mr. Revil, one of the 5 vndertakers here, for the joint
stock of the company — And Mr. Vassall one of the Assistants,
and his family ; and also Mr. Bright, a minister sent hether
the yeare before. The shipps beeinge gone, victualls wastinge,
& mortallity increasinge wee held diverse fasts in our severall
congregations, but the Lord would not yet bee depricated ; for
about the beginning of September, dyed Mr. Gager, a right
godly man, a skillfull chirugeon and one of the deacons of our
congregation. And Mr. Higginson, one of the ministers of
Salem, a zealous & a profitable preacher ; this of a consumption,
that of a feaver ; & on the 30th of September dyed Mr. John
son, another of the 5 vndertakers (the lady Arbella his wife
beeing dead a month before) This gentleman was a prime
man amongst vs haueing the best estate of any, zealous for
religion and the greatest furtherer of this plantacon. He made
a most godly end, dying willingly, professing his life better
spent in promoting this plantacon than it would have beene in
any other way. He left to vs a loss greater than the most
conceived. Within a month after dyed Mr. Rossiter, another
of our assistants, a godly man and of a good estate which still
weakened vs more so that there now were left of the 5 vnder
takers but the Governour, Sir Richard Saltonstall and myselfe
and 7 other of the Assistants — And of the people who came
over with vs from the time of their setting saile from England
in Aprill 1630, vntill December followinge there dyed by esti-
macon about 200 at the least — Soe lowe hath the Lord brought

vs ! Well, yet they who survived were not discouraged but
bearing God's corrections with humilitye and trusting in his
mercies, and considering how after a greater ebb hee had raised
vpp our neighbours at Plymouth we beganne againe in Decem
ber to consult about a fitt place to build a Toune vppon,
leaveinge all thoughts of a fort, because vppon any invasion
wee were necessarily to loose our howses when we should retire
thereinto ; soe after diverse meetings at Boston, Rocksbury and
Waterton on the 28th of December wee grew to this resolucon
to bind all the Assistants (Mr. Endicott & Mr. Sharpe excepted,
which last purposeth to returne by the next shipps into
England) to build howses at a place, a mile east from Water-
ton neere Charles river, the next Springe, and to winter there
the next yeare, that soe by our examples and by removeinge
the ordinance and munition thether, all who were able, might
be drawne thether, and such as shall come to vs hereafter to
their advantage bee compelled soe to doe ; and soe if God
would, a fortifyed Toune might there grow vpp, the place fit
ting reasonably well thereto. I should before haue menconed
how both the English and the Indian come beeinge at tenne
shillinges a strike, and beaver beeinge vallued at six shilling a
pound, wee made lawes to restraine the sellinge of corne to the
Indians, and to leave the price of Beaver at libertie which was
presently sold for tenne and 20 shillinges a pound. I should
allsoe haue remembered how the halfe of our Cowes and all-
most all our Mares and Goates sent vs out of England, dyed at
sea in their passage hether, and that those intended to bee sent
vs out of Ireland were not sent at all ; all which togeather with
the loss of our six months buildinge, occasioned by our intended
removeall to a toune to bee fortifyed, weakened our estates,
especially the estates of the vndertakers who were 3 or 4000''"
engaged in the joynt stock which was now not above soe many
hundreds ; yet many of vs laboured to beare it as comfortably
as wee could, remembringe the end of our comeinge hether &
knowinge the power of God who canne supporte and raise vs
againe, and useth to bring his servants lowe, that the meeke
may bee made glorious by deliverance, Psal. 112.
In the end of this December, departed from vs the shipp
Handmaide of London by which wee sent away one Thomas
Morton, a proud insolent man who had lived here diverse yeares

and had beene an Attorney in the West Countryes while he
lived in England. Multitude of complaintes wee received
against him for iniuries doone by him both to the English and
Indians, and amongst others for shooting hail shott at a troope of
Indians, for not bringing a Cannowe vnto him to cross a river
withall, whereby he hurt one, and shott through the garments
of another ; for the sattisfacon of the Indians wherein, and
that it might appear to them and to the English that wee meant
to doe iustice impartially, wee caused his hands to bee bound
behind him and sett his feete in the bill-bowes, and burned his
howse to the ground, all in the sight of the Indians, and soe
kept him prisoner till wee sent him to England, whether wee
sent him, for that my Lord Cheife Justice there soe required that
hee might punish him cappitally for fowler misdemeaners there
perpetrated as wee were informed.
I haue no leisure to review and insert thinges forgotten but
out of due time and order must sett them downe as they come
to memory. About the end of October, this year 1630 I ioyned
with the Governour & Mr. Maverecke in sendinge out our
pinace to the Narragansetts to trade for corne to supply our
wants, but after the pynace had doubled Cape Codd, shee putt
into the next harbour shee found, and there meetinge with In
dians who shewed their willingness to Truck, shee made her
voyage their and brought vs 100 bushells of corne at
about 4s a bushell which helped vs somewhat. From the coast
where they traded they saw a very large island, 4 leagues to
the east which the Indians comended as a fruitefull place full of
good vines and free from sharpe frosts having one only entrance
into it, by a navigable river inhabitted by a few Indians, which
for a trifle would leave the Island, if the English would sett
them vppon the maine, but the pynace haueinge noe direction
for discovery, returned without sayling to it, which in 2 hours
they might haue done. Vppon this coast they found store of
vines full of grapes dead ripe.the season beeing past — whether
wee purpose to send the next yeare sooner, to make some
small quantitie of wine if God enable vs, the vines growinge
thinne with vs & wee not haueing yett any leasure to plant
vineyards. But now haueing some leasure to discourse of the
motiues for other mens comeinge to this place or their abstain
ing from it, after my breif manner I say this — That if any come

hether to plant for worldly ends that canne live well at home
he comits an errour of which hee will soon repent him. But if
for spirittuall and that noe particular obstacle hinder his re-
moveall, he may finde here what may well content him : vizt :
materialls to build, fewell to burn, ground to plant, seas and
rivers to ffish in, a pure ayer to breath in, good water to drinke
till wine or beare canne be made, which togeather with the cowes,
•hoggs and goates brought hether allready may suffice for food,
for as for foule and venison, they are dainties here as well as
in England. Ffor cloaths and beddinge they must bring them
w'th them till time and industry produce them here. In a
word, wee yett enioy little to bee envyed but endure much to
be pittyed in the sicknes & mortalitye of our people. And I
•do the more willingly use this open and plaine dealeinge least
-other men should fall short of their expectacons when they
¦come hether as wee to our great preiudice did, by means of
letters sent vs from hence into England, wherein honest men
out of a desire to draw over others to them wrote somewhat
hyperbolically of many things here. If any godly men out of
religious ends will come over to helpe vs in the goode worke
wee are about I think they cannot dispose of themselves nor of
their estates more to God's glory and the furtherance of their
owne reckoninge, but they must not bee of the poorer sort
yett for diverse yeares. Ffor we haue found by experience
that they haue hindered, not furthered the worke — And for
profaine and deboshed persons their oversight in comeinge
hether is wondred at, where they shall find nothing to content
them. If there bee any endued with grace and furnished w'th
meanes to feed themselues and theires for 18 months, and to
build and plant left them come into our Macedonia & helpe vs,
and not spend themselves and their estates in a less profitable
employment : for others I conceive they are not yet fitted for
this busines.
Touching the discouragement which the sicknes and mor
tality which every first year hath seized vpon vs, and those of
Plymouth, as appeareth before, may give to such who haue cast
any thoughts this way (of which mortallity it may bee said of vs
allmost as of the Egiptians, that there is not an howse where
there is not one dead, and in some howses many) the naturall
causes seem to bee in the want of warm lodginge, and good dyet

10
to which Englishmen are habittuated at home ; and in the sud-
dain increase of heate which they endure that are landed here
in somer, the salt meates at sea haueing prepared their bodyes
thereto, for those onely theis 2 last years dyed of feavers who
landed in June and July ; as those of Plymouth who landed in
winter dyed of the Scirvy, as did our poorer sort whose howses
and bedding kept them not sufficiently warm, nor their dyet
sufficiently in heart. Other causes God may have as our faith-
full minister Mr. Wilsonne (lately handlinge thatpoynt) shewed
vnto vs, which I forbeare to mention, leauing the matter to the
further dispute of phisitions and divines. Wherefore to returne,
vpon the third of January dyed the daughter of Mr. Sharpe,
a godly virginne making a comfortable end, after a long sicknes.
The plantacon here received not the like loss of any woman
since wee came hether and therefore shee well deserves to be
remembred in this place ; and to add to our sorrowes vppon
the 5th day came letters to vs from Plymouth advertizeing vs
of this sadd accident followinge. About a fortnight before
there went from vs in a shallop, to Plymouth 6 men and a girle,
who in an houre or two before night on the same day they went
fourth came near to the mouth of Plymouth Bay, but the wind
then comeing strongly from the shore, kept them from entering
and drove them to seawards, and they haueing no better
meanes to help themselues left down their killick that soe they
might drive the more slowly, and bee nearer land when the
storm should cease. But the stone slipping out of the killick and
thereby they driveing faster then they thought all the night, to
the morninge when they looked out, they found themselves out
of sight of land, which soe astoni'ed them, the frost being ex
treme & their hands soe benummed v/'th cold that they could
not handle their oares, neyther had any compass to steare by,
that they gave themselves for lost and lay doune to dye quietly,
onely one man who had more naturall heate and courage re-
maininge then the rest, continued soe longe lookinge for land,
that the morning waxing clearer, hee discovered land and with
much difficulty hoysted the Saile, and so the winde a little
turninge 2 dayes after, they were driven from Plymouth bay ;
they arrived at a shore unknowne vnto them. The stronger
helped the weaker out of the boate and taking their saile on
shore made a shelter thereof, and made a fire, but the frost had

11
soe pierced their bodyes that one of them dyed about 3 dayes
after their landinge, and most of the other grew worse, both in
bodye and courage, noe hopes of reliefe beeinge within their
veiw, well, yet the Lord pittyinge them and two of them who
onely could vse their leggs goeing abroad, rather to seeke then
to hope to find helpe, they mett first with 2 Indian women, who
sent unto them an Indian man who informed them that Plym
outh was within 50 miles and offered together to procure releife
for them, which they gladly accepting hee perfourmed, and
brought them 3 men from Plymouth (the governour & counsell
of Plymouth liberally rewardinge the Indian & tooke care for
the safety of our people) who brought them all aliue in their
boate thether, saue one man who with a guide chose rather
to goe over land but quickly fell lame by the way, and getting
harbour at a trucking house the Plymotheans had in those partes,
there hee yett abides. At the otherse landing at Plymouth,
one of them dyed as hee was taken out of the boate, another
(and hee the worst in the company) rotted from the feete vp-
wards where the frost had gotten most hold, and soe dyed
within in a few dayes. The other 3 after God had blessed
the chirurgeon's skill, used towards them, returned safe to vs.
I sett doune this the more largely, partly because the first man
that dyed was a godly man of of our congregacon, one Richard
Garrad, a shoemaker, who at the time of his death more feared
hee should dishonour God than cared for his own life — As allso
because diverse boates, have been in manifest perill this year,
yett the Lord preserved them all this onely excepted. Amongst
those who dyed about the end of this January, there was a girle
of 11 years old the daughter of one John Ruggles, of whose
family and kindred dyed soe many, that for some reason it was
matter of observacon amongst vs ; who in the time of her sick
nes expressed to the minister and to those about her, soe
much faith and assurance of salvation, as is rarely found in any
of that age which I thought not unworthy here to comitt to
memory, and if any taxe mee for wasting paper with recordinge
theis small matters, such may consider that little mothers bring
fourth little children small common wealths ; matters of small
moment the reading whereof yett is not to bee despised by the
judicious, because small thinges in the beginning of naturall or

12
politique bodyes are as remarkeable as greater in bodyes full
groune. Upon the 5 of February arrived here Mr. Peirce with the
shipp Lyon of Bristou with supplyes of victualls from England
who had sett fourth from Bristou the first of December before.
Hee had a stormy passage hether, and lost one of his saylors
not farr from our shore who in a tempest haueing helped to
take in the spirit saile lost his hold as hee was comeigne doune
and fell into the sea, where after long swiming hee was
drowned, to the great dolour of those in the shipp, who beheld
soe lamentable a spectacle, without being able to minister help
to him. The sea was soe high and the shipp droue so fast be
fore the wind, though her sailes were taken doun. By this shipp
wee understood of the fight of 3 of our shipps and 2 English
men of warr comeinge out of the straites with 14 Dunkirkes,
upon the coast of England, as they returned from vs in the end
of the last summer, who through God's goodnes with the loss
of some 13 or 14 men out of our 3 shipps ; and I know not how
many out of the 2 men of warr, gott at length cleare of them.
The Charles, one of our 3,* a stout shipp of 300 tunne beeing
soe torne that shee had not much of her left whole aboue
water. By this shipp wee allso vnderstood the death of many
of those who went from vs the last yeare to old England as
likewise of the mortallity there whereby wee see there are
graues in other places as well as with vs.
Allso to increase the heape of our sorrous wee received
advertisements by l'res from our friends in England and by the
reports of those who came hether in this shipp to abide with
vs, (which were about 26) that those who went discontentedly
from vs the last yeare, out of their evill affections towards us,
have raised many false and scandalous reports against vs,
affirminge vs to be Brounists in religion and ill affected to our
state at home and that theis vile reports haue wonne creditt
with some who formerly wished vs well. But wee doe desire,
and cannot but hope, that wise and imp'tiall men will at length
consider that such malecontents haue ever p. sed this manner of
casting dirt to make others to seeme as fowle as themselves
and that our godly freinds to whom wee haue been knowne
* The other two were the Success and the Whale.

13
will not easily beleive that wee are not soe soon turned from
the profession wee soe long haue made in our natiue Country :
And for our further cleareinge I truely affirme that I know noe
one person who came over with vs the last yeare to bee altered
in his judgment and affection eyther in ecclesiasticall or civil re
spects since our comeinge hether, but wee doe continue to pray
dayley for for our soveraigne lord the Kinge, the Queen the
Prince, the royal blood, the counsaile and whole state as dutye
bindes us to doe and reason persuades others to beleive, for how
ungodly and unthankfull should wee bee if wee should not thus
doe, who come hether by vertue of his Ma'ties letter patents, and
vnder his gratious protection vnder which shelter wee hope to
Hue safely and from whome kingdome and subjects, wee now
haue received and hereafter expect releife. Lett our friends
therefore giue noe creditt to such malicious aspersions, but bee
more ready to answer for us, then we heare they haue beene :
wee are not like those which haue dispensations to lye, but as
wee were free enough in Old England, to turne our insides out
wards sometimes to our disadvantage very unlike is it that
now (beeinge procul a bulmine) wee should bee so unlike our
selves ; lett therefore this be sufficient for vs to say, and others
to heare in this matter.
Amongst others who dyed about this time was Mr. Robert
Welden, whom in the time of his sicknes wee had chosen to
bee Captaine of ioo foote, but before hee tooke possession of
his place hee dyed the 16 of this February, and was buried as
a soldier with 3 volleyes of shott. Vpon the 22 of February
wee held a generall day of thanks giveinge throughout the
whole Colony for the safe arrivall of the shipp which came last
with our provisions.
About this time wee apprehended one Robt. Wright who had
been sometimes a lynnen draper in Newgate market and after
that a brewer on the banke side and on Thames Streete. This
man we lately vnderstood had made an escape in London from
those who came to his house to apprehend him for clipping the
king's coyne had stollen after vs
Vppon his examinacon hee confessed the fact and his escape,
but affirmed hee had the kinge's pardon for it vnder the broade
seale which hee yett not beeing able to prooue, and one to
whome he was knoune chargeing him with untruth in some of

14
his answers wee therefore comitted him to prison to bee sent by
the next shipp into England.
Likewise we were lately informed that one Mr. Gardiner,
who arrived here a month before us (and who had passed here
for a knight by the name of Sr. Christopher Gardiner all this
while) was noe knight, but instead thereof, had 2 wiues, now
liueinge in an howse at London, one of which came about Sep
tember last from Paris in Ffrance, (where her husband had left
her 4 yeares before) too London where shee had heard her hus
band had marryed a second wife, and whom by enquiry shee
found out, and they both condoleinge each others estate wrote
both their l'res to the Governour (by Mr. Peirce who had con
ference with both the women in the presence of Mr. Allerton
of Plymouth) his first wife desireing his returne and conversion ;
his second his destruccon for his foule abuse, and for robbinge
her of her estate of a part whereof shee sent an Inventory
hether compriseinge therein many rich Jewells, much plate and
costly lynnen. This man had in his family (and yett hath) a
gentlewoman whom hee called his kinswoman and whom one
of his wiues in her letter names Mary Grove affirming her to
be a knoune harlott, whose sending back into Old England
shee allso desired togeather with her husband. Shortly after
this intelligence wee sent to the house of the said Gardiner
(which was 7 miles from us) to apprehend him and his woman
with a purpose to send them both to London to his wiues there,
but the man, who haueing heard some rumour from some who
came in the shipp that l'res were come to the Governour re-
ruireing justice against him, was readily prepared for flight soe
soone as he should see any crossinge the river likely to appre
hend him which hee accordingly perfourmed ; for hee dwelling
aloone easily descerned such who were sent to take him, halfe
a mile before they approached his house, and with his peece on
his neck went his way as most men think northwards, hopeing
to find some English there like to himselfe but likely enough it
is which way so ever hee went, hee will loose himselfe in the
woods and be stopped with some rivers in his passing, notwith
standing his compass in his pockett, and soe with hunger and
cold will perish, before hee find the place hee seekes. His
woman was brought Vnto us and confessed hir name, and that
hir mother dwells 8 miles from Boirdly in Salopshire, and that

15
Gardiner's father dwells in or neare Gloucester and was (as
shee said) brother to Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester,*
and did disinherit his sonne for his 26 years absence in his
travailes in Ffrance, Italy, Germany, and Turkey, that he had
(as he told hir) marryed a wife in his travailes, from whom hee
was devorced and the woman long since dead, — that both her-
selfe and Gardiner were both Catholiques, till of late, but were
now Protestants, that shee takes him to bee a knight but never
heard where he was knighted. The woman was impenitent
and close, confessing noe more than was wrested from her by
her oune contradictions, soe wee haue taken order to send her
to the 2 wiues in Old England to search her father
Vpon the 8 of March, from after it was faire day light untill
about 8 of the clock in the forenoone, there flew over all the
tounes in our plantacons soe many flocks of doues, each flock
conteyning many thousands and some soe many that they ob
scured the lighte, that it passeth credit, if but the truth should
bee written, and the thing was the more strange, because I
scarce remember to haue seene tenne doues since I came into
the country. They were all turtles as appeared by diverse of
them wee killed flying somewhat bigger than those of Europe,
and they flew from the north east to the south west ; but what
it portends I know not.
The shipp now waites but for wind, which when it blowes
there are ready to goe aboard therein for England Sr. Richard
Saltonstall, Mr. Sharpe, Mr. Coddington and many others, the
most whereof purpose to returne to vs againe, if God will. In
the meane time wee are left a people poore and contemptible
yet such as trust in God, and are contented with our condition,
beeinge well assured that hee will not faile vs nor forsake vs.
I had allmost forgotten to add this, that the wheate wee re
ceived by this last shipp standes us in 1 3 or 14 shillinges a strike,
and the pease about us. a strike besides the adventure, which
is worth 3 or 4 shillinges a strike which is an higher price than
I ever tasted bread of before.
Thus Madam, I haue as I came, told your Honr. all our
matters, knowinge your wisedome canne make good vse there-

* This story was probably of the knight's invention, to raise him in the
eyes of his paramour. The Bishop of Winchester was born 147 years be
fore this examination, and has been dead seventy-five years.

16
of. If I liue not to perfourme the like office of my dutye here
after, likely it is some other will doe it better.
Before the depparture of the shipp (w'ch yet was wind
bound) there came vnto vs Sagamore John and one of his sub
jects requireinge sattisfaction for the burning of two wigwams
by some of the English which wigwams were not inhabitted
but stood in a place convenient for their shelter, when vppon
occasion they should travaile that wayes. By examination wee
found that some English fowlers haueing retired into that which
belonged to the subject and leaueing a fire therein carelessly
which they had kindled to warm them were the cause of burn-
inge thereof; ffor that which was the Sagamores wee could find
noe certaine proofe how it was fired, yet least he should thinke
vs not scedulous enough to find it out and soe should depart
discontentedly from vs, wee gave both him and his subjects
sattisfaction for them both.
The like accident of fire also befell Mr. Sharpe and Mr. Col
borne vppon the 17 of this March both whose howses, which
were as good, and as well furnished as the most in the plan
tacon were in 2 houres space burned to the ground together
with much of their house hould stuff, apparell and other thinges
as allsoe some goods of others who soiourned w'th them in their
howses ; God so pleaseinge to -exercise vs with corrections of
this kind, as he hath done with others, for the prevention
whereof in our new toune this somer to bee builded, wee haue
ordered that noe man there shall build his chimney with wood,
nor cover his house with thatch, which was readily assented
unto, for that diverse other howses haue beene burned since
our arrivall (the fire allwaies beginninge in the woodden
chimneyes) and some English wigwams which haue taken fire
in the roofes covered with thatch or boughs.
And that this shipp might returne into Old England with
heavy newes, vppon the 18 day of March, came one from Salem
and told us that vppon the 15 thereof, there dyed Mrs. Skelton,
the wife of the other minister there, who about 18 or 20 dayes
before handling cold things in a sharpe morninge, put herself
into a most violent fitt of the wind colleck and of vomitting,
which continuinge, shee at length fell into a feaver & so dyed
as before. Shee was a godly & an helpfull woman, & indeed
the maine piller of her family, haueing left behinde hir an hus-

17
band & 4 children weake and helpeles, who canne scarce till
how to liue without her. Shee liued desired and dyed lamented
and well deserves to bee honourably remembred.
Vppon the 25 of this March, one of Waterton haueing lost a
calfe, and about 10 of the clock at night heareinge the howlinge
of some wolues not farr off, raised many of his neighbours out
of their bedds, that by discharginge their muskeets neere about
the place, where hee heard the wolues, hee might soe putt the
wolues to flight, and saue his calfe : the wind serveing fitt to
cary the report of the musketts to Rocksbury, 3 miles of at
such a time, the inhabitants there tooke an alarme beate vpp
their drume, armed themselves and sent in post to vs to Boston
to raise vs allsoe. Soe in the morninge the calfe beeinge found
safe, the wolues affrighted, and our danger past, wee went
merrily to breakefast.
I thought to haue ended before, but the stay of the shipp,
and my desire to informe your ho'r of all I canne, hath caused
this addition ; and every one haueinge warninge to prepare for
the shipps departure to morrow, I am now this 28 of March
163 1 sealinge my l'res.

A

CONTENTS OF VOLUME ONE
Discourse Concerning the Designed Establishment of a No. l:
New Colony to the South of Carolina, in the Most Delight- Mav-
ful Country of the Universe, by Sir Robert Mountgomry,
Baronet. London : Printed in the year 1717.
A Brief Account of the Establishment of the Colony of No- *<
Georgia, under General James Oglethorpe, February June-
1, 1733-
A State of the Province of Georgia, Attested upon Oath, in No- 3.
the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740. London: •'u y'
Printed for W. Meadows, at the Angel in Cornhill, MDCCXLII.
A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia, No- 4>
in America, from the first settlement thereof until this u&ust-
period ; containing the most authentic facts, matters, and
transactions therein ; together with his Majesty's charter, rep
resentations of the people, letters, etc.; and a Dedication to
his Excellency General Oglethorpe. — By Pat. Tailfer, M. D.,
Hugh Anderson, M. D., Da. Douglas, and others, Landholders
in Georgia, at present in Charles-town, in South Carolina.
Charles-town, South Carolina: Printed by P. Timothy, for
the Authors, 1741.
AN Account Showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, No. 5,
in America, from its First Establishment. Published per September.
Order of the Honorable the Trustees. London : Printed in
the year MDCCXLl. Maryland : Reprinted and sold by Jonas
Green, at his Printing Office, in Annapolis, 1742.
NOVA Britannia : Offering most excellent fruits by plant- No. 6,
ing in Virginia ; exciting all such as be well affected 0<;t°ber-
to further the same. London : Printed for Samuel Macham,
and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Church-yard, at the
sign of the Bul-head, 1609.

CONTENTS

No. 8,
December. No. 9,
January.

No- 7- ' I ,HE New Life of Virginia: Declaring the former success ami
November. | present estate of that plantation, being the second part ot
Nova Britannia. Published by authority of his Majesty's
Council of Virginia. London : Imprinted by Felix Kyngston,
for William Welby, dwelling at the sign of the Swan, in Paul's
Church-yard, 1612.
THE Beginning, Progress, and Conclusion of Bacon's Rebel
lion in Virginia, in the years 1675 :ll">d 1676.
AN Account of our Late Troubles in Virginia, written in
1676, by Mrs. An. Cotton of Q. Creek. Published from
the original manuscript, in the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, of
12 September, 1S04.
A List of Those that have been Executed for the Late Rebel
lion in Virginia, by Sir William Berkeley, Governor of
the Colony. Copied from the original manuscript (Harleian
collection, codex 6845, page 54), in the library of the British
Museum, London, by Robert Greenhow, Esq., of Virginia.
A Narrative of the Indian and Civil Wars in Virginia, in the
years 1675 arid 1676. Published from the original manu
script, in the first volume (second series) of the Collections of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. Boston : Printed by
John Eliot, No. 5 Court street, 1814.
NEW England's Plantation : or, a short and true description
of the commodities and discommodities of that country.
Written by a reverend Divine now there resident. London :
Printed by T. C. and R. C. for Michael Sparke, dwelling at
the sign of the Blue Bible in Greene Arbor in the little Old
Bailey, 1630.
No. 12, A Petition of W. C. Exhibited to the High Court of Parlia-
Aprii. ^-^ ment, now assembled, for the Propagating of the Gospel
in America and the West Indies, and for the settling of our
Plantations there ; which Petition is approved by seventy able
English Divines, also by Master Alexander Henderson and
some other worthy Ministers of Scotland. Printed in the
year 1641.

No. 10,
February.

No. n,
March.

AMERICAN

Colonial Tracts

MONTHLY

Number Five September 1898

E:

'XTRACT FROM A MANUSCRIPT COLLEC
TION OF ANNALS RELATIVE TO VIRGINIA.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE OF APRIL 21,
1774-

Price 25 Cents $3.00 a Year
Published by
GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER
Foreign Agents GAY & BIRD London England

COLONIAL TRACTS, issued monthly, is designed to
offer in convenient form and at a reasonable price
some of the more valuable pamphlets relating to the early
history of America which have hitherto been inaccessible to
the general public, although of so much importance to the
historical student. Single numbers at 25 cents each, or $3.00
by the year, in advance, may be ordered through any book
seller, from the publisher, George P. Humphrey, 25 Exchange
Street, Rochester, N. Y., or Gay & Bird, 22 Bedford Street,
Strand, London, W. C, England, agents for England and the
Colonies. The number for October will contain "A Descrip
tion of the Province of New Albion. And a Direction for
Adventurers with Small Stock to get two for one, and good
lands freely : And for Gentlemen, and all Servants, Laborers
and Artificers to live plentifully. And a former Description
re-printed of the healthiest, pleasantest, and richest Plantation
of New Albion in North Virginia, proved by thirteen witnesses.
Together with a letter from Master Robert Evelin, that lived
there many years, showing the particularities and excellency
thereof. With a brief of the charge of victual and necessaries
to transport and buy stock for Each Planter or Laborer, there
to get his Master 50 1. per Annum, or more in twelve trades, at
10 1. charges only a man. Printed in the year 1640."

Entered at the Rochester Post-Office as Second Class Matter.

EXTRACT

FROM A

Manuscript Collection

OF

ANNALS

RELATIVE TO

VIRGINIA.

WASHINGTON :
PUBLISHED BY PETER FORCE.
1838.

NO 17 SEPTEMBER 1808
COLONIAL TRACTS
Published by GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER N Y

Th" Oenescie Pre.-*:
The Po.it Kxprens Print i-hs Cor
Rochester, N. V.

«*. *¦ COLONIAL TRACTS -*>• ,.

EXTRACT, ETC.

A N event happened this year (1642) which at first gave
great uneasiness to the colony, but in the end proved
advantageous to them, as it removed all their apprehensions
of being reduced to a proprietary government, and fixed the
constitution on a firm and permanent basis.
The colony had now remained seventeen years under the
immediate government of the crown, that is, from the dissolu
tion of the company in the last year of James I to the year
1642. During this period they had enjoyed a felicity unknown
to them under the company's government, which had been
extremely severe and arbitrary. Several attempts were made
to restore the company's power and authority, but they were
constantly defeated by the vigilance of the grand assembly,
who were determined never more to submit to a proprietory
government. In the year 1639 the grand assembly appointed George
Sandis, Esq., their agent to the English court, with particular
instructions to oppose the reestablishment of the company, and
to give them the earliest intelligence of their machinations ;
but this gentleman, forgetting his duty to his constituents,
presented a petition to the House of Commons, in the name of
the adventurers and planters in Virginia, for restoring the letters
patent of incorporation to the treasurer and company, with all
the rights, powers, and privileges contained in their old charter,
except that the right of nominating and appointing the governor
was to be reserved to the crown.
When the grand assembly were informed of this petition,
they immediately passed a solemn declaration and protestation
against the company, in the form of an act, in which they
disclaim their agent's conduct, declare he had mistaken his
instructions, and that it never was the meaning or intent of the

assembly or inhabitants of the colony to give way for the
introducing the said company, or any other.
They say that, having maturely considered the reasons for
and against restoring the company, and looking back into the
condition of the times under the company, and comparing it
with (he present state of the colony under his majesty's govern
ment, we find the late company in their government intolerable,
the present comparatively happy, and the old corporation cannot
with any possibility be again introduced without the absolute
ruin and dissolution of the colony.
That the colony labored under intolerable calamities by the
many illegal proceedings and barbarous treatments inflicted
upon divers of his majesty's subjects in the time of the said
company's government.
That the whole trade of the colony, to the great grievance
and complaint of the inhabitants, was monopolized by the
company ; insomuch that, when any person desired to go for
England, he had not liberty to carry with him the fruits of his
own labor for his comfort and support, but was forced to bring
it to the magazine of the company, and there to exchange it
for unprofitable and useless wares.
That our present happiness is exemplified by the freedom of
annual assemblies, warranted to us by his majesty's gracious
instructions, by legal trials by juries in all criminal and civil
causes, by his majesty's royal encouragement upon all occasions
to address ourselves unto him by our humble petitions, which
so much distinguished our happiness from that of the former
times, that private letters to friends were rarely admitted a
passage. That the old corporation cannot be introduced without
proving the illegality of the king's proceedings against them, so
that all grants since, upon such a foundation, must be void ;
and if, as they pretend, the king had no right to grant, our
lands held by immediate grant from his majesty must be void,
and our possessions must give place to their claim, which is an
invincible argument of ruin and desolation to the colony, as we
must be ousted of our possessions if their pretence take place.
And, though it is alleged by them that the charter of orders
from the treasurer and company (anno 1618) gives us claim
and right to be members of the corporation qualenus planters,

yet it appears by the charter that planters and adventurers
who are members of the company are considered by them
selves, and distinguished in privileges, from planters and
adventurers not being members ; and, as the king's grantees,
we find ourselves condemned in the said charter, one clause of
it pronouncing in these words : " We do ordain that all such
' persons as of their own voluntary will and authority shall
' remove into Virginia without any grant from us, in a great
' and general quarter court, in writing, under our seals, shall
' be declared, as they are, occupiers of our land ; that is, of the
' common lands of us, the said treasurer and company." Now,
if persons who remove into this country without license from
the treasurer and company, are to be deemed occupiers of the
company's land, much more will such grantees be deemed
occupiers of their land who hold their rights under an erroneous
judgment, as they pretend.
That if the company be revived, and they have leave, by
virtue of their charter of orders, publicly to dispossess us, the
wiser world, we hope, will excuse us if we refuse to depart
with what, next to our lives, nearest concerns us (which are
our estates, the livelihood of ourselves, our wives, and children)
to the courtesy and will of such taskmasters, from whom we
have already experienced so much oppression.
That we will not admit of so unnatural a distance as a
company to interpose between his sacred majesty and us, his
subjects, from whose immediate protection we have received
so many royal favors and gracious blessings.
That, by such admission, we shall degenerate from our
birthrights, being naturalized under a monarchical and not a
popular or tumultuary government, depending upon the greatest
number of votes of persons of several humors and dispositions,
as that of a company must be granted to be, from whose general
quarter courts all laws binding the planters here did, and would
again, issue.
That we cannot, without breach of natural duty and religion,
give up and resign the lands we hold by grants from the king
upon certain annual rents (fitter, as we humbly conceive, if his
majesty shall so please, for a branch of his royal stem, than
for a company) to the claim of a corporation ; for, beside our

births, our possessions enjoin on us a fealty without a Salva
Fide a His Dominis.
That by the admission of a company the freedom of our
trade (the blood and life of a commonwealth) will be monopo
lized ; for they who with most secret reservation, and most
subtlety, argue for a company, though they pretend to submit
the government to the king, yet reserve to the corporation
property to the land, and power of managing the trade ; which
word managing, in every sense of it, is convertible to monopo
lizing, and will subject the trade to the sole control and direction
of their quarter courts, held at so great a distance from us
that it is not probable, or possible, for them to be acquainted
with the accidental circumstances of the colony so as to form
proper rules and regulations for our trade, which our grand
assembly, acquainted with the clime and accidents thereof,
have and may, upon better grounds, prescribe, and which in
any other way will be destructive to us.
That the pretence that the government shall be made good
to the king, that is, that the king shall nominate and appoint
the governor, we take, at best, to be but a fallacy and trap,
not of capacity enough to catch men with eyes and forethought ;
for upon a supposition that the governor shall be named and
appointed by the king, yet his dependence, so far as respects
his continuance or removal, will, by reason of their power and
interest with great men, rest in the company, which naturally
brings with it conformity to their wills in whatever shall be
commanded, and we leave it to the best judgments whether
such dependence will not be pernicious to the colony.
These are the great reasons given by the grand assembly
for refusing to submit to a proprietary government. But they
did not content themselves with bare reasons for their refusal ;
they proceeded (with a firmness, resolution, and spirit worthy
the imitation of later times, when the rights and liberties of the
colony are invaded) to enforce their reasons by their positive
declaration and protestation, in the following remarkable
words :
" We, the governor, council, and burgesses of this present
' grand assembly, having taken into their serious consideration
' these and many other dangerous effects which must be con-

' comitant in and from a company and corporation, have thought
' fit to declare, and hereby do declare, for ourselves and all the
' commonality of this colony, that it was never desired, sought
' after, or endeavored to be sought for, either directly or indi-
' rcctly, by the consent of any grand assembly, or the common
' consent of the people ; and we do hereby further declare, and
' testify to all the world, that we will never admit the restoring
• said company, or any for or in their behalf, saving to ourselves
' here in a most faithful and loyal obedience to his most sacred
' majesty, our dread sovereign, whose royal and gracious protec-
' tion, allowance, and maintenance of this our just declaration
' and protestation, we doubt not (according to his accustomed
' clemency and benignity to his subjects) to find.
" And we do further enact, and be it hereby enacted and
' manifested by the authority aforesaid, that what person or
' persons soever either is, or shall hereafter, any planter or
• adventurer, shall go about, by any way or means, either
' directly or indirectly, to sue for, advise, assist, abet, counte-
' nance or contrive the reducing this colony to a company or
' corporation, or to introduce a contract or monopoly upon our
' persons, lands, or commodities, upon due proof or conviction
' of any of the premises (viz., by going about by any way or
' means to sue for, advise, abet, assist, countenance, or contrive,
' directly or indirectly, the reducing of this colony to a company
' or corporation, or to introduce a contract or monopoly as
' aforesaid, upon the conviction as aforesaid), shall be held and
' deemed an enemy to the colony, and shall forfeit his or their
' whole estate, or estates, that shall be found within the limits
' of the colony ; the one-half shall be and come to the public
' use, the other moiety, or half, to the informer."
This act was passed upon the first day of April, 1642, with
uncommon solemnity. It was signed by the governor, the
respective members of the council of state, the house of
burgesses ; the seal of the colony was affixed to it in their
presence, and they immediately applied to the king, by their
humble petitions, for his royal allowance and confirmation of it.
Having thus passed their solemn declaration and protestation,
in which they had employed much time, the grand assembly
adjourned to the second day of June, the same year, by partic
ular act for that purpose. At this meeting they entered upon

a revision of the constitution, abolished from it every vestige
of the company's authority, released the public tenants from
their servitudes, who, like one sort of villains, anciently in
England, were regardant to the lands appropriated by the
company's charter of orders for the support of the governor
and the other officers of state, established rules and forms of
proceeding in the courts of law, and regulated the several
parishes by fixing their respective limits.
After the great business of the session was finished, and
they had banished from the constitution every appearance of
the old government, by regulating it upon the principles of the
English constitution, the grand assembly published a remon
strance, directed to the inhabitants of the colony. In it they
enumerate the several weighty matters that had employed
their consideration and occasioned the great length of their
session ; and they conclude with declaring their great motive
for entering, at that time, upon a regulation of the constitution,
was to establish their liberties and privileges, and to settle their
estates, which had been often assaulted and threatened, and
were then invaded by the late corporation ; that to prevent the
future designs of monopolizers, contractors, and preemptors
(ever incessant upon them, not only bereaving them all cheer
fulness and alacrity, but usurping the benefit and disposition of
their labors), they apprehend no time could be misspent or
labor misplaced ; that a firm peace to themselves and their
posterity, and a future indemnity from fines and impositions,
they expected would be the fruits of their endeavors, to which
end they thought it reasonable for them, liberally and freely,
to open their persons, not doubting but all well affected persons
would, with all zeal and good affection, embrace the purchase,
and pray to Almighty God for the success.
Within a few weeks after this assembly broke up, their
solemn declaration, protestation, and act against the establish
ment of a proprietary government in the colony, was returned
to them with the royal assent to it, in the following gracious
and extensive words :
"Charles, Rex.
"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Whereas,
' we have received a petition from you, our governor, council,
' and burgesses of the grand assembly in Virginia, together

' with a declaration and protestation, of the first of April, against
' a petition presented in your names to the House of Commons
' in this our kingdom, for restoring the letters patent for incor-
' porating of the late treasurer and company, contrary to your
' intent and meaning, and against all such as shall go about to
' alienate you from our immediate protection ; and, whereas,
' you desire, by your petition, that we should confirm this, your
' declaration and protestation, under our royal signet, and
' transmit it to that, our colony : These are to signify, that
' your acknowledgement of our grace, bounty, and favor
' towards you, and your so earnest desire to continue under our
' immediate protection, is very acceptable to us, and that, as
' we had not before the least intention to consent to the intro-
' duction of any company over that our colony, so we are by
'it much confirmed in our resolution, as thinking it unfit to
' change a form of government wherein (besides many other
' reasons given, and to be given) our subjects there, having
' had so long experience of it, receive so much contentment and
' satisfaction. And this, our approbation of your petition and
' protestation, we have thought fit to transmit to you, under
' our royal signet.
" Given at our Court at York, the 5th of July, 1642."
This royal declaration was thus directed : " To our trusty
' and well-beloved, our governor, council, and burgesses of the
' grand assembly of Virginia."
By this solemn act of legislation, which the grand assembly
considered as the magna charta and palladium of their liberties,
the constitution of the colony was established upon a founda
tion which could not be altered without their own consent ; so
that our history does not afford an instance of any farther
attempt to dismember the colony from their immediate depend
ence upon the crown, except that in the year 1674 the Lords
Arlington and Culpeper obtained a grant, for the term of thirty-
one years, from Charles II, of all the lands, rights, jurisdictions,
quitrents, and other royalties within the dominion of Virginia.
But this grant was so vigorously and firmly opposed by the
grand assembly, that it was vacated and surrendered to the
crown, as will be more particularly related in the course of
these annals.

AMERICAN

Colonial Tracts

MONTHLY

Number Six October 1898

A DESCRIPTION OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW
ALBION. AND A DIRECTION FOR AD
VENTURERS TO GET TWO FOR ONE, AND
GOOD LAND FREELY : AND FOR GENTLEMEN,
AND ALL SERVANTS, LABOURERS AND ARTI
FICERS TO LIVE PLENTIFULLY. AND A FORMER
DESCRIPTION, REPRINTED, OF THE HEALTHI
EST, PLEASANTEST, AND RICHEST PLANTATION
OF NEW ALBION IN NORTH VIRGINIA, PROVED
BY THIRTEEN WITNESSES. TOGETHER WITH
A LETTER FROM MASTER ROBERT EVELIN, THAT
LIVED THERE MANY YEARS, SHOWING THE
PARTICULARITIES THEREOF. PRINTED IN THE
YEAR 1648.

Price 25 Cents $3.00 a Year
Published by
GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER
Foreign Agents GAY & BIRD London England

COLONIAL TRACTS, issued monthly, is designed to
offer in convenient form and at a reasonable price
some of the more valuable pamphlets relating to the early
history of America which have hitherto been inaccessible to
the general public, although of so much importance to the
historical student. Single numbers at 25 cents each, or $3.00
by the year, in advance, may be ordered through any book
seller, from the publisher, George P. Humphrey, 25 Exchange
Street, Rochester, N. Y., or Gay & Bird, 22 Bedford Street,
Strand, London, W. C, England, agents for England and the
Colonies. The number for November will contain "The Dis
coveries of John Lederer, in three several Marches from Vir
ginia to the West of Carolina, and other Parts of the Continent.
Begun in March, 1669, and ended in September, 1670.
Together with a General Map of the whole Territory which
he traversed. Collected and Translated out of Latin from his
Discourse and Writings by Sir William Talbot, Baronet,
London. Printed by J. C. for Samuel Heyrick, at Gray's
Iron Gate in Halborn, 1672."

NO 18 OCTOBER 1898
COLONIAL TRACTS
Published by GEORGE P HUMPHREY
ROCHESTER N Y

Entered at the Rochester Post-Olfice as Second Class Matter.

A DESCRIPTION

OF THE

PROVINCE

OF

NEW ALBION.

And a Direction for Adventurers with small stock to get two for
one, and good land freely : And for Gentlemen, and
all Servants, Labourers and Artificers to live plenti
fully. And a former Description, reprinted, of
the healthiest, pleasantest, and richest Plan
tation of New Albion in North Virginia,
proved by thirteen witnesses.
Together with a Letter from Master Robert Evelin, that lived
there many years, showing the particularities, and excel
lency thereof. With a brief of the charge of victual
and necessaries, to transport and buy stock for
each Planter, or Labourer, there to get
his Master 50 1, per Annum, or
more in twelve trades, at 10 1.
charges only a man.

PRINTED IN THE YEAR 1648.

THIS EPISTLE AND PREFACE SHOWS CATO'S BEST RULES
FOR A PLANTATION.
To the Right Honorable and Mighty Lord Edmund, by Divine
Providence Lord Proprietor, Earl Palatine, Governor and
Captain General of the Province of New Albion, and to the
Right Honorable the Lord Viscount Monson of Castlemain,
the Lord Sherard, Baron of Letrim ; and to all other the
Viscounts, Barons, Baronets, Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants,
Adventurers, and Planters of the hopeful Company of New
Albion, in all, forty -four undertakers and subscribers, bound
by indenture to bring and settle three thousand able, trained
men in our said several plantations in the said province.
Beauchamp Plantagenet of Belvil, in New Albion, Esquire,
one of the company, wisheth all health, happiness, and
heavenly blessings.
May it please your good Lordships and fellow Adventurers :
OAVING been blasted with the whirlwind of this late
unnatural and civil English war, seeing the storm more
likely to increase than to calm, I recollected my former journal
and manual notes of my travels by land and sea forty years
since in Italy, France, Germany, Poland, and Belgia, and find
ing Omne solum forti patria, ut piscibus atquor, I perused all
the books of any English colonies, and by often conferences of
the traders and resident planters, of the present state, condition,
numbers, enemies, bad neighbors, air, health, government,
fortification, and safety, religion, quietness, profit and returns,
shipping for supply, and vent of the growing commodities ; 1
conferred with my fellow patients, seven knights and gentle
men, my kindred and neighbors, and reporting the true state
of all our colonies ; and while thus musing, I stood all amaze,
unresolved ; the storm grew far more tempestuous with thun
der and lightning, black and terrible gusts, and spouts, that
made the rivers rise and my friends to hide ; for the roaring
cannon beat down their walls and houses, the musqueteers,
dragoons, and pistold horsemen swept all Ca . . . and
their goods afore them ; the pikemen in their inclosures and
retreats left them no beds, pots, or pans ; their silver plate was
turned into earthen dishes ; new names and terms, like an
unknown language, and like to strange tongue unheard of in all
the globe as far as our antipodes, called cavaliers, engagers,
independents, roundheads, and malignants, like the Goths,

Huns, and Vandals, and Alans that invaded and conquered
Italy, Spain, and France ; and like the Saxons, Jutes, and
Angles, that conquered Brittany. These having plundered, and
put upon us new laws and ordinances, called contribution,
excise, quartering, and sequestrations, my friends were now
and rightly by God's providence made light, and not troubled
or encumbered with much stuff to travel with, nor farms, tene
ments, or copyholds, and for our sins our pride abated, our
hearts humbled ; our afflictions made us pray heartily, and call
to God to direct us, to infuse contrition and true sorrow and
purpose of amendment to follow His calling. We found this
storm and heavy judgment had likewise afflicted Scotland,
Ireland, Man, Jersey, and Garnsey Isles. Then perusing my
old evidences, I found my ancestor Sir Richard Plantagenet
had Chawton, Blendworth, Clanfield, and Catrington in
Hampshire. But in those civil wars in Henry the Sixth's time,
much like these or that of the Guelfs and Gibellines in Italy,
all was lost. I resolved to be a neuter in this quarrel, not to
kill Englishmen and Christians, but with Christ to fly into
Egypt, and like the apostle Paul to fly out of one city into
another, and get out of the fire. At last my seven knights and
gentlemen employed me, the oldest and boldest traveler, to see
all English plantations, by warrant to buy land in the healthiest
and best for us eight, and for a hundred servants, and twenty
of our old tenants and families. But in my private instructions,
I was, on a full and deliberate council, directed to follow old
Cato's rules in seating of the Roman colonies, begun to be
seated to save charge of garrisons in new conquests: First, to
seat in a healthy, pure air ; else after all the hazard, charge,
and building past, their people die, and their posterity extinguish,
and their children inherit sickness and weakness. Secondly,
to sit down in a fresh, navigable river for trade and supply,
where there was stone near to build, and not to build on wood
subject to firing of enemies, negligence of servants, or treachery
of slaves and apprentices ; for this reason, I, on my view of Vir
ginia, disliked Virginia, most of it being seated scatteringly in
wooden clove board houses, where many by fire were undone, and
by two massacres in an instant fired, without any forts there, or
retreats of safety in time of danger, and seated amongst salt
marshes and creeks, where thrice worse than Essex, and Tenet,

and Kent for agues and diseases, brackish water to drink and use,
and a flat country, and standing waters in woods bred a double
corrupt air, so the elements corrupted ; no wonder, as the old
Virginians affirm, the sickness there the first thirty years to
have killed one hundred thousand men. And then generally
five of six imported died, and now in June, July, and August
chiefly, one in nine die imported, absent a year and returning,
though much land more now is cleared and victuals . . .
tell mendeth the diet. Thirdly, Cato's and the third Roman
rules was to seat in rich land, so that the richness of the place
and nearness of husbandry may continue the colony with plenty
and safety ; this also, Virginia for the most part wanteth, they
living in salts, and most of their lands, after two crops, is a
light, hot earth, which kills barley with the hot ground and
sun in May.
Thus instructed, I viewed Barbadoes and Saint Christopher's,
Bermudas, New England, and Virginia and Maryland. Saint
Christopher's I find worn out, two parts full of French aliens,
subject to blast it, and winds blowing away cotton, wanting
victuals, and no store of land. Barbadoes have some rich
men, having sugar mills, indigo, ginger, suckets of oranges and
lemons, and bad tobacco ; but their usual bread is of cassada
roots, whose juice is poison, so the negligence of a servant or
slave in the right making of it may cost the whole family a
poisoning ; the servants' usual food is some peas, potatoes,
roots, and those boiled make their drink called mobby, and
plantain roots ; some rich have poultry, and hogs, and cows
tied up to trees, for there are few ranches and enclosures.
These two last years the plague, as I am informed, killed ten
thousand brave people, and there are many hundreds rebel negro
slaves in the woods. Here was no store of land for one hundred
men and their families ; here wants the Englishman's grass,
and so the Englishman's beef, mutton, milk, butter, and cheese,
and they want rivers to turn their sugar mills, so that New
England sendeth horses, and Virginia oxen, to turn them at
excessive rates, and their keeping is there chargeable, and at
Barbadoes they buy much beef, and meal, and peas, and fish,
from New England, and other places, yet this isle is full of
gallant people, very civil and well governed, and now no fear
of the Spaniard, being so populous. Then I touched at

Bermudos, an isle twenty miles long, and ten miles over, and
in some places more guarded with rocks and isles, difficult in
access, full of figs, oranges, lemons, pomcitrons, potatoes and
plantains, May's wheat for bread, excellent fish, tobacco, and
peas ; healthy, too, and quiet in government. But this isle,
being but a pretty prison, was not for my companions' use.
Thence I sailed to New England, where I found three months'
snow, hard winter, but lean land, in general all along the sea
coast well peopled towns, the people very thrifty, industrious,
and temperate ; their fish carried to Bilboa and Saint Sebas
tian's, their pipe-staves to the isles and Spain, and the corn of
the floated river of Connecticut is transported, and the beaver
trade is their best subsistence. Still hoping for a richer and
more temperate soil, I went to Virginia, passing three hundred
and ten miles along the shores and isles of New Albion, by
Manhattan isle, by Long isle, Cape May, and the two capes of
Delaware bay, by the lesser and southernmost, being by our
seamen's observations just in thirty-eight degrees and forty
minutes, and so to Congotto and Fetz isles in Maryland to
Virginia ; to Newport News, where receiving kind entertain
ment at Captain Matthews', at Master Fantleroy's, and free
quarter in all places, finding the Indian war ended, first by the
valor, courage, and hot charge of Captain Marshall, and valient
Stilwel, and finished by the personal and resolute march and
victory of Sir William Berkley, governor, there taking the old
King Ope Chankino prisoner, I wandered all over, finding no
place, for the reasons aforesaid, fit for our companies. I went
to Chicacoen, the north part of Virginia, on Pawtomeck river,
avoiding it and Maryland, which I found healthier and better
than Virginia, for then it was in war both with the Sasque-
hannocks and all the Eastern Bay Indians, and a civil war
between some revolters, protestants, assisted by fifty plundered
Virginians, by whom M. Leonard Calvert, governor under his
brother the Lord Baltimore, was taken prisoner and expelled,
and the Isle of Kent taken from him also, by Captain Clayborn
of Virginia ; yet I viewed Kent isle, too wet and plashy, having
bad water, but there and at Chicacoen, and at Accomack in
Virginia, and chiefly in New England, they related of the
excellent temper and pure air, fertility of soil, of hills that
sheltered off the northwest winds and blasts, valleys of grapes,

rich mines, and millions of elks, stags, deer, turkeys, fowl, fish,
cotton, rare fruits, timber, and fair plains, and clear fields,
which other plantations want, this excelling all others ; and
finding it lay just midway between Virginia, too hot and aguish
in the blasted plains on one side, and the cold New England on
the other, and in the same situation as Naples, the garden of
Europe, after one hunting voyage and . . . sixty miles on
one side of Albion, and three hundred and ten miles on the other
side, and Long Isle, finding the countries better and pleasanter
than related, I made my addresses to the Lord Governor of
Albion, and having obtained under the province seal my grant
of my manor of Belvill, containing ten thousand acres, on a
navigable river, having in it and near alabaster, terras for
plaster of paris, pudding and slatestone, store of timber, clear
fields, meads, and woods, and no Indians near, and vines, I
resolved to return to Holland, and to transport my friends,
where most happily the second time meeting his lordship, and
perusing, by his noble favor, all his lordship's cards and sea
men's draughts, seventeen journal books of discoveries, voyages,
huntings, tradings, and several depositions under seal of the
great beaver, and fur trade, rich mines, and many secrets and
rarities. In fourteen days, having with the two former books
printed of Albion, 1637 and 1642, made a full abstract and
collection, agreeing with my own view, and in the depositions
and M. Evelins, and other the voyagers of Virginia and New
England, I thought it most necessary for the good of all the
company, and many volunteers in Holland, distressed in England,
and noble knights, gentlemen, that with a little stock may gain
fair and rich possessions, and live in peace and quiet, to print
and publish this my labor under all your lordships' protections,
most humbly craving your lordships' gentle acceptance.
And because it conduceth much for a general and a leader,
to be known to his commanders and soldiers, his abilities and
virtues and excellent parts drawing more men of honor and
valor to follow him, it contenting many men of honor and dignity
to be led and commanded by a better and more honorable, and
more sufficient than themselves, and not their inferior, the
meaner and poorer sort expecting all encouragement, justice,
and protection ; and all the company, the adventurers, and
strangers to us all, may more freely and cheerfully go on, and

set out their men, and expect the more and better returns and
contentment under his government in whom pity, religion,
honor, justice, learning, valor, judgment, temperance, and
policy shineth ; hope without offence or imputation of flattery,
to affirm his virtues more than the gems of the coronet of this
our earl palatine do adorn his noble part.
Since to me conscientia mea mille testes, I have had the honor
to be admitted as his familiar, have marched, lodged, and
cabined together, among the Indians and in Holland, have seen
so many of his manuscript books and most excellent rules and
observations of law, justice, policy, I found his conversation as
sweet and winning, as grave and sober, adorned with much
learning, enriched with six languages, most grounded and expe
rienced in formal matters of state policy, and government,
trade, and sea voyages by four years travel in Germany,
France, Italy, and Belgium, by five years living an officer in
Ireland, and this last seven years in America, his study and
suits at home and abroad enabling his impartial and infallible
judgment of judicature, and certainly his perfect knowledge of
his twenty-three Indian kings, under the command of this our
lord royal, as of his good and bad neighbors, their power, wealth,
and weakness, English aliens, and Indians appear by his notes
and books where none of their treacheries, plots, conspiracies,
haltings, and villanies, their antagonists, their numbers and
abilities, the advantage of our arms and fights, and stratagems
are as Greek phalanges, and they as Roman maniples and
enemies to side with, and how to quiet and regain, kill, or
surprise them, is not expressed. What port, bay, and sound
ings, creek, river, road, quarries of stone, slate, iron mines,
gum-dragoon, lead, gold, and silver, alabaster, terras, bolarmack,
red soap earth, terralemnia, dyer's ware, herbs, and plants, and
their use, ochre, rudle, cinnabar for quicksilver and vermilion,
is not in particular, cards by compass, and scale in books, with
all trials and witnesses recorded.
What land and sea profit, fishing, place for salt, potash,
dies, fruits, herbs, and plants, clear fields, great plains, fine and
thick grass, marshes, necks of land, rich black, moulded coun
tries for tobacco, flax, rice, choice trees, and timber for shipping
and pipe-staves, masts, yards, pitch, tar, sheltered places for
grapes and fruits ; cotton in Cotton river, invincible places by

nature, others by a little change and fort to be made impreg
nable, is not in this huge and waste province, being one thousand
mile compass delineated ; and what law or policy, and summary
justice, courts of law, equity, appeals, awards, or references
sit to compose differences, reconcile debates, to unite hearts, to
settle the factious and seditious in any other English colonies or
countries, and fit for our justice, is not explained.
Therefore, my good lords and adventurers, since I speak of
knowledge or view, and certain reports of wise and knowing
men, I shall joy and congratulate with you all, in so able, suffi
cient, and honorable a governor, happily to rule, to defend, and
do us justice ; a tried and seasoned man, and excellent pilot in
all this land and seas, not afeared in person as a true captain
general by land and sea, to lead and settle us by boat, horse,
or foot, as able and willing as any of the meanest ; and there
fore I think at first as most material, to express the law, statutes,
and judgments, and acts of parliament, of counts, and count
palatines, and county palatines, and of our province and
county palatine, liberties, and the ancient family one thousand
two hundred years from the Saxons in England, of our earl
palatine, his pedigree, and alliance.
And since according as other palatines, as he of Chester and
Duresme, made their barons and knights, as therein many are
yet living, you, my lord, have begun to honor first your own
children, I tender my best respects unto your own son and
heir apparent, Francis Lord Ployden, baron of Mount Royal,
and governor, and to Thomas Lord Ployden, baron of Roymont,
high admiral ; and to the Lady Winefrid, baroness of Uvedale,
the pattern of mildness and modesty ; and to the Lady Barbara,
baroness of Ritchneck, the mirror of wit and beauty ; and to
the Lady Katherine, baroness of Prince . . . t, that pretty
babe of grace, whose fair hands I kiss, hoping on your lordship's
invitation C. C. T. and your two baronets L. and M., to get
them, as they promised, to go with us. I hope to get your
knights and two hundred planters on this side ready. And thus
with tender of my service to your lordships, and all the
company, I rest,
Your humblest servant,
Beauchamp Plantagenet.
Middleboro, this 5th of December, 1648.

v°L- »¦ COLONIAL TRACTS n°.

6.

THE CONTENTS OF THE SEVERAL CHAPTERS.

CHAPTER I.
(~^)F Counts or Earls created, and County Palatines, and of
our Province and County Palatine, Liberties, and the
Ancient Family 1200 years of our Earl Palatine from the
Saxons in England, his Pedigree and Alliance.
CHAPTER II.
His Majesty, and his Ancestors' just title, and actual possess
ion of these Countries, of some Aliens and Pirates in landing
and disinheriting the English Crown, and of bad English and
Fugitives to them adhering ; the just cause and excuse to
expel them. CHAPTER III.
The Description of Master Robert Evelin and thirteen
witnesses, printed seven years since, and now reprinted.
CHAPTER IV.
The more large and exact Description and Declaration of
many things these last seven years, the bounds of all to it
adjoining of Virginia, Maryland, New England ; and Answer
to Objections of bounds. The number of the present Inhabi
tants, and their Cattle in this Province, one thousand miles
compass ; the number of Indians.
CHAPTER V.
What Cargason is necessary to transport for the Lord of a
Manor, or to trade or truck with the Indians.
CHAPTER VI.
Our present staple commodities, how oft a man transported
and stocked to make of his one hundred acres, fifty or seventy
per annum.

CHAPTER I.
COR the first creation of earls in the Saxons' time, and since
by the Norman kings in England, 1 refer you to that
learned antiquary, Master Selden, his book who writeth at
large in his Book of Titles and Honors, as well of this as of
foreign nations. But there you shall find records cited, and
earls made both by privy signet and privy seal, without the
great seal. And they were not then merely titulary and
nominal, without interest, power, and judicature, as now they
are commonly all, except the Earl of Arundel], who still is a
local feudal earl, by possession of the castle, and of some
rapes or liberties, for the Lord Lumley, not long since, for
some years being possessed thereof, was for such time Earl of
Arundell, and that earldom is confirmed, and so adjudged with
his honor and precedency, by the House of Peers entered both
in the parliament and court of honor rolls, and the royal grant
was, Do tibi Comitatum &¦ tertiam partem proficuorum, unde
Comes est. And he made the sheriffs, or his viscount, or
deputy ; and the county court was his, and it was an honor
and office, both with the county and assignable, the assignee
enjoying the county, honor, and office, as in Master Selden's
book is cited, in their patents, and was not so many large words
for his title and peerage, as is now used.
But in the Reports 9 Jacobi of Sir John Davis, in the case
of the County Palatine, and in the fourth part of the Institutes
of Sir Edward Coke, of jurisdiction of courts of the three
county palatines, yet in England you may see acts of parlia
ment, judgments and full matter, showing that there were
Comites Palatini oi the first and higher rank, which had in their
territories absolute command in martial, civil, and
sir Jo. Davis, criminal matters, with all royalties and regalities
which the second order of titulary or nominal earls
had not, both in the Saxons' and Normans' time, long before the
title of duke, marquis, or viscount was there granted.
Secondly, Comes Palatinus was Comes Palatii, being a chief
council and companion to the emperor, or king, Comes Curarum
par extans Curis solo diademate dispar. That in
Foiio 60. Chester, Durham, Lancaster, and Pembroke were
made earl palatines, and county palatines ; and in
Ireland in Lemster, Earl Strongbow, Sir Hugh de Lacy in

Meth, to Sir Hugh de Lacy the younger in Ulster. That
William Marshall, marrying Earl Strongbow's daughter, had by
her five daughters. So as the Province of Lemster descending
to them, it was divided into five counties, to each of them one
county palatine. That Bracton, the ancientest of
lawyers, avers earl palatines have regal power in F011062.
all things saving liegance to the king ; Hugh Lupus
by the Conqueror was made earl palatine of the county of
Chester, as free to the sword as the king to the crown, and the
Palatine of Chester made barons, the Baron of Haulton, the
Baron of Malbanck, the Baron of Malpas, the Baron of Kinder-
ton, and in Lancaster, the Baron of Walton in Durham, the
Baron of Hilton, and in Meth, magnates and barons ; Baron de
Streene, Baron de Naven, Baron de Baltrim, Baron de la Nar-
ron, Baron de Rheban in Kildare ; the Baron Idrone in Caterlogh,
the Baron of Burn-Church in Kilkenny, Baron of Nevill in
Wexford, Baron of Loughmo in Tipperary, Baron Misset, and
Baron Savage in Ulster. That these earls palatines had par
liaments, made tenures in capite, and grand serjeancy,
and the tenants sued out license of alienations, and Foiio67.
all writs and pleas, officers, chancellors, judges, and
that none of the king's officers could enter there, or that the
king's writs, neither at law nor chancery, did lie or run there,
and that the county palatine was thereby absolutely
severed from the crown. That the county palatine Slrf^°ke'
of Lancaster was created by that of Chester, and to
Chester was annexed his conquered small county of Flint in
Wales, and made, besides the four above, four other
barons: Vernon of Saybrook, Hammond de Massi, Foiio2i5.
Baron of Dunham, and the Barons of Hawardin and
Stockport, and in other antiquities, Cornwall, Baron of Burford
in Shropshire. That any manors or lands lying out of the county palatine
if held thereof, and the pleas of the inhabitants there arising
shall be tried within the county palatine.
Thomasjand Hugh, count palatines both, and both bishops,
pleaded and returned to the king's writs : I am a
lord royal here, the king's writs do not run foiiosm.
here. The eldest sister's son by descent after her mother was Earl

Palatine of Pembroke, and the law, reports, and abridgements
show they made knights, and as knights were to be impleaded.
Divers statutes show Durham and the earl palatines, mints,
Durham pence yet extant. The earl palatines had
Foiio 204. in their counties Jura Regalia, as the king had in
his palace, etc.
In the Lord Lovel's case, the name or title of a baron is no
name of dignity or addition, 8 H. 6, 10, but earl is
Slr /oT <x>avls' Parcel or his name, and if it be left out of the writ,
the writ shall abate, 39 E. 3, 35, the case of Gilbert
Umfrevill, Earl of Angus, and 14 E. 3, brief 278, the case of
Hugh de Audley, Earl of Gloucester ; yet note Master Burlacy,
for not calling the Lord Mohun lord, butMohun, was committed
to prison ; and note in a star-chamber brief the Lord Verulam,
his widow marrying Sir John Underhill, was called and charged
as my Lady Underhill, the late wife of Viscount Verulam, and
not being called viscountess the bill was cast out, and a fine for
dishonor imposed.
Now there be four other lord proprietors that have palatine
jurisdiction granted, and provinces in the West India isles,
Florida and Maryland, and as free as the Bishop of Durham
had, but none have a special creation of an earl palatine, but
ours of New Albion ; nor have they the lords with such addi
tions, titles, dignities, and privileges as either Durham or any
other had, nor any special grant to coin money ; in that of
Maryland special resort or sovereign dominion, which is a
Court of Appeal, as in the case of King E. the Third, and his
son E. in Aquitany, with free fishing and wood for houses, and
to set up fishing stages, is reserved ; else all the lord proprietors
have all the like royalties and regalities, and all
Si 'fot 2i°6ke' tnese> 11 H. 6, in a long roll, particularly expressed,
are confirmed by parliament to the Bishop of Durham,
and so thereby to all the lord proprietors. And all of them
have a special clause to give to the well-deserving inhabitants
in those provinces, titles, honor, and dignities, so as they be not
the same used in England. Now, though some question is
made whether the other four lord proprietors can make barons
or any knights in their provinces, because such honors and
titles of barons and knights are used here ; but there is no
question or doubt in the province of New Albion, our lord being

an earl palatine sixteen years standing, as free as Chester and
Pembroke, or Lacy, or Strongbow in Ireland, by that second
power according to the judged cases in law and in parliament
may make provincial, local, and feudal barons, as the nineteen
above named, and make knight bachelors, though here used,
and to have precedency, as others have had heretofore, though
his intended order of knights of the coversion of Albion is
more proper. And for our earl palatines honor and peerage
in Ireland, and to make his proxy in his absence in the House
of Peers there, with all such honor and titles of precedency to
him, his countess, and children in all places, as an Irish earl,
the special decree and clauses in the charter doth fully warrant
it. All the civilians, pleaders in the Court of Honor, and two
sergeants of the coif at law, nine in number, have certified it,
and enrolled on record, and is exemplified under the seal, the
barons of Nova Scotia being president in the like case. And
note both the king of France, and this our king, have made
barons and knights, Hollanders, that have precedency there
before other the subjects there.
But to answer an objection of some not truly informed and
mistaken, conceiving that our earl palatine might in his country
only, and nowhere else, have his honor, title, and precedency.
I answer, that our sovereign lord King Charles as emperor of
England, under his privy signet, signed with his royal hand, so
granted and created him, which alone had been sufficient, as
others have been made, in Master Selden's book, records, and
precedents mentioned ; but being farther with special clauses
and decree, and special creation, so made and particularly
granted, that both by tenure and dependency, and that this
province shall be of the liegance of Ireland, and all there born
to be free denizens thereof, and under his majesty's great seal,
there is no doubt or question thereof ; for he is no alien earl
made by an alien king, as Copply by the French king, Duke
Dudley and Count Arundell by the emperor, but by our own
king, the fountain of honor, for an earl by his charter carrieth
his honor with him in all places, and that is his true name as
above is adjudged, and is not to be sued or sue, is adjudged
without it, and so the more learned civilians and sergeants
have certified ; and Nova Scotia is so annexed to Scotland,
Adam de Valentia and Marshall, earl palatines of Pembroke by

conquest in the kingdom or principality of Wales, then out of
England, was a peer to the English Parliament, and so the three
Irish conquerors palatines recited ; and how absurd a conceit it
is that our earl palatine of Albion, and he of Pembroke in Wales,
and the rest having all regalities, and powers, lordship, honor,
and titles, and power to give honors and make barons coming
out of their countries into England, should here be unlorded and
debased unto esquires without lordship, honor, or precedency.
And note all these, and Earl Fitz Allen in his local earldom of
Arundell by writ being called to parliament, is not there by an
earl, for to be called there by a writ, is only to be a lord or
baron, and so the Earl of Arundell's title and precedency was
adjudged him after long debate by parliament. To conclude,
the earl palatines of Chester and Pembroke, and Montgomery,
or de Belesmo in Shropshire, were the greatest princes of
England, and by their conquests, and so in Ireland by their
hazard and conquests that kingdom and Wales is gotten to this
crown. And so the now lord five proprietors that now conquer
on Indians, and convert pagans, and civilize them, and bring
them to the obedience of our sovereign, and at their own charges
have made an entrance and sure way with the other colonies
of America to make our sovereign an emperor of America,
having now near two hundred thousand to defend his empire,
and therefore deserve all honor and encouragement, amongst
which our earl palatine, having adventured his person seven
years with so much hazard and charges, is chiefly to be advanced
and honored according to his worth.
Now for the pedigree and ancient family of our earl palatine
of two hundred years descent, being in England and borders of
Wales, I find only a letter in the name changed in each age, and
conquest or change of nation ; for in Henry of Huntingdon, and
William of Malmsbury, his chronicles of all the Saxon princes
that have arrived, and seated, and conquered the Britons, this
family descending of a daughter, came with those princes into
Britany, and I find that in lower Saxony, near Hamboro and
Holstein, a member of the empire, and in all maps, there is still
in that harsh language Ployen, a walled city by a lake, and
Plowen, a walled castle of Count Plowen, a count of the sacred
empire, in Grimstone's and other histories mentioned. Now
the Welsh make and turn the vowel u intoi oxy, as from Brutus

to Britons, so Plowden to Ployden, as all maps write it. In
deeds, and the Bishop of Hereford's records, I find, anno Domini
904, an exchange pro decern manlis vocat Ploydanes place super
quas Episcopus cedificaturus est Castrum, called Bishop's Castle, in
whichtown the Ploydens havemuch lands andtenements, having
Ployden manor, Ployden hall, Longvill castle, and thirteen
towns about it to this day, and at the coming in of H. the
Seventh were commanders of that country, and constables, or
chastellains of that fort of Bishop's Castle ; now, Ploydan and
Ployden is all one, forest of Danes for Dene, the Norman pro
nunciation, which name of Ployden signifieth kill Dane, or
wound Dane ; and Pleyden by Rye in Sussex, was of this house,
and signifieth in French hurt Dane, and this Pleyden sent his
sons and conquered in Normandy, where are five families yet ;
and the heir of Pleyden, wanting issue, made it an hospital, now
held by the Earl of Thanet, Lord Toston ; so Plowen, Ployen,
Playdane, Ployden, Plowden, and Pleyden is all one, for the
change in time, and several nations' pronunciation, Saxons,
Danes, English, Welsh, and Normans. And note, to this day,
an esquire in France, of three hundred years' standing of coat
armor, shall take place and precedency of any earl, viscount,
or baron which is not so ancient of coat armor, they not allow
ing the king by new creations to bar their inheritance and
precedency. And for their greatness and pedigree, I find
Ployden married the daughter of John de Monte Gomerico (now
called Mount Gomery), Earl of Salopshire, in William the
Conqueror's reign, and in Edward the Third's time married the
daughter of that great and rich Knight Burley, conqueror in
France ; Humphrey Poyden in H. the Seventh's time married
the daughter and heir Stury of Stury hall, daughter of Corbet,
of Morton Corbet, by whom the Lacons, Laytons, . . .
omlees, Purcelswollascot of Wollascot, and the two baronets
Lee and Corbet, knights for the county of Salop to this parlia
ment, are of his kindred. And of the daughters of John Ployden,
Lord Blany of Ireland, and of the other daughter married to
Hardwick, grandmother to that great . . . in of Clause
castle ; the third daughter married to Walcot of Walcot Close
. . . Ployden, yet men of great possessions, the Countess
of Bristol being a Walcot, and so her sons, the Lord Digby and
Sir Lewis Dives, and Viscountess Chichester, or Belfast, and

the other ladies, her daughters, are descended, and are his
kindred. Our earl palatine's mother being sister of Sir Richard
Fermor of Somerton, and cousin of Sir George and Sir Hatton
Fermor, descended of the Knightlies, and so the Lord Viscount
Say and Seal, the Countess of Thomond, a Fermor, and her
children, and Viscount Wenman marrying Sir Hatton Fermor's
children ; the Baroness of Abergenny, and her sister married to
Baronet Gage, are his nieces ; his mother, the Lady Penelope,
daughter to the Lord Darcy, Viscount Colchester, Earl Rivers,
but his branches for three last descents are so many, and at
least fifty baronets, knights equires, of ioool. per annum at
least, and their numerous issue ; but for heir males of the name,
his first is Ployden of Wansteed, Ployden of Shipla . . . ,
Ployden of Askon, Ployden of Ployden, and Ployden of Lee,
and Doctor Ployden, late of Lambeth. And for his now wife,
countess palatine, daughter and heir to two worthy families,
niece of Sir George and Sir Hamb. Paulet, deceased, in that
pedigree three hundred from the Marquis of Winchester, lord
high treasurer of England, are allied ; all which I have more
fully published, that all of his kindred may, anyways poor or
oppressed, the sooner be preferred, advanced, and transplanted
to this most rich and pleasant province, and to great possessions
and honors there, as great Strongbow did twelve hundred of
his to Wexford and Lemster in Ireland.
CHAPTER II.
MOW, for the full and ample satisfaction of the reader of his
* majesty's full title and power to grant, enjoy, and possess
these countries, as well against aliens as Indians, which this
forty years hath not been by print declared, we may read at
large Master Hacluit's Voyages and Discoveries, Master Purchas'
and Captain Smith's ; for when the Spaniard and Portugal
discovered and possessed, one hundred and forty years since,
the East Indies, Brazil, the south part of America, the Caribbees,
and Antell isles, and seated Saint John de Porto Rico, Hispan-
iola, Jamaica, and Cuba, and the fort and port of Havanah,
against the gulf and current, Batuana isles, and point of Florida,
then that most powerful and richest king of Europe, King Henry
the Seventh of England, sent out an Englishman born in Bristol,
called Cabot, granted under his great seal to him all places and

countries by him to be discovered and possessed ; who then,
beginning at Cape Florida, discovered, entered on, took
possession, set up crosses, and procured atturnment and
acknowledgement of the Indian kings to his then majesty, as
head, lord, and emperor of the southwest America all along
that coast both in Florida from twenty degrees to thirty-five,
where old Virginia in thirty-five and thirty minutes, sixty-five
years since, was seated by five several colonies about Croatan
cape, Haloraske, and Rawley's isle, by Sir Walter Rawley,
who had from Queen Elizabeth that place, and two hundred
leagues from it in all places adjoining ; Sir Richard Greenfield,
Sir Ralph Lane, and Master White, his partners, seating and
fortifying there, the said Cabot farther taking possession in
thirty-seven of that part called Virginia and Chesapeak bay,
being now his majesty's demesne colony of Virginia, and of
the next great bay in or near thirty-nine, called now by the
Dutch Cape Henlopen, the south river, and by us Cape James
and Delaware bay, of the Baron of Delaware's name, being
then governor of Virginia, who by Sir Thomas Dale and Sir
Samuel Argoll, forty years since, took possession and atturnment
of the Indian kings, and sixty years since Sir Walter Rawley
seated and left thirty men and four pieces of ordnance at the
creek near St. James, by the Dutch called Hoarkill, by us
Roymont, and by the Indians Cui Achomoca ; and so the next
river by us called Hudson's river, of the name of Hudson, an
Englishman, the discoverer, thirty-five years since, who sold
his discovery, plots, and cards to the Dutch ; and so Cabot
discovered several rivers and countries all along the coast
northeast, now called New England, and divided in nine several
governments, and further discovered Port Royal, and that part
called New Scotland, and set up crosses, where you may see, in
the French book called New France, the French found an old
cross all mossy, in an eminent place at the head of that bay
and port, and discovered all that coast and Newfoundland, and
that called Terra de Labrador, or New Britain, as far as the
frozen strait of Davis. Shortly after, one Master Hore, in the
reign of King Henry the Eighth, renewed this actual possession,
atturnment of the Indian kings, brought home divers of the
chief Indian kings to England, who gave their homage and oath
of fidelity for these countries to King Henry the Eighth in person,

10
sitting on his throne in state in his palace hall at Westminster.
Then Virginia being granted, settled, and all that part now
called Maryland, New Albion, and New Scotland, being part of
Virginia, Sir Thomas Dale and Sir Samuel Argoll, captains and
counsellors of Virginia, hearing of divers aliens and intruders,
and traders without license, with a vessel and forty soldiers
landed at a place called Mount Desert in Nova Scotia, near St.
John's river, or Twede, possessed by the French, there killed
some French, took away their guns and dismantled the fort,
and in their return landed at Manhatas isle in Hudson's river,
where they found four houses built, and a pretended Dutch
governor, under the West India Company of Amsterdam, share
or part, who kept trading boats, and trucking with the Indians ;
but the said knights told him their commission was to expel
him and all aliens intruders on his majesty's dominion and
territories, this being part of Virginia, and this river an English
discovery of Hudson, an Englishman ; the Dutchman contented
them for their charge and voyage, and by his letter sent to
Virginia and recorded, submitted himself, company and planta
tion to his majesty and to the governor, and government of
Virginia ; but the next pretended Dutch governor, in maps and
printed cards calling this part New Netherland, failing in pay
ing of customs at his return to Plymouth in England, was there,
with his beaver goods and person, attached to his damage of
1500/., whereupon at the suit of the governor and council of
Virginia, his now majesty, by his ambassador in Holland,
complaining of the said aliens' intrusion on such his territories
and dominions, the said lords, the states of Holland, by their
public instrument declared that they did not avow, nor would
protect them, being a private party of the Amsterdam West
India Company, but left them to his majesty's will and mercy.
Whereupon, three several orders from the council table and
commissions have been granted for the expelling and removing
them thence, of which they taking notice, and knowing their
weakness and want of victuals, have offered to sell the same
for 2500/. And lastly, taking advantage of our present war
and distractions, now ask 7000/., and have lately offered many
affronts and damages to his majesty's subjects in New England,
and in general endangered all his majesty's adjoining
countries most wickedly, feloniously, and traitorously, contrary

11
to the marineand admiral lawsof all Christians, sell by wholesale
guns, powder, shot, and ammunition to the Indians, instructing
them in the use of our fights and arms, insomuch as two thou
sand Indians by them armed, Mohawks, Raritans, and some of
Long isle, with their own guns so sold them, fall into war with
the Dutch, destroyed all their scattering farms and boors, in
forcing them all to retire to their up fort, forty leagues up that
river, and to Manhatas, for all or most retreating to Manhatas,
it is now a pretty town of trade, having more English than
Dutch ; and it is very considerable that three years since Stuy,
their governor, put out his declaration, confessing that the
neighbor English might well be offended with their selling
Indians arms and ammunition, but being but a few and so
scattered, they could not live else there, or trade, the Indians
refusing to trade or suffer the Dutch to plow without they
would sell them guns. The like folly they committed, and
inconvenience to themselves and all English, for eight years
since, in their West India fleet, battered by the Spanish armada,
they brought home forty Swedish poor soldiers, and hearing
that Captain Young and Master Evelin had given over their
fort begun at Eriwooneck, within Delaware bay, there half
starved and tottered, they left them ; who, learning the Indian
language and finding much talk and trials of a gold mine there,
though in truth fifty shillings charges produced of that light
sand, but nine shillings in gold, and therefore was of Captain
Young that tried it slighted ; yet one Bagot, under the Swedes'
name and commission, there traded to cross the Dutch of Man
hatas, and to undersell them, and left and seated there eighteen
Swedes, who, proclaiming a gold mine, drew more to them,
and have gotten a great trade ; and now this last summer fifteen
Swedes and fifteen Dutch had a skirmish ; the Swedes pulled
down a Dutch trading house, and do both undersell them, and
spoiled much their and English trading with the Indians, both
striving to please and side with the Indians, both entertaining
and refusing to return all English fugitives and servants. The
Swedes hiring out three of their soldiers to the Sasquehannocks,
have taught them the use of our arms and fights, and marching
with them into the king's own colony of Virginia, have carried
thence the king of Pawtomeck prisoner, and expelled his and
eight other Indian nations in Maryland, civilized and subject

12
to the English crown. Now if a proclamation of open war be
set out against the Dutch and Swedes for this their villainy,
and all English forbid to trade, victual, or relieve them, they
must both vanish, especially if those bad English that live,
adhere and obey these aliens in these his majesty's countries
be warned of the statute of King James, of famous memory, in
these words : That all subjects giving any obedience or
acknowledgement to any foreign prince, state, pope, or poten
tate within his majesty's territories and dominions in England
or beyond the sea, is a traitor, and shall forfeit and suffer as a
traitor. And certainly all English, and chiefly those of New
England, being ready in twenty-four hours, will join to expel
them both to regain their own trade, to get their seats, and to
be rid of the danger of armed gunning Indians.
CHAPTER III.
\X7HEREAS, that part of America, or North Virginia, lying
" * about 39 degrees at Delaware bay, called the Province
of New Albion, is situate in the best and same temper and as
Italy, between too cold Germany and too hot Barbary ; so
this, lying just midway between New England, two hundred
miles north, and Virginia one hundred and fifty miles south,
where now are settled eight thousand English, and one hundred
and forty ships in trade, is freed from the extreme cold and
barrenness of the one and heat and aguish marshes of the
other, and is like Lombardy, and a rich, fat soil, plain, and
having thirty-four rivers on the main land, seventeen great
isles, and partaketh of the healthiest air and most excellent
commodities of Europe, and replenished with the goodliest woods
of oaks, and all timber for ships and masts, mulberries for silk,
sweet cypress, cedars, pines, and firs, four sorts of grapes for
wine and raisins, and with the greatest variety of choice fruits,
fish, and fowl, stored with all sorts of corn, yielding five,
seven, and ten quarters an acre ; silkgrass, salt, good mines
and dyer's ware, five sorts of deer, buffalo, and huge elks to
plow and work, all bringing three young at once ; the uplands
covered many months with berries, roots, chestnuts, walnuts,
beech and oak mast to feed them, hogs, and turkeys five hun
dred in a flock, and having near the colony of Manteses, four
hundred thousand acres of plain mead land, and meer level, to

13
be flowed and flooded by that river, for corn, rice, rape, flax,
and hemp. After seventeen years trading and discovery there
and trial made, is begun to be planted and stored by the gover
nor and company of New Albion, consisting of forty-four lords,
baronets, knights, and merchants, who for the true informing
of themselves, their friends, adventurers, and partners, by
residents and traders there for several years, out of their
journal books, namely, by Captain Brown, a shipmaster, and
Master Stafford, his mate, and by Captain Claybourne, four
teen years there trading, and Constantine, his Indian there
born and bred, and by Master Robert Evelin, four years there ;
yet by eight of their hands subscribed and enrolled, do testify
this to be the true state of the country, of the land, and Dela
ware bay, or Charles river, which is further witnessed by
Captain Smith, and other books of Virginia, and by New
England's prospect, new Canaan, Captain Powell's map, and
other descriptions of New England and Virginia.
Captain Brown, Richard Buckham,
Captain Clayborn, Christoph. Thomas,
Robert Evelin, Edward Monmouth,
Stafford, Tenis Palee,
Constantine, Edward Rhodes,
Stratton, Peter Rixford,
Thomas White.

14

MASTER EVELIN'S LETTER.
Good Madam :
OIR EDMUND, our noble governor and lord earl palatine,
^ persisting still in his noble purpose to go on with his
plantation in Delaware or Charles river, just midway between
New England and Virginia, where with my Uncle Young I
several years resided, hath often informed himself both of me
and Master Stratton, as I perceive by the hands subscribed of
Edward Monmouth, Tenis Palee, and as Master Buckham,
Master White, and other shipmasters and sailors, whose hands
I know, and it to be true, that there lived and traded with me,
and is sufficiently instructed of the state of the country and
people there, and I should very gladly, according to his desire,
have waited on you into Hamshire to have informed your
honor in person, had not I next week been passing to Virginia.
But nevertheless, to satisfy you of the truth, I thought good to
write unto you my knowledge, and first to describe you from
the north side of Delaware unto Hudson's river, in Sir Edmund's
patent, called New Albion, which lieth just between New
England and Maryland, and that ocean sea, I take it to be about
one hundred and sixty miles. I find some broken land, isles
and inlets, and many small isles at Egbay ; but going to Dela
ware bay by Cape May, which is twenty-four miles at most,
and is, as I understand, very well set out and printed in Captain
Powell's map of New England, done, as is told me, by a draught
1 gave to M. Daniel, the plot-maker, which Sir Edmund saith
you have at home, on that north side about five miles within
a port, or road for any ships, called the Nook, and within lieth
the king of Kechemeches, having, as I suppose, about fifty men,
and twelve leagues higher, a little above the bay and bar, is
the river of Manteses, which hath twenty miles on Charles
river, and thirty miles running up a fair, navigable, deep river,
all a flat level of rich and fat black marsh mould, which 1 think
to be three hundred thousand acres. In this, Sir Edmund
intendeth, as he saith, to settle, and there the king of Manteses
hath about one hundred bowmen ; next above, about six leagues
higher, is a fair deep river, twelve miles navigable, where is

15
freestone, and there over against is the king of Sikonesses, and
next is Asomoches river and king with an hundred men, and
next is Eriwoneck, a king of forty men, where we sat down,
and five miles above is the king of Ramcock, with a hundred
men, and four miles higher the king of Axion, with two hun
dred men, and next to him, ten leagues overland, an inland king
of Calcefar, with an hundred and fifty men, and then there is
in the middle of Charles river two fair, woody isles, very
pleasant and fit for parks, the one of a thousand acres, the
other of fourteen hundred, or thereabout ; and six leagues
higher, near a creek called Mosilian, the king having two hun
dred men. And then we come to the falls made by a rock of
limestone, as I suppose it is, about sixty and five leagues from
the sea, near to which is an isle fit for a city, all materials
there to build ; and above, the river fair and navigable, as the
Indians inform me, for I went but ten miles higher. I do account
all the Indians to be eight hundred, and are in several factions
and war against the Sasquehannocks, and are all extremely
fearful of a gun, naked and unarmed against our shot, swords,
and pikes. I had some bickering with some of them, and they
are of so little esteem, as I durst with fifteen men sit down, or
trade in despite of them ; and since my return eighteen Swedes
are settled there, and so sometimes six Dutch do in a boat trade
without fear of them.
I saw there an infinite quantity of bustards, swan, geese,
and fowl, covering the shores as within the like multitude of
pigeons and store of turkeys, of which I tried one to weigh forty
and six pounds. There is much variety and plenty of delicate
fresh and sea fish, and shellfish, and whales, or grampuses,
elks, deer that bring three young at a time, and the woods
bestrewed many months with chestnuts, walnuts, and mast of
several sorts, to feed them and hogs, that would increase
exceedingly. There the barren grounds have four kinds of
grapes, and many mulberries, with ash, elms, and the tallest
and greatest pines and pitch trees that I have seen. There are
cedars, cypresses, and sassafras, with wild fruits, pears, wild
cherries, pineapples, and the dainty parsemenas. And there
is no question but almonds and other fruits of Spain will pros
per, as in Virginia. And (which is a good comfort) in four and
twenty hours you may send or go by sea to New England or

16
Virginia, with a fair wind ; you may have cattle, and from the
Indians two thousand barrels of corn, at twelve pence a bushel,
in truck, so as victuals are there cheaper and better than to be
transported. Neither do I conceive any great need of a fort or
charge, where there is no enemy.
If my lord palatine will bring with him three hundred men
or more, there is no doubt but that he may do very well and
grow rich, for it is a most pure, healthful air, and such pure,
wholesome springs, rivers, and waters, as are delightful, of a
desert, as can be seen, with so many varieties of several flowers,
trees, and forests for swine. So many fair risings and pros
pects, all green and verdant, and Maryland a good friend and
neighbor, in four and twenty hours, ready to comfort and
supply. And truly I believe, my Lord of Baltimore will be glad of
my lord palatine's plantation and assistance against any enemy
or bad neighbor. And if my lord palatine employ some men
to sow flax, hemp, and rapes in those rich marshes, or build
ships, and make pipe-staves, and load some ships with these
wares, or fish from the northward, he may have any money,
ware, or company brought him by his own ships, or the ships
of Virginia or New England, all the year.
And because your honor is of the noble house of the Pawlets,
and, as I am informed, desire to lead many of your friends and
kindred thither, whom as I honor I desire to serve, I shall entreat
you to believe me as a gentleman and a Christian, I write you
nothing but the truth, and hope there to take opportunity in
due season to visit you, and do all the good offices in Virginia,
my place or friends can serve you in. And thus tendering my
service, I rest, madam,
Your honor's most humble, faithful servant,
Robert Evelin.

17

CHAPTER IV.

1YJOW, since Master Elmes' letter and seven years' discov
eries of the lord governor in person, and by honest traders
with the Indians, we find, beside the Indians' kings by him
known and printed in this province, there is in all twenty-three
Indian kings or chief commanders, and besides the number of
eight hundred by him named, there is at least twelve hundred
under the two Raritan kings on the north side, next to Hudson's
river, and those come down to the ocean about little Egbay and
Sandy Barnegat, and about the south cape two small kings
with forty men apiece, called Tirans and Tiascons, and a third
reduced to fourteen men, at Roymont, the Sasquehannocks are
not now of the naturals left above one hundred and ten,
though with their forced auxiliaries, the John a Does and
Wicomeses, they can make two hundred and fifty ; these
together are counted valiant and terrible to other cowardly,
dull Indians, which they beat with the sight of guns only ; but
in truth, meeting with English, are the basest cowards of all,
though cunning and subtle to entrap and surprise on all straits,
coverts, reeds, and ambushes, for at the last Maryland march
against them, these two hundred and fifty having surprised in
the reeds, and killed three Englishmen with the loss of one of
theirs, Captain Cornwallis, that noble, right valiant, and
politic soldier, losing but one man more, killed with fifty-three
of his, and but raw and tired Marylanders, twenty-nine Indians
as they confessed, though compassed round with two hundred
and fifty ; and summer this twelve month, Captain Lewis of
Maryland, at the coves, drawing but twenty men out of his
wind-bound sloops, and in two small cock-boats, much distant,
finding twenty-four canoes, and therein an hundred and forty
Sasquehannocks, reduced by these three Swedes into a half
moon, with intent to encompass the first small boat before the
second could reach the former, at the first volley of ten shot,
and loss of one Indian, they run all away ; for note, generally
twelve English with five-foot calivers, shoot thirty pellets or
dag shot, and fifty yards distance, and the naked Indian shooteth
but one arrow, and not thirty yards distance, so as his lordship
knoweth well with such a squadron of twelve or thirteen marks
men, to encounter three hundred, and to bring off the lock the

IS
proudest Sagamore, to be ransomed for any trespass, and not
to suffer any Indian or trader, without his lordship's badge or
stamped livery worn, to come within twenty miles of his plan
tation, or ten miles of their cattle, as in all the outskirts of
Virginia is used but to kill them ; insomuch that the Emperor
Nicotowance's saying was, my countrymen tell me 1 am a liar
when I tell them the Englishmen will kill you if you go into
their bounds, but valiant Captain Freeman made him no liar,
when lately he killed three Indians so without badge, encroach
ing. And therefore fair and far off is best with heathen Indians,
and fit it is to reduce all their trading to five ports, or
pallisadoed trucking houses, and to kill all stragglers and such
spies without ransom. Then shall Christians and their cattle
be safe and quiet, and severely putting to-death all that sell
the Indians guns, arms, and ammunition, then Indians are
sooner ruled, civilized, and subjected, as in New England is
daily seen. In Long isle are about four kings, and eight hun
dred bowmen, most of them two hundred miles off his lordship's
seat of Watcessit in Charles river. These of Long isle are well
civilized, living within ten miles, and in sight of eight thousand
English in that part of New England being, and the five towns
in Connecticut river, and New Haven town being populous,
discourageth any hostility ; but chiefly his lordship's six good
freeholding towns in Long isle is a bridle to check and contain
them, for Southampton, Hempstead, Flushing, Gravesend, and
Ainsford are placed like distinct garrisons to command them.
Then between the two south capes there are two petty kings,
called Aquats and little Matankin, having both an hundred
bowmen, and above Watcessit, southwest, are the black and
white Mincos, near three hundred men, being special friends to
Watcessit and enemies to the Sasquehannocks. Now for
choice seats for English, Watcessit first, where were seventy
English, as Master Miles deposeth, he swearing the officers
there to his majesty's allegiance, and to obedience to your
lordship as governor, being twenty-one leagues up Delaware
bay, in Charles river, to which any ship may come, and about
it Manteses plain, which Master Evelin avoucheth to be twenty
miles broad, and thirty long, and fifty miles washed by two
fair navigable rivers, and is three hundred thousand acres fit to
plow and sow all corn, tobacco, and flax, and rice, the four

staples of Albion. The second seat is three miles off to Watces
sit, adjoining to Charles and Cotton river, so named of six
hundred pounds of cotton wild on trees growing, and is called
Ritchneck, being twenty-four miles compass, oak wood, huge
timber trees, and two foot black mould, much desired of the
Virginians to plant tobacco, they alleging each plant there
dried and cured will bring a pound, and their large leaves in
the new land, and freshes, serve to lap up all the bad S. Chris
topher's and Barbadoes rolled tobacco, and maketh it fire sooner.
Of the three upper leaves they make Varinas and Spanish.
The Dutch give for this double price, and the English double
for sweet scented ; and though Charles river is one hundred
and twenty miles north of James river in Virginia, yet having
a more fair, constant, and tempered growing heat, tobacco
three years together tried, is riper, and sooner struck by wet
seasons by full three weeks than in Virginia, and hath yielded
double the price ; and no doubt cotton will grow as in Millai . . .
being three degrees more northward, though as there it dieth
yearly by frost, is replanted by the seed as a rosebush giveth
a full cod.
The third seat is at Raymont, a strong, rich, and fit place
for a fort. Sir Walter Rawley left there thirty men, and four
guns ; the Dutch seated there fifteen men and a fort, both to
plant in that rich five miles neck to Roymont river (which
runneth down into Chesapeake bay), choice tobacco, and thereby
to prejudice and undersell Virginia, as to set up a fishing stage
for whales, these proved but grampus, and they killing basely
an Indian, refusing quarter or ransom, were by the Indians
killed and expelled twenty years since. This place is close to
the in-south cape, having a creek of six foot water only, and
two furlongs of the grand Delaware bay. On one side is an
isthmus or peninsula nine miles compass, fit for pasturage, and
hogs and goats, and on the other side is a second isthmus, four
miles compass, easily fenced, and is but sixty miles overland
to the northermost and nearest part of Virginia, to drive cattle
by land, and have supplies by horse and foot ; and here is
never ice or frost ; sea fish, all oysters, and shellfish, and fowl,
all winter cod, to lade ships, three months after December, fit
for salt and trade ; and there is a poor Indian of fourteen men

20
only, and weak to hinder any, all the soil is under a brick earth,
stone slate hard by, and timber to build.
The fourth seat is Uvedale, under Websneck, and is a val
ley six miles long, sheltered by hills from the northwest winds ;
below it is six miles a thicket of four sorts of excellent
great vines, running on mulberry and sassafras trees ; there
are four sorts of grapes, the first is the Tholouse Muscat, sweet
scented, the second the Great Fox and thick grape, after five
months reaped, being boiled and salted, and well fined, it is a
strong red Xeres ; the third is a light claret, the fourth a white
grape, creeps on the land, maketh a pure, gold-colored white
wine. Tenis Pale, the Frenchman, of these four made eight
sorts of excellent wine, and of the Muscat, acute boiled, that
the second draught will fox a reasonable pate four months old ;
and here may be gathered and made two hundred tun in the
vintage month, and replanted, will mend. Two other valleys
there of the same grapes, and large, above Uvedale, the hill is
called Websneck, environed with three rivers round, one of
sixteen foot water, navigable, all but a neck, a caliver shot
over, easily embarked, being nine thousand acres, the cliffs all
of rich black mould, with huge timber trees, most fit for tobacco
and corn. Not far off are rich lead mines, containing silver
tried, and ironstone, and by it waters, and falls to drive them
in an inhabited desert, no Christians or Indians near it, where
elks, stags, and deer are most quiet, most fat, and not disturbed,
so as five men in three or four days kill and salt sixty deer, or
an hundred twenty sides for summer's food ; four or five hun
dred turkeys in a flock, swans, hoopers, geese, ducks, teals, and
other fowls, a mile square, and seven miles together on the
shores, for here is all chestnuts, walnuts, and mast berries,
and March seeds wild oats and vetches to feed them. Near
hand is also in August custard apples, and papaws, to make
the best Perry English for one hundred tun in a place, and all
plums, hurtleberries, black cherries, wild annisseed, persimenas,
and other dainty fruits, and roots, are had, as in all the huge
long meads and marshes, sweet seg roots, ground nuts, tucaho,
and cuttinamon roots for hogs, and whole warrens, and berries
of sweet muskerats, and here black bears and lions, feeding on
sweet foods, are killed and eaten. In the head of Chesapeake

21
river, by Tomkins and Walton, was seen a camel mare, brown
black, seven foot high, of which three hundred miles westward
are stores their skins brought and sold by the Indians,
confirm it.
The fifth seat is Brent's fort, a steep rock, invincible and
not to be battered, having an isthmus of low, hard ground like
a tongue below it, environed with fresh water, and under it a
cove close to hide two ships or galleys, ships of five hundred
ton may come to it, and hard by is good mead and rich land,
and woods to plant ; and in this desert is best living, stored as
before with all game, and their food to maintain them.
The sixth is an isle called Palmer's isle, containing three
hundred acres, half mead, half wood ; in it is a rock forty foot
high, like a tower, fit to be built on for a trading house for all
the Indians of Chesapeake gulf. It lieth a mile from each shore,
in Sasquehannock's river mouth, and there four sakers will
command that river, and renew the old trade that was ; it lieth
in forty degrees and twelve minutes, it is most healthy, but
cold near the hills, and full, as all the seventeen rivers there,
of eleven sorts of excellent fresh fish ; the Indians instead of
salt do barbecue, or dry and smoke fish, to each house a reek
or great pile, and another of sun-dried on the rocks, strawberries,
mulberries, symnels, maycocks, and horns, like cucumbers.
The seventh is five miles off it, called Mount Royal, or
Bolalmanack hill, and more properly Belveder, for thence you
may see one hundred miles off high hills, above the clouds like
sugar-loaves, that shelter and bear off the northwest winds ;
here is a clear Indian field, six miles long, to plant and plow
rich land, and as well stored as the rest, and under it is Elk
river, having many branches navigable ; in all these the tide
of fresh sweet water ebbs and flows, and hath three fathoms
deep ; the mouth of it is like a fort, with fit isthmus and necks,
and runneth up seven leagues to a street, but eleven miles
overland into Charles river and Delaware bay ; this neck is a
rare work of God, for it is four hundred and fifty miles compass
to go by sea and water, from one side to the other of this eleven
miles street, and Uvdale is on one of these branches.
The eighth seat is Kildorpy, near the falls of Charles river,
near two hundred miles up from the ocean ; it hath clear fields
to plant and sow, and near it is sweet large meads of clover,

22
or honeysuckle, nowhere else in America to be seen, unless
transported from Europe ; a ship of one hundred and forty tons
may come up to these falls, which is the best seat for health,
and a trading house to be built on the rocks, and ten leagues
higher are lead mines in stony hills.
The ninth is called Mount Ployden, the seat of the Raritan
king, on the north side of this province, twenty miles from
Sandhay sea, and ninety from the ocean, next to Amara hill,
the retired paradise of the children of the Ethiopian emperor,
a wonder, for it is a square rock, two miles compass, one hun
dred and fifty foot high, a wall-like precipice, a strait entrance,
easily made invincible, where he keeps two hundred for his
guard, and under it is a flat valley, all plain, to plant and sow.
The Sasquehannocks' new town is also a rare, healthy, and
rich place, with it a crystal broad river, but some falls below
hinder navigation, and the hook, all on the ocean, with its
clear fields, near Hudson's river on one side, and a ten leagues
flowing river on the south side, is much commended for health
and fish, were it not so northerly.
The bounds is a thousand miles compass, of this most
temperate, rich province, for our south bound is Maryland,
north bounds, and beginneth at Aquats, or the southermost or
first cape of Delaware bay, in thirty-eight and forty minutes,
and so runneth by, or through, or including Kent isle, through
Chesapeake bay to Pascatway, including the falls of Pawtomeck
river, to the head or northermost branch of that river, being
three hundred miles due west, and thence northward to the
head of Hudson's river fifty leagues, and so down Hudson's
river to the ocean, sixty leagues ; and thence by the ocean and
isles across Delaware bay to the south cape fifty leagues ; in
all, seven hundred and eighty miles. Then all Hudson's river,
isles, Long isle, or Pamunke, and all isles within ten leagues of
the said province being ; and note, Long isle alone is twenty
broad, and one hundred and eighty miles long, so that alone is
four hundred miles compass. Now I have examined all former
patents, some being surrendered, and some adjudged void, as
gotten on false suggestions, as that at the council table was at
Master George's suit, of Massachusetts, and as Captain Clay-
born, heretofore secretary, and now treasurer of Virginia, in
dispute with Master Leonard Calvert, allegeth ; that of Mary-

23
land is likewise void in part as gotten on false suggestions, for
as Captain Clayborn showeth, the Maryland patent in the
first part declareth the king's intention to be to grant a land
thereafter described, altogether dishabited and unplanted, though
possessed with Indians. Now Kent isle was with many house
holds of English by C. Clayborn before seated, and because
his majesty, by his privy signet, shortly after declared it was
not his intention to grant any lands before seated and inhabited,
and for that it lieth by the Maryland printed card, clean north
ward within Albion, and not in Maryland, and not only late
seamen, but all depositions in Clayborne's hand, show it so to
be out of Maryland, and for that Albion's privy signet is elder,
and before Maryland patent, Clayborn by force entered and
thrust out Master Calvert out of Kent ; next, Maryland patent
coming to the ocean, saith along by the ocean unto Delaware
bay ; that is the first cape of the two most plain in view, and
expressed in all late English and Dutch cards ; and note, unto
Delaware bay is not into the bay, nor farther than that cape
heading the bay, being in thirty-eight and forty, or at most by
seven observations I have seen, thirty-eight and fifty minutes.
So as undoubtedly that is the true intended and ground bound
and line, and no farther, for the words following are not words
of grant, but words of declaration, that is, which Delaware bay
lieth in forty degrees where New England ends ; these are both
untrue, and so being declarative is a false suggestion, is void,
for no part of Delaware bay lieth in forty. Now if there were
but the least doubt of this true bounds, I should wish by consent
or commission, a perambulation and boundary, not but there is
land enough for all, and I hold Kent isle having lately but twenty
men in it, and the mill and fort pulled down, and in war with
all the Indians near it, not worth the keeping.
But it is material to give a touch of religion and government,
to satisfy the curious and well-minded adventurer. For religion,
it being in England yet unsettled, several translations of Bibles,
and those expounded to each man's fancy, breeds new sects, I
conceive the Holland way now practised best to content all
parties. First, by act of parliament or grand assembly, to
settle and establish all the fundamentals necessary to salvation,
as the three creeds, the ten commandments, preaching on the
Lord's day, and great days, and catechising in the afternoon,

24
the sacrament of the altar, and baptism ; but no persecution to
any dissenting, and to all such as to the Walloons free chapels ;
and to punish all as seditious, and for contempt, as bitter, rail
and condemn others of the contrary ; for this argument or
persuasion all religion, ceremonies, or church discipline should
be acted in mildness, love, and charity, and gentle language,
not to disturb the peace or quiet of the inhabitants, but therein
to obey the civil magistrate.
For the politic and civil government, and justice, Virginia
and New England is our precedent. First, the lord head gover
nor, a deputy governor, secretary of estate or seal keeper,
and twelve of the council of state, or upper house ; and these
or five of them is also a chancery court. Next, out of counties
and towns, at a free election and day prefixed, thirty burgesses
or commons. Once yearly, the tenth of November, these
meet as a parliament, or grand assembly, and make laws, or
repeal, alter, explain, and set taxes and rates for common
defence, and without full consent of lord, upper and lower house
nothing is done. Appeals are here also tried, all criminal cases
for life, above only by two juries, or actions at law, a jury on
either side may be called, and by them tried ; and any before
judgment may stop the law, and be tried in equity. The two
months' courts may try, before four justices of peace, any action
not exceeding 10/ or 1500/ of tobacco, at 4 s charge only, and
plead without attorney ; an appeal lieth thence to each quarter,
or chancery first court above, and from thence an appeal to
the grand assembly. Any matter under 40 s value, or 200 / of
tobacco, to be ended by the next justice at 1 s charge, no depo
sition to be taken but before two justices, whereof one of the
quorum, or in court, or before a council, or of estate ; and here
is no jeofails, nor demurrers, but a summary hearing, and a
sheriff and clerk of court, with small fees, ends all for the most
part in a few words.
Last of all, how plentifully may a quiet, industrious man
live here, having with corn land, mead, and pasture, and
timbers, and woods covered many months with chestnuts, and
four other nuts, and mast for deer, hogs, and turkeys, fish,
fowl, venison, wine, and fruits, gratis ? Our chief staples are
tobacco, then flax, and rice, of which in floated lands you have
infinite increase, and without floating you may have, and all

25
the winter, ship planks, clove board, and pipe-staves ; these
lade home ships twice a year hence, and for them bring you
any English servants, or English or Dutch wares, cloths, stuffs,
drams, wines, or what you bespeak ; but surely we may easily
grow rich if we will, and buy no clothes, for a good weaver
brought thither will make us of our own flax nine sorts of
linens, tufted Hollands, velures, velvets, tuftaffetas, and plushes,
and for winter a good glover, with some only of our own elk skins,
maketh the best buff coats, our own stag and deer skins make
best genteel and soldiers' clothes, fittest for our woods ; a doe
skin breeches, with the fur inside, in our shortwinter, is better
than two broadcloths, and warmer, so we need no English
clothing. Cattle in Virginia, and all grain in New England,
brought to our doors cheaper than here; Indian corn, or peas,
or beans, at twelve pence a bushel, by truck with the Indians,
and rye meal, a third with the white, and any maize meal,
which is altogether but twenty pence ; a bushel of meal maketh
the best bread, and we have more choice drinks than here, for
sweet . . . alk and pumpion drink hopped, is good beer, and
ale we have, and malt for you ; and in the hot summer rock
cold water, with an eighth of peach vinegar, is the best bever
age. Peaches, better than apricots, by some do feed hogs ;
one man hath ten thousand trees, all apples, pears, cherries,
and other fruits grow here in half the time as in your cold and
blasty region, and do all hops, and roots, and herbs, and gar
den stuff. Our days in summer two hours shorter, and in
winter more comfortable, two hours longer, and a warm sun
and bigger fires, and no rent to my landlord, makes us merry.
He that is lazy and will not work needs not fear starving, but
may live as an Indian, sometimes oysters, cockles, wilkes,
clams, scollons, two months together ; sometimes wild peas,
and vetches, and long oats, sometimes tuckaho, cuttenoman,
ground nuts, marhonions, sometimes small nuts, filberts, wal
nuts, pokikerries, ten sorts of berries, eggs of fowl, small fish
in coves at low water, will teach him to live idly.

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CHAPTER V.

P ACH adventurer of twenty or fifty men must provide
household necessaries, as irons, and chains for a draw
bridge, two mares or horses to breed or ride on, pots, pans,
dishes, iron for a cart and plow, chains, scythes, and sickles,
nets, lines, and hooks. A sail for a fishing shallop of three ton,
and hemp to employ his people in making them, as with hair,
and canvas for quilts, as well on shipboard as demurring at the
seaport, as with locks, keys, bolts, and glass casements for his
house. And generally fit implements for the work or trade he
intends. For trade with the Indians, buy Dutch or Welch rugged
cloth, seven quarters broad, a violet blue or red, at four or five
shillings a yard, small hooks and fishing lines, Morris bells,
jewsharps, combs, trading knives, hatchets, axes, hoes ; they
will bring you venison, turkeys, and fowls, flesh, etc., for a
pennyworth of corn at twelve pence a bushel.
PROVISIONS FOR EACH MAN, AND THE CHARGE FROM LONDON.
i. Canvas or linen clothes, shoes, hats, etc., costing here
four pounds for two men, to buy cows, goats, and hogs, in
Virginia, which there yield six pound, and will buy one cow
and ox, two goats, two sows, which one each man, comes to
2/ 10 0
2. Freight for a passenger and his half ton of provisions
and tools, 1 / 10 o
3. Victuals, till his own stock and crop maintain him, for
seven months, 3 / 10 o
Thatis, peas, oatmeal, and aquavfte, 75, five bushels of meal,
of which to be baked into biscuits, and five bushels of malt,
some must be ground and brewed for the voyage, both 1 /
10 5, a hundred of beef and pork, 1 / 2s, two bushels of roots,
2 s, salt fish, 2 s, cask to carry provisions, 5 5, five pounds of
butter, 2 s.
4. One hogshead of ears of corn, garden seed, hemp, and
linseed, with husk, and some rice from Virginia, o 16 o
5. Arms, viz., a sword, caliver five foot long, or long pistol,
pikehead, six pound of powder, ten pound of shot, half an old
slight armor, that is, two to one armor, o 19 o

2V
6. Tools, a spade, axe, and shovel, 5 s, iron and steel to
make and mend more, and two hundred of nails, 5 s, o 100
7. Guns and powder for the fort, that is, to every fifty-
four murderers, ... a barrel of powder, 4/ 10 5, that is
to each man, 5 s
8. A bed and sheets of canvas, to be filled with hulls, each
man a rug, 15 s
Sum total, 10/ 5 o
CHAPTER VI.
TJERE by bringing good laborers and tradesmen, the provi
dent planters may do well by giving shares or double
wages, when each man may earn his five, nay, six shillings a
day in tobacco, flax, rice.
2. For here the ship carpenters, ten men a day, will build
a ton of shipping, as in England, which, with masts and yards
there taken, is here and there worth ... a ton, and yet
here and there is built at 1 / a ton wages, which is 6 5 a day's
work, having the timber without money.
3. Here in fourteen days they make a thousand of pipe-
staves, worth here four pound, and at the Canaries twenty
pound a thousand, and so get six shillings a day's work.
4. Here in making iron they save five pounds a ton in the
price of wood, and three pounds more in digging the iron mine
and saving land carriage of it, and of the charcoal for mine is
taken on the sea beach, and wood floated down the rivers, and
so each man earns five shillings ten pence a day, iron valued
at twelve pounds per ton.
5. Here the constant trade of three hundred and fifty ships
and seven thousand men a fishing begin leave cold Newfound
land small fish, and late taken, when this is before theirs two
months at the market, one hundred fish here yields four quintals,
there scarce one, and here is fish all the year, there but only in
the four warm months, and is for nine weeks' work each man
above his diet, passage, and return, gets twenty pound, and
twelve pound a man, and herein dried bass, in sturgeon, in
dressed mackerel, herrings, and pilchers, is got as well as in
codfish, six shillings and eight shillings a day, and this returns
ready French and Spanish coin.
6. Here the glorious ripening sun, as warm as Italy or Spain,

28
will bring rare fruits, wines, and such store of aniseed and
licorice, as well as bay salt made without boiling, only in pans
with the sun, that each laborer may make six bushels a day,
worth in these three twelve shillings a day, and this maiden
soil, so comforted with the sun's glittering beams, and being
digged and set with the Indian wheat, and their beans and
peas, with forty shillings charge in forty days' work with seed,
yields ten quarters an acre, the same wheat being ten times as
big and as weighty as ours, besides potatoes, wood, madder,
roots, and many plants, and tobacco, will yield half a ton of
flax and a ton of hemp, worth twelve pounds an acre, and six
shillings a day's work.
7. Here, as in Provence in France, walnut milk or oil ground
and pressed will yield the gatherer ten gallons and ten shillings
a day's work.
8. Here the land lieth covered seven months with beech
and oak mast, walnuts, chestnuts, and three months with
ground nuts, sage, and other roots, and wild peas and fetches,
yearly, so as forty hogs for one, and ninety turkeys, partridges,
heathpouts, and tame poultry, eating their fill, for once ordinary
increased. 9. Here, the soap and potashes men, paying in England
twelve pence a bushel and four pence carriage for ashes, and
twenty pounds a ton for potashes, may make them at a quarter
and less, and get eight shillings a day's work by cutting, raking
and burning whole plains of fern, brambles and wild vines,
being thrice as strong as wood ashes.
10. Here a ship may go and return in five months laded,
and comfortable, see their friends, making two voyages a year,
in a healthy air, free from enemies and Turks, and get two for
one each voyage, that is, four for one of that stock, and
proceed in a year.
11. Here the kind gentlemen that in England doth not live
without deep mortgages, suretyship, lawsuits, and troubles,
may here settle, and avoid ill company, and tempting occasions,
and live in plenty and variety of all sports, hunting deer,
hawking fowl, fishing, and many more sports, and sorts of
game, as with dainty fruits, and lay up his spare rents.
12. Here, the soldier and gentleman wanting employment,
and not hire to labor, without going to war to kill Christians

29
for five shillings a week in the mouth of the roaring can
non, or in a siege, threatened with famine and pestilence, and
often together against a few naked savages, may. like a devout
apostoliqued soldier with sword, and the word to civilize and
convert them to be his majesty's lieges, and by trading with
them for furs, get his ten shillings a day, and at home inter
mixing sport and pleasure with profit, store his parks with elks
and fallow deer, are fit to ride, milk, or draw the first as big as
oxen, and bringing three a year, and with five hundred turkeys
in a flock, got by nets, in stalling, get his five shillings a day
at least. Passage and diet of a man, bedding, and chest thither, 5/00
Bedding will cost 15s drams, fruit and spice, 1 00
In goods to buy a cow, and stock each man here, 200
Arms, ammunition, and tools, each man, 200
Sum total, 10 o o
All adventurers of five hundred pounds to bring fifty men
shall have five thousand acres and a manor with royalties, at
five shillings rent, and whosoever is willing so to transport
himself or servant at ten pounds a man, shall for each man
have one hundred acres freely granted forever, and at
may be instructed how in a month to pass, and in twenty days
to get fit servants and artificers for wages, diet, and clothes,
and apprentices according to the three statutes, 5 Eliz. All
which, after five years' service, are to have thirty acres of free
land, and some stock, and be freeholders.

FINIS.

The Ctenesee Press :
The Post Express Printing Company,
Eochester, N. Y.

YALE UNIVERSITY

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