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'«^ y7A)^.r-^ .,^y ^,,^ 6 .^,y^A<-^ ^A.S^ '--".„ \A^/.(^/^^ J^f O^-..^. -A^ t^J -i r,y i^y ^ ii'y7 A^O f^y A^ J^y ATf'^'^^'J «';^ .-flriS^,/iLw? ^^^ /S.^'-J ^...'.^ ^y -,--¦, ,y/yy(yy^Sh ^ Z^-* '^A J^^.^^ ^>%..^Ar^.A ,,_../A, ,^-c/U,^ *' /.^y, a^'u>^«^ ^aJc'/t,jSS:yr-- ^l."^ f/rfciZ' ^^V "/^' f "y '- ^^^ >^'--^. - .- -^^ ^".^ '^z-' ' BOSTON IN 177^. LETTERS FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON, CAPTAIN JOHN CHESTER, LIEUTENANT SAMUEL B. WEBB, AND JOSEPH BARRELL. Fifty copies printed. NO. .t^lM^tt, BROOKLYN, N. Y.: HISTORICAL PRINTING CLUB. 1892. Cb /•A 9 2 f INTRODUCTORY NOTE. Of the letters included in this pamphlet only two have appeared in print — that of Captain Chester, which is taken from Frothingham's History of the Siege of Boston, and that of Lieutenant Webb, dated July I ith, taken from Frothingham's The Battle-Field of Bunker Hill. The letter of Washington has been courteously furnished by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, of whose historical manuscripts it is only necessary to say that they are easily first in interest and value among American collections. This letter was known to Mr. Sparks, but was somewhat too frank in tone to be included in his Writings of Wash ington. The joint letter from Captain John Chester and Lieutenant Samuel B. Webb — a most important account of the affair at Bunker Hill — is unfortunately incomplete. It is from the collection of Dr. W. Seward Webb. Miss Mary Barrell kindly supplied me with copies of the two letters from her ancestor, Joseph Barrell, a prominent mer chant in Boston in the last century, and an ardent patriot, when other members of his family followed the fortunes, or rather the misfor tunes, of the loyalists. All of these letters will appear in the " Correspondence and Jour nals of Samuel Blachley Webb," now in press. WORTHINGTON ChAUNCEY FoRD. Brooklyn, N. Y. July, iSgz. JOSEPH BARRELL TO Salem, 24 May, 1775. Dear Sir : I fully Intended by this Conveyance to have seen you in person, as all my baggage was on board Cap. Calahan, & I with my wife * was thus far on our voyage to London ; but on the 17* Ins' in the evening a fire broke out in the Soldiers' Barracks near my store,t and as the GovT | had by the most stupid & Extraordinary order se cured the fire Engines from the Inhabitants, it was a full hour before they were in use, and then conducted by his Soldiery with sUch Stupidity that the flames raged with Incredible fury & Destroyed 30 Stores, which in all probability might have been easily stopt at first, amongst W:*" I suffered loss 1000 f^ sterling, a sum more than I can at this time loose without feeling it, prevents my taking passage as I intended, and I fear I shall never see London, as providence seems not to favor the attempt, — this being the 24 time I've been on the verge of departing & have been prevented. The account I sent you by M^ Head of the Running fight of the Red coats I think is at least as true as any I've since heard, saving that the number lost on their side is nearly 300 kill'd & wounded & on ours 40 kill'd & 20 wounded ; since then our people have been forming Regiments & have now 1 2,000 Inlisted men at Cambridge & Roxbury, which are adding to daily, & by the time this reaches you, I think I can prom ise 30,000, w* is the number we propose from the 4 New England Governments. Add to this, that when the Alarm is given almost every man turns out, & I think you may depend they are as Resolute & Determined as any men on Earth. We are daily expecting the ? Hannah Fitch, whom he married in 1771. t The fire began in a store used as a barrack on the south side of the town dock, where some soldiers were filling cartridges. J Thomas Gage, who had succeeded Hutchinson. troops will attempt to go into the Country again, and we do most ardently wish it, for if they do not, such is the Impatience of our peo ple, 'tis fear'd by the prudent they will attempt the town, w?i> if they should carry, it would in all probabillity, be attended with very great loss on our side. But this I'll stake my life on, let Lord North, Bute, Mansfield or the Devil ruin the British Nation by hiring for eign troops, still the people of this Country will not give up. We are ready to die free, but determined not to live slaves. We ardently wish the people of England, (who we still love as a people, for take them from their venal Parliaments, & they are just,) would arouse be' fore 'tis too late ; if they approve of the oppression of their rulers and are determined in the Name of Satan the friend of Tyranny, to risk their' ruin to enslave us, we are determined in the Name of God, to oppose w* life & fortune & never to give up 'till Death Delivers- us from their Iron Grasp. 'Tis not Boston, 'tis notthe prov. of the Mass? Bay, 'tis not the four N. E. Provinces only, but 'tis the conti nent of America joined in the opposition. New York, that* only-' prop of the hopes of Wretches, that Loyal Provi , we find neither threats, nor the vague promises of superior Advantages can buy from the General cause. They are foremost in the present time, and even the Prov. of Nova Scotia has lent a feeble Effort by burning the hay procured iox the frightful Dragoons itfi!^ we hourly expect'; and' by this have shown they wish well to our Cause, & 'tis not doubted' but they will soon break the bonds of Slavish fear & show the world' they are Americans, men that wish wellto Good Government, but' cannot' submit to Tyranny. We have many & Daily Reports from every part of this Extended Continent. They seem all determined, and more awake than ever. Oppression will make a -wise man mad; you will soon be made acquainted with the Spirit of the times. There is not a moment to loose. Between the Colonies & G. Britain every day makes the matter worse, & another Battl6-, if we are suc cessful, (we'll pray God to grant) mayprodUeeCliims higher' than ever. I speak for one & I believe speak the Language of- a very great Majority of this distressed people. I wish for a reconciliation with Great Britain, but I prefer Death & Beggary to a tame submis sion to the order of that wretch, that murderer of the Industrious, & that Destroyer of the poor^ whose cruel Expectations, if complied with, would disgrace Human ¦ Nature. O my Dean Sir^ the Yankees will- fight;- they are averse tb begin; but' when they once draw the Sword, they throw away* the Scabbary^ & tho' so loth to shed Blood, yetiii revenge of their murder'd friends, 'tis their Delight ; & Depend upon it they will prove that they have a true sense of that freedom W^*" the God of nhtat'e gave & by whose Assistance they will Defend it. I kno\v not whether you are acquainted with the particulars of the Negotiations between the Gov^ & the people of Boston. This is the Case after the fairious Retreat of the Invincible Red Coats, 1800 of whorh fled with speed before 400 Raw Yankees : The Gov^ stop'd all the passages- to the Town] & would on no terms suffer any persbn tt) depart. This state of confinement was extremely disagreeable to the Inhabitants, w':'' they nevertheless indured with fortitude a few daysj in W":'' time it was either hinted, or directly moved by the Gov! that if he could be assured of the peaceable disposition of the people be w'd open the communication. On this the Selectmen call'd together a. Number of the gent? of the town to see if any measures could be' falling- on, to satisfie the Gov. They accordingly j^epar'd Votes w^"" were adopted in a very fuU'town meeting, assure- irig the Gov. they w'ere & would' be peaceable towards him & his Soldiery, and Reminded him of many of his assurances when he was fortyfying the Town, that he would not thereby incomniode or molest the Inhabitants. This the Gov! did not consent to, but assured the Town by the Selectmen, that if the' Inhabitants would give up their Airtis' to 'the- Selectmen, then'th^y should one & all depart without Molestation, with their Effects. This he gave not in writing, tho' he repeated it before his General Officers; & assured the Selectmen it should be valid as if in writings and added further, we should remove b'y- water aswell as'Laiid, any where within ¦ the Limits of the Cursed Port Bill, & that he would use his Irifluenee with the Admiral, that the boats might be employed from all the Ships for that purpose. This was what he sacredly promised on his part, when the proposal was made to the Town. Tho' deli'v'er? Arms by an Englishman is extremely painful, yet the distress of our Wives" and Children, &, I may add some of our Men 'too, workt so powerfully, that after a very short Debate the Town came to a fiill Vote, w':'', being sent to the Gov! , he seem'd highly to approve & again promised to fuUfiU his part of the Capitulation, and I believe he intended so to do. But 8 mark the End. His consummate Blockheads, the Mandamus Gentry, & the Ignoble multitude of Dispicables, Refugees, who had always continued the same consistant Strain of L5ang, & had hereto fore assured the Gov! the Yankees w4 not fight, now terrified with well-grounded fear, Intreated the Gov! not to suffer the people to de part, that his safety depended on keeping them, and advised him to do as they had always done, break his most solemn Promise. To those Scandalous Advisers, the Gen', lent an ear, & then threw every possible barr in the way, & it was a week after the Arms were de- liver'd before any person was suffered to depart ; & then not without a pass, w'=^ with great Difficulty being obtained, they might go, but not any m'h'd'se or provisions with them. They might indeed carry their furniture, but subject to the Brutal Search of the most unfeeling Villain (a Certain Dirty Miserable Dog by the name of Benj. Davis, a Wretch, to the disgrace of America spawned amongst us), who breaks open Boxes, Trunks, &c., & searches for Provision & Mhdse, taking from the poor wanderers a few pounds of Bark, Coffee, Choco late, &c., & from the mouths of Babes a morsel of bread. This cruel, this Savage, Barbarous Delay, prevents people from going, as none may depart exempt from these Restrictions, and instead of the men of Warr boats being employed & goods moved anywhere within the Limits of the Port Bills, they suffer only 2 Boats to pass, and nothing to be carried only over Charlestown ferry, and those not above 6 hours in a day, when there is always in common times 4 Boats passing 1 7 hours in the 24 at this Season. ' Tell it not in London, hide it from the Inhabitants of Paris,' Least the English should appear more vile than the Savages, & the poor distress'd Slaves of France should exult in their perfect freedom. Such has been the manner in which this agreement with the Gov! has been comply'd with on his part, tho' on the part of the people fulfiU'd to a tittle. Now Sir, this being the Case, I should be glad to know from you whether it co'd not be construed on your side the water that General Gage is accountable for this distruction by fire, if it can be proved that the goods would have been moved out of town but for his shameful! breach of Promise ; & that they would have been saved, had he not taken Charge of the Engines from the Inhabitants & given them to his Soldiers.* Add to this that the effects saved * He had written all Conquering and Invincible soldiers, but struck out the qualifying words. from the flames were wantonly Destroy'd by order of his polite officers, & plunderd by the Soldiers & the Swarm of Wretches which follow the Camp. I really should be glad of your Ans! to this part of my Letter, for if times are ever settled, I shall, if I have any Chance try the force of British Law.* I have given orders to several persons at Baltimore, Halifax, &c., to remit me money to London, and direct to your care. I shall now give different orders ; but if anything should come in that channel, I hope you'l open the Letters & apply to my Credit any bills that may be sent. Pray procure for me a Ticket in the State Lottery, & if any Ball* [is] due you, my friend Mr. Head will pay it. Send me the Number of the ticket registered in my Name, & keep the ticket ; & when the ^^20,000 is drawn in my favor, I'll come myself or give you timely orders what to do with it. I am with Respect, &c., Jo. Barrell. TO JOSEPH WEBB.f Cambridge, June 19th, 1775, Monday Morn, 9 o'Clock. My Dear Brother : The Horrors and Devastations of War now begin to appear with us in Earnest. The Generals of the late engagement and present manuvres you will Doubtless hear before this can possibly reach you. However, as you may be in some Doubt I shall endeavour to give you some particulars which I hope will not be dis agreeable, tho' it may be repeating. Know then that last Friday afternoon orders were issued for about 1 800 of the province men and 200 of Connecticut men to parade themselves at 6 o'clock with one day's pro- * The history of this covenant between General Gage and the Selectmen is given in Ellis, 'I'lie Evacuation of Boston, ^. 115. A written notice by Gage is repro duced in fac simile in Winsor, Memorial History of Bosioni-j.n.']6. t This letter was a joint production of Captain John Chester and Lieutenant Samuel B. Webb. lO visions, Blankets, etc., and there receive their Ordef. (Nearly the same orders in Roxbury Camp also.) Near 9 o'Clock they marched (with Intrenching tools in Carts by their side) over Winter's Hill in Charles- town and passed the intrenchments the Regulars began when they retreated from Concord and went to In-- trenching on Bunker's hill which is nearer the water & Casde & Shiping. Here they worked most notably and had a very fine fortification which the enemy never- knew till morn. They then began a most heavy fire from the Cop's Hill near Dr. Cutler's Church & from all the ships that could play, continued till near night. About one o'Clock P. M. we that were at Cambridge heard that the regulars were Landing from their Float ing Batterys, & the alarm was sounded & we ordered to march directly down to the Fort at Charlestown. Before our Company could possibly get there the battle had begun in earnest, and Cannon and Musket Balls were flying about our Ears like hail, and a hotter fire you can have no Idea of. Our men were in fine spirits. Your Bro''. and I Led them & they kept their Order very finely 2 & 2.* My Dear Brother, You'll see by this the amazeing hurry we are in, — Cap'. Chester is call'd of and begs me to go on with this letter, which I'll endeavor tb do, — tho if it appears incorrect and unconnected you must make proper allowance. — After the Alarm, on our March down we met many of our worthy friends wounded sweltering in their Blood, — carried on the Shoulders of their feillow Soldiers — -judge you what *Thus far Capt Chester. II must be our feelings at this shocking Spectacle, — the orders were, press on, press on, — our Bretheren are suffering and will soon be cut of. — We push'd on, and came in to the field of Battle. Thro the Cannonade- ing of the Ships, Bombs, — Chain Shot, Ring Shot & Double headed Shot flew as thick as Hail Stones, — but thank Heaven, few of our Men suffered, by them, but when we mounted the Summit, where the Engage ment was, — good God how the Balls flew. — I freely Acknowledge I never had such a tremor come over me before. — We descended the Hill into the field of Battle, — and began our fire very Briskly, — the Regulars fell in great plenty, but to do them Justice they keep a front and stood their ground nobly, — twice before this time they gave way, — but not long before we saw numbers mounting the Walls of our Fort, — on which our Men in the Fort were ordered to fire and make a swift Retreat, — we covered their Retreat till they came up with us by a Brisk fire from our small Arms, — the Dead and wounded lay on every side of me, — their Groans were pierceing indeed, tho long before this- time I believe the fear of Death had quited almost every Breast, — they now had possession of our Fort & four field pieces, — and by much the Advantage of the Ground, — and to tell you the truth, — our Reinforce ments belonging to this Province very few of them came into the field — but lay sculking the opposite side of the Hill. — Our orders then came to make the best Retreat we could, — we set of almost gone with fatague, — and Ran very fast up the Hill, leaving some of our Dead and Wounded in the field — we Retreated over Charlestown Neck, thro the thickest of the Ships fire,T — 12 here some principle Ofiicers fell by Cannon & Bombs, — after we had got out of the Ships fire under the Cov ert of a Hill — near another Intrenchment of ours, we again Rallied and line'd every part of the Road and fields — here we were Determined to Die or Conquer if they ventured over the Neck,- — but it grew dark — and we saw them pitching Tents, — we retired to our Intrenchment & lay on our Arms all Nighty — keeping vast Numbers of our Troops out on Scouting Parties, — they keep up a constant fire from the Ships and floating Batteries all Night, — but few of them Reach'd us. — But alas how Dismal was the Sight to see the Beautiful & Valuable town of Charlestown all in Flames — and now behold it a heap of Ruins — with nothing Standing but a heap of Chimneys, — which by the by remains an Everlasting Monument of British Cruelty and Barbarity — this Battle — tho: we lost it, — cannot but do Honor to Us — for we fought with less Numbers — and tho they once or twice almost sur rounded the Fort, we secured their Retreat, — but alas in the Fort fell some Brave Fellows — amone the un- happy Number, was our worthy friend Dr. Warren, alas he is no more, — he fell in his Countrys Cause, — and fought with the Bravery of an Ancient Roman, they are in possession of his Body and no doubt will rejoice greatly over it. — After they entered our Fort they mangled the wounded in a Most horrid Manner, — by running their Bayonets thro them, — and beating their Heads to pieces with the Britch's of their Guns. In this Bloody Engagement, we have lost, Wilson Rowlanson, Roger Fox, Gershom Smith, and Lawrence Sullivan, — who we suppose fell (at least their Bodys) 13 into the hands of our Enemy — their souls we hope in the happy Regions of Bliss. — Wounded Daniel Darn ing, Samuel Delling, Epaphras Stevens, & Constant Griswould, — none of them Mortally, — are in a fair way, and likely to Recover, — to give you the exact number of the whole of our kill'd and wounded is Impossible, — Opinions are various — and no returns yet made to the Council of Warr — but the best I can find out is about 1 20 of our Men kill'd and wounded, perhaps there may be double that number, — I cannot say, — a few days & we shall know exactly, — of the Regulars I doubt not their are many more lost than of ours — the truth of their numbers 'tis not probable we shall know, — The kings troop to the number of 2 or 3,000 are now encamped on the same Hill they were after the Battle of Lexington, — have twenty field pieces with them, and lie under the Protection of the ships — our grand Fortification is on prospect Hill — within a mile and a half of theirs — we have about three thousand Men in it, & 2-1 2 Pounders, 2-9 Do, 2 24 p''. & 6 6 pounders — here we mean to make a stand, — should they prove victorious (which Heaven forbid) and get possession of this Hill, — we must retire before them & leave Cambridge to the Destruction of those merciless Dogs — but Heaven we trust will appear on our side, — and sure I am many thousands of Us must fall, before we flee from them. — Gage has said that the 19th of June should be made as memorable as the 19th of April is — this is the day, and I assure you we are properly on our Guard.* ? Here ended Lieut. Webb. H Monday, ii o'Clock. I have one moments Leisure again to Continue my Scrawl. Yesterday we had another Alarm, & I wish it had not been a false one as it prov'd. Our men were Marching Down in much Better Order & better Spirits, for Prospect (alias Spectacle) Hill. We heard all the Light horse with a Reinforcement enough to make 4000 in all, were on their March from Bunkers Hill to our entrenchments. But before we had got half way Down there we were Order'd back again. Genl Putnam wrote back from our fort that the Reg ulars had made no Movement since Last Night. Our Retreat on Saturday was Shameful & Scand alous, & owing to the Cowardice Misconduct & want of Regularity of the Province troops. Tho to Do them Justice there was a Number of their Officers & men that were in the fort & a very few others that did honor to themselves by a most noble manly & spirited Effort in the heat of the engagement & 'tis said Many of them the flower of the Province have sacrificed their Lives in the Cause. Some say they have lost more Officers than men. Good Docf. Warren, "God rest his Soul," I hope is Safein Heaven! Had many of their Officers the Spirit & Courage in their Whole Constitution that he had in his little finger, we had never retreated. Many considerable Companies of their men I saw that said there was not so much as a Corporal with them, one in Pardcular fell in the rear of my Company, & march'd with us. The Cap', had mustered & Order4 them to March & told them he would overtake them direcdy, but they never saw him till next Day. A vast number were Retreadng as we March'! up & within a 15 quarter of a mile of the Scene of Action. If a man was wounded 20 more were glad of an Opportunity to- Carry him away when not more than three could take hold of him to advantage. One cluster would be sneaking down on their Bellies behind a Rock & others behind Hay cocks & apple trees. At last I got pretty near the Action & I met a considerable Company with their Officer at their Head retreating. I spoke to Lt. Webb & told him it would not do to see so many go ing Back & that we must stop them, by all means says he. I then enquired of the Officer why he went back. He made no answer. I told him to proceed if he Dare, he still went on. I ordered my men to make Ready very Loud, & told him if he went another step he should have the fire of my whole Company. My men Declared they would fire if I ordered them. But the Poor Dogs were forced to Come back like Dogs that had been stealing sheep. But after the Retreat when we came to rally & attempt to form again, we found it impossible, for they all most all said they had no Offi cers to head them. In short the most of the Compan ies of this Province are commanded by a most Despi cable set of Officers, & the whole success of the Battle with them depends on their virtue; for almost all from the Cap'. General to a Corporal are afraid to set up proper Martial authority, & say, as affairs are situated, they think their people will not bear it. But in my hum ble oppinion they are very much in the wrong. Pub- lick Business here goes on very Dull — if any thing of importance heaves up it must go thro a long dispute in the Congress of near 200 Members & then thro a Committee of Safety & then a Committee of War & a i6 Committee of Supplies & by that means they are for ever doing Nothing.' LIEUTENANT WEBB TO SILAS DEANE. Camp at Cambridge, July nth, 1775. Dear Sir : Your several late letters I have received, and the Book. For your kind remembrance of me to the Com manding officers, I beg leave to return you my most hearty thanks. General Putnam is a man highly esteemed with us ; he has done me the Honor to appoint me his first Aid- De-Camp.-j- Since which, I have had the offer of being a Brigade Major from General Gates. They are both Honorable and agreeable posts. I shall for the pre sent remain with Gen'l Putnam — this post will call me to be continually with the first company in Camp, by which I hope to improve. Our Commander-in-Chief, together with the other Gentlemen from the Southward, are highly esteemed by every class — they will be the means of Disciplining the Army, which was much wanted. J Your friend Mr. * Col. Chester wrote from the end of Webb's MS. t As a member of Putnam's family, the young aid doubtless lived at the quart ers taken by the General when he first came to Cambridge. This was the " Bor land house, popularly known as the Bishop's Palace, directly opposite Gore Hall, on Harvard Street. It had been built about fifteen years before by the Rev. East Apthorpe, of Christ Church, Cambridge, a son of Charles Apthorpe, a Boston Merchant. John Adams says it was ' thought to be a splendid palace, and was supposed to be intended fur the residence of the first royal bishop.' Another Boston merchant, John Borland, occupied it up to the outbreak."- — Winsor, Mem orial History of Boston, HI, 106. JTo secure order, discipHne and regularity, Washington divided the army into three great divisions, and each division into two brigades. Brigadiers General 17 Miller is a Gentleman my station will call me much with — he is very obliging to me, and I doubt not will do me every service in his power. I should have wrote you a very pardcular account of the late Batde fought in the Valley over Bunker's Hill, but suppose Col. Saltonstall or my Brother had forwarded you my letter I wrote them, which contained an exact detail of facts — I hope you have received them before this. Mr. Alex ander, the Express, leaves town in half an hour, which will prevent my being as pardcular as I could wish. Our Army are now encamped on Prospect Hill, and have got nearly completed our grand Breastwork reach ing from the Hill to Mysdc River; on our Right we have completed several Redoubts and Breastworks not far distant from each other, so that our lines are now extended from Mystic over to Charles River. The enemy are on Bunker's Hill, and are not idle — they are fortifying in the strongest manner possible. Their situation is amazingly strong; ten times their number could not route them. Directly in the front lies the narrow neck of Charlestown, on their right four float ing batteries in Mystic River — on their left next Boston two ships and several tenders, floating batteries, &c., pointing directly across the Neck — by which it would be almost impossible to pass. We hourly expect them to sally out and attempt to carry our Lines. I am Thomas and Spencer with their brigades were to constitute the right wing or di vision of the army, to be stationed at Roxbury, under the command of Major- General Ward. Sullivan's brigade was posted upon Winter Hill, and Greene's upon Prospect Hill — these two brigades to compose the left wing, to be under the command of Major-General Lee. Putnam commanded the third division, and to him was entrusted the defense of the posts north of Roxbury. — Orderly Book, 22 Ny. 1 775- sorry to say we have not men enough ; 'tis too true. Gen'l Washington has desired the Provincial Congress to send in the Militia to the number of 4 or 5000 till we can raise more men — this matter we at present keep a secret for fear our Enemies should take advan tage of it, and make their attack in a number of differ- ent places, and by that means force our Intrenchments.* But should they attempt it, 'tis thought by our com mander that it will be the most bloody Engagement our American World ever knew — our men are Reso lute and determined. On an alarm (of which we have had several within a week), our men seem cheerfully to fly to their Alarm posts. We have several thous ands of Pikes, with 12 feet handles, which are placed along our Lines — and most certainly will be very use ful if they attempt to scale the walls. I cannot think but 500 of them at Bunker's Hill at time of the Batde would have been a means of saving our work; if we had we must have gained a complete victory — for after landing the troops the Boats were all ordered to Boston, that there was no retreat left for them. Fig^ht, Conquer, or Die, was what their officers was plainly heard to say very often. Major Bruce, who served two years in Portugal with Gen'l Lee, told my brother * On the 9th, Washington called a Council of War, and laid his position before it. In Massachusetts had been raised less than nine thousand men, and from the other Colonies had been sent a sufficient number to make his command about fourteen thousand five hundred men, fit for duty. The Council decided that the army should be raised to twenty-two thousand men, that the Massachusetts regi ments should be recruited, and the Provincial Congress be called upon to supply a temporary reinforcement. Washington asked for one thousand men to be stationed at Medford, but some intelligence received from Boston on the 1 2th induced him to countermand this request. — Writings of Washington, (Ford's edition,) III, 5, 7. Joe at the lines, that it was the hottest Engagement he ever knew; even, says he, the Battle of MInden did not equal it. For my part I confess, when I was descend ing into the Valley from off Bunker's Hill side by side of Capt. Chester at the head of our Company, I had no more tho't of ever rising the Hill again than I had of ascending to Heaven as Elijah did, Soul & Body to gether. But after we got engaged, to see the Dead and Wounded around me, I had no other feeling but that of Revenge; four men were shot dead within five feet of me, but I thank Heaven I escaped with only the graze of a musket Ball on my Hat. I think it my duty to tell you the bravery of one of our Company. Ed ward Brown stood side by side with Gershom Smith in the Intrenchments. Smith fell. Brown saw his dansfer — discharged his own and Smith's gun; when they came so close as to push Bayonet over our small Breastwork — Brown sprang, seized a Regular's gun, took it from him and killed him on the spot, bro't off the gun in triumph, and has it now by him. In this Engagement we lost four brave men, and four wounded — the dead are Wilson Rowlandson, wounded, taken prisoner and since died in Boston Goal — Gershom Smith, Lawrence Sullivan,* Roger Fox, killed on the spot — the four wounded are almost well. I had like to forgot to mention that Col. Parker, wounded in the thigh, was taken prisoner, and carried to Boston, where he lay in a Common Goal and died. Gen'l Lee in particular is much put out; intends wridng into Boston "^ Lawrence Sullivan is given as alive in a list of prisoners dated 14 September, 1775. The same list contains a William RoUinson, of (Connecticut, as having died after being put in jail — a misprint for Wilson Rowlandson. 20 very soon in a severe way — and inform them what he thinks of their Barbarity, and further acquaint them that if they continue their savage cruelty that every King's officer on the continent will be closely confined.* Indeed we all wish and expect they will be secured, es pecially Elliott of New York.f who is a man of great Importance. My brother Joe has been with us a week, ¦"Unless some authority had restrained Lee's "petulant itch for scribbling," it is diiScult to conjecture what might not have been written by this erratic char acter. Before leaving Philadelphia he had entered into a correspondence with Burgoyne, who was then in Boston, urging him to retire from the contest, and showing the folly of contending against the force of one hundred and fifty thous and men then in arms ! Burgoyne was also by no means backward in the use of his pen, and the two arranged a personal conference, which was very properly vetoed by the Massachusetts Provincial Congress. It was not until August nth that Washington wrote to Gage a very dignified remonstance upon the treatment of prisoners, a letter that Lee characterized as "a most serious message;" but it did not breathe out threats against all the royal officers then in the Colonies. Gage's answer, written by Burgoyne, stirred Lee to propose a reply, which is printed in the Lee Papers, I, 2CO, and mention is made of an earlier letter sent in to Gage. Abigail Adams wrote to her husband : " Our prisoners were brought over to the Long Wharf, and there lay all night, without any care of their wounds, or any resting-place but the pavements, until the next day, when they exchanged it for the jail, since which we hear they are civilly treated." To John Adams, 5 July, 1775. A list of those thrown into the Boston jail is given in Force, American Archives, Fourth Series, III, 712. " My advice to General Gage has been to treat the prisoners taken in the late action, most of whom are wounded, with all possible kindness, and to dismiss them without terms. 'You have been deluded; return to your homes in peace; it is your duty to God and your Country to undeceive your neighbours.' I have had opportunities to sound the minds of these people. Most of them are men ot good understandings, but of much prejudice, and still more credulity; they are yet ignorant of their fate, and some of them expect, when they recover, to be hanged. Such an act of mercy as I have proposed may make an impression, and it may spread. Should it fail, it will at least serve to justify acts of a different nature hereafter; and you are no farther the dupes of it in the meantime than by adding about thirty men now in your power to a stock of as many thousands who are out of it." — Burgoyne to Rochfort, June or July, 1775. t Andrew Elliott, Collector of Customs for the port of New York from 1764 to the Revolution. 21 set off" for home last evening — he had a cruel IntervieAV within the Regular Guards on Charlestown Neck with Mr. Simpson and my unhappy Sister — but the officers forbid any conversation about leaving town. My heart aches for them, but 'tis in vain — none can be permitted to come from under the clutches of that Tyrant Gage and his Infernal crew. Mr. Trumbull our Commissary is much beloved by all Ranks of people; 'tis lisped he may be appointed Commissary General of the Amer ican Army — none here is so well calculated for that im portant office — his extensive connexions enables him to procure every necessary with the greatest imagin able dispatch. I fancy he is recommended by our Gen'ls which, with your and his other friends Influence, I doubt not will procure him the Fatiguing Birth. I have received many friendly services from him.* I wish to add many particulars, but the Express waits. Capt. Chester is in a fair way- to be appointed Major ot Brigade. We have burnt the Regular Guard houses on Roxbury-j- — little skirmishes happen almost every day — the king's troops come off second best. Major Mifflin being very observing on the Marshes with his Glass has been complimented with half a dozen four and six pounders from the Ships and Batteries in * Washington, complaining of the inconvenience in depending upon a number of persons for supplies, pointed out the advantage gained in the Connecticut es tablishment, the troops of which " are extremely well provided under the direc tion of Mr. Trumbull." He asked that Trumbull be appointed Commissary General, and Congress did so July igth. t The advanced guards of the British occupied a house of one Brown, standing about a mile from Roxbury meeting house, and near the present location of Franklin Square. On the Sth a party of volunteers from the Rhode Island and Massachusetts forces, under the command of Majors Benjamin Tupper and Crane, drove in the guards, and burnt the house. 22 Boston, but he is small mark and came off" clear, I beg you to write me particular whenever you have leisure. Be assured I am, Dear Sir, With Esteem Affectionately Yours, Saml B. Webb.* Silas Deane, Esq., Philadelphia. Pr. Mr. Alexander's Express. MAJOR GENERAL CHARLES LEE TO SILAS DEANE. Cambridge, July ye 20th, 1775. Dr. Sir : I rec'd your two notes respecting your relation M^ Webb, who is already plac'd about General Putnam as Aid de Camp, but any ser vice I can render him he may command, both from )'our desire and his own merit, for he seems a sensible, alert, active young man. You will much oblige me in your correspondence when you have leisure, tho' I cannot make any returns to the long letters I wou'd wish from you, as I have scarcely an hour's time in a week upon my hands. Our lines are fourteen miles in extent, and I am scamperer General. I am seldom less than twelve hours on horseback — the want of En gineers has occasion'd a fatigue to me scarcely credible. I cannot conceive what the Devil put it into some of your N. England Gentle men's heads that you were sufficiently furnish'd with able men of this denomination. I do not believe there is one capable of constructing an oven — however with these disadvantages three or four days more hard labour will make us so secure that I flatter myself not a single post can be forc'd without a loss of men too great for the enemy to spare. We shall then have time to bring your Troops into some ar rangement and introduce some method amongst 'em. Yours, Con necticut, are already tolerable, the Rhode Islanders still better; but amongst the Massachusetts hitherto has reign'd an absolute anarchy. As to the materials (I mean the private men), they are admirable — young, stout, healthy, zealous, good humor'd and sober. Had we but uniforms, compleat arms, more Gentlemen for officers, I really *From Frothingham, The Battle-Field of Bunker Hill, 31. 23 believe a very little time and pains wou'd render 'em the most invin cible Army that have appear'd since the first period of the Roman Republic in the world. The more we consider the affair of Bunker's Hill, the more wonderfull it appears — fiveteen hundred, the most disorderly Peasantry, without a single officer to command 'em, in the most disadvantageous situation imaginable, resist and repulse three thousand very good regular Troops, under the command of the very best officer in the British service. They are indeed at length forc'd, but not before they had done most dreadful execution. You will receive the list from General Washington, as likewise the return of the kill'd and wounded on our side. — For God's sake, be at the expence of hunting shirts for these poor People. It will be money well laid out — it will be oeconoray in the end. I am sorry to find that the Congress have again descended to petition that Callous Tyrant of St. J[ames]. It can possibly do no good — it may do harm* * * * * amongst you. You must work upon his fears, by high language and decisive action. I beg you will bum this letter. Adieu, rny Dr Sir, yours C. LEE.f CAPT. JOHN CHESTER TO J Camp at Cambridge, July 22d, 1775. Rev. and Much Respected Sir : Your favor of the 4th instant I received the day before the Fast, and should have answered it by the bearer, Mr. Miles, had I not been that day on fatigue duty. The day after Fast Mr. Miles set off for home, from Roxbury. I want words to express my gratitude for your religious advice, your many useful and important hints, your arguments and reasons for our animation and support in the glorious struggle for freedom, and your tender expressions of friendship for my family, as well as your anxious concern for my own personal safety. "¦ One line illegible. t Compare with Lee's Letter of the same date to Dr. Benjamin Rush, printed in Lee Papers, I, 196. % Supposed to have been written to Rev. Joseph Fish, of Stonington. The let ter is printed in Frothingham, History of the Siege of Boston, 389. 24 I shall endeavor, as far as my time and business will permit, to give you, sir, the particulars of the battle of Charlestown. Though, as to the greater part of account published, I may not be able to mend it. In the latter part of the day before the battle, an adjutant informed me that orders were issued from headquarters that 1800 province men, and 200 Connecticut men, parade themselves [ * * * * J clock, with provisions for twenty four hours, blankets [ * * * ] there wait for further orders. About nine o' [clock t]hey were or dered to march to Bunker Hill, a n[umbe]r of wagons accompany ing them with intrenching tools, &c. Just about twelve o'clock at night they began intrenching, and went on with great vigor till day break, and were then discovered by the regulars, who were heard to swear most terribly about the Yankees ; and they began a heavy fire before sunrise from the ships and Cops Hill, which was kept up with little or no cessation till afternoon. But finding our people paid little regard to their cannon, and knowing the great importance of the post, they landed (I beUeve it was about two o'clock), and formed in three or four solid columns, and advanced towards the fort. Those on their right soon changed their position into a line for battle, and marched on very regularly, rank and file. They were very near Mystic River, and, by their movements, had determined to outflank our men, and surround them and the fort. But our oflfi- cers in command, soon perceiving their intention, ordered a large party of men (chiefly Connecticut) to leave the fort, and march down and oppose the enemy's right wing. This they did ; and had time to form somewhat regularly behind a fence half of stone and two rayles of wood. Here nature had formed something of a breastwork, or else there had been a ditch many years agone. They grounded arms, and went to a neighboring parallel fence, and brought rayles and made a slight fortification against musquet ball. Here they received the enemy to very tolerable advantage. Our officers ordered their men not to fire till the word was given. Lieut. Dana tells me he was the first man that fired, and that he did it singly, and with a view to draw the enemy's fire, and he obtained his end fully, without any damage to our party. Our men then returned the fire, well-di rected, and to very good effect, and so disconcerted the enemy that, they partly brok[e and re] treated. Many of our men were 25 for pursuing, [but by] the prudence of the officers they were prevented lea[ving s]o advantageous a post. The enemy again rallied and ad [vane] ed, and in the same manner were repulsed a second, and some say, a third time. But at last they stood their ground, and the action was warm, till the enemy carried the fort which was on their left wing, and soon there was a retreat of the whole of the provincials. I am told that a gentleman on Chelsea side saw the whole engagement, and that he said it lasted thirty-five min utes with the musquetry, and that our first firings swept down the enemy most amazingly. The men that went to intrenching over night were in the warmest of the battle, and, by all accounts, they fought most manfully. They had got hardened to the noise of can non ; but those that came up as recruits were evidently most terribly frightened, many of them, and did not march up with that true cour- rage that their cause ought to have inspired them with. And to this cause, I conceive, (was owing our retreat. Five hundred men more, that might easily have been there, if they were in any tolerable order and spirits, might have sent the enemy from whence they came, or to their long homes. I wish it was in my power to give you a satisfactory reason " why our intrenchments were not supported with fresh recruits from Cam bridge, and why that important pass over Charlestown neck was not guarded against annoyance from Mystic River, as well as the other side from the fire of the ships and floating batteries, and our retreat secured," &c., &c. Possibly the whole attempt was rather premature, and not thoroughly well planned. If we might again attempt it, we should, undoubtedly, have contrived and executed much better. Perhaps it may be better, however, to prepare ourselves well for some future attempt, than to lament the important success of the last, which we cannot now possibly mend. As to my own concern in it, with that of my company, would in form, that one subaltern, one sergeant, and thirty privates, were draughted out over night to intrench. They tarried, and fought till the retreat. Just after dinner, on Saturday, 17th ult., I was walking out from my lodgings, quite calm and composed, and all at once the drums beat to arms, and bells rang, and a great noise in Cambridge. Capt. Putnam came by on full gallop. What is the matter? says I. Have you not heard? No. Why, the regulars are landing at 26 Charlestown, says he ; and father [Gen. Putnam] says you must all meet, and march immediately to Bunker Hill to oppose the enemy. I waited not, but ran, and got my arms and ammunition, and hasted to my company (who were in the church for barracks,) and found them nearly ready to march. We soon marched, with our frocks and trousers on over our other clothes, (for our company is in uniform wholly blue, turned up with red,) for we were loath to expose our selves by our dress, and down we marched. I imagined we arrived at the hill near the close of the battle. When we arrived there was not a company with us in any kind of order, although, when we first set out, perhaps three regiments were by our side, and near us ; but here they were scattered, some behind rocks and hay-cocks, and thirty men, perhaps, behind an apple-tree, and frequently twenty men round a wounded man, retreating, when not more than three or four could touch him to advantage. Others were retreating, seem ingly without any excuse, and some said they ha3 left the fort with leave of the officers, because they had been all night and day on fatigue, without sleep, victuals or drink ; and some said they had no officers to head them, which, indeed, seemed to be the case. At last I met with a considerable company, who were going off rank and file. I called o the officer that led them, and asked why he retreated? He made me no answer. I halted ray men, and told him if he went on it should be at his peril. He still seemed regard less of me. I then ordered my men to make ready. They imme diately cocked, and declared if I ordered them they would fire. Upon that they stopped short, tried to excuse themselves ; but I could not tarry to hear him, but ordered him forward, and he compHed. We were then very soon in the heat of action. Before we reached the summit of Bunker Hill, and while we were going over the Neck, we were in imminent danger from the cannon-shot, which buzzed around us like hail. The musquetry began before we passed the Neck ; and when we were on the top of the hill, and during our de scent to the foot of it on the south, the small as well as cannon-shot were incessantly whisthng by us. We joined our army on the right of the center, just by a poor stone fence, two or three feet high, and very thin, so that the bullets came through. Here we lost our regularity, as every company had done before us, and fought as they did, every man loading and firing as fast as he could. As near as I could guess, we fought standing about six minutes, my officers and men think * * * [Here ends the MS.'] 27 WASHINGTON TO LUND WASHINGTON. Camp at Cambridge, Aug', zot'^, 1775. Dear Lund: Your Letter by Capf^ Prince came to my hands last night — I was glad to learn by it that all are well. — The ace', given of the behaviour of the Scotchmen at Port Tobacco & Piscataway surprised & vexed me. — Why did they Imbark in the cause? — What do they say for themselves? — What does other say of them? — Are they admitted into Company? — Or kicked out of it? — What does their Countrymen urge in the Justification of them? — They are fertile in invention, and will offer ex cuses where excuses can be made. — I cannot say but I am curious to learn the reasons why men who had subscribed, & bound themselves to each other, & their Country, to stand forth in defence of it, should lay down their arms the first moment they were called upon. Althoup-h I never hear of the Mill under the direc- tion of Simpson,* without a degree of warmth & vexa tion at his extreame stupidity, yet, if you can spare money from other Purposes, I could wish to have it sent to him, that it may, if possible, be set agoing be fore the Works get ruined & spoilt, & my whole money perhaps totally lost. — If I am really to loose Barrand's debt to me, it will be a pretty severe stroke upon the back of Adams, & the expence I am led into by that confounded fellow Simpson, & necessarily so in seat ing my Lands under the management of Cleveland.f Spinning should go forward with all possible des- * Gilbert Simpson. t James Cleveland. See Writings of Washington (Ford), II, 459. 28 patch, as we shall have nothing else to depend upon if these disputes condnue another year — I can hardly think that Lord Dunmore can act so low, & unman nerly a part, as to think of siezing M? Washington by way of revenge upon me; howev''. as I suppose she is, before this dme gone over to M''. Calvert' , & will soon after retu?, go down to New Kent,* she will be out of his reach for 2 or 3 months to come, in which dme matters may, & probably will, take such a turn as to render her removal either absolutely necessary, or quite useless — I am nevertheless exceedingly thankful to the Gentlemen of Alexandria for their friendly attention to this point & desire you will if there is any sort of reason to suspect a thing of this kind provide a kitchen for her in Alexandria, or some other place of safety elsewhere for her and my Papers.^ The People of this government J have obtained a Character which they by no means deserved — their of ficers generally speaking are the most indifferent kind * The place of Burwell Bassett. t Lund Washington had written : " Many people have made a stir about Mrs. Washington's continuing at Mount Vernon, but I cannot think there is any dan ger. The thought I believe originated in Alexandria; from thence it got to Lou doun, and I am told the people of Loudoun talk of sending a guard to conduct her to Berkeley, with some of their principal men to persuade her to leave this place and accept their offer. Mr. John Augustine Washington wrote, pressing her to leave Mount Vernon. She does not believe herself in danger. Lord Dun- more will hardly himself venture up this river; nor do I believe he will send on that errand. Surely her old acquaintance, the attorney [John Randolph], who with his family is on board his ship, would prevent his doing any act of that kind. You may depend I will be watchful, and upon the least alarm persuade her to re move." Samuel Washington, a brother of the General, lived at Berkeley. There is an interesting paragraph on this subject in one of the fictitious letters issued n 1776. Spurious Letters attributed to Washington, "jo. X Massachusetts. 29 of People I ever saw. — I have already broke one Col° and five Captains for Cowardice, or for drawing more Pay & Provisions than they had Men in their Com panies — there is two more Col°? now under arrest, & to be tried for the same offences — in short they are by no means such Troops, in any respect, as you are led to believe of them from the acc'.^ which are published, but I need not make myself enemies among them, by this declaradon, although it is consistent with truth. — I dare say the men would fight very well (if properly officered) although they are exceeding dirty and nasty people. — Had they been properly conducted at Bunkers Hill (on the 1 7'.^ of June) or those that were there properly supported, the Regulars would have met with a shame ful defeat, and a much more considerable loss than they did, which is now known to be exactly 1057 killed & wounded — it was for their behaviour on that occasion that the above Officers were broke, for I never spared one that was accused of Cowardice but bro'. 'em to immediate Tryal.* "¦ See letter to Richard Henry Lee, 29 August, 1775, in my edition of the Writ ings of Washington, III. 96. The " black list " included the following : Captain John Callender, cashiered for cowardice, and dismissed from the anny. Captain Oliver Parker, cashiered for defrauding his men of their advance pay, and for drawing provisions for more men than he had in the company and selling the excess. Captain Christopher Gardner, of Rhode Island, cashiered for deserting his post. Captain Kilton, sen tenced to receive a severe reprimand from the commanding officer, at the head of the regiment, for neglect of duty. Captain Ballard, convicted of profane swear ing and beating his men. Captain Jesse Saunders, found guilty of drawing more provisions than he had men in his company to consume. Captain Eleazer Lind say, discharged as a person improper to sustain a commission. Col. Samuel Gerrish, cashiered for behavior unworthy an officer. This ends the record on August 19th. The two Colonels under arrest were probably Col. John Mansfield and Colonel Ebenezer Bridge. Col. Bridge was acquitted, but Col. Mansfield was cashiered. 30 Our Lines of Defence are now compleated, as near so at least as can be — we now wish them to come out, as soon as they please, but they (that is the Enemy) discover no Inclination to quit their own Works of De fence; & as it is almost impossible for us to get to them, we do nothing but watch each other's motions all day at the distance of about a mile, every now and then picking off a stragler when we can catch them without their Intrenchments, in return, they often at tempt to cannonade our Lines to no other purpose than the waste of a considerable [quantity] of Powder to themselves which we should be very glad to get. What does Docf. Craik say to the behaviour of his Countrymen, & Townspeople? — Remember me kindly to him, & tell him that I should be very glad to see him here if there was anything worth his acceptance; but the Massachusetts People suffer nothing to go by them that they can lay hands upon.* I wish the money could be had from Hill, & the Bills of Exchange (except Col'^ Fairfax's,-]- which ought to be * Washington, more than once, complained that under the organization of the army by Congress every commission was monopolized by the four New England governments, and he induced that body to so alter the rules of appointments as to give greater scope for choice. The result produced sonie dissatisfaction. "Some advantages arose to our Colony by the Congress adopting the army raised in New England the last spring; but among other circumstances attending it, this was one, namely that it being now a Continental army, the gentlemen of all the Colonies had a right to and put in for a share in behalf of their friends in filling up the various offices. By this means, it was thought, that military knowl edge and experience as well as the military spirit, would spread through the Col onies; and besides, that they would all consider themselves the more interested in the success of our army, and in providing for its support. But then there was less room for persons belonging to the Colonies which had first raised the army, and who were well worthy of notice. Many of our friends were discontented, who did not advert to this as the true cause why they were not promoted." Satnuel Adams to Joseph Palmer, April, 1776. t Col. George William Fairfax, who was then in England. 31 sent to him immediately) turned into cash; you might then, I should think, be able to furnish Simpson with about /300: But you are to recollect that I have got Cleveland with him to pay also. — I would not have you buy a single bushel of wheat till you can see with some kind of certainty what Market the flour is to go to — & if you cannot find sufficient Imployment in repairing the Mill works, & other things of this kind for M^ Roberts and Thomas Alford, they must be closely Im- ployed in making Cask, or working at the Carpenters or other business otherwise they must be discharged, for it is not reasonable, as all Mill business will prob ably be at an end for a while, that I am to pay them ^100 a year to be Idle. — I should think Roberts him self must see, & be sensible of the reasonableness of this request, as I believe few Millers will find Imploymt if our Ports are shut up, & the wheat kept in the straw, or otherwise for greater Security. I will write to M"". Milnor to forward you a good Country Bouldng Cloth for Simpson, which endeavour to have contrived to him by the first safe conveyance — I wish you would quicken Lanphire & Sears about the Dining Room Chimney Piece (to be executed as men tioned in one of my last Letters) as I could wish to have that end of the House compleatly finished before I return. — I wish you had done the end of the New Kitchen next the Garden as also the old Kitchen with rusticated Boards ; however, as it is not, I would have the Corners done so in the manner of our new Church (those two especially which Fronts the Quarter) — What have you done v.-ith the well? — Is that walled up? Have you any ace'? of the Painter? — How does he be have at Fredericksburg? — 32 I much approve of your sowing wheat in clean ground, although you should be late in doing it, & if for no other purpose than a tryal. — It is a growing I find, as well as a new pracdce, that of overseers keep ing Horses, & for what purpose, unless it be to make fat Horses at my expence, I know not, as it is no sav ing of my own Horses. I do not like the custom, & wish you would break it — but do as you will, as I cannot pretend to interfere at this distance. Remember me kindly to all the Neighbors who en quire after Y''. affects friend & Serv'. G° Washington.* FROM CAPTAIN CHESTER. Roxbury, Saturday Morning, 6 o'Clock, [September, 1775]. Dear Sammy : You'll be surprised to hear our Regiment have Caballed & I be lieve every Officer on the Ground signed a petition & remonstrance! "' From the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet. t In general orders of 20 September, 1775, announcement was made that the commissions were ready to be delivered to the officers serving in the army of the United Colonies, — continental commissions to take the place of colonial. Some disputed claims of rank arose, and among the difficulties encountered was this protest against the issue of a commission to Ebenezer Huntington. The matter was brought before Washington, who declined to interfere, for the reasons set forth in the following letter : To Brigadier General Joseph Spencer. Sir: Headquarters, 26 September, 1775. I have perused and considered a petition, or rather a remonstrance, directed to you and signed by several captains and subalterns, on the appointment of Mr. Huntington to the lieutenancy of (.Captain Chester's company. The decent representation of officers, or even of common soldiers, through the channels of their colonel, or other superior officers, I shall always encourage and attend to; but I must declare my disapprobation of this mode of associating and combining, as subversive of all subordination, discipline and order. Should the proper officers refuse or neglect to receive their complaints, an im- 33 directed to Gen'. Spencer ag'. Huntington's having a Commission in the Regiment. Huntington will be with you himself & can tell you Particulars better than I can write them. Capt Pettibone * brot it to me yesterday morn to sign. I refused & gave my reasons. I told Goodrich & Butler f I was surprised to see they had signed after what they had said to me. I have conversed with several of our Serg'.^ & Privates & find they are in favor of Huntington rather than to take it up along as it may Chance. But it's very probable the officers mediate application to their general officers would be proper. Much as I disap prove the mode of opposition to this gentleman, I disapprove the opposition itself still more. To yield to it would be in effect to surrender the command of the army to those whose duty it is, and whose honor it ought to be, to obey. Com mission should be ever the reward of merit, not of age, and I am determined never to put it out of the proper power to reward a deserving, active officer, whatsoever may be his standing in the army, or the pretensions of those, who have no other merit than that of having been born or enlisted before him. In an army so young as ours, the claims arising from real service are very few, and the accidental circumstance of obtaining a commission a month or two sooner can with no reasonable person claim any superior regard, or make such a scrutiny cf any consequence. This army is supported by the whole continent, the establishment is entirely new. All provincial customs, therefore, which are different in different provinces, must be laid out of the question. The power which has established, and which pays this army, has alone the right to judge who shall command in it, from the general to the ensign. To put it into any other hands would be a high breach of my trust, and would give birth to such factions and cabals as must soon end in the dissolution of the army, and the ruin of our country. As no objections are made to Mr. Huntington's character, nor any other reason assigned than his not rising by graduation, I can make no alteration in his ap pointment. At the same time I declare, that I shall upon all occasions pay a proper respect to long service, and as far as lies in my power give it all the preference, which is consistent with the welfare of the army and the duties cf my station. I make no doubt, therefore, when these and all other officers (who, in such cases, are both parties and judges) divest themselves of prejudice and par- tialism, they will cheerfully acquiesce in such appointments as are made, and manifest their sincere attachment to their country, and the great cause in which we are engaged, by a ready and hearty obedience to all orders and rules judged necessary for the general interest. I am, Sir, &c. G9 Washington. "¦ Abel Pettibone, of the 7th company, in Spencer's regiment. He enlisted from Simsbury, i May, and was discharged from service 10 December, 1775. t Lieutenant Stephen Goodrich and Ensign Charles Butler, of Capt. Chester's company. 34 may succeed so far as to rout H — n — . In that Case I would gladly disapoint their Malice of its full Glut, & therefore would desire you if you think proper & could be wilHng to hold your Commission as Lieu^ that so I may not have any awkard. Long shank. Black, Ig norant Old Grey headed fellow to fill up the place. You & Ebby Huntington* must lay your heads together & plague them a Httle. Is it not remarkable that Capi; Wells t should advise Ebby to try for the place & offer to write him Recommendatory Letters to y? Gov^ for that purpose, & tell him he should be Glad to salute him as a Bro^ Cap'. & yet sign ag' Him?— WiDis J too?— The Devil take the Old Boy. I hope to see you over here Monday next by 8 o'Clock in y=' Morning. If that is impossible & you can be at Leisure that Day, send me by Ebby, & I must try to come & see you. If I must come, mind, I must have a whole day with you. Write me all the Pretty stories about Wethersfield your Leisure will allow by Ebby. Had he best to tarry on the Whole. From Your Most Sincere Friend & very Humble Serv'. John Chester. You never told me a word how Polly Huntington does. *' Ebenezer Huntington, born 25 December, 1754, was a student in Yale Col lege when the battle of Lexington was fought; at once enlisted in a company of volunteers, and marched to Boston. He was on September Sth appointed first lieutenant in a company of Connecticut troops commanded by Captain John Chester, and in June, 1776, was promoted to a captain's commission, in the regi ment of Col. Samuel Wyllys, and near the end of the campaign did the duties of brigade major under General Parsons. Soon after, he joined Major General Heath at the Highlands, as deputy adjutant general and deputy paymaster. On the formation of the "additional" regiment, commanded by Col. Webb, Huntington received the commission of major, and when the Colonel (Webb) of the regiment was made a prisoner by the British, and the Lieutenant Colonel (Wm. S. Liv ingston) had retired in October, 1778, the command of the regiment devolved upon Major Huntington. He joined the main army, was at Yorktown as a Lieu tenant Colonel in Scammell's Light Infantry, and at the end of the war retired, serving in many miHtary and civil offices. He died in Norwich, 17 June, 1834. t Captain Levi Wells of Colchester. J Captain Samuel Wyllys of Hartford. 35 JOSEPH BARRELL TO JOSEPH GREEN.* Westown, 3 November, 1775. HoKD Sir: I have heard with great pleasure of the very agreeable & pleasant Passage & safe arrival of you & my Aunt. I wish I had been favor'd with a line from you, & hope for the pleasure by some oppY or other. Every day convinces me of the propriety of your departure for London ; for I'm sure you must have been compleatly miserable in that scene of distress the Garrison Boston. From people come out within a few days, we are assured the misery of the Inhabitants in creases daily — without provisions and without fuel at this inclement season. Yesterday's paper contains a Proclamation from M^ How, which obliges the Inhabitants to take arms, or perish, as the same Paper has other proclamations forbiding on pain of Death the De parture of any Inhabitant without special leave from himself obtained. You know I promised to write nothing but what might be depended on. I think I have never once done it, & I venture to say the Ace'. published in London of the Battle of the 1 7th of June on Bunker hill, said to be from Gen. Gage, is absolutely & essentially false ; but as truth seems of no Acco't in London, I shall instance in one par ticular only the men that fought defending the Breast work did not exceed 700, not y^ of the num^ that Acco't says the Gen. employ'd, but if any Judgment can be formed of 70 boats going, I believe 'twould be full as near truth had the Acco't said "something above 4000," instead of "something above 2000." However that may be, 'tis certain at that time the Army bore no kind of Comparison to its present state, and every Officer suspected, has been try'd & some broke for their Cowardice, w^*" has an amaizing Effect on y! rest, * Joseph Green was an uncle of Joseph Barrell, a resident of Boston, where he was born and spent the greater part of his life as a merchant. He was born in 1706, graduated at Harvard College in 1726, and was one of the leading wits of the day. Little of his writings remain, but a few verses and epigrams may be found in the prints of the day. He lived on School Street, near the " Cromwell's Head," and is said to have had the largest private library in New England. Winsor, Memorial History of Boston. A Loyalist, he left Boston in 1775, and, going to London, resided there till his death in 1780. His portrait after a crayon drawing by Copley is printed in Winsor, III, 132. His wife, Elizabeth— died in London, October, 1800, aged 87. 36 and I believe they'l find a second Breast work better defended. For since Genl. Washington's Appointment everything [is] carried on with regularity, and the men supplyed with every necessary both for Cloathing & Provisions. Beef, fat and good, the Contractors pur- chaise for id& i}( ster? p' pound, & such is the plenty, that large flocks of Catde are daily return'd into the Country for want of Pur- chaisers. This I am an eye witness of, for I am situated on the great Road, where some days 300 teams pass loaded for the Army, many of W;'' come quite from Connecticut, & Phill? . I am not versed in the Language of the Brute Creation, but I fancy I hear Innumerable Curses from those Beasts of Burthen heaped upon the Tyrant North & his Assistants, who depend upon it, however their chimerical heads have formed the strange Notion of subjugating these Colonies, they never will accomplish it. If these are their measures, their Conquest will be defeat, and their Union an Eternal separation. They might (had they been earlier in their cursed Cruelty) have destroyed all the Seaports, but since the Brutal Burning of great parts of Fal mouth, Casco Bay, by that Pompous Puppy, Mowett, the other Ports are fortifying with Battery beyond Battery, & in many they have sunk Piers, that 'tis probable may entrap some of those Licensed Pirates, should they attempt further to push their savage purpose. But should they absolutely destroy our Seaports, will that end the matter? Far the contrary. The Landholders, the people in the Country, then swear an eternal Enm.ity, & if that hated consequence of these oppressions has not already taken place, then it surely will. I mean an entire Separation from Britain, that place from whence our troubles lately come. If the last Addresses to the king & people of Britain has no effect, that place, once the Residence of our Friends, will be so detested, that the very name will be treason to the Ears of America, & it may then be too late for that Sleepy Peo ple to regain our friendship, even by the Distruction of those Advis ers of the present Plan. You have undoubtedly heard that a ship from Bristol with flour for the Regulars & several others, have fallen into our hands. Pos sibly news of this kind may very soon be multiplyd in your ears, for the Americans, always wise in the afternoon, have now adopted such scheems as bid fair for it. I confess for my own part my first wish is that this matter may terminate better than the present prospect 37 promises — even in a happy reconciliation; but my next is, that America may never be conquer'd, but that every Weapon found against her peace, the Wretch that found & the fool that attempts to prosecute it may meet their distruction therein. The article of Saltpeter being of Consequence, our Gen. Court has passed an Act engageing to give 4/L[awlul] m[one]y pT pound for every pound made before the ist of June next, & also 3 /L. money as a bounty on every pound so made. This Act passt both houses 3 days since, but luckily for the Continent (for all these Matters are a Continental Charge), before the Act came abroad, a simple Country man brought into the House J^ bushel of Saltpetre, allowd by Judges to be as good as ever was made & better than we import, & informd the Court the process was Simplicity itself, and that more might be produced by June than there was money in the Prov. to pay for ; that he himself makes 14 lbs p^ week, only as a Specimen. His method is to take the earth from under old houses. Barns, &c., & put it lightly into a hogshead or Barrel, & then fill it with water, w':'^ immediately forms a lie. This lie he then puts into an ashes leach that has all the goodness extracted before, this being only as a strainer. After it is run thro' w'=.'', he boils the Lie so clarified to a certain Consistance, & then puts it to cool, when the saltpetre forms, & is immediately fit for use ; & from every Bushel of earth he pro duces ^ lb. saltpetre. On this information, w'^'' is far easier than any yet found out, the Act above was suppressed for Amendment, & the Court proposes to give this person some Bounty, & the scheme is immediately to be made publick, when every Potash work will be converted into Saltpetre Works, & when peace takes place this will be an Article of export no doubt of very considerable value. The truth of this you may depend on. I had it from a very intelligent Member of the Court who saw it tryd & approved. "Necessity is the Mother of Invention." Dr. Church is under guard for giving Intelligence to the enemy, one of his Letters in Characters being intercepted & Decypherd ; he has not yet had his tryal. The present Army engaging only till last of December next, a new one is now forming, or rather New Inlistments are prepairing for the old Soldiers. They are now to be dresst in Uniform, a very large q'ty of coarse goods being purchaised by the Continental Congress 38 at Philadelphia, & sent to Head Quarters. The present Engage ment is for one year longer, & if matters are not setded this winter, we expect in the Spring 60,000 men in arms in different Parts, & when you consider the very easy method we have of Raiseing Money, namely the Charm of converting a p? of paper not worth a farthing into a 30 dollar bill, — the largest I've seen of the Continental Cur rency, — & when you are assured (wl'" you may be) that it gains Credit with all, & is preferred by many to Gold & Silver, you will not dispute that such an Army may be easily raised upon a Conti nent of upward 3 Millions of Inhabitants, almost to a man enthusias- tick in the cause of Liberty. I pray God to prevent this by some happy measures this Winter on your side the Water. From this Continent 'tis supposed you have the final proposals ; reject them, & the sword alone decides this unnatural Contest. From the Expedi tion to Canada we have no Accot the last week. The last Acco'ts were very favorable, & 'tis hoped before this day we have it in pos session. Pray give my Love to Bro. Colburn & his wife, in which my wife joins. Also our Duty to my aunt ; tell her I long to see her, & have repented my not going with you only once — which is ever since ; for I've been oblig'd to [ ] on a Life of Idleness since your Departure, without a Shadow of Business. I expect to murder the Winter in the same Manner ; but in the spring, if it is possible, I will do some thing. My Trunk of Linnen in Cap. Calahan I've heard nothing of. I hope you'll be kind eno' to keep it until it may with safety be sent to this Country. If ever that happy time arrives, I hope for the pleasure of seeing you again. [Jo : Barrell.]* *The draft is endorsed: "To Jos. Green, Esq., Sent by Capt. Jacob Rogers, Passenger in the Packet." YALE UNIVERSITY a39002 0025i*5938b '?« 3\WWw,ii